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76 
 
i-I^ES 
 
 OP 
 
 THE SIGNERS 
 
 TO THE 
 
 DECLARATIOlf OF II^DEPEIVDEIVCE. 
 
 BY THE 
 
 REV. CHARLES A. GOODRICH. 
 
 THIRD EDITIOX. 
 
 NEW-YORK: 
 THOMAS MATHER. 
 
 1832. 
 

 Southern District of New- York, ss 
 
 BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the twenty-fourth day of June, A. I). 1829, in the 
 fifty-third year of tlie Independence of the United States of America, Charles A. Goodrich, 
 of the said District, liath deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof he 
 claims as author, in the words following, to wit :— " Lives of the Signers to the Declaration 
 of Independence. By the Rev. Charles A. Goodrich." 
 
 In conformity to the act of Congress of the United States, entitled, " an act for the en- 
 couragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors 
 and proprietors of such co])ies, during the time therein mentioned." And also to an act, 
 enlitied, " an act, supplementary to an act, entitled, an act for the encouragement of learn- 
 ing, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of 
 such copies, during the times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the 
 ens of designing, engraving, and etoliing historical and other i)rints." 
 
 FRED. J. BETTS, 
 Clerk of the Southern District of New-York. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The author has had it in contemplation for several years, to present to the 
 public a work of the following kind ; but, until recently, he has not had lei- 
 sure to complete his design. He was incited to the undertaking, by a belief 
 that he mia-lit render an important service to his countrymen, especially to 
 the rising generation, by giving them, in a volume of convenient size, some 
 account of'thc distinguished band of patriots, who composed the congress 
 of 1776 ; and to whose energy and wisdom the colonies, at that time, owed 
 the declaration of their independent political existence. 
 
 No nation can dwell with more just satisfaction upon its annals, than 
 the American people. The emigrants, who settled the country, were illus- 
 trious men; distinguished for "their piety, wisdom, energy, and fortitude. 
 Not less illustrious ^vere their descendants, who served as the guides and 
 counsellors of the colonies, or who fought their battles during the revolu- 
 tionary struggle. No one who admits tlie intervention of a special provi- 
 dence m the'atfairs of nations, can hesitate to believe, that the statesmen and 
 heroes of the revolution were raised up by the God of heaven, for the impor- 
 tant and definite purpose of achieving the independence of America — of 
 rescuing a people, whose ancestors had been eminently devoted to the duties 
 of piety7 from the thraldom under which they had groaned for years — and of 
 presenting to the monarchical governments in the eastern hemisphere, the 
 example of a governmentj founded upon principles of civil and religious 
 liberty. 
 
 For the accomplishment of such a purpose, the statesmen and heroes of 
 the revolution were eminently fitted. They were endowed with minds of 
 distinguislicd power, and exliibitcd an example of political sagacity, and 
 of high military prowess, which commanded the admiration of statesmen and 
 heroes, tliroughout the world. Their patriotism was of a pure and exalted 
 character ; their zeal was commensurate with the noljle objects which they 
 had in view ; and amid the toils, and privations, and sufferings, which they 
 were called to endure, they exhibited a patience and fortitude, rarely equal- 
 led in the history of the world. 
 
 Of the revolutionary patriots, none present themselvee with more interest 
 to the rising generation, than those who composed the congress of 1776; and 
 upon whom devolved the important political duty of severing the ties, which 
 bound the colonies to the mother country. The lives of this illustrious 
 band, wc here present to our readers. Although the author regrets that his 
 materials were not more abundant, he indulges the hope, that the subsequent 
 pages will not be found devoid of interest. Even an unadorned recital of 
 the virtues, which adorned the subjects of these memoirs ; the piety of some 
 — the patriotism and constancy and courage of them all — can scarcely fail of 
 imparting a useful lesson to our readers. The obligations to cherish their 
 memory, and to follow their example will be felt ; nor can our readers fail 
 to realize the debt of gratitude we owe in common, to that benignant pro- 
 vidence, who fitted these men for the important work which was assigned 
 them. 
 
 All the material facts, recorded in the following pages, the author has 
 reason to believe are authentic, and entitled to credibility. Most of them 
 are matters of public record. Sonie of the sketches will mdeed be found to 
 contain but few incidents ; because, in respect to a portion of the signers, 
 but few existed ; and, in respect to others, the accurate knowledge of them 
 has been irrevocably lost. The sources from which he has drawn the materi- 
 als of the volume are too numerous to be particularly mentioned in this place ; 
 yet he would be doing injustice, not to express his special obligations to the 
 authors of the following works : viz. Fitkin's Political and Civil History of 
 Uifi United States, North American Review, Walsh's Appeal, Marshall's Life 
 
4 PREFACE. 
 
 of Washinsrton, Botta's History of the Revolution, Allen's Biographical and 
 Historical Dictionary, Biooraphy of the Signers to the Declaration of Inde- 
 
 Eendencp, Thatcher's Medical Biog-raphy, Austin's Life of Gerry, Tudor's 
 life of Otis, Witherspoon's Works, S<=lect Eulogies, &c. &c. 
 
 While writing the following biographical notices of the signers to the 
 declaration, the author has been struck with their longevitij, as a body of 
 men. 'I'hey were fifty-six in number; and the average length of their lives 
 was about sixty-five years. Four of the number attained to the age of 
 ninety years, and upwards; fourteen exceeded eighty years; and twenty- 
 three, or one in two and a half, reached three score years and ten. The lon- 
 gevity of the New-England delegation, was still more remarkable. Their 
 number was fourteen, the average of whcse lives was seventy-five years. 
 Who will affirm that the unusual age to which the signers, as a body, attain- 
 ed, was not a reward bestowed upon them, for their fidelity to their country, 
 and the trust which they in general reposed in the overruling providence of 
 God. Who can doubt the kindness of that Providence to the American 
 people, in thus prolonging the lives of these men, till tlie principles for which 
 they had contended, through a long series of years, had been acknowledged, 
 and a government had been founded upon them'? 
 
 Of this \'enerable body, but a single one* survives. The others are now no 
 more. "They are no more, as in 1776, bold and fearless advocates of inde- 
 pendence. They are dead. But how little is there of the great and good 
 which can die. To their country they yet live, and live for ever. Tlicy live, 
 in all that perpetuates the remembrance of men on earth; in the recorded 
 proofs of their own great actions, in the offspring of their intellect, in the 
 deep engraved lines of public gratitude, and in the respect and homage of 
 mankind. They live in their example; and they live, emphatically, and will 
 live, in the influence which their lives and efforts, their principles and 
 opinions, now exercise, and will continue to exercise, on the affairs of men, 
 not only in our own country, but throughout the civilized world." 
 
 "It remains to us to cherish their memory, and emulate their virtues, by 
 perpetuating and extending the blessings which they haxc becjueathed. So 
 long as we preserve our country, their tame cannot die, for it is reflected 
 from the surface of every thing that is beautiful and valuable in our land. 
 We cannot recur too often, nor dwell too long, upon the lives and characters 
 of such men; for our own will take something of their form and impression 
 from those on which they rest. If we inhale the moral atmosphere in which 
 they moved, we must feci its purifying and invigorating influence. If we 
 raise our thoughts to their elevation, our minds will be expanded and en- 
 nobled, in beholding the immeasurable distance beneath and around us. 
 ♦ Can we breathe thtTpurc mountain air, and not be refreshed ; can we walk 
 abroad amidst the beautiful and the grand of the works of creation, and feel 
 no kindling of de\otion ?' ' 
 
 * Charles Carroll, of Carrollton. 
 
CONTEJVTS. 
 
 Page. 
 Introduction, -------.-.. 7 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 John Hancock, -•-........ yj 
 
 Samuel Adams, ---•.-.-... g| 
 
 John Adams, ------.-... 02 
 
 Robert Treat Paine, ----..-...jjo 
 Elbridge Gerry, ...... ....]^20 
 
 NEW-HAMPSHIRE DELEGATION. 
 
 Josiah Bartlctt, 13^ 
 
 William Whipple, -..-.-..._j3g 
 Matthew Thornton, I43 
 
 RHODE ISLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 Stephen Hopkins, -----..... I49 
 William Ellcry, I53 
 
 CONNECTICUT DELEGATION. 
 
 Roger Sherman, -158 
 
 Samuel Huntington, -.--......igg 
 
 William Williams, I74 
 
 Oliver Wolcott, j^g 
 
 NEW-YORK DELEGATION. 
 
 WiUiam Floyd, jg^ 
 
 Philip Living^ston ^qr 
 
 Francis Lewis, jqo 
 
 Lewis Morris, .„_ 
 
 Heiu-y IMisner, (See note, page 183.) 
 
 NEW- JERSEY DELEGATION. 
 
 Richard Stockton, ,,j,. 
 
 John Witherspoon, 211 
 
 Francis Hopkinson, 209 
 
 Jolui Hart, -----«..... ooc 
 
 Abraham Clark, ""------.. 230 
 
 PENNSYLVANU DELEGATION. 
 
 Robert Morris, _ 233 
 
 Bcnjanun Rush, ....... 944 
 
6 CONTENTS. 
 
 Benjamin Franklin, -.-..-..-- 261 
 
 John Morton, 282 
 
 George Clynier, --...-.... 294 
 
 James Smith, 291 
 
 Georg-e Taylor, 296 
 
 James Wilson, -----...... 300 
 
 George Rosa, 309 
 
 DELAWARE DELEGATION. 
 
 Cajsar Rodney, •--.... .. 313 
 
 George Read, --.--...... 320 
 
 Thomas M'Kcan, --323 
 
 MARYLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 Samuel Chase, -----.-..-, 338 
 
 William Paca, -346 
 
 Thomas Stone, ---.-.....- 351 
 
 Charles Carroll, - - - . 357 
 
 VIRGESrU DELEGATION. 
 
 George Wythe, ----.....-- 364 
 
 Richard Henry Lee, -........- 372 
 
 Thomas Jefferson, 380 
 
 Benjamin Harrison, ---------- 405 
 
 Thomas Nelson, jun. ---------- 410 
 
 Francis Liglitfoot Lee, --------- 416 
 
 Carter Braxton, --....---- 418 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 William Hooper, .-.--- ---422 
 
 Joseph Hewrs, -.».------- 427 
 
 John Pemi, ...-.------ 433 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 Edward Riitlcdge, .---436 
 
 Thomas Hryward, 440 
 
 Thomas Lynch, 443 
 
 Ai-thur Middlctou, 447 
 
 GEORGIA DELEGATION. 
 
 Button Gwii.iiott, --- -.-- -452 
 Lyman H;ill, 455 
 
 George Walton, .-.-i------458 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 SUMMARY OF EVENTS WHICH LED TO THE DECLAHATION OP 
 INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 The venerated emigrants who first planted America, and 
 most of their distinguished successors who laid the founda- 
 tion of our civil liberty, have found a resting place in the 
 peaceful grave. But the virtues which adorned both these 
 generations ; their patience in days of sufiering ; the courage 
 and patriotic zeal with which they asserted their rights ; and 
 the wisdom they displayed in laying the foundations of our 
 government; Avill be held in lasting remembrance. 
 
 It has, indeed, been said, that the settlement of America, 
 and the history of her revolution, are becoming "a trite 
 theme." The remark is not founded in truth. Too Avell 
 does the present generation appreciate the excellence of 
 those men, who guided the destinies of our country in days 
 of bitter trial ; too well does it estimate the glorious events, 
 which have exalted these United States to their present ele- 
 vation, ever to be weary of the pages which shall record the 
 virtues of the one, and the interesting character of the other. 
 
 The minuter portions of our history, and the humbler 
 men who have acted a part therein, must, perhaps, pass into 
 oblivion. But the more important transactions, and the more 
 distinguished characters, instead of being lost to the remem- 
 brance and aflections of posterity, will be the more regarded 
 and admired the farther " we roll down the tide of time." 
 Indeed, " an event of real magnitude in human history," as 
 a recent literary journal has well observed, " is never seen, 
 in all its grandeur and importance, till some time after its oc- 
 currence has elapsed. In proportion as the memory of small 
 
O INTRODUCTION. 
 
 men, and small things, is lost, that of the truly great becomes 
 more bright. The contemporarj'' aspect of things is often 
 confused and indistinct. The eye, which is placed too near 
 the canvass, beholds, too distinctly, the separate touches of 
 the pencil, and is perplexed with a cloud of seemingly dis- 
 cordant tints. It is only at a distance, that they melt into a 
 harmonious, living picture." 
 
 Nor does it detract from the honour of the eminent person 
 ages, who were conspicuous in the transactions of our ear- 
 lier history, that they foresaw not all the glorious consequences 
 of their actions. Not one of our pilgrim fathers, it may be 
 safely conjectured, had a distinct anticipation of the future 
 progress of our country. Neither Smith, Newport, nor 
 Gosnold, who led the emigrants of the south ; nor Carver, 
 Brewster, Bradford, or Standish, who conducted those of 
 the north ; looked forward to results like those which are 
 witnessed by the present generation. But is the glory of 
 their enterprise thereby diminished ? By no means ; it shines 
 with an intenser light. They foresaw nothing with certainty, 
 but hardships and sacrifices. These, they deliberately and 
 manfully encountered. They went forward unassured, that 
 even common prosperity would attend their enterprise. 
 They breasted themselves to every shock ; as did the vessel 
 which bore them, to the waves of the ocean. 
 
 Or, to take an example which has a more direct reference 
 to the work before us ; it may be fairly conjectured, that not 
 a member of the illustrious assembly that declared the Inde 
 pendence of America, had any adequate conception of the 
 great events which Avere disclosed in the next half century. 
 But, will this detract from their merit in the estimation of 
 posterity ? again we say, it will enhance that merit. In the 
 great national crisis of 1775, the minds of the leading men were 
 wrought up to the highest pitch of fervour. They glowed 
 with the loftiest enthusiasm. The future was, indeed, in- 
 distinct ; but it was full of all that was momentous. What 
 the particular consummation would be, they could not foresee. 
 But conscious of their own magnanimous designs, and in a 
 bumble reliance on divine providence, they pledged to each 
 
INTRODUCTION. 9 
 
 otlier, their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honour, 
 either to die in the assertion of their unalienable rights, or 
 to establish American liberty upon a solid foundation. The 
 merit of these men, and of all who contributed to the happy- 
 condition of our republic, should be measured, by the gran- 
 deur of the actual consequences of their enterprise, although 
 the precise extent of those consequences could not then have 
 been foreseen.* 
 
 In a Avork, whose professed object is, to speak of men 
 wlio lived and flourished in the days of our revolutionary 
 struggle, Ave have little to do with the motives which indu- 
 ced the first settlers of our country to seek an asylum in what 
 was then an unexplored wilderness. Nor is this the place to 
 record the thousand sufi'erings which they endured, before 
 the era of their landing ; or their numberless sorrows and 
 deprivations, while establishing themselves in the rude land 
 of their adoption. The heroic and christian virtues of our 
 fathers will occupy a conspicuous page in history, while the 
 world shall stand. 
 
 Nor does it belong to our design, to enter minutely into 
 the early history of the colonies, interesting as that history 
 is. An outline, only, Avill be necessary, to understand the 
 causes of that memorable event in the history of our coun- 
 try — The Declaration of American Independence — and to 
 introduce to our more particular notice, the eminent men 
 who proclaimed that independence to the world. 
 
 The year 1607 is the era of the first settlement of the En- 
 glish in America. During the interval between this date, 
 and the year 1732, thirteen colonies were established ; Vir- 
 ginia being the first, and Georgia the last. The others were 
 Massachusetts, Connecticut, New-Hampshire, Rhode Island, 
 New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, 
 and the two Carolinas. 
 
 In the settlement of these colonies, three forms of govern- 
 ment were established. These were severally denominated, 
 charter, proprietary, and royal governments. This differ- 
 
 * North American Review. 
 
 B 
 
10 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ence arose from the different circumstances which attende<5 
 the settlement of different colonies, and the diversified views 
 of the early emigrants. The charter governments were con- 
 fined to New-England. The proprietary governments were 
 those of Maryland, Pennsylvania, the Carolinas, and the Jer- 
 sies. The two former remained such, until the American re- 
 volution ; the two latter became royal governments long be- 
 fore that period. In the charter governments, the people en- 
 joyed the privileges and powers of self government ; in the 
 proprietary governments these privileges and powers were vest- 
 ed in the proprietor, but he was required to have the advice, 
 assent, and approbation of the greater part of the freemen, or 
 their deputies ; in the royal governments, the governor and 
 council were appointed by the crown, and the people elect- 
 ed representatives to serve in the colonial legislatures.* 
 
 Under these respective forms of government, the colonists 
 might have enjoyed peace, and a good share of liberty, had 
 human nature been of a different character. But all the co- 
 lonies were soon more or less involved in troubles of vari- 
 ous kinds, arising, in part, from the indefinite tenor of the 
 charter and proprietary grants ; but more than all, from the 
 early jealousy which prevailed in the mother country with 
 respect to the colonies, and the fixed determination of the 
 crown to keep them in humble subjection to its authority. 
 
 The colonies, with the exception of Georgia, had all been 
 established, and had attained to considerable strength, with- 
 out even the slightest aid from the parent country. What- 
 ever was expended in the acquisition of territory from the 
 Indians, proceeded from the private resources of the Euro- 
 pean adventurers. Neither the crown, nor the parliament 
 of England, made any compensation to the original masters 
 of the soil; nor did they in any way contribute to those im- 
 provements which so soon bore testimony to the industry and 
 intelligence of the planters. The settlement of the province 
 of Massachusetts Bay alone cost 200,000Z. ; — an enormous 
 sum at that period. Lord Baltimore expended 40,000/., for 
 
 • Pitkui. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 11 
 
 his contingent, in the establishment of his colony in Mary- 
 land. On that of Virginia, immense wealth was lavished ; 
 and we are told by Trumbull, that the first planters of Con- 
 necticut consumed great estates in purchasing lands from the 
 Indians, and making their settlements in that province, in ad- 
 dition to large sums previously expended in the procuring of 
 their patents, and of the rights of pre-emption.* 
 
 It is conceded by historians of every party, that from the 
 earliest settlements in America, to the period of the revolu- 
 tion, the parent country, so far as her own unsettled state 
 would permit, pursued towards those settlements a course 
 of direct oppression. Without the enterprise to establish co- 
 lonics herself, she was ready, in the very dawn of their exist- 
 ence, to claim them as her legitimate possessions, and to pre- 
 scribe, in almost every minute particular, the policy they 
 should pursue. Her jealousies, coeval with the foundation 
 of the colonies, increased with every succeeding year ; and 
 led to a course of arbitrary exactions, and lordly oppressions, 
 which resulted in the rupture of those ties that bound the 
 colonies to the parent country. 
 
 No sooner did the colonies, emerging from the feebleness 
 and poverty of their incipient state, begin to direct their at- 
 tention to commerce and manufactures, than they Avere sub- 
 jected by the parent country to many vexatious regulations, 
 which seemed to indicate, that with regard to those subjects, 
 they were expected to follow that line of policy, which she 
 in her wisdom should mark out for them. At every indica- 
 tion of colonial prosperity, the complaints of the commercial 
 and the manufacturing interests in Great Britain were loud 
 and clamourous, and repeated demands were made upon the 
 British government, to correct the growing evil, and to keep 
 the colonies in due sul)jection. " The colonists," said the 
 complainants, " are beginning to carry on trade ; — they will 
 soon be our formidable rivals : they are already setting up 
 manufactures ; — they will soon set up for ind^endence.' 
 
 To the increase of this feverish excitement in the parent 
 
 • Walsh 
 
13 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 country, the English writers of tliose days contributed not a 
 little. As early as 1670, in a work, entitled, "Discourse on 
 Trade," published by Sir Josiah Child, is the following lan- 
 guage, which expresses the prevailing opinion of the day : 
 " New England is the most prejudicial plantation to this king- 
 dom" — " of all the American plantations, his majesty has 
 )ione so apt for the building of shipping, as New-England, 
 nor any comparably so qualified for the breeding of seamen, 
 not only by reason of the natural industry of that people, 
 but principally by reason of their cod and mackerel fishe- 
 ries ; and, in my poor opinion, there is nothing more prejudi- 
 cial, and in prospect, more dangerous to any mother kingdom, 
 than the increase of shipping in her colonics, plantations, and 
 provinces.'''' 
 
 By another writer of still more influence and celebrity, 
 Dr. Davenant, the idea of colonial dependence, at which Sir 
 Josiah Child had hinted, was broadly asserted. " Colonies," 
 he writes, "are a strength to their mother coimtry, while they 
 are under good discipline ; while they are strictly made to 
 observe the fundamental laws of the original country ; and 
 while they are kept dependant on it. But, otherAvise, they 
 are worse than members lopped from the body politic ; be- 
 ing, indeed, like offensive arms wrested from a nation, to be 
 turned against it, as occasion shall serve." 
 
 To the colonists, however, the subject presented itself in 
 a very difierent light. They had spontaneously planted them- 
 selves on these shores, which were then desolate. They had 
 asked no assistance from the government of Great Britain ; 
 nor had they drawn from her exchequer a single pound, du- 
 ring all the feebleness and imbecility of their infancy. And 
 now, when they were beginning to emerge from a state of 
 poverty and depression, which for years they had sustained 
 without complaint, they very naturally supposed that they 
 had a right to provide for their own interests. 
 
 It was not easy for them to see by what principle their re- 
 moval to America should deprive them of the rights of En- 
 glishmen. It was difficult for them to comprehend the justice 
 of restrictions so materially different from those at "home;" 
 
INTRODUCTION. 13 
 
 or why they might not equally with their elder brethren in 
 England, seek the best markets for their products, and, like 
 them, manufacture such articles as were witliin their power, 
 and essential to their comfort. 
 
 But the selfish politicians of England, and her still more 
 selfish merchants and manufacturers, thought not so. A dif- 
 ferent doctrine was accordingly advanced, and a dillercnt 
 policy pursued. Acts were, therefore, earl}'- passed, restrict- 
 ing the trade with the plantations, as well as with other parts 
 of the world, to English-built ships, belonging to the subjects 
 of England, or to her plantations. Not contented with thus 
 confining the colonial export trade to the parent country, 
 parliament, in 1663, limited the import trade in the same 
 manner. 
 
 These acts, indeed, left free the trade and intercourse be- 
 tween the colonies. But even this privilege remained to them 
 only a short period. In 1672, certain colonial products, trans- 
 ported from one colony to another, were subjected to duties. 
 White sugars were to pay five shillings, and brown sugars 
 one shilling and sixpence, per hundred ; tobacco and indigo 
 one penny, and cotton wool a half-penny, per pound. 
 
 The colonists deemed these acts highly injurious to their 
 interest. They were deprived of the privilege of seeking 
 the best market for their products, and of receiving, in ex- 
 change, the articles they wanted, without being charged the 
 additional expense of a circuitous route through England. 
 The acts themselves were considered by some as a violation 
 of their charter rights ; and in Massachusetts, they were, for 
 a long time, totally disregarded. 
 
 The other colonies viewed them in the same light. Virgi- 
 nia presented a petition for their repeal ; Rhode Island de- 
 clared them unconstitutional, and contrary to their cliarter. 
 The Carolinas, also, declared them not less grievous and 
 illegal. 
 
 The disregard of these enactments on the pnrt of the co- 
 lonics — a disregard whicli sprung from an conviction of 
 their illegal and oppressive character — oc nod loud ami 
 
 clamorous complaints in England. The revt iinj";^ it was urged 
 
 2 
 
14 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 would be injured ; and the dependance of the colonies on 
 the parent country would, in time, be totally destroy- 
 ed. A stronger language was, therefore, held toAvards the 
 colonies, and stronger measures adopted, to enforce the 
 existing acts of navigation. The captains of his majesty's 
 frigates were instructed to seize, and bring in, oflenders who 
 avoided making entries in England. The naval officers were 
 required to give bonds for the foithful performance of their 
 duties ; the custom house officers in America were clothed 
 with extraordinary powers ; and the governors, for neglect 
 of watchfulness on these points, were not only to be removed 
 from office, and rendered incapable of the government of any 
 colony, but also to forfeit one thousand pounds. 
 
 A similar sensibility prevailed, on the suljject of manufac- 
 tures. For many years after their settlement, the colonists 
 were too much occupied in subduing their lands to engage in 
 manufactures. "When, at length, they turned their atteiition 
 to them, the varieties vv^cre iew, and of a coarse and imper- 
 fect texture. But even these were viewed with a jealous eye. 
 In 1699, commenced a systematic course of restrictions on 
 colonial manufactures, by an enactment of parliament, " that 
 no wool, yarn, or woollen manufactures of their American 
 plantations, should be shipped there, or even laden, in order 
 to be transported thence to any place whatever." 
 
 Other acts followed, in subsequent years, having for their 
 object the suppression of manufactures in America, and the 
 continued dependance of the colonies on the parent country. 
 Fn 1719, the house of commons declared, " that the erecting 
 of manufactories in the colonies, tended to lessen their de- 
 pendance upon Great Britain." In 1731, the board of trade 
 reported to the house of commons, " that there are more 
 trades carried on, and marufactures set up, in the provinces 
 on the continent of America, to the northward of Virginia, 
 prejudicial to the trade and manufactures of Great Britain, 
 particularly in New-England, than in any other of the Bri- 
 tish colonies;" rnd hence they suggested, "whether it 
 might not be ' pedient," in order to keep the colonies pro- 
 perly depend' 'nt upon the parent country, and to render her 
 
INTRODUCTION. 15 
 
 manufactures of service to Great Britain, " to give those eo- 
 lonies some encoura(rei»ent." 
 
 From the London company of hatters loud complaints 
 were made to parlianicnl, and suitable restrictions demanded, 
 upon the exportation of hats, which being manufactured in 
 New-England, were exported to Spain, Portugal, and the 
 British West India islands, to the serious injury of their 
 trade. In consequence of these representations, the expor- 
 tation of hats from the colonies to foreign countries, and 
 from one plantation to another, was prohibited ; and even 
 restraints, to a certain extent, were imposed on their manu- 
 facture. In 173"-i it was enacted, that hats should neither be 
 shipped, nor even laden upon a horse, cart, or other carriage, 
 with a vicAV to transportation to any other colony, or to any 
 place whatever. Nay, no hatter should employ more than 
 two apprentices at once, nor make hats, unless he had served 
 as an apprentice to the trade seven years ; and, finally, that 
 no black or negro should be allowed to work at the business 
 at all. 
 
 The complaints and the claims of the manufacturers of 
 iron were of an equally selfish character. The colonists 
 might reduce the iron ore into pigs — they might convert it 
 into bars — it might be furnished them duty free ; but they must 
 Iiave the profit of manufacturing it, beyond this incipient 
 staffe. Similar success awaited the representations and peti- 
 tions of the manufacturers of ii*on. In the year 1750, par- 
 liament allowed the importation of pig and bar iron from 
 the colonies, into London, duty free ; but prohibited the 
 erection or continuance of any ??;///, or other engine, for 
 slitting or rolling iron, or m^y plating forge to Avork with 
 a tilt-hammer, or any furnace for making steel, in the colo- 
 nies, under the j)cnaUy of two hundred pounds. Moreover, 
 every such mill, engine, or plating forge, was declared aco7?i- 
 jno7i nvi'iance ; and the governors of the colonies, on the 
 information of two witnesses, on oath, were directed to cause 
 the same to be abated within thirty days, or to forfeit the 
 sum of five hundred pounds. 
 
 But if the colonists had just reason to compla' i on account 
 
16 INTRODUCTIOK. 
 
 of the above restrictions and prohibitions, — as being ex- 
 tremely oppressive in themselves, and a plain violation of 
 their rights ; — some of them were equally misused with re 
 spect to their charters. 
 
 The charter governments, it has already been observed, 
 were confined to the colonies of New-England. These 
 charters had been granted by the crown in different years; and, 
 under them, were exercised the powers of civil government. 
 
 Great difference of opinion early existed between the 
 crown and the colonists, as to the nature, extent, and obliga- 
 tions of these instruments. By the crown, they were viewed 
 as constituting petty corporations, similar to those established 
 in England, Avhich might be annulled or revoked at pleasure. 
 To the colonists, on the other hand, they appeared as sacred 
 and solemn compacts between themselves and the king; 
 which could not be altered, either by the king or parliament, 
 without a forfeiture on the part of the colonists. The only 
 limitation to the legislative power conferred by these char- 
 ters, was, that the laws made imder their authority should 
 not be repugnant to those of England. 
 
 Among the colonists, there prevailed no disposition to 
 transcend the powers, or abuse the privileges, which had 
 been granted them. They, indeed, regarded the charters as 
 irrevocable, so long as they suitably acknowledged their own 
 allegiance to the crown, and confined themselves to the 
 rights with which they were invested. But, at length, the 
 king seems to have repented of these extensive grants of 
 political power ; and measures were adopted again to attach 
 tlie government of the charter colonies to the royal prero- 
 gative. 
 
 Accordingly, writs were issued against the several New- 
 England colonies, at different times, requiring them to sur- 
 render these instruments into the royal hands. To this 
 measure the strongest repugnance every where prevailed. 
 It was like a surrender of life. It was a blow aimed at their 
 dearest rights — an annihilation of that peace and liberty, 
 which had been secured to them by the most solemn and in- 
 violable compact. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 17 
 
 With views and sentiments like these, the colonists suppli- 
 cated the royal permission, " to remain as they were." They 
 remuided his majesty of the sacred nature of tlieir charters ; 
 they appealed to the laws which they had passed, — to the in- 
 stitutions they had founded, — to the regulations they had 
 adopted, — in the spirit of which, there was not to be seen any 
 departure from the powers with which they were invested. 
 And they therefore humbly claimed the privilege of exerci- 
 sing these powers, with an assurance of their unalterable alle- 
 giance to the English crown. 
 
 In an address to his majesty, from the colony of Massachusetts, 
 styled, " the humble supplication of the general court of tlie 
 Massachusetts colony in iScw-England," the following lan- 
 guage was adopted — language as honourable to the colonists, 
 as the sentiments arc tender and affecting. " Let our govern- 
 ment live, our patent live, our magistrates live, our Imvs and 
 liberties live, our religious enjoyments live, so shall we all 
 yet have further cause to say from our hearts, let the king live 
 forever ; — and the blessings of those ready to perish sliall 
 come upon your majesty ; having delivered the poor that 
 cried, and such as had none to help them." 
 
 The king, however, would listen to no arguments, and 
 would admit of no appeal. A strong jealousy had taken 
 possession of Ids breast, aiul had as firndy seated itself in the 
 hearts of his ministry. The tree, planted by the colonists, 
 fostered by their care, and watered by their tears, was taking 
 too deep root, and spreading forth its branches too broadly. 
 Its fall was determined upon, and too successfully was the 
 axe applied. 
 
 The charters being in effect set aside ; those of Rhode Is- 
 land and Connecticut being considered as surrendered, and 
 that of Massachusetts having been violently "wrested from 
 her; the king, at that time James II., appointed Sir Edmund 
 Andros governor-general of New-England. In December, 
 1680, he arrived in Boston, and published his commission. 
 
 The administration of Andros effected no inconsiderable 
 change in the condition of New-England. For sixty years 
 the people had lived happily, under constitutions and laws of 
 C 2* 
 
18 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 their own adoption. Amidst the trials and sufferings which 
 had fallen to their lot, while settling and subduing a wilder- 
 ness, the privilege of self-government was one of their chief 
 ■consolations. But now, deprived of this privilege, and sub- 
 jected to the arbitrary laws, and cruel rapacity of Andros, a 
 deep gloom spread over the whole territory of New-England. 
 
 " One of his lirst despotic acts," says a late interesting 
 writer,* " was to place the press under censorship. Magis- 
 trates alone were permitted to solemnize marriages, and no 
 marriages were allowed, until bonds, with sureties, were 
 given to the governor, to be forfeited, if any lawful impediment 
 should afterwards appear. No man could remove from the 
 country without the consent of the governor. 
 
 " Fees of office, particularly in matters of probate, were 
 exorbitant ; — towns were not permitted to hold meetings but 
 once a year, and then for the sole purpose of electing offi- 
 cers ; — all former grants of lands were considered invalid, 
 either because they were rendered void by the destruction of 
 the charters under which they were made, or were destitute 
 of the formality of a seal. The people Avere, therefore, 
 obliged to take out new patents for their lands and houses, 
 and to pay enormous patent fees, or suffer them to be grant- 
 ed to others, and they themselves ejected from their hard 
 earned possessions. 
 
 "In addition to this, taxes were imposed at the will of the 
 governor-general and a few of his council ; nor had the poor 
 New-Englanders even the privilege of complaining, and claim- 
 ing the rights of Englishmen, without being liable to fine and 
 imprisonment. These taxes the governor and council, by 
 tlieir act, assessed upon the several towns, and directed each 
 town to appoint a commissioner, who, with the select men, 
 was ordered to assess the same on the individual inhabitants. 
 The citizens of the old town of Ipswich, at a meeting called 
 for the purpose of carrying this act into effect, declared, that, 
 "considering the said act doth infringe their liberty, as free 
 horn English subjects of his majesty, by interfering with the 
 
 * Pitkift. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 19 
 
 Statute laws of ihe land, by which it is enacted, that no taxes 
 should be levied upon the subjects, without the consent of an 
 assembly chosen by the freemen for assessing the same ; thev 
 do, therefore, vote, they are not willing to choose a commis- 
 sioner for such an end, without such privilege ; and, moreo- 
 ver, consent not that the select men do proceed to lay any 
 such rate, until it be appointed by a general assembly, con- 
 curring with the governor and council." 
 
 " The minister of the town, John Wise, together with John 
 Appleton, John Andrews, Robert Kinsman, William Good- 
 hue, and Thomas French, were active in procuring this patrio- 
 tic resolution ; and for this, they were immediately brought 
 before the governor and council at Boston ; and soon after 
 tried before the star chamber judges, Dudley, Stoughton, 
 Usher, and Randolph, and a packed jury. In his examination 
 before the council, Mr. Wise, claiming the privilege of an 
 English subject, was told by one of the judges, ' he had no 
 more privilege left him, than not to be sold for a slave.'' 
 
 "Wise was imprisoned by the governor general ; and the 
 judges refused him the privilege of the writ of habeas 
 corpus. 
 
 "On their trial, they defended themselves under magna 
 charta, and the statutes, which solemnly secured to every 
 British subject liis property and estate. The judges, how- 
 ever, told thcai, ' they must not think the laws of England 
 followed them to the ends of the earth, or wherever they 
 went;' and they were in a most arbitrary manner con- 
 demned. 
 
 " Mr. Wise was suspended from his ministerial functions, 
 fined 50/., and compelled to give a bond of lOOOZ. for his 
 good behaviour ; and the others were also subjected to fines, 
 and obliged to give bonds of a similar nature." 
 
 Such is an outline of the despotic acts, during the odious 
 administration of Andros. To these the people of New- 
 England were obliged to submit, without the prospect of any 
 alleviation of their condition. 
 
 Relief, however, was near at hand. At this important 
 crisis in Ule all'airs of llie colonics, an event transpired which 
 
SsO INXnODUCTION. 
 
 relieved them in a measure from the pcrplexitieg in which 
 thej were involved, and from the oppressions under which 
 they groaned. The bigotted James 11. , by his acts of des- 
 potism, had become justly odious to all the subjects of his 
 realm. So great was the excitement of public indignation, 
 that the king was compelled to flee, in disgrace, from the 
 kingdom; and his son-in-law, William, Prince of Orange, 
 was invited to assume the crown. 
 
 The news of this event (1689) spread unusual joy through- 
 out the colonies. In the height of their animation, the in- 
 habitants of Boston seized Sir Edmund Andros, with fifty of 
 his associates, and put them in close confinement, until he 
 was ordered back to Great Britain. Connecticut and Rhode 
 Island immediately resumed their charters, and re-established 
 their former government. Massachusetts soon after obtained 
 a new charter, which, however, failed to secure to the colony 
 many rights, which they had enjoyed under the provisions 
 of the former one ; but which was finally accepted by a 
 majority of the general court. Each of the colonies con- 
 tinued to exercise its government till the year 1775. In 
 Rhode Island, tlie ancient charter is the only constitution at 
 the present time ; and in Connecticut, the charter was con- 
 tinued until the year 1818, when a new constitution was 
 adopted by the people. 
 
 The grateful relief experienced by the colonies on the 
 accession of "William, was, however, of temporary continu- 
 ance. Through other channels, trouble and distress were to 
 be conveyed to them. From the above year (1(589) to the 
 peace of Paris 1763, the colonies, from New-Hampshire to 
 Georgia, were engaged in almost unremitting hostilities with 
 the aborigines on their borders. Their whole western fron- 
 tier was a scene of havoc and desolation. During this long 
 series of years, they were obliged to bear the " unworthy as- 
 persion," as Dummer justly entitles it, of exciting these Indian 
 wars; and of acquiring the dominion of the Indian territory 
 by fraud, as well as by force. 
 
 To these trials were added others, v/hich proceeded from 
 the parent country. Disputes were frequently arising, as 
 
INTRODUCTION. 21 
 
 heretofore, between tlie crown and the colonies, respecting 
 the powers conferrotl by the charters. Claims were set up, 
 by the king and council, to the right of receiving and hear- 
 ing appeals from the colonial courts, in private suits ; and, 
 at length, a serious and protracted controversy arose in those 
 colonies, whose governors were appointed by royal autho- 
 rity, from a re([uisition of the king that a fixed and per- 
 manent salary sliould be provided for the representatives of 
 the crown. This was a favourite project of the king, as it 
 carried the show of authority on the part of the royal go- 
 vernment, and of dependence on the part of the colonies; 
 and it was an object of no less importance to the governoi-s 
 themselves, the most of whom were sent to America to 
 repair fortunes which had been ruined by extravagance at 
 home. 
 
 The disputes on tliis subject, in the province of Massa- 
 chusetts, lasted thirty years. The assembly of that colony 
 were ready to make grants for the support 9f their governors, 
 from year to year, as they had been accustomed to do, under 
 their cliarter government; but no menaces could induce them 
 to establish a permanent salary. At length, salislied that the 
 house would never yield, the crown allowed their governors 
 to ratify temporary grants. 
 
 Another grievance which the colonies suilered during this 
 period, and of which they had reason loudly to complain, 
 was the conduct of the parent country, in transporting to 
 America those persons, who for their crimes had forfeited 
 their liljerty and lives in Great Britain. Various acts of par- 
 liament authorized this measure ; and hence tlic country was 
 becoming the asylum of the worst of felons. The conduct of 
 the parent country, in thus sending the pestilential inmates of 
 her prisons to the colonies, met with their strong and univer- 
 sal abhorrence ; nor was this abhorrence lessened by the rea- 
 sons assigned, Ijeyond the waters, for the practice, viz. 
 " that in many of his majesty's colonies and plantations, there 
 was a great want oi scrva?its, who, by their laliour and indus- 
 try, might be tlie means of improving, and making the said 
 colonics more xiseful to his majesty V 
 
22 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 " Very surprising," remarks an independent, and even cIo 
 quent writer of those times, "very surprising that thieves, 
 burglars, pick-pockets, and cut-purses, and a horde of the 
 most flagitious banditti upon earth, should be sent as agreea- 
 ble compamo7is to us ! That the supreme legislature did intend 
 a transportation to America as a punishment, I verily be- 
 lieve ; but so great is the mistake, that confident I am. they 
 are thereby on the contrary highly rewarded. For what can 
 be more agreeable to a penurious wretch, driven through ne- 
 cessity to seek a livelihood by the breaking of houses and 
 robbing upon the king's highway, than to be saved from the 
 halter, redeemed from the stench of a gaol, and transported, 
 without expense to himself, into a country, where, being un- 
 known, no man can reproach him for his crimes ; where la- 
 bour is high, a littieof which will maintain him : and where all 
 his expenseswill be moderate andlow. There is scarce a thiei 
 in England thatAVOukl not rather be transported than hanged." 
 " But the acts," continues the same writer, " are intended for 
 the better peopling' of the colonies. And will thieves and 
 murderers conduce to that end? what advantage can we reap 
 from a colony of unrestrainable renegadoes ? will they exalt 
 the glory of the crown 1 or rather will not the dignity of the 
 most illustrious monarch in the world be sullied by a province 
 of subjects so lawless, detestable, and ignorant ? can agricul- 
 ture be promoted, when the wild boar of the forest breaks 
 down our hedges, and pulls up our vines? will trade flourish, 
 or manufactures be encouraged, Avhere property is made the 
 spoil of such, who are too idle to work, and wicked enough 
 to murder and steal ? — How injurious does it seem to free 
 one part of the dominions from the plagues of mankind, and 
 cast them upon another ! We want people, 'tis true ; but not 
 villains, ready at any time, encouraged by impunity, and ha- 
 bituated, upon the slightest occasion, to cut a man's tliroat for 
 a small part of his property." 
 
 To this catalogue of grievances, not imaginary, but real; 
 
 not transient, but long continued ; not local, but mostly uni- 
 
 Yersal ; — many others might be added, did our limits permit. 
 
 But under all these oppressions, amidst obstinate and va- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 23 
 
 nous efforts of the crown, to extend the royal prerogative, 
 and to keep the colonies in humble dependence, they retained, 
 in general, a warm aflection for the parent country. They re- 
 garded tiie sovereign as a father, and themselves as children. 
 They acknowledged their obligations of obedience to him, in 
 all things which were lawful, and consistent with their natural 
 and unalienable rights ; and they appealed to him in various 
 disputes, which arose about colonial rights, limits, and juris- 
 diction. 
 
 It was a characteristic trait in the colonists to provide for 
 their own defence. They had been taught to do this by the 
 neglect of the parent country, from the very days of their in- 
 fancy — even before the problem was solved, whether the 
 country should longer continue the domain of pagan dark- 
 ness, or the empire of cultivated mind. They might, indeed 
 justly have claimed the assistance and protection of the land 
 of their birth, but seldom did they urge their rights. On the 
 contrary, their treasuries were often emptied, and the blood 
 of their yeomanry shed, in furnishing assistance to the parent 
 country. In her contests, and her v/ars, they engaged with all 
 the enthusiasm of her native sons ; and persevered with all 
 the bravery of soldiers trained to the art of war. 
 
 The testimony to be adduced in support of these statements, 
 is more ample than we have space to devote to it. -"When- 
 ever," said a conspicuous member of parliament, some years 
 al'ter the peace of 1763, "whenever Great Britain has de- 
 clared war, tlie colonies liave taken tiieir part : They were 
 engaged in King William's Avars, and Queen Anne's wars, 
 even in their infancy. They conquered Arcadia, in the last 
 century, for us ; and we then gave it up. Again, in Queea 
 Anne's war, they conquered Nova Scotia, which from that 
 time has belonged to Great Britain. They have been engaged 
 in more than one expedition to Canada, ever foremost to par- 
 take of honour and danger with the mother country. 
 
 " Well, sir, what have we done for them ? Have we con- 
 quered the country for them, from tlic Indians ? Have we 
 cleared it? Have we drained it ? Have we made it habita- 
 ble ? What have we done for them ? I believe precisely 
 
1J4 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 nothing at all, but just keeping watch and ward over theit 
 trade, that they should receive nothing hut from ourselves, at 
 our own price. 
 
 "I will not positively say, that we have spent nothing; 
 though I don't recollect any such article upon our journals ; 
 I mean any national expense in setting them out as colonists. 
 The royal military government of Nova Scotia cost, indeed, 
 not a little sum; above 500,OOOZ. for its plantations and its 
 first years. Had your other colonies cost any thing similar, 
 either in their outset or support, there would be something to 
 say on that side ; but instead of that, they have been left to 
 tliemselves, for one hundred, or one hundred and fifty years, 
 upon the fortune and capital of private adventurers, to en- 
 counter every difficulty and danger. What towns have we 
 built for them ? What forests have we cleared I What country 
 have we conquered for them from the Indians ? Name the 
 officers — name the troops — the expeditions — their dates. — 
 Where are they to be found? Not on the journals of this 
 kingdom. They are no where to be found. 
 
 " In all the wars, which have been common to us and them, 
 they have taken their full share. But in all their own dangers, 
 in the difficulties belonging separately to their situation, in 
 all the Indian wars, which did not immediately concern us, 
 we left them to themselves, to struggle their way through. 
 For the whim of a minister, you can bestow half a million to 
 build a town, and to plant a royal colony of Nova Scotia ; a 
 greater sum than you have bestowed upon every other colony 
 together. 
 
 " And, notwithstanding all these, which are the real facts, 
 now that they have struggled through their difficulties, and 
 begin to hold up their heads, and to shew an empire, which 
 promises to be foremost in the world, wc claim them, and 
 theirs, as implicitly belonging to us, without any conside- 
 ration of their own rights. We charge them with ingrati- 
 tude, without the least regard to truth, just as if this kingdom 
 had for a century and a half attended to no other subject ; as 
 if all our revenue, all our power, all our thought, had been 
 bestowed upon them, and all our national debt had been con- 
 
INTRODUCTION'. "O 
 
 tracted in tlie Indian Avars of America ; totally forgetting the 
 subordination in commerce and manufactures in which wc 
 have bound them, and for which, at least, we owe them help 
 towards tlieir protection. 
 
 " Look at the preamble of the act of navigation, and every 
 other American act, and see if the interest of this country is 
 not the avowed object. If they make a hat, or a piece of 
 steel, an act of parliament calls it a nuisance ; a tilting ham- 
 mer, a steel furnace, must be abated in America, as a nui- 
 sance. Sir, I speak from facts. I call your books of statutes 
 and journals to witness." 
 
 Of an equally high and honourable character, is the testi- 
 mony of Pounal, one of the royal governors in America. " I 
 profess," said he, in 1765, " an afiection for the colonies, be- 
 cause, having lived amongst those people in a private as well 
 as in a public character, I know them ; I know that in their 
 private, social relations, there is not a more friendly, and in 
 their political ones, a more zealously loyal people, in all his 
 majesty's dominions. When fairly and openly dealt with, 
 there is not a people who have a truer sense of the necessary 
 powers of government. They would sacrifice their dearest 
 interests for the honour and prosperity of their mother coun- 
 try. I have a right to say this, because experience has given 
 me a practical knowledge, and this impression of them. 
 
 " The duty of a colony is affection for the mother country. 
 Here I may affirm, that in whatever form and temper this 
 aflection can lie in the human breast, in that form, by the 
 deepest and most permanent alfcction, it ever did lie in the 
 breast of the American people. They have no other idea of 
 this country, than as their home ; they have no other word 
 by which to express it ; and till of late, it has constantly been 
 expressed by the name of home. That powerful affection, 
 the love of our native country, which operates in every breast, 
 operates in this people towards England, which they consider 
 as their native country ; nor is this a mere passive impres- 
 sion, a mere opinion in speculation — it has been wrought up 
 in them to a vigilant and active zeal for the service of this 
 country." 
 
 D 3 
 
^26 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 This afFection for the parent country, and devotedness to 
 her interests ; this promptness to assist her, though unassisted 
 by her themselves ; this liberality in emptying their treasuries, 
 and shedding their blood, were felt and cherished by the colo- 
 nies, before, and for years after, the peace of 17(33. They 
 continued to be thus cherished, and thus manifested, until 
 exactions and oppressions " left not a hook to hang a doubt 
 on," that they must either passively submit to the arbitrary 
 impositions of a jealous and rapacious parent, or rise in 
 defence of those rights, which had been given to them by the 
 God of nature, in common with his other children. 
 
 The peace of 1763, while it secured to Great Britain all the 
 country cast of the Mississippi, and annihilated the French 
 power in America, restored peace to the colonies, and put an 
 eud to the calamities of a French and Indian war, by which 
 they had been harrassed for nearly a century. The joy con- 
 sequent upon an event so auspicious, was universal and sincere. 
 But that joy was soon to be diminished by the agitation of the 
 question, in England, as to the taxation of the colonies. 
 
 The project of laying internal taxes upon the American 
 provinces, and drawing a revenue from them, had been sug- 
 gested to the ministry, during the administrations of Sir Ro- 
 bert Walpole and Mr. Pitt. But to these wise and sagacious 
 statesmen it appeared to be a measure of doubtful right, and 
 of still more doubtful policy. " [ will leave the taxation of 
 the Americans," said Walpole, " for some of my successors^ 
 who may have more courage than I have, and are less friendly 
 to commerce than I am." 
 
 After the termination of the French war, the consideration 
 of the subject was renewed, and that moment seized as a fa- 
 vourable one, to commence the operation of the system. 
 During the war, a heavy debt had been incurred by Great 
 Britain, for the benefit and protection, as it was said, of the 
 American colonies. It was, therefore, no more than an act 
 of justice, that they should assist in the payment of that debt. 
 
 In the winter of 1704, Lord Grenville, who had recently 
 been elevated to the premiership, announced to the agents of 
 the colonies, then in England, his intention of drawing a re- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 27 
 
 venue from them, and that, for this purpose, he should propose, 
 in the ensuing session of parliament, a duty on stamps. 
 
 This intention of the minister being communicated to the 
 colonies, the whole country immediately caught the alarm. 
 Not only among private citizens, but also among public and 
 corporate bodies, the same feeling of indignation prevailed ; 
 the same opinion of the injustice and unconstitutional charac- 
 ter of the proposed measure was expi-essed, and the same dis- 
 position to resist it exhibited. 
 
 The house of representatives, in Massachusetts, in the fol- 
 lowing June, declared, " That the sole right of giving and 
 granting tlic money of the people of that province, was 
 vested in them, or their representatives ; and that the imposi- 
 tion of duties and taxes by the parliament of Great Britain, 
 upon a people not represented in the house of commons, is 
 absolutely irreconcilable with their rights. That no man can 
 justly take the property of another, without his consent; upon 
 which original principles, the power of making laws for levy- 
 ing taxes, one of the main pillars of the British constitution, is 
 evidently founded." 
 
 Petitions, from sevei-al of the colonies, were immediately 
 prepared, and forwarded to their agents in England, to be 
 presented at the approaching meeting of parliament, when 
 the contemplated measure was to be brought forward. The 
 language of these petitions, though respectful, was in accord- 
 ance with the spirit which pervaded the country. They 
 acknowledged the right of parliament to regulate trade, but 
 would not for a moment admit the existence of a right in the 
 mother country, to impose duties for the purj)ose of a revenue. 
 They did not claim this exemption as a privilege ; they 
 founded it on a basis more honourable and solid ; it was chal- 
 lenged as their indefeasible right. 
 
 The above petitions reached England in season, and were 
 oflbred to the acceptance and consideration of parliament : 
 But no intrcaties of tlie agents, could induce that body even to 
 receive them; on the twofold ground, tliat the petitionei'S ques- 
 tioned the right of parliament to pass the contemplated bill ; 
 and, moreover, it was an ancient standing rule of the house, 
 
28 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 " that no petition should be received against a money hill.''* 
 In the house of commons, the bill passed, by the large ma- 
 jority of 250 to 50. In the house of lords, the vote was nearly 
 unanimous ; and on the 22d of March, (1765,) it received the 
 royal sanction. 
 
 By the act thus passed, duties were imposed not only on 
 most of the written instruments used in judicial and com- 
 mercial proceedings ; but also upon those which were neces- 
 sary in the ordinary transactions of the colonies. Deeds, in- 
 dentures, pamphlets, ncAvspapcrs, advertisements, almanacs, 
 and even degrees conferred by seminaries of learning, were 
 among the enumerated articles on which a tax was laid. 
 
 The discussions on the above bill, before its final passage, 
 were unusually animated. The principle involved in it was 
 felt to be important, both by its friends and opposers ; and 
 tlie measure was seen to be pregnant with consequences of the 
 most serious nature. "It may be doubted," says an historian,* 
 " whether, upon any other occasion, either in times past or 
 present, there has been displayed more vigour or acuteness of 
 intellect, more love of country, or of party spirit, or greater 
 splendour of eloquence, than in these debates. Nor was the 
 shock of opinion less violent without the walls of Westmin- 
 ster. All Europe, it may be said, and especially the commer- 
 cial countries, were attentive to the decision of this important 
 question." 
 
 The principal supporters of the bill were Lord Grenville 
 and Cliarles Townshend. Unfortunately for the colonies, Mr. 
 Pitt, their constant friend, was absent; being confined to his 
 bed by sickness. The principal opposers, were Gen. Conway, 
 Alderman Beckford, Col. Barre,Mr. Jackson, and Sir William 
 Meredith. The two first of these opposed the measure on 
 the ground that pai-liamcnt had no right to tax the colonies ; 
 the otliers contended that it was not expedient. 
 
 In the conclusion of one of liis speeches on the bill, Mr. 
 Townshend exclaimed: "And now, will these Americans, 
 planted by our care, nourished up by our indidgence, until they 
 
 ♦ Botta. 
 
INTRODUCTION- 29 
 
 are grown to a degree of strength and importance, and protected 
 by our arms, will they grudge to contribute their mite to re 
 lieve us from the heavy burden we lie under ?" 
 
 The honourable member had no sooner taken his seat, than 
 Col. Barre rose, and replied: "They planted by your care. 
 No, your oppression planted them in America. They fled 
 from your tyranny, to a then uncultivated and inhospitable 
 country, where they were exposed to almost all the hardships, 
 to which human nature is liable, and among others, to the 
 cruelties of a savage foe; the most subtle, and I will take upon 
 me to say, the most formidable, of any people upon the face of 
 God's earth ; and yet actuated by principles of true English 
 liberty, they met all hardships with pleasure, compared with 
 those thoy sufi'ered in their own country, from the hands of 
 those who sliould have been their friends. 
 
 " They nourished by your indulgence ! They grew by your 
 neglect of them. As soon as you began to take care of them, 
 that pare was exercised in sending persons to rule them in one 
 department and another, who were deputies of deputies to 
 some members of this house, sent to prey upon them ; men, 
 whose behaviour, on many occasions, has caused the blood of 
 those sons of liberty to recoil within them ; men promoted to 
 the highest seats of justice, some, to my knowledge, were glad 
 by going to a foreign country, to escape being brought to a 
 bar of justice in their own. 
 
 " They protected by your arms ! They have nobly taken 
 up armsin your defence; have exerted tlieir valour, amidst their 
 constant and laborious industry, for the defence of a country 
 whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its interior parts 
 yielded all its little savings to your emolument. 
 
 "And believe me, that same spirit of freedom wliicliactuated 
 tliat ]ico])le at first, Vvill accompany them still. But prudence 
 forbids me to exj)]ain myself further. 
 
 " God knows, I do not, at this time, speak from party heat. 
 However superior to me, in general knowledge and experi- 
 ence, the respectable body of this house may be, yet I claim 
 to know more of America than most of you, having seen and 
 been conversant in that country. The people, I believe, are as 
 
 3* 
 
30 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 truly loyal as any suhiects the king lias ; but a people jealous 
 of their liberties, and who will vindicate them, if ever they 
 should be violated — but the subject is too delicate — I will say 
 no more." 
 
 For this unpremeditated appeal, pronounced with an energy 
 and an eloquence fitted to the high occasion, the house 
 was not prepared. For some minutes, tlie members remained 
 motionless, as if petrified by surprise. But the opposition at 
 length rallied. Their pride could not allow of retreat. The 
 measure was again urged, the question Avas taken, and the bill 
 adopted. 
 
 No act of the British government could have been more im- 
 politic ; and none ever excited, in the colonies, a more uni- 
 versal alarm. It gave birth to feelings, which could never be 
 suppressed, and aroused those intestine commotions in Ame- 
 rica, which, after kindling a civil Avar, and involving all Europe 
 in its calamities, terminated in the total disjunction from the 
 British empire, of one of its fairest portions. 
 
 After the arrival of the news that the stamp act had been 
 adopted in parliament, the first public body that met was 
 the assembly of Virginia. Towards the close of the session, 
 about the last of May, the following resolutions Avere in- 
 troduced into the house of burgesses, by Patrick Henry ; a 
 laAvyer, at that time a young man, but highly distinguished 
 for the strength of his intellect, and the poAvcr of his elo- 
 quence. 
 
 " Resolved, that the first adventurers and settlers of this his 
 majesty's colony and dominions of Virginia, brought Avith 
 them, and transmitted to their posterity, and all others his 
 majesty's subjects, since inhabiting in this his majesty's co- 
 lony, all the privileges and immunities that have at any time 
 been held, enjoyed, and possessed, by the people of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 " Resolved, that by the tAvo royal charters granted by King 
 James I. the colonists aforesaid are declared entitled to all 
 privileges of faithful, liege, and natural born subjects, to all 
 intonlfs and purposes, as if they had been abiding and born 
 within the realms of England. 
 
IXTRODUCTIOPT. 31 
 
 " Resolved, that liis majesty's most liege people of this his 
 most ancient colony, have enjoyed the right of being thus 
 governed by their own authority, in the article of taxes and 
 internal police, and tliat the same have never been forfeited, 
 nor any other way yielded up, but have been constantly re- 
 cognised by the king and people of Great Britain. 
 
 " Resolved, tlierefore, that the general assembly of this co- 
 lony, together with his majesty, or his substitute, have, in their 
 representative capacity, the only exclusive right and power to 
 lay taxes and impositions upon the inhabitants of the colony ; 
 and that any attempt to vest such a power in any person or 
 persons whatever, other than the general assembly afore- 
 said, is illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust ; and has a 
 manifest tendency to destroy British as well as American free- 
 dom." 
 
 Tlie debate on these resolutions was animated, and even vio- 
 lent. Nothing like them had ever transpired in America. 
 They evinced a settled purpose of resistance ; and conveyed 
 to the ministry of Great Britain a lesson, which had they read 
 with unprejudiced minds, might have saved them the fruitless 
 struggle of a seven years war. There were those, in the house 
 of burgesses, who strongly opposed the resolutions ; but the 
 bold and powerful eloquence of Henry bore them down, and 
 carried the resolutions through. In the heat of debate, he 
 boldly asserted, that the king had acted the part of a tyrant ; 
 and alluding to the fate of other tyrants, he exclaimed, " Caesar 
 had his Brutus, Charles I. his Cromwell, and George III." — 
 here pausing a moment, till the cry of " treason, treason," 
 resounding from several parts of the house, had ended — he 
 added — " may profit by their example ; if this be treason, make 
 the most c-f it." 
 
 The above resolutions had no sooner passed, tlian they found 
 theirway into the papers of the day, and were circulated widely 
 and rapidly through the colonies. They were received with 
 entliusiasm ; and served to raise still higher the indignant 
 feelings which pervaded the country. 
 
 Before these resolutions had reached Massachusetts, the 
 house of reprcscutativcs of that colony had declared tlic ex- 
 
32 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 pediency of a congress, composed of commissioners from the 
 several colonies, " to consult together on the present cir- 
 cumstances of the colonies ; — the acts of parliament laying 
 duties and taxes upon them ; and to consider of a general 
 and humble address to his majesty and the parliament for 
 relief." 
 
 The measure thus proposed by Massachusetts, on being 
 communicated to the several colonies, was received with 
 cordial approbation by most of them ; and on the 7th of Oc- 
 tober, 1765, commissioners from the colonies of Massachu- 
 setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New- York, New-Jersey, 
 Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina, metat 
 New- York, on the important and responsible business assign- 
 ed them. 
 
 This congress, the first that was ever held in America, 
 published, as the result of their deliberation, a declaration of 
 the rights and grievances of the colonists ; and agreed upon a 
 memorial to the house of lords, and a petition to the king and 
 commons. 
 
 In their declaration, they acknowledged their allegiance to 
 his majesty, and their willingness to render due honour to the 
 rightful authority of parliament ; but they claimed that they 
 had interests, rights, and liberties, as the natural born sub- 
 jects of his majesty, and that, as they could not be represent- 
 ed in parliament, that body had no right to impose taxes 
 upon them without their consent. They declared the stamp 
 act, and other acts of parliament, " to have a manifest tenden- 
 cy to subvert the rights and liberties of the colonists." 
 
 The address and petition, agreed to by this congress, were 
 at this time signed by the commissioners from six colonies 
 only. But their proceedings were warmly approved in every 
 quarter of the country ; and at a subsequent date, received the 
 sanction of the assemblies, not only of South Carolina, Con- 
 necticut, and New- York, but of those colonies which had not 
 been represented in the congress. 
 
 While the highest assemblies were thus bearing their official 
 and solemn testimony against the oppressive and unconstitu 
 tional acts of the British parliament; the people, in every sec 
 
INTRODUCTION. 33 
 
 tion of tlic country, and especially in the principal towns, were 
 manifesting their abhorrence of those measures, in adifferent, 
 but not less decisive way. 
 
 On the morning of the 14th of August, two effigies were dis- 
 covered hanging on the branch of an old elm, near the south 
 entrance of Boston. One of these represented a stamp office; 
 the other, a jack hoot, out of which rose a horned head, which 
 appeared to be looking round. 
 
 The singularity of this spectacle soon attracted the notice 
 of great numbers; and before evening, the collection amounted 
 to a multitude. The images were then taken down, placed upon 
 a bier, and carried in procession v/ith imposing solemnity. 
 At a distance, in the rear, the multitude followed, shouting — • 
 " liberty and prosperity forever — no stamps !" Arriving in 
 front of a house, owned by one Oliver, which was supposed to 
 be a stamp office, they levelled it to the ground; and proceed- 
 ing to his place of residence, they beheaded his effigy, and 
 broke in the windows of his house. Oliver himself effected a 
 timely escape ; but his fences, the furniture of his house, and 
 its dependencies, were destroyed. It was midnight before the 
 multitude dispersed. 
 
 In the morning of the next day, the people re-assembled, 
 and were proceeding to a repetition of their excesses ; 
 Imt upon hearing that Oliver had sent his resignation to 
 I'jigland, they desisted, and repairing to the front of his house, 
 ihoy gave three cheers, and quietly returned to their homes. 
 
 A volume would scarcely suffice, to give a full recital of all 
 flie commotions which wei'e excited by the stamp act, in the 
 single province of ]Massachusetts. But these disorders were 
 far from being contined to such circumscribed limits, A spi- 
 rit of resistance pervaded the country. The very atmosphere 
 seemed pregnant with revolt. Even sobriety was found off 
 her guard, in tlie tumultuous crowd ; and old age felt some- 
 thing of the impulses of younger days. 
 
 - On the first day of November, the stamp act was to go into 
 operation. As it drew near, the feelings of the colonists 
 became more and more intense ; less popular noise and cla- 
 mour were, perhaps, to be heard; but a deep and settled hos 
 E 
 
34 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tility to the act had taken possession of every breast. On tho 
 5th of October, the ships which brought the stamps appeared in 
 sight ofFhiladelphia, near Gluiicester Point: The vessels in the 
 harbour immediately hoisted their colours halt" mast high ; the 
 bells on the churches were mutHed ; and during the rest of the 
 day were tolled, in token of a profound and general mourning. 
 On the 10th of September, the stamps, designed for Boston, 
 arrived at that place. By order of the governor, they were 
 conveyed to the castle, where they could be defended by the 
 artillery, should occasion require. At length, the 1st of No- 
 vember arrived. The day in many places was ushered in 
 with marks of funeral ceremony. Business was suspended, 
 and shops and stores were closed. But at this time, not a 
 single sheet of all the l)ales of stamps, which had been sent 
 from England, could have been found in the colonies of New- 
 England, of New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, 
 and the two Carolinas. They had either been committed to 
 the flames, had been reshipped to England, or were safely 
 guarded by the opposition, into whose hands they had fallen. 
 A general suspension, or rather a total cessation, of all business, 
 which required stamped paper, was the consequence. The 
 printers of newspapers only, observes an historian, continued 
 their occupation ; alleging for excuse, that if they had done 
 otherwise, the people would have given them such an admo- 
 nition, as they little coveted. None Avould receive the gazettes 
 coming from Canada, as they were printed on stamped paper. 
 The courts of justice were shut; even marriages were no longer 
 celebrated ; and, in a word, an absolute stagnation in all the 
 relations of social life was established.* 
 
 The mother country could not long remain in ignorance of 
 the spirit which prevailed, and the disturbances which had 
 been excited in the colonies, by the oppressive acts of parlia- 
 ment; and the stamp act in particular. The minds of all classes 
 in that country were deeply all'ected ; but as difi'erent interests 
 swayed, difi'erent opinions were entertained and expressed. 
 
 The merchants, anticipating a loss on the credit given to the 
 
 ♦ Botta. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 35 
 
 A.mericans,wcre disposed to censure the cxlraordinary course 
 of parliament. The manufacturers were not less loud in their 
 complaint, since, as the orders for their wares were discon- 
 tinued, ruin stared them in the face. A deep despondency 
 pervaded tlic minds of some ; a lofty indignation took posses- 
 sion of others. By one class, the colonies were extravagantly 
 extolled ; by another, they were as pointedly condemned. 
 By some, they were praised for their manly independenceand 
 hold decision ; by others, they were accused of ingratitude, 
 turbulence, and rebellion. 
 
 Fortunately for the interests both of the colonies and of 
 Great Britain, about lliis time, a change took place in the ad- 
 ministration of England, by Avhich several of the friends of 
 America came into power. The Marquis of Rockingham, 
 one of the wealthiest noblemen of the kingdom, and highly 
 esteemed for tlie endowments of his mind, and the sincerity of 
 his character, was appointed first lord of the treasury, in the 
 room of Lord Grcnville; Mr. Dowdeswell Avas made Chancel- 
 lor of the Excliequer ; Lord Winchester took the place of the 
 Duke of Bedford, as president of the council ; and the Seals 
 were given to the young Duke of Grafton and General Con- 
 way, who so nolily defended the cause of the Americans, on the 
 motion in parliament to tax them. 
 
 During the session of the parliament of 17G0, the subject of 
 the late disturbances in the colonics was brought forward, by 
 the ncAV administration, and the expediency of repealing the 
 odious enactments was strongly urged. Petitions, from various 
 quarters, were presented, to the same effect. Many of the 
 merchants and manufacturers of the kingdom were deeply affect- 
 ed by the new regulations concerning America. An immense 
 quantity of British manufactures were perishing in the ware^ 
 houses ; while artisans and seamen were deprived of employ- 
 ment and support. 
 
 To tlie repeal of the stamp act, its original advocates were 
 strongly opposed, and they marshalled all their strength to 
 prevent it. In the first rank stood George Grenville, the late 
 prime minister. In the debate on the sul)jcct of repeal, among 
 other things, he said, "much against their will, the ministers 
 
30 INTUODrt'TION. 
 
 liavo laid Iirloro tliis lioiiso, (he dishirbam't's and niulucious 
 OJionnilit'H ol" llir Amriicans; for tlu-y l)«\uaii in July, and now 
 Vi' ai«' in the luiddk" of Jannary ; lalcdy tln'v More only oo- 
 ciirrc/icis; (lu'v aro now !;ri)\vu to tlisliiiliancos, Innuilts, and 
 riots. 1 doubt thry border on ojirn nbtllion; and if the doo- 
 trino I liavo heard this day, bo conlirnu'd, I tear tlioy will lose 
 (Jiat name, to tak(> (hat o(' rovolulion." — " ^\ Iicn 1 ])roposc(l 
 to ta\ Anu-riea, I asked (he house, il' any oenllenian Avoultl 
 tJijtuM to the right? I rejieatedly asked it; and no man 
 would aiienipt to deny it. And tell nie, when the Americans 
 M'oro ciuaiu-i patt'd! ^Vhen (hey Avant the |)rt)tection of this 
 Kingdom, they areahvays very ready to as.k it. This protection 
 lias always been granted them, in the fnlh>st manner; and now 
 tJiev reliise to contribute their mite towards tiie public oxpcu- 
 !<es. For h'l iiol gentlemen deceive themselves, with regard 
 to the rigour ot' the tax ; it would not suilice even lor the ne- 
 cessary expenses of the troops stationt>d in Anuu'ica : but a 
 ■pcppcr-corn in acknowledgment of the right is of more value 
 than millions without. Yet, notwithstanding the sliglitncss 
 ol" the tax, and tlie urgency ol" our situation, tlie Americans 
 grow sullen, and instead ol" concurring in assisting to meet 
 expenses arising from themselves, they renounce your autlio- 
 rll\ , insult your olliccrs, and break out, I might almost say, 
 into open reliellion. 
 
 "There was a time when they would no\ have proceeded 
 tJuis ; but tlu'\ are now supported by the artilice o( these 
 young gentlemen ; inllaniinatory petitions are handed about 
 against us, and in their favour. Even within this house, in 
 (Jiis sanctuary of tlic laws, sedition has found its defenders. 
 Resistance to the laws is applauded ; obstinacy encoura- 
 ged ; disobedience extolled; rebellion pronounced a virtue." 
 In reply to Cirenville, AVilliam Pitt, now venerable for his 
 age, and still more venerable for the important services which 
 he had rendered his country, rose and said : " I know not 
 whether I ought most to rejoice, that the inlirmities which have 
 been wasting, for so long a lime, a body, already bowed by the 
 weight of vears, of late suspending their ordinary violence, 
 should have allowed juc, ibis dav, to behold these walls, and 
 
I\TRODCCTIO.V. 37 
 
 ' J discuss, in the prcsonco of this august assembly, a subject 
 r such high importance, and which so nearly concerns the 
 ifety of our country ; or to grieve at the rigour of destiny, 
 in contemplating this country, which, within a few years had 
 rrived at such a pinnacle of splendour and majesty, and he- 
 me formidable to the universe from the immensity of its 
 power, now wasted by an intestine evil, a prey to civil discords, 
 and madly hastening to the brink of the abyss, into which 
 the united force of the most powerful nations of Europe 
 struggled in vain to plunge it. Would to heaven, that my 
 health had permitted my attendance here, when it was first 
 proposed to tax America ! If my feeble voice should not 
 have been able to avert the torrent of calamities, which Jias 
 fallen upon us, and the tempest which thireatens us, at 
 least my testimony would have attested, that I had no part in 
 them. 
 
 " It is now an act that has passed ; I would speak with 
 decency of every act of this house, but I must beg the indul- 
 gence of the house to speak of it with freedom. There is an 
 idea in some, that the Americans are virtually represented in 
 this house ; but I would fain know by what province, county, 
 city, or borough, they are represented here ? No doubt by 
 some province, county, city, or borough, never seen or known 
 by them, or their ancestors, and which they never will see or 
 know. 
 
 " The commons of America, represented in their several 
 assemblies, have ever been in possession of the exercise of 
 this, their constitutional right, of giving and granting their 
 own money. They would have been slaves if they had not 
 enjoyed it. 
 
 " I come not here, armed at all points with law cases, and 
 acts of parliament, with the statute book doubleddownin dog's 
 cars, as my valiant adversary has done. But I know, at least, 
 if we are to take example from ancient facts, that, even under 
 the most arbitrary reigns, parliaments were ashamed of taxing 
 a people without their consent, and allowed them representa- 
 tives ; and in our own times, even those who send no mem- 
 bers to parliament, are all at least inhabitants of Great Bri- 
 
 4 
 
38 INTRODUCTION, 
 
 tain. Many have it in their option to be actually represented. 
 They have connexions with those that elect, and they have 
 influence over them. Would to heaven that all were better 
 represented than they are ! It is the vice of our constitu 
 tion ; perhaps the day will arrive, and I rejoice in the hope, 
 when the mode of representation, this essential part of our 
 organization, and principal safeguard of our liberty, will be 
 carried to that perfection which every good Englishman must 
 desire. 
 
 *' I hear it said that America is obstinate, America is almost 
 in open rebellion. I rejoice that America has resisted. Three 
 millions of people, so dead to all the feelings of liberty as 
 voluntarily to submit to be slaves, would have been fit instru- 
 ments to make slaves of ourselves. The honourable member 
 has said also, for he is fluent in words of bitterness, that Ame- ' 
 rica is ungrateful : he boasts of his boimties towards her ; 
 but are not these bounties intended, finally, for the benefit of 
 this kingdom ? And how is it true, that America is ungrate- 
 ful ? Does she not voluntarily hold a good correspondence 
 witli us ? The profits to Great Britain, from her commerce 
 with the colonies, are two millions a year. This is the fund 
 that carried you triumphantly through the last war. The es- 
 tates that were rented at two thousand pounds a year, seventy 
 years ago, are at three thousand at present. You owe this to 
 America. This is the price she pays for your protection. I 
 omit the increase of population in the colonies ; the migration 
 of new inhabitants from every part of Europe ; and the ulte- 
 rior progress of American commerce, should it be regulated 
 by judicious laws. And shall we hear a miserable financier 
 Gome with a boast that he can fetch a pepper-corn into the 
 exchequer to the loss of millions to the nation 1 The gentle- 
 man complains that he has been misrepresented in the public 
 prints. I can only say, it is a misfortune common to all that 
 fill high stations, and take a leading part in public affairs- 
 He says, also, that when he first asserted the right of parlia- 
 ment to tax America, he was not contradicted. I know not 
 how it is, but there is a modesty in this liousc, which does not 
 choose to contradict a minister. If gentlemen do not get the 
 
INTRODUCTION. 39 
 
 better of this modesty, perhaps the collective body may begin 
 to abate of its respect for the representative. A great deal 
 has been said witliout doors, and more than is discreet, of the 
 power, of the strength of America. But, in a good cause, on 
 a sound bottom, the force of this country can crush America 
 to atoms ; but on the ground of this tax, when it is wished to 
 prosecute an evident injustice,! am one who will lift my hands 
 and my voice against it. 
 
 " In such a cause, your success would be deplorable, and 
 victory hazardous. America, if she fell, would fall like the 
 strong man. She would embrace the pillars of the state, and 
 pull down the constitution along with her. Is this your boasted 
 peace ? — not to sheath the sword in its scabbard, but to sheatli 
 it in the bowels of your countrymen ? Will you quarrel with 
 yourselves, now tlie whole house of Bourbon is against you ? 
 While Franco dij^turbs your fisheries in Newfoundland, em- 
 barrasses your slave trade with Africa, and withholds from 
 your subjects in Canada their property, stipulated by treaty ? 
 While the ransom for the Manillas is denied by Spain, and its 
 gallant conqueror traduced into a mean plunderer ? The 
 Americans have not acted in all things with prudence and 
 temper. They have been wronged. They have been driven 
 to madness by injustice. Will you punish them for the mad- 
 ness you have occasioned ? Rather let prudence and beniir- 
 nity come tirst from the strongest side. Excuse their errors; 
 learn to honour their virtues. Upon the whole, I will beg 
 leave to tell the house what is really my opinion. I consider 
 it most consistent with our dignity, most useful to our liberty, 
 and in every respect the safest for this kingdom, that the 
 stamp act be repealed, absolutely, totally, and immediately. 
 At tlic same time, let the sovereigH authority of this country 
 over the colonies be asserted in as .strong terms as can be 
 devised, and oe made to extend to every point of legislation 
 whatsoever ; that we may bind their trade, confine their ma- 
 nufactures, and exercise every power whatsoever, except that 
 of taking their money out of their pockets without their con- 
 sent." 
 
 The impression made by this speech of Mr. Pitt, pro- 
 
40 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 nounced, as it tvas, with a firm and solemn tone, was deep and 
 effectual. Much resentment was, indeed, manifested by all 
 on account of the excesses committed by the Americans ; but 
 conviction had settled on the minds of a majority of parlia- 
 ment, that at least a partial retrocession on their part was ne- 
 cessary. Accordingly, on the putting of the question, Februa- 
 ry 22d, the repeal of the stamp act was carried in the house 
 by a majority of 265 to 167. The vote in the house of peers 
 was 155 to 61. On the 19tli of March, the act of repeal re- 
 ceived the royal assent. 
 
 Thus was put at rest, for a time, a question which had 
 deeply agitated not only the colonies of America, but England 
 itself; and had excited much attention throughout continental 
 Europe. But it is more than probable, that even at this time 
 the repealing act would not have passed, had it not been ac- 
 companied by a declaratory act, that the parliament had the 
 right to make laws and statutes to bind the colonies in all 
 cases whatsoever. 
 
 The joy produced throughout England at this result, was 
 greater than could have been anticipated, and no demonstra- 
 tions were omitted which could testify the public sense of the 
 kindness of the king, and the wisdom of the parliament. The 
 flags of the ships were spread in token of felicitation ; a 
 general illumination of the city of London was made ; salutes 
 were fired ; and bonfires kindled in every quarter. 
 
 But it was in America that a still higher joy prevailed, and 
 .still greater demonstrations of that joy were made. In the 
 house of representatives in Massachusetts, a vote of gratitude 
 to the king, and of thanks to Mr. Pitt, the Duke of Grafton, 
 and others, was passed. By the house of burgesses in Virgi- 
 nia, it was resolved to erect a statue in honour of the king, 
 and an obelisk in honour of all those, whether of the house 
 of peers or of commons, wlio had distinguished themselves 
 in favour of the rights of the colonies. 
 
 In the midst of this joy, the declaratory act, above men- 
 tioned, appears to have been little regarded. The extent and 
 inadmissible character of its principles for a time remained 
 uuscrutinised. It was considered as appended to the act of 
 
INTRODUCTION. 41 
 
 repeal, to soften the prejudices of the opposition, and to save 
 national honour from the imputation of being too greatly tar- 
 nished. But, in reality, it was designed as the recognition of 
 a principle which the British politicians were unwilling to 
 relinquish, and which they might in time have occasion to 
 apply. 
 
 It is not, moreover, to be concealed, that universal and sin- 
 cere as was the joy of the Americans, consequent on the I'e- 
 peal of the stamp act ; the same cordiality was never felt by 
 the colonies, as before the late disturbances. A strong dis- 
 gust — a deep resentment, had fixed itself in the hearts of 
 many ; and a secret wish began to be felt, that the yoke were 
 entirely removed. Perhaps, even at this early day, the hope 
 was indulged, that the time would arrive, when this wish 
 would become a reality. 
 
 In July, 1766, the administration of the Marquis of Rock- 
 ingham was dissolved, and a new one formed, under the direc- 
 tion of IMr. Pitt. Unfortunately it was composed of men of 
 difTcrent political principles, and attached to different parties. 
 The Duke of Grafton was placed at the head of the treasury; 
 Lord Shelburne was joined with GeneralConway as one of the 
 secretaries of state ; Charles Townshcnd was made chancel- 
 lor of the exchequer, Camden, lord chancellor, Pitt, now crea- 
 ted Earl of Chatham, had the privy seal, and Lord North and 
 George Cooke were joint pay-masters. 
 
 If the prejudices of many in the colonies were not yet 
 done away, much more was this the fact with the ex-minister 
 Grenville, and his adherents in England. Disappointed as 
 to the popularity of his administration, and remembering as 
 one cause of it, his measures against America, he was ready 
 to call into view, on every occasion, her obstinacy and ingra- 
 titude, and to enter anew upon efforts to tax the colonies. 
 
 To him, therefore, is attributed the plan which, under the 
 last formed administration, was brought forward in the par- 
 liament of 1767, to impose taxes upon tlie colonies. The 
 articles enumerated in the bill, upon which duties were laid, 
 were glass, paper, paste board, white and red lead, painters 
 colours, and tea. 
 
 F 4* 
 
42 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Mr. Pitt, during the discussion of this bill, was confined by 
 indisposition, and hence, unable to raise his voice against it. 
 Without much opposition, it passed both houses, and on the 
 29th of June, received the royal assent. At the same time 
 were passed two other acts ; — the one establishing a new 
 board of custom-house officers in America; and the other re- 
 straining the legislature of the province of New- York from 
 passing any act whatever., until they should furnish the king's 
 troops with several required articles. 
 
 These three acts reached America at the same time, and 
 again excited 'universal alarm. The first and second were 
 particularly odious. The new duties, it was perceived, were 
 only a new mode of drawing money from the colonies, and 
 the same strong opposition to the measure was exhibited, 
 which had prevailed against the stamp act. Several of the 
 colonies, through their colonial assemblies, expressed their 
 just abhorrence of these enactments, and their determination 
 never to submit to them. 
 
 Soon after the establishment of the new board of custom 
 house officers, at Boston, under the above act, a fit occasion 
 presented itself, for an expression of the public indignation. 
 This was the arrival at that port, in May, 1G68, of the sloop 
 Liberty, belonging to Mr. Hancock, and laden with wines from 
 Madeira. 
 
 During the night, the most of her cargo was unladen, and 
 put into stores ; on the following day the sloop was entered 
 at the custom house, with a few pipes only. A discovery 
 being made of these facts, by the custom-house officers, the 
 vessel was seized, and by their order removed along side of 
 the Romney, a ship of war, then in the harbour. 
 
 The conduct of the custom-house officers in this transac- 
 tion roused the indignant feelings of the Bostonians, who un- 
 warrantably attacked the houses of the officers, and even 
 assaulted their persons. No prosecutions, however, could be 
 sustained, from the excited state of public feeling. 
 
 Finding themselves no longer safe in the town, the officere 
 prudently sought protection on board the Romney, and sub- 
 sequently retired to Castle Williams. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 43 
 
 The public excitement was soon after increased, by the ar- 
 rival in the harbour of two regiments of troops, under the 
 command of Colonel Dalrymple. These were designed to 
 assist the civil magistrates in the preservation of peace, and 
 tlie custom-house officers in the execution of their functions- 
 Both these regiments were encamped within the town — the 
 one on the commons, the other in the market hall and state 
 house. 
 
 This measure of the governor, under order of the British 
 ministry, was eminently fitted to rouse the public indignation 
 to the highest pitch. To be thus watched, as if in a state of 
 open rebellion — to see their common a place of encampment 
 — and their halls of justice, with the chambers of their as- 
 t^cmbly, thronged with armed soldiers, was more than the in- 
 habitants were willing to endure. Frequent quarrels and 
 collisions occurred between the citizens and soldiers, which 
 every day threatened to terminate in bloodshed. 
 
 During the session of parliament in 1770, the Duke of 
 Grafton, first lord of the treasury, resigned, and was succeeded 
 in that office by the afterwards celebrated Lord North. In 
 March, this latter gentleman introduced a bill abolishing 
 the duties imposed by the act of 1767, on all the articles 
 except tea. This partial suspension of the duties served to 
 soften the feelings of the Americans in a degree ; but the 
 (Exception in relation to tea, it was quite apparent, was de- 
 signed as a salvo to the national honour, and as an evidence 
 which the British ministry were unwilling to relinquish, of the 
 right of parliament to tax the colonies. 
 
 The above relaxation in respect to certain duties was, how- 
 ever, unaccompanied by any other indications of a more kindly 
 feeling towards the colonies. The troops were still continued 
 in Boston, and the acts of trade enforced with singular strict> 
 ness. At length, on the evening of the 5th of March, 1770, in 
 a quarrel between a party of soldiers and citizens, eleven of 
 the latter were killed or wounded, by a guard, under command 
 of a Captain Preston. 
 
 The news of this rencontre was spread in every direction 
 over the city — the bells were rung, the alarm of "fire" wa.s 
 
44 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 given, the drums were beat, and the citizens every where 
 called to arms. Thousands soon assembled, and demanded 
 the removal of the troops from the town. With the assu- 
 rance that the affair should be settled to their satisfaction in the 
 morning, they were induced to retire. When the morning came, 
 however, Hutchinson, the lieutenant governor, for a long 
 time refused to order the removal of the troops, and was only 
 driven to this measure, by evidence too strong to be doubted, 
 that his own personal safety depended upon it. 
 
 The men who were killed, were regarded as martyrs in the 
 cause of liberty ; and at their interment no mark of public 
 sympathy or appropriate funeral ceremony was omitted. The 
 anniversary of this tragical event, which was called " the 
 Boston massacre," was long observed with great solemnity, 
 and gave occasion to warm and patriotic addresses, well 
 adapted to excite a revolutionary spirit. 
 
 Captain Preston and his guard were arraigned before a 
 judicial tribunal ; but for the honour of the colony they were 
 all acquitted, except two, who were found guilty of man- 
 slaughter. For this acquittal, the prisoners, as well as the 
 colony, were indebted to the independent zeal and powerful 
 eloquence of John Adams and Josiah Quincy, Jun. than whom 
 none were warmer friends to the colony, or had acted a more 
 conspicuous part against the imperious demands of the British 
 ministry. Odious to the community as the prisoners were, 
 these honest and intrepid champions appeared in their 
 defence, and proved to the world, that while Americans 
 could resist the usurpations of a tyrannical ministry, they 
 could also stand forth, when justice required, for the pro- 
 tection and defence of their irresponsible servants. 
 
 Allusion has been made to the requirement of his British 
 majesty, in former years, that the colonies should provide for 
 the support of the royal governors by a permanent salary, and 
 their refusal to yield to the royal wishes. In the year 1772, it 
 was officially announced to the assembly of Massachusetts, 
 that provision had been made for the payment of their gover- 
 nor's salary by the crown, independent of any grant from 
 them. The former dispute on this subject had given birth to 
 
INTUODUCTION'. 45 
 
 many angry feelings ; but language can scarcely describe the 
 excitement occasioned by the renewal of the subject, and the 
 application of the revenue of the colony to the above purpose, 
 ijulepcndcnt of the assembly. The house of representatives 
 immediately declared the appropriation an infraction of their 
 chartctr — a dangerous innovation, and the preliminary to a 
 despotic administration of government. 
 
 While this dispute was going forward in Massachusetts, a 
 bold opposition to the measures of the Britisli ministry ap- 
 peared (June, 1772) in the colony of Rhode Island. A British 
 armed schooner, called the Gaspee, had been stationed in that 
 colony to assist the board of customs in the execution of the 
 revenue and trade laws. Desirous of displaying his autliority, 
 and of humbling the pride of the colonists, the captain obliged 
 the masters of packets, navigating the bay, to lower their 
 colours on passing the schooner ; and, in case of refusal, 
 would chase them, and fire upon them. To a requirement so 
 humiliating, a master of one of the Providence packets refused 
 to submit, and was chased by the schooner, which venturing 
 too far inland, ran aground. 
 
 Intelligence of her situation was immediately communicated 
 to the inhabitants of Providence ; and several who were 
 characterized for a love of daring enterprise, repaired to the 
 spot. Under cover of night, they took the vessel by 
 force, and burnt her to the water's edge. Such a bold opposi- 
 tion to the laws, was not suffered to pass unnoticed. But 
 although commissioners were appointed to investigate the 
 ail'air, and a reward of 500/. was offered for a discovery of the 
 offenders, all efforts to detect them were futile. 
 
 The opposition to the royal provision for the salary of the 
 governor, which we noticed in a preceding paragraph, was 
 not confined to the assembly of Massachusetts. Numerous 
 meetings were called in the various towns of the provinces, in 
 relation, as well to this particular measure, as to other oppres- 
 sive acts of the British parliament. 
 
 In these meetings, the town of Boston took the lead. A 
 committee was appointed to address the several towns in the 
 colony, and to urge upon them the importance of an unani- 
 
46 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 mous expression of their feelings with regard to the conduct 
 of the British ministry. *' Wehave abundant reason to appre- 
 hend," said this committee, in their address, " that a flan of 
 despotism has been concerted, and is hastening to a comple- 
 tion; the late measures of the administration have a direct 
 tendency to deprive us of every thing valuable as men, as 
 christians, and as subjects, entitled to the rights of native 
 Britons." — "We arc not afraid of poverty," said they, in con- 
 clusion, — " but we disdain slavery. Let us consider, we are 
 struggling for our best birth rights and inheritance ; which, 
 being infringed, renders all our blessings precarious in their 
 enjoyment, and trilling in their value." 
 
 The proceedings of the assembly, and of the towns in Mas- 
 sachusetts, M^ere communicated to the house of burgesses in 
 Virginia, in March of 1773. Similar sentiments prevailed in 
 that ancient and patriotic colony. Itwasapparent to thatbody, 
 and began to be a prevailing opinion throughout the coun- 
 try, that to remain much longer in that particular state, was 
 impossible. The future was indeed indistinct. But the wild 
 confusion of the elements gave indications of an approaching 
 storm. A portentous cloud hung over the country. It was 
 the part of wisdom, at least, to think of preparation, and to 
 ascertain in what attitude things stood in difl'erent sections of 
 the countr)', together with the support the directing officers 
 might expect, should the threatening tempest actually burst. 
 With these views, no doubt, the house of burgesses in Vir- 
 ginia, on the 12th of March, 1773, passed the following reso- 
 lutions : 
 
 " Be it resolved, that a standing committee of correspon- 
 dence and inquiry be appointed, to consist of eleven persons, 
 to wit : the honourable Peyton Randolph, Esquire, Robert 
 Carter Nicholas, Richard Bland, Richard Henry Lee, Benja- 
 min Harrison, Edmund Pendleton, Patrick Henry, Dudley 
 Diggs, Dabney Carr, Archibald Gary, and Thomas Jefferson, 
 Esquires, any six of whom to be a committee, whose business 
 it shall be to obtain the most early and authentic intelligence 
 of such acts and resolutions of the British parliament, or pro- 
 ceedings of administration, as may relate to, or affect the British 
 
INTRODrCTION. 47 
 
 colonies ; and to keep up and maintain a correspondence and 
 communication witli our sister colonics, respecting these im- 
 portant considerations, and the result of their proceedings from 
 time to time to lay before the house." 
 
 Upon the recommendation of Virginia, similar committees 
 of correspondence and inquiry were appointed by the differ- 
 ent colonial assemblies ; and a confidential interchange of 
 opinions was thus kept up between the colonies. Great unity 
 of sentiment was the consequence ; and the value of the 
 measure was lully developed, in the struggle which afterwards 
 ensued between the colonies and the parent country. 
 
 By a series of direct oppressions, and through the resident 
 officers of the crown, the hostility of the people of Massachu- 
 setts had become a settled principle ; and about this time, it 
 received additional strength, from the discovery and publication 
 of certain letters, addressed to a member of parliament, in the 
 years 1768 and 1769, by Mr. Hutchinson the governor, and 
 Mr. Oliver the chief justice of the province. 
 
 The existence o-f these letters was communicated to Dr. 
 Franklin, who at that time resided in England, by a gentleman 
 of his acquaintance, with the assurance that they contained 
 statements calculated to prejudice the ministry and parlia- 
 ment against the people of Massachusetts, and to widen the 
 breach between the two countries ; and that they moreover 
 recommended the employment of force to reduce the colonies 
 to order and obedience. 
 
 The letters were, at length, shown by this gentleman to Dr- 
 Franklin, who obtained copies of them to be sent to America, 
 only upon the express condition, that they should be confi- 
 dentially shown to a few, and should not be again copied. 
 
 On their arrival in America, they were confidentially shown 
 to the " few ;" but it was scarcely possible that they should not 
 be made the subject of conversation. By some means, the 
 existence of such letters became known, beyond the original 
 intention; and so intense was the curiosity excited by tlie 
 subject, that on the 2d of June, 1773, some of them were com- 
 municated by Samuel Adams to tlie assembly of Massachusetts, 
 
48 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 then sitting with closed doors, under the restriction that they 
 should not be copied or published. 
 
 Notwithstanding- the above restrictions, the contents of the 
 letters were so extraordinary and so fully evidential of a design 
 to subvert the constitution of the province by the introduc- 
 tion of arbitrary power, that the house, upon further delibera- 
 tion, directed the whole to be published. They were induced 
 U) this course, by the fact, that several copies had got into 
 circulation, from which it might be inferred, that the consent 
 of the original owner had been obtained for that purpose. 
 
 The letters contained exaggerated statements and delibe- 
 I'ate misrepresentations of occurrences in the colony, and 
 recommended an alteration of the charter of Massachusetts, 
 together with the institution of an oi'der of patricians. They 
 even hinted at the expediency of " taking off some of the 
 wriglnal incendiaries.'''' 
 
 The governor, unable to deny his own signature, presented 
 tlie poor excuse that they were " confidential letters," and 
 were written without any such object as was ascribed to them. 
 But now, " proof was heaped upon the shoulders of demon- 
 .stration," that Hutchinson, Oliver, and their adherents, had 
 attempted to alienate the affections of the king and ministry 
 from the colonics. The house of representatives, in an address 
 to tlie king, broadly asserted this fact ; and solicited, though 
 in vain, that Hutchinson and Oliver might be removed from 
 their places forever. 
 
 During these transactions in America, a plan Avas devising 
 by tlie British ministry, to introduce tea into the colonies. 
 The duty on this article, as already noticed, had been re- 
 tained, for tlie purpose of maintaining the supremacy of pap- 
 Iian>ent, and its right to impose taxes. Little of the article, 
 however, had been imported into the country from Great 
 Britain ; the people having firmly resolved not to submit to 
 the payment of the duty. In consequence of a strict adhe- 
 rence to this resolution, the teas of the East India Company 
 had accumulated in their warehouses ; and legislative aid 
 became necessary to relieve them of their embarrassments. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 49 
 
 In 1773, tlie minister introduced a bill into parliament, 
 allowing the company to export their teas to America, with a 
 drawback of all the duties paid in England. By this regula- 
 tion, tea would in fact become cheaper in America than in 
 Great Britain, and it was expected that this consideration 
 would induce the Americans to pay the small duty upon it. 
 
 On the passage of this bill, the company made a shipment of 
 large quantities of tea to Charleston, Philadelphia, New-York, 
 and Boston. Before its arrival, the resolution had been formed 
 by the inhabitants of those places, that, if possible, it should 
 not even be landed. That cargo destined for Charleston Avas, 
 indeed, landed and stored ; but was not permitted to be ofier- 
 ed for sale. The vessels which brought tea to Philadelphia 
 and New-York, were compelled to return to England with 
 tlieir cargoes, without even haying made an entry at the cus- 
 tom-house. 
 
 It was designed by the leading patriots of Boston to make 
 a similar disposition of the cargoes which were expected at 
 that place ; but on its arrival, the consignees were found to be 
 the relations, or friends, of the governor, and they could not 
 be induced to resign their trust. Several town meetings were 
 held on the subject, and spirited resolutions passed, that no 
 considerations would induce the inhabitants to permit the 
 landing of the tea. Orders were at the same time given to the 
 captains to obtain clearances at the custom-house, without the 
 usual entries ; but this the collector pertinaciously refused. 
 
 It was in this state of things, that the citizens of Boston 
 again assembled, to determine what measures to adopt. Du- 
 ring the discussions had on the posture -of affairs, and while 
 a captain of a vessel was gone to wait upon the governor, for 
 the last time, to request a passport, Josiah Quincy, Jun. rose, and 
 addressed the assembly in the following eloquent style : " It is 
 not the spirit that vapours within these walls, that must stand 
 us in stead. The exertions of tliis day will call forth events, 
 which will make a very different spirit necessary for our sal- 
 vation. Look to ihe end. Whoever supposes, that shouts 
 and hosannas will terminate the trials of the day, entertains a 
 childish fancy. We must be grossly ignorant of the impor- 
 Ci 5 
 
50 ^ INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tance and value of the prize, for which we contend ; we musl 
 be equally ignorant of the powers of those who have com- 
 bined against us ; we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy 
 and insatiable revenge, which actuate our enemies, public and 
 private, abroad and in our bosoms, to hope we shall end this 
 controversy without the sharpest, sharpest conflicts ; to flatter 
 ourselves, that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular 
 acclamations, and popular vapour, will vanquish our fears. 
 Let us consider the issue. Let us look to the end. Let us 
 weigh and consider, before we advance to those measures which 
 must bring on the most trying and terrible struggle this 
 country ever saw." 
 
 The captain of the vessel at length returned, to say that 
 the governor refused the requested passport. The meeting 
 was immediately dissolved. A secret plan had been formed 
 to mingle the tea with the waters of the ocean. Three dif- 
 ferent parties soon after sallied out, in the costume of Mo- 
 hawk Indians, and precipitately made their way to the wharves. 
 
 At the same time, the citizens were seen in crowds direct- 
 ino- their course to the same place, to become spectators of a 
 scene, as novel as the enterprise was bold. Without noise, 
 without the tumult usual on similar occasions, the tea was 
 taken from the vessel, by the conspirators, and expeditiously 
 offered as an oblation " to the watery God." 
 
 Nothing could exceed the surprise of the British ministry, 
 on learning the issue of their plan to introduce tea into the 
 colonies. Their indignation was particularly severe against the 
 inhabitants of Boston, for their " violent and outrageous con- 
 duct." In the following March, 17T4, the whole affair was 
 presented to parliament by Lord North, and a determination 
 was formed to punish both the citizens of Boston, and the in* 
 habitants of the colony. 
 
 Accordingly, a bill was soon introduced into the house of com- 
 mons, usually called the " Boston port bill" which prohibited 
 the landing or shipping of any goods at that port, after the 
 first of June following. By a second act, which followed, the 
 charter of the colony was so altered, as to make the appoint" 
 ment of the council, justices, judges, sherifls, and even jurors, 
 
INTRODUCTION. 51 
 
 dependent upon the king or his agent ; and restraining all 
 town meetings, except the annual meeting, without leave of 
 tlie governor in writing, with a statement of the special busi- 
 ness of the meeting. To these enactments a third was added, 
 authorising the governor, with the advice of the council, to 
 send any person for trial to any other colony, or to Great 
 Britain, who should be informed against, or indicted for any 
 act done in violation of tlie laws oi the revenue. 
 
 On the arrival of the Boston port bill, which was brought 
 over by a new governor. General Gage, the citizens of Bos- 
 ton, in an assembly wliich was convened to consider the sub- 
 ject, declared, " that tlie ii/ipolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and 
 cruelty of the act, exceeded all their powers of expression ; 
 and, therefore," said they, " we leave it to the consciences of 
 others, and appeal to God and the world." — At the same time 
 they adopted the following resolution : " That if the other 
 colonics come into a joint resolution to stop all importations 
 from, and exportations to Great Britain, and every part of the 
 West Indies, till the act be repealed, the same would prove 
 the salvation of North America and her liberties." 
 
 Copies of these proceedings were immediately circulated 
 tlirough the colonics. A universal sympathy for the inhabi- 
 tants of Boston was expressed. In Virginia, this sympathy 
 was manifested by the house of burgesses, in tlie observance 
 of the 1st of June, the day the port of Boston was to be 
 shut, as a "day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer." 
 
 Arrangements having been made for the meeting of the 
 second continental congress, on the 5th of September, 1774, 
 tliat body assembled at Pliiladelphia. All the colonies were 
 represented, except Georgia. Peyton Randol])h, a delegate 
 from Virginia, was elected president, and Charles Thompson, 
 a citizen of rhiladelphia, was chosen secretary. 
 
 The attention of tliis celebrated congress was at an early 
 date turned towards the province of Massachusetts, and the 
 city of Boston ; and tlie following resolutions were adopted, 
 expressive of the sympathy they felt for that colony, in its dis- 
 tress, and the high sense which the congress entertained of 
 the wisdom and fortitude which the colony exhibited. " This 
 
63 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 assembly deeply feels the sufferings of their countrymen in the 
 Massachusetts Bay, under the operation of the late unjust, 
 cruel, and oppressive acts of the British parliament ; at the 
 same time, they most thoroughly approve the wisdom and for- 
 titude with which opposition to these wicked ministerial 
 measures has hitherto been conducted ; and they earnestly 
 recommend to their brethren a persevex'ance in the same firm 
 and temperate conduct, trusting that the effect of the united 
 efforts of North America, in their behalf, will carry such con- 
 viction to the British nation, of the unwise, unjust, and ruinous 
 policy of the present administration, as quickly to introduce 
 better men and wiser measures." 
 
 Congress further addressed a letter to General Gage, ear- 
 nestly praying him to put a stop to the hostile preparations 
 which he had commenced, especially the fortifications around 
 Boston, as the surest means of maintaining public tranquillity 
 in that quarter, and preventing the horrors of a civil war. 
 At the same time, they urged upon the citizens of that town all 
 the forbearance within their power; that they should " conduct 
 themselves peaceably towards his excellency. General Gage, 
 and his majesty's troops stationed in Boston, as far as could 
 possibly be consistent with the immediate safety and security 
 of the town." 
 
 Congress next proceeded to publish a declaration of rights. 
 These rights were set forth in the following articles : 
 
 " 1. That they are entitled to life, liberty, and property ; 
 and they have never ceded to any foreign power whatever, a 
 right to dispose of either, without their consent. 
 
 "2. That our ancestors, who first settled these colonies, 
 were, at the time of their emigration from their mother coun- 
 try, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free 
 and natural born subjects within the realm of England. 
 
 " 3. That by such emigration, they by no means forfeited, 
 surrendered, or lost any of those rights, but that they were, 
 and their descendants now are, entitled to the exercise and 
 enjoyment of such of them, as their local and other circum- 
 stances enable them to exercise and enjoy. 
 
 " 4. That the foundation of English liberty, and of all free 
 
INTRODUCTION. 53 
 
 governments, is a right in the people to participate in their 
 legislative council ; and as the English colonists are not re- 
 presented, and, from their local and other circumstances, can- 
 not properly be represented in the British parliament, they 
 are entitled to as free and exclusive power of legislation, in 
 their several provincial legislatures, where their right of rep- 
 resentation can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation 
 (uid internal policy, subject only to the negative of their sove- 
 reign, in such a manner as has been heretofore used and ac- 
 customed. But from the necessity of the case, and a regard 
 to the mutual interest of both countries, we cheerfully consent 
 to the operation of such acts of the British parliament as are 
 bona fide restrained to the regulation of our extei-nal com- 
 merce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advanta- 
 ges of the whole empire to the mother country, and the com- 
 mercial benefits of its respective members; excluding every 
 idea of taxation, int-ernal or external, for raising a revenue, on 
 the subjects in America, without their consent. 
 
 " 5. That the respective colonies are entitled to the com- 
 mon law of England, and more especially, to the great and 
 inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the 
 vicinit)-, according to the course of that law. 
 
 "G. That they are entitled to the benefit of such of the 
 English statutes as existed at the time of their colonization ; 
 and which they have by experience respectfully found to be 
 applicable to their several local and other circumstances. 
 
 " 7. That these his majesty's colonies, are likewise entitled 
 to all the immunities and privileges, granted and confirmed 
 to them by royal cliarters, or secured by their several codes 
 of provincial laws. 
 
 " 8. That they have a right peaceably to assemble, con- 
 sider of their grievances, and petition the king ; and all prose- 
 cutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for the 
 same, are illegal. 
 
 " 9. That the keeping a standing army in these colonies in 
 times of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that 
 colony, in which such an army is kept, is against law. 
 
 " 10. It is indispensably necessary to good government, 
 
54 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 rendered essential by the English constitution, that the con ■ 
 stituent branches of the legislature be independent of each 
 other ; that, therefore, the exercise of legislative power, in 
 several colonies, by a council appointed during pleasure by 
 the crown, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to 
 the freedom of American legislation." 
 
 In relation to the above particulars, they expressed them- 
 selves in the following language : 
 
 "AH and each of which, the aforesaid deputies, in behalf of 
 themselves and their constituents, do claim, demand, and in- 
 sist on, as their indubitable rights and liberties, which cannot 
 be legally taken from them, altered, or abridged, by any power 
 whatever, without their consent by their representatives in 
 their several provincial legislatures." 
 
 It was also deemed of importance to adopt measures to stop 
 commercial intercourse with Great Britain. An agreement 
 was, therefore, entered into, to suspend all importation of 
 merchandise from Great Britain and its dependencies, from 
 the 1st of December, 1774; and, unless the wrongs of which 
 the Americans complained should be redressed, to suspend 
 in like manner all exportation from the 10th of September, 
 1775, with the single exception of rice. 
 
 At the same time it was urged upon the colonies to adopt 
 a system of rigid economy ; to encourage industry, and to 
 promote agriculture, arts, and manufactures, and especially 
 the manufacture of wool. 
 
 Having attended to these important concerns, congress 
 closed their session on the 26th of October, after adopting 
 addresses to the people of Great Britain, to the king, and to 
 the French inhabitants of Canada. 
 
 The congress which then terminated its session, has justly 
 been celebrated from that time to the present, and its celebrity 
 will continue while wisdom finds admirers, and patriotism is 
 regarded with veneration. The tone and temper of their vai-ious 
 resolutions, the style of their addresses, and the composition 
 of the several public papers, contributed, in every particular, 
 to excite the admiration of the world. Born and educated 
 in the wilds of a new world, unpractised in the arts of polity. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 55 
 
 most of them unexperienced in the arduous duties of legisla- 
 tion, dill'ering in religion, manners, customs, and habits, as they 
 did in their views of the nature of their connexion with Great 
 Britain; — that such an assembly, so constituted, should di^ 
 play so much wisdom, sagacity, foresight, and knowledge of 
 tlie world; such skill in argument; such force of reasoning; 
 such firmness and soundness of judgment; so profound an ac- 
 quaintance with the rights of men; such genuine patriotism; 
 and, above all, such unexampled union of opinion, was indeed 
 a political phenomenon to which history has furnished no 
 parallel.* Both at home and abroad, they were spoken of in 
 terms of the highest admiration. Abroad, the Earl of Chat- 
 ham, in one of his brilliant speeches, remarked of them : — 
 " History, my lords, has been my favourite study, and in tlie 
 celebrated writings of antiquity have I often admired the 
 patriotism of Greece and Rome ; but, my lords, I must declare 
 and avow, that in the master tales of the world, I know not 
 the people, or the senate, who, in such a complication of diffi- 
 cult circumstances, can stand in preference to the delegates 
 o£ America assembled in general congress at Philadelphia." 
 At home, they were celebrated by a native and popular bard,t 
 in an equally elevated strain: 
 
 " Now meet the fathers of this western clime ; 
 
 Nor names more noble graced the rolls of fame. 
 
 When Spartan firmness braved tlie wrecks of time^ 
 
 Or Rome's bold virtues fann'd the heroic flame. 
 
 Not deeper thought the immortal sage inspired, 
 
 On Solon's lips when Grecian senates hung ; 
 Nor manlier eloquence the bosom fired, 
 
 When genius thundered from the Athenian tongue." 
 
 While this congress were in session, nearly all the colonies 
 had taken measures to call provincial assemblies, for the pui»- 
 posc of better securing their ancient rights of government. 
 In Massachusetts, the people had determined to hold a pro 
 vincial congress on the 15th of October, which induced Gene* 
 ral Gage, witJi a view to prevent the intended meeting, to 
 
 * Allen. t M'FingaL 
 
56 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 convoke the general court of the province at Salem, on the 
 5th of the same month. Before the arrival of this latter day, 
 however, he issued his proclamation, forbidding that assembly. 
 The members, nevertheless, convened on the appointed day, 
 and adjourned to Concord, where, after electing John Han- 
 cock for their president, they further adjourned to meet at 
 Cambridge, on the 17lh instant. At the latter place, they 
 proceeded to exercise the powers of government, and to take 
 the necessary measures for placing the province in a state of 
 defence. They appointed a committee of safety, and a com- 
 mittee of supplies. One fourth of the militia were ordered to 
 be enlisted as minute 7nen, to be frequently di'illed, and held 
 in readiness for service at a minute's warning. 
 
 In other colonies also, before the close of the year, the 
 note of preparation was heard. The horizon every day be- 
 came more lowering ; and as its darkness thickened, the 
 activity and vigilance of the colonists increased. 
 
 The British parliament met on the 29th of November. 
 The moderation evinced by the congress at Philadelphia had 
 encouraged the mass of the American people to hope, that 
 on the meeting of that body, conciliatory measures would be 
 adopted, so as to restore peace and harmony between the two 
 countries. Similar sentiments were entertained by the 
 friends of America, in England. They saw nothing in the 
 proceedings of the American congress, in their resolutions, 
 manifestoes, or addresses, to which an Englishman, proud of 
 his birthright, could justly object. It now remained with the 
 British government to adopt a plan of reconciliation, or to 
 lose the affections of the colonies forever. 
 
 The tone of his majesty's speech, on the opening of the 
 session, was unexpectedly lofty, and gave little encourage- 
 ment to the hopes of reconciliation. After alluding to th^ 
 spirit of disobedience which was abroad in his American 
 colonics, and to the daring resistance to law which charac- 
 terized the people of Massachusetts, he informed parliament 
 of his firm determination to resist every attempt to impair the 
 supreme authority of parliament, throughout the dominions 
 of the crown. 
 
IXTRODtCTIOX. 57 
 
 To the mind of Lord Chatham, no object, at this time, 
 seemed more important, than the restoration of peace between 
 the two countries. The period had arrived, when a reconci- 
 liation must take place, if ever such an event couhl be effected. 
 Hence, on the assembUngof parUament, after the usual recess, 
 January 20th, 1775, when the minister had laid the papers 
 relating to America before the house. Lord Chatham rose, and 
 moved, " that an humble address be presented to his majesty, 
 to direct the removal of his majesty's troops from Boston, in 
 order to open the way towards a settlement of the dangcroits 
 troubles in America." 
 
 " My lords," says Chatham, " these papers from America, 
 now laid by the administration for the first time before your 
 lordships, have been, to my knowledge, five or six weeks in 
 tlie pocket of the minister. And notwithstanding the fate of 
 this kingdom hangs upon the event of this great controversy, 
 ^ve are but this moment called to a consideration of this im- 
 portant subject. 
 
 " My lords, I do not wish to look into one of these papers. 
 I know their contents, well enough, already. I know, that 
 tlicre is not a member in this house, but is acquainted with 
 tlieir purport, also. There ought, therefore, to be no delay 
 fn entering upon this matter. Wc ought to proceed to it im- 
 mediately. We ought to seize the first moment to open the 
 door of reconciliation. The Americans will never be in a 
 temper or state to be reconciled — they ought not to be — till 
 the troops are withdrawn. The troops are a perpetual irrita- 
 tion to those people ; they are a bar to all confidence, and all 
 cordial reconcilement. 
 
 " The way,"' he said, " must be immediately opened for 
 reconciliation. It will soon be too late. I know not who 
 advised the present measures ; I know not who advises to 
 a perseverance and enforcement of them ; but this I will say, 
 that whoever advises them, ought to answer for it at his 
 utmost peril. 1 know that no one will avow that he advised, 
 or that he was the author of these measures ; every one shrinks 
 from the charge. But somebody has advised his majesty to 
 these measures, and if he continues to hear such evil coim- 
 II 
 
68 INfRODUCTIOK. 
 
 sellers, his majesty will be undone. His majesty may, indeed^ 
 wear his crown, but the American jewel out of it, it will not 
 be worth the wearing. What more shall I say ? I must 
 not say, the king is betrayed ; but this I will say, the nation 
 is ruined. What foundation have we for our claims over 
 America ? What is our right to persist in such cruel and 
 vindictive measures, against that loyal, respectable people ? 
 
 " My lords, deeply impressed with the importance of 
 taking some healing measures, at this most alarming, dis- 
 tracted state of our affairs, though bowed down with a cruel 
 disease, I have crawled to this house, to give you my best 
 counsel and experience : and my advice is, to beseech his 
 majesty to withdraw his troops. This is the best I can think 
 of. It will convince America, that you mean to try her cause, 
 in the spirit, and by the laws of freedom and fair inquiry, and 
 not by codes of blood. How can she now trust you, with 
 the bayonet at her breast ? She has all the reason in the 
 world, now, to believe you mean her death or bondage. 
 Thus entered on the threshold of this business, I will knock 
 at your gates for justice, without ceasing, unless inveterate 
 infirmities stay my hand. My lords, I pledge myself never 
 to leave this business. I will pursue it to the end in every 
 shape. I will never fail of my attendance on it, at every step 
 and period of this great matter, unless nailed down to my 
 bed by the severity of disease. My lords, there is no time 
 to be lost ; every moment is big with dangers. Nay, while 
 I am now speaking, the decisive blow may be struck, and 
 millions involved in the consequences. The very first drop 
 of blood will make a wound, that will not easily be skinned 
 over. Years, perhaps ages, will not heal it : it will be im- 
 medicahile vtdnus : a wound of that rancorous, malignant, 
 corroding, festering nature, that in all probability, it will 
 mortify the whole body. Let us then, my lords, set to this 
 business in earnest ! not take it up by bits and scraps, as 
 formerly, just as exigencies pressed, without any regard to 
 general relations, connexions, and dependencies. I would 
 not, by any thing I have said, my lords, be thought to encou- 
 rage America to proceed beyond the right line. I reprobate 
 
INTRODUCTION. 59 
 
 all acts of violence by her mobility. But when her inherent 
 constitutional rights are invaded, those rights she has an equita- 
 ble claim to enjoy by the fundamental laws of the English con- 
 stitution, and which are engrafted thereon by the unalterable 
 laws of nature ; then I own myself an American, and feeling my- 
 self such, shall to the verge of my life vindicate those rights 
 against all men, who strive to trample upon, or oppose them." 
 
 This motion of Lord Chatham, offered not less from a re- 
 gard to the welfare of England, than from a conviction of her 
 impolitic and cruel oppression of the colonists,— and sup- 
 ported by all the eloquence of which that distinguished ora- 
 tor was master, was, nevertheless, rejected by a large majori- 
 ty. Although thus defeated, he was still determined, if pos- 
 sible, to save his country from the evils which his prophetic 
 glance saw in certain prospect, unless they should be timely 
 averted. Hence, shortly afterwards, he introduced into par- 
 liament his conciliatory bill. While this bill maintained the 
 dependence of the colonies upon the imperial crown, and the 
 right of parliament to make laws to bind them in all case», 
 touching the general interests of the British empire, it declared 
 that that body had no right to tax the colonies without their 
 consent. 
 
 To such a proposition the ministry were not prepared to 
 listen. They were determined to admit no bill, which had 
 for its object the relinquishment of any of their favourite doc- 
 trines, or which, by implication, should impeach the wisdom 
 or justice of the course they had pursued. Nay, they had 
 now formed their plan, and were prepared to announce it. 
 Coercion was to be their motto, until, in the spirit of sub- 
 mission, America should lay herself down at their feet. 
 
 In accordance with the above declaration, a bill was soon 
 after passed by the parliament, restricting the trade of the 
 colonies of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New-Hampshire, and 
 Rhode Island, to Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, 
 and prohibiting their carrying on any fisheries on the banks of 
 Newfoundland, and other places for a limited time. The 
 eame restrictions were soon after extended to all the colo- 
 Qies, represented in the congress at Philadelphia, with Hie 
 
60 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 exception of New- York and North Carolina. By these re 
 strictions, it was thought to starve the colonies into obedi- 
 ence and submission, from a mistaken apprehension thai 
 the people were dependent upon the fisheries for their sup- 
 port. 
 
 It was a general understanding among the colonists, thai 
 hostilities should not be commenced by them. It Avas, indeed» 
 apparent, that the day of blood was not far distant, but thai 
 blood was to be first shed by the hands of the English. In 
 the mean time, they were not inactive in the work of prepa- 
 ration. The munitions of war were collected and stored al 
 different points, as necessity and safety seemed to require. 
 Among the places of deposite in Massachusetts, were Wor- 
 cester and Concord, and thither considerable stores of arms 
 and provisions had been conveyed. 
 
 In the mean time, the vigilance of General Gage was not 
 abated. Excited by the loyalists, Avho had persuaded him 
 that he would find no resistance from the cowardice of the 
 patriots, he resolved to send a few companies to Concord, 
 in a secret manner, to seize the military stores deposited 
 there ; and either to transport them to Boston, or to destroy 
 tliem. Accordingly, on the evening of the 18th of April, 1775, 
 a detachment moved from Boston for this purpose, and the 
 next day occurred the memorable battle of Lexington, in 
 which the British were the aggressors, by first firing on the 
 militia collected at that place. 
 
 The details of this opening scene of the revolutionary war 
 ai-e too well known, to require a recital in this place. Re- 
 pulsed, harassed, and fatigued, the British, with no inconsi- 
 derable loss, returned to Boston, after having accomplished 
 their object. 
 
 The provincial congress of Massachusetts was, at this time, 
 in session at Watertown, ten rniles distant from Boston. They 
 immediately resolved that a levy of thirteen thousand men 
 should be made. At the same time, the treasurer Avas directed 
 to borrow 100,000Z. for the use of the province ; and they de- 
 clared the citizens Avere absolved from all obligations of obe- 
 dience to Governor Gage. As the ncAvs of the battle of 
 
INTRODUCTION. (3| 
 
 Lexington spread round the country, a universal ardour in- 
 flamed the minds of the inhabitants ; and shortly after, were 
 assembled, in the neighbourhood of Boston, thi'rty thousand 
 men, ready, should occasion require, to do justice to them- 
 selves and their country. 
 
 In this critical state of public aflliirs, congress again assem- 
 bled at Philadcl,,hia, on the 10th of May. An official account 
 of the late aggressions of his majesty's troops in Massachu- 
 setts, was soon after laid before them ; upon which it was 
 unanimously resolved to place the colonies in a state of de- 
 fence. To the colony of New-York, which had solicited the 
 advice and direction of congress, in anticipation of the speedy 
 arrival of foreign troops, they recommended a course of action 
 entirely on the defensive. They were, however, advised to 
 remove all military stores, and to provide a place of re- 
 treat for their women and children ; to hold themselves in 
 readmcss for the protection of the city; and, in the event of 
 hostiUties, to meet the enemy with promptness and decision. 
 To some of the members of congress, it appeared desirable 
 to make yet another attempt at reconciliation with the British 
 government. Justice, indeed, required no such advance ; and 
 by many the measure was considered only as a work of supe- 
 rerogation. They were willing, however, while raisin^r the 
 sword with one hand, to extend the olive branch with the 
 other : and, though driven to the necessity of forcibly vindi- 
 cating their rights, they were still disposed to secure them, 
 if possible, by a firm remonstrance. Yielding, therefore, to 
 the pacific wishes of several members, they prepared an ad- 
 dress to the king, by way of solemn appeal, and a second ad. 
 dress to the people of Great Britain. 
 
 Towards the king, they yet used the language of loyalty 
 and affection ; and assured him, notwithstanding the injuries 
 they had sustained, and the grievous oppressions under which 
 they were suffering, they still wished for peace ; and if re- 
 dressed in respect to their Avrongs, and secured in the just 
 rights of subjects, they would manifest towards him all the 
 aflection and devotion which a sovereign could require. 
 In their address to the inhabitants of Great Britain, after 
 
 G 
 
63 IXTRODUCTION. 
 
 recapitulating former injuries, and stating more recent acts of 
 hostility, they ask : " Can the descendants of Britain tamely 
 submit to this ? No, we never will ; while we revere the me- 
 mory of our gallant and virtuous ancestors, we never can sur- 
 render those glorious privileges for which they fought, bled, 
 and conquered. Admit that your fleets and ai-mies can destroy 
 our towns, and ravage our coasts : these are inconsiderable 
 objects, things of no moment, to men whose bosoms glow 
 with the ardour of liberty. We can retire beyond the reach 
 of your navy, and, without any sensible diminution of the 
 necessaries of life, enjoy a luxury which, from that period, you 
 will want — the luxury of being free." They again repel the 
 charge of aiming at independence : 
 
 " Our enemies," say they, " charge us with sedition. In 
 what does it consist ? In our refusal to submit to unwarrant- 
 able acts of injustice and cruelty 1 If so, show us a period in 
 your history in which you have not been equally seditious. 
 
 "We are accused of aiming at independence ; but how is 
 this accusation supported ? By the allegations of your minis- 
 ters, not by our actions. Abused, insulted, and contemned, 
 what steps have we pursued to obtain redress ? We have 
 carried our dutiful petitions to the throne. We have applied 
 to your justice for relief. We have retrenched our luxury, 
 and withheld our trade. 
 
 " The advantiiges of our commerce Avere designed as a com- 
 pensation for your protection : when you ceased to protect, 
 for what were we to compensate ? 
 
 " What has been the success of our endeavours ? The cle- 
 mency of our sovereign is unhappily diverted ; our petitions 
 are treated with indignity ; our prayers answered by insults. 
 Our application to you remains unnoticed, and leaves us the 
 melancholy apprehension of your Avanting cither the will, or 
 the power, to assist us." 
 
 After reminding them, that the loss of liberty in America 
 would only be a prelude to its loss in Great Britain, they con- 
 clude : " A cloud hangs over your head and ours ; ere this 
 reaches you, it may probably burst upon us ; let us then, (be- 
 fore the remembrance of former kindness is obliterated,) once 
 
INTRODUCTION. 63 
 
 more repeat these appellations, which are ever grateful to our 
 ears ; let us entreat heaven to avert our ruin, and the destruc- 
 tion that threatens our friends, brethren, and countrymen, on 
 the other side of the Atlantic." 
 
 Having thus done all which the most scrupulous conscience 
 could demand, congress proceeded to adopt measures to place 
 the country in a proper attitude of defence, by organizing an 
 army, and ai)pointing the necessary military officers. On the 
 15th of June, George Washington, by the united voice of 
 congress, was appointed commander-in-chief of the army 
 then raised, or to be raised, for the defence of American li- 
 berty. 
 
 Washington was, at that time, a member of congress, and 
 in a measure prepared to decide on the important question of 
 acceptance. On the day following, he appeared in the house, 
 and, standing in his place, said, that he thanked congress for 
 the honour they had conferred upon him ; but that he felt 
 great distress, from a consciousness that his abilities and mi- 
 Iitary experience were not equal to the extensive and impor- 
 tant trust ; "however, as the congress desire it, I will enter 
 tipon the momentous duty, and exert every power I possess 
 in their service, and for the support of the glorious cause. I 
 beg they will accept my most cordial thanks for this distin- 
 guished testimony of their approbation. 
 
 " But lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavourable 
 to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every gen- 
 tleman in the room, that I this day declare, with the utmost 
 sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am 
 honoured with. 
 
 " As to pay, sir, I beg leave to assure the congress, that as 
 no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept 
 this arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic ease 
 and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it; I will 
 keep an exact account of my expenses. These, I doubt not, 
 they will discharge, and that is all I desire." 
 
 During the winter of 1776, the subject of a Declaration 
 OF Independence, occupied the attention of many men in 
 all parts of the country. The ablest pens also were employed 
 
64 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 on this momentous subject. The propriety and necessity of 
 the measure was enforced in the numerous gazettes, and in 
 pamphlets. Among the latter, Common Sense, from the 
 popular pen of Thomas Paine, produced a wonderful effect 
 in the different colonies in favour of independence. Influen- 
 tial individuals urged it as a step absolutely necessary to pre- 
 serve the rights and liberties of America, and effectually 
 secure her happiness and prosperity. 
 
 In the ensuing spring, several of the colonies, by means of 
 their assemblies, expressed their sentiments in favour of in- 
 dependence, and instructed their delegates in the general con- 
 gress to propose to that respectable body, to declare the 
 united colonies free and independent states. 
 
 On the seventh of June, Richard Henry Lee, one of the 
 delegates from Virginia, brought the great question of indepen- 
 dence before the house, by submitting the following resolu- 
 tion : " That these united colonies are, and of right ought to 
 be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved from 
 all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political con- 
 nexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and 
 ought to be, totally dissolved." 
 
 This resolution was postponed until the next day, when it 
 was debated in committee of the whole. On the 10th, it was 
 adopted by a bare majority of the colonies. To give time for 
 greater unanimity, the resolution was postponed in the house, , 
 until the first of Jvdy. In the mean time, a committee, consist- 
 ing of Mr. Jefferson, John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Sher- 
 man, and R. R. Livingston, was appointed to prepare a 
 declaration of independence. The committee thus appointed, 
 selected Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson, as a sub-committee. 
 The draft made by Mr. Jefferson, was the one reported to 
 congress. It was discussed on the second, and third, and 
 fourth days of the month, in committee of the whole ; and on 
 the last of those days, being reported from that committee, it 
 received the final approbation and sanction of congress. It 
 was ordered at the same time, that copies be sent to the seve- 
 ral states, and that it be proclaimed at the head of the army. 
 The declaration thus published, did not bear the names of the 
 
INTRODUCTION. 65 
 
 members, for as yet it had not been signed by them. It was 
 authenticated, hke other papers of the congress, by the signa- 
 tures of the president and secretary. On the 19th of July, 
 as appears by the secret journal, congress " Resolved, That 
 the declaration, passed on the fourth, be fairly engrossed on 
 parchment, with the title and style of 'The unanimous decla- 
 ration of the thirteen United States of America ;' and that the 
 same, when engrossed, be signed by every member of con- 
 gress." And on the second day of August following, the 
 declaration being engrossed and compared at the table, was 
 signed by the members. 
 
 The declaration thus adopted, and which gave birth to a 
 new empire, was as follows : 
 
 "When, in the course of human events, it becomes ne- 
 cessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which 
 have connected them with another, and to assume, among 
 the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to 
 which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, 
 a decent respect to the opinions of mankind, recjuires that 
 they should declare the causes which impel them to the 
 separation. 
 
 " We hold these truths to be self-evident : — that all men 
 are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator 
 with certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, 
 liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these 
 rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their 
 just powers from the consent of the governed ; that when- 
 ever any form of government becomes destructive of these 
 ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and 
 to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such 
 principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to 
 them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happi- 
 ness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long 
 estabhshed should not be changed for light and transient 
 causes ; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that 
 mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are suffera- 
 I 6* 
 
66 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ble, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which 
 they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and 
 usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a 
 design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their 
 right, it is their duty, to throw olf such government, and to 
 provide new guards for their future security. Such has 
 been the patient sufferance of these colonies ; and such is 
 now the necessity which constrains them to alter their 
 former systems of government- The history of the present 
 king of Great Britain, is a history of repeated injuries and 
 usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of 
 an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let 
 facts be submitted to a candid world. 
 
 " He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome 
 and necessary for the public good. 
 
 "He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate 
 and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation, 
 till his assent should be obtained ; and when so suspended, 
 he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused 
 to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts 
 of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of 
 representation in the legislature — a right inestimable to them, 
 and formidable to tyrants only. 
 
 "He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, 
 uncomfortable, and distant from the repository of their pub- 
 lic records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into com- 
 pliance with his measures. 
 
 " He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for 
 opposing, with manly tirmness, his invasions on the rights of 
 the people. 
 
 " He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to 
 cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, 
 incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at 
 large, for their exercise, the state remaining, in the mean 
 time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, 
 and convulsions within. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 67 
 
 " He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these 
 states, for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturaliza- 
 tion of foreigners ; refusing to pass others to encourage their 
 migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropria- 
 tions of lands. 
 
 " He has obstructed the administration of justice, by re- 
 fusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. 
 
 " He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the 
 tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their 
 salaries. 
 
 " He has erected a multitude of new offices ; and sent 
 hither swarms of officers, to harass our people, and eat out 
 their substance. 
 
 " He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing ar- 
 mies, without the consent of our legislatures. 
 
 " He has aftected to render the military independent of, 
 and su})erior to, the civil power. 
 
 " He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdic- 
 tion foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by 
 our laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legis- 
 lation : 
 
 " For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : 
 
 " For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment 
 for any murders which they should commit on the inhabi- 
 tants of these states : 
 
 " For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world : 
 
 " For imposing taxes on us without our consent : 
 
 " For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial 
 by jury : 
 
 " For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretend- 
 ed oflfences : 
 
 " For abolishing the free system of English laws in a 
 neighbouring province, establishing therein an arbitrary go- 
 vernment, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at 
 once an example and lit instrument for introducing the same 
 absolute riUe into these colonics : 
 
^ INTRODUCTION, 
 
 "For taking away our charters, abolishing our most 
 valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our 
 governments : 
 
 "For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring 
 themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases 
 whatsoever. 
 
 " He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out 
 of his protection, and waging war against us. 
 
 " He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt 
 our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 
 
 " He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign 
 mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and 
 tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and 
 perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and 
 totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 
 
 " He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on 
 the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become 
 the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall 
 themselves by their hands. 
 
 " He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and 
 has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers 
 the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare 
 is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and con- 
 ditions. 
 
 " In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned 
 for redress in the most humble terms : our repeated petitions 
 have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, 
 whose character is thus marked by every act which may 
 defnie a tyrant, is unht to be the ruler of a free people. 
 
 " Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British 
 brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, 
 of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable 
 jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the cir- 
 cumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We 
 have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and 
 we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred 
 
INTRODUCTION. 69 
 
 to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably inter- 
 rupt our connexions and correspondence. They too have 
 been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We 
 must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denoimces 
 our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of man- 
 kind — enemies in war, in peace friends. 
 
 ** We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of 
 Ameiica, m general congress assembled, appealing to the 
 Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our inten- 
 tions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good peo- 
 ple of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that 
 these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and 
 independent states ; that they are absolved from all alle- 
 giance to the British crown, and that all political connexion 
 between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to 
 be, totally dissolved ; .and that, as free and independent 
 states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, 
 contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other 
 acts and things, which independent states may of right do. 
 And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance 
 on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge 
 to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred 
 honour." 
 
J/J.7fiu7i XFilbrow $c. 
 
THE 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 John Hancock, 
 Samuel Adams, 
 John Adams, 
 Robert Treat Paine, 
 Elbridge Gerrv. 
 
 JOHN HANCOCK. 
 
 The events leading to the declaration of independence, 
 which have been rapidly passed in review, in the preceding 
 pages, have brought us to the more particular notice of those 
 distinguished men, who signed their names to that instrument, 
 and thus identified themselves with the glory of this Ameri- 
 can republic. 
 
 If the world has seldom witnessed a train of events of a 
 more novel and interesting character, than those which led 
 to the declaration of American independence, it has, perhaps, 
 never seen a body of men, placed in a more difficult and res- 
 ponsible situation, than were the signers of that instrument. 
 And certainly, the world has never witnessed a more brilliant 
 exhibition of political wisdom, or a brighter example of firm- 
 ness and courage. 
 
 Tlie first instant the American colonies gave promise of 
 future importance and respectability, the jealousy of Great Bri- 
 tain was excited, and tlie counsels of her statesmen were em- 
 ])loyedto keep them in humble subjection. This was theobjcctt 
 when royalty grasped at their charters : when restrictions 
 
72 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 were laid upon their commerce and manufactures ; when, by 
 taxation, their resources were attempted to be withdrawn, and 
 the doctrine inculcated, that it was rebellion for them to think 
 and act for themselves. 
 
 It was fortunate for the Americans, that they understood 
 their own rights, and had the courage to assert them. But 
 even at the time of the declaration of independence, just as 
 was the cause of the colonies, it was doubtful how the contest 
 would terminate. The chance of eventual success was against 
 ihem. Less than three millions of people constituted their 
 population, and these were scattered over a widely ex- 
 tended territory. They were divided into colonies, which 
 had no political character, and no other bond of union than 
 common sufl'erings, common danger, and common necessities. 
 They had no veteran army, no navy, no arsenals filled with 
 the munitions of war, and no fortifications on their extended 
 coast. They had no overflowing treasuries ; but in the out- 
 set, were to depend upon loans, taxation, and voluntary con- 
 tributions. 
 
 I Thus circumstanced, could success in such a contest be rea- 
 sonably anticipated ? Could they hope to compete with the 
 parent country, whose strength was consolidated by the lapse 
 of centuries, and to whose wealth and power so many mil- 
 lions contributed ? That country directed, in a great measure, 
 the destinies of Europe : her influence extended to every 
 quarter of the world. Her armies were trained to the art of 
 war ; her navy rode in triumph on every sea ; her statesmen 
 ■were subtle and sagacious ; her generals skilful and practised- 
 And more than all, her pride was aroused by the fact, that all 
 Europe was an interested spectator of the scene, and was 
 lu-ging her forward to vindicate the policy she had adopted, 
 and the principles which she had advanced. 
 
 But what will not union and firmness, valour and patriotism, , 
 accomplish? What will not faith accomplish? The colonies 
 were, indeed, aware of the crisis at which they had arrived. 
 They saw the precipice upon which they stood. National 
 existence was at stake. Life, and liberty, and peace, were at 
 hazard ; not only those of the generation which then existed, 
 
JOHN HANCOCK. 73 
 
 but of the unnumbered millions which were yet to be born. 
 To heaven they coukl, with pious confulcnce, make their 
 solemn appeal. They trusted in the arm of Him, who had 
 planted their fathers in this distant land, and besought Him to 
 guide the men, who in his providence Avere called to preside 
 over their public councils. 
 
 It was fortunate for them, and equally fortunate for the 
 cause of rational liberty, that the delegates to the congress of 
 1776, were adequate to the great work which devolved upon 
 them. They were not popular fovouriles, brought into notice 
 during a season of tumult and violence; nor men chosen in 
 times of tranquillity, when nothing is to be apprehended from 
 a mistaken selection. " But they were men to whom others 
 might cling in times of peril, and look up to in the revolu- 
 tion of empires ; men whose countenances in marble, as on 
 canvass, may be dwelt upon by after ages, as the history of 
 the times." They were legislators and senators by birth, 
 raised up by heaven for the accomplishment of a special and 
 important object ; to rescue a people ;groaning under oppres- 
 sion ; and with the aid of their illustrious compeers, destined 
 to establish rational liberty on a new basis, in an American 
 republic. 
 
 They, too, well knew the responsibility of their station, 
 and the fate which awaited themselves, if not their country, 
 should their experiment fail. They came, therefore, to the 
 question of a declaration of independence, like men who 
 had counted the cost ; prepared to rejoice, without any 
 unholy triumph, should God smile upon the transaction ; 
 prepared also, if defeat should follow, to lead in the way to 
 raartyi-dom. 
 
 A signature to the declaration of independence, without 
 reference to general views, was, to each individual, a j^ersonal 
 consideration of the most momentous import. It would be 
 regarded in England as treason, and expose any man to the 
 halter or the block. The only signature, which exhibits in- 
 dications of a trembling hand, is that of Stephen Hopkins, who 
 had been afflicted Avith the palsy. In this work of treason, 
 John Hancock led the way, as president of the congress, and by 
 K 
 
74 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 \h.e force with whicli he wrote, lie seems to have determined 
 that his name should never be erased.* 
 
 This gentleman, who, from his conspicuous station in the 
 continental congress of 1776, claims our fust notice, Avas 
 born in the town of Quincy, in the state of Massachusetts, in 
 the year 1737. Both his father and grandfather were clergy- 
 men, distinguished for great devotion to the duties of their 
 profession, and for the happy influence which they exercised 
 over those to whom they ministered. Of his father it is re- 
 corded, that he evinced no common devotion to learning, to 
 which cause he rendered essential service, by the patronage 
 that he gave to the literary institutions of his native state. 
 
 Of so judicious a counsellor, young Hancock was deprived, 
 while yet a child , but happily he was adopted by a paternal 
 uncle, Thomas Hancock, the most opulent merchant in Bos- 
 ton, and the most enterprising in New-England. Mr. Thomas 
 Hancock was a man of enlarged views ; and was distinguished 
 by his liberality to several institutions, especially to Harvard 
 college, in which he founded a professorship, and in whose 
 library his name is still conspicuous as a principal benefactor. 
 
 Under the patronage of the uncle, the nephew received a 
 liberal education in the above university, where he was 
 graduated in 1754. During his collegiate course, though res- 
 pectable as a scholar, he was in no wise distinguished, and at 
 that time, gave little proinise of the eminence to which he af- 
 terwards arrived. 
 
 On leaving college, he was entered as a clerk in the count- 
 ing house of his uncle, where he continued till 1760 ; at which 
 time he visited England, both for the purposes of acquiring 
 information, and of becoming personally acquainted with the 
 distinguished correspondents of his patron. In 1764, he re- 
 turned to America ; shortly after which his uncle died, leaving 
 to his nephew his extensive mercantile concerns, and his 
 princely fortune, then the largest estate in the province. 
 
 To a young man, only twenty-seven, this sudden possession 
 
 * The pen, with which these sig-natures were made, has been preserved, 
 and is now in the cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 
 
JOHN HANCOCK. 75 
 
 of wealth vas full of danger ; and to not a few would have 
 proved their ruin But Hancock became neither giddy, ar- 
 rogant, nor profligate ; and he continued his former course of 
 regularity, industry, and moderation. Many depended upon 
 him, as they had done upon his uncle, for employment. To 
 tliese lie was kind and liberal ; while in his more extended 
 and complicated commercial transactions, he maintained a 
 high reputation for honour and integrity. 
 
 The possession of wealth, added to the upright and honour- 
 able character which lie sustained, naturally gave him influ 
 ence in the community, and rendered him even popular. In 
 1766, he was placed by the suH'ragcs of his fellow citizens in 
 the legislature of Massachusetts, and this event seems to have 
 given a direction to his future career. 
 
 He thus became associated with such individuals as Otis, 
 Cushing, and Samuel Adams, men of great political distinc 
 tion, acute discrimination, and patriotic feehng. In such an 
 atmosphere, the genius of Hancock brightened rapidly, and 
 he soon became conspicuous among his distinguished col- 
 leagues. It has, indeed, been asserted, that in force of genius, 
 he was inferior to many of his contemporaries ; but honoura- 
 ble testimony was given, both to the purity of his principles, 
 and the excellence of his abilities, by his frequent nomination 
 to committees, whose deliberations deeply involved the wel- 
 fare of the community. 
 
 The arrival of a vessel belonging to Mr. Hancock, in the 
 year 1768, which was said to be loaded contrary to the 
 revenue laws, has already been noticed in our introduction. 
 This vessel was seized by the custom-house officers, and placed 
 under the guns of the Romney, at that time in the harbour, 
 for security. The seizure of this vessel greatly exasperated 
 tlie people, and in their excitement, they assaulted the revenue 
 officers with violence, and compelled them to seek their safety 
 on board the armed vessel, or in a neighbouring castle. The 
 boat of the collector was destroyed, and several houses be- 
 longing to his partisans were razed to their foundation. 
 
 In these proceedings, Mr. Hancock himself was in no wise 
 engaged; and lie probably condemned them as rash and un- 
 
76 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 warrantable. But the transaction contributed greatly to bring 
 him into notice, and to increase his popularity. 
 
 Tliis, and several similar occurrences, served as a pretext to 
 the govei'nor to introduce into Boston, not long after, several 
 regiments of British troops ; a measure which was fitted more 
 than all others to irritate the inhabitants. Frequent colli- 
 sions, as might be expected, soon happened between the sol- 
 diers and the citizens, the former of whom were insolent, and 
 tJie latter independent. These contentions not long after 
 broke out into acts of violence. An unliappy instance of this 
 violence occurred on the evening of the 5th of March, 1770, 
 at AvhicI) time, a small party of British soldiers was assailed 
 by several of the citizens, with balls of snow, and other 
 weapons. The citizens were fired upon by order of the com- 
 manding officer : a few were killed, and several others were 
 wounded. 
 
 Although the provocation, in this instance, was given by 
 the citizens, the whole town was simultaneously aroused to 
 seek redress. At the instigation of Samuel Adams, and Mr. 
 Hancock, an assembly of the citizens was convened the fol- 
 lowing day, and these two gentlemen, with some others, were 
 appointed a committee to demand of the governor the re- 
 moval of the troops. Of this committee, Mr. Hancock was 
 the chairman. 
 
 A few days after the above afi^ray, which is usually termed 
 " the Boston massacre," tlie bodies of the slain were buried 
 with suitable demonstrations of public grief. In commemo- 
 ration of the event, Mr. Hancock was appointed to deliver an 
 address. After speaking of his attachment to a righteous 
 government, and of his enmity to tyranny, he proceeded in 
 the following animated strain : " The town of Boston, ever 
 faithful to the British crown, has been invested by a British 
 fleet; the troops of George the third have crossed the Atlantic, 
 not to engage an enemy, but to assist a band of traitors in 
 trampling on the rights and liberties of his most loyal subjects; 
 those rights and liberties, which, as a father, he ought ever to 
 regard, and as a king, he is bound in honour to defend from 
 violation, even at the risk of his own life. 
 
JOHN HANCOCK. 77 
 
 " These troops, upon their first arrival, took possession of 
 our senate house, pointed their cannon against the judgment 
 hall, and even continued them there, whilst the supreme court 
 of the province was actually sitting to decide upon the lives 
 and fortunes of the king's subjects. Our streets nightly re- 
 sounded with the noise of their riot and debauchery ; our 
 peaceful citizens were hourly exposed to shameful insults, and 
 often felt the cU'ects of their violence and outrage. But this 
 was not all; as though they thought it not enough to violate 
 our civil rights, they endeavoured to deprive us of the enjoy- 
 ment of our religious privileges ; to vitiate our morals, and 
 thereby render us deserving of destruction. Hence the rude 
 din of arms, which broke in upon your solemn devotions in 
 your temples, on that day hallowed by heaven, and set apart 
 by God himself for his peculiar worship. Hence, impious oaths 
 and blasphemies, so often tortured your unaccustomed ear 
 Hence, all the arts which idleness and luxury could invent, 
 were used to betray our youth of one sex into extravagance 
 and efleminacy, and of the other to infamy and ruin ; and have 
 they not succeeded but too well ? Has not a reverence for 
 religion sensibly decayed? Have not our infants almost leai-n- 
 ed to lisp curses, before they knew their horrid import ? Have 
 not our youth forgotten they were Americans, and regardless 
 of the admonitions of the wise and aged, copied, with a servile 
 imitation, the frivolity and vices of their tyrants ? And must I 
 be compelled to acknowledge, that even the noblest, fair- 
 est part of all creation, have not entirely escaped their cruel 
 snares ? — or why have I seen an honest father clothed with 
 shame; why a virtuous mother drowned in tears? 
 
 " But I forbear, and come reluctantly to the transactions of 
 that dismal night, when in such quick succession we felt the 
 extremes of grief, astonishment, and rage ; when heaven in 
 anger, for a dreadful moment suffered hell to take the reins ; 
 when satan, with his chosen band, opened the sluices of New- 
 England's blood, and sacrilegiously polluted our land with the 
 dead bodies of her guiltless sons. 
 
 "Let this sad tale of death never be told, without a tear; 
 let not tlie heaving bosom cease to burn with a manly indigna- 
 
 7* 
 
78 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 tion at the relation of it, through the long tracks of future 
 time ; let every parent tell the shameful story to his listening 
 children, till tears of pity glisten in their eyes, or boiling pas- 
 sion shakes their tender frames. 
 
 " Dark and designing knaves, murderers, parricides ! How 
 dare you tread upon the earth, which has drunk the blood of 
 slaughtered innocence shed by your hands ? Hom'' dare you 
 breathe that air, which wafted to the ear of heaven the groans 
 of those who fell a sacrifice to your accursed ambition ? — But 
 if the labouring earth doth not expand her jaws; if the air you 
 breathe is not commissioned to be the minister of death; yet, 
 hear it, and tremble ! The eye of heaven penetrates the dark- 
 est chambers of the soul; and you, though screened from 
 human observation, must be arraigned, must lift your hands, 
 red with the blood of those whose death you have procured, at 
 the tremendous bar of God. 
 
 "But I gladly quit this theme of death — I would not dwell 
 too long upon the horrid effects, which have already followed, 
 from quartering regular troops in this town ; let our misfor- 
 tunes instruct posterity to guard against these evils. Stand- 
 ing armies are sometimes, (I would by no means say general- 
 ly, much less universally,) composed of persons who have 
 rendered themselves unfit to live in civil society ; who are 
 equally indifferent to the glory of a George, or a Louis; who 
 for the addition of one penny a day to their wages, would de- 
 sert from the Christian cross, and fight under the crescent of 
 the Turkish sultan ; from such men as these what has not a 
 state to fear ? With such as these, usurping Caesar passed the 
 Rubicon ; with such as these he humbled mighty Rome, and 
 forced the mistress of the world to own a master in a traitor. 
 These are the men whom sceptred robbers now employ to 
 frustrate the designs of God, and render vain the bounties 
 which his gracious hand pours indiscriminately upon his 
 creatures." 
 
 Pveviously to this address, doubts had been entertained by 
 some, as to the perfect patriotism of Mr. Hancock. It was 
 said that the governor of the province had, either by studied 
 civilities, or by direct overtures, endeavoured to attach him to 
 
JOHN HANCOCK. 79 
 
 the royal cause. For a time insinuations of this derogatory 
 character were circulated abroad, highly detrimental to his 
 fame. The manners and habits of Mr. Hancock had, not a 
 little, contributed to countenance the malicious imputations. 
 His fortune was princely. His mansion displayed the mag- 
 nificence of a courtier, rather than the simplicity of a repub- 
 lican. Gold and silver embroidery adorned his garments, 
 and on public occasions, his carriage and horses, and servants 
 in livery, emulated the splendour of the English nobility. 
 The eye of envy saw not this magnificence with indift'erence ; 
 nor was it strange that reports unfriendly to his patriotic in- 
 tegrity should have been circulated abroad ; especially as from 
 his wealth and fashionable intercourse, he had more cork- 
 nexion with the governor and his party than many others. 
 
 Tlie sentiments, however, expressed by Hancock in the 
 above address, were so explicit and so patriotic, as to convince 
 the most incredulous ; and a renovation of his popularity was 
 the consequence. 
 
 Hancock, from this time, became as odious to the royal go- 
 vernor and his adherents, as he was dear to tlie republican party. 
 It now became an object of some importance to the royal go- 
 vernor, to get possession of the persons of Mr. Hancock and 
 Samuel Adams ; and this is said to have been intended in the 
 expedition to Concord, which led to the memorable battle of 
 Lexington, the opening scene of the revolutionary war. Not- 
 withstanding the secrecy with which that expedition was plan- 
 ned, these patriots, who were at the time members of the pro 
 vincial congress at Concord, fortunately made their escape; 
 but it was only at the moment the British troops entered the 
 house where they lodged. Following tliis battle. Governor 
 Gage issued his proclamation, offering a general pardon to all 
 who should manifest a proper penitence for their opposition to 
 the royal authority, excepting the above two gentlemen, whose 
 guilt placed them beyond the reach of the royal clemency. 
 
 In October, 1774, Hancock was unanimously elected to the 
 presidential chair of the provincial congress of Massachusetts. 
 The following year, the still higher honour of the presidency 
 of the continental congress was conferred upon him. La this 
 
80 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 body, were men of superior genius, and of still greater expe- 
 rience than Hancock. There were Franklin, and Jefferson, 
 and Dickinson, and many others, men of pre-eminent abilities 
 and superior political sagacity; but the recent proclamation 
 of Governor Gage, proscribing Hancock and Adams, had 
 given those gentlemen great popularity, and presented a suffi- 
 cient reason to the continental congress, to express their re- 
 spect for them, by the election of the former to the presiden- 
 tial chair. 
 
 In this distinguished station Hancock continued till October, 
 1777 ; at which time, in consequence of infirm health, induced 
 by an unremitted application to business, he resigned his 
 office, and, with a popularity seldom enjoyed by any indivi- 
 dual, retired to his native province. 
 
 Of the convention, which, about this time, was appointed to 
 Irame a constitution for the state of Massachusetts, Hancock 
 was a member. Under this constitution, in 1780, he was the 
 first governor of the commonwealth, to which office he was 
 annually elected, until the year 1785, when he resigned- 
 After an interval of two years, he was re-elected to the same 
 office, in which he was continued to the time of his death, 
 which took place on the 8th of October, 1793, and in the 55th 
 year of his age. 
 
 Of the character of Mi*. Hancock, the limits which we have 
 prescribed to ourselves, will permit us to say but little more. 
 It was an honourable trait in that character, that while he pos- 
 sessed a superfluity of wealth, to the unrestrained enjoyment 
 of which he came at an unguarded period of life, he avoided 
 excessive indulgence and dissipation. His habits, through 
 life, were uniformly on the side of virtue. In his disposition 
 and manners, he was kind and courteous. He claimed no 
 superiority from his advantages, and manifested no arrogance 
 on account of his wealth. 
 
 His enemies accused him of an excessive fondness for 
 popularity ; to which fondness, envy and malice were not 
 backward in ascribing his liberality on various occasions. 
 Whatever may have been the justice of such an imputation, 
 many examples of the generosity of his character are record- 
 
■ JOman ^.J'ilhrow Sc 
 
 j>^a i^n^ ^^c/niri^ 
 
SAMUEL ADAMS. 81 
 
 e<l. Hundreds of families, it is said, in times of distress, were 
 daily fed from his munificence. In promoting the liberties of 
 his country, no one, perhaps, actually expended more wealth, 
 or was willing to make greater sacrifices. An instance of his 
 public spirit, in 1775, is recorded, much to his praise. 
 
 At that time, the American army was besieging Boston, to 
 expel the British, who held possession of the town. To ao- 
 complisli this object, the entire destruction of the cit)'- was 
 proposed by the American officers. By the execution of such 
 a plan, the whole fortune of Mr. Hancock would have been 
 sacrificed. Yet he immediately acceded to the measure, de- 
 claring his readiness to surrender his all, whenever the liber- 
 ties of his country should require it. 
 
 It is not less honourable to the character of Mr. Hancock, 
 that while wealth and independence powerfuU/tempted him to 
 a life of indolence, he devoted himself for many years, almost 
 without intermission, to the most laborious service of his 
 country. Malevolence, during some periods of his public life, 
 aspersed his chai*acter, and imputed to him motives of con- 
 duct to which he was a stranger. Full justice was done to 
 his memory at his death, in the expressions of grief and affec- 
 tion which were offered over his remains, by the midtitudes 
 who thronged his house while his body lay in state, and who 
 followed his remains to the grave. 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Among those who signed the declaration of independence, 
 and were conspicuous in the revolution, there existed^ of 
 course, a great diversity of intellectual endowments ; nor 
 did all render to their country, in those perilous days, the 
 same important services. Like the luminaries of heaven, 
 each contributed his portion of influence; but, like them, they 
 differed, as star dilfi'rcth from star in glory. But in tlie con- 
 L 
 
82 MASSACKVSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 stellation of great men, which adorned tliat era, few shone 
 with more brilliancy, or exercised a more powerful influence, 
 than Samuel Adams. 
 
 This gentleman was born at Quincy,in Massachusetts, Sep- 
 tember 22d, 1722, in tlie neighbourhood afterwards rendered 
 memorable as the birth place of Hancock, and as the resi- 
 dence of the distinguished family which has given two pre- 
 sidents to the United States. His descent was from a re- 
 spectable family, which emigrated to America with the first 
 settlers of the land. 
 
 In the year 1736, he became a member of Harvard 
 University, where he was distinguished for an uncommon 
 attention to all his collegiate exercises, and for his classical 
 and scientific attainments. On taking the degree of master, 
 in 1743, he proposed the following question, " Whether 
 it be lawful to resist the supreme magistrate, if the com- 
 monwealth cannot be otherwise preserved ?" He main- 
 tained the afiirmative ; and in this collegiate exercise fur- 
 nished no dubious evidence of his attachment to the liberties of 
 tJie people. 
 
 On leaving the university, he began the study ot law, for 
 which profession his father designed him ; but at the solicita- 
 tion of his mother, this pursuit was relinquished, and he be- 
 came a clerk in the counting house of Thomas Gushing, at 
 that time a distinguished merchant. But his genius was not 
 adapted to mercantile pursuits ; and in a short time after 
 commencing business for himself, partly owing to the failure 
 in business of a friend, and partly to injudicious management, 
 he lost the entire capital which had been given him by his 
 father. 
 
 The genius of Adams was naturally bent on politics. It 
 was with him an all engrossing subject. From his earliest 
 youth, he had felt its inspiration. It occupied his thoughts, 
 enlivened his conversation, and employed his pen. In re- 
 spect to his private business, this was an unfortunate trait of 
 character ; but most fortunate for his country, since he thus 
 acquired an extensive knowledge of those principles of ra- 
 tional liberty, which he afterwards asserted with so much 
 
SAMUEL ADAMS. 83 
 
 energy, in opposition to the arbitrary conduct of the British 
 government. 
 
 In 17G3 it was announced, that the Britisli ministry had it 
 in view to " tax the colonies, for tlie purpose of raising a 
 revenue, which Avas to be placed at the disposal of the 
 crown." This news filled the colonics with alarm. In Mas- 
 sachusetts, a committee was appointed by the people of Bos- 
 ton to express the j)ublic sentiment in relation to this con- 
 teni])lated measure, for the guidance of the representatives to 
 the general court. The instructions of this committee were 
 drawn by Mr. Adams. Tliey formed, in truth, a poAverful 
 remonstrance against tlie injustice of the contemplated system 
 of taxation ; and they merit the more particular notice, as they 
 were the first recorded public document, wiiich denied the 
 right of taxation to the British parliament. They also con- 
 tained the first suggestion of the propriety of that mutual un- 
 derstanding and correspondence among tlie colonies, which 
 laid the foundation of their future confederacy. In these in- 
 structions, after alluding to the evils which had resulted from 
 the acts of the British parliament, relating to trade, Mc 
 Adams observes : — " If our trade may be taxed, why not our 
 lands ? Why not the produce of our lands, and every thing 
 we possess, or use? This we conceive annihilates our chap- 
 ter rights to govern and tax ourselves. It strikes at our Bri- 
 tish privileges, which, as we have never forfeited, we hold in 
 c-ommon with our fellow subjects, who are natives of Britain. 
 If taxes are laid upon us in any shape, without our having a 
 legal representation, where they are laid, we are reduced from 
 the character of free subjects, to the state of tributary slaves. 
 We, therefore, earnestly recommend it to you, to use your 
 titmost endeavours to obtain from the general court, all neces- 
 sary advice and instruction to our agent, at this most critical 
 juncture." " W^e also desire you to use your endeavours, that 
 die other colonies, having the same interests and rights 
 with us, may add their weight to that of this province ; 
 that by united application of all who are agreed, all may 
 obtain redress !" 
 
 The deep interest which Mr. Adams felt and manifested for 
 
84 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 {he rights of the colonies, soon brought him into favour with 
 the patriotic party. He became a leader in their popular as- 
 semblies, and was bold in denouncing the unjust acts of the 
 British ministry. 
 
 In 1765 he was elected a representative to the general court 
 of Massachusetts, from the town of Boston. From this pe- 
 riod, during tlie whole revolutionary struggle, he was the 
 bold, persevering, and efficient supporter of the rights of his 
 oppressed country. As a member of the court, he soon be- 
 came conspicuous, and was honoured with the office of clerk 
 to tliat body. In the legislature, he was characterized for 
 the same activity and boldness which he had manifested in 
 the town. He was appointed upon almost every committee, 
 assisted in drawing nearly every report, and exercised a large 
 share of influence, in almost every meeting, which had for its 
 object the counteraction of the unjust plans of the administra- 
 
 tlOJl. 
 
 But it was not in his legislative capacity alone, that Mr. 
 Adams exhibited his hostility to the British government, and 
 his regard for rational freedom. Several able essays on these 
 subjects were published by him ; and he was the author of 
 several plans for opposing, more successfully, the unj-ust de- 
 signs of the mother country. He has the honour of having 
 suggested the first congress at New-York, which prepared the 
 way for a Continental Congress, ten years after ; and at length 
 for the union and confederacy of the colonies. 
 
 The injudicious management of his private affiiirs, already 
 alluded to, rendered Mr. Adams poor. When this was known 
 in England, the partisans of the ministry proposed to bribe 
 liim, by the gift of some lucrative office. A suggestion of 
 this kind was accordingly made to Governor Hutchinson, to 
 which he replied in a manner highly complimentary to the 
 integrity of Mr. Adams. " Such is the obstinacy and inflex- 
 ible disposition of the man, that he never can be conciliate*! 
 by any office or gift whatever." The offi^r, how^ever, it i-s 
 reported, was actually made to Mr. Adams, but neither the 
 allurements of fortune or power could for a moment tempt 
 
SAMUEL ADAMS. 85 
 
 him to abandon the cause of truth, or to liazard the liberties 
 of the people. 
 
 He was indeed poor ; but ho could be tempted neither by 
 British gold, nor by the honours or profits of any office with- 
 in the gift of the royal governor. Such patriotism has not 
 been common in the world ; but in America it was to be 
 found in many a b'^som, during the revolutionary struggle. 
 The knowledge of facts like this, greatly diminishes the won- 
 der, which has sometimes been expressed, that America 
 should have successfully contended with Great Britain. Her 
 pliysical strength Avas comparatively weak ; but the moral 
 courage of her statesmen, and her soldiers, was to her instead 
 of numbers, of wealth, and fortifications. 
 
 Allusion has been made, both in our introduction, and in 
 our notice of Hancock, to the Boston massacre, in 1770, an 
 event which will long remain memorable in the annals of the 
 revolution, not only as it was the first instance of bloodshed 
 between tlie British and the Americans, but as it conduced to 
 increase the irritation, and to Aviden the breach between the 
 two countries. 
 
 Our limits forbid a more particular account of this tragical 
 affair ; and it is again alluded to only for the purpose of bring- 
 ing more distinctly into view, the intrepid and decisive con- 
 duct of Samuel Adams on that occasion. 
 
 On the morning following this night of bloodshed, a meet- 
 ing of the citizens of Boston was called. Mingled emotions 
 of horror and indignation pervaded the assembly. Samuel 
 Adams first arose to address the listening multitude. Few 
 men could harangue a popular assembly with greater energy, 
 or exercise a more absolute control over their passions and 
 affections. On that occasion, a Demosthenes, or a Chatham, 
 could scarcely have addressed the assembled multitude with a 
 more impressive eloquence, or have represented in a more 
 just and emphatic manner, the fearful crisis to which the 
 affairs of the colonies were fast tending. A committee was 
 unanimously chosen to wait upon Governor Hutchinson, with 
 a request that the troops might be immediately removed from 
 the town. To the request of this committee, the governor, 
 
 8 
 
86 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 with his usual prevarication, replied, that the troops v/ere not 
 subject to his order. Mr. Adams, who was one of this com- 
 mittee, strongly represented to the governor the danger of 
 retaining the troops longer in the capital. His indignation 
 was aroused, and in a tone of lofty independence, he declared, 
 that the removal of the troops would alone satisfy his insulted 
 and indignant townsmen; it was, therefore, at tlie governor's 
 peril, that they were continued in the town, and that he alone 
 must be answerable for the fatal consequences, which it re 
 quired no gift of prophecy to predict must ensue. 
 
 It was now dark. The meeting of the citizens was still 
 undissolved. The greatest anxiety pervaded the assembly 
 and scarcely were they restrained from going in a body to 
 the governor, to learn his determination. Aware of the criti 
 cal posture of affairs, aware of the personal hazard which he 
 encountered by refusing a compliance, the governor at length 
 gave his consent to the removal of the troops, and stipulated 
 that the necessary preparations should commence on the fol- 
 loAving morning. Thus, through the decisive and spirited con- 
 duct of Samuel Adams, and a few other kindred spirits, the 
 obstinacy of a royal governor was subdued, and further hos- 
 tilities were for a still longer time suspended. 
 
 The populai-ity and influence of Mr. Adams were rapidly 
 increasing, and the importance of his being detached from the 
 popular party became every day more manifest. We have 
 already noticed the suggestion to Governor Hutchinson to 
 effect this, by the gift of some lucrative office. Other offers 
 of a similar kind, it is reported, were made to him, at different 
 times, by the royal authorities, but with the same ill success. 
 About the year 1773, Governor Gage renewed the experiment. 
 At that time Colonel Fenton was requested to wait upon Mr. 
 Adams, with the assurance of Governor Gage, that any benefits 
 would be conferred upon him which he should demand, on the 
 condition of his ceasing to oppose the measures of the royal 
 government. At the same time, it was not obscurely hinted, 
 that such a measure was necessary, on personal considera- 
 tions. He had incurred the royal displeasure, and already, 
 such had been his conduct, that it Avas in the power of tlie 
 
SAMUEL ADAMS. 87 
 
 governor to send him to England for trial, on a charge of trea- 
 son. It was suggested that a change in his political conduct, 
 might save him from tliis disgrace, and even from a severer 
 fate ; and miglit elevate him, moreover, from his circumstan- 
 ces of indigence, to the enjoyment of affluence. 
 
 To this proposal, Mr. Adams listened with attention; but as 
 Col. Fen ton concluded his communication, with all the spirit 
 of a man of honour, with all the integrity of the most incor- 
 rupted and incorruptible patriotism, he replied ; " Go tell 
 Governor Gage, that my peace has long since been made with 
 the King of kings, and that it is the advice of Samuel Adams 
 to him, no lunger to insult the feelings uf an already exaspe- 
 rated people.'^ 
 
 The independence and sterling integrity of Mr. Adams, 
 might well have secured to him the respect, and even confi- 
 dence of Governor Gage ; but with far different feelings did 
 lie regard the noble conduct of this high minded patriot. 
 Dnder the irritation excited by th.e failure of a favourite plan. 
 Governor Gage issued a proclamation, which comprehended 
 the followinir laiiiiuajje: " I do hereby," he said, " in liis ma- 
 jesty's name, offer and promise his most gracious pardon to 
 all persons, v.ho shall forthwith lay down their arms, and re- 
 turn to the duties of peaceable subjects : excepting only from 
 tlie benefits of such pardon, Samuel Adams, and John Han- 
 cock, whose ofl'ences are of too flagitious a nature to admit of 
 any other consideration but that of condign punishment." 
 
 Thus these independent men were singled out as the 
 objects of peculiar vengeance, and even their lives endanger- 
 ed, for honourably resisting a temptation, to which, had they 
 yielded, they would have merited the reproach of their coun- 
 trymen, and the scorn of the world. 
 
 Mr. Adams was a member of the first continental congress, 
 which assembled in Philadelphia on the 5th of September, 
 1771 ; and continued a member of that body until the year 
 1781. During this period, no delegate acted a more con- 
 gpicuous or manly part. No one exhibited a more indefati- 
 gable zeal, or a firmer tone of character. He early saw that 
 the contest would probably not be decided Avilhout bloodshed. 
 
S8 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 He was himself prepared for every extremity, and was will- 
 ing that such measures should be adopted, as should lead to 
 an early issue of the controversy. He was accordingly 
 among the warmest advocates for the declaration of American 
 independence. In his view, the die was cast, and a further 
 friendly connexion with the parent coimtry was impossible. 
 " I am perfectly satisfied,"" said he, in a letter written from 
 Philadelphia, to a friend in Massachusetts, in April, 1776, 
 " of the necessity of a public and explicit declaration of inde- 
 pendence. I cannot conceive what good reason can be assign- 
 ed against it. Will it widen the breach 1 This Avould be a 
 strange question, after we have raised armies, and fought bat- 
 tles with the British troops ; set up an American navy ; permit- 
 ted the inhabitants of these colonies to fit out armed vessels, 
 to capture the ships, &c. belonging to any of the inhabitants of 
 Great Britain ; declaring them the enemies of the United 
 Colonies ; and torn into shivers their acts of trade, by allowing 
 commerce, subject to regulations to be made by ourselves, with 
 the people of all countries, except such as are subject to the 
 British king. It cannot surely, after all this, be ima|;ined 
 that we consider ourselves, or mean to be considere<il by 
 others, in any other state, than that of independence." 
 
 The independence of America was at length declared,, and 
 gave a new political character, and an immediate dignity to 
 the cause of the colonies. But notwithstanding this measure 
 might itself bear the aspect of victory, a formidable ccntest 
 yet awaited the Americans. The year following the declara- 
 tion of independence, the situation of the colonies was ex- 
 tremely gloomy. The stoutest hearts trembled within them, 
 and even doubts were expressed, whether the measures which 
 had been adopted, particularly the declaration of indepen 
 dence, were not precipitate. The neighbourhood of Phila 
 delphia became the seat of war ; congress, now reduced to 
 only twenty-eight members, had resolved to remove theit 
 session to Lancaster, At this critical period, Mr, Adams 
 accidentally fell in company with several other members, by 
 whom the subject of the state of the country was freely and 
 confidentially discussed. Gloomy forebodings seemed tc* 
 
SAMUEL ADAMS. 89 
 
 pervade their minds, and the greatest anxiety was expressed 
 as to the issue of the contest. 
 
 To this conversation, Mr. Adams listened with silent atten- 
 tion. At lengtli he expressed his surprise, that such despond- 
 ing feelings should have settled upon tlieir hearts, and such 
 desponding language should be even confidentially uttered by 
 their lips. To tliis it M'as answered, " The chance is despe- 
 rate." "Indeed, indeed, it is desperate," said Mr. Adams, "if 
 this be our language. If we wear long faces, others will do so 
 too ; if we despair, let us not expect that others will hope ; or 
 that they will persevere in a contest, from which their leaders 
 shrink. But let not such feelings, let not such language, be 
 ours." Thus, while the hearts of others were ready to faint, 
 Samuel Adams maintained his usual firmness. His unshaken 
 courage, and his calm reliance upon the aid and protection o{ 
 heaven, contributed in an eminent degree to inspire his coun- 
 trymen with a confidence of their final success. A higher 
 encomium could not have been bestowed on any member of 
 the continental congress, than is expressed in relation to Mr. 
 Adams by Mr. Galloway, in his historical and political reflec- 
 tions on the rise and progress of the American rebellion, 
 published in Great Britain, 1780. " He eats little," says the 
 author, " drinks little, sleeps little, thinks much, and is most 
 indefatigable in the pursuit of his object. It was this man, who 
 by his superior application, managed at once the factions in 
 congress at Philadelj)hia, and the factions of New-England." 
 
 In 1781, Mr. Adams retired from congress; but it was to 
 receive from his native state, additional proofs of her high 
 estimation of his services, and of the confidence which she 
 reposed in his talents and integrity He had already been an 
 active member of the convention that formed her constitu- 
 tion ; and after it went into effect, he was placed in the se- 
 nate of the state, and for several years presided over that 
 body. In 1789, he was elected lieutenant governor, and held 
 that office till 1794; when, upon the death of Hancock, he 
 was chosen governor, and was annually re-elected till 1797, 
 when he retired from public life. This retirement, however, 
 M 8* 
 
90 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 lie (lid not long enjoy, as his death occurred on October 2d, 
 1803, at the advanced age of 82. 
 
 From the foregoing sketches of Mr. Adams, it will not be 
 difficult for the reader to form a tolerably correct opinion of 
 his character and disposition. In his person, he is said to 
 have been only of the middle size, but his countenance indi- 
 cated a noble genius within, and a more than ordinary inflexi- 
 bility of character and purpose. Great sincerity and simpli- 
 city marked his manners and deportment. In his conversa- 
 tion, he was at once interesting ami instructive ; and those 
 who shared his friendship had seldom any reason to doubt his 
 afi'ectidn and constancy. His writings were voluminous, but 
 unfortunately, as they generally related to the temporary 
 politics of the day, most of them are lost. Those which re- 
 main furnish abundant proof of his superiority as a writer, of 
 the soundness of his political creed, and of the piety and sin- 
 cerity of his character. As an orator, he was eminently fit- 
 ted for the stormy times in which he lived. His elocution 
 was concise and impressive, partaking more of the logical 
 than the figurative, and rather calculated to enlighten the un- 
 derstanding, than to excite the feelings. Yet no man could 
 address himself more powerfully to the passions, than he did, 
 on certain occasions. As a statesman, his views were broad 
 and enlightened ; what his judgment had once matured, he 
 pursued with inflexible firmness, and patriotic ardour. While 
 others desponded, he was full of hope ; where others hesita- 
 ted, he was resolute ; where others were supine, he was eager 
 for action. His circumstances of indigence led him to habits 
 of simplicity and frugality ; but beyond this, he was natural- 
 ly averse to parade and ostentation. 
 
 " Mr. Adams was a christian. His mind was early imbued 
 with piety, as well as cultivated by science. He early ap- 
 proached the table of the Lord Jesus, and the purity of his 
 life witnessed the sincerity of his profession. On the chris- 
 tian sabbath, he constantly went to the temple, and the 
 morning and evening devotions in his family proved, that his 
 religion attended him in his seasons of retirement from the 
 
SAMUEL ADAMS. 91 
 
 world. The last production of his pen was in favour of 
 Cliristian truth. He died in the faith of the gospel." 
 
 In his opposition to British tyranny, no man was more 
 conscientious ; he detested royalty, and despised the ostenta- 
 tion and contemptible servility of the royal agents ; his pa- 
 triotism was of a pure and lofty character. For his country 
 he laboured both by night and by day, with a zeal which was 
 scarcely interrupted, and with an energy that knew no fatigue. 
 Although enthusiastic, he was still prudent. He would per- 
 suade, petition, and remonstrate, where these would accom- 
 plish his object ; but when these failed, he was ready to 
 resist even unto blood, -and would sooner have sacrificed his 
 life than yielded with dishonour. " Had he lived in any 
 country or epoch," says his biographer, " when abuses of 
 power were to be resisted, he would have been one of the re- 
 formers. He would have sufiered excommunication, rather 
 than have bowed to papal infallibility, or paid tribute to St. 
 Peter ; he would have gone to the stake, rather than sub- 
 mit to the prelatic ordinances of Laud ; he would have 
 mounted the scaiFold, sooner than pay a shilling of illegal ship- 
 money ; he would have fled to a desert, rather tlian endure 
 the profligate tyranny of a Stuart ; he was proscribed, and 
 would sooner have been condemned as a traitor, than assent 
 to an illegal tax, if it had been only a sixpenny stamp or an 
 insignificant duty on tea ; and there appeared to be no species 
 of corruption by which this inflexibility could have been des- 
 troyed." 
 
 In the delegation of political power, he may be said to have 
 been too cautious, since our constitutions, as he would have 
 modelled them, would not have had sufficient inherent force 
 for their own preservation. One of his colleagues thus ho- 
 nourably described him : " Samuel Adams would have the 
 state of Massachusetts govern the union ; the town of Boston 
 govern Massachusetts ; and that he should govern the town 
 of Boston, and then the whole would not be intentionally ill 
 governed." 
 
 With some apparent austerity, there was nothing of the 
 spirit of gloom or arrogance about him. In his demeanour. 
 
92 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 he combined mildness with firmness, and dignity with con- 
 descension. If sometimes an advocate for measures which 
 might be thought too strong, it was, perhaps, because his 
 comprehension extended beyond ordinary minds, and he had 
 more energy to effect his purposes, than attaches to common 
 men. In addition to these quaHties, he manifested an uncom- 
 mon indifference to pecuniary considerations ; he was poor 
 while he lived, and had not the death of an only son re- 
 lieved his latter day poverty, Samuel Adams, notwith- 
 standing his virtues, his patriotism, his unwearied zeal, and his 
 acknowledged usefulness, while he lived, would have had to 
 cJaim a burial at the hand of charity, or at the public expense. 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 John Adams was born at Quincy, then part of the ancient 
 town of Braintree, on the 19th day of October, old style, 
 1735. He was a descendant of the Puritans, his ancestors 
 having early emigrated from England, and settled in Massa- 
 chusetts. Discovering early a strong love of reading and of 
 knowledge, proper care was taken by his father to provide 
 for his education. His youthful studies were prosecuted in 
 Braintree, under Mr. Marsh, a gentleman whose fortune it 
 was to instruct several children, who in manhood were des- 
 tined to act a conspicuous part in the scenes of the revolution. 
 
 He became a member of Harvard College, 1751, and was 
 graduated in course in 1755 : with what degree of reputa- 
 tion he left the university is not now precisely known; we only 
 know that he was distinguished in a class of which thf* 
 Reverend Dr. Hemmenway was a member, who bore 
 honourable testimony to the openness and decision of his 
 character, and to the strength and activity of his mind. 
 
 Having chosen the law for his profession, he commenced 
 and prosecuted its studies under the direction of Samuel 
 Putnam, a barrister of eminence at Worcester. By him he 
 was introduced to the celebrated Jeremy Gridley, then attor- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 93 
 
 ney general of the province of Massachusetts Bay. At the 
 first interview they became friends; Gridley at once proposed 
 Mr. Adams for admission to the bar of Sullblii^, and took him 
 into special favour. Soon after his admission, Mr. Grid- 
 ley led his young friend into a private chamber with an air 
 of secrecy, and, pointing to a book case, said, " Sir, there is 
 the secret of my eminence, and of which you may avail 
 yourself as you please." It was a pretty good collection of 
 treatises of the civil law. In this place Mr. Adams spent his 
 days and nights, until he had made himself master of the 
 principles of the code. 
 
 From early life, the bent of his mind was towards politics, a 
 propensity which the state of the times, if it did not create, 
 doubtless very much strengthened. While a resident at 
 Worcester, he wrote a letter of whicli the following is an ex- 
 tract. The letter was dated October 12th, 1755. " Soon 
 nfter the reformation, a few people came over into this new 
 world for conscience sake : perhaps this apparently trivial 
 incident may transfer the great seat of empire into America, 
 It looks likely to me ; for, if we can remove the turbulent 
 Gallicks, our people, according to the exactest computations, 
 will in another century become more numerous than England 
 itself. Should this be the case, since we have, I may say, all 
 the naval stores of the nation in our hands, it will be easy to 
 obtain a mastery of the seas ; and the united force of all 
 Europe will not be able to subdue us. The only way to keep 
 us from setting up for ourselves is to disunite us. 
 
 "Be not surprised that I am turned politician. This whole 
 town is immersed in politics. The interests of nations and 
 all the dira of war make the subject of every conversation. 
 I sit and hear, and after having been led through a maze of 
 sage observations, I sometimes retire, and lay things together, 
 and form some rcHections pleasing to myself. The produce 
 ul" one of these reveries you have read." 
 
 This prognostication of independence, and of so vast an 
 increase of numbers, and of naval force, as might defy all 
 Europe, is remarkable, especially as coming from so young a 
 man, and so early in the history of the country. It is more 
 
94 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 remarkable that its author should have lived to see fulfilled 
 to the letter, what would have seemed to others at the time, 
 but the extravagance of youthful fancy. His early political 
 feelings were thus strongly American, and from this ardent 
 attachment to his native soil he never departed. 
 
 In 1T5S he was admitted to the bar, and commenced busi- 
 ness in Braintree. He is understood to have made his first 
 considerable eflbrt, or to have obtained his most signal suc- 
 cess, at Plymouth, in a jury trial, and a criminal cause. In 
 1765, Mr. Adams laid before the public his " Essay on the 
 Canon and Feudal Law," a work distinguished for its power 
 and eloquence. The object of this work was to show, that 
 our New-England ancestors, in consenting to exile them- 
 selves from tlieir native land, were actuated mainly by the 
 desire of delivering themselves from the power of the 
 hierarchy, and from the monarchical, aristocratical, and 
 political system of the other continent ; and to make this 
 truth bear with effect on the politics of the times. Its tone 
 is uncommonly bold and animated for that period. He calls 
 on the people not only to defend, but to study and understand 
 their rights and privileges; and urges earnestly the necessity 
 of diffusing general knowledge. 
 
 In conclusion, he exclaims, " let the pulpit resound with 
 the doctrines and sentiments of religious liberty. Let us 
 hear the danger of thraldom to our consciences, from igno- 
 rance, extreme poverty and dependence, in short, from civil 
 and political slavery. Let us see delineated before us, the 
 true' map of man — let us hear the dignity of his nature, and 
 the noble I'ank he holds among the works of God ! that con- 
 senting to slavery is a sacrilegious breach of trust, as oft'eu- 
 sive in the sight of God, as it is derogatory from our own 
 honour, or interest, or happiness ; and that God Almighty has 
 promulgated from heaven, liberty, peace, and good will to 
 man. 
 
 " Let the bar proclaim the laws, the rights, the generous 
 plan of power delivered down from remote antiquity ; inform 
 the world of the mighty struggles and numberless sacrifices 
 made bv our ancestors in the defence of freedom. Let it be 
 
JOHX ADAMS. 95 
 
 known tlitvt British liberties arc not the grants of princes or 
 parliaments, but original rights, conditions of original coa 
 tracts, coequal with prerogative, and coeval witli govern- 
 ment. That many of our rights arc inherent and essential, 
 agreed on as maxims and established as preliminaries even 
 before a parliament existed. Let them search for the foun- 
 dation of British laws and government in the frame of human 
 nature, in the constitution of the intellectual and moral world. 
 There let us sec tliat trutli, liberty, justice, and benevolence, 
 are its everlasting basis ; and if these could be removed, the 
 superstructure is overthrown of course. 
 
 "Let the colic g'cs ioin their harmony in the same delight- 
 ful concert. Let every declamation turn upon the beauty of 
 liberty and virtue, and the deformity, turpitude, and malignity 
 of slavery and vice. Let the public disputations become re- 
 searches into the grounds, nature, and ends of government, 
 and the means of preserving the good and demolishing the 
 evil. Let the dialogues and all the exercises become the in- 
 struments of impressing on the tender mind, and of spreading 
 aaid distril)uting far and wide the ideas of right, and the sen- 
 sations of freedom." 
 
 Li 170G, Mr. Adams removed his residence to Boston, still 
 continuing his attendance on the neighbouring circuits, and 
 not unfrc(iuently called to remote parts of the province. 
 
 Ill 1770 occurred, as has already been noticed, the "Boston 
 massacre." Mr. Adams was solicited by the British officers 
 and soldiers to undertake their defence, on tlie indictment 
 found against them, for their share in that tragical scene. 
 This was a severe test of his professional firmness, lie was 
 well aware of the popular indignation against these priso- 
 ners, and he was at that time a representative of Boston in 
 the general court, an office which depended entirely upon 
 jKjpular favour. But he knew that it was due to his profes- 
 sion, and to himself, to undertake their defence, and to hazard 
 the consequences. " The trial was well managed. The cap- 
 lain was severed in his trial from the soldiers, who were tried 
 frrst, and their defence rested in part upon the orders, real or 
 supposed, given by the officer to his men to fire. This was 
 
96 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 in a good measure successful. On the trial of Capt. Preston, 
 no such order to fire could be proved. The result was, as it 
 should have been, an acquittal. It was a glorious thing that 
 the counsel and jury had nerve sufficient to breast the torrent 
 of public feeling. It showed Britain that she had not a mere 
 mob to deal with, but resolute and determined men, who could 
 restrain themselves. Such men are dangerous to arbitrary 
 power.'''' 
 
 The event proved, that as he judged well for his own re- 
 putation, so he judged well for the interest and permanent 
 fame of his country. The same year he was elected one of 
 the representatives in the general assembly, an honour to 
 which the people would not have called him, had he lost their 
 confidence and afiection. 
 
 In the year 1773, and 1774, he was chosen a counsellor by 
 the members of the general court ; but was rejected by Go' 
 vernor Hutchinson, in the former of these years, and by Go- 
 vernor Gage, in the latter. 
 
 In this latter year, he was appointed a member of the con- 
 tinental congress, from Massachusetts. " This appointment 
 was made at Salem, where the general court had been coi>- 
 vened by Governor Gage, in the last hour of the existence of 
 a house of representatives, under the provincial charter. 
 "While engaged in this important business, the governor 
 having been informed of what was passing, sent his secretary 
 with a message, dissolving the general court. The secretary 
 finding the door lo"ked, directed the messenger to go in, and 
 inform the speaker that the secretary was at the door, with a 
 message from the governor. The messenger returned, and 
 informed the secretary that the orders of the house were, that 
 the doors should be kept fast ; whereupon the secretary 
 soon after read a proclamation, dissolving the general court, 
 upon the stairs. Thus terminated, forever, the actual exer- 
 cise of the political power of England in or over Massa 
 cj^iusetts." 
 
 On the meeting of congress in Philadelphia, 1774, Mr. 
 Adams appeared and took his seat. To talents of the highest 
 order, and the most commanding eloquence, he added an 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 97 
 
 honest devotion to the cause of his country, and a firmness 
 of character, for which he was distinguished through life. 
 Prior to that period he had, upon all occasions, stood forth 
 openly in delencc of the rights of his country, and in opposi- 
 tion to the injustice and encroachments of Great Britain. He 
 boldly opposed them by his advice, his actions, and his elo- 
 quence ; and, with other worthies, succeeded in spreading 
 among the people a pi-oper alarm for their liberties. Mr. 
 Adams was placed upon the first and most important com- 
 mittees. During the first year, addresses were prepared to 
 tlie king, to tlie people of England, of Ireland, Canada, and 
 •Jamaica. The name of Mr. Adams is found upon almost all 
 those important committees. His firmness and eloquence in 
 debate, soon gave him a standing among the highest in that 
 august body. 
 
 The proceedings of this congress have already passed in 
 review. Among the members, a variety of opinions seem to 
 have prevailed, as to the probable issue of the contest, in 
 which tlie country was engaged. On this subject, Mr. 
 Adams, a i'ew years before his death, expressed himself, in 
 a letter to a friend, as follows : " When congress had finished 
 their business, as they thought, in the autumn of 1774, I had 
 with Mr. Henry, before we took leave of each other, some 
 familiar conversation, in which I expressed a full conviction 
 that our resolves, declaration of rights, enumeration of 
 wrongs, petitions, remonstrances, and addresses, associa- 
 tions, and non-importation agreements, however they might 
 be viewed in America, and however necessary to cement the 
 union of the colonies, would be but waste water in England. 
 Mr. Henry said, they might make some impression among 
 the people of England, but agreed with me, that they would 
 be totally lost upon the government. I had but just received 
 a short and hasty letter, written to me by Major Joseph 
 Hawlcv, of Northampton, containing a few broken hints, as 
 he called them, of what he thought was proper to be done, 
 and concluding with these words, ' after all, we must fight.^ 
 This letter I read to Mr. Henry, who listened with great at- 
 tention, and as soon as I had pronounced the words, ' after 
 N 9 
 
96 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 all, we must fight,' he raised his head, and, with an energy 
 and vehemence that I can never forget, broke out with, ' I 
 am of that man's mind.' I put the letter into his hand, and 
 when he had read it he returned it to me, with an equally 
 solemn asseveration, that he agreed entirely in opinion with 
 the writer. 
 
 " The other delegates from Virginia returned to their state 
 in full confidence that all our grievances would be redressed. 
 The last words that Mr. Richard Henry Lee said to me, when 
 we parted, were, ' we shall infallibly carry all our points. 
 You will be completely relieved ; all the ofl^ensive acts will 
 be repealed ; the army and fleet will be recalled, and Britain 
 will give up her foolish project.' 
 
 " Washington only was in doubt. He never spoke in pub- 
 lic. In private, he joined with those who advocated a non- 
 exportation, as well as a non-importation agreement. With 
 both, he thought we should prevail ; without either, he 
 thought it doubtful. Henry was clear in one opinion, 
 Richard Henry Lee in an opposite opinion, and Washington 
 doubted between the two." 
 
 On the 15th day of June, the continental congress appointed 
 General Washington commander in chief of the American 
 armies. To Mr. Adams is ascribed the honour of having 
 suggested and advocated the choice of this illustrious man. 
 When first suggested by Mr. Adams, to a few of his confi- 
 dential friends in Congress, the proposition was received 
 with a marked disapprobation. Washington, at this time, 
 was almost a stranger to them ; and, besides, to elevate a 
 man who had never held a higher military rank than that of 
 colonel, over ofllcers of the highest grade in the militia, and 
 those, too, already in the field, appeared not only irregular, 
 but likely to produce much dissatisfaction among them, and 
 the people at large. To Mr. Adams, however, the greatest 
 advantage appeared likely to result from the choice of Wash- 
 ington, M'liose character and pecidiar fitness for the station he 
 well understood. Samuel Adams, his distinguished colleague, 
 coincided Avith him in these views, and through their instru- 
 mentality this felicitous choice was eflected. When a ma» 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 99 
 
 jority in congress had been secured, Mr. Adams introduced 
 the subject of appointing a commander in chief of the armies, 
 and having sketched the qualifications which should be found 
 in the man to be elevated to so responsible a station, he con- 
 cluded by nominating George Washington, of Virginia, to the 
 office. 
 
 To Washington, himself, nothing could have been more un- 
 expected. Until that moment he was ignorant of the intended 
 nomination. The proposal was seconded by Samuel Adams, 
 and the following day it received the unanimous approbation 
 of congress. 
 
 When Mr. Adams was fust made a member of the conti- 
 nental congress, it was hinted that he, at that time, inclined to 
 a separation of the colonics from England, and the establish- 
 ment of an independent government. On his way to Phila- 
 delphia, he was warned, by several advisers, not to introduce 
 a sul)jcct of so delicate a character, until the affairs of the 
 country should wear a diflerent aspect. Whether Mr. 
 Adams needed this admonition or not, will not, in this place, 
 be determined. Rut in 177G, tlie affairs of the colonies, it 
 could no longer be questioned, demanded at least the candid 
 discussion of the subject. On the Gth of May, of that year, 
 ]Mr. Adams offered, in committee of the whole, a resolution 
 that the colonies should form governments independent of 
 the crown. On the lOth of May, this resolution was adopted, 
 in the following shape : " That it be recommended to all the 
 colonies, which had not already established governments 
 suited to tlie exigencies of their case, to adopt such govern- 
 ments as would, in the opinion of the representatives of the 
 j)eople, best conduce to the hai)piness and safety of their con- 
 stituents in particular, and xVmericans in general." 
 
 " This significant vote was soon followed by the direct 
 proposition, which Richard Henry Lee had the honour to 
 submit to congress, by resolution, on the 7th day of June. 
 The pul)lislicd journal does not expressly state it, but there is 
 no doul)t that this resolution was in the same words, when 
 originally submitted by Mr. Lee, as when finally passed. 
 Having been discussed on Saturday the 8th, and Monday the 
 
100 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 10th of June, this resohition was, on the last mentioned day, 
 postponed for further consideration to the lirst day of July , 
 and at the same time it was voted, that a committee be appoint- 
 ed to prepare a declaration, to the effect of the resolution. 
 This committee was elected by ballot on the following day, 
 and consisted of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin 
 Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston." 
 It is usual when committees are elected by ballot, that their 
 members are arranged in order, according to the number of 
 votes which each has received. Mr. Jefferson, therefore, 
 probably received the highest, and Mr. Adams the next 
 highest number of votes. The differe^nce is said to have 
 been but a single vote. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams, standing thus at the head of 
 the committee, were requested by the other members, to act 
 as a sub-committee to prepare the draft; and Mr. Jefferson 
 drew up the paper. The original draft, as brought by him 
 from his study, and submitted to the other members of the 
 committee, with interlineations in the hand writing of Dr. 
 Franklin, and others in that of Mr. Adams, was in Mr. Jeffer- 
 son's possession at the time of his death. The merit of this 
 paper is Mr. Jefferson's. Some changes were made in it, oij 
 the suggestion of other members of the committee, and others 
 by Congress, while it was under discussion. But none of 
 them altered the tone, the frame, the arrangement, or the ge- 
 neral character of the instrument. As a composition, the 
 declaration is Mr. Jefferson's. It is the production of his 
 mind, and the high honour of it belongs to him clearly and 
 absolutely. 
 
 " While Mr. Jefferson was the author of the declaration 
 itself, Mr. Adams was its great supporter on the floor of Con- 
 gress. This was the unequivocal testimony of Mr. Jefferson. 
 'John Adams,' said he, on one occasion, 'was our Colossus 
 on the floor ; not graceful, not elegant, not always fluent in 
 his public addresses, he yet came out with a ]>ower, both of 
 thought and of expression, that moved us from our seats ;" 
 and at another time, he said, ' John Adams was the pillar of 
 its support on the floor of Congress ; its ablest advocate anil 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 101 
 
 defender against the multifarious assaults, which were made 
 against it.' " 
 
 On the second day of July, the resolution of independence 
 was adopted, and on the fourth, the declaration itself was 
 unanimously agreed to. Language can scarcely describe the 
 transport of Mr. Adams at tliis time. He has best described 
 them himself, in a letter written the day following, to his wife. 
 ♦' Yesterday," says he, " the greatest question was decided 
 that was ever debated in America ; and greater, perhaps, 
 never was or will be decided among men. A resolution was 
 passed, without one dissenting colony, ' That these United 
 States are, and of right ought to be, free and independent 
 states.' The day is passed. The 4th of July, 1776, will be a 
 memorable epoch in tlie history of America. I am apt to 
 believe it will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the 
 great anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated as 
 the d^y of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to Almighty 
 God. It ought to be solemnized with pomp, shows, games, 
 sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end 
 of the continent to the other, from this time forward, forever. 
 You will think me transported with enthusiasm, but I am not. 
 I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure, that it 
 will cost to maintain this declaration, and support and defend 
 these states ; yet through all the gloom, I can see the rays of 
 lio-ht and glory. I can see that the end is worth more than 
 all the means ; and that posterity will triumph, although you 
 and I may rue, which I hope we shall not." 
 
 About the time of the declaration of independence, occurred 
 the disastrous battle of Flatbush on Long Island. The 
 victory thus gained by the British, was considered by Lord 
 Howe as a favourable moment for proposing to congi-ess an 
 accommodation ; and for this purpose, he requested an inter- 
 view with some of the members. In the deliberations of con- 
 gress, Mr. Adams opposed this proposal, on the ground that 
 Jio accommodation could thus be effected. 
 
 A committee, however, was appointed to wait on Lord 
 •Howe, consisting of himself. Dr. Franklin, and Mr. Rutledge. 
 On being apprised of their intended interview, Lord Howf 
 
 9* 
 
103 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 sent one of his principal officers as a hostage, but the com- 
 Hiissioners taking him with them, fearlessly repaired to the 
 British camp. On their arrival, they were conducted through 
 au army of twenty thousand men, drawn up for the purpose 
 of show and impression. But the display was lost on the 
 commissioners, who studiously avoided all signs of wonder or 
 anxiety. As had been predicted by Mr. Adams, the intervieAV 
 terminated without any beneficial result. On being introdu- 
 ced, Lord Howe informed them that he could not treat with 
 them as a committee of congress, but only as private gentle- 
 men of influence in the colonies ; to which Mr. Adams repli- 
 ed, " You may view nie in any light you please, sir, except 
 that of a British subject." 
 
 During the remainder of the year 1776, and all 1777, Mr. 
 Adams was deeply engaged in the affairs of congress. He 
 served as a member of ninety different committees, and was 
 chairman of twenty-five committees. From his multiform 
 and severe labours he was relieved in December of the latter 
 year, by the appointment of commissioner to France, in the 
 place of Silas Deane. 
 
 In February, 1778, he embarked for that country on board 
 of the frigate Boston. On his arrival in France, he found that 
 Dr. Franklin, and Arthur Lee, who had been appointed com- 
 missioners the preceding year, and were then in France, had 
 arlready concluded a treaty with the French government. 
 Little business, therefore, of a public nature was left him to 
 do. In the summer of 1779, he returned to America. 
 
 About the time of his arrival, the people of Massachusetts 
 were adopting measures for calling a convention to form a 
 new state constitution. Of this convention he was elected a 
 member, and was also a member of the committee appointed 
 by the convention to report a plan for their consideration. A 
 plan which he drew up was accepted, and was made the basis 
 of the constitution of that state. 
 
 In the August following, in consequence of an informal 
 suggestion from the court of St. James, he received the ap- 
 pointment of minister plenipotentiary for negotiating a treaty 
 of peace, and a treaty of commerce, with Great Britain. A 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 103 
 
 salary of twenty-five hundred pounds sterling was voted him. 
 In the month of October, he embarked on board the French 
 ship La Sensible, and after a tedious voyage was landed at 
 Ferrol, in Spain, whence he proceeded to Paris, where he 
 arrived in the month of February. He there communicated 
 with Dr. Franklin, who was at that time envoy of the United 
 States at the court of France, and with the Count de Ver- 
 gennes, the French prime minister. But the British govern- 
 ment, it was found, were not disposed to peace, and tlie day 
 seemed far distant when any negotiation could be opened 
 with a hope of success. Mr. Adams, however, was so use- 
 ful in various ways, that towards the close of the year, con- 
 gress honoured him by a vote of thanks, " for his industrious 
 attention to the interest and honour of these United States 
 abroad." 
 
 In June, 17S0, congress being informed that Mr. Laurens, 
 who had been appointed to negotiate a loan in Holland for 
 the United States, had been taken prisoner by the English, 
 forwarded a commission to Mr. Adams to proceed to Hol- 
 land, for the above purpose. To this, soon after, was added 
 the new appointment of commissioner to conclude a treaty 
 of amity and commerce with the States General of Holland; 
 and, at the same time, authority was given him to pledge 
 tlie faith of the United States to the " armed neutrality" 
 proposed by the Russian government. 
 
 Mr. Adams repaired with promptitude to Holland, and 
 engaged with great zeal in the business of his commission. 
 From this station" he was suddenly summoned by the Count 
 dc Vergennes, to consult, at Paris, with regard to a project 
 for a general peace, suggested by the courts of Vienna and 
 St. Petersburgh. 
 
 This was one of the most anxious periods in the eventful 
 life of Mr. Adams. France was, indeed, ready to fulfil her 
 guaranty of independence to the United States ; but it Avas 
 the politic aim of the Count de Vergennes, to secure impor- 
 tant advantages for his own country, in the settlement of 
 American difficulties. Hence, no eflbrt w^as spared to make 
 Mr. Adams, in this important matter, the subordinate agent 
 
104 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION- 
 
 of the French cabinet. He, on the other hand, regarded 
 solely the interests of the United States, and the instructions 
 of congress ; and his obstinate independence, unshaken by 
 the alternate threats and blandishments of the court of Ver- 
 sailles, occasioned an effort by the Count de Vergennes to 
 obtain, through the French minister in Philadelphia, such a 
 modification of the instructions to Mr. Adams, as should 
 subject him to the direction of the French cabinet. 
 
 The eflect of this artful and strenuous measure was, a de- 
 termination on the part of congress, that Mr. Adams should 
 hold the most confidential intercourse with the French minis- 
 ters ; and should " undertake nothing in the negotiation of 
 a peace, or truce, without their knowledge and concurrence." 
 Under these humiliating restrictions, the independent and 
 decisive spirit of Mr. Adams was severely tried. The impe- 
 rial mediators proposed an armistice, but without any with- 
 drawal of troops from America. Mr. Adams firmly opposed 
 tliis stipulation ; and the negotiation proceeded no farther at 
 that time. 
 
 It was, obviously, the policy of the French minister, not 
 to facilitate the peace between Great Britain and the United 
 States, without previously securing to France a large share in 
 the fisheries ; and at the same time so establishing the wes- 
 tern boundary, as to sacrifice the interests of the United 
 States to those of Spain. 
 
 Finding all attempts at negotiation unavailing, Mr. Adams 
 returned to Holland. 
 
 Meantime, the apprehensions of congress being much 
 excited by the insinuations of the French minister in Phila- 
 delphia, they added to the commission for forming a treaty 
 with Great Britain, Dr. Franklin, then plenipotentiary at 
 Paris ; Mr. Jay, the minister at Madrid ; Mr. Henry Laurens, 
 who had recently been appointed special minister to France ; 
 and Mr. Jefferson. The whole were instructed to govera 
 themselves by the advice and opinion of the ministers of the 
 king of France. This unaccountable and dishonourable 
 concession, in effect, made the Count de Vergennes ministet 
 plenipotentiary for the United States. 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 105 
 
 But the indefatigable exertions of Mr. Adams in Holland, 
 had a most important bearing upon the proposed negotiations. 
 By a laborious and striking exhibition of the situation and 
 resources of tlie United States, he succeeded in so far in- 
 fluencing public opinion, as to obtain a loan of eight millions 
 of guilders, on reasonable terms. This loan, effiectcd in the 
 autunni of 1782, was soon followed by a treaty of amity and 
 commerce with Holland, recognizing the United States as 
 independent and sovereign states. 
 
 The disposition towards peace, on the part of the English 
 ministry, was wonderfully quickened by the favourable ne- 
 gotiation of this loan. During Lord Shelburne's administra- 
 tion, the independence of the states was unconditionally ac- 
 knowledged, and the first effectual steps were taken to put 
 an end to the war. 
 
 During the negotiations that followed, the disposition of 
 France again evinced itself, to cut off the United States from 
 a share of the fisheries, and to transfer a portion of the 
 American territory to Spain. The American commissioners, 
 therefore, were not a little embarrassed by their instructions 
 from congress, to govern themselves by the opinion and 
 advice of the French minister. But, as Mr. Adams had, on a 
 former occasion, found it necessary to depart from instruc- 
 tions of a similar import ; the other commissioners now 
 joined with him, in the determination to secure the best 
 interests of their country, regardless of the interference of 
 the French minister, and of the inconsiderate restrictions im- 
 posed on them by congress. 
 
 Accordingly, provisional articles were signed by them, on 
 the 30tli of November, 1782 ; and this measure was follow- 
 ed by an advantageous definitive treaty in September, 1783. 
 
 Mr. Adams spent a part of the year 1784 in Holland, but 
 returned eventually to Paris, on being placed at the head of 
 a commission, with Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jefferson as coad- 
 jutors, to negotiate several commercial treaties with different 
 foreign nations. 
 
 Near the commencement of the year 1785, congress re- 
 solved to send a minister plenipotentiary to represent the 
 O 
 
106 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 United States at the court of St. James. To this responsible 
 station, rendered peculiarly delicate by the fact that the 
 United States had so recently and reluctantly been acknow- 
 ledged as an independent nation, Mr. Adams Avas appointed. 
 It was doubtful in wliat manner and with what spirit an 
 American minister would be received by the British govern- 
 ment. On leaving America, Mr. Jay, the then secretary of 
 state, among other instructions, used the following language: 
 " Tlie manner of your reception at that court, and its temper, 
 views, and dispositions respecting American objects, are mat- 
 ters concerning which particular information might be no 
 less useful than interesting. Your letters will, I am persuaded, 
 remove all suspense on those points." 
 
 In accordance with this direction, Mr. Adams subsequently 
 forwarded to Mr. Jay the following interesting account of his 
 presentation to the king. 
 
 " During my interview with the marquis of Carmarthen, 
 he told me it was customary for every foreign minister, at 
 his first presentation to the king, to make his majesty some 
 compliments conformable to the spirit of his credentials; and 
 when Sir Clement Cottrel Dormer, the master of ceremonies, 
 came to inform me that he should accompany me to the secre- 
 tary of state, and to court, he said, that every foreign minister 
 whom he had attended to the queen, had always made an 
 harangue to lier majesty, and he understood, though he had not 
 been present, tliat they always harangued the king. On Tues- 
 day evening, the Baron de Lynden (Dutch ambassador) called 
 upon me, and said he came from the Baron de Nolkin, (Swedish 
 envoy,) and had been conversing upon the singular situation 
 I was in, and they agreed in opinion that it was indispensable 
 that I should make a speech, and that it should be as com- 
 plimentary as possil)le. All this was parallel to the advice 
 lately given by the Count de Vergennes to Mr. Jefferson. S<) 
 that finding it was a custom established at both these great 
 courts, that this court and the foreign ministers expected it, 
 I thouglit I could not avoid it, although my first thought and 
 inclination had been to deliver my credentials silently and 
 retire. At one, on Wednesday the first of June, tlie master 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 107 
 
 of ceremonies called at my house, and went with me to the 
 secretary of state's office, in Cleveland Row, where the mar- 
 quis of Carmarthen received me, and introduced me to Mr. 
 Frazier, his under secretary, who had been, as his lordship 
 said, uninterruptedly in that oilicc throuii'h all the changes in 
 administration for thirty years, having first been appointed 
 by the earl of Holderness. After a short conversation upon 
 the subject of importing my effects from Holland and France, 
 free of duty, which Mr. Frazier himself introduced. Lord 
 Carmarthen invited me to go with him in his coach to court. 
 When we arrived in the antichamber, the (cil-de-beeuf of 
 St. James's, the master of the ceremonies met me, and at- 
 tended me, while the secretary of state went to take the 
 commands of the king. While I stood in this place, Avhere 
 it seems all ministers stand on such occasions, always at- 
 tended by the master of ceremonies, the room very full of 
 courtiers, as well as the next room, which is the king's bed 
 cliambcr, you may well suppose, that I was the focus of all 
 eyes. 
 
 " I was relieved, however, from the embarrassment of it by 
 the Swedish and Dutch ministers, who came to mc and enter- 
 tained me in a very agreeable conversation during the whole 
 time. Some other gentlemen whom I had seen before came 
 to make their compliments too, until the marquis of Carmar- 
 then returned, and desired me to go with him to his majesty : 
 I went with his lordship through the levee room into the 
 king's closet; the door was shut, and I was left with his 
 majesty and the secretary of state alone. I made the three 
 reverences, one at the door, another about half way, and the 
 third before the presence, according to the usage established 
 at this and all the northern courts of Europe, and then ad- 
 dressed myself to his majesty in the following words: 
 
 " ' Sir, the United States have appointed me tlieir minister 
 plenipotentiary to your majesty, and have directed me to de- 
 liver to your majesty this letter, which contains the evidence 
 of it. It is in obedience to their express commands, that I have 
 the honour to assure your majesty of their unanimous disposi- 
 tion and desire to cultivate the most friendly and liberal in* 
 
108 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 tercourse between your majesty's subjects and their citizens, 
 and of their best wishes for your majesty's heahh and happi- 
 ness, and for that of your royal family. 
 
 " The appointment of a minister from the United States 
 to your majesty's court, will form an epoch in the history of 
 England and America. I think myself more fortunate than all 
 my fellow citizens, in having the distinguislied honour to be 
 the first to stand in your majesty's royal presence in a diplo- 
 matic character ; and I shall esteem myself the happiest of 
 men, if I can be instrumental in recommending my country 
 more and more to your majesty's royal benevolence, and of 
 restoring an entire esteem, confidence, and aflection, or in 
 better words, ' the old good nature, and the old good humour,' 
 between people who, though separated by an ocean, and un- 
 der diflerent governments, have the same language, a similar 
 religion, and kindred blood. I beg your majesty's permission 
 to add, that although I have sometimes before been entrusted 
 by my country, it was never, in my whole life, in a manner so 
 agreeable to myself.' 
 
 " The king listened to every word I said, with dignity, it 
 is true, but witli an apparent emotion. Whether it was the 
 nature of the interview, or whether it was my visible agita- 
 tion, for I felt more than I did or could express, that touched 
 him, I cannot say, but he was much aflected, and answered me 
 with more tremor than I had spoken Avith, and said : 
 
 " ' Sir, the circumstances of this audience are so extraor- 
 dinary, the language you have now held is so extremely pro- 
 per, and the feelings you have discovered so justly adapted 
 to the occasion, that I must say, that I not only receive with 
 pleasure the assurances of the friendly disposition of the peo- 
 ple of the United States, but that I am very glad the choice 
 Jias fallen upon you to be their minister. I wish you, sir, to 
 believe, and that it may be understood in America, that I 
 have done nothing in the late contest but what I thought my- 
 self indispensably bound to do, by the duty which I owed to 
 my people. I will be very frank with you. I was the last 
 to conform to the separation ; but the separation having been 
 made, and having become inevitable, I have always said, as I 
 
JOHN ADAMS. iOO 
 
 say now, tliat I would be the first to meet the friendship of 
 the United States, as an independent power. Tlie moment 
 I see such sentiments and language as yours prevail, and a 
 disposition to give this country the preference, that moment 
 I shall say, let the circumstances of language, religion, and 
 blood, have their natural and full effect.' 
 
 " I dare not say that these were the king's precise word?, 
 and it is even possible that I may have, in some particular, 
 mistaken his meaning ; for although his pronunciation is as 
 distinct as I ever heard, he hesitated sometimes between his 
 periods, and between the members of the same period. He 
 was, indeed, much affected, and I was not less so ; and, there- 
 fore, I cannot be certain that I was so attentive, heard so 
 clearly, and understood so perfectly, as to be confident of all 
 his words or sense ; this I do say, that the foregoing is his 
 majesty's meaning, as I then understood it, and his own 
 words, as nearly as I can recollect." 
 
 Tlie year following, 1788, Mr. Adams requested permis- 
 sion to resign his office, which, being granted, after an ab- 
 sence of between eight and nine years, he returned to his 
 native country. The new government was, at that time, about 
 going into operation. In the autumn of 1788, he was elected 
 vice president of the United States, a situation which he filled, 
 with reputation for eight years. 
 
 On the retirement of General Washington from the presi- 
 dency, in 179(5, Mr. Adams was a candidate for that elevated 
 station. At this time, two parties had been formed in the 
 United States. At the head of one stood Mr. Hamilton and 
 Mr. Adams, and at the head of the other stood Mr. Jefferson. 
 After a close contest between these two parties, Mr. Adams 
 was elected president, having received seventy-one of the 
 electoral votes, and Mr. Jefferson sixty-eight. In March, 
 1797, these gentlemen entered upon their respective ofl!ices 
 of president and vice president of the United States. 
 
 Of the administration of Mr. Adams we shall not, in this 
 place, give a detailed account. Many circumstances con- 
 spired to render it unpopular. An imhappy dispute with 
 France had arisen a little previously to his inauguration. In 
 
 10 
 
no MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 the management of this dispute, Avhich had reference to ag- 
 gressions by France upon American rights and commerce, 
 the popularity of Mr. Adams was in no small degree affected, 
 although the measures which he recommended for upholding 
 the national character, were more moderate than congress, 
 and a respectable portion of the people, thought the exigen- 
 cies of the case required. Other circumstances, also, con- 
 spired to diminish his popularity. Restraints were imposed 
 upon the press, and authority vestod in the president to or- 
 der aliens to depart out of the United Slates, when he should 
 judge the peace and safety of the country required. To these 
 measures, acts were added for raising a standing army, and 
 imposing a direct tax and internal duties. These, and other 
 causes, combined to weaken the strength of the party to 
 whom he owed his elevation, and to prevent his re-election. 
 He was succeeded by Mr. Jefferson, in 1801. 
 
 On retiring from the presidency he removed to his former 
 residence at Quincy, where, in quiet, he spent the remainder 
 of his days. In 1820, he voted as elector of president and 
 rice president ; and, in the same year, at the advanced age 
 of 85, he was a member of the convention of Massachusetts, 
 assembled to revise the constitution of that commonwealth. 
 
 Mr. Adams retained the faculties of his mind, in remarka- 
 ble perfection, to the end of his long life. His unabated love 
 of reading and contemplation, added to an interesting circle 
 of friendship and affection, were sources of felicity in de 
 dining years, which seldom fall to the lot of any one. 
 
 " But," to use the language of a distinguished eulogist,* 
 " he had other enjoyments. He saw around him that pros- 
 perity and general happiness, which had been the object of 
 his public cares and labours. No man ever beheld more 
 clearly, and for a longer time, the great and beneficial effects 
 of the services rendered by himself to his country. That 
 liberty, which he so early defended, that independence, of 
 which he was so able an advocate and supporter, he saw, we 
 trust, firmly and securely established. The population of 
 
 * Webster. 
 
JOHN" ADAMS. Ill 
 
 llie country llilckencd around him faster, and extended wider, 
 than his own sanguine predictions had anticipated ; and the 
 wcaltli, respectability, and power of the nation, sprang up to 
 a magnitude, which it is quite impossible he could have ex- 
 pected to witness, in his day. He lived, also, to behold those 
 principles of civil freedom, which had been developed, es- 
 tablished, and practically applied in America, atti-act atten- 
 tion, command respect, and awaken imitation, in other re- 
 gions of the globe ; and well might, and Avell did he ex- 
 claim, ' Where will the consequences of the American revo- 
 lution end !' 
 
 " If any thing yet remains to fill this cup of happiness, let 
 it be added, that he lived to sec a great and intelligent people 
 bestow the highest honour in their gift, where he had be- 
 stowed his own kindest parental affections, and lodged his 
 fondest hopes. 
 
 " At length the day approached when this eminent patriot 
 was to be summoned to another world ; and, as if to render 
 that day forever memorable in the annals of American histo- 
 ry, it was the day on which the illustrious Jefferson was 
 himself, also, to terminate his distinguished earthly career. 
 That day was the fiftieth anniversary of the declaration of 
 independence. 
 
 " Until within a few days previous, Mr. Adams had ex- 
 hibited no indications of a rapid decline. The morning of the 
 fourth of July, 1826, he was unable to rise from his bed. 
 Neither to himself, or his friends, however, was his dissolution 
 supposed to be so near. He was asked to suggest a toast, 
 api)ropriate to the celebration of the day. His mind seemed 
 to glance back to the hour in which, fifty years before, he had 
 voted for the declaration of independence, and with the 
 spirit with which he then raised his hand, lie now exclaimed, 
 ' Independence forever.' At four o'clock in the afternoon 
 he expired. Mr. Jefi'erson had departed a few hours before 
 him." 
 
 We close this imperfect sketch of the life of this distinguished 
 raan in the language of one* who, from the relation in which 
 
 ♦ Presideiit Adams'a Message. 
 
113 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 he stood to the subject of this memoir, must have felt, more 
 tlian any other individual, the impressiveness of the event. 
 '• They, (Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson,) departed cheered 
 by the benediction of their country, to whom they left the 
 inheritance of their fame, and the memory of their bright 
 example. If we turn our thoughts to the condition of their 
 country, in the contrast of the first and last day of that half 
 century, how resplendent and sublime is the transition from 
 gloom to glory ! Then, glancing through the same lapse of 
 lime, in the condition of the individuals, we see the first day 
 marked with the fulness and vigour of youth, in the pledge 
 of their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honour, to the 
 cause of freedom and of mankind. And on the last, extended 
 on the bed of death, with but sense and sensibility left to 
 breathe a last aspiration to heaven of blessing upon their 
 country ; may we not humbly hope, that to them, too, it was 
 a pledge of transition from gloom to glory ; and that while 
 their mortal vestments were sinking into the clod of the val- 
 ley, their emancipated spirits were ascending to the bosom of 
 their God !" 
 
 ROBERT TREAT PAINE. 
 
 Robert Treat Paine was a native of Boston, where he 
 was born, in the year 1731. His parents were pious and 
 respectable. His father was for some years the settled pas- 
 tor of a church in Weymouth, in the vicinity of Boston. His 
 health failing him, however, he removed with his family to 
 the latter place ; where he entered into mercantile pursuits. 
 His mother was the grand-daughter of Governor Treat of 
 Connecticut. 
 
 At the early age of fourteen, he became a member of Har- 
 vard College; but of his collegiate course, little has been re- 
 corded. On leaving the university, he was engaged for some 
 
ROBERT TREAT PAINE. 113 
 
 time in a public school. As the fortune of his father had, 
 from various circumstances, become much reduced, the sup- 
 port of his parents, with some other relations, seemed to de- 
 volve upon himself. In the acquisition of more ample means 
 for their maintenance, he made a voyage to Europe. It 
 Avas an honourable trait in his character, thus in the morn- 
 ing of life to exhibit such filial afl'ection ; a kindness of 
 disposition, which he continued to manifest during his father's 
 life. 
 
 Previously to his commencing the study of law, lie devoted 
 some time to the subject of theology, which tended to en- 
 large his views of Christianity, and to confirm his belief of its 
 truth. In 1755, he served as chaplain to the troops of the 
 province at the northward, and afterwards preached a few 
 times in other places. 
 
 At length he directed his attention to the study of law, du- 
 ring which period, having no pecuniary assistance, he was 
 obliged to resort again to the keeping of a school for his sup- 
 port. By most persons such a course would be deemed a 
 serious evil ; but experience has shown, that those who are 
 obliged to depend upon their own energies for the means oi 
 education, generally enter upon their profession, if not with 
 higher attainments, with more courage to encounter the dilE- 
 culties with which almost every one meets, and they are 
 more likely to attain to a high elevation, than those whose re- 
 sources are abundant. 
 
 On being qualified for the practice of law, Mr. Paine esta- 
 blished himself at Taunton, in the county of Bristol, where 
 he resided for many years. We necessarily pass over seve- 
 ral years of his life, during which we meet no occurrences ot 
 sufficient imporUmce to merit a notice in these pages. It ma\' 
 be remarked, however, that at an early period, he took a 
 deep interest in the various disputes which arose between the 
 colonies and the British government. He was a delegate from 
 Taunton, to a convention called by leading men of Boston, 
 in 17G8, in consequence of the abrupt dissolution of the gene- 
 ral court by Governor Bernard. This convention the go- 
 vernor attempted to break up, but it continued in session several 
 P 10* 
 
1 14 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 days, and adopted many spirited resolutions, designed to 
 awaken in the people a greater attention to their rights, and 
 to show to the ministry of England, that if those rights were 
 violated, the provincial assembly would act independently of 
 the governor. 
 
 Mr. Paine was engaged in the celebrated trial of Captain 
 Preston, and his men, for the part they acted in the well 
 known " Boston massacre" of 1770. On this occasion, in the 
 absence of the attorney general, he conducted the prosecution 
 on the part of the crown. Although only a fragment of his 
 address to the jury, at this time, has been preserved, it ap- 
 pears that he managed the cause with the highest reputation 
 to himself, both in regard to his honour as a faithful advo- 
 cate, and at the same time as a friend to the just rights of 
 those against whom he acted as council. 
 
 From this time, Mr. Paine appeared still more conspicuous- 
 ly as the friend of liberty, in opposition to the tyrannical and 
 oppressive measures of the British administration. In 1773, 
 lie was elected a representative to the general assembly, from 
 the town of Taunton. It was now becoming a period of 
 great alarm in the colonies. Men of principle and talent 
 were selected to guard the ancient rights of the colonies, and 
 to point to those measures which, in the approaching crisis, 
 it was proper to pursue. It was a high honour, therefore, for 
 any one to be elected a representative of the people. The 
 rights, the liberties, %nd even the lives of their constitu- 
 ents wore placed in their hands ; it was of the utmost im- 
 portance that they should be men of sagacity, patriotism, and 
 principle. Such, fortunately for the colonies, were the men 
 who represented them in their provincial assemblies, and in 
 the continental congress. 
 
 Of this latter body, Mr. Paine was elected a member in 
 1774. A general account of the proceedings of this as- 
 sembly has already been given. At that time a separation 
 from the parent country was not generally contemplated, 
 although to more discerning minds, such an event appear- 
 ed not improbable, and that at no distant day. The con 
 gross of 1774, were appointed mainly to deliberate and de- 
 
ROBERT TREAT PAINF 115 
 
 lermine upon the measures proper to be pursued, to secure 
 tiie enjoyment and exercise of rights guaranteed to the colo- 
 nies by their charters, and for the restitution of union and 
 harmony between the two countries, which was still desired 
 by all. Accordingly they proceeded no farther at that time, 
 than to address the people of America, petition the king, 
 state their grievances, assert their rights, and recommend the 
 suspension of importations from Great Britain into the co- 
 lonics. 
 
 The assembling of such a body, and for objects of so ques- 
 tionable a character, was a bold step ; and bold must have 
 been the men, who could thus openly appear on the side of the 
 colonies, in opposition to the British ministry, and the royal 
 power. In concluding their session, in October of the same 
 year, they presented a solemn appeal to the world, stating 
 Uiat innovation was not their object, but only the preserva- 
 tion and maintenance of the rights which, as subjects of Great 
 Britain, had been granted to them by their ancient chartei'S. 
 "Had we been permitted," say they, " to enjoy in quiet the 
 inheritance left us by our fathers, we should, at this time, have 
 been peaceably, cheerfully, and usefully employed in recom- 
 mending ourselves, by every testimony of devotion to his 
 majesty, and of veneration to the state from which we derive 
 our origin. Though now exposed to unexpected and unna- 
 tural scenes of distress, by a contention with that nation, in 
 whose general guidance, on all important occasions, we have 
 hitherto with filial reverence constantly trusted, and there- 
 fore can derive no instruction, in our present unhappy and 
 perplexing circumstances, from any former experience ; yet 
 we doubt not, the purity of our intentions, and the integrity of 
 our conduct, will justify us at that great tribunal, before which 
 all mankind must submit to judgment. We ask but for 
 peace, liberty, and safety. We wish not a diminution of the 
 royal prerogatives ; nor do we solicit the grant of any new 
 right in our favour." 
 
 To the continental congress, which met at Philadelphia 
 in May, 1T75, Mr. Paine was again a delegate from Massa- 
 chusetts. At that time, the colonies were greatly in want of 
 
116 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 gunpowder. The manufacture of salt petre, one of its con- 
 stituents, Avas but imperfectly understood. Congress appoint- 
 ed a committee, of which Mr. Paine was chairman, to intro- 
 duce the manufacture of it. In this particular, he rendered 
 essential service to his country, by making extensive inquiries 
 into the subject, and by inducing persons in various parts of 
 the provinces to engage in the manufacture of the article. 
 The following is among the letters which he wrote on this 
 subject, which, wliile it shows his indefatigable attention to 
 tlie subject, will convey to the present generation some idea 
 of the multiform duties of the patriots of the revolution. Mr. 
 Paine also rendered himself highly useful, as a member of a 
 committee for the encouragement of the manufocture of 
 cannon, and other implements of war. 
 
 Philadelphia, June \Oth, 1775. 
 My very dear Sir, 
 
 I cannot express to you the surprise and uneasiness I 
 received on hearing the congress express respecting the want 
 of gunpowder; it was always a matter that lay heavy on 
 my mind ; but the observation I made of your attention to it, 
 and your alertness and perseverance in everything you under- 
 take, and your repeatedly expressing it as your opinion that we 
 had probably enough for this summer's campaign, made me quite 
 easy. I rely upon it that measures are taken in your parts of 
 the continent to supply this defect. The design of your ex- 
 press will be zealously attended to, I think. I have seen one 
 of the powder mills licre, where they make excellent powder, 
 but have worked up all the nitre ; one of our members is 
 concerned in a powder mill at New-York, and has a man at 
 work making nitre. I have taken pains to inquire into the 
 method. Dr. Franklin has seen sal t-petre works at Hanover and 
 Paris ; and it strikes me to be as unnecessary, after a certain 
 time, to send abroad for gunpowder, as for bread ; provided 
 people will make use of common understanding and industry ; 
 but for the present we must import from abroad. Major 
 Foster told me, at Hartford, he suspected he had some land 
 that would yield nitre ; pray converse with him aibottt it. Dr 
 
ROBERT TREAT PAINE. 117 
 
 Franklin's account is much the same as is mentioned in one 
 of the first of the American magazines ; the sweeping of the 
 streets, and rubbish of old buildings, are made into mortar, and 
 built into walls, exposed to the air, and once in about two 
 months scraped and lixiviated, and evaporated ; when I can 
 describe the method more minutely, I will write you ; mean- 
 tvhile, give me leave to condole with you the loss of Colonel 
 Lee. Pray remember me to Colonel Orne, and all other our 
 worthy friends. Pray take care of your important health, 
 that you may be able to stand stiff as a pillar in our new go- 
 vernment. 
 
 I must now subscribe, with great respect and affection, 
 Your humble servant, 
 
 R. T. Paine. 
 
 Of the congress of 1776, Mr. Paine was also a member ; 
 and to the declaration of independence, which that body pub- 
 lished to the world, he gave his vote, and affixed his name. 
 In the December following, the situation of congress became 
 justly alarming. The British army were, at this time, ma- 
 king rapid advances through New-Jersey, towards Philadel- 
 phia. The troops of Washington, amounting to scarcely one 
 third of the British force, it was thought would not be able to 
 resist their progress, or prevent their taking possession of 
 Philadelphia. During the alarm excited by an approaching 
 foe, congress adjourned to Baltimore. Of the state of con- 
 gress, at this time, the following letter of Mr. Paine gives an 
 interesting account. 
 
 "Our public affairs have been exceedingly agitated since I 
 wrote you last. The loss of fort Washington made way for 
 that of fort Lee ; and the dissolution of our army happening 
 at the same time, threw us into a most disagreeable situation. 
 The interception of an express gave the enemy full assurance 
 of what they must have had some knowledge of before, the state 
 of our army ; and they took the advantage of it. In two days 
 after the possession of fort Lee, on the 20th of November, 
 where we lost much baggage, and thechief of our battering can- 
 non, they marclied to the Hackensack, and thence to Newark, 
 
lis MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 driving General Washington before them, with his 3000 men; 
 tJience to Elizabethtown. General Washington supposed, 
 from the best information he could get, that they were 10,000 
 strong; marching with a large body of horse in front, and a 
 very large train of artillery. We began to be apprehensive 
 they were intended for Philadelphia ; and congress sat all 
 Sunday in determining proper measures on the occasion. I 
 cannot describe to you the situation of this city. The pros- 
 pect was really alarming. Monday, 9th ; yesterday. General 
 Washington crossed the Delaware, and the enemy arrived at 
 Trenton on this side, thirty miles from this place ; close 
 quarters for Congress ! It obliges us to move ; we have re- 
 solved to go to Baltimore." 
 
 For the years 1777 and 1778, Mr. Paine was a member of 
 congress, during the intervals of whose sessions, he filled 
 several important offices in the state of Massachusetts. In 
 1780, he was called to take a part in the deliberations of the 
 convention, which met for the purpose of forming a constitu- 
 tion for the commonwealth. Of the committee which framed 
 that excellent instrument, he was a conspicuous member. 
 Under the government organized according to this constitu- 
 tion, he was appointed attorney general, an office which he 
 continued to hold until 1790, when he was transferred to a 
 seat on the bench of the supreme judicial court. In this situa- 
 tion he remained till the year 1804, at which time he had at- 
 tained to the advanced age of 73 years. As a lawyer, Mr. 
 Paine ranked high among his professional brethren. His 
 legal attainments were extensive. In the discharge of his 
 duties as attorney general, he had the reputation of unneces- 
 sary severity; but fidelity in that station generally provokes 
 the censure of the lawless and licentious. Towards the aban- 
 doned and incorrigible he was indeed severe, and was willing 
 that the law in all its penalties should be visited upon them. 
 But where crime was followed by repentance, he could be 
 moved to tenderness ; and M'hile, in the discharge of his offi- 
 cial duty, he took care that the law should not fall into dis- 
 respect through his inefficiency, he at the same time was ever 
 
ROBERT TREAT PAINE. 119 
 
 ready to recommend such as might deserve it to executive 
 clemency. 
 
 The important duties of a judge, he discharged with ho- 
 nour and great impartiality for the space of fourteen years. 
 During the latter part of this time, he was ailected with a 
 deafness, which, in a measure, impaired his usefulness on the 
 bench. Few men have rendered more important services to 
 the literary and religious institutions of a country, than did 
 Judge Paine. He gave them all the support and influence 
 of his oflice, by urging upon grand jurors the faithful exe- 
 cution of the laws, the support of schools, and the preserva- 
 tion of a strict morality. 
 
 The death' of Judge Paine occun-ed on the eleventh of 
 May, 1814, having attained to the age of 84 years. Until 
 near the close of life, the vigour of his mental faculties con- 
 tinued unimpaired. In quickness of apprehension, liveliness 
 of imagination, and general intelligence, he had few supe- 
 riors. His memory was of the most retentive character, and 
 he was highly distinguished for a sprightly and agreeable 
 turn in conversation. A witty severity sometimes excited 
 the temporary disquietude of a friend ; but if he was some- 
 times inclined to indulge in pleasant raillery, he was willing 
 to be the subject of it in his t\n-n. 
 
 As a scholar, he ranked high among literary men, and 
 was distinguished for his patronage of all the useful institu- 
 .tions of the country. He was a founder of the American 
 A-cademy established in Massachusetts in 1780, and active in 
 Its service until his death. The honorary degree of doctor 
 of laws was conferred upon him by Harvard University. 
 
 Judge Paine was a firm believer in the divine origin of the 
 Christian religion. He gave full credence to the scriptures, 
 as a revelation from (jod, designed to instruct mankind in a 
 knowledge of their duty, and to guide them in the way to 
 eternal happiness. 
 
120 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATIOK. 
 
 ELBRIDGE GERRY. 
 
 Elbridge Gerry was born at Marblehead, in tlie state of 
 Massachusetts, on the seventeenth day of July, 1744. His fa- 
 ther was a native of Newton, of respectable parentage and con- 
 nexions. He emigrated to America in 1730, soon after which, 
 he established himself as a merchant in Marblehead, where he 
 continued to reside until his death, in 1774. He was much 
 esteemed and respected, as a man of judgment and discretion. 
 
 Of the early habits or manners of young Elbridge, little 
 is known. He became a member of Harvard College be- 
 fore he had completed his fourteenth year ; and of course 
 was too young at the university to acquire any decided cha- 
 racter. 
 
 Mr. Gerry was originally destined to the profession of 
 medicine, to which his own inclination strongly attached him. 
 But soon after leaving college, he engaged in commercial 
 afl'airs, under the direction of his father, and for some years 
 followed the routine of mercantile business in his native 
 town. Great success attended his commercial enterprise ; 
 and within a few years, he found himself in the enjoyment 
 of a competent fortune. 
 
 It is natural to suppose that the superior education of Mr. 
 Gerry, added to the respectable character he sustained, as a 
 man of probity and judgment, gave him influence over the 
 people among whom he resided. In May, 1772, the people 
 of Marblehead manifested their respect and confidence by 
 sending him a representative to the general court of the 
 province of Massachusetts. In May of the following year, 
 Mr. Gerry was re-elected to the same office. During 
 the session of the general court that year, Mr. Samuel 
 Adams introduced his celebrated motion for the appointment 
 of a standing committee of correspondence and inquiry. 
 
 In accordance with this motion, committees of correspon- 
 dence were appointed throughout the province, by means of 
 which intelligence was freely circulated abroad, and a spirit 
 of patriotism was infused through all parts of the country. 
 
ELBRIDOE OERRT. 121 
 
 Though one of the youngest members, Mr. Gerry was ap- 
 pointed by the house of representatives, a member of this 
 committee ; in all the proceedings of which, he took an active 
 and prominent part. 
 
 In tlie month of June, the celebrated letters of Governor 
 Hutchinson to persons in England, were laid before the 
 house by Mr. Adams. The object of these letters, as noticed 
 in a preceding page, was to encourage the British adminis- 
 tration in maintaining their arbitrary measures. In the de- 
 bates which ensued on the disclosure of these letters, Mr. 
 Gerry distinguished himself, and was indefatigably engaged 
 through the year, in forwarding the resolute measures, which 
 combined to overthrow the royal government of the pro- 
 vince. He was also particularly active in the scenes which 
 marked the year 1774. He united in the opposition to the 
 importation of tea, and to the Boston port bill ; and heartily 
 concurred in the establishment of a system of non-intercourse 
 with the parent country. 
 
 In the month of August, Governor Gage issued his pre- 
 cepts to the several towns, to choose representatives to meet 
 at Salem, the first week in October. Before the arrival of 
 that day, the governor had countermanded their meeting. 
 Notwithstanding this prohiI)ition, delegates assembled at 
 Salem on the seventh of October. There having formed 
 themselves into a provincial congress, they adjourned to 
 Concord, and proceeded to business. Of this congress Mr. 
 Gerry was an active and efficient member. 
 
 On the organization of the assembly, a committee was ap- 
 pointed to consider the state of the province. Fourteen of 
 the most distinguished members of the congress, among 
 whom was Mr. Gerry, comj)osed this committee. They pub- 
 lished a bold and energetic appeal, which, in the form of an 
 address to Governor Gage, was calculated to justify the 
 authority they had assumed, to awaken their constituents to a 
 sense of the da'ngers they feared, and the injuries they had 
 sustained. 
 
 They next appointed a committee of safety, and adopted 
 measures to obtain a supply of arms and ammunition ; of 
 Q 11 
 
122 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 which the province was lamentably deficient. They re-or- 
 ganizcd the militia, appointed general officers, and took such 
 other measures as the approaching crisis seemed to render 
 necessary. 
 
 In February, 1775, a new provincial congress, of which Mr. 
 Gerry was a member, assembled in Cambridge. This con- 
 gress, like the former one, published an appeal to the people, 
 designed to excite and regulate that patriotic spirit, which 
 the emergency required. A general apprehension prevailed, 
 that a pacific termination of the existing troubles was not to 
 be expected. They avowed their abhorrence of actual hos- 
 tilities, but still maintained their right to arm in defence of 
 their country, and to prepare themselves to resist with the 
 sword. 
 
 In the spring of 1775, the prospect of open war every day 
 increased. A strong apprehension prevailed, that an attempt 
 would be made by the royal governor to destroy such military 
 stores as had been collected, particularly at Concord and 
 Worcester. The committee of safety, in their solicitude on 
 this subject, stationed a watch at each of these places, to 
 give an alarm to the surrounding country should such an at- 
 tempt be made. 
 
 A short period only elapsed, before the apprehensions of 
 the people proved not to be without foundation. The expe- 
 dition to Concord, and the bloody scenes which occurred 
 both there and at Lexington, ushered in the long expected 
 contest. " Among the objects of this expedition," observes 
 Mr. Austin, in his life of Mr. Gerry, " one was to seize the 
 persons of some of the influential members of Congress, 
 and to hold them as hostages for the moderation of their 
 colleagues, or send them to England for trial as traitors, and 
 thus strike dismay and terror into the minds of their asso- 
 ciates and friends. 
 
 " A committee of congress, among whom were Mr. Gerry, 
 Colonel Orne, and Colonel Hancock, had been in session on 
 the day preceding the march of the troops, in the village of 
 Menotomy, then part of the township of Cambridge, on the 
 road to Lexington. The latter gentleman, after the session 
 
ELBRIDGE GERRV. 133 
 
 was over, had gone to Lexington. Mr. Gerry and Mr. Orne 
 remained at the village, the other members of the committee 
 had dispersed. 
 
 " Some officers of the royal army had been sent out in 
 advance, who passed through the villages just before dusk, 
 in the afternoon of the 18th of April, and although the ap- 
 pearance of similar detachments was not uncommon, these 
 so far attracted the attention of Mr. Gerry, that he despatched 
 an express to Colonel Hancock, who, with Samuel Adams, 
 was at Lexington. The messenger passed the officers, by 
 taking a by-path, and delivered his letter. The idea of per- 
 sonal danger does not seem to have made any strong impres- 
 sion on either of these gentlemen. Mr. Hancock's answer 
 to Mr. Gerry bears marks of the haste with which it was 
 written, while it discovers that habitual politeness on fhe 
 part of the writex, which neither haste or danger could impair. 
 
 Lexington, April ISth, 1775. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I am much obliged for your notice. It is said the officers 
 are gone to Concord, and I will send word thither. I am 
 full with you, that we ought to be serious, and I hope your 
 decision will be efl'ectual. I intend doing myself the plea- 
 sure of being with you to-morrow. My respects to the 
 committee. 
 
 I am your real friend, 
 
 John Hancock. 
 
 Mr. Gerry and Colonel Orne retired to rest, without ta- 
 king the least precaution against personal exposure, and they 
 remained quietly in their beds, until the British advance 
 were within view of the dwelling house. It was a fine moon- 
 light night, and they quietly marked the glittering of its 
 beams, on the polished arms of the soldiers, as the troops 
 moved with the silence and regularity of accomplished discip- 
 line. The front passed on. When the centre were opposite 
 to the house, occupied by the committee, an officer and file 
 of men were detached by signal, and marched towards it. It 
 
1^ MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 was not until this moment they entertained any apprehension 
 of danger. While the officer was posting his files, the gen- 
 tlemen found means, by their better knowledge of the premi- 
 ses, to escape, half dressed as they were, into an adjoining 
 cornfield, Avhere they remained concealed for more than an 
 hour, until the troops were withdrawn. Every apartment of 
 the house was searched ' for the members of the rebel con- 
 gress ;' even the beds in which they had lain were examined. 
 But their property, and among other things, a valuable watch 
 of Mr. Gerry's, which was under his pillow, was not dis- 
 turbed." 
 
 A few days after the skirmishes at Lexington and Concord, 
 tlie provincial congress re-assembled. It was now apparent 
 that the controversy must be decided by force of arms. At 
 this time, it was found that almost every article of a military 
 kind was yet to be procured. The province possessed no 
 magazines of arms, and had little ammunition. No contracts 
 for provision or clothing had yet been made. To meet these 
 exigencies, a committee, at the head of which was Mr. 
 Gerry, was immediately appointed, and clothed with the 
 proper power. The article most needed was that of gun- 
 powder, to procure which, Mr. Gerry was specially commis- 
 sioned by the committee. In the discharge of this duty, he 
 wroto many letters to gentlemen in different parts of the 
 country, from whom he received others in reply. One of 
 these will be found in the life of Robert Treat Paine, in a 
 preceding page. Mr. Gerry did more : in many cases he 
 hesitated not to advance his own funds, where immediate 
 payment was required. In the progress of the war, the evi- 
 dence of these payments was lost, or mislaid, and their final 
 settlement was attended Avith heavy pecuniary loss. 
 
 On the 17th day of June, was fought the celebrated battle 
 of Bunker Hill. The provincial congress was at that time in 
 session, at Watertown. Before the battle. Dr. Joseph Warren^ 
 j)resident of the congress, who was the companion and room 
 mate of Mr. Gerry, communicated to the latter his intention 
 of mingling in the expected contest. The night preceding 
 the doctor's departure for Bunker Hill, he lodged, it is said. 
 
ELERIDGE GERRY. 125 
 
 in the same bed with Mr. Gerry. In the morning, in reply 
 to the admonitions of his friend, as he was about to leave 
 him, he uttered the well known words, " Dalce et decorum 
 est, pro patria mori."* 
 
 Mr. Gerry, on that day, attended the provincial congress. 
 His brave friend, as is well known, followed where his duty 
 called him, to the memorable "heights of Bunker," where 
 he fell fighting for the cause of liberty and his country. 
 
 At an early period in 1775, Mr. Gerry submitted a propo- 
 sal in the provincial congress of Massachusetts, for a law to 
 encourage the fitting out of armed vessels, and to provide for 
 the adjudication of prizes. This was a step of no small im- 
 portance. To grant letters of marque and of reprisal, is the 
 prerogative of the sovereign. For a colony to authorise 
 such an act, was rebellious, if not treasonable. The proposal 
 was sustained, though not without opposition. Mr. Gerry 
 was chairman of the committee appointed to prepare the act 
 to authorise privateering, and to establish admiralty courts. 
 Governor Sullivan was another member of it; and on these 
 two gentlemen devolved the task of drawing the act, which 
 they executed in a small room under the belfry of the Water- 
 town meeting house, in which the provincial congress was 
 holding its session. This law, John Adams pronounced 
 one of the most important measures of the Revolution. 
 Under the sanction of it, the Massachusetts cruizers captured 
 many of the enemy's vessels, the cargoes of which furnished 
 various articles of necessity to the colonies. 
 
 Of the court of admiralty, established in pursuance of the 
 law proposed by Mr. Gerry, that gentleman himself was ap- 
 pointed a judge, for the counties of Suffolk, Middlesex, and 
 Essex. This honour, however, he declined, from a determi- 
 nation to devote himself to more active duties. 
 
 To such duties, he was not long after called, by the suffra- 
 ges of his fellow citizens, who elected him a delegate from 
 Massachusetts to the continental congress, in which body he 
 took his seat, on the Oth of February, 1776. For this 
 distinguished station he was eminently fitted ; and of this 
 
 * It ia s\\-cct aad glorious to lay down lifo for one's country. 
 11* 
 
136 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATIOX. 
 
 body he continued a member with {ew intervals, until Sep 
 tember, 1785. Our limits preclude a minute notice of the 
 various duties which he there discharged. On various occa- 
 sions he was appointed to serve on committees, whose busi- 
 ness required great labour, and whose results involved the 
 highest interests of the country. He assisted in arranging 
 the plan of a general hospital, and of introducing a better 
 discipline into the army ; and regulating the commissary's 
 departments. In several instances, he was appointed, with 
 others, to visit the army, to examine the state of the money 
 and finances of the country, and to expedite the settlement 
 of pviblic accounts. In the exercise of his various official 
 functions, no man exhibited more fidelity, or a more unweari- 
 ed zeal. He sustained the character of an active and resolute 
 statesman, and retired from the councils of the confederacy, 
 with all the honours which patriotism, integrity, and talents, 
 could acquire in the service of the state. Before leaving 
 New- York, he married a respectable lady, who had been 
 educated in Europe, with whom he now returned to Massa- 
 chusetts, and fixed his residence at Cambridge, a few miles 
 from Boston. 
 
 From the quiet of retirement, Mr. Gerry was again sum- 
 moned in 1787, by his native state, as one of its representa- 
 tives to a convention, called for the " sole and express pur- 
 pose of revising the articles of confederation, and reporting 
 to congress, and to the several legislatures, such alterations 
 and provisions as shall render the federal constitution ade- 
 quate to the exigencies of government, and the preservation 
 of the union." 
 
 On the meeting of this convention, little difference of 
 opinion prevailed, as to the great principles which should 
 form the basis of the constitution ; but on reducing these 
 principles to a system, perfect harmony did exist. To Mr. 
 Gerry, as well as others, there appeared strong objections to 
 the constitution, and he declined affixing his signature to the 
 instrument. These objections he immediately set forth, in a 
 ktter addressed to his constituents, in which he observes : 
 
 " My principal objections to the plan are, that there is no 
 
ELBRIDGE GERRY. 127 
 
 adequate provision for a representation of the people ; tliat 
 ihey have no security for the right of election ; that some ol 
 the powers of the legislature are ambiguous, and others in- 
 definite and dangerous ; that the executive is blended with, 
 and will have an undue influence over, the legislature ; that 
 tJie judicial department will be oppressive ; that treaties of 
 tlie highest importance may be formed by the president, with 
 tJie advice of two thirds of a quorum of the senate ; and that 
 tlie system is without the security of a bill of rights. These 
 are objections which are not local, but apply equally to all 
 the states. 
 
 " As the convention was called for ' the sole and express 
 purpose of revising the articles of confederation, and report- 
 ing to congress and to the several legislatures, such altera- 
 tions and provisions as shall render the federal constitution 
 adequate to the exigencies of government, and the preserva- 
 tion of the union,' I did not conceive that these powers ex- 
 tended to the formation of the plan proposed ; but the con* 
 rention being of a different opinion, I acquiesced in it ; being 
 fully convinced, that to preserve the union, an efficient go- 
 vernment was indispensably necessary ; and that it would be 
 difficult to make proper amendments to the articles of con- 
 federation." 
 
 " The constitution proposed has few, if any, federal fea- 
 tures, but is rather a system of national government ; never- 
 tlieless, in many respects, I think it has great merit, and, by 
 proper amendments, may be adapted to ' the exigencies cf go 
 vernment,' and the preservation of liberty." 
 
 When the constitution was submitted to the state conven- 
 tion of Massachusetts, of three hundred and sixty members, 
 of which that body consisted, a majority of nineteen only 
 were in favour of its ratification. Although so many coin- 
 cided with Mr. Gerry in his views of the constitution, he was 
 highly censured by its advocates, who, under the excitement 
 oi' party feelings, imputed to him motives by which he, pro- 
 bably, was not actuated. 
 
 Under the new constitution, Mr. Gerry was chosen by tJu? 
 inhabitants of the district in which he resided, as their repre- 
 
128 MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 sentative to congress. In this station he served his consti- 
 tuents for four years ; and, although he had formerly opposed 
 the adoption of the constitution, he now cheerfully united in 
 carrying it into effect, since it had received the sanction ol 
 his country. Indeed, he took occasion, on the floor of con- 
 gress, not long after taking his seat in that body, to declare, 
 " that the federal constitution having become the supreme 
 law of the land, he conceived the salvation of the country 
 depended on its being carried into effect." 
 
 At the expiration of the above period, although again pro- 
 posed as a delegate to congress, he declined a re-election, and 
 again retired to his family at Cambridge. 
 
 On the fourth of March, 1797, Mr. Adams, who had pre- 
 viously been elected to succeed General Washington in the 
 presidency, entered upon that office. France had already 
 commenced her aggressions on the rights and commerce of 
 the United States, and General Pinckney had been dispatch- 
 ed to that country, to adjust existing differences. 
 
 Immediately upon succeeding to the presidency, Mr. 
 Adams received intelligence that the French republic had 
 announced to General Pinckney its determination " not to 
 receive another minister from the United States, until after 
 the redress of grievances." 
 
 In this state of things, the president convened congress by 
 proclamation, on the fifteenth of June. Although keenly 
 sensible of the indignity offered to the country by the French 
 government, Mr. Adams, in his speech to congress, informed 
 tliat body, " that as he believed neither the honour, nor the 
 interests of the United States, absolutely forbade the repeti- 
 tion of advances for securing peace and friendship with 
 France, he should institute a fresh attempt at negociation." 
 
 Upon his recommendation, therefore, three envoys extra- 
 ordinary, Mr. Gerry, General Pinckney, and Mr. Marshall, 
 were dispatched to carry into effect the pacific dispositions of 
 tJie United States. On their arrival at Paris, the French di- 
 rectory, under various pretexts, delayed to acknowledge 
 them in their official capacity. In the mean time, the tools 
 of that government addressed them, demanding, in explicit 
 
ELBKIUGE GERRY. 129 
 
 terms, a large sum of money, as the condition of any nego- 
 ciation. This being refused, an attempt was next made to 
 excite their fears for themselves, and their country. In the 
 spring of 1798, two of the envoys, Messrs. Pinckney and 
 Marshall, were ordered to quit the territories of France, while 
 Mr. Gerry was invited to remain, and resume the negociation 
 which had been suspended. 
 
 Although Mr. Gerry accepted the invitation to remain, yet 
 he uniformly and resolutely refused to resume the negocia- 
 tion. His object in remaining in France was to prevent an 
 Immediate rupture with that country, which, it avbs appre- 
 hended, would result from his departure. Although he was 
 censured, at the time, for the course he took, his continuance 
 seems to have resulted in the good of his country. " He 
 finally saved the peace of the nation," said the late President 
 Adams, " for he alone discovered and furnished the evidence 
 that X. Y. and Z. were employed by Talleyrand ; and he 
 alone brought home the direct, formal, and official assurances 
 upon which the subsequent commission proceeded, and peace 
 was made." 
 
 On his return to America, in October, 1798, Mr. Gerry 
 was solicited, by the republican party in Massachusetts, to 
 become their candidate for the office of governor. At that 
 period, much excitement prevailed on the subject of politics, 
 tliroughout the country. Although at first unsuccessful, his 
 party, in 1805, for the first time, obtained the governor of 
 their choice. 
 
 In the following year, Mr. Gerry retired. But in 1810, he 
 was again chosen chief magistrate of that commonwealth, in 
 which office he was continued for the two following years. 
 In 1812, he was recommended to the people of the United 
 States, by the republican members of congress, to fill the of- 
 fice of vice president. To a letter addressed to him, by a 
 committee announcing his nomination, he replied, " The 
 question respecting the acceptance, or non-acceptance of 
 this proposition, involved many considerations of great 
 weight, in my mind ; as they related to the nation, to this 
 state, and to my domestic concerns. But it is neither expe- 
 R 
 
130 MASSA,CHTTSETTS DELEGATION. 
 
 dient or necessary to state the points, since one was para- 
 mount to the rest, that ' in a republic, the service of each 
 citizen is due to the state, even in profound peace, and much 
 more so when the nation stands on the threshold of war.' 
 I have the honour frankly to acknowledge this distinguished 
 testimony of confidence, on the part of my congressional 
 friends and fellow citizens, gratefully to accept their proffer, 
 and freely to assure them of every exertion in my power, for 
 meriting in office, the approbation of themselves and of the 
 public." 
 
 The nomination of Mr. Gerry, thus made, was followed by 
 his election, and on the fourth of March, 1813, he was inau- 
 gurated vice president of the United States. Providence, 
 however, had not destined him to the long enjoyment of the 
 dignified station which he now held. While attending to his 
 duties, at Washington, he was suddenly summoned from the 
 scene of his earthly labours. A beautiful monument, erected 
 at the national expense, covers his remains, and records the 
 date and circumstances of his death. 
 
 THE TOMB OP 
 
 ELBRIDGE GERRY, 
 
 Vice President of the United States, 
 
 Who died suddenly, in this city, on his way to the 
 
 Capitol, as President of the Senate, 
 
 November 23d, 1814. 
 
 Aged 70. 
 
THE 
 
 XEW-HAMPSIIIRE DELEGATIOX. 
 
 JOSIAH BaRTLETT, 
 
 William Whipple, 
 Matthew Thornton. 
 
 JOSIAH BARTLETT. 
 
 JosiAH Bartlett, the first of the New-Hampshire delega- 
 tion wlio signed the declaration of independence, was born 
 in Amcsbury, Massachusetts, in 1729. He was the fourth 
 son of Stephen Bartlett, whose ancestors came from England 
 during the seventeenth century, and settled at Beverly. 
 
 The early education of young Bartlett appears to have been 
 respectable, although he liad not the advantages of a col- 
 legiate course. At the age of sixteen he began the study of 
 medicine, for which he had a competent knowledge of the 
 Greek and Latin languages. 
 
 On finishing his preliminary studies, which Avere superin- 
 tended by Dr. Ordway, of Amesbury, and to which he devoted 
 Iiimself with indefatigable zeal for rive years, he commenced 
 the practice of his profession at Kingston, in the year 1750. 
 
 Two years from the above date, he was attacked by a fever, 
 which for a time seriously threatened his life. From an inju- 
 dicious application of medicines, and too close a confinement 
 to his chamber, life appeared to be rapidly ebbing, and all 
 hopes of his recovery were relinquished. In this situation, 
 one evening, he strongly solicited his attendants to give him 
 some cider. At first they were strongly reluctant to comply 
 with his wishes, under a just apprehension, that serious and 
 
132 NEW-HAMPSHIRE DELEGATION. 
 
 eren fatal consequences might ensue. The patient, however, 
 would not be pacified, until his request was granted. At 
 length they complied with his request, and of the cider thus 
 given him, he continued to drink at intervals during the night. 
 The effect of it proved highly beneficial. It mitigated the 
 febrile symptoms, a copious perspiration ensued, r.nd from 
 this time he began to recover. 
 
 This experiment, if it may be called an experiment, was 
 treasured up in the mind of Dr. Bartlett, and seems to have led 
 him to abandon the rules of arbitrary system, for the more 
 just principles of nature and experience. He became a skil- 
 ful and distinguished practitioner. To him is ascribed the 
 first application of Peruvian bark in cases of canker, which 
 before, was considered an inflammatory, instead of a putrid 
 disease, and as such had been unsuccessfully treated. 
 
 This disease, which was called the throat distemper, first 
 appeared at Kingston, in the spring of 1735. The first per- 
 son afflicted with it, was said to have contracted the disease 
 from a hog, which he skinned and opened, and which had 
 died of a distemper of the throat. The disease which Avas 
 supposed thus to have originated, soon after spread abroad 
 through the town, and to children under ten years of age it 
 proved exceedingly fatal. Like the plague, it swept its vic- 
 tims to the grave, almost without warning, and some are said 
 to have expired while sitting at play handling their toys. At 
 this time, medical skill was baffled ; every method of treat- 
 ment pursued, proved ineffectual. It ceased its ravages only 
 where victims were no longer to be found. 
 
 In the year 1754, Kingston was again visited with this ma- 
 lignant disease. Doctor Bartlett was at this time a physician 
 of the town. At first he treated it as an inflammatory disease ; 
 but at length, satisfied that this was not its character, he ad- 
 ministered Peruvian bark to a child of his own who was 
 afflicted with the disease, and with entire success. From this 
 time the use of it became general, as a remedy in diseases of 
 the same type. 
 
 A man of the distinguished powers of Doctor Bartlett, and 
 of his decision and integrity, was not likely long to remain 
 
JOSIAII BARTLETT. 133 
 
 wnnoticed, in times which tried men's souls. The public at- 
 tention was soon directed to him, as a gentleman in whom 
 confidence might be reposed, and whose duties, whatever they 
 might be, would be discharged with promptness and fidelity. 
 
 In the year 1705, Doctor Bartlett was elected to the legis- 
 lature of the province of New-Hampshire, from the town of 
 Kingston. In his legislative capacity, he soon found occa- 
 sion to oppose the mercenary views of the royal governor. 
 He would not become subservient to the will of a man whose 
 object, next to the display of his own authority, was the sub- 
 jection of the people to the authority of the British adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 The controversy between Great Britain and her colonies, 
 was now beginning to assume a serious aspect. At this time, 
 John Wentworth was the royal governor, a man of no ordi- 
 nary sagacity. Aware of the importance of attaching the dis- 
 tinguished men of the colony to the royal cause, among other 
 magistrates, he appointed Dr. Bartlett to the oflUce of justice 
 of the peace. This Avas indeed an inconsiderable honour ; 
 but as an evidence of the governor's respect for his talents 
 and infiuence, was a point of some importance. Executive 
 patronage, however, was not a bait by which such a man as 
 Dr. Bartlett would be seduced. He accepted the appoint- 
 ment, but was as firm in his opposition to the royal governor 
 as he had been before. 
 
 The opposition which was now abroad in America against 
 the British government, and which continued to gatlier 
 gtrength until the year 1774, had made equal progress in 
 the province of New-Hampshire. At this time, a committee 
 of correspondence, agreeably to the recommendation and ex- 
 ample of other colonies, was appointed by the house of repre- 
 sentatives. For this act, the governor immediately dissolved 
 the assembly. But the committee of correspondence soon 
 after re-assembled the representatives, by whom circulars 
 were addressed to the several towns, to send delegates 
 to a convention, to be held at Exeter, for the purpose of se- 
 lecting deputies to the continental congress, which was to 
 meet at Philadelphia in the ensuing September. 
 
134 NEW-HAMPSHIRE DELEGATION. 
 
 In this convention, Dr. Bartlett, and John Pickering, a law- 
 yer, of Portsmouth, were appointed delegates to congress- 
 The former of these having a little previously lost his house 
 by fire, was under the necessity of declining the honour. The 
 latter gentleman wishing also to be excused, other gentlemen 
 were elected in their stead. 
 
 Dr. Bartlett, however, retained his seat in the house of rep- 
 resentatives of the province. Here, as in other colonies, the 
 collisions between the royal governor and the people con- 
 tinued to increase. The former was more arbitrary in his 
 proceedings ; the latter better understood their rights, and 
 were more independent. The conspicuous part which Dr. 
 Bartlett took on the patriotic side, the firmness with which he 
 resisted the royal exactions, rendered him highly obnoxious 
 to the governor, by whom he was deprived of his commission 
 as justice of the peace, and laconically dismissed from his 
 command in the militia. 
 
 From this time, the political difficulties in New-Hampshire 
 greatly increased. At length, Governor Wentworth found it 
 necessary for his personal safety to retire on board the 
 Favey man of war, then lying in the harbour of Portsmouth. 
 From this he went to Boston, and thence to the Isle of Shoals, 
 where he issued his proclamation, adjourning the assembly 
 till the following April. This act, however, terminated the 
 royal government in the province of New-Hampshire. A 
 provincial congress, of which Matthew Thornton was presi- 
 dent, was soon called, by which a temporary government was 
 organized, and an oath of allegiance was framed, which every 
 individual was obliged to take. Thus, after subsisting for a 
 period of ninety years, the British government was forever 
 annihilated in New-Hampshire. 
 
 In September, 1775, Dr. Bartlett, who had been elected to 
 tlie continental congress, took his seat in that body. In this 
 new situation, he acted with his accustomed energy, and ren- 
 dered important services to his country. At this time, con- 
 gress met at nine in the morning, and continued its session 
 until four o'clock in the afternoon. The state of the country 
 required this incessant application of the members. BuJ 
 
JOSIAH BARTLETT. 136 
 
 anxiety and fatigue they could endure without repining. The 
 lives and fortunes of themselves and families, and fellow 
 citizens, were in jeopardy. Liberty, too, was in jeopardy. 
 LiJve faithful sentinels, therefore, they sustained with cheer- 
 fulness their laborious task ; and, when occasion required, 
 could dispense with the repose of nights. In this unwearied 
 devotion to business. Dr. Bartlett largely participated ; in 
 consequence of which, his health and spirits were for a time 
 considerably affected. 
 
 In a second election, in the early part of the year 1776, 
 Dr. Bartlett was again chosen a delegate to the continental 
 congress. He was present on the memorable occasion of 
 taking the vote on the question of a declaration of indepen- 
 dence. On putting the question, it was agreed to begin with 
 the northernmost colony. Dr. Bartlett, therefore, had the 
 honour of being called upon for an expression of his opinion, 
 and of first giving his vote in favour of the resolution. 
 
 On the evacuation of Philadelphia, by the British, in 1778, 
 congress, which had for some time held its sessions at York- 
 town, adjourned to meet at the former place, within three 
 days, that is, on the second day of July. The delegates noAV 
 left Yorktown, and in different companies proceeded to the 
 place of adjournment. Dr. Bartlett, however, was attended 
 only by a single servant. They were under the necessity of 
 passing through a forest of considerable extent ; it was re- 
 ported to be the lurking place of a band of robbei's, by v/horn 
 several persons had been waylaid, and plundered of their 
 effects. On arriving at an inn, at the entrance of the wood. 
 Dr. Bartlett was informed of the existence of this band of 
 desperadoes, and cautioned against proceeding, until other 
 travellers should arrive. While the doctor lingered for the 
 purpose of refreshing himself and horses, the landlord, to 
 corroborate the statement which he had made, and to heighten 
 still more the apprehension of the travellers, related the fol- 
 lowing anecdote. " A paymaster of the army, with a large 
 quantity of paper money, designed for General Washington, 
 had attempted the passage of the wood, a (ew weeks before. 
 On arriving at the skirts of >he wood, he was apprised of 
 
136 NEW-HAMPSHIRE DELEGATION. 
 
 his danger, but as it was necessary for him to proceed, he 
 laid aside his military garb, purchased a worn out horse, and 
 a saddle and bridle, and a farmer's saddlebags of correspond 
 ing appearance : in the latter, he deposited his money, and 
 with a careless manner proceeded on his way. At some dis- 
 tance from the skirt of the wood, he was met by two of the 
 gang, who demanded his money. Others were skulking at 
 no great distance in the wood, and waiting the issue of the 
 interview. To the demand for money, he replied, that he 
 had a small sum, which they Avere at liberty to take, if they 
 believed they had a better right to it than himself and fa 
 mily. Taking from his pocket a few small pieces of money, 
 he offered them to them; at the same time, in the style and 
 simplicity of a quaker, he spoke to them of the duties of reli- 
 gion. Deceived by the air of honesty which he assumed, 
 they suffered him to pass, without further molestation, the 
 one observing to the other, that so poor a quaker was not 
 M'orth the robbing. Without any further interruption, the 
 poor quaker reached the other side of the wood, and at length 
 delivered the contents of his saddlebags to General Wash- 
 ington." 
 
 During the relation of this anecdote, several other members 
 of congress arrived, when, having prepared their arms, they 
 proceeded on their journey, and in safety passed over the in- 
 fested territory. 
 
 On the evacuation of Philadelphia, it was obvious from the 
 condition of the city, that an enemy had been there. In a 
 letter to a friend. Dr. Bartlett describes the alterations and 
 ravages which had been made. " Congress," he says, " was 
 obliged to hold its sessions in the college hall, the state house 
 having been left by the enemy in a condition which could 
 scarcely be described. Many of the finest houses were con- 
 verted into stables ; parlour floors cut through, and the dung 
 shovelled through into the cellars. Through the country, 
 north of the city, for many miles, the hand of desolation had 
 marked its way. Houses had been consumed, fences carried 
 off, gardens and orchards destroyed. Even the great roads 
 
JOSIAll DAUTLETT. 137 
 
 were scarcely to be discovered, amidst the confusion and de- 
 solation which prevailed." 
 
 In August, 1778, a new election took place in New-Hamp- 
 shire, when Dr. Bartlett was again chosen a delegate to con- 
 gress ; he continued, however, at Philadelphia, but an incon- 
 siderable part of the session, his domestic concerns requiring 
 his attention. During the remainder of his life, he resided in 
 New-Hampshire, filling up the measure of his usefulness in a 
 zealous devotion to the interests of the state. 
 
 In the early part of the year 1779, in a letter to one of the 
 delegates in congress. Dr. Bartlett gives a deplorable account 
 of the difficulties and sufferings of the people in New-Hamp- 
 shire. The money of the country had become much depre- 
 ciated, and provisions were scarce and high. Indian corn 
 was sold at ten dollars a bushel. Other things were in the 
 same proportion. The soldiers of the army could scarcely 
 subsist on their pay, and the officers, at times, found it diffi- 
 cult to keep them together. 
 
 During the same year, Dr. Bartlett was appointed chief 
 justice of the court of common pleas. In 1782, he became 
 an associate justice of the supreme court, and in 1788, he 
 was advanced to the head of the bench. In the course of 
 this latter year, the present constitution was presented to the 
 several states, for their consideration. Of the convention in 
 New-Hampshire, which adopted it, Dr. Bartlett was a member, 
 and by his zeal was accessory to its ratification. In 1789, 
 he was elected a senator to congress ; but the infirmities of 
 age induced him to decline the office. In 1793, he was elect- 
 ed first governor of the state, which office he filled, with his 
 accustomed fidelity, until the infirm state of his health obliged 
 him to resign the chief magistracy, and to retire wholly from 
 public business. In January, 179-1, he expressed his deter- 
 mination to close his public career in the following letter to 
 the legislature : 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Legislature — After having served the 
 public for a number of years, to the best of my abilities, in 
 the various offices to which I have had the honour to be ap- 
 pointed, I think it proper, before your adjournment, to signify 
 S 12* 
 
138 NEW-HAMPSHIRE DELEGATION. 
 
 to you, and through you to my fellow citizens at large, that I 
 now find myself so far advanced in age, that it will be expe- 
 dient for mfe, at the close of the session, to retire from the 
 cares and fatigues of public business, to the repose of a pri- 
 vate life, with a grateful sense of the repeated marks of trust 
 and confidence that my fellow citizens have reposed in me, 
 and with my best wishes for the future peace and prosperity 
 of the state." 
 
 The repose of a private life, however, which must have be- 
 come eminently desirable to a man whose life had been past 
 in the toils and troubles of the revolution, was destined to 
 be of short duration. This eminent man, and distinguished 
 patriot, closed his earthly career on the nineteenth day of 
 May, 1795, in the sixty-sixth year of his age. 
 
 To the sketches of the life of this distinguished man, little 
 need be added, respecting his character. His patriotism was 
 of a singularly elevated character, and the sacrifices which he 
 made for the good of his country were such as few men arc 
 willing to make. He possessed a quick and penetrating mind, 
 and, at the same time, he was distinguished for a sound and 
 accurate judgment. A scrupulous justice marked his dealings 
 with all men, and he exhibited great fidelity in his engage- 
 ments. Of his religious views we are unable to speak with 
 confidence, although there is some reason to believe that his 
 principles were less strict, than pertained to the puritans of 
 the day. He rose to office, and was recommended to the 
 confidence of his fellow citizens, not less by the general pro- 
 bity of his character, than the force of his genius. Unlike 
 many others, he had no family, or party connexions, to raise 
 him to influence in society ; but standing on his own merits, 
 he passed through a succession of offices which he sustained 
 with uncommon honour to himself, and the duties of which he 
 discharged not only to the satisfaction of his fellow citizens, 
 but with the highest benefit to his country. 
 
WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 139 
 
 WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 
 
 William Whipple was the eldest son of William Whipple, 
 and was born at Kittery, Maine, in the year 1730. His father 
 was a native of Ipswich, and was bred a maltster; but for seve- 
 ral years after his removal to Kittery, he followed the sea. His 
 mother was the daughter of Robert Cutts, a distinguished ship- 
 builder, who established himself at Kittery, where he became 
 wealthy, and at his death left a handsome fortune to his 
 daughter. 
 
 The education of young Whipple was limited to a public 
 school, in his native town. It was respectable, but did not 
 embrace that variety and extent of learning, which is general- 
 ly obtained at some higher seminary. 
 
 On leaving school, he entered on board a merchant vessel, 
 and for several years devoted himself to commercial business, 
 on the sea. His voyages were chiefly confined to the West- 
 Indies, and proving successful, he acquired a considerable 
 fortune. 
 
 In 1759, he relinquished a seafaring life, and commenced 
 business with a brother at Portsmouth, where they continued 
 in trade, until within a few years of the revolution. 
 
 Mr. Whipple early entered Avith spirit into the controversy 
 between Great Britain and the colonies, and being distin- 
 guished for the general probity of his character, as well as 
 for the force of his genius, was frequently elected by his 
 townsmen to offices of trust and responsibility. In the pro- 
 vincial congress, which met at Exeter, January, 1775, for the 
 purpose of electing delegates to the continental congress in 
 Philadelphia, he represented the town of Portsmouth. He 
 also represented that town in the provincial congress, which 
 was assembled at Exeter the following May, and by that body 
 was appointed one of the provincial committee of safety. In 
 1776 he was appointed a delegate to the general congress, of 
 which body he continued a member until the middle of Sep- 
 tember, 1799. 
 
 In this important situation, he was distinguished for great 
 
140 ' NEW-HAMPSHIRE DELEGATION. 
 
 activity, and by his perseverance and applicatioii commended 
 himself to the respect of the national assembly, and to his 
 constituents at home. He was particularly active as one of 
 the superintendants of the commissary's and quartermaster's 
 departments, in which he was successful in correcting many 
 abuses, and in giving to those establishments a proper cor- 
 rectness and efficiency. 
 
 " The memorable day which gave birth to the declaration 
 of independence afforded, in the case of William Whipple,'^ 
 as a writer observes, " a striking example of the uncertainty 
 of human affairs, and the triumphs of perseverance. The 
 cabin boy, who thirty years before had looked forward to a 
 command of a vessel as the consummation of all his hopes and 
 wishes, now stood amidst the congress of 1776, and looked 
 around upon a conclave of patriots, such as the world had never 
 witnessed. He whose ambition once centered in inscrib- 
 ing his name as commander upon a crew-list, now affixed his 
 signature to a document, which has embalmed it for posterity." 
 
 In the year 1777, Avhile Mr. Whipple was a member of 
 congress, the appointment of brigadier general was bestowed 
 upon him, and the celebrated John Stark, by the assembly of 
 New-Hampshire. Great alarm at this time prevailed in New- 
 Hampshire, in consequence of the evacuation of Ticonderoga 
 by the Americans, its consequent possession by the British, 
 and the progress of General Burgoyne, with a large force, 
 toward the state. The militia of New-Hampshire were ex- 
 peditiously organised into two brigades, the command of 
 which was given to the above two generals. The intrepid 
 conduct of General Stark, in the ever memorable defence of 
 Bennington, must be only alluded to in this place. The advan- 
 tage thus gained, laid the foundation of the still more signal vic- 
 tory which was obtained in the October following by General 
 Gates, over the distinguished Burgoyne and his veteran sol^- 
 diers, at Saratoga ; since it was here proved to the militia, 
 that the Hessians and Indians, so much dreaded by them, 
 were not invincible. The career of conquest which had before 
 animated the troops of Burgoyne was checked. For the first 
 time, General Burgoyne was sensible of the danger of his 
 
WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 141 
 
 situation. lie had regarded the men of New-Hampshire, and 
 the Green Mountains, with contempt. But the battle of 
 Bennington taught him both to fear and respect them. In a 
 letter addressed about this time to Lord Germaine, lie re- 
 marks : " The New-Hampshire Grants, till of late but little 
 known, hang hke a cloud on my left." , 
 
 Tlie ill bodings of Burgoyne were realised too soon, for 
 his own reputation. The militia from the neighbouring slates 
 hastened to reinforce the army of General Gates, which was 
 now looking forward to an engagement with that of General 
 Burgoyne. This engagement soon after took place, as al- 
 ready noticed, at Saratoga, and ended in the surrender of the 
 royal army to the American troops. In this desperate battle. 
 General Whipple commanded the troops of New-Hampshire. 
 On that occasion, his meritorious conduct was rewarded by 
 his being jointly appointed with Colonel Wilkinson, as the re- 
 presentative of General Gates, to meet two officers from Gen- 
 eral Burgoyne, and settle the articles of capitulation. He was 
 also selected as one of the officers, who were appointed to 
 conduct the surrendered army to their destined encampment, 
 on Winter Hill, in the vicinity of Boston. On this expedi- 
 tion, General Whipple was attended by a faithful negro ser- 
 vant, named Prince, a native of Africa, and whom the gene- 
 ral had imported several years before. " Prince," said the 
 general, one day, as they were proceeding to their place of 
 destination, " we may be called into action, in which case, 
 I trust you Avill l^ehave like a man of courage, and fight 
 bravely for the country." " Sir," replied Prince, in a manly 
 tone, " I have no wish to fight, and no inducement; but had I 
 my liberty, I would fight in defence of the country to the last 
 drop of my blood." " Well," said the general, " Prince, from 
 this moment you are free." 
 
 In 1778, General Whipple, with a detachment of New- 
 Hampshire militia, was engaged, under General Sullivan, in 
 eocecuting a plan whicli liad for its object the retaking of 
 Rhode Island from the British. By some misunderstanding, 
 the French fleet, under Count D'Estaing, which was destined 
 to co-operate with General Sullivan, failed of rendering the 
 
142 NEW-HAMPSHIRE DELEGATION. 
 
 expected assistance, in consequence of which General Sulli- 
 van was obliged to retreat. General Sullivan, with hi* 
 troops, occupied a position on the north end of the island. 
 One morning, while a number of officers were breakfasting 
 in the general's quarters, a detachment of British troops were 
 perceived on an eminence, at the distance of about three 
 quarters of a mile. A field piece was soon after discharged 
 by the enemy, the ball of which, after killing one of the 
 horses at the door, passed through the side of the house, into 
 the room where the officers were sitting, and so shattered the 
 leg of the brigade major of General Whipple, that imme^ 
 diate amputation became necessary. 
 
 During the remaining years of Mr. Whipple's life, he filled 
 several important offices. In 1780, he was elected a repre- 
 sentative to the general assembly of New-Hampshire, the 
 duties of which office he continued to discharge during seve- 
 ral re-electionsj with much honour to himself, and to the ge- 
 neral acceptance of his constituents. 
 
 In 1782, he received the appointment of receiver of public 
 moneys for the state of New-Hampshire, from Mr. Morris, 
 tlie superintendant of finance. The appointment was accept- 
 ed by Mr. Whipple, but the duties devolving upon him were 
 both arduous and unpopular. The collection of money was, 
 at that time> extremely difficult. Mr. Whipple experienced 
 many vexations in the exercise of his commission ; and at 
 length, in 1784, found it necessary, on account of the infirm 
 state of his health, to relinquish his office. About the same 
 time that he received the above appointment, he was created 
 a judge of the superior court of judicature. He began now, 
 however, to be afflicted with strictures in the breast, which 
 prevented him from engaging in the more active scenes of 
 life. He was able, however, to ride the circuits of the court 
 for two or three years, but owing to an afl'ection of the heart, 
 he was unable to sum up the arguments of council, or state a 
 cause to the jury. 
 
 In the fall of 1785, while riding the circuit, his disorder so^ 
 rapidly increased, that he was obliged to return homa 
 From this time he was confined to his room, until the 28th 
 
MATTHEW THORNTON. 143 
 
 day of November, when he expired, in the 55th year of his 
 age. 
 
 The mind of Mr. Wliipple was naturally strong-, and his 
 power of discrimination qtiick. In liis manners, he was easy 
 and unassuming ; in his habits correct, and in his friendships 
 constant. Although his early education was limited, his sub- 
 sequent intercourse with the world, united to his natural 
 good sense, enabled him to fill with ability the various offices 
 to which he was appointed. 
 
 Few men have exhibited a more honest and persevering 
 ambition to act a worthy part in the community, and few, 
 with his advantages, have been more successful in obtaining 
 die object of their ambition. 
 
 MATTHEW THORNTON. 
 
 Matthew Thornton was the son of James Thornton, a 
 native of Ireland, and was born in that country, about the 
 year 1714. When he was two or three years old, his father 
 emigrated to America, and after a residence of a few years 
 at Wiscasset, in Maine, he removed to Worcester, in Massa- 
 chusetts. 
 
 Here young Thornton received a respectable academical 
 etlucation, and subsequently pursued his medical studies, 
 under the direction of Doctor Grout, of Leicester. Soon 
 after completing his preparatory course, he removed to Lon- 
 donderry, in New-Hampshire, where he commenced the 
 practice of medicine, and soon became distinguished, both as 
 a physician and a surgeon. 
 
 In 1745, the well known expedition against Cape Breton 
 was planned by Governor Shirley. The co-operation of 
 New-Hampshire being solicited, a corps of five hundred men 
 was raised in the latter province. Dr. Thornton was select- 
 ed to accompany the New-Hampshire troops, as a surgeon. 
 
144 NEW-HAMPSHIRE DELEGATION. 
 
 The chief command of this expedition was entrusted to 
 Colonel William Pepperell. On the 1st of May, he invested 
 the city of Louisburg. Lieutenant Colonel Vaughan con- 
 ducted the first column, through the woods, within sight of 
 Louisburg, and saluted the city with three cheers. At the 
 head of a detachment, chiefly of New-Hampshire troops, he 
 marched in the night, to the northeast part of the harbour, 
 where they burned the warehouses, containing the naval 
 stores, and staved a large quantity of wine and brandy. The 
 smoke of this fire, being driven by the wind into the grand 
 battery, so terrified the French, that, spiking the guns, they 
 retired into the city. 
 
 The next morning, as Colonel Vaughan, with his men, con- 
 sisting of only thirteen, was retiring, he accidentally dis- 
 covered that the battery was deserted. Upon this, he hired 
 a Cape Cod indian to creep into an embrasure and open the 
 gate. Thus he obtained possession of the place, and imme- 
 diately dispatched a messenger to the commanding general, 
 with the following note : " May it please your honour to be 
 informed, that, by the grace of God, and the courage of thir- 
 teen men, I entered the royal battery about nine o'clock, and 
 am waiting for a reinforcement and a flag." 
 
 In the mean time, the news of Vaughan's capture of the 
 battery being communicated to fhe French, a hundred men 
 were dispatched to retake it ; but the gallant colonel suc- 
 ceeded in preventing their design, until reinforcements ar- 
 rived. 
 
 The capture of Louisburg followed after a long and peri- 
 lous siege. It was here that cannons were drawn by men, 
 for fourteen nights, with straps over their shoulders, from 
 the landing place through a deep morals, into which they 
 sunk, at every step, up to their knees in mud. 
 
 Few expeditions in the annals of American history, will 
 compare with this. Louisburg was the " Dunkirk" of Ame- 
 rica ; yet it surrendered to the valour of our troops. It is 
 recorded to the praise of Dr. Thornton, and as an evidence 
 of his professional abilities, that of the corps of five hundred 
 raen, of whom he had charge as a physician, only six died of 
 
MATTHEW THORNTON. 145 
 
 sickness, previous to the surrender of the city, although they 
 were among those who assisted in dragging the cannon over 
 tlie abovementioned morass. 
 
 Under the royal government, he was invested with the of- 
 fice of justice of the peace, and commissioned as colonel of 
 the militia. But when the political crisis arrived, when that 
 government in America was dissolved, Colonel Thornton ab- 
 jured the British interest, and, with a patriotic spirit, adhered 
 to the glorious cause of liberty. In 1775, the royal governor 
 was obliged to flee from the province of New-Hampshire. 
 A provincial convention was at this time in session at Exeter, 
 for temporary purposes, of which Colonel Thornton was 
 president. In this capacity we find him addressing the in- 
 habitants of the colony of New-Hampshire in the following 
 manner : 
 
 " Friends and brethren, you must all be sensible that the 
 aflairs of America have, at length, come to a very affecting 
 and alarming crisis. The horrors and distresses of a civil 
 war, which, till of late, we only had in contemplation, we 
 now find ourselves obliged to realize. Painful beyond ex- 
 pression, have been those scenes of blood and devastation, 
 which the barbarous cruelty of British troops have placed be- 
 fore our eyes. Duty to God, to ourselves, to posterity, en- 
 forced by the cries of slaughtered innocents, have urged us 
 to take up arms in our own defence. Such a day as this was 
 never before known, either to us or to our fathers. You will 
 give us leave, therefore, in whom you have reposed special 
 confidence, as your representative body, to suggest a few 
 things, which call for the serious attention of ever}^ one, who 
 has the true interest of America at heart. We would, there- 
 fore, recommend to the colony at large, to cultivate that 
 christian union, harmony, and tender affection, which is the 
 only foundation upon which our invaluable privileges can 
 rest with any security, or our public measures be pursued 
 with the least prospect of success." 
 
 After enjoining an inviolable observance of the measures 
 recommended by the congress of 1774, lest they should cross 
 the general plan, he proceeds to recommend, *' that the 
 T 13 
 
146 NEW-HAMPSHIRE DELEGATION. 
 
 most industrious attention be paid to the cultivation of landa 
 and American manufactures, in their various branches, espe- 
 cially the linen and woollen, and that the husbandry might be 
 managed with a particular view thereto ; accordingly, that 
 the farmer raise flax, and increase his flock of sheep to the ex- 
 tent of his ability. 
 
 " "We further recommend a serious and steady regard to the 
 rules of temperance, sobriety, and righteou'^ness ; and that 
 those laws which have, heretofore, been our security and de- 
 fence from the hand of violence, may still answer all their 
 former valuable purposes, though persons of vicious and cor- 
 rupt minds \vould willingly take advantage from our present 
 situation. ' 
 
 " In a word, we seriously and earnestly recommend the 
 practice of that pure and undcfilcd religion, which embalmed 
 the memory of our pious ancestors, as that alone upon which 
 we can build a solid hope and confidence in the Divine pro- 
 tection and favour, without whose blessing all the measures 
 of safety we have, or can propose, will end in our sham.e and 
 disappointment." 
 
 The next year he was chosen a delegate to tlie continental 
 congress, and took his seat on the fourth of November fol- 
 lowing. He was, therefore, not a member of that illustrious 
 body which planned and published the declaration of inde- 
 pendence. This was true, also, of Benjamin Rush, George 
 Clymer, James Wilson, George Ross, and George Taylor. 
 But all these gentlemen acceding to the declaration, were 
 permitted to aflix their signatures to the engrossed copy of 
 that instrument. 
 
 During the same year, he was appointed chief justice of 
 the court of common pleas ; and not long after was raised to 
 the office of judge of the superior court of NcAV-Hampshire, 
 in which office he remained until 1782. In 1780, he pur- 
 chased a farm, pleasantly situated on the banks of the Mer- 
 rimack, near Exeter, where, in connexion with his other di- 
 versified occupations, he devoted himself to the business of 
 agriculture. Although advanced in life, he cheerfully grant- 
 ed his professional services, whenever they were required, 
 
MATTHEW TIIOUNTON. 147 
 
 and they were at all times highly appreciated. In the muni- 
 cipal afiairs of the town, he took a lively interest. Of the 
 general court he was a member for one or two years, and a 
 senator in the state legislature, and served as a member of 
 the council in 1785, under President Langdon. 
 
 Dr. Thornton was a man of strong powers of mind, and 
 on most subjects to which he directed his attention, was able 
 to elicit light and information. In private life, he was pecu- 
 liarly instructive and agreeable. The young were delighted 
 with his hilarity and humour. His memory was well stored 
 with entertaining and instructive anecdotes, which he was 
 able to apply upon any incident or subject of conversation. 
 He often illustrated his sentiments by fable. He delighted 
 to amuse a circle of an evening by some fictitious narrative, 
 in which he greatly excelled. At such times, placing his 
 elbows upon liis knees, and supporting his head with his 
 hands, he would rivet the attention of his auditors, and as- 
 tonish them by his powers of invention. In satire he was 
 scarcely equalled. And though he sometimes employed his 
 power immoderately, he was universally beloved, and occu- 
 pied a large share of the confidence of his neighbours. A 
 single fault of his character should not pass unnoticed. It is 
 asserted, that he betrayed some traits of an avaricious dispo- 
 silion, and sometimes enforced his rights, when if justice did 
 not require, charity dictated a relinquishment of them. If, 
 however, he was severe in his pecuniary claims, he was also 
 strict in the payment of his debts. 
 
 The powers of Dr. Thornton's mind continued unusually 
 vigorous to a late period of his life. After he was eighty 
 years of age, he wrote political essays for the newspapers, 
 and about this period of life prepared for the press a meta- 
 physical work, comprised in seventy-three manuscript pages 
 in quarto, and entitled, " Paradise Lost ; or, the Origin of 
 the Evil called Sin, examined ; or how it ever did, or ever 
 can come to pass, that a creature should or could do any thing 
 unfit or improper for that creature to do," &c. This work 
 was never published ; but those who have had access to the 
 manuscript, pronounce it a very singular production. 
 
148 new-hampsHire delegation. 
 
 It is not a little remarkable, that, although a physician, 
 and consequently often exposed to the whooping cough, he 
 did not take that disease until he had passed his eightieth 
 year. Although at this time enfeebled by years, he survived 
 the attack, and even continued his medical practice. 
 
 In stature, Dr. Thornton exceeded six feet in height, but 
 he was remarkably well formed. His complexion was dark, 
 and his eyes black and piercing. His aspect was uncom- 
 monly grave, especially for one who was naturally given to 
 good humour and hilarity. 
 
 Dr. Thornton died while on a visit at Newburyport, Mas- 
 sachusetts, on the 24th of June, 1803, in the 89th year of his 
 age. In the funeral sermon by Rev. Dr. Burnap, we are 
 furnished with the following sketch. " He was venerable 
 for his age, and skill in his profession, and for the several 
 very important and honourable offices he had sustained ; 
 noted for the knowledge he had acquired, and his quick 
 penetration into matters of abstruse speculation ; exemplary 
 for his regard for the public institutions of religion, and for 
 his constancy in attending the public worship, where he trod 
 the courts of the house of God, with steps tottering with 
 age and infirmity. Such is a brief outline of one who was 
 honoured in his day and generation ; whose virtues were a 
 model for imitation, and while memory does her office, will 
 be had in grateful recollection." 
 
THE 
 
 RHODE ISLAJVD DELEGATIOJJT. 
 
 Stephen Hopkins, 
 William Ellery. 
 
 STEPHEN HOPKINS 
 
 Stephen Hopkins was a native of tha rart of Providence 
 which is now called Scituate, where he v as born on the 7th 
 of March, 1707. His parentage was very respectable, being 
 a descendant of Benedict Arnold, the first governor of Rhode 
 Island. 
 
 His early education was limited, being confined to the in- 
 struction imparted in the common schools of the country. 
 Yet it is recorded of him, that he excelled in a knowledge of 
 penmanship, and in the practical branches of mathematics, 
 particularly surveying. 
 
 For several years he followed the profession of a farmer. 
 At an early period, he was elected town clerk of Scituate, 
 and some time after was chosen a representative from that 
 town to the general assembly. He was subsequently ap- 
 pointed a justice of the peace, and a justice of one of the 
 courts of common pleas. In 1733, he became chief justice 
 of that court. 
 
 In 1742, he disposed of his estate in Scituate, and removed 
 to Providence, where he erected a house, in which he con- 
 tinued to reside till his death. In this latter place he entered 
 into mercantile business, and was extensively engaged in 
 building and fitting out vessels. 
 
 13* 
 
150 RHODE ISLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 When a representative from Scituate, he was elected 
 speaker of the house of representatives. To this latter office 
 he was again chosen after his removal to Providence, and 
 continued to occupy the station for several successive years, 
 being a representative from the latter town. In 1751, he 
 was chosen chief justice of the superior court, in which office 
 he continued till the year 1754. 
 
 In this latter year he was appointed a commissioner from 
 Rhode Island, to the celebrated convention which met at Al- 
 bany ; which had for its object the securing of the friendship 
 of the five nations of Indians, in the approaching French war, 
 and an union between the several colonies of America. 
 
 In 1756, he was elected chief magistrate of the colony of 
 Rhode Island, which office he continued to hold, with but few 
 intervals, until the year 1767. In the discharge of the duties 
 of this responsible station, he acted with dignity and decision. 
 The prosperity of his country lay near his heart, nor did he 
 hesitate to propose and support the measures, wliich appeared 
 the best calculated to promote the interests of the colonies in 
 opposition to the encroachments of British power. 
 
 At an early period of the difficulties between the colonies 
 and Great Britain, he took an active and decided part in 
 favour of the former. In a pamphlet, entitled, "The rights 
 of colonies examined," he exposed the injustice of the 
 stamp act, and various other acts of the British government. 
 This pamphlet was published by order of the general assem- 
 bly, in 1765. 
 
 The siege of fort William Henry, by the Marquis de Mont- 
 calm, 1757, and its surrender to the force under that general, 
 with the subsequent cruel outrages and murders committed 
 by the savages of the French army, are too well known to 
 need a recital in this place. It is necessary only to state, 
 tliat the greatest excitement prevailed throughout all the colo- 
 nies. In this excitement, the inhabitants of Rhode Island 
 largely participated. An agreement was entered into by a 
 volunteer corps, couched in the following terms : 
 
 " Whereas the British colonies in America are invaded by 
 a large army of French and Indian enemies, who have 
 
STEPHEN HOPKINS. 151 
 
 already possessed themselves effort William Henry, and are 
 now on their march to penetrate further into the country, and 
 from whom we have nothing to expect, should they succeed 
 in their enterprise, but death and devastation ; and as his ma- 
 jesty's principal officers in the parts invaded, have in the 
 most pressing and moving manner, called on all his majesty's 
 faithful subjects, for assistance to defend the country : — There- 
 fore, we, whose names are underwritten, thinking it our duty 
 to do every thing in our power, for the defence of our liberties, 
 families, and property, are willing, and have agreed to enter 
 voluntarily into the service of our country, and go in a war. 
 like manner against the common enemy; and hereby call up- 
 on and invite all our neighbours, who have families and pro- 
 perty to defend, to join with us in this undertaking, promising to 
 march as soon as we are two hundred and fifty in number, 
 recommending ourselves and our cause to the favourable 
 l)rotection of Almighty God." 
 
 To this agreement, Mr. Hopkins was the first to affix his 
 name, and was chosen to command the company thus raised, 
 which consisted of some of the most distinguished men in 
 Providence. Preparations for a speedy departure for the 
 field of action were made, but on the eve of their march, ii>- 
 telJigence arrived, that their services were no longer necessar- 
 ry, as the progress of hostilities towards the south was not to 
 be expected. 
 
 In 1774, Mr. Hopkins received the appointment of a dele- 
 gate from Rhode Island to the celebrated congress, which met 
 at Philadelphia that year. In this assembly he took his seat 
 on the first day of the session, where he became one of the 
 most zealous advocates of the measures adopted by that illus- 
 trious body of men. 
 
 In the year 1775 and 1776, he again represented Rhode 
 Island in the continental congress. In this latter year he 
 had the honour of affixing his name to the imperishable instru- 
 ment, which declared the colonies to be free, sovereign, and 
 independent states. He recorded his name with a trembling 
 hand, the only instance in which a tremulous hand is visible 
 among the fifty-six patriots who then wrote their namQs. But 
 
152 RHODE ISLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 it was in tliis case only that the flesh was weak. Mr. Hop- 
 kins had for some time been afilicted with a paralytic affection, 
 which compelled him, when he wrote, to guide his right hand 
 M'ith his left. The spirit of the man knew no fear, in a case 
 where life and liberty were at hazard. 
 
 In 1778, Mr. Hopkins was a delegate to congress for the 
 last time. But in several subsequent years, he was a member 
 of the general assembly of Rhode Island. The last year in 
 which he thus served, was that of 1779, at which time he was 
 seventy- two years of age. 
 
 Mr. Hopkins lived to the 13th of July, 1785, when he 
 closed his long, and honourable and useful life, at the advan- 
 ced age of 78. His last illness was long, but to the period of 
 his dissolution, he retained the full possession of his faculties. 
 A vast assemblage of persons, consisting of judges of the 
 courts, the president, professors and students of the college, 
 together with the citizens of the town, and inhabitants of the 
 state, followed the remains of this eminent man to his resting 
 place in the grave. 
 
 Although the early education of Mr. Hopkins Avas limited, 
 as has already been observed, the vigour of his understanding 
 enabled him to surmount his early deficiencies, and an 
 assiduous application to the pursuit of knowledge, at length, 
 placed him among the distinguished literary characters of the 
 day. He delighted in literature and science. He was atten- 
 tive to books, and a close observer of mankind ; thus he went 
 on improving, until the period of his death. As a public 
 speaker, he was always clear, precise, pertinent, and pow- 
 erful. 
 
 As a mathematician, Mr. Hopkins greatly excelled. Till 
 in advanced age, he was extensively employed in surveying 
 lands. He was distinguished for great exactness in his calcu- 
 lations, and an unusual knowledge of his business. 
 
 As a statesman and a patriot, he was not less distinguished. 
 He was well instructed in the science of politics; had an ex- 
 tensive knowledge of the rights of his country, and proved 
 himself, through a longer life than falls to the lot of most men, 
 an unshaken friend of his country, and an enemy to civil and 
 
WILLIAM LLLERY. 153 
 
 religious intolerance. He went to his grave honoured as a 
 skilful legislator, a righteous judge, an able representative, a 
 dignified and upright governor. Charity was an inma;te of his 
 habitation. To the cry of suffering his ear was ever open, 
 an.l in the relief of ailliction he ever delighted. 
 
 WILLIAM ELLERY. 
 
 "William Ellery, the son of a gentlema'rt of the saih^ 
 name, was born at Newport, on the 22d day of December, 
 1727. His ancestors were originally from Bristol, in Eng- 
 land, whence they emigrated to America during the latter 
 part of the seventeenth century, and took up their residence 
 at Newport, in Rhode Island. 
 
 The early education of the subject of this memoir, was 
 received almost exclusively from his father, who was a gra- 
 duate of Harvard university ; and who although extensively 
 engaged in mercantile pursuits, found leisure personally to 
 cultivate the mind of his son. At the age of sixteen, he was 
 (jAialified for admission to the university, of which his father 
 had been a member before him. In his twentieth year, he 
 left the university, having sustained, during his collegiate 
 course, the character of a faithful and devoted student. In a 
 knowledge of the Greek and Latin languages, he is said to 
 have particularly excelled, and through the whole bustle of 
 his active life, until the very hour of dissolution, he retained 
 his fondness for them. 
 
 On his return to Newport, he commenced the study of the 
 law, and after the usual preparatory course, he entered upon 
 the practice, M'hich for twenty years he pursued with great 
 zeal. During this period, no other particulars have been re- 
 corded of him, than that he succeeded in acquiring a compe- 
 tent fortune, and receiving the esteem and confidence of his 
 fellow citizens. 
 U 
 
lol RHODE ISLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 At an early period of the controversy between Great Bri- 
 tain and the colonies, Rhode Island strongly enlisted herself 
 in the patriotic cause. She was not backward in expressing 
 her disapprobation of the arbitrary measures of the parent 
 country. Indeed, it is doubtful whether Rhode Island is not 
 equally entitled, with Virginia and Massachusetts, to the ho- 
 nour which they claim, of being earliest in the measures lead- 
 ing to the revolution. Among the great scenes which led the 
 way to actual resistance, two occurred in Narraganset bay. 
 The first of these was an attack by the people of Rhode Isl- 
 and, upon the armed revenue sloop, Liberty, in the harbour 
 of Newport, June 17th, 1769. The second was the memora- 
 ble affair of the Gaspee, June 9th, 1772, and in which it may 
 be said, was shed the first blood in the revolution. This lat- 
 ter occurrence excited an unusual alarm among the royal 
 party in the provinces, and gave occasion to Governor Hutch- 
 inson to address the following letter to Commodore Gambler : 
 " Our last ships carried you the news of the burning of the 
 Gaspee schooner, at Providence. I hope, if there should be 
 another like attempt, some concerned in it may be taken 
 prisoners, and carried directly to England. A i'ew punished 
 at execution dock, would be the only effectual preventive of 
 any further attempts." 
 
 By other acts did the people of Rhode Island, at an early 
 period, evince their opposition to the royal government. On 
 the arrival in the year 1774 of the royal proclamation pro- 
 hibiting the importation of fire arms from England, they dis- 
 mantled the fort at Newport, and took possession of forty 
 pieces of cannon. Again, on the occurrence of the battle of 
 Lexington, they simultaneously roused to the defence of their 
 felloAV citizens, in the province of Massachusetts. Within 
 three days after that memorable event, a large number of her 
 militia were in the neighbourhood of Boston, ready to co- 
 operate in measures either of hostility or defence. In the 
 same year she sent twelve hundred regular troops into the 
 service, and afterwards furnished three state regiments to serve 
 during the war. 
 
 No sooner was the formation of a continental congress su^ 
 
WILLIAM ELLERY. 155 
 
 gested, than Rhode Island took measures to be represented in 
 that body, and elected as delegates two of her most distiiv- 
 guished citizens, Governor Hopkins and Mr. Ward. 
 
 During these movements in Rhode Island, Mr. Ellery, 
 the subject of this notice, was by no means an idle spectator. 
 The particular history of the part which he took in these 
 transactions is, indeed, not recorded ; but the tradition is, that 
 he rvas not behind his contemporaries either in spirit or action. 
 
 In the election for delegates to the congress of 1776, Mr. 
 EHery was a successful candidate, and in that body took hi? 
 seat, on the seventeenth of May. Here, he soon became an 
 active and inllucntial member, and rendered important ser 
 vices to his country, by his indefatigable attention to duties 
 assigned him, on several committees. During this session, 
 he had the honour of affixing his name to the declaration of 
 independence. Of this transaction he frequently spoke, and 
 of the notice he took of the members of congress when they 
 signed that instrument. He placed himself beside secretary 
 Thompson, that he might see how they looked, as they put their 
 names to tlieir death warrant. But while all appeared to 
 feel the solemnity of the occasion, and their countenances 
 bespoke their awe, it was vnmingled with fear. They re- 
 corded their names as patriots, who were ready, should occa- 
 sion require, to lead the way to martyrdom. 
 
 In the year 1777, the marine committee of congress, of 
 which Mr. Ellery was a member, recommended the plan, and 
 it is supposed, at his suggestion, of preparing fire ships, and 
 sending them out from the state of Rhode Island. Of this 
 plan, the journals of congress speak in the following terms : 
 
 " If upon due consideration, jointly had by the navy board 
 for the eastern department, and the governor and council of 
 war for the state of Rhode Island, and for which purpose the 
 said navy board are directed to attend upon the said gover- 
 nor and council of war, the preparing fire ships be judged 
 practicable, expedient, and advisable, the said navy board im- 
 mediately purchase, upon as reasonable terms as possible, 
 six ships, or square rigged vessels, at Providence, in the state 
 of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, the best calcu- 
 
156 RHODE ISLAND DELE6ATI0N. 
 
 lated for fire ships, with all possible expedition ; that the said 
 navy board provide proper materials for the same, and employ 
 a proper captain or commander, one lieutenant, and a suitable 
 number of men for each of the said ships, or vessels, of ap- 
 proved courage and prudence ; and that notice be given to all 
 tlie commanders of the continental sliips and vessels in the 
 port of Providence, to be in readiness to sail at a moment's 
 warning : that as soon as the said fire ships are well prepared, 
 the first favourable wind be embraced to attack the British 
 ships and navy in the rivers and bays of the state of Rhode Isl- 
 and and Providence Plantations : that the oflicers of the conti- 
 nental navy there, favour, as much as possible, the design, and 
 use their utmost eflibrts to get out to sea, and proceed to such 
 cruise, or to such ports, as the said navy board, or the marine 
 committee, shall appoint or order." 
 
 During the year that the British army under General Pig- 
 got took possession of Newport, where they fortified them- 
 selves, and continued their head quarters for some time, 
 the inhabitants sustained much injury in their property. Mr. 
 Ellery shared in the common loss, his dwelling house being 
 burned, and other destruction of property occasioned. 
 
 Mr. Ellery continued a member of congress until the year 
 1785, and indeed, through that year, when he retired to his 
 native state. Soon after, however, he was elected by con- 
 gress, a commissioner of the continental loan office, to which 
 was subsequently added, by the citizens of Rhode Island, the 
 ofiice of chief justice of their superior court, a station which 
 he did not continue to hold long. On the organization of the 
 federal government, he received from General Washington 
 the appointment of collector of the customs for the town of 
 Newport, an office which he retained during the remainder of 
 his life. 
 
 On the 15th of February, 1820, this venerable man — vene- 
 rable for his age, which had been prolonged to ninety-two 
 years, and venerable for the services whicli he had rendered 
 his country, was summoned to his account. His death was 
 in imison with his life. He wasted gradually and almost im- 
 perceptibly, until the powers of nature were literally worn 
 
WILLIAM ELLERY. 157 
 
 «utby use. On the day on wliich Iiis death occurred, he had 
 risen, as usual, and rested in his old Hag bottomed chair, the 
 relict of hall" a century ; he had employed himself in reading 
 Tally's offices in Latin. 
 
 While thus engaged, his family physician called to see him. 
 On feeling his pulse, he found that it had ceased to beat. A 
 draught of wine and water quickened it into life, however, 
 again, and being placed and supported on the bed, he continu- 
 ed reading, until the lamp of life, in a moment of which his 
 friends were ignorant, was extinguished. 
 
 "Of no distemper, of no blast he died, 
 But fell like autumn fruit that mellowed long, 
 E'en wonder'd at because he falls no sooner. 
 Fate seem'd to wind him up for fourscore years. 
 Yet freshly ran he on twelve winters more : 
 Till, like a clock worn out with eating time, 
 The wheels of weary life at last stood stilL" 
 
 In the character of Mr. EUery there was much to admire. He 
 was, indeed, thought by some to have been too tenacious of his 
 opinion, and not always free from asperity to others. But 
 years mellowed down these unpleasant traits of his cha- 
 racter, and showed that he had exercised a watchfulness over 
 himself, not entirely in vain. He manifested an uncommon 
 disregard of the applause of men. It was often upon his 
 lips : " humility rather than pride becomes such creatures as 
 we are." He looked upon the world and its convulsions with 
 religious serenity, and in times of public danger, and of public 
 difficulty, he comforted himself and others, with the pious re- 
 flection of the psalmist, " The Lord reigneth." 
 
 In conversation, Mr. EUery was at once interesting and in- 
 structive. His advice was often sought, and his opinions re- 
 garded with great reverence. In letter writing he excelled, 
 as he did in fine penmanship, which latter would be inferred 
 from his signature to the declaration of independence. In 
 stature, he was of middling height, and carried in his person 
 the indications of a sound frame and an easy mind. In the 
 courtesies of life, he kept pace with the improvements of the 
 age; but his conversation, and dress, and habits of life, plainly 
 showed that he belonged to a more primitive generationo 
 14 
 
THE 
 
 CONNECTICUT DELEGATION. 
 
 Roger Sherman, 
 Samuel Huntington, 
 William Williams, 
 Oliver Wolcott. 
 
 ROGER SHERMAN. 
 
 Roger Sherman, tlie subject of the present memoir, was 
 a native of Newton, Massachusetts, where he was born on 
 the 19th of April, 1721. His ancestors were from Dedham, 
 in England, whence they removed to America about the year 
 1635, and settled at Watertown in the same state. The 
 father of Mr. Sherman, whose name was William, was a 
 respectable farmer, but from his moderate circumstances was 
 unable to give his son the advantages of an education, be- 
 yond those which were furnished by a parochial school. 
 
 He was early apprenticed to a shoemaker, which occupa- 
 tion he followed for some time after he was twenty-two years 
 of age. It is recorded of him, however, that he earl}'' 
 evinced an uncommon thirst for knowledge, and was wont, 
 even while at work on his seat, to have a book open before 
 him, upon which he would employ every moment, not ne- 
 cessarily devoted to the duties of his calling. 
 
 The father of Mr. Sherman died in the year 1741, leaving 
 his family, which was quite numerous, in circumstances of 
 dependence. The care of the fomily devolved upon Roge/, 
 
ROGER SHERMAN. 159 
 
 liis older brother having sometime before removed to New- 
 Milford, in Connecticut. This was a serious charge for a 
 young man only nineteen years of age. Yet, with great 
 kindness and cheerfuhicss did he engage in the duties which 
 devolved upon him. Towards his mother, whose life was 
 protracted to a great age, he continued to manifest the ten- 
 (lercst affection, and assisted two of his younger brothers to 
 obtain a liberal education. These, afterwards, became clergy- 
 men of some distinction in Connecticut. 
 
 It has already been observed, that an older brother had 
 established himself in New-Milford, Connecticut. In 1743, 
 it was judged expedient for the family, also, to remove to 
 tliat place. Accordingly, having disposed of their small 
 farm, they became residents of New-Milford, in June of that 
 year. This journey was performed by young Roger on foot, 
 with his tools on his back. 
 
 At New-Milford, he commenced business as a shoemaker ; 
 but not long after he relinquished his trade, having entered 
 into partnership with his older brother, in the more agree- 
 able occupation of a country merchant. 
 
 Mr. Sherman early evinced, as has already been observed, 
 an unusual thirst for knowledge. This led him to seize with 
 avidity every opportunity to acquire it. The acquisitions 
 of such a mind, even with the disadvantages under Avhich he 
 laboured, must have been comparatively easy, and his im- 
 provement was rapid. The variety and extent of his attain- 
 ments, even at this early age, are almost incredible. He soon 
 became known in the county of Litchfield, where he resided, 
 as a man of more than ordinary talents, and of unusual skill 
 in the science of mathematics. In 1745, only two years 
 after his removal into the above county, and at the age of 
 twenty-four, he was appointed to the office of county sur- 
 veyor. At this time it appears, also, he had made no small 
 advance in the science of astronomy. As early as 1748, he 
 supplied the astronomical calculations for an almanac, pub- 
 lished in the city of New-York, and continued this supply 
 for several succeeding years. 
 
 In 1741>, he was married to Miss Elizabeth Hartwell, of 
 
160 CONNECTICUT DELEGATION. 
 
 ^Stoughton, in Massaclnisetts. After her decease, in 1760, he 
 married Miss Rebecca Prescot, of Danvers, in the same state. 
 By these v/ives he had fifteen children, seven by the former, 
 'and eight by the latter. 
 
 In 1754, Mr. Sherman was admitted as an attorney to the 
 bar. It is a trite remark, that great effects often proceed from 
 .small causes, and that not unfrequently some apparently 
 trivial occurrence, exercises a controling influence over the 
 whole after life of an individual. Both these remarks are 
 eminently verified in the history of Mr. Sherman. While 
 yet a young man, and, it is believed before he had relinquish- 
 ed his mechanical occupation, he had occasion to go to a 
 neighbouring town to transact some business for himself. A 
 short time previous to this, a neighbour of his, in settling the 
 affairs of a person deceased, became involved in a difficulty 
 which required the assistance of legal counsel. The neigh- 
 bour stated the case to young Sherman, and authorized him 
 to seek the advice of the lawyer of the town to which he 
 was going. 
 
 As the subject was not without intricacy, Sherman com- 
 mitted the case to paper, and on his arrival in the town, pro- 
 ceeded with his manuscript to the lawyer's office. In stating 
 the case to the lawyer, he had frequent occasion to recur to 
 his manuscript. This was noticed by the lawyer, and, as it 
 was necessary to present a petition in the case to some court, 
 Sherman was requested to leave the paper, as an assistance 
 in framing the petition. The modesty of young Sherman 
 would scarcely permit him to comply with this request 
 " The paper," he said, " was only a memorandum drawn by 
 himself to assist his memory." He gave it, however, into 
 the hands of the lawyer, who read it with surprise. He 
 found it to contain a clear statement of the case, and remark- 
 ed, that with some slight verbal alterations, it would be equal 
 to any petition which he himself could draft. 
 
 The conversation now passed to the situation and circum- 
 stances of young Sherman. The lawyer urged him seriously 
 to think upon the profession of law. At this time, he was 
 deeply involved in the care of his father's family, which, as 
 
ROGER SHERMAN. 161 
 
 before noticed, were left in a great measure destitute at his 
 decease. The suggestion, however, appears not to have 
 been lost upon hira. A new direction was given to his 
 thoughts. A stronger impulse was added to his energies. 
 His leisure hours Avere devoted to the acquisition of legal 
 knowledge, and in 1754, as already remarked, he entered 
 upon a professional career, in which few have attained to 
 greater honour and distinction. 
 
 From this date, Mr. Sherman soon became distinguished 
 as a judicious counsellor, and was rapidly promoted to oflices 
 of trust and responsibility. The year following his admis- 
 sion to the bar, he was appointed a justice of the peace for 
 New-Milford, which town he also represented the same year 
 in the colonial assembly. In 1759, he was appointed judge 
 of tlie court of common pleas for the county of Litchfield, 
 an office which he filled with great reputation for the two 
 following years. 
 
 At the expiration of this time, that is in 1761, he became 
 a resident of New-Haven, of which town he was soon after 
 appointed a justice of the peace, and often represented it in 
 tlie colonial assembly. To these offices was added, in 1765, 
 tliat of judge of the court of common pleas. About the 
 same time he was appointed treasurer of Yale College, which 
 institution bestowed upon him the honorary degree of Master 
 of Arts. 
 
 In 1766, he was elected by the freemen of the colony a 
 member of the upper house, in the general assembly of Con- 
 necticut. The members of the upper house were called 
 ajisistants. This body held their deliberations with closed 
 doors. The precise rank, therefore, which Mr. Sherman 
 held among his colleagues, or the services which he rendered 
 his country, cannot now be ascertained. Few men, however, 
 were better fitted for a deliberative assembly. During the 
 same year, the confidence of his fellow-citizens was still far- 
 ther expressed, by his appointment to the office of judge of 
 the superior court. The offices, thus conferred upon him, 
 during the same year, were not then considered as incompa- 
 tible. He continued a member of the upper house for mne- 
 X 14* 
 
163 CONNECTICUT DELEGATION 
 
 teen years, until 17S5, at which time the two offices which 
 he held being considered as incompatible, he relinquished 
 his seat at the council board, preferring his station as a judge. 
 This latter office he continued to exercise until 1789, when 
 lie resigned it, on being elected to congress under the federa] 
 constitution. 
 
 At an early stage of the controversy between Great Britain 
 and her American colonies, Mr. Sherman warmly espoused 
 the cause of his country. This was to be expected of him. 
 A man of so much integrity and consistency of character, of 
 such firmness and solidity, would not be likely to be wanting 
 in the day of trial. It was fortunate for America that she 
 had some such men in her councils, to balance and keep in 
 check the feverish spirits which, in their zeal, might have in- 
 jured, rather than benefitted the cause. Mr. Sherman was 
 no enthusiast, nor was he to be seduced from the path of duty 
 by motives of worldly ambition, or love of applause. He 
 early perceived, that the contest would have to be terminated 
 by a resort to arms. Hence, he felt the paramount import- 
 ance of union among the colonies. He felt the full force of 
 the sentiment, " United we stand, divided we fall." From 
 the justice or clemency of Great Britain, he expected no- 
 thing ; nor, at an early day, could he perceive any rational 
 ground to hope that the contest coidd be settled, but by the 
 entire separation of American and British interests. He was, 
 therefore, prepared to proceed, not rashly, but with delibe- 
 rate firmness, and to resist, even unto blood, the unrighteous 
 attempts of the British parliament to enthral and enslave tlie 
 American colonies. 
 
 Of the celebrated congress of 1774, Mr. Sherman was a 
 conspicuous member. He was present at the opening of 
 the session; and continued uninterruptedly a member of that 
 body for the long space of nineteen years, until his death 
 in 1793. 
 
 Of the important services which he rendered his country, 
 (luring his congressional career, it is difficult and even impos- 
 sible to form an estimate. He served on various committers, 
 whose deliberations often involved the highest interest of the 
 
ROGER SHERMAN. 163 
 
 country. During the continuance of the war of the revolu- 
 tion, the duties of committees were frequently arduous and 
 fatiguing. No man adventured upon these duties with more 
 courage ; no one exercised a more indefatigable zeal than did 
 Mr. Siierman. He investigated every subject with uncom- 
 mon particularity, and formed his judgment with a compre- 
 hensive view of the whole. This, together with the well 
 known integrity of his character, attracted universal conti- 
 dence. He naturally became, therefore, one of the leading 
 and most influential members of congress, during the whole 
 period of his holding a seat in that body. 
 
 Of the congress of 1775, Mr. Sherman was again a mem- 
 ber ; but of this day of clouds and darkness, when the storm 
 which had long lowered, began to burst forth on every side, 
 we can take no further notice than to mention, with gratitude 
 and admiration, the firmness of those assembled sages who, 
 with courage, breasted themselves to the coming shock- 
 They calmly and fearlessly applied themselves to the defence 
 of the liberties of their country, having counted the cost, 
 and being prepared to surrender their rights only with their 
 lives. 
 
 In the congress of 1770, Mr. Sherman took a distinguishes! 
 jxirt. He assisted on committees appointed to give instruc- 
 tions for the military operations of the army in Canada; to 
 establish regulations and restrictions on the trade of the 
 United States ; to regulate the currency of the country ; to 
 furnish supplies for the army ; to provide for the expenses of 
 the government ; to prepare articles of confederation between 
 the several states, and to propose a plan of military opera- 
 tions for the campaign of 177G. 
 
 During this year, also, he received the most flattering tes- 
 timony of the high estimation in which he was held by con- 
 gress, in being associated with Adams, Jeflerson, Franklin, 
 and Livingston, in the responsible duty of preparing the de- 
 claration of independence. 
 
 The reputation of Mr. Sherman abroad, was cordially ro- 
 ciprocated in the state in Avhich he resided. Few men were 
 ever more highly esteemed in Connecticut. The people un- 
 
164 " CONNECTICUT DELEGATION. 
 
 derstooJ his worth. They respected him for his abilities, 
 but still more for his unbending integrity. During the war 
 be belonged to the governor's council of safety ; and from the 
 year 1784 to his death, he held the mayoralty of the city of 
 New-Haven. In 1783, he was appointed, with the honoura- 
 ble Richard Law, both of whom were at this time judges of 
 tlie superior court, to revise the statutes of the state. This 
 service, rendered doubly onerous to the committee from their 
 being instructed to digest all the statutes relating to the same 
 subject into one, and to reduce the whole to alphabetical or- 
 der, was performed with great ability. Many useless statutes 
 were omitted ; others were altered to correspond to the great 
 cJianges which had then recently taken place in the state of 
 tlie country, and the whole reSfluced to comparative ordej 
 and simplicity. 
 
 Another expression of the public confidence awaited Mr 
 Sherman in 1787. Soon after the close of the war, the in 
 efficacy of the old confederation between the states was ap 
 parent. The necessity of a federal constitution, by whici) 
 tlie powers of the state governments and of the general go 
 vernment should be more nicely balanced, became everj 
 day more obvious. Accordingly, in 1787, a general conven 
 tion of the states, for forming a new constitution, was calletl, 
 and Mr. Sherman, in connexion with the learned Mr. Ells- 
 worth and Dr. Johnson, were appointed to attend it, on the 
 part of Connecticut. In this assemblage of patriots, distin- 
 guished for their political wisdom, Mr. Sherman was corn 
 spicuous, and contributed, in no small degree, to the perfec- 
 tion of that constitution, under whicli the people of America 
 have for more than forty years enjoyed as much civil liberty 
 and political prosperity as is, probably, compatible with the 
 lapsed condition of the human race. Many of the converv- 
 tion, who warmly advocated the adoption of the constitution, 
 were not, indeed, well pleased with every feature of that in- 
 strument. To this number Mr. Sherman belonged. He was 
 of the opinion, however, as were others, that it was the best 
 which, under existing circumstances, the convention could 
 have framed. On his return to Connecticut, when the ques- 
 
ROGER SHERMAN- 165 
 
 lion respecting the adoption of the constitution came before 
 the convention of that state, its adoption, according to the 
 testimony of the late Chief Justice Ellsworth, Avas, in no 
 small degree, owing to the influence of Mr. Sherman. On 
 that occasion, he appeared before the convention, and, with 
 great plainness and perspicuity, entered into an explanation 
 of the probable operation of the principles of the constitution. 
 Under this new constitution, he was elected a representa- 
 tive to congress, from the state of Connecticut. At the ex- 
 piration of two years, a vacancy occurring in the senate, he 
 M'as elevated to a scat in that body, an office which he con- 
 tinued to hold, and the duties of which he continued to dis- 
 charge with honour and reputation to himself, and with great 
 tisefulness to his country, until the 23d day of July, 1793, 
 when he was gathered to his fathers, in the 73d year of his 
 a^e. 
 
 In estimating the character of Mr. Sherman, we must 
 dwell a moment upon his practical wisdom This, in him, 
 was a predominant trait. He possessed, more than most 
 men, an intimate acquaintance with human nature. He un- 
 derstood the springs of human action in a remarkable de- 
 gree, and well knew in what manner to touch them, to pro- 
 duce a designed effect. This practical wisdom, another name 
 for common sense, powerfully contributed to guide him to 
 safe results, on all the great political questions in which he 
 was concerned , and assisted him to select the means which 
 were best adapted to accomplish the best ends. With the 
 habits and opinions, with the virtues and vices, the prejudices 
 and weaknesses of his countrymen, he was also well ac- 
 quainted. Hence, he understood, better than many others, 
 who were superior to him in the rapidity of their genius, 
 what laws and principles they would bear, and what they 
 would not bear, in government. Of the practical wisdom of 
 Mr. Sherman, we might furnish many honourable testimonies 
 and numerous illustrations. We must content ourselves, 
 liowever, with recording a remark of President Jefferson, to 
 the late Dr. Spring, of Newburyport. During the sitting of 
 Congress at Thiladelphia, the latter gentleman, in compauv 
 
166 CONNECTICUT DELEGATION 
 
 with Mr. Jefferson, visited the national hall. Mr. Jefferson 
 pointed out to the doctor several of the members, who were 
 most conspicuous. At length, his eye rested upon Roger 
 Sherman. " That," said he, pointing his finger, " is Mr 
 Sherman of Connecticut, a man who never said a foolish 
 thing in his life." Not less complimentary was the remark 
 of Mr. Macon, the aged and distinguished senator, who has 
 recently retired from public life ; " Roger Sherman had more 
 common sense than any man I ever knew." 
 
 Another distinguishing trait in the character of Roger 
 Sherman, was his unbending integrity. No man, probably, 
 ever stood more aloof from the suspicion of a selfish bias, 
 or of sinister motives. In both his public and private con- 
 duct, he was actuated by principle. The opinion which ap- 
 peared correct, he adopted, and the measure which appeared 
 the best, he pursued, apparently uninfluenced by passion, pre- 
 judice, or interest. It wks probably owing to this trait in 
 his character, that he enjoyed such extraordinary influence 
 in those deliberative bodies of which he was a member. In 
 his speech, he was slow and hesitating. He had few of the 
 graces of oratory ; yet no man was heard with deeper atten- 
 tion. This attention arose from the solid conviction of the 
 hearers, that he was an honest man. What he said, was in- 
 deed always applicable to the point, was clear, was Aveiglity; 
 and, as the late President Dwight remarked, was generally 
 new and important. Yet the weight of his observations, 
 obviously, sprung from the integrity of the man. It was this 
 trait in his character, which elicited the observation of the 
 distinguished Fisher Ames. "If I am absent," said he, "dur- 
 ing the discussion of a subject, and consequently know not 
 on which side to vote, I always look at Roger Sherman, for 
 I am sure if I vote with him I shall vote right.'''' 
 
 To the above excellent traits in the character of Mr. Sher- 
 man, it may be added, tliat he was eminently a pious man- 
 He was long a professor of religion, and one of its brightest 
 ornaments. Nor was liis religion that which appeared only 
 on occasions. It was witli him a principle and a habit. It 
 appeared in tlie closet, in the family, on the bench, and in the 
 
ROGER SHERMAN. 1G7 
 
 senate house. Few men had a higlicr reverence for the 
 bible ; few men studied it with deeper attention ; few were 
 more intimately acquainted witli the doctrines of the gospel, 
 and the metaphysical controversies of the day. On these 
 subjects, he maintained an extended correspondence with 
 some of the most distinguished divines of that period, among 
 whom were Dr. Edwards, Dr. Hopkins, Dr. Trumbull, Presi- 
 dent Dickenson, and President Witherspoon, all of whom 
 had a high opinion of him as a theologian, and derived much 
 Instrurtion from their correspondence with him. 
 
 If the character of a man's religion is to be tested by the 
 fruits it produces, the religion of Mr. Sherman must be ad- 
 mitted to have been not of this world. He was naturally 
 possessed of strong passions ; but over these he at length 
 obtained an extraordinary control. He became habitually 
 calm, sedate, and self-possessed. The following instance of 
 his self-possession is worthy of being recorded. 
 
 Mr. Sherman was one of those men who are not ashamed 
 to maintain the forms of religion in his family. One morn- 
 ing he called them together, as usual, to lead them in prayer 
 to God : the " old family bible" was brought out, and laid on 
 the table. Mr. Sherman took his seat, and beside him placed 
 one of his children, a small child, a child of his old age ; the 
 rest of the family were seated round the room ; several of 
 these were now grown up. Besides these, some of the tutors 
 of the college, and it is believed, some of the students, were 
 boarders in the family, and were present at the time alluded 
 to. His aged, and now superanuated mother, occupied a 
 comer of the room, opposite to the place where the distin- 
 guished judge of Connecticut sat. At length he opened the 
 bible, and began to read. The child which was seated beside 
 him, made some little disturbance, upon which Mr. Sherman 
 paused, and told it to be still. Again he proceeded, but again 
 he paused, to reprimand the little ofi'ender, whose playful 
 disposition would scarcely permit it to be still. At this time, 
 he gently tapped its ear. The blow, if it might be called a 
 blow, caught the attention of his aged mother, who now with 
 some effort rose from her seat, and tottered across the room. 
 
168 CONNECTICUT DELEGATION. 
 
 At length, she reached the chair of Mr. Sherman, and in a 
 moment most unexpected to him, she gave him a blow on 
 the ear, with all the power she could summon. " There,'''' said 
 she, " you strike your child, and I will strike mine.'''' 
 
 For a moment, the blood Avas seen rushing to the face of 
 Mr. Sherman ; but it was only for a moment, when all was 
 as mild and calm as usual. He paused — he raised his specta- 
 cles — he cast his eye upon his mother — again it fell upon the 
 l>ook, from which he had been reading. Perhaps he re- 
 membered the injunction, " honour thy mother," and he did 
 lionour her. Not a word escaped him ; but again he calmly 
 pursued the service, and soon after sought in prayer ability to 
 set an example before his household, which should be worthy 
 their imitation. Such self-possession is rare. Such a victory 
 was worth more than the proudest victory ever achieved in 
 the field of battle. 
 
 We have room only to add the inscription, which is record- 
 ed upon the tablet which covers the tomb of this truly excel- 
 lent man : 
 
 In "memory of 
 THE HON. ROGER SHERMAN, ESa. 
 
 Mayor of the city of New-Haven, 
 
 and Senator of the United States. 
 
 He was born at Newton, in Massachusetts, 
 
 April 19th, 1721, 
 
 And died in New-Haven, July 23d, A, D. 1793, 
 
 aged LXXn. 
 
 Possessed of a strong", clear, penetrating mind, 
 
 and singular perseverance, 
 
 he became the self-taught scholar, '■ 
 
 eminent for jurisprudence and policy. 
 
 He was nineteen years an assistant, 
 
 and twenty -three years a judge of the superior court, 
 
 in high reputation. 
 
 He was a Delegate in the first Congress, 
 
 signed the glorious act of Independence, 
 
 and many years displayed superior talents and ability 
 
 in the national legislature. 
 
 He was a member of the general convention, 
 
 approved the federal constitution. 
 
 And served his comitry with fidelity and honou^ 
 
 in the House of Representatives, 
 
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. 1^9 
 
 and in the Senate of the United States. 
 
 He was a man of approved integrity ; 
 
 a cool, disceruing Judg-e ; 
 
 a prudent, sagacious Politician; 
 
 a true, faithful, and firm Patriot. 
 
 He ever adorned 
 
 the profession of Christianity 
 
 which he made in youth ; 
 
 and distinguished through life 
 
 for public usefulness, 
 
 died in the prospect of a blessed immortality. 
 
 SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. 
 
 Samuel Huntington was born in Windham, Connecticut, 
 on the 2d day of July, 1732. His ancestors were respect- 
 able ; they came to America at an early period of the country, 
 and settled in Connecticut. 
 
 The father of the subject of the present memoir wag 
 Nathaniel Huntington, who resided in the town of Windham, 
 where he was a plain but worthy farmer. His mother was 
 distinguished for her many virtues. She was a pious, dis- 
 creet woman, and endued with a more than ordinary share 
 of mental vigour. A numerous family of children cemented 
 the affection of this worthy pair. Several of the sons devoted 
 themselves to the gospel ministry, and attained to a highly 
 respectable standing in their profession. Of those who thus 
 devoted themselves to the clerical profession. Dr. Joseph 
 Huntington was one. He is well known as the author of a 
 posthumous work, on universal salvation. It was entitled, 
 " Calvinism Improved, or the Gospel illustrated as a system 
 of real Grace, issuing in the salvation of all men." This 
 work was afterwards ably answered by Dr. Nathan Strong, 
 of Hartford. 
 
 In the benefits of a public education, which were thus con- 
 Y 15 
 
170 CONNECTICUT DELEGATION. 
 
 ferred on several of his brothers, Samuel Huntington did not 
 share. He was the eldest son, and his father needed his as- 
 sistance on the farm. Indeed, his opportunities for obtaining 
 knowledge were extremely limited, not extending beyond 
 tliose furnished by the common schools of that day. 
 
 Mr. Huntington, however, possessed a vigorous under- 
 standing, and, when released from the toils of the field, he 
 devoted himself with great assiduity to reading and study. 
 Thus, the deficiencies of the common school were more than 
 supplied. He became possessed of an extensive fund of in 
 formation upon various subjects, and by the time he was 
 twenty-one years of age, he probably fell little short in his 
 acquisitions of those who had received a collegiate educa- 
 tion, except in some particular branches. His knowledge 
 was less scientific, but more practical and useful. 
 
 Although not averse to husbandry, he early manifested a 
 fondness for legal pui'suits, and at the age of twenty-two he 
 relinquished the labours of the field, for the more agreeable 
 study of the law. Pecuniary circumstances prevented his 
 availing himself of legal tuition in the oftice of a lawyer. 
 But he was contented to explore the labyrinths of the pro- 
 fession unaided, except by his own judgment. The library 
 of a respectable lawyer in a neighbouring town, furnished 
 him with the necessary books, and his diligence and perse- 
 verance accomplished the rest. 
 
 Mr. Huntington soon obtained a competent knowledge of 
 the principles of law, to commence the practice of the pro- 
 fession. He opened an office in his native town, but in 1760, 
 removed to Norwich, where a wider field presented itself, 
 for the exercise of his talents. Here, he soon became emi- 
 nent in his profession. He was distinguished by a strici 
 integrity, and no man exceeded him in punctuality. These 
 traits of character, united to no ordinary legal attainments, 
 and strong common sense, insured him the respect of the 
 community, and a large share of professional business. 
 
 In 1764, Mr. Huntington represented the town of Nor- 
 wich in the general assembly. This was the commencement 
 of his poUtical career. In the year following he was ap* 
 
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. 171 
 
 pointed to tlie office of king's attorney, the duties of which 
 he continued to discharge, with great fidelity, for several 
 years. In 1774, he became an associate judge in the supe- 
 rior court, and soon after an assistant in the council of Con- 
 necticut. 
 
 Mr. Huntington was among those who early and strongly 
 set tliemselves in opposition to the claims and oppressions of 
 the British parliament. In his opinions on national subjects, 
 he was eminently independent ; nor was he backward in 
 expressing those opinions, on every suitable occasion. His 
 talents and patriotism recommended him to public favour, and 
 in October, 1775, he was appointed by the general assembly of 
 Connecticut to represent that colony in the continental con- 
 gress. In the January following, in conjunction with his dis- 
 tinguished colleagues, Roger Sherman, Oliver Wolcott, &,c. 
 he took his seat in that venerable body. In the subsequent 
 July he voted in favour of the declaration of independence. 
 
 Of the continental congress, Mr. Huntington continued a 
 member until the year 1781, when the ill state of his health 
 required the relinquishment of the arduous services in which 
 he had been engaged for several years. These services had 
 been rendered still more onerous by an appointment, in 1779, 
 to the presidency of the congress, in which station he suc- 
 ceeded Mr. Jay, on the appointment of the latter as minister 
 plenipotentiary to the court of Madrid. The honourable sta- 
 tion of president, Mr. Huntington filled with great dignity 
 and distinguished ability. " In testimony of their approba- 
 tion of his conduct in the chair, and in the execution of publix: 
 business," congress, soon after his retirement, accorded to 
 him the expression of their public thanks. 
 
 Thus relieved from the toils which his high official station 
 in congress had imposed upon him, Mr. Huntington was soon 
 able to resume his judicial functions in the superior court of 
 Connecticut, and his duties as an assistant in the council of 
 that state, both of which offices had been kept vacant during 
 his absence. 
 
 The public, however, were unwilling long to dispense with 
 his services in the great national assembly. Accordingly, in 
 
172 CONNECTICUT DELEGATION. 
 
 1783, he was re-elected a delegate to congress ; but eithei 
 feebje health, or his duties as a judge, prevented his attend- 
 ance for that year. He was re-appointed the following yeai 
 to the same office, and in July resumed his seat in congress, 
 where he continued a conspicuous and influential member, 
 until November, when he finally retired from the national 
 assembly. 
 
 Soon after his return to his native state, he was placed at 
 the head of the superior court, and the following year, 1785, 
 was elected lieutenant governor of the state. The next year 
 he succeeded Governor Griswold in the office of chief magis- 
 trate of the state, and to this office he was annually re-elected 
 during the remainder of his life. 
 
 The death of this excellent and distinguished man occurred 
 on the 5th of January, 1796, in the 64th year of his age. 
 His departure from the world, as might be expected, from 
 the even tenor of his life, and from the decided christian 
 character and conversation which he had manifested, was 
 tranquil. He had for many years been a professor of reli- 
 gion, and a devoted attendant upon the ordinances of the 
 gospel. His seat in the house of God was seldom vacant, 
 and, when occasion required, he was ready to lead in an ad- 
 dress to the throne of grace, and was able to impart instruc 
 tion to the people, drawn from the pure oracles of God. 
 
 Such, in few words, was the religious character of Governoi 
 Huntington. His domestic character was not less excellent 
 To strangers, he might appear formal. He possessed a dig- 
 nity, and a natural reserve, which repressed the advances of 
 all, except his intimate friends ; but to these he was ever ac- 
 cessible and pleasant. Few men ever possessed a greatei 
 share of mildness and equanimity of temper. Sentiments of 
 anger seem to have found no place in his breast ; nor was he 
 scarcely ever known to utter a word which could wound the 
 feelings of another, or asperse the good name of an absent 
 person. 
 
 To show and parade, Mr. Huntington was singularly 
 averse. In early life he had acquired rigid habits of econo- 
 my, which appear to have continued during his life. Hence, 
 
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. 173 
 
 in his domestic arrangements, in his diet, in his dress, his 
 simplicity was such as to bring upon him the charge of par- 
 simony. The justice or injustice of this charge, we have not 
 die means of determining ; but the private beneficence of 
 Mr. Huntington is so amply attested to, that the charge of 
 parsimony was probably brought against him only by the 
 profuse. 
 
 Mr. Huntington was not connected in life until the 30th 
 year of his age. At that time he married a daughter of Ebe- 
 nezer Devotion, the worthy minister of the town of Wind- 
 ham. Having no children, Mr. Huntington adopted two of 
 tJie children of his brother, the Reverend Joseph Huntington, 
 one of whom afterwards became governor of Ohio ; and the 
 other is at present the wife of the Reverend Doctor Griffin, 
 president of Williams' College, in Massachusetts. The death 
 of Mrs. Huntington preceded that of her husband about two 
 years. 
 
 On the public character, or the public services of Governor 
 Huntington, it is unnecessary to enlarge. It is pleasant, 
 however, to mark the progress of such a man, from obscurity 
 to the exalted and dignified walks of life, and from the hum- 
 ble occupation of a plough boy, to the deep and learned in- 
 vestigations of the judge, and to the wise and sagacious plans 
 of the statesman. What was true of Mr. Huntington, in this 
 respect, was true of a great proportion of that phalanx of pa- 
 triots who, during the days of our revolutionary struggle, 
 opposed themselves with success to British exactions and 
 British oppressions. They came from humble life. They 
 rose by the force of their native genius. Obstacles served 
 only to rouse their latent strength. They threw aside dis- 
 couragements, as the skilful swimmer dashes aside the wa- 
 ters which impede his course. 
 
 Mr. Huntington was one of these men. He had not the 
 advantage of family patronage, or the benefit of a liberal 
 education ; nor did hereditary wealth lend him her aid. But, 
 instead of these, he had genius, courage, and perseverance. 
 With the united assistance of these, he entered upon his pro- 
 fessional course, and afterwards, on his political career. He 
 15* 
 
174 CONNECTICUT DELEGATION. 
 
 rendered services to his country, which will long be remem- 
 bered with gratitude ; he attained to honours with which a 
 high ambition might have been satisfied ; and, at length, went 
 down to the grave, cheered with the prospect of a happy im- 
 mortality. 
 
 WILLIAM WILLIAMS. 
 
 The family of William Williams is said to have been 
 originally from Wales. A branch of it came to America in 
 the year 1630, and settled in Roxbury, Massachusetts. His 
 grandfather, who bore the same name, was the minister of 
 Hatfield, Massachusetts ; and his father, Solomon Williams, 
 D. D. was the minister of a parish in Lebanon, where he was 
 settled fifty-four years. Solomon Williams, the father, mar- 
 ried a daughter of Colonel Porter, of Hadley, by whom he 
 had five sons and three daughters. The sons were all libe- 
 rally educated. Of these, Eliphalet was settled, as a minister 
 of the gospel, in East-Hartford, where he continued to ofli- 
 ciate for about half a century. Ezekiel was sheriff of the 
 county of Hartford for more than thirty years; he died a 
 few years since at Wethersfield, leaving behind him a cha- 
 racter distinguished for energy and enterprise, liberality and 
 benevolence. 
 
 William Williams, the subject of this memoir, wsf bon^ m 
 Lebanon, Connecticut, on the eighth of Apri', 1731. At the 
 age of sixteen, he entered Harvard college. During his col- 
 legiate course, he was distinguished for a diligent attention^ 
 and, at the proper period, was honourably graduated. From 
 the university he returned home, and, for a considerable time« 
 devoted himself to theological studies, under the direction of 
 his father. 
 
 In September, 1755, was fought, at the head of Lake 
 George, a celebrated battle between the provincial troops. 
 
WILLIAM WILLIAMS. 175 
 
 under command of major general, afterwards Sir William 
 Johnson, aided by a body of indians led by the celebrated 
 Hendrick, and a body of French Canadians and indians, com- 
 manded by Monsieur le Baron de Dieskau. At this time, Co- 
 lonel Ephraim Williams commanded a regiment of provincial 
 troops, raised by Massachusetts, with which he was engaged 
 in the above battle. William Williams, the subject of our 
 memoir, belonged to his staff. 
 
 Colonel Williams was an officer of great merit. He Avas 
 much beloved by his soldiers, and highly respected by the 
 people of Massachusetts, in the place where he resided. 
 Williams' college owes its existence to him. As he was pro- 
 ceeding through Albany, to the head of Lake George, he 
 made his will in that city. In this instrument, after giving 
 certain legacies to his connexions, he directed that the remain- 
 der of his land should be sold at the discretion of his execu- 
 tors, within five years after an established peace, and that the 
 interest of the monies arising from the sale, together with 
 some other property, should be applied to the support of a 
 free school, in some township in the western part of Massa- 
 cJiusetts. This was the origin of Williams' college. Both 
 tlie college, and the town in which it is situated, were named 
 after their distinguished benefactor. 
 
 Previous to the battle of Lake George, Colonel Williams 
 was despatched with a party of twelve hundred men, to ob- 
 serve the motions of the French and Indian army, under Ba- 
 ron Dieskau. He met the enemy at Rocky Brook, four miles 
 from Lake George. A tremendous battle now ensued. The 
 English soldiers fought with great courage, but at length 
 they were overpowered, and obliged to retreat. During the 
 contest. Colonel Williams was shot through the head by an 
 Indian, and killed. The command of the detachment now 
 devolved upon Colonel Whiting, of New-Haven, who succced- 
 cil in joining Sir William Johnson, with the force which had 
 escaped the power of the enemy. The issue of this day is 
 well known. The French army was finally repulsed, and the 
 Baron Dieskau was both woimded and taken prisoner. 
 
 Soon after the death of Colonel Williams, the subject of 
 
176 CONNECTICITT DELEGATION. 
 
 this memoir, returned to Lebanon, where he resolved to fix 
 his permanent residence. In 1756, at the age of twenty-five 
 )'^ears, he was chosen clerk of the town of Lebanon, an office 
 which he continued to hold for the space of forty-five years. 
 About the same time, he was appointed to represent the town 
 in the general assembly of Connecticut. In this latter capa- 
 city, he served a long succession of years, during which he 
 was often chosen clerk of the house, and not unfrequently 
 filled, and always with dignity and reputation, the speaker's 
 chair. In 1780, he was transferred to the upper house, being 
 elected an assistant ; an office to which he was annually re- 
 elected for twenty-four years. It was recorded of him, what 
 can probably be recorded of few, and perhaps of no other man, 
 that for more than ninety sessions, he was scarcely absent 
 from his seat in the legislature, excepting when he was a 
 member of the continental congress, in 1776 and 1777. 
 
 During the years last mentioned, he Avas a member of the 
 national council; and in the deliberations of that body took a 
 part, during the memorable period, when the charter of our 
 independence received the final approbation of congress. 
 
 At an early period of the revolution, he embarked with 
 great zeal in the cause of his country. During the campaign 
 of 1755, while at the north, he had learned a lesson, which he 
 did not forget. He was at that time disgusted with the 
 British commanders, on account of the haughtiness of thehr 
 conduct, and the little attachment which they manifested for 
 his native country. The impression was powerful and last- 
 ing. At that time he adopted the opinion, that America would 
 see no days of prosperity and peace, so long as British officers 
 should manage her affairs. On the arrival of the day, there- 
 fore, when the revolutionary struggle commenced, and a 
 chance was presented of release from the British yoke, Mr. 
 Williams was ready to engage with ardour, in bringing about 
 this happy state of things. He had for several years been irw 
 terested in mercantile pursuits. These he now relinquished, 
 tliat he might devote liimself to the cause of his country. He 
 powerfully contributed to awaken public feeling, by several 
 essays on political subjects and when an occasion called him 
 
WILLIAM WILLIAMS. 177 
 
 to speak in public, his patriotic zeal and independent spirit 
 were manifested, in a powerful and impressive eloquence. 
 
 Nor was Mr. Williams one of those patriots with whom 
 words are all. He was ready to make sacrifices, whenever 
 occasion required. An instance of his public spirit is recorded, 
 in the early part of the revolution. At this time the paper 
 money of the country was of so little value, that military ser- 
 vices could not be procured for it. Mr. Williams, with great 
 liberality, exchanged more than two thousand dollars in 
 specie, for this paper, for the benefit of his country. In the 
 issue, he lost the whole sum. 
 
 A similar spirit of liberality marked his dealings, in the 
 settlement of his aflairs, on the eve and during the course of 
 the revolution. lie was peculiarly kind to debtors impover- 
 ished by the war ; and from the widow and the fatherless, 
 made so by the struggle for freedom, he seldom made any 
 exactions, even though he himself sufi'cred by his kindness. 
 
 At the commencement of the war, it is well known, there 
 was little provision made for the support of an army. There 
 were no public stores, no arsenals filled with warlike instnt- 
 ments, and no clothing prepared for the soldiers. For many 
 articles of the first necessity, resort was had to private contri- 
 butions. The selectmen in many of the towns of Connecti- 
 cut volunteered their services, to obtain articles for the neces- 
 sary outfit of new recruits, for the maintenance of the families 
 of indigent soldiers, and to furnish supplies even for the 
 army itself. 
 
 Mr. Williams was, at this time, one of the selectmen of the 
 town of Lebanon, an office which he continued to hold 
 during the whole revolutionary war. No man was better 
 fitted for such a station, and none could have manifested more 
 unwearied zeal than he did, in soliciting the benefactions 
 of private families for the above objects. Such was his suc- 
 cess, that he forwarded to the army more than one thousand 
 blankets. In many instances, families parted with their last 
 blanket, for the use of the soldiers in the camp ; and bullets 
 were made from the lead taken from the weights of clocks. 
 Such was the patriotism of the fathers and mothers of tlie 
 Z 
 
•XiiS CONNECTICUT DELEGATION. 
 
 land, in those days of trial. There were no comforts, which 
 they could not cheerfully forego, and no sacrifices which 
 tliey did not joyfully make, that the blessings of freedom 
 might be theirs, and might descend to their posterity. 
 
 In confirmation of the above evidence of the firmness and 
 patriotism of Mr. Williams, the following anecdote may be 
 added. Towards the close of the year 1776, the military 
 afl'airs of the colonies wore a gloomy aspect, and strong 
 fears began to prevail that the contest would go against 
 them. In this dubious state of things, the council of safety 
 for Connecticut was called to sit at Lebanon. Two of the 
 members of this council, William Hillhouse and Benjamin 
 Huntington, quartered with Mr. Williams. 
 
 One evening, the conversation turned upon the gloomy 
 state of the country, and the probability that, after all, success 
 Would crown the British arms. " Well," said Mr. Williams, 
 with great calmness, "if they succeed, it is pretty evident 
 what will be my fate. I have done much to prosecute the 
 •contest, and one thing I have done, which the British will 
 hever pardon — I have signed the Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence. / shall be hung.'''' Mr. Hillhouse expressed his 
 hope, that America would yet be successful, and his confi- 
 dtnce that this would be her happy fortune. Mr. Hunting- 
 Ion observed, that in case of ill success, he should be exempt 
 from the gallows, as his signature was not attached to the 
 ■declaration of independence, nor had he written any thing 
 against the British government. To this Mr. Williams re- 
 plied, his eye kindling as he spoke, " Then, sir, you deserve 
 to be hanged, for not having done your duty." 
 
 At the age of 41, he became settled in domestic life, having 
 connected himself with the daughter of Jonathan Trumbull, 
 at that time governor of the state. His lady, it is believed, 
 is still living. Three children were the offspring of this 
 marriage. Of these children, Solomon, the eldest, died in 
 New-York, in 1810, a man greatly beloved by all who had the 
 pleasure to know him. The only daughter is respectably 
 connected in Woodstock, and the remaining son resides in 
 Lebanon. 
 
OLIVER WOLCOTT. 170 
 
 Th€ demise of his eldest son was a great affliction to tho 
 aged and infirm father. The intelHgence produced a shock 
 from whicli he never recovered. From this time, he gradu- 
 ally declined. Four days before his death, he lost the power 
 of utterance, nor was it expected that he Avould again speak 
 on this side the grave. A short time, however, previously to 
 his death, he called aloud for his deceased son, and requested 
 him to attend his dying parent. In a few moments he closed 
 hy. life. This event occurred on the 2d day of August, 1811, 
 in the 81st year of his age. 
 
 To this biographical sketch of Mr. Williams, we hav« 
 only to add a word, respecting his character as a Christian. 
 He made a profession of religion at an early age, and through 
 the long course of his life, he was distinguished for a humble 
 and consistent conduct and conversation. While yet almost 
 a youth, he was elected to the office of deacon, in the congre- 
 gational church to which he belonged, an office which he re- 
 tained during the remainder of his life. His latter days were 
 chiefly devoted to reading, meditation, and prayer. At length 
 the hour arrived, when God would take him to himself. He 
 gave up the ghost, in a good old age, and was gathered to 
 his fathers. 
 
 OLIVER WOLCOTT. 
 
 Few families have been more distinguished in the annals 
 of Connecticut, than the Wolcott family. The ancestor of 
 this family was Henry Wolcott, an English gentleman of 
 considerable fortune, Avho was born in the year 1578. Dur- 
 ing the progress of the Independents in England, he em- 
 braced the principles of that sect, and hence becoming ob- 
 noxious to the British government, he found it expedient to 
 emigrate to America. His emigration, with his family, took 
 
180 CONNECTICUT DELEGATION. 
 
 place in 1630. They settled for a time at Dorchester, in 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Mr. Wolcott is represented to have been a man of talents 
 and enterprise. Possessing an ample fortune, he associated 
 himself with John Mason, Roger Ludlow, Mr. Stoughton, and 
 Mr. Newberry, who were also men of wealth, in the settle- 
 ment of Windsor, in Connecticut. About the same time, as 
 is well known, settlements were made at Hartford and 
 Wethersfield. 
 
 In 1639, the first general assembly of Connecticut was 
 holden at Hartford. It was composed of delegates from the 
 above towns. Among these delegates was Henry Wolcott. 
 Since that date, down to the present time, some of the mem- 
 bers of this distinguished family have been concerned in the 
 civil government of the state. 
 
 Simon Wolcott was the youngest son of Henry Wolcott 
 Roger Wolcott, who is distinguished both in the civil and 
 military annals of the state, was the youngest son of Simon 
 Wolcott. Oliver Wolcott, the subject of the present me- 
 moir, was the youngest son of Roger Wolcott. He was 
 born in the year 1726, and graduated at Yale College in 1747. 
 In this latter year he received a commission as captain in 
 the army, in the French war. At the head of a company, 
 which was raised by his own exertions, he proceeded to the 
 defence of the northern frontiers, where he continued until 
 the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. 
 
 At this time he returned to Connecticut, and commenced 
 the study of medicine. He, however, never entered into the 
 practice of the profession, in consequence of receiving the 
 appointment of sheriff of the county of Litchfield, which 
 was organized about the year 1751. 
 
 In 1774 he was appointed an assistant in the council of the 
 state. This may be considered as the commencement of his 
 political career. To the office of assistant, he continued to 
 be annually re-elected till 1786. In the interval, he was for 
 some time chief judge of the court of common pleas for the 
 county, and judge of the court of probate for the district of 
 Litchfield. 
 
OLIVER WOLCOTT. 181 
 
 In the revolutionary contest, Mr. Wolcott was one of the 
 strong pillars of the American cause. He inherited much of 
 the independent feeling of tlie ancestor of the family, of 
 whom we have spoken in the commencement of this me- 
 moir. In 1776, he was summoned by his native state to re- 
 present it in the national congress in Philadelphia. He had 
 the honour of participating in the deliberations of that body, 
 on the declaration of independence, and of recording his 
 vote in favour of its adoption. 
 
 Immediately after the adoption of that instrument, he re- 
 turned to Connecticut, and was now invested with the com- 
 mand of fourteen regiments of the state militia, which were 
 raised for the defence of New-York. In November, he re- 
 sumed his seat in congress, and on the adjournment of that 
 body to Baltimore, he accompanied them, and there spent 
 the winter of 1777. In the ensuing summer, he was engaged 
 in several military movements ; after which, he joined the 
 northern army, under General Gates, with a corps of several 
 hundred volunteers, and assisted in the memorable defeat of 
 the Britisli army under General Burgoyne. From this period, 
 until 17S6, he was either in attendance upon congress, in the 
 field in defence of his country, or, as a commissioner of indian 
 affairs for the northern department, he was assisting in 
 settling the terms of peace with the six nations. In 1786 he 
 was elected lieutenant governor, an office to which he was 
 annually elected for ten years, when he was raised to the 
 chief magistracy of the state. This latter office, however, 
 he enjoyed but a little time, death putting an end to his active 
 and laborious life, on the first of December, 1797, in the 72d 
 year of his age. 
 
 The life of Mr. Wolcott was extended beyond the common 
 age of man, but it was well fdled with honourable services 
 for his country. He merited and received the confidence of 
 his fellow citizens. In his person, he was tall, and had the 
 appearance of great muscular strength. His manners were 
 dignified. He had great resolution of character, and might 
 be said to be tenacious of his own opinions; yet he could 
 surrender them, in view of evidence, and was ready to alter 
 
 16 
 
182 CONNECTICUT DELEGATION. 
 
 a course which he had prescribed for himself, when duty and 
 propriety seemed to require it. 
 
 In 1755, he was married to a Miss Collins, of Guilford, 
 with whom he enjoyed great domestic felicity, for the space 
 of forty years. Few women were better qualified for the 
 discharge of domestic duties, than Avas Mrs. Wolcott. During 
 the long absence of her husband, she superintended the edu- 
 cation of her children, and by her prudence and frugality ad- 
 ministered to the necessities of her family, and rendered her 
 house the seat of comfort and hospitality. 
 
 Mr. Wolcott never pursued any of the learned professions, 
 yet his reading was various and extensive. He cultivated an 
 acquaintance with the sciences, through the works of some 
 of the most learned men of Europe, and was intimately ac- 
 quainted with history, both ancient and modern. He has 
 the reputation, and it is believed justly, of having been an 
 accomplished scholar. 
 
 Mr. Wolcott was also distinguished for his love of order 
 and religion. In his last sickness he expressed, according to 
 Dr. Backus, who preached his funeral sennon, a deep sense 
 of his personal unworthiness and guilt. For several days 
 before his departure, every breath seemed to bring with it a 
 prayer. At length, he fell asleep. He was an old man, and 
 full of years, and went to his grave distinguished for a long 
 series of services rendered both to his state and nation. The 
 memory of his personal worth, of his patriotism, his in- 
 tegrity, his christian walk and conversation, will go down to 
 generations yet unborn. 
 
THE 
 
 XEW-YORK DELEGATION. 
 
 William Floyd, 
 Philip Livingston, 
 Francis Lewis, 
 Lewis Morris, 
 Henry Misner.* 
 
 WILLLVM FLOYD. 
 
 William Floyd, who was the first delegate from New- 
 York that signed tlie Declaration of Independence, was born 
 on Long Island, on the 17th of December, 1734. His father 
 was NicoU Floyd, an opulent and respectable landholder, 
 whose ancestors came to America from Wales, about the 
 year 1680, and settled on Long Island. The father of Wil- 
 liam died while his son was young, and left him heir to a 
 large estate. 
 
 The early education of young Floyd, by no means corres- 
 ponded to the wealth and ability of his father. His studies 
 were limited to a few of the useful branches of knowledge, 
 and these were left unfinished, in consequence of the death 
 of that gentleman. The native powers of Floyd were, how- 
 over, respectable, and his house being the resort of an exten 
 
 • This gentleman was present when congress expressed their approbation 
 of the Declaration of Independence, and voted in favour of it. But, before 
 the engrossed copy was signed by the several members, Mr. Misner left 
 €v3DgTes», and thus failed of affixing' his name to this memorable instrument. 
 
184 NEW-YORK DELEGATION. 
 
 sive circle of connexions and acquaintance, which included 
 many intelligent and distinguished families, his mind, by the 
 intercourse which he thus enjoyed with those who were en- 
 lightened and improved, became stored with rich and varied 
 knowledge. His wealth enabled him to practice a generous 
 hospitality, and few enjoyed the society of friends with more 
 pleasure. 
 
 At an early period in the controversy between Great Bri- 
 tain and the colonies, the feelings of Mr. Floyd were strongly 
 enlisted in the cause of the latter. He was a friend to the 
 j)eople ; and, with zeal and ardour, entered into every mea- 
 sure which seemed calculated to ensure to them their just 
 rights. These sentiments on his part excited a reciprocal 
 confidence on the part of the people, and led to his appoint- 
 ment as a delegate from New- York to the first continental 
 congress, which met in Philadelphia on the fifth of Septem- 
 ber, 1774. In the measures adopted by that body, so justly 
 eulogized by the advocates of freedom, from that day to the 
 present, Mr. Floyd most heartily concurred. 
 
 In the following year, he was again elected a delegate to 
 congress, and continued a member of that body until after the 
 Declaration of American Independence. On that occasion, 
 he assisted in dissolving the political bonds Avhich had united 
 the colonies to the British government ; and in consequence 
 of which, they had suffered numberless oppressions for years. 
 Into other measures of congress, Mr. Floyd entered with 
 zeal. He served on numerous important committees, and 
 by his fidelity rendered essential service to the patriotic 
 cause. 
 
 It was the lot of not a few, while thus devoted to the pub- 
 lic good, to experience the destructive effects of the war 
 upon their property, or the serious inconveniences arising 
 from it in relation to their families. In both these respects 
 Mr. Floyd suffered severely. "While at Philadelphia, attend- 
 ing upon congress, the American troops evacuated Long 
 Island, which was taken possession of by the British army. 
 On this latter event, the family of Mr. Floyd were obliged to 
 flee for safety to Connecticut. His house was occupied by a 
 
WILLIAM FLOYD. 185 
 
 company of liorscmen, which made it the place of their ren- 
 dezvous during the remainder of the war. Thus, for nearly 
 seven years, Mr. Floyd and his family were refugees from 
 tlieir habitation, nor did he, during this long perod, derive 
 any benefit from his landed estate. 
 
 In the year 1777, General Floyd (we give him this military 
 appellation, from the circumstance of his having some time 
 before been appointed to the command of the militia on 
 Long Island) was appointed a senator of the state of New- 
 York, under the new constitution. In this body, he assisted 
 to organize the government, and to accommodate the code 
 of laws to the changes which had recently been efiected in 
 the political condition of the state. 
 
 In October, 1778, he was again elected to represent the 
 state of New- York in the continental congress. Fi'om this 
 time, until the expiration of the first congress, under the 
 federal constitution. General Floyd was either a member of 
 the national assembly, or a member of the senate of New- 
 York. In this latter body, he maintained a distinguished 
 rank, and was often called to preside over its deliberations, 
 when the lieutenant governor left the chair. 
 
 In 1781, he purchased an uninhabited tract of land upon 
 the Mohawk River. To the clearing and subduing of this 
 tract, he devoted the leisure of several successive summers. 
 Under his skilful management, and persevering labours, a 
 considerable portion of the tract was converted into a well 
 cultivated farm ; and hither, in 1803, he removed his resi- 
 dence. Although, at this time, he was advanced in life, his 
 bodily strength and activity were much greater than often 
 pertain to men of fewer years. He enjoyed unusual health, 
 until a year or two before his death. The faculties of his 
 mind continued unimpaired to the last. A little previous to 
 his death, he appeared to be affected with a general debility, 
 which continuing to increase, the lamp of life was at length 
 extinguished. This event occurred on the 4th of August, 
 1821, and when he had attained to the extraordinary age of 
 eighty-seven years. 
 
 In his person. General Floyd was of a middle stature. He 
 2 A 16* 
 
1S6 NEW-YORK DELEGATION. 
 
 possessed a natural dignity, which seldom failed to impress 
 those into whose company he was thrown. He appeared to 
 enjoy the pleasures of private life, yet in his manners he was 
 less familiar, and in his disposition less affable, than most 
 men. Few men, however, were more respected. He was 
 eminently a practical man. The projects to which he gave 
 his sanction, or which he attempted, were those which judg- 
 ment could approve. When his purposes were once formed, 
 he seldom found reason to alter them. His firmness and re- 
 solution were not often equalled. 
 
 In his political character, there was much to admire. He 
 was uniform and independent. He manifested great candour 
 and sincerity towards those from whom he happened to dif- 
 fer ; and such was his well known integrity, that his motives 
 were rarely, if ever, impeached. He seldom took part in the 
 public discussion of a subject, nor was he dependent upon 
 others for the opinions which he adopted. His views were 
 his own, and his opinions the result of reason and reflection. 
 If the public estimation of a man be a just criterion by which 
 to judge of him, General Floyd was excelled by few of his 
 contemporaries, since, for more than fifty years he was ho- 
 noured with offices of trust and responsibility by his fellow 
 citizens. 
 
 PHILIP LIVINGSTON. 
 
 Philip Livingston was born at Albany, on the fifteenth 
 of January, 1716. His ancestors were highly respectable, and 
 for several generations the family have held a distinguished 
 rank in New-York. His great grandfather, John Livingston* 
 was a divine of some celebrity in the church of Scotland, 
 from which country he removed to Rotterdam in the year 
 1663. In 1772, or about that time, his son Robert emigrated 
 to America, and settled in the colony of New-York. He was 
 
PHILIP LIVINGSTON. 187 
 
 fortunate in obtaining a grant of a tract of land in that colo- 
 ny, delightfully situated on the banks of the Hudson. This 
 tract, since known as tlie Manor of Livingston, has been in 
 possession of the family from that time to the present. 
 
 Robert Livingston had three sons, Philip, Robert, and 
 Gilbert. The first named of these, being the eldest, inherit- 
 ed the manor. The fourth son of this latter is the subject of 
 the present memoir. 
 
 The settlement of New-York, it is well known, was com- 
 menced by the Dutch. For many years scarcely any atten- 
 tion was paid by them to the subject of education. They 
 had few schools, few academies, and, until the year 1754, no 
 college in the territory. Such gentlemen as gave their sons 
 a liberal education, sent them either to New-England, or to 
 some foreign university. But the number of liberally edu- 
 cated men was extremely small. As late as 1746, their num- 
 ber did not exceed fifteen in the whole colony. The subject 
 of this memoir, and his three brothers, were included in the 
 number. The author is ignorant where the brothers of Mr. 
 Livingston received their education, but he was himself gra- 
 duated at Yale College, 1737. 
 
 Soon after leaving college he settled in the city of New- 
 York, where he became extensively engaged in commercial 
 operations. Mercantile life was, at this time, the fashionable 
 pursuit. Mr. Livingston followed it with great ardour ; and, 
 having the advantage of an excellent education, and being 
 distinguished for a more than ordinary share of integrity and 
 sagacity, he was prosperous in an eminent degree. 
 
 In 1754, he was elected an alderman in the city of New- 
 York. This was his first appearance in public life. The 
 office was important and respectable. The population of 
 the city was ten thousand eight hundred and eighty-one 
 souls. Mr. Livingston continued to be elected to this office 
 for nine successive years, by his fellow citizens, to Avhom he 
 gave great satisfaction, by his faithful attention to their in- 
 terests. 
 
 In 1759, Mr. Livingston was returned a member from the 
 city of New-York to the general assembly of the colony, 
 
188 NEW-YORK DELEGATION. 
 
 which was convened on the thirty-first of January of thst 
 year. This body consisted of twenty-seven members, repre- 
 senting a population of about one hundred thousand inhabit' 
 ants, the number which the colony at that time contained. 
 
 At this period. Great Britain was engaged in a war with 
 France. A plan had been formed for the reduction of Cana- 
 da by the United Colonies. For this object, it was proposed 
 to raise twenty thousand men. The quota of New-York was 
 two thousand six hundred and eighty. This number the 
 general assembly directed to be raised, and appropriated one 
 hundred thousand pounds for the support of the troops, and 
 ordered an advance of one hundred and fifty thousand pounds 
 to the British commissariat, for the general objects of the 
 expedition. Similar measures were adopted by the other 
 colonies, which, together with the assistance of the mother 
 country, led to the capture of several important posts in Ca- 
 nada ; and, in the following year, to the subjugation of the 
 whole territory to the Britisli power. 
 
 In this assembly, Mr. Livingston acted a distinguished 
 part. His talents and education gave him influence, which 
 was powerfully exerted in promoting the above important 
 measures. He also suggested several plans, which were cal- 
 culated to improve the condition of the colony, particularly 
 in relation to agriculture and commerce. He was deeply 
 impressed with the importance of giving to the productions 
 of the country a high character in the markets abroad, and 
 of increasing the facilities of communication with other coun- 
 tries. In respect to these and other subjects, he possessed a 
 well informed mind, and was desirous of pursuing a most libe- 
 ral policy. 
 
 Previous to the revolution, it was usual for the respective 
 colonies to have an agent in England, to manage their indi- 
 vidual concerns with the British government. This agent 
 was appointed by the popular branch of the colonial assem- 
 blies. In 1770, the agent of the colony of New-York dying, 
 the celebrated Edmund Burke was chosen in his stead. Be- 
 tween this gentleman and a committee of the colonial as- 
 sembly, a correspondence was maintained. As the agent 
 
PHILIP LIVINGSTON. 180 
 
 of the colony, he received a salary of five hundred pounds. 
 He represented the colony in England, and advocated her 
 rights. Hence the office was one of great importance. Not 
 less important were the duties of the committee of correspon- 
 dence. Upon their representations, the agent depended for 
 a knowledge of the state of the colony. Of this committee 
 Mr. Livingston was a member. From his communications, 
 and those of his colleagues, Mr. Burke doubtless obtained 
 that information of the state of the colonies, which he some- 
 times brought forward, to the perfect surprise of the house 
 of commons, and upon which he often founded arguments, 
 and proposed measures, which were not to be resisted. 
 
 The patriotic character and sentiments of Mr. Livingston, 
 led him to regard, with great jealousy, the power of the Bri- 
 tish government over the colonies. With other patriots, he 
 was probably willing to submit to the authority of the mother 
 country, while that authority was confined to such acts as rea- 
 son and justice approved. But, when the British ministers 
 began to evince a disposition to oppress the colonies, by way 
 of humbling them, no man manifested a stronger opposition 
 tlian Mr. Livingston. His sentiments on this subject may be 
 gathered from an answer, which he reported in 1764, to the 
 speech of Lieutenant Governor Golden. In the extract we 
 give, may be seen the very spirit of the revolution, which led 
 to American independence. 
 
 " But nothing can add to the pleasure we receive from the 
 information your honour gives us, that his majesty, our most 
 gracious sovereign, distinguishes and approves our conduct 
 When his service requires it, we shall ever be ready to exert our- 
 selves with loyalty, fidelity, and zeal ; and as we have always 
 complied, in the most dutiful manner, with every requisi- 
 tion made by his directions, we, with all humility, hope tha 
 his majesty, who, and whose ancestors, have long been the 
 guardians of British liberty, will so protect us in our rights, 
 as to prevent our falling into the abject state of being forever 
 hereafter incapable of doing what can merit either his distinc- 
 tion or approbation. Such must be the deplorable state of 
 that wretched people, who (being taxed by a power subordi- 
 
190 NEW-YORK DELEGATION. 
 
 nate to none, and in a great degree unacquainted with theii* 
 circumstances) can call nothing their own. This we speak 
 with the greatest deference to the wisdom and justice of the 
 British parliament, in which we confide. Depressed with this 
 prospect of inevitable ruin, by the alarming information we 
 have from home, neither we nor our constituents can attend 
 to improvements, conducive either to the interests of our mo- 
 tlier country, or of this colony. We shall, hoAvever, renew 
 tlie act for granting a bounty on hemp, still hoping that a stop 
 may be put to those measures, which, if carried into execu- 
 tion, will oblige us to think that nothing but extreme poverty 
 can preserve us from the most insupportable bondage. We 
 hope your honour will join with us in an endeavour to secure 
 that great badge of English liberty, of being taxed only with 
 our own consent ; which we conceive all his majesty's sul>- 
 jects at home and abroad equally entitled to." 
 
 The colony of New-York, it is well known, was, for a 
 time, more under the influence of the British crown than se- 
 veral others, and more slowly, as a colony, adopted measures 
 which hastened forward the revolution. But all along, there 
 were individuals in that colony, of kindred feelings with those 
 %vho acted so conspicuous a part in Massachusetts and Vir- 
 ginia. 
 
 Among these individuals, none possessed a more patriotic 
 spirit, or was more ready to rise in opposition to British ag- 
 gressions, than Philip Livingston. The sentiments which he 
 had avowed, and the distinguished part which he had all along 
 taken, in favour of the rights of the colonies, marked him out 
 as a proper person to represent the colony in the important 
 congress of 1774. In the deliberations of this body he bore 
 his proper share, and assisted in preparing an address to the 
 people of Gi'eat Britain. 
 
 Of the equally distinguished congress of 1776, Mr. Living- 
 Bton was a member, and had the honour of giving his vote in 
 favour of that declaration, which, while it was destined to per- 
 petuate the memory of the illustrious men who adopted it, 
 was to prove the charter of our national existence. In the 
 following year, he was re-elected to congress by the state 
 
PHILIP LIVINCSTOX. 191 
 
 «onvention, which, at this time, tendered to him and his col- 
 leagues an expression of public thanks, for the long and faitlv 
 ful services which they had rendered to the colony of the 
 state of New- York. 
 
 The constitution of the state of New- York was adopted at 
 Kingston, on the twentieth of April, 1777. Under this 
 constitution, Mr. Livingston, in May following, was chosen 
 a senator for the southern district, and in that capacity at- 
 tended tlic first meeting of the first legislature of the state of 
 New-York. 
 
 In October of the same year, an election took place for 
 members of congress, under the new constitution. Among 
 tlic number chosen, Mr. Livingston was one. On the 5th 
 of May, 1778, he took his seat in that body. This was an 
 eminently critical and gloomy period in the history of the re- 
 volution. The British had taken possession of Philadelphia, 
 compelling congress to retire from that city. They had 
 agreed to hold a session at York. 
 
 At this time, the health of Mr. Livingston was exceedingly 
 precarious. And such was the nature of his complaint, which 
 was a dropsy in the chest, that no rational prospect existed 
 of his recovery. Indeed, he was daily liable to be summoned 
 from the active scenes of life to his final account. Yet, in 
 this dubious and anxious state, his love to his country conti- 
 nued strong and unwavering. For her good he had made 
 many sacrifices ; and, now that her interests seemed to re- 
 quire his presence in congress, he hesitated not to relinquish 
 the comforts of home, and those attentions which, in his fee- 
 ble and declining state, he peculiarly needed from a beloved 
 family. 
 
 Previous to his departure, he visited his friends in Albany, 
 whom he now bid a final farewell, as he expected to see thena 
 no more. His family, at this time, were at Kingston, whi- 
 ther they had been obliged to flee to escape the British army. 
 To these, also, he bid an aflectionate adieu, at the same time 
 expressing his conviction, that he should no more return. 
 
 These sad anticipations proved too true. On the fifth 
 of May, he took his seat in congress, from wliich time his de» 
 
192 NEW-YORK DELEGATION. 
 
 cline was rapid. On the twelfth of June, he ended his vahi- 
 able life. Although deprived of the consolations of home, 
 he was attended, during the few last days of his illness, by 
 his son, Henry, who was at that time a member of General 
 Washington's family. Hearing of the illness of his father, 
 he hastened to administer such comforts as might be in his 
 power, and to perform the last duties to a dying parent. 
 
 On the day of his decease, his death was announced in the 
 hall of congress, and by that body the following resolutions 
 adopted : 
 
 " Congress being informed that Mr. P. Livingston, one of 
 the delegates for the state of New-York, died last night, and 
 that circumstances require that his corpse be interred this 
 evening, 
 
 " Resolved, that congress will in a body attend the funeral 
 this evening, at six o'clock, with a crape round the arm, and 
 will continue in mourning for the space of one month. 
 
 " Ordered, that Mr. Lewis, Mr. Duer, and Mr. G. Morris, 
 be a committee to superintend the funeral; and that the Rev. 
 Mr, DufTield, the attending chaplain, be notified to ofliciate on 
 the occasion." 
 
 Mr. Livingston married the daughter of Colonel Dirck Ten 
 Broeck, by whom he had several children. His family has 
 furnished several characters who have adorned society, and 
 whose virtues have imparted dignity to human nature. Mr. 
 Livingston is said to have been naturally silent and reserved, 
 and, to strangers, to have appeared austere. Yet he Avas un- 
 commonly mild and affectionate to his family and friends. 
 He was a firm believer in the great truths of the Christian 
 system, and a sincere and humble follower of the divine Re- 
 deemer. 
 
FRANCIS LEWIS. 193 
 
 FRANCIS LEWIS. 
 
 Francis Lewis was a native of Landaff, in South Wales, 
 where he was born in the year 1713. His father was a 
 clergyman, belonging to the established church. His mo- 
 ther was the daughter of Dr. Pettingal, who was also a 
 clergyman of the episcopal establishment, and had his resi- 
 dence in North Wales. At the early age of four or five years, 
 being left an orphan, the care of him devolved upon a mater- 
 nal maiden aunt, who took singular pains to have him in- 
 structed in the native language of his country. He was 
 afterwards sent to Scotland, where, in the family of a relation, 
 he acquired a knowledge of the Gaelic. From this, he was 
 transferred to the school of Westminster, where he completed 
 his education ; and enjoyed the reputation of being a good 
 classical scholar. 
 
 Mercantile pursuits being his object, he entered the count- 
 ing room of a London merchant ; Avhere, in a few years, he 
 acquired a competent knowledge of the profession. On at- 
 taining to the age of twenty-one years, he collected the property 
 which had been left him by his father, and having converted it 
 into merchandise, he sailed for New-York, where he arrived 
 in the spring of 17.35. 
 
 Leaving a part of his goods to be sold in New- York, by 
 Mr. Edward Annesly, with whom he had formed a commer- 
 cial connexion, he transported the remainder to Philadelphia, 
 whence, after a residence of two years, he returned to the 
 former city, and there became extensively engaged in naviga- 
 tion and foreign trade. About this time he connected him- 
 self by marriage with the sister of his partner, by whom he 
 had several chihlrcn. 
 
 Mr. Lewis acquired the character of an active and enter- 
 prising merchant. In tlie course of his commercial transac- 
 tions, he traversed a considerable part of tlie continent of 
 Europe. He visited several of the seaports of Russia, the 
 Orkney and Shetland Islands, and twice suffered shipwreck 
 of the Irish coast. 
 
 2B 17 
 
194 NEW-YORK DELEGATION. 
 
 During the French or Canadian war, Mr. Lewis was, for 
 a time, agent for supplying the British troops. In this capa- 
 city, he was present at the time, when, in August, 1756, the 
 fort of Oswego was surrendered to the distinguished French 
 general, de Montcalm. The fort was, at that time, command- 
 ed by the British Colonel Mersey. On the tenth of August, 
 Montcalm approached it with more than five thousand Europe- 
 ans, Canailians, and Indians. On the twelfth, at midnight, 
 he opened the trenches, with thirty-two pieces of cannon, be- 
 sides several brass mortars and howitzers. The garrison 
 having fired away all their shells and ammunition. Colonel 
 Mersey ordered the cannon to be spiked, and crossed the rivei 
 to Little Oswego Fort, without the loss of a single man. Oi 
 the deserted fort, the enemy took immediate possession, and 
 from it began a fire, which was kept up without intermission. 
 The next day, Colonel Mersey was killed while standing by 
 the side of Mr. Lewis. 
 
 The garrison, being thus deprived of their commander, 
 their fort destitute of a cover, and no prospect of aid present- 
 ing itself, demanded a capitulation, and surrendered as prison- 
 ers of war. The garrison consisted at this time of the re- 
 giments of Shirley and Pepperell, and amounted to one thou- 
 sand and four hundred men. The conditions required, and 
 acceded to, were, that they should be exempted from plunder, 
 conducted to Montreal, and treated with humanity. The 
 services rendered by Mr. Lewis, during the war, were 
 held in such consideration by the British government, that 
 at the close of it he received a grant of live thousand acres 
 of land. 
 
 The conditions, upon which the gai-rison at Fort Oswego 
 surrendered to Montcalm, were shamefully violated by that 
 commander. They were assured of kind treatment ; but no 
 sooner had the surrender been made, than Montcalm allowed 
 the chief warrior of the Indians, who assisted in taking the 
 fort, to select about thirty of the prisoners, and do with 
 them as he pleased. Of this number Mr. Lewis was one. 
 Placed thus at the disposal of savage power, a speedy and 
 cruel death was to be expected. The tradition is, however 
 
FRANCIS LEWIS. 195 
 
 that he soon discovered tliat he was able to converse with 
 the ijidians, by reason of the similarity of the ancient lan- 
 guage of Wales, which he understood, to the indian dialect. 
 Tlic ability of Mr. Lewis, thus readily to communicate with 
 the chief, so pleased the latter, that he treated him kindly ; 
 and on arriving at Montreal, he requested the French go- 
 vernor to allow him to return to his family, without ransom. 
 The request, however, was not granted, and Mr. Lewis 
 was sent as a prisoner to France, from which country, 
 being some time after exchanged, he returned to Americq. 
 
 This tradition as to the cause of the liberation of Mr. 
 Lewis, is incorrect ; no such alhnity existing between the 
 Cymreag, or ancient language of Wales, and the language ot 
 any of the indian tribes found in North America. Tlie cause 
 might have been, and probably was, some unusual occurrence, 
 or adventure ; but of its precise nature we are not informed. 
 Although Mr. Lewis w^as not born in America, his attach- 
 ment to the country was coeval with his settlement in it. 
 lie early espoused the patriotic cause, against the encroach- 
 ments of the British government, and was among the first to 
 unite with an association, which existed in several parts ot 
 the country, called the "sons of liberty," the object of wJiich 
 was to concert measures against the exercise of an undue 
 power on the part of the mother country. 
 
 The independent and patriotic character which Mr. Lewis 
 was known to possess, the uniform integrity of his life, the 
 distinguished intellectual powers with which he was en- 
 dued, all pointed him out as a proper person to assist in ta- 
 king charge of the interest of the colony in the continental 
 congress. Accordingly, in April, 1775, he w'as^ unanimously 
 elected a delegate to that body. In this honourable station he 
 was continued by the provincial congress of New-York, 
 through the following year, 1776; and was among the num- 
 ber who declared the colonies forever absolved from their 
 allegiance to the British crown, and from that time en- 
 titled to the rank and privileges of free and independent 
 states. 
 
 In several subsequent years, he was appointed to represent 
 
196 NEW-YORK DELEGATION. 
 
 the state in the national legislature. During his congressional 
 career, Mr. Lewis was distinguished for a becoming zeal in 
 the cause of liberty, tempered by the intluence of a correct 
 judgment and a cautious prudence. He was employed in 
 several secret services ; in the purchase of provisions and 
 clothing for the army ; and in tlie importation of military 
 stores, particularly arms and ammunition. In transactions 
 of this kind, his commercial experience gave him great facili- 
 ties. He was also employed on various committees, in 
 which capacity, he rendered many valuable services to his 
 country. 
 
 In 1775, Mr. Lewis removed his family and effects to a 
 country seat which he owned on Long Island. This proved 
 to be an unfortunate step. In the autumn of the following 
 year, his house was plundered by a party of British light 
 horse. His extensive library and valuable papers of every 
 description were wantonly destroyed. Nor were they con- 
 tented with this ruin of his property. They thirsted for re- 
 venge upon a man, who had dared to affix his signature to a 
 document, which proclaimed the independence of America. 
 Unfortunately Mrs. Lewis fell into their power, and was re-' 
 tained a prisoner for several months. During her captivity, 
 she was closely confined, without even the comfort of a bed 
 to lie upon, or a change of clothes. 
 
 In November, 1770, the attention of congress was called to 
 her distressed condition, and shortly after a resolution was 
 passed that a lady, who had been taken prisoner by the Ame- 
 ricans, should be permitted to return to her husband, and 
 that Mrs. Lewis be required in exchange. But the ex- 
 change could not at that time be effected. Through the in- 
 lluence of Washington, however, Mrs. Lewis was at length 
 released ; but her sufl'erings during her confinement had so 
 much impaired her constitution, that in the course of a year 
 or two, she sunk into the grave. 
 
 Of the subsequent life of Mr. Lewis, we have little to 
 record. His latter days were spent in comparative poverty, 
 his independent fortune having in a great measure been sac- 
 rificed on the altar of patriotism, during his country's strug- 
 
LEWIS MORRIS. 197 
 
 gle foi- independence. The life of tliis excellent man, and 
 distinguished patriot, was extended to his ninetieth year. His 
 death occurred on the 30th day of December, 1803. 
 
 LEWIS MORRIS. 
 
 Lem'IS Morris was born at the manor of Morrisania, in 
 the state of New York, in the year 1720. His family was of 
 ancient date ; the pedigree of it has been preserved ; but it is 
 too extended to admit of a particular notice in these pages. 
 Richard Morris, an ancestor of the family, beyond whom it is 
 unnecessary to trace its genealogy, was an olficer of some dis- 
 tinction in the time of Cromwell. At the restoration, how- 
 ever, he left England, and came to New-York ; soon after 
 which he obtained a grant of several thousand acres of land, 
 in the county of West-Chester, not far from the city. This 
 was erected into a manor, and invested with the privileges, 
 which usually pertain to manorial estates. 
 
 Richard Morris died in the year 1073, leaving an infant 
 child by the name of Lewis, who afterwards held the office of 
 chief justice of the province of New- York, and became go- 
 vernor of New-Jersey. In both these offices he was much 
 respected, and exercised an enviable influence in both these 
 colonies. The sons of Lewis were not less eminent ; one 
 being appointed a judge of the court of vice admiralty; ano- 
 ther chief justice of New-Jersey; and a third lieutenant go- 
 vernor of the state of Pennsylvania. 
 
 From one of these sons, Lewis Morris, the subject of the 
 present memoir, was descended. He was the eldest of four 
 brothers, Staats became an officer in the British service, and 
 for some time a member of parliament. Richard and Gover- 
 neur both settled in the state of New- York, and both became 
 men of considerable distinction ; the former as judge of the 
 
 17* 
 
198 NEW-YORK DELEGATION. 
 
 of the vice admiralty court, and chief justice of the state, and 
 the latter as a representative in congress. 
 
 The early education of Lewis was respectable. At the 
 age of sixteen he was fitted for college, and was entered 
 at Yale college, the honours of which he received in due 
 course, having acquired the reputation of good scholarship, 
 and a strict morality. Immediately on leaving college, he 
 returned to his father's residence, where he devoted himself 
 to the pursuits of agriculture. As he entered upon manhood, 
 he seems to have possessed every thing which naturally com- 
 mands the respect, and attracts the admiration of men. His 
 person was of lofty stature, and of tine proportions, imparting 
 to his presence an uncommon dignity, softened, however, by 
 a disposition unusually generous and benevolent, and by a 
 demeanor so graceful, that few could fail to do him homage. 
 Although thus apparently fitted for the enjoyment of so 
 ciety, Mr. Morris found his greatest pleasure in the endear- 
 ments of domestic life, and in attention to his agricultural ope- 
 rations. He was early man-ied to a Miss Walton, a lady of 
 fortune and accomplishments, by whom he had a large family 
 of six sons and four daughters. 
 
 The condition of Mr. Morris, at the time the troubles of 
 the colonies began, was singularly felicitous. His fortune 
 was ample ; his pursuits in life consonant to his taste ; his 
 family and connexions eminently respectable, and eminently 
 prosperous. No change was, therefore, likely to occur which 
 would improve his condition, or add to the happiness which 
 he enjoyed. On the contrary, every collision between the 
 royal government and the colonies, Avas likely to abridge 
 some of his privileges, and might even strip his family of all 
 their domestic comforts, should he participate in the struggle 
 which was likely to ensue. 
 
 These considerations, no doubt, had their influence at 
 times upon the mind of Mr. Morris. He possessed, however, 
 too great a share of patriotism, to suffer private fortune, or 
 individual happiness, to come in competition with the interests 
 of his country. He could neither feel indifferent on a subject 
 of 60 much magnitude, nor could he pursue a course of neu- 
 
LEWIS MORRIS. 199 
 
 trality. He entered, tlierefore, with zeal into the growing con- 
 troversy ; he hesitated not to pronounce the measures of the 
 British ministry unconstitutional and tyrannical, and beyond 
 peaceful endurance. As the political condition of the coun- 
 try became more gloomy, and the j)rospect of a resort to arms 
 increased, his patriotic feeling appeared to gather strength ; 
 and although he was desirous that the controversy should be 
 settled without bloodshed, yet he preferred the latter alterna- 
 tive, to the surrender of those rights which the God of nature 
 had given to the American people. 
 
 About this time, the celebrated congress of 1774 assembled 
 at New-York. Of this congress Mr. Morris was not a mem- 
 ber. He possessed a spirit too bold and independent, to act 
 with the prudence whicli tlie situation of the country seemed 
 to require. Tlie object of this congress was not war, but 
 peace. That object, however, it is well known, failed, not- 
 withstanding that an universal desire pervaded the country, 
 that a compromise might be eflected between the colonies 
 and the British government, and was made known to the lat- 
 ter, by a dignified address, both to the king and to the people 
 of Great Britain. 
 
 In the spring of 1775, it was no longer doubtful that a re- 
 sort must be had to arms. Indeed, the battle of Lexington 
 had opened the war ; shortly after which the New-York con- 
 vention of deputies were assembled to appoint delegates to 
 the general congress. Men of a zealous, bold, and indepen- 
 dent stamp, appeared now to be required. It was not singu- 
 lar, therefore, that Mr. Morris should have been elected. 
 
 On the 15th of May, he took his seat in that body, and 
 eminently contributed, by his indefatigable zeal, to promote 
 the interests of the country. He was placed on a committee 
 of which Wasliington was the cliairman, to devise ways and 
 means to supply the colonies with ammunition and military 
 stores, of which they were nearly destitute. The labours of 
 this committee were exceedingly arduous. 
 
 During this session of congress, Mr. Morris was appointed 
 to the delicate and difficult task of detaching the western 
 Indians from a coalition with the British government, and 
 
200 NEW-YORK DELEGATION. 
 
 securing their co-operation with the American colonies. 
 Soon after his appointment to this duty, he repaired to Pitts- 
 burg, in which place, and the vicinity, he continued for some 
 time zealously engaged in accomplishing the object of his 
 mission. In the beginning of the year 1776, he r'^sumed his 
 seat in congress, and was a member of several committees, 
 which were appointed to purchase muskets and bayonets, 
 and to encourage the manufacture of salt-petre and gun- 
 powder. 
 
 During the winter of 1775 and 1776, the subject of a De- 
 claration of Independence began to occupy the thoughts of 
 many in all parts of the country. Such a declaration seemed 
 manifestly desirable to the leading patriots of the day, but 
 an unwillingness prevailed extensively in the country, to 
 destroy all connexion with Great Britain. In none of the 
 colonies was this unwillingness more apparent than in New- 
 York. 
 
 The reason which has been assigned for this strong reluc- 
 tance in that colony, was the peculiar intimacy which existed 
 between the people of the city and the officers of the royal 
 government. The military officers, in particular, had ren- 
 dered themselves very acceptable to the citizens, by their 
 urbanity ; and had even formed connexions with some of the 
 most respectable families. 
 
 This intercourse continued even after the commencement 
 of hostilities, and occasioned the reluctance which existed in 
 that colony to separate from the mother country. Even as 
 late as the middle of March, 1770, Governor Tryon, although 
 he had been forced to retreat on board a British armed vessel 
 in the harbour for safety, had great influence over the citi- 
 zens, by means of artful and insinuating addresses, which he 
 caused to be published and spread through the city. The fol- 
 lowing extract from one of these addresses, will convey to 
 the reader some idea of the art employed by this minister of 
 the crown, to prevent the people of that colony from mingling 
 in the struggle. 
 
 "It is in the clemency and authority of Great Britain only 
 that we can look for happiness, peace, and protection ; and I 
 
LEWIS MORRIS. 201 
 
 have it in command from the king, to encourage, by every 
 means in my power, the expectations in liis majesty's well- 
 disposed subjects in this government, of every assistance and 
 protection the state of Great Britain will enable his majesty 
 to artord tliem, and to crush every appearance of a disposi- 
 tion, on their part, to withstand the tyranny and misrule, 
 which accompany the acts of those wlio have but too well, 
 hitherto, succeeded in tlie total subversion of legal govern- 
 ment. Under sucli assurances, therefore, I exhort all the 
 friends to good order, and our justly admired constitution, still 
 to preserve that constancy of mind which is inherent in the 
 breasts of virtuous and loyal citizens, and, I trust, a very few 
 months will relieve them from their present oppressed, in- 
 jured, and insulted condition. 
 
 "I have the satisfaction to inform you, that a door is still 
 open to such honest, but deluded people, as will avail them- 
 selves of the justice and benevolence, which tlie supreme le- 
 gislature has held out to them, of being restored to the king's 
 grace and peace ; and that proper steps have been taken for 
 passing a commission for that purpose, under the great seal 
 of Great Britain, in conformity to a provision in a late act of 
 parliament, the commissioners thereby to be appointed having, 
 also, power to in(]uirc into the state and condition of the colo- 
 nics for eflecting a restoration of the public tranquillity." 
 
 To prevent an intercourse between the citizens and the 
 fleet, so injurious to the patriotic cause, timely measures 
 were adopted by the committee of safety ; but for a long 
 time no etlorts were availing, and even after General Wash- 
 ington had established his head-quarters at New-York, he 
 was obliged to issue his proclamation, interdicting all inter- 
 course and correspondence with the ships of war and other 
 vessels belonging to the king of Great Britain. 
 
 But, notwithstanding this prevalent aversion to a separation 
 from Great Britain, there were many in the colony who 
 believed that a declaration of independence was not only a 
 point of political expediency, but a matter of paramount 
 duty. Of this latter class, Mr. Morris was one ; and, in 
 giving his vote for that declaration, he exhibited a patriotism 
 3C 
 
202 NEW-YORK DELEGATION. 
 
 and disinterestedness which few had it in their power to dis 
 play. He was at this time in possession of an extensive domain, 
 within a few miles of the city of NeAv-York. A British 
 army had already landed from their ships, which lay within 
 cannon shot of the dwelling of his family. A signature to 
 the Declaration of Independence would insure the devasta- 
 tion of the former, and the destruction of the latter. But, 
 upon the ruin of his individual property, he could look with 
 comparative indiflerence, while he knew that his honour was 
 untarnished, and the interests of his country were safe. He 
 voted, therefore, for a separation from the mother country, in 
 the spirit of a man of honour, and of enlarged benevolence. 
 
 It happened as was anticipated. The hostile army soon 
 spread desolation over the beautiful and fertile manor of Mor- 
 risania. His tract of woodland of more than a thousand 
 acres in extent, and, from its proximity to the city, of incal- 
 culable value, was destroyed ; his house was greatly injured; 
 his fences ruined; his stock driven away ; and his family obliged 
 to live in a state of exile. Few men during the revolution 
 were called to make greater sacrifices than Mr. Morris; none 
 made them more cheerfully. It made some amends for his 
 losses and sacrifices, that the colony of New-York, which 
 had been backward in agreeing to a Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence, unanimously concurred in that measure by her con- 
 vention, when it was learned that congress had taken that 
 step. 
 
 It imparts pleasure to record, that the three eldest sons 
 of Mr. Morris followed the noble example of their father, 
 and gave their personal services to their country, during the 
 revolutionary struggle. One served for a time as aid-de-camp 
 to General Sullivan, but afterwards entered the family of 
 General Greene, and was with that officer during his brilliant 
 campaign in the Carolinas ; the second son was appointed 
 aid-de-camp to General Charles Lee, and was present at the 
 gallant defence of Fort Moultrie, where he greatly distin- 
 guished himself. The youngest of these sons, though but a 
 youth, entered the army as a lieutenant of artillery, and 
 honourably served during the war. 
 
LEWIS MORRIS. 203 
 
 Mr. Morris left congress in 1777, at which time, he re- 
 ceived, together with his colleagues, the thanks of the pro- 
 vincial convention, " for their long and faithful services ren- 
 dered to the colony of New- York, and the said state." 
 
 In subsequent years, Mr. Morris served his state in various 
 ways. He was often a member of the state legislature, and 
 rose to the rank of major general of the militia. 
 
 The latter years of Mr. Morris were passed at his favourite 
 residence at Morrisania, Avhere he devoted himself to the 
 noiseless, but happy pursuit of agriculture ; a kind of life to 
 which he was much attached, and which was an appropriate 
 mode of closing a long life, devoted to the cause of his coun- 
 try. He died on his paternal estate at Morrisania, in the 
 bosom of his family, January, 1798, at the good old age of 
 seventy-one years. 
 
THE 
 
 XEW-JERSEY DELEGATIOX. 
 
 Richard Stockton, 
 John Witherspoon, 
 Francis Hopkinson, 
 John Hart, 
 Abraham Clark. 
 
 RICHARD STOCKTON. 
 
 The first of the New-Jersey delegation, who signed the 
 Declaration of Independence, was Richard Stockton. He 
 was born near Princeton, on the 1st day of October, 1730. 
 His family was ancient and respectable. His great grand- 
 father, who bore the same name, came from England, about 
 the year 1670, and after residing a few years on Long Island, 
 removed with a number of associates to an extensive tract 
 of land, of which the present village of Princeton is nearly 
 the centre. This tract consisted of six thousand and four 
 hundred acres. This gentleman died in the year 1705, leav- 
 ing handsome legacies to his several children ; but the chief 
 portion of his landed estate to his son, Richard. The death 
 of Richard followed in 1720. He was succeeded in the 
 family seat by his youngest son, John; a man distinguished 
 for his moral and religious character, for his liberality to the 
 college of New-Jersey, and for great fidelity in the discharge 
 of the duties of public and private life. 
 
 Richard Stockton, the subject of the present memoir, was 
 the eldest son of the last mentioned gentleman. His early 
 
RICHARD STOCKTON. 205 
 
 education was highly respectable, being superintended by 
 that accomplished scholar, Rev. Dr. Samuel Finley, in a ce- 
 lebrated academy at West-Nottingham. His preliminary 
 studies being finished, he entered the college of New-Jersey, 
 Avhose honours he received in 1748. He was even at this 
 time greatly distinguished for intellectual superiority ; giving 
 promise of future eminence in any profession he might 
 choose. 
 
 On leaving college, he commenced the study of law with 
 the honourable David Ogden, of Newark, at that time at the 
 head of the legal profession in the province. At length, Mr. 
 Stockton was admitted to the bar, and soon rose, as had been 
 anticipated, to great distinction, both as a counsellor and an 
 advocate. He was an able reasoner, and equally distinguish- 
 ed for an easy, and, at the same time, impressive eloquence. 
 
 In 17()6 and 1767, he relinquished his professional busi- 
 ness, for the purpose of visiting England, Scotland, and Ire- 
 land. During his tour through those countries, he was re- 
 ceived with tliat attention to which he was eminently entitled, 
 by tlie estimable character which he had sustained at home, 
 and his high professional reputation. He was presented at 
 court, by a minister of the king, and had the honour of being 
 consulted on American affairs, by the Marquis of Rocking- 
 ham, by the Earl of Chatham, and many other distinguished 
 personages. 
 
 On visiting Edinburgh, he was received with still greater 
 attention. He was complimented with a public dinner, by 
 the authorities of that city, the freedom of wJiich was unani- 
 mously conferred upon him, as a testimony of respect for his 
 distinguished character. 
 
 A short time previous, the presidency of New-Jersey col 
 lege had been conferred upon the Reverend Dr. Wither- 
 spoon, a distinguished divine, of the town of Paisley, in the 
 v'icinity of Glasgow. This appointment Dr. Witherspoon 
 liad been induced to decline, l)y reason of the reluctance of 
 the female members of his family to emigrate to America. 
 \t the request of the trustees of the college, Mr. Stockton 
 pisited Dr. Witherspoon, and was so fortunate in removing 
 18 
 
5206 NEW-JERSEY DELEGATION. 
 
 objections, that not long after the latter gentleman accepted 
 the appointment, and removed to America, where he became 
 a distinguished supporter of the college over which he pre- 
 sided, a friend to religion and science in the country, and one 
 of the strong pillars in the temple of American freedom. 
 
 The following instances in which Mr. Stockton narrowly 
 escaped death, during his absence, deserve notice. While 
 he was in the city of Edinburgh, he was waylaid one night by 
 a furious robber. He defended himself, however, by means 
 of a small sword, and even succeeded in wounding the despe- 
 rado. He was not materially injured himself, but was not so 
 fortunate as to prevent the escape of his assailant. In the 
 other case, he was designing to cross the Irish channel, and 
 had actually engaged a passage in a packet for that purpose. 
 The unseasonable an-ival of his baggage, however, detained 
 him, and fortunate it was that he was thus detained, for the 
 packet, on her voyage, was shipwrecked during a storm, and 
 both passengers and crcAV found a watery grave. 
 
 The following year he was appointed one of the royal 
 judges of the province, and a member of the executive coun- 
 cil. At that time he was high in the royal favour, and his 
 domestic felicity seemed without alloy. He possessed an 
 ample fortune, was surrounded by a family whom he greatly 
 loved, and held a high and honourable station under the king 
 of Great Britain. 
 
 But the time at length arrived, when the question arose, 
 whether he should renounce his allegiance to his sovereign, 
 and encounter the sacrifices which such a step must bring 
 upon him, or continue that allegiance, and forfeit his charac- 
 ter as a friend to his country. 
 
 Situated as was Mr. Stockton, the above question could 
 not long remain unsettled ; nor was it for any length of time 
 doubtful into which scale he would throw the weight of his 
 influence and character. The sacrifices which he was called 
 upon to make, were cheerfully endured. He separated him- 
 self from the royal council, of which he was a member in 
 New-Jersey, and joyfully concurred in all those measures 
 of the day, which had for their object the establishment of 
 
RICHARD STOCKTON. 207 
 
 American riglits, in opposition to the arbitrary and oppressire 
 acts ot" the British ministry. 
 
 On tlie twenty-first of June, 1776, he was elected by the 
 provincial congress of New-Jersey a delegate to the general 
 congress, then sitting in the city of Philadelphia. On the 
 occurrence of the question relating to a declaration of inde- 
 pendence, it is understood that he had some doubts as to the 
 expediency of the measure. These doubts, however, were 
 soon dissipated by the powerful and impressive eloquence of 
 John Adams, the great Colossus on this subject on the floor 
 of congress. Mr. Stockton was not only convinced of the 
 importance of the measure, but even addressed the house in 
 its behalf, before the close of the debate. It is needless to 
 detain the reader by a particular mention of the many ira 
 portant services which Mr. Stockton rendered his country, 
 ■while a member of congress. In all the duties assigned to 
 him, which were numerous and often arduous, he acted with 
 an energy and fidelity alike honourable to him as a man and 
 a patriot. 
 
 On the thirtieth of November he was unfortunately taken 
 prisoner by a parly of refugee royalists. He was dragged 
 from his bed by night, and carried to New-York. During 
 his removal to the latter place he was treated with great in- 
 dignity, and in New-York he was placed in the common 
 prison, where he was in want of even the necessaries of life. 
 The news of his capture and sufl'crings being made known to 
 congress, that body unanimously passed the following re- 
 solution : 
 
 " Whereas congress hath received information that the 
 honourable Richard Stockton, of New-Jersey, and a member 
 of this congress, hath been made a prisoner by the enemy, 
 and that he hath been ignominiously thrown into a common 
 goal, and there detained — Resolved, that General Washing- 
 ton be directed to make immediate inquiry into the truth of 
 this report, and if he finds reason to believe it well founded, 
 that he send a flag to General Howe, remonstrating against 
 this departure from that humane procedure which has mark- 
 ed the conduct of these states to prisoners who have fallen 
 
208 NEW-JERSEY DELEGATION. 
 
 into their hands ; and to know of General Howe whether he 
 chooses this shall be the future rule for treating all such, on 
 both sides, as the fortune of war may place in the hands of 
 either party." 
 
 Mr. Stockton was at length released ; but his confinement 
 had been so strict, and his sufferings so severe, that his con- 
 stitution could never after recover the shock. Besides this, 
 his fortune, which had been ample, was now greatly reduced. 
 His lands were devastated; his papers and library were burnt; 
 his implements of husbandry destroyed ; and his stock seized 
 and driven away. He was now obliged to depend, for a 
 season, upon the assistance of friends, for even the necessa- 
 ries of life. From the time of his imprisonment his health 
 began to fail him ; nor was it particularly benefitted by his 
 release, and a restoration to the society of his friends. He 
 continued to languish for several years, and at length died at 
 his residence, at Princeton, on the 28th of February, 1781, 
 in the fifty-third year of his age. 
 
 His death made a wide chasm among the circle of his 
 friends and acquaintance. He was, in every respect, a dis- 
 tinguished man ; an honour to his country, and a friend to the 
 cause of science, freedom, and religion, throughout the wprld. 
 The following extract from the discourse delivered on the 
 occasion of his interment, by the Rev. Dr. Samuel S. Smith, 
 will convey to the reader a just account of this distinguished 
 man: 
 
 " Behold, my brethren, before your eyes, a most sensible 
 and affecting picture of the transitory nature of mortal things, 
 in the remains of a man who hath been long among the fore- 
 most of his country for power, for wisdom, and for fortune ; 
 whose eloquence only wanted a theatre like Athens, to have 
 rivalled the Greek and the Roman fame ; and who, if what 
 honours this young country can bestow, if many and great 
 personal talents, could save man from the grave, would not 
 thus have been lamented here by you. Behold there ' the 
 end of all perfection.' 
 
 " Young gentlemen, (the students of the college,) another 
 of the fathers of learning and eloquence is gone. He went 
 
RICHARD STOCKTON. 209 
 
 before in the same path in wliich you are now treading, and 
 hath since long presided over, and helped to confirm the 
 footsteps of those who were here labouring up the hill of 
 science and virtue. While you feel and deplore his loss as 
 a guardian of your studies, and as a model upon which you 
 might form yourselves for public life, let the memory of what 
 he was excite you to emulate his fame ; let the sight of what 
 he is, teach you that every thing human is marked with im- 
 perfection. 
 
 "At the bar he practised for many years with unrivalled 
 reputation and success. Strictly upright in his profession, 
 he scorned to defend a cause that he knew to be unjust. A 
 friend to peace and to the happiness of mankind, he has often 
 with great pains and attention reconciled contending parties, 
 while he might fairly, by the rules of his profession, have 
 drawn from their litigation no inconsiderable profit to him- 
 self. Compassionate to the injured and distressed, he hath 
 often protected the poor and helpless widow unrighteously 
 robbed of her dower, hath heard her with patience, when 
 many wealthier cUents were waiting, and hath zealously pro- 
 moted her interest, without the prospect of reward, unless he 
 could prevail to have right done to her, and to provide her 
 an easy competence for the rest of her days. 
 
 " Early in his life, his merits recommended him to his 
 prince and to his country, under the late constitution, who 
 called him to the first honours and trusts of the government. 
 In council he was wise and firm, but always prudent and mo- 
 derate. Of this he gave a public and conspicuous instance, 
 almost under your own observation, when a dangerous insur- 
 rection in a neighbouring county had driven the attorneys 
 from the bar, and seemed to set the laws at defiance. Whilst 
 all men were divided betwixt rash and timid counsels, he 
 only, with wisdom and firmness, seized the prudent mean, 
 appeased the rioters, punished the ringleaders, and restored 
 the laws to their regular course. 
 
 "The office of a judge of the province, was never filled 
 with more integrity and learning than it was by him, for 
 several years before the revolution. Since that period, he 
 2D 18* 
 
210 NEW-JERSEY DELEGATION. 
 
 hath represented New-Jersey in the congress of the United 
 States. But a declining health, and a constitution worn out 
 with application and with service, obliged him, shortly after, 
 to retire from the line of public duty, and hath at length 
 dismissed him from the world. 
 
 " In his private life, he was easy and graceful in his man- 
 ners ; in his conversation, affable and entertaining, and mas- 
 ter of a smooth and elegant style even in his ordinary dis- 
 course. As a man of letters, he possessed a superior genius, 
 highly cultivated by long and assiduous application. His 
 researches into the principles of morals and religion were 
 deep and accurate, and his knowledge of the laws of his 
 country extensive and profound. He was well acquainted 
 with all the branches of polite learning ; but he was particu- 
 larly admired for a flowing and persuasive eloquence, by 
 which he long governed in the courts of justice. 
 
 " As a christian, you know that, many years a member of 
 this church, he was not ashamed of the gospel of Christ. 
 Nor could the ridicule of licentious wits, nor the example of 
 vice in power, tempt him to disguise the profession of it, or 
 to decline from the practice of its virtues. He was, however, 
 liberal in his religious principles. Sensible, as became a 
 philosopher, of the rights of private judgment, and of the 
 difference in opinion that must necessarily arise from the 
 variety of human intellects ; he was candid, as became a 
 christian, to those who differed from him, where he observed 
 their practice marked with virtue and piety. But if we follow 
 him to the last scene of his life, and consider him under that 
 severe and tedious disorder which put a period to it, there 
 the sincerity of his piety, and the force of religion to sup- 
 port the mind in the most terrible conflicts, was chiefly visi- 
 ble. For nearly two years he bore with the utmost constancy 
 and patience, a disorder that makes us tremble only to think 
 of it. With most exquisite pain it preyed upon him, until it 
 reached the passages by which life is sustained : yet, in the 
 midst of as much as human nature could endure, he always 
 discovered a submission to the will of heaven, and a resigna- 
 
'}'' .^/ /T^^Uy^ ^'^-^ 
 
JOHN WITHERSPOON. 211 
 
 tion to his fate, that could only flow from the expectation of 
 a better life. 
 
 " Such was the man, whose remains now lie before us, to 
 teach us the most interesting lessons that mortals have to 
 learn, the vanity of human things ; the importance of eter- 
 nity ; the hoUness of the divine law ; the value of religion ; 
 and the certainty and rapid approach of death." 
 
 JOHN WITHERSPOON. 
 
 John Witherspoon, a man alike distinguished as a mi- 
 nister of the gospel, and a patriot of the revolution, was born 
 in the parish of Yester, a few miles from Edinburgh, on the 
 5th of February, 1722. He was lineally descended from 
 John Knox, the Scottish reformer, of whom Mary, queen of 
 Scots, said, "she was more afraid of his prayers, than of an 
 array of ten thousand men." 
 
 The father of Mr. WitherspoOn was the minister of the 
 parish of Yester. He was a man, eminent for his piety and 
 literature, and for a habit of great accuracy in his writings 
 and discourses. The example of the father contributed, in no 
 small degree, to form in his son that love of taste and simpli- 
 city, for which he was deservedly distinguished. 
 
 He was sent, at an early age, to the public school at Had- 
 dington, where he soon acquired a high reputation fur the na- 
 tive soundness of his judgment, his close application to study, 
 and the quick and clear conceptions of his mind. Many, who 
 at that time were the companions of his literary toils, after- 
 wards filled some of the highest stations in the literary and 
 political world. 
 
 At the age of fourteen, he was removed to the university 
 of Edinburgli. Here he was distinguished, as he had been at 
 the school of Haddington, for his great diligence and rapid 
 literary attainments. In the theological hall, particularly, he 
 
212 NEW-JERSEY DELEGATIOK. 
 
 exhibited an uncommon taste in sacred criticism, and an unu- 
 sual precision of thought, and perspicuity of expression. At 
 the age of twenty-one, he finished his collegiate studies, and 
 commenced preaching. 
 
 Immediately on leaving the university, he was invited to 
 become the minister of Tester, as colleague with his father, 
 with the right of succeeding to the charge. He chose, rathei;, 
 however, to accept an invitation from the parish of Beith, in 
 the west of Scotland, and here he was ordained and settled, 
 by the unanimous consent of his congregation. 
 
 Soon after his settlement at Beith, a circumstance occur- 
 red of too interesting a nature to be omitted. On the 17th of 
 January, 1746, was fought the battle of Falkirk. Of this bat- 
 tle, Dr. Witherspoon and several others were spectators. Un- 
 fortunately, they were taken prisoners by the rebels, and shut 
 up in close confinement in the castle of Doune. In the same 
 room in which he was confined, were two cells, in one of 
 which were five members of a military company from Edin- 
 burgh, who had also been taken prisoners, and two citizens 
 of Aberdeen, who had been threatened to be hanged as spies. 
 In the other cell were several others who had been made pri- 
 soners, under circumstances similar to those of Dr. Wither- 
 spoon. 
 
 During the night which followed their imprisonment, the 
 tlioughts of the prisoners, who were able to communicate 
 with one another, were turned on the best means of mak- 
 ing their escape. The room where they were confined was 
 the highest part of the castle, not far from the battlements, 
 which were seventy feet high. It was proposed to form a 
 rope of some blankets which they had purchased, and by 
 means of this to descend from the battlements to the ground. 
 
 A rope was accordingly made, in the best manner they 
 were able, and about one o'clock in the morning they com- 
 menced descending upon it. Four reached the ground in 
 safety. Just as the fifth touched the ground the rope broke, 
 about twenty feet above. This unfortunate occurrence was 
 communicated to those who remained on the battlements, and 
 warning was given to them not to attempt the hazardous de- 
 
JOHN WITHERSPOON. 213 
 
 eccnt. In disirogard, however, of the advice, the next one 
 uhose turn it was to descend, immediately went down the 
 rope. On reaching the end of it, his companions below per- 
 ceiving him determined to let go his hold, put themselves hx 
 a posture to break his fall. They succeeded, however, only 
 in part. The poor fellow was seriously injured, having one 
 of his ancles dislocated, and several ribs broken. His com- 
 panions, however, succeeded in conveying him to a village on 
 tJic borders of the sea, Avhencc he was taken, by means of a 
 boat, to a sloop of war lying in the harbour. 
 
 The other volunteer, and Dr. Witherspoon, were left be- 
 hind. The volunteer now drew the rope up, and to the end 
 of it attached several blankets. Having made it sufficiently 
 long, he again let it down and began his descent. He reached 
 tlie place where the rope was originally broken, in safety ; 
 but the blankets, which he had attached to it, being too large 
 for him to span, like his predecessor, he fell, and was so much 
 wounded, that he afterwards died. The fate of these unhap- 
 py men induced Dr. Witherspoon to relinquish the hope of 
 escape in this way, and to wait for a safer mode of liberation^ 
 From Beith, Dr. Witherspoon was translated, in the course 
 o( a few years, to the flourishing town of Paisley, where he 
 was happy in the affections of a large congregation, among 
 whom he was eminently useful, until the period of his emi- 
 grating to America, to take charge, as president, of the col- 
 lege of New-Jersey. 
 
 The election of Dr. Witherspoon to the presidency of the 
 above college, occurred in the year 1706. This appointment, 
 however, he was induced to decline, in the first instance, from 
 the reluctance of the female members of his family, and espe- 
 cially of Mrs. Witherspoon, to leave the scene of their happi- 
 ness and honour, for a land of strangers, and that land so dis- 
 tant from her father's sepulchres. 
 
 4.t a subsequent period, however. Dr. Witherspoon again 
 took the subject into consideration ; and at length, through the 
 influence and representations of Mr. Stockton, of whom wc 
 have spoken in the preceding memoir, acceded to the wishes 
 of the trustees, in accepting the presidency of (he college. Ii 
 
214 NEW-JERSEY DELEGATION. 
 
 reflects no small honour upon Dr. Witherspoon, that he 
 should consent to cross the ocean, and take charge of a col- 
 lege in a new country, leaving behind him a sphere of great 
 respectability, comfort, and usefulness. Having previously 
 declined, it is understood, an urgent invitation to an honoura- 
 ble station in Dublin, in Rotterdam, and in the town of Dun- 
 dee, in his own country. It deserves also to be mentioned, 
 that a little previous to his embarking for America, and while 
 still in a state of suspense, respecting his duty, an unmarried 
 gentleman of considerable fortune, and a relation of the 
 family, offered to make him his heir, provided he would remain 
 in Scotland. 
 
 Dr. Witherspoon arrived in America in August, 1768, and 
 in the same month was inaugurated president of the college. 
 The fame of his literary character caused an immediate ac- 
 cession to the number of students, and an increase of the 
 funds of the college. At that time it had not been patronized 
 by the state. It had been founded and supported by private 
 liberality. At tlie period of Dr. Witherspoon's arrival, the 
 finances of the college were in a low and declining condition. 
 His reputation, however, in connexion Avith his personal ex- 
 ertions, excited tlie generosity of all parts of the country, 
 from Massachusetts to Virginia ; in consequence of which, 
 the finances of the institution were soon raised to a flourishing 
 state. During the war of the revolution, the college was 
 broken up, and its resources nearly annihilated. Yet it can 
 scarcely be estimated how much the institution owed, at that 
 time, to the enterprise and talents of Dr. Witherspoon. 
 
 "But the principal advantages it derived," says Dr. Rogers, 
 in a discourse occasioned by his death, " were from his litera- 
 ture, his superiatendency, his example as a happy model 
 of good writing, and from the tone and taste which he gave 
 to the literary pursuits of the college." 
 
 He made great alterations in every department of instruc- 
 tion. " He endeavoured," says the same writer, "to establish 
 the system of education in this institution, upon the most ex- 
 tensive and respectable basis, that its situation and its finances 
 would admit. Formerly, the course of instruction had been 
 
JOHN' WITIIERSPOON. 215 
 
 too superficial : and its metaphysics and philosophy were too 
 much tinctured with the dry and uninstructive forms of the 
 schools. This, however, was hy no means to be imputed as 
 a defect to tliose great and excellent men who had presided 
 over the institution before him, but rather to the recent origin 
 af the country, the imperfection of its state of society, and 
 to tlic state of literature in it. Since his presidency, ma- 
 thematical science lias received an extension that was not 
 known before in the American seminaries. He introduced 
 into philosophy all the most liberal and modern improve- 
 ments of Europe. He extended the philosophical course to 
 embrace the general principles of policy and public law ; he 
 incorporated with it sound and rational metaphysics, equally 
 lemote from the doctrines of fatality and contingency, from 
 the barrenness and dogmatism of the schools, and from the 
 excessive refinements of those contradictory, but equally im- 
 pious sects of scepticism, who wholly deny the existence of 
 matter, or maintain that nothing but matter exists in the 
 universe. 
 
 " He laid the foundation of a course of history in the col- 
 lege, and the principles of taste, and the rules of good wri- 
 ting, were both happily explained by him, and exemplified in 
 his manner. ^^ He possessed an admirable faculty for go- 
 verning, and was very successful in exciting a good degree 
 of emulation among the pupils committed to his care. Un 
 der his auspices, many were graduated, who became distin 
 guished for their learning, and for the eminent services which 
 tliey rendered their countrymen as divines, as legislators, and 
 patriots. 
 
 On the occurrence of the American war, the college was 
 broken up, as has already been noticed, and the officers and 
 students were dispersed. Dr. Witherspoon now appeared in 
 a new attitude before the American public. Although a fo' 
 reigner, he had laid aside his prejudices on becoming a citi- 
 zen of the country, and now warmly espoused the cause of 
 the Americans against the English ministry. His distin- 
 guished abilities ])ointed him out to the citizens of New-Jer- 
 sey, as one of the most proper delegates to that convention 
 
216 NEW- JERSEY DELEGATION. 
 
 ■which formed their republican constitution. In this respect 
 able assembly he appeared, to the astonishment of all the 
 professors of the law, as profound a civilian as he had before 
 been known to be a philosopher and divine. 
 
 Early in the year 1776, he was elected a representative to 
 the general congress, by the people of New-Jersey. He 
 took his seat a few days previously to the fourth of July, and 
 assisted in the deliberations on the momentous question of a 
 declaration of independence. Of this measure he was an ad- 
 vocate. It was a happy reply which he made to a gentleman 
 who, in opposing the measure, declared that the country was 
 not yet ripe for a declaration of independence. " Sir," said 
 he, " in my judgment the country is not only ripe, but 
 rotting." 
 
 For the space of seven years. Dr. Witherspoon continued 
 to represent the people of New-Jersey in the general con- 
 gress. He was seldom absent from his seat, and never al- 
 lowed personal considerations to prevent his attention to of- 
 ficial duties. Few men acted with more energy and promp- 
 titude ; iew appeared to be enriched with greater political 
 wisdom ; few enjoyed a greater share of public confidence ; 
 few accomplished more for the country, than he did, in the 
 sphere in which he was called to act. In the most gloomy and 
 formidable aspect of public affairs, he was always firm, dis- 
 covering the greatest reach and presence of mind, in the most 
 embarrassing situations. 
 
 It is impossible here to particularise all, or even a small 
 part of the important services which he rendered his country, 
 during his continuance in the grand legislative council. He 
 served on numerous committees, Avhere his judgment and ex- 
 perience were of eminent importance. He seldom took part 
 in the discussions of public measures, until, by reason and 
 reflection, he had settled his ideas on the subject. He avouU 
 then come forward with great clearness and power, and sel- 
 dom did he fail to impart light to a subject, and cause even 
 his opponents to hesitate. His speeches were usually com- 
 posed in closet, and committed to memory. His memory wa« 
 
JOHN WITHERSPOON. 217 
 
 unusually tenacious. He could repeat verbatim a sermon, 
 or a speech, composed by himself, by reading it three times. 
 
 Dr. Witlierspoon, it must be admitted, was a sagacious po- 
 litician. He indeed adopted views which, in some respects, 
 differed from those of his brethren in congress ; yet his prin- 
 ciples have been justified l)y the result. A few examples may 
 be mentioned. He constantly opposed the expensive mode 
 of supplying the army by commission. For several years 
 this was the mode adopted. A certain commission per cent. 
 on the money that the commissioners expended, was allowed 
 them, as a compensation. A strong temptation was thas pre- 
 sented to purchase at extravagant prices, since the commis- 
 sioners correspondingly increased their compensation. 
 
 In consequence of this mode of supplying the army, the 
 expenses of the country became alarmingly great. Much 
 dissatisfaction, from time to time, existed in reference to the 
 management of the commissary general's department, and a 
 reform was loudly demanded by many judicious men in the 
 country. Among those who loudly complained on this sub- 
 ject, and who deemed a change essential to the salvation of 
 the coimtry. Dr. Witherspoon was one. This change, so 
 useful and economical, was at length agreed to, July 10th, 
 1781. The superintendent of finance was authorized to pro- 
 cure all necessary supplies for the army and navy of the 
 United States by contract, i. e. by allowing a certain sum to 
 the purchaser for every ration furnished. 
 
 Another point on which Dr. Witherspoon differed from 
 many of his brethren in congress, was the emission of a pa- 
 per currency. After the first or second emission, he strongly 
 opposed the system, predicting the wound which would be 
 ultimately given to public credit, and the private distress 
 which must necessarily follow. Instead of emissions of an 
 unfunded paper beyond a certain quantum, Dr. Witherspoon 
 urged the propriety of making loans and establishing funds 
 for the payment of the interest. Happy had it been for the 
 country, had this better policy been adopted. At a subse- 
 quent date, at the instance of some of tlie very gentlemen. 
 who opposed him in congress, he published his ideas on the 
 2E 19 
 
318 NNW-JERSEY DELEGATION. 
 
 nature, value, and uses of money, in one of the most clear 
 and judicious essays that perhaps was ever written on the 
 subject. 
 
 At the close of the year 1779, Dr. Witherspoon voluntari- 
 ly retired from congress, desirous of spending the remainder 
 of his life, as he said, in " otio cum dignitate.^^ According- 
 ly, he resigned his house in the vicinity of the college to his 
 son-in-law, the Rev. Dr. Samuel Smith, to whom was com- 
 mitted the care and instruction of the students, who now be- 
 gan to return from their dispersion. Dr. Witherspoon retired 
 to a country seat, at the distance of about one mile from 
 Princeton. His name, however, continued to add celebrity 
 to the institution, which not long after recovered its former 
 reputation. 
 
 But he was not long allowed the repose which he so much 
 desired. In 1781, he was again elected a representative to 
 congress. But at the close of the following year, he retired 
 from political life. In the year 1783, he was induced, through 
 his attachment to the institution over which he had so long 
 presided, to cross the ocean to promote its benefit. He was 
 now in his sixtieth year, and strong must have been his re- 
 gard for the interests of learning, to induce him, at this ad- 
 vanced age, to brave the dangers of the ocean. Much suc- 
 cess could scarcely be expected in an undertaking of this 
 kind, considering the hostility which still subsisted between 
 England and America. The pecuniary assistance which he 
 obtained exceeded only, by a little, his necessary expenses, 
 although he was not wanting in enterprise and zeal in relation 
 to the object of his voyage. 
 
 After his return to this country, in 1784, finding nothing 
 to obstruct his entering on that retirement which was now 
 becoming dear to him, he withdrew, in a great measure, ex- 
 cept on some important occasions, from the exercise of those 
 public functions that were not immediately connected with 
 the duties of his office, as president of the college, or his 
 character as a minister of the gospel. 
 
 Although Dr. Witherspoon was peculiarly fitted for politi- 
 cal life, he appeared with still more advantage as a minister 
 
JOHN WITHERSPOON. 219 
 
 of the gospel, and particularly as a minister in the pulpit. 
 " He was, in many respects," says Dr. Rogers, " one of the 
 best models on which a young preacher could form himself. 
 It was a singular felicity to the whole college, but especially 
 to those who had the profession of the ministry in contempla- 
 tion, to have such an example constantly in view. Religion, by 
 the manner in which it was treated by him, always command- 
 ed the respect of those who heard him, even when it was not 
 able to engage their hearts. An admirable textuary ; a pro- 
 found theologian, perspicuous and simple in his manner ; an 
 universal scholar, acquainted with human nature ; a grave, 
 dignified, solemn speaker ; — he brought all the advantages 
 derived from these sources, to the illustration and enforce- 
 ment of divine truth." 
 
 The social qualities of Dr. Witherspoon rendered him one 
 of the most companionable of men. He possessed a rich 
 fund of anecdote, both amusing and instructive. His mo- 
 ments of relaxation were as entertaining as his serious ones 
 were fraught with improvement. The following anecdote 
 presents a specimen of his pleasantry. On the surrender of 
 the British army to General Gates, at Saratoga, that officer 
 dispatched one of his aids to convey the news to congress. 
 The interesting character of the intelligence would have 
 prompted most men to have made as expeditious a journey as 
 possible ; but the aid proceeded so leisurely, that the intelli- 
 gence reached Philadelphia three days before his arrival. It 
 was usual for congress, on such occasions, to bestow some 
 mark of their esteem upon the person who was the bearer of 
 intelligence so grateful ; and it was proposed, in this case, to 
 best w upon the messenger an elegant sword. During the 
 conversation on this subject in the hall. Dr. Witherspoon 
 rose, and begged leave to amend the motion, by substituting 
 for an elegant sword, a pair of golden spurs. 
 
 Another interesting trait in his character, was his attention 
 to young persons. He never suffered an opportunity to es- 
 cape him of imparting the most useful advice to them, ac- 
 cording to their circumstances, when they happened to be in 
 bis company. And this was always done with so much kind- 
 
"220 NEW-JERSKY DELEGATION. 
 
 ness and suavity, that they could neither be inattentive to it, 
 or easily forget it. 
 
 In domestic life, he was an affectionate husband, a tender 
 parent, a kind master, and a sincere friend. He was twice 
 married. The first time in Scotland, at an early age, to a 
 lady by the name of Montgomery. She was a woman dis- 
 tinguished for her piety and benevolence. At the time of his 
 emigration to America, he had three sons and two daughters. 
 James, his eldest son, was killed in the battle of Germantown. 
 John was bred a physician, and David applied himself to the 
 study of the law. Both were respectable men. Of the 
 d ughters, one was married to the Rev. Samuel S. Smith, 
 the successor of Dr. Witherspoon in the presidency of 
 the college. The other became connected with Dr. Ramsay, 
 the celebrated historian. The second marriage of Dr. With- 
 erspoon occurred when he was seventy years old ; the lady 
 wiiom he married was only twenty-three. 
 
 In his person. Dr. Witherspoon was remarkably dignified. 
 lie was six feet in height, and of fine proportion. He was 
 distinguished for a fervent piety, and for great punctuality 
 and exactness in his devotional exercises. " Besides his 
 daily devotions of the closet, and the family, it was his stated 
 practice to observe the last day of every year, with his family, 
 as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer: and it was also 
 his practice to set apart days for secret fasting and prayer, as 
 occasion suggested." 
 
 " Bodily infirmities began at length to come upon him. For 
 more than two years before his death, he was afllicted with 
 the loss of sight, which contributed to hasten the progress 
 of his other disorders. These he bore with a patience, and 
 even with a cheerfulness, rarely to be met with in the most 
 eniinent for wisdom and piety. Nor would his active mind, 
 and his desire of usefulness to the end, permit him, even in 
 tikis situation, to desist from the exercise of his ministry, and 
 Iiis duties in the college, as far as his strength and healtli 
 would admit. He was frequently led into the pulpit, both at 
 home and abroad, during his blindness ; and always acquitted 
 
JOHN WITHERSPOON. 221 
 
 himself with his usual accuracy, and frequently with more 
 than his usual solemnity and animation." 
 
 At length, however, he sank under the accumulated pres- 
 sure of his infirmities ; and on the 15th day of November, 1794, 
 in the seventy-third year of his age he retired to his final rest. 
 The following epitaph is inscribed on the marble which covers 
 his remains : 
 
 Beneath this marble lie interred 
 
 the mortal remains of 
 
 JOHN WITHERSPOON, D. D. LL. D. 
 
 a venerable and beloved President of the College of 
 
 New- Jersey. 
 
 He was born in the parish of Yester, in Scotland, 
 
 on the 5th of February, 1722, O. S. 
 
 And was liberally educated in the University of Edinburgh; 
 
 invested with holy orders in the year 1743, 
 
 he faithfully performed the duties of 
 
 his pastoral charsrc, 
 
 during five and twenty years, 
 
 first at Beith, and then at Paisley. 
 
 Elected president of Nassau Hall, 
 
 he assumed the duties of that office on the 13th of August, 1768, 
 
 with the elevated expectations of the public. 
 
 Excelling in every mental gift, 
 
 he was a man of pre-eminent piety and virtue 
 
 and deeply versed in the various branches 
 
 of literature and the liberal arts. 
 
 A grave and solemn preacher, 
 
 liis sermons abounded in the most excellent doctrines and precepts, 
 
 and in lucid expositions of the Holy Scriptures. 
 
 Affable, pleasant, and courteous in familiar conversation, 
 
 he was eminently distinguished 
 
 in concerns and deliberations of the church, 
 
 and endowed with the greatest prudence 
 
 in the management and instruction of youth. 
 
 He exalted 
 
 the reputation of the college amongst foreigners, 
 
 and greatly promoted the advancement 
 
 of its literary character and taste. 
 
 He was, for a long time, conspicuous 
 
 Among the most brilliant luminaries of learning and of the Church. 
 
 At length, 
 
 universally venerated, beloved, and lamented, 
 
 he departed this life on the fifteenth of November, MDCCXCIV. 
 
 aged LXXUI years. 
 
$?2!J NEW-JERSEY DELEGATION. 
 
 FRANCIS HOPKINSON. 
 
 Francis Hopkinson was a native of Pennsylvania, and 
 was born in the city of Philadelphia, in the year 1737. His 
 father, Thomas Hopkinson, was an Englishman, who emigra- 
 ted to America, but in what year is unknown to the writer. 
 A short time previous to his emigration, he became respecta- 
 bly connected by marriage, with a niece of the bishop of Wor- 
 cester. 
 
 On his arrival in America, he took up his residence in the 
 city of Philadelphia, where he honourably fdled several offices 
 of distinction, under the government of his native country. 
 Mr. Hopkinson was distinguished for his scientific attainments. 
 He was intimate with that distinguished philosopher, Benja- 
 min Franklin, by whom he was held in high estimation. The 
 intimacy which subsisted between these gentlemen, seems to 
 have arisen from a similarity of taste, particularly on philoso- 
 phical subjects. To Mr. Hopkinson is attributed the first ex- 
 periment of attracting the electric fluid, by means of a 
 pointed instrument, instead of a blunt one. This experiment 
 he had the pleasure of first exhibiting to Dr. Franklin. Its 
 practical importance consisted in preventing the severe explo- 
 sion, which always takes place in the passage of the electric 
 fluid, upon a blunted instrument. 
 
 Upon the death of Mr. Hopkinson, which occurred while 
 he was in the prime of life, the care of his interesting and 
 numerous family devolved upon his widow. Fortunately, 
 Mrs. Hopkinson was a lady of superior mental endowments, 
 and well qualified to superintend the education of her child- 
 ren. At an early period, discovering indications of genius in 
 her son, the subject of the present memoir, she resolved to 
 make every sacrifice, and every eflbrt in her power, to give 
 liim the advantages of a superior education. Her income 
 was comparatively limited, but a mother can relinquish every 
 enjoyment for her children. This Mrs. Hopkinson did with 
 the greatest pleasure ; and to the practice of self-denial for her 
 son, she added, for his benefit, the most admirable precepts, 
 
FRANCIS HOPKINSON. 223 
 
 and tlie most excellent example. Her efforts were crowned 
 with singular success. She lived to see him graduate with repu- 
 tation, from the college of Philadelphia, and become eminent 
 in the profession of law. He possessed talents of a high or- 
 der. His genius was quick and versatile. He penetrated the 
 depths of science with ease, and with grave and important 
 truths stored his capacious mind. But he by no means ne- 
 glected the lighter accomplishments. In music and poetry he 
 excelled, and had some knowledge of painting. Few men 
 were more distinguished for their humour and satire. 
 
 In the year 1766, Mr. Hopkinson embarked for England, 
 for the purpose of visiting the land of his fathers. Such was 
 the estimation in which he was held in his native city, that he 
 received a public expression of respect and aft'ection, from 
 the board of trustees of the college of Philadelphia, which the 
 provost of that institution was desired to communicate to 
 him, and wisli him, in the behalf of his Alma Mater, a safe 
 and prosperous voyage. 
 
 After a residence of more than two years in England, he re- 
 turned to America, soon after which he became settled in lifei 
 Iiaving married a Miss Borden, of Bordcntown, in the state 
 of New-Jersey. His acknowledged talents soon drew the at- 
 tention of the royal government, under which he received the 
 appointment of collector of the customs, and executive coun- 
 sellor. 
 
 These offices, however, he did not long enjoy, being obli- 
 ged to sacriiice them in the cause of his country. He entered 
 with strong feelings into the public measures which preceded 
 the revolutionary contest, and having taken up his residence 
 in New-Jersey, his abilities and patriotism pointed him out 
 as a proper person to represent her in congress. According- 
 ly, in the year 1776 he received this appointment, and in this 
 capacity he voted for the declaration of independence, and 
 subsequently affixed his signature to the engrossed copy of 
 that memorable instrument. 
 
 On the retirement of Mr. Ross, in 1779, the judge of the 
 admiralty court of Pennsylvania, the president of that state 
 nominated Mr. Hopkinson as his successor ; an office to 
 
2^ NEW-JERSEV DELEGATION. 
 
 which he was unanimously appointed, and the duties of 
 which, for ten years, until the organization of the federal 
 government, he continued to discharge with honour to him- 
 self, and benefit to his country. 
 
 Soon after the adoption of the federal constitution. General 
 Washington, with the advice and consent of the senate, ap- 
 pointed Mr. Hopkinson to the office of Judge of the United 
 States, for the district of Pennsylvania. This was an impor- 
 tant and dignified station, for which he was admirably fitted, 
 and in which capacity he assisted in giving stability and dig- 
 nity to the national government. 
 
 During the period of his judicial career, he conscientiously 
 avoided mingling in party, or occasional politics. He em- 
 ployed his powers, however, when occasion required, in pro- 
 moting the public good. He contributed in no small degree 
 in rousing the feelings of the people, during the war of the 
 revolution. The chief means by which he accomplished this, 
 was the employment of his powers of satire, which he pos- 
 sessed in an uncommon degree. His occasional productions 
 were quite numerous, and were well adapted to the state of 
 the country at that time. They rendered the autlior justly 
 popular at that day, and will continue to interest and amuse, 
 while the memory of these times shall remain. 
 
 Mr. Hopkinson published several poetical pieces. His chief 
 merit as a poet consisted in an easy versification. His poeti- 
 cal productions were chiefly designed to amuse. This object 
 they effected. They attracted no small attention, through- 
 out the country ; but none was more popular than the humo- 
 rous and well known ballad, called " The Battle of the Kegs." 
 
 The life of Mr. Hopkinson was suddenly terminated, 
 while in the midst of his usefulness, on the eighth of May, 1791, 
 in the fifty-third year of his age. He died of an apoplectic 
 fit, which, in two hours after the attack, put a period to his 
 mortal existence. In stature, Mr. Hopkinson was below the 
 common size. His countenance was extremely animated, 
 though his features were small. In speech he was fluent, 
 and in his motions he was unusually quick. Few men were 
 kinder in their dispositions, or more benevolent in their lives 
 
JOHN HART. 225 
 
 lie was distinguished for his powers of taste, and for his love 
 and devotion to science. He possessed a library, which con- 
 tained the most distinguished literary productions of the 
 times; and in liis library room was to be found a collection 
 of scientitic apparatus, with which he amused himself in his 
 leisure hours, and added greatly to his stock of knowledge. 
 The following anecdote furnishes evidence of the estimation 
 in which he was held, as a pliilosophcr, and a man of letters. 
 Sometime during the revolutionary war, Bordentown, the 
 place where Mr. Hopkinson and family resided, was suddenly 
 invaded by a party of Hessians. The family had hardly time 
 to escape before the invaders began the plunder of the house. 
 After the evacuation of Philadelphia, by the British, a vo- 
 lume, which had been taken from the library of Mr. Hopkin- 
 son, at the a^^ove period, fell into his hands. On a blank leaf, 
 the officer, who took the book, had written in German an 
 acknowledgment of the theft, declaring that although he 
 believed Mr. Hopkinson to be an obstinate rebel, the books 
 and philosoj)liical apparatus of his library were sufficient evi- 
 dence, that he was a learned man. 
 
 Mr. Hopkinson, at his decease, left a widow and five chil- 
 dren. The eldest of these, Joseph Hopkinson, who still lives, 
 strongly resembles his father, in the endoAvments of his mind, 
 and the brilliancy of his genius. He occupies an enviable 
 rank among the advocates of the American bar. 
 
 JOHN HART. 
 
 The history of the M'orld probably furnishes not another 
 instance in which there was a nobler exhibition of true patri- 
 otism, than is presented in the history of the American revo- 
 lution. It was certain at its commencement, in respect to 
 numerous individuals, whose talents, wisdom and enterprise 
 were necessary to its success, that thev could derive but little, 
 2F 
 
226 NEW-JERSEY DEI/EGATION. 
 
 if any, individual advantage. Nay, it was certain* that in 
 stead of gain they would be subjected to great loss and suffer- 
 ing. The comforts of their families would be abridged ; their 
 property destroyed ; their farms desolated ; their houses plun- 
 dered or consumed ; their sons might fall in the field of battle ; 
 and, should the struggle be vain, an ignominious death would be 
 their portion. But, then, the contest respected rights which 
 God had given them ; it respected liberty, that dearest and 
 noblest privilege of man ; it respected the happiness of gene- 
 rations yet to succeed each other on this spacious continent 
 to the end of time. Such considerations influenced the pa- 
 triots of the revolution. They thought comparatively little 
 of themselves ; their views were fixed on the happiness of 
 others ; on the future glory of their country ; on universal 
 liberty ! 
 
 These sentiments alone could have actuated John Hart, the 
 subject of the present memoir, a worthy and independent 
 farmer of New-Jersey. He was the son of Edward Hart, of 
 Hopewell, in the county of Hunterdon, in New-Jersey. The 
 time of his birth is unknown to the writer ; and unfortunate- 
 ly few incidents of his life have been preserved. He inherited 
 from his father a considerable patrimonial estate. To this he 
 added, by purchase, a farm of about four hundred acres. He 
 married a Miss Scudder, a respectable and amiable lady, by 
 whom he had a numerous family of children. He was fond o( 
 agricultural pursuits; and in the quiet of domestic life, sought 
 those enjoyments, which are among the purest which the 
 world affords. 
 
 The character which Mr. Hart sustained for wisdom, sta- 
 bility, and judgment naturally brought him into notice, and 
 disposed the community to seek the aid of his counsel. He 
 was often a member of the colonial assembly ; and rendered 
 important service to the section of country in which he re- 
 sided, by suggesting improvements as to laying out new roads, 
 the erection of bridges, the superior means of education, and 
 the prompt administration of justice. 
 
 At the commencement of the aggressions of the British 
 ministry upon the rights of the colonies, Mr. Hart perceived, 
 
JOHN HART. 227 
 
 in common with many of the thinking men of the day, that 
 the only alternative of the latter would be a resort to arms, 
 or absolute slavery. Although he was not one of the most 
 zealous men, or as easily roused to adopt strong measures, as 
 were some of those around him, still he was not backward to 
 express his abhorrence of the unjust conduct of the mother 
 country, nor to enter upon a well rriatured system of opposi- 
 tion to her designs. He was particularly disgusted with the 
 stamp act. Not that lie feared pecuniary loss from its exac- 
 tions ; it was an inconsiderable tax ; but trifling as it was, in 
 volved a principle of the greatest importance. It gave to thp 
 crown a power over the colonies, against the arbitrary exer- 
 cise of whicli they had no security. They had in truth, upon 
 the principles claimed by the British government, little or no 
 control over their own property. It might be taxed in the 
 manner, and to the extent, which parliament pleased, and not 
 a single representative from the colonies could raise his voice 
 in their behalf. It was not strange, therefore, that the setting 
 up of such a claim, on the other side of the water, should have 
 been severely felt in the American colonies, and that a spirit 
 of opposition should have pervaded all classes, as well the 
 humble as the elevated, the farmer in his retirement as well 
 as the statesman in his public life. 
 
 This spirit of opposition in the colonics kept pace with the 
 spirit of aggression in the mother country. There were few 
 men in the community, who did not feel more intensely each 
 succeeding month the magnitude of the subject ; and who 
 were not more and more convinced of the necessity of an 
 united and firm opposition to the British government. 
 
 When the congress of 1774 assembled, Mr. Hart appeared, 
 and took his seat ; having been elected by a conference of 
 committees from several parts of the colony. The precise 
 share which he took in the deliberations of this august and 
 venerable body, is unknown. If his habits and unambitious 
 epirit led him to act a less conspicuous part than some others, 
 he rendered perhaps no less valuable service, by his modera- 
 tion and cool judgment. 
 
 During several succeeding sessions, Mr. Hart continued to 
 
ti28 NEW-JERSEY DELEGATION. 
 
 represent the people of New-Jersey in the continental con 
 gress. When the question respecting a Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence was brought forward, he was at his post, and voted 
 for the measure with unusual zeal. It was a distinguished 
 honour to belong to this congress, under any circumstances ; 
 but the appointment of Mr. Hart must have been peculiarly 
 flattering to him. A little time previous, the provincial con- 
 gress of New-Jersey had made several changes in their delega- 
 tion to the general congress. Their confidence was not entire 
 insomcof their representatives, especially in regard to that bold 
 and decisive measure, a declaration of independence, which 
 was now occupying the thoughts of many in the country. But 
 the firmness of Mr. Hart, or, as he was afterwards called, 
 " honest John Hart," they could safely trust. They knew 
 him to be a man of tried courage, and never inclined to adopt 
 temporizing or timorous measures. He was accordingly re- 
 tained, while others were dismissed; and was instructed, "to 
 join with the delegates of the other colonies in continental 
 congress, in the most vigorous measures for supporting the 
 just rights and liberties of America ; and if you shall judge it 
 necessary or expedient for this purpose, to join with them in 
 declaring the United Colonies independent of Great Britain, 
 entering into a confederation for union and common defence, 
 making treaties with foreign nations for commerce and assist- 
 ance, and to take such other measures as may appear to them 
 and you necessary for those great ends, promising to support 
 them with the whole force of this province ; always observing, 
 that whatsoever plan of confederacy you enter into, the regu- 
 lating the internal police of this province is to be reserved to 
 the colonial legislature." 
 
 Sometime during the latter part of the year 1776, New-Jer- 
 sey became the theatre of war. The distress which the peo- 
 ple suffered in consequence, was very great ; and a wanton 
 destruction of property was often occasioned by the enemy. 
 In this destruction, the property of Mr. Hart largely partici- 
 pated. His children were obliged to flee, his farm was pil- 
 laged, and great exertions were made to secure him, as a 
 prisoner. The situation of Mrs. Hart was at the time pecu- 
 liarly distressing. She was afilicted with a disease, which 
 
JOHN HART. 229 
 
 prevented her removal to a place of safety, and eventu- 
 ally caused her death. Mr. Hart continued by her side, 
 until the oiiemy had nearly reached the house, when he made 
 his escape, his wife being safer alone than if he Avere present. 
 For some time, he was hunted and pursued with the most un • 
 tiring zeal. He was scarc(>]y able to elude his enemies, was 
 often in great want of food, and sometimes destitute of a com- 
 fortable lodging for the night. In one instance, he was 
 obliged to conceal himself, during the night, in the usual rest- 
 ing place of a large dog, who was his companion for the time. 
 The battles of Trenton and Princeton led to the evacua- 
 tion of New-Jersey by the British. On this event, Mr. Hart 
 again collected his family, and began to repair the desolation 
 of his farm by the hand of the enemy. His constitution, how- 
 ever, had received an irreparable shock. His health gradual- 
 ly failed him ; and though he lived to see brighter prospects 
 opening before his country, he died before the contest was 
 ended. His death occurred in the year 1780. Although the 
 domestic peace and tranquillity of few men had been more 
 disturbed than those of Mr. Hart, he never repented the course 
 he had taken. He enlisted himself in a good cause ; and in the 
 darkest periods, still believed thata righteous Providence would 
 ultimately enable that cause to prevail, and finally to triumph. 
 Tlie personal appearance of Mr. Hart was uncommonly in- 
 teresting ; in his form he was straight and well proportioned. 
 In stature, he was above the middling size, and, when a young 
 man, was said to have been handsome. In his disposition 
 he was uncommonly mild and amiable. He was greatly be- 
 loved by his family and friends, and highly respected by a 
 large circle of acquaintance, who often appealed to his wis- 
 dom and judgment in the settlement of their local affairs. In 
 addition to this, he enjoyed the reputation of being a sincere 
 and humble christian. He was exceedingly liberal to the 
 Baptist church of Hopewell, to which community he belonged ; 
 and greatly assisted them in the erection of a public house of 
 worship; the ground for which he presented to the church, 
 as also the ground for a burial place. Such was the life, and 
 such the last end, of " honest John Hart.' 
 
 30 
 
330 KEW-JERSEY DELEGATION. 
 
 ABRAHAM CLARK. 
 
 ii is unfortunately the fact, in respect to many of the dis- 
 tinguished actors in the revolutionary drama, but especially 
 in reference to the subject of this memoir, that but few inci- 
 dents of their lives have been preserved. The truth is, that 
 although men of exalted patriotism, who filled their respec- 
 tive duties, both in public and private life, with great honour 
 to themselves and benefit to all around them, they were 
 naturally unobtrusive and unambitious. The incidents of their 
 lives were, indeed, few. Some of them lived in retirement, 
 pursuing the " even tenor of their way," nor was the regularity 
 of their lives often interrupted, except, perhaps, by an atten- 
 dance upon congress, or by the discharge of some minor civil 
 office in the community. 
 
 These remarks apply with some justice to Mr. Clark, 
 but perhaps not with more force, than to several others, who 
 stand enrolled among the signers of the declaration of inde- 
 pendence. 
 
 Mr. Clark was a native of Elizabethtown, New-Jersey, 
 where he was born, on the fifteenth of February, 1726. His 
 father's name Avas Thomas Clark, of whom he was an only 
 child. His early education, although confined to English 
 branches of study, was respectable. For the mathematics and 
 the civil law he is said to have discovered an early predilec 
 tion. 
 
 He was bred a farmer ; but his constitution being inade 
 quate to the labours of the field, he turned his attention 
 to surveying, conveyancing, and imparting legal advice. 
 For this last service he was well qualified ; and as he 
 gave advice gratuitously, he was called, " the poor man's 
 counsellor." 
 
 The course of Mr. Clark's life, his love of study, and the 
 generosity of his character, naturally rendered him popu- 
 lar. His opinion was valued, and often sought, even beyond 
 the immediate circle witliin which he lived. He was call- 
 ed to fill various respectable offices, the duties of which 
 
ABRAHAM CLARK. 231 
 
 he discharged with great fidelity ; and thus rendered him- 
 self highly useful in the comnaunity in which he lived. 
 
 At an early period of tlie revolution, as he had formed his 
 opinion on the great question, which divided the British go- 
 vernment and the American colonies, he was appointed one 
 of the committee of public safety ; and some time after was 
 elected by the provincial congress, in conjunction with the gen- 
 tlemen, a sketch of whose lives has already been given, a dele- 
 gate to the continental congress. 
 
 Of this body he was a member, for a considerable period ; 
 and was conspicuous among his colleagues from New-Jersey. 
 A few days after he took his seat for the first time, as a mem- 
 ber of congress, lie was called upon to vole for, or against, the 
 proclamation of independence. But he was at no loss on 
 which side to throw his influence. His patriotism was of the 
 purest character. Personal considerations did not influence 
 his decision. He knew full well that fortune and individual 
 safety were at stake. But M'hat were these in comparison 
 with the honour and liberty of his country. He voted, there- 
 fore, for the declaration of independence, and aflfixed his 
 name to that sacred instrument with a firm determination to 
 meet the consequences of the noble, but dangerous action, 
 with a fortitude and resolution becoming a free born citizen 
 of America. 
 
 Mr. Clark frequently, after this time, represented New- 
 Jersey in the national councils. He was also often a 
 member of the state legislature. But in whatever capacity 
 he acted as a public servant, he attracted the respect and ad- 
 miration of the community, by his punctuality, his integrity, 
 and perseverance. 
 
 In 1787, he was elected a member of the general con- 
 vention, which framed the constitution ; but in consequence 
 of ill health, was prevented from uniting in the deliberations 
 of that body. To the constitution, as originally proposed, 
 he had serious objections. These, however, were removed 
 by subsequent amendments ; but his enemies took advan- 
 tage of his objections, and for a time he was placed in 
 the minority in the elections of New-Jersey. His popu- 
 
232 NEW-JERSEY DELEGATION. 
 
 larity, however, again revived, and he was elected a re- 
 presentative in the second congress, under the federal con- 
 stitution ; an appointment which he continued to hold until 
 a short time previous to his death. Two or three of the 
 sons of Mr. Clark were officers in the army, during the re- 
 volutionary struggle. Unfortunately they were captured by 
 the enemy. During a part of their captivity, their suffer- 
 ings were extreme, being confined in the notorious prison- 
 ship, Jersey. Painful as the condition of his sons was, 
 Mr. Clark scrupulously avoided calling the attention of 
 congress to the subject, excepting in a single instance. 
 One of his sons, a captain of artillery, had been cast into a 
 dungeon, where he received no other food than that which 
 was conveyed to him by his fellow prisoners, through a key 
 hole. On a representation of these facts to congress, that 
 body immediately directed a course of retaliation in respect 
 to a British officer. This had the desired effect, and Captain 
 Clark's condition was improved. 
 
 On the adjournment of congress in June, 1794, Mr. Clark 
 finally retired from public life. He did not live long, how- 
 ever, to enjoy even the limited comforts he possessed. In the 
 autumn of the same year a stroke of the sun put a period to 
 his mortal existence, in the space of two hours. He was al- 
 ready, however, an old man, having attained to his sixty- 
 ninth year. The church yard at Rahway contains his mor- 
 tal remains, and the church of that place will long have rea- 
 son to remember his benefactions. A marble slab marks the 
 place where this useful and excellent man lies deposited, and 
 the following inscription upon it, records the distinguish- 
 ed traits of his character : 
 
 Finn and decided as a patriot, 
 
 zealous and faithful as a friend to the public, 
 
 he loved his country, 
 
 and adhered to her cause 
 
 in the darkest hours of her strug'gles 
 
 against oppression. - • 
 
THE 
 
 PEWXSYLVAXIA DELEGATION. 
 
 Robert Morris, 
 Benjamin Rush, 
 Benjamin Franklin, 
 John Morton, 
 Geoge Clymer, 
 James Smith, 
 George Taylor, 
 James Wilson, 
 George Ross. 
 
 ROBERT MORRIS. 
 
 Robert Morris was a native of Lancashire, England, 
 where he was born January, 1773 — 4, O. S. His father 
 was a Liverpool merchant, who had for some years been ex- 
 tensively concerned in the American trade. While he was 
 yet a boy, his father removed to America ; shortly after 
 which, he sent to England for his son, who arrived in this 
 country at the age of thirteen years. 
 
 Young Morris was placed at school in Philadelphia, but 
 his progress in learning appears to have been small, probably 
 from the incompetency of his teacher, as he declared to his 
 father one day, on the latter expressing his dissatisfaction at 
 the little progress he made, " Sir," said he, " I have learn- 
 ed all that he can teach me." 
 
 " During the time that young Morris was pursuing his 
 3F 30* 
 
234 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 education at Philadelphia, he unfortunately lost his father, in 
 consequence of a wound received from the wad of a gun, 
 which was discharged as a compliment, by the captain of a 
 ship consigned to him, that had just arrived at Oxford, the 
 place of his residence, on the eastern shores of the Chesa- 
 peake Bay, and was thus left an orphan, at the age of fifteen 
 years. In conformity to the intentions of his parent, he was 
 bred to commerce, and served a regular apprenticeship in 
 the counting-house of the late Mr. Charles Willing, at that 
 time one of the first merchants of Philadelphia. A year or 
 two after the expiration of the term for which he had engaged 
 himself, he entered into partnership with Mr. Thomas Wil- 
 ling. This connexion, which was formed in 1754, continued 
 for the long period of thirty-nine years, not having been dis- 
 solved until 1793. Previously to the commencement of the 
 American war, it was, without doubt, more extensively en- 
 gaged in commerce than any other house in Philadelphia. 
 
 " Of the events of his youth we know little. The fact just 
 mentioned proves, that although early deprived of the benefit 
 of parental counsel, he acted with fidelity, and gained the 
 good will of a discerning master. The following anecdote 
 will show his early activity in business, and anxiety to pro- 
 mote the interests of his friends. During the absence of Mr. 
 Willing, at his country place, near Frankford, a vessel ar- 
 rived at Philadelphia, either consigned to him, or that brought 
 letters, giving intelligence of the sudden rise in the price of 
 flour, at the port she left. Mr. Morris instantly engaged all 
 that he could contract for, on account of Mr. Willing, who, on 
 his return to the city next day, had to defend his young friend 
 from the complaints of some merchants, that he had raised 
 the price of flour. An appeal, however, from Mr. Willing, 
 to their own probable line of conduct, in case of their having 
 first received the news, silenced their complaints." 
 
 There were few men who viewed with greater indignation 
 the encroachments of the British government upon the liber- 
 ties of the people, or were more ready to resist them, than 
 Mr. Morris. Nor did he hesitate to sacrifice his private in- 
 terest for the public good, when occasion demanded it. This 
 
ROBERT MORRIS. 235 
 
 disposition was strikingly manifested in the year 1765, at 
 which time he signed the non-importation agreement, entered 
 into by the merchants of Philadelphia. The extensive mer- 
 cantile concerns with England of the house of Mr. Morris, 
 and the large importations of her manufactures and colonial 
 produce by it, must have made this sacrifice considerable- 
 
 The massacre at Lexington, April, 1775, seems to have de- 
 cided the mind of Mr. Morris, as to the unalterable course 
 which he would adopt in respect to England. The news of 
 this measure reached Philadelphia four days after its occur- 
 rence. Robert Morris, with a large company, were at this 
 time engaged at the city tavern, in the celebration, on George's 
 day, of their patron saint. The news was received by the 
 company with the greatest surprise. The tables, at which 
 they were dining, were immediately deserted. A few only 
 of the members, among whom was Mr. Morris, remained. 
 To these, indeed to all, who had been present, it was evident 
 that the die was cast — that the Lexington measure was an 
 event which must lead to a final separation from the British 
 government. Such an opinion Mr. Morris, at this time, ex- 
 })ressed ; he was willing it should take place, and from this 
 time cordially entered into all the measures which seemed 
 the most likely to efl'ect the object. 
 
 On the third of November, 1775, Mr. Morris was elected, 
 by the legislature of Pennsylvania, a delegate to the second 
 congress that met at Philadelphia. " A few weeks after he 
 had taken his seat, he was added to the secret committee of 
 that body, which had been formed by a resolve of the pre- 
 ceding congress, (1775,) and whose duty it was ' to contract 
 for the importation of arms, ammunition, sulphur, and salt- 
 petre, and to export produce on the public account, to pay 
 for the same.' He Avas also appointed a member of the com- 
 mittee for fitting out a naval armament, and specially com- 
 missioned to negociate bills of exchange for congress ; to 
 borrow money for the marine committee, and to manage the 
 fiscal concerns of congress on other occasions. Independ- 
 ently of his enthusiastic zeal in the cause of his country, his 
 capacity for business, and knowledge of the subje^'ts com- 
 
236 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 mitted to him, or his talents for managing pecuniary con- 
 cerns, he was particularly fitted for such services ; as the 
 commercial credit he had established among his fellow- 
 dtizens probably stood higher than that of any other man in 
 the community, and this he did not hesitate to avail himself 
 of, whenever the public necessities required such an evidence 
 of his patriotism. 
 
 A highly interesting illustration of this last remark, is 
 furnished in the conduct of Mr. Morris in the December 
 following the declaration of independence. For some time 
 previous, the British army had been directing its course to 
 wards Philadelphia, from which congress had retired, leaving 
 a committee, consisting of Mr. Morris, Mr. Clymer, and Mr. 
 Walton, to transact all necessary continental business. 
 
 While attending to the duties of their appointment, Mr. 
 Morris received a letter from Gen. Washington, then with his 
 army on the Delaware, opposite Trenton, in which letter he 
 communicated to Mr. Morris his distressed state, in conse- 
 quence of the want of money. The sum he needed was ten 
 thousand dollars, which was essentially necessary to enable 
 him to obtain such intelligence of the movement and position 
 of the enemy, as would authorise him to act offensively. 
 To Mr. Morris, Gen. Washington now looked, to assist him 
 in raising the money. 
 
 This letter he read with attention, but what could he do ? 
 The citizens generally had left the city. He knew of no one, 
 who possessed the required sum, or who would be willing to 
 lend it. The evening approached, and he left his counting- 
 room to return home. On the way, he accidentally overtook 
 an honest quaker, with whom he was acquainted. The qua- 
 ker inquired of him the news. Mr. Morris replied, that he 
 had but little news of importance to communicate, but he had 
 a subject which pressed with great weight upon his mind. 
 He now informed the quaker of the letter which he had re- 
 ceived, the situation of Genera] Washington, and the imme- 
 diate necessity of ten thousand dollars. " Sir," said Mr. 
 Morris, " you must let me have it. My note and my honour 
 will be your only security." The quaker hesitated a moment, 
 
ROP.F.RT MORRIS. 237 
 
 but at length replied, " Robert, thou shalt have it." The 
 money was soon told, was transmitted to Washington, whom 
 it enabled to accomplish his wishes, and to gain a signal vic- 
 tory over the Hessians at Trenton, thus animating the droop- 
 ing spirits of patriotism, and checking in no small degree, 
 tlie proud hopes and predictions of the enemy. 
 
 Another instance of patriotic liberality is recorded of Mr. 
 Morris in 1779, or 1780. These were distressing years of 
 the war. The army was alarmingly destitute of military 
 stores, particularly of the essential article of lead. It was 
 found necessary to melt down the weights of clocks and the 
 spouts of houses ; but, notwithstanding resort was had to 
 every possible source, the army was often so destitute, that it 
 could scarcely have fought a single battle. 
 
 In this alarming state of things, General Washington 
 wrote to several gentlemen, and among the rest to Judge 
 Peters, at that time secretary to the board of war, stating his 
 necessities, and urging an immediate exertion to supply the 
 deficiency. 
 
 This it seemed impossible to do. Mr. Peters, however, 
 showed the letter of Washington to Mr. Morris. Fortu- 
 nately, just at this juncture, a privateer belonging to the lat- 
 ter gentleman had arrived at the wharf, with ninety tons of 
 lead. Half of this lead Avas immediately given by Mr. Mor- 
 ris, for the use of the army, and the other half was purchas- 
 ed by Mr. Peters of other gentlemen, who owned it, Mr. 
 Morris becoming security for the payment of the debt. 
 At a more advanced stage of the war, when pressing distress 
 in the army had driven congress and the commander in chief 
 almost to desperation, and a part of the troops to mutiny, 
 he supplied the army with four or five thousand barrels of 
 flour upon his own private credit ; and on a promise to that 
 effect, persuaded a member to withdraw an intended motion 
 to sanction a procedure, which, although common in Europe, 
 would have had a very injurious effect upon the cause of the 
 country : this was no less than to authorize General Wash- 
 ington to seize all the provision that could be found, within a 
 circle of twenty miles of his camp. While financier, his 
 
338 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 notes constituted, for large transactions, part of the circula- 
 ting medium. Many other similar instances occurred of this 
 patriotic interposition of his own personal responsibility for 
 supplies which could not otherwise have been obtained. 
 
 Allusion has been made above to the gloomy posture of 
 affairs, during the year 1780 ; at this time the wants of the 
 army, particularly of provisions, were so great, as to threaten 
 its dissolution. This state of things, being communicated 
 to Mr. Morris, he immediately proposed the establishment 
 of a Bank, the principal object of which was, to supply the 
 army with provisions. This plan becoming popular, ninety- 
 six subscribers gave their bonds, on this occasion, by which 
 they obliged themselves to pay, if it should become neces- 
 sary, in gold and silver, the amounts annexed to their names, 
 to fulfil the engagements of the Bank. By this means, the 
 confidence of the public in the safety of the bank was con- 
 firmed. 
 
 Mr. Morris headed the list with a subscription of 10,OOOZ. ; 
 others followed to the amount of 300,000Z. The directors 
 were authorized to borrow money on the credit of the bank, 
 and to grant special notes, bearing interest at six per cent. 
 The credit thus given to the bank effected the object in- 
 tended, and the institution was continued until the bank of 
 North America went into operation in the succeeding year. 
 It was probably on this occasion, that he purchased the four 
 or five thousand barrels of flour, abovementioned, on his own 
 credit, for the army, before the funds could be collected to 
 pay for it." 
 
 We have not yet spoken of the congressional career of 
 Mr. Morris, nor is it necessary to delay the reader by a mi- 
 nute account of the services which he rendered the country, 
 in the national assembly. In this capacity, no one exhibited 
 a more untiring zeal, none more cheerfully sacrificed ease and 
 comfort than he did. He accomplished much by his active 
 exertions, and perhaps not less by the confidence which he 
 uniformly manifested of ultimate success. The display of 
 such confidence powerfully tended to rouse the desponding, 
 to fix the Avavering, and confirm the brave. 
 
ROBERT MORRIS. 239 
 
 In another way, Mr. Morris contributed to advance the 
 patriotic cause. During the wliole war, he maintained an 
 extensive private correspondence with gentlemen in England 
 by means of Avhich he often received information of impor- 
 tance to this country. "These letters he read to a few select 
 mercantile friends, who regularly met in the insurance room 
 at the merchant's coffee house, and through them the intel- 
 ligence they contained was diffused among the citizens, and 
 thus kept alive the spirit of opposition, made them acquaint- 
 ed with the gradual progress of hostile movements, and con- 
 vinced them how little was to be expected from the govern- 
 ment in respect to the alleviation of the oppression and hard- 
 ships against which the colonies had for a long time most 
 humbly, earnestly, and eloquently remonstrated. This prac- 
 tice, which began previous to the suspension of the inter- 
 course between the two countries, he continued during the 
 war; and through the route of the continent, especially 
 France and Holland, he received for a while the despatches, 
 which had formerly come directly from England." 
 
 In the year 1781, Mr. Morris was appointed by congress, 
 superintendant of finance, an office then for the first time 
 established. Tliis appointment Avas unanimous. Indeed it 
 is highly probable that no other man in the country Avould 
 have been competent to the task of managing such great 
 concerns as it involved, or possessed, like himself, the happy 
 expedient of raising supplies, or deservedly enjoyed more, 
 if equal, public confidence among his fellow-citizens, for 
 punctualit)^ in the fulfilment of his engagements. 
 
 Some idea may be formed of them, when it is known that 
 he was required to examine into the state of the public debt?, 
 CKpenditurcP, and revenue ; to digest and report plans for 
 improving and regulating the finances ; and for establishing 
 order and economy in the expenditure of public money. To 
 him was likewise committed the disposition, management, 
 and disbursement of all the loans received from the govern- 
 ment of France, and various private persons in that country 
 and Holland ; the sums of money received from the different 
 states ; and of the public funds for every possible source of 
 
240 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 expense for the support of government, civil, military, and 
 naval ; the procuring supplies of every description for the 
 army and navy ; the entire management and direction of the 
 public ships of war; the payment of all foreign debts; and 
 the correspondence of our ministers at European courts, on 
 subjects of finance. In short, the whole burden of the money 
 operations of government was laid upon him. No man ever 
 liad more numerous concerns committed to his charge, and 
 few to greater amount ; and never did any one more faithful- 
 ly discharge the various complicated trusts with greater dis- 
 patch, economy, or credit, than the subject of this sketch." 
 
 Never was an appointment more judicious than the ap- 
 pointment of Mr. Morris as financier of this country. At 
 this time the treasury was more than two millions and a half 
 in arrears, and the greater part of the debt was of such a 
 nature that the payment could not be avoided, or even de- 
 layed, and therefore. Dr. Franklin, then our minister in 
 France, was under the necessity of ordering back from Am- 
 sterdam monies which had been sent thither for the purpose 
 of being shipped to America. If he had not taken this step, 
 the bills of exchange drawn by order of congress must have 
 been protested, and a vital stab given to the credit of the go- 
 vernment in Europe. At home, the greatest public as well 
 as private distress existed ; public credit had gone to wreck, 
 and the enemy built their most sanguine hopes of overcoming 
 us, upon this circumstance ; and the treasury was so much 
 in arrears to the servants in the public offices, that many of 
 them could not, without payment, perform their duties, but 
 must have gone to jail for debts they had contracted to ena- 
 ble them to live. To so low an ebb was the public treasury 
 reduced, that some of the members of the board of war 
 declared to Mr. Morris that they had not the means of send- 
 ing an express to the army. The pressing distress for pro- 
 vision among the troops, has already been mentioned. The 
 paper bills of credit were sunk so low in value, as to require a 
 burdensome mass of them to pay for an article of clothing." 
 
 But the face of things soon began to change through the 
 exertions of Mr. Morris. Without attempting to give the 
 
ROBERT MORRIS- 
 
 241 
 
 history of his wise and judicious management, it will be suffi- 
 cient to say, in the language of an elegant historian of the 
 American war, " certainly the Americans owed, and still owe, 
 as much acknowledgment to the financial operations of Ro- 
 bert Morris, as to the negociations of Benjamin Franklin, 
 or even the arms of George Washington." 
 
 To Mr. Morris, also, the country was indebted for the es- 
 tablishment of the bank of North America, and for all the 
 public benefits which resulted from that institution. By 
 means of this, public credit was greatly revived ; internal im- 
 provements were promoted, and a general spring was given 
 to trade. " The circulating medium was greatly increased 
 by the circulation of its notes, which being convertible at 
 will into gold or silver, were universally received equal there- 
 to, ^nd commanded the most unbounded confidence. Hun- 
 dreds availed themselves of the security afibrdcd by the vaults 
 of the bank, to deposit their cash, which, from the impossi- 
 bility of investing it, had long been hid from the light ; and 
 the constant current of deposits in the course of trade, au- 
 thorised the directors to increase their business and the 
 amount of their issues, to a most unprecedented extent. 
 The consequence of this was, a speedy and most perceptible 
 change in the state of affairs, both public and prift'ate." 
 
 We now come to an event, on account of the interest in 
 which the name of Robert Morris should be remembered with 
 gratitude by the American people, while republican America 
 shall last. The campaign of 1781, respected the reduction 
 of New-York; this was agreed upon by Washington and the 
 French general, Count Rochambeau, and it was expected that 
 the French fleets, under De Barras and De Grasse, would 
 co-operate. Judge the surprise when, on the arrival of the 
 French fleet, it was announced to Washington, that the 
 French admiral would not enter the bay of New-York, as 
 was anticipated, but would enter and remain for a few weeks 
 in the Chesapeake. 
 
 This necessarily altered all the arrangements respecting the 
 campaign. It was now ob\'ious to Washington, that the re- 
 duction of New-York would be impracticable. In this state 
 21 21 
 
243 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION 
 
 of things, it is hinted by Dr. Mease, in his biographical 
 sketch of Mr. Morris, in the Edinburgh Encyclopedia, to 
 which article we are greatly indebted, that Mr. Morris sug- 
 gested to Washington the attack on Cornwallis, which put a 
 finishing stroke to the war. Whether this be so or not, cer- 
 tain it is, that until the news was communicated to Wash- 
 ington, that the French fleet would not come into New-York 
 bay, the project of a southern campaign had not been deter- 
 mined upon by the commander in chief. But when, at length, 
 it was determined upon, whether at the suggestion of Robert 
 Morris or not, we are unable to say, it is certain that he pro- 
 vided the funds which enabled General Washington to move 
 his army towards the south, and which led to the decisive 
 battle which terminated the war. 
 
 The length to which this article is already extended, for- 
 bids any further account of the services of this distinguished 
 patriot. 
 
 " It adds not a little, however," says Dr. Mease, " to the 
 merit of Mr. Morris, to be able to say, that notwithstanding 
 his numerous engagements as a public or private character, 
 their magnitude, and often perplexing nature, he was enabled 
 to fulfil all the private duties which his high standing in so 
 ciety necessarily imposed upon him. His house was the seat 
 of elegant, but unostentatious hospitality, and he regulated 
 his domestic aflliii's with the same admirable order which had 
 so long proverbially distinguished his counting-house, and 
 the oflices of the secret committee of congress, and that of 
 finance. The happy manner in which he conducted his offi- 
 cial and domestic concerns, was owing, in the first case, to 
 his own superior talents for dispatch and metliod in busi- 
 ness, and, in the last, to the qualifications of his excellent 
 partner, the sister of the esteemed bishop of Pennsylvania, 
 Dr. White. An introduction to Mr. Morris was a matter of 
 course, with all the strangers in good society, who, for half a 
 century, visited Philadelphia, either on commercial, public, 
 or private business ; and it is not saying too much to assert, 
 that during a certain period, it greatly depended upon him to 
 lio the honours of the city ; and certainly no one was more 
 
ROBERT MORRIS. 343 
 
 qualified, or more willing to support them. Although active 
 in the acquisition of wealth as a merchant, no one more free- 
 ly parted with his gains, for public or private purposes of a 
 meritorious nature, whether these were to support the credit 
 of the government, to promote the objects of humanity, local 
 improvement, the welfare of meritorious individuals in society, 
 or a faithful commercial servant. The instances in which he 
 slionc on all these occasions were numerous. Some in refe- 
 ference to the three former particulars, have been mentioned, 
 and more of his disinterested generosity in respect to the last 
 could be given, were the present intended to be any thing 
 more than a hasty sketch. The prime of his life was enga- 
 ged in discharging the most important civil trusts to his coun- 
 try that could possibly fall to the lot of any man ; and mil- 
 lions passed through his hands as a public officer, without the 
 smallest breath of insinuation against his correctness, or of 
 negligence amidst "the defaulters of unaccounted thousands," 
 or the losses sustained by the reprehensible carelessness of 
 national agents. 
 
 From the foregoing short statement, we may have some 
 idea of the nature and magnitude of the services rendered by 
 Mr. Morris to the United States. It may be truly said, that 
 few men acted a more conspicuous or useful part; and when 
 we recollect, that it was by his exertions and talents, that the 
 United States were so often relieved from their difficulties, at 
 times of great depression and pecuniary distress, an estimate 
 may be formed of the weight of obligations due to him from 
 the people of the present day. The length to which this ar- 
 ticle is already extended, forbids any further particulars res- 
 pecting this distinguished man. It may be proper to add, 
 however, that the latter part of his life was rendered unhappy, 
 by an unfortunate scheme of land speculation, in which he en- 
 gaged, and by which his pecuniary aflairs became exceeding- 
 ly embarrassed ; yet amidst his severest trials, he maintained 
 a firmness and an independence of character, which in similar 
 circumstances belong to but few. 
 
 At length, through public labour, and private misfortune, 
 
244 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 his constitution was literally worn rfut, and like a shock of 
 corn fully ripe, he came to his end on the 8th of May, 1806, 
 in the seventy-third year of his age. 
 
 BENJAMIN RUSH. 
 
 Benjamin Rush was born on the 24th of December, 1745, 
 O. S. in the township of Byberry, twelve or fourteen miles 
 northeast of Philadelphia. His ancestors emigrated from 
 England to Pennsylvania, about the year 1683. 
 
 The fatlier of young Rush died when lie was six years of 
 age. The care of his education therefore devolved upon his 
 mother, who well understood the importance of knowledge, 
 and early took measures to give her son a liberal education. 
 Young Rush was sent to the academy at Nottingham, in Ma- 
 ryland, about sixty miles southeast from Philadelphia. This 
 academy had long been conducted, with great reputation, by 
 the Reverend Dr. Finley, afterwards president of Princeton 
 college, in New-Jersey. 
 
 Under the care of this excellent man, and among the peo- 
 ple of Nottingham, who were remarkable for their simplicity, 
 industry, morality, and religion, Rush spent five years, in ac- 
 quiring a knowledge of the Greek and Latin languages. In 
 this retired spot, and at this early age, he is said to have been 
 deeply impressed with a reverence for religion, with the im- 
 portance of a regular life, and of diligence, industry, and a 
 punctual attention to business ; and in general, of such steady 
 habits, as stamped a value on his character through life. The 
 solid foundation which was thus laid for correct principles 
 and an upright conduct, was chiefly the work of the learned 
 and pious Dr. Finley. He was an accomplished instructor of 
 youth. He trained his pupils for both worlds, having re- 
 spect in all his intercourse with them, to their future, as well 
 as present state of existence. 
 
BENJAMIN RUSH. 246 
 
 After finishing his preparatory studies at Nottingham, he 
 was entered in 1759, a student in the college of Princeton, 
 then under the superintendence of President Davies. Such 
 had been his progress in his classical studies at Nottingham, 
 that he obtained the degree of bachelor of arts in 17G0, and 
 before he had completed his fifteenth year. 
 
 On leaving college, he commenced the study of medicine, 
 under the direction of the eminent Dr. Redman, of Philadel- 
 I)liia. He was also one of Dr. Shippc-n's ten pupils, who at- 
 tended the first course of anatomical lectures given in this 
 country. In 176G, he went to Edinburgh, where he spent 
 two years at the university in that city, and from which he 
 received the degree of M. D. in 17G8. 
 
 The next winter after his graduation he spent in London ; 
 and the following spring having visited France, in the autumn 
 of the same year he returned to Philadelphia, and commen- 
 ced the practice of medicine. 
 
 In 1709, he was elected professor of chemistry in the col- 
 lege of Philadelphia. This addition to Drs. Shippen, Mor- 
 gan, Kuhn, and Bond, who had begun to lecture a few years 
 before, completed the various departments, and fully organi- 
 zed this first medical school in America. By a subsequent 
 arrangement in 1791, the college was merged in a university, 
 and Dr. Rusli was appointed professor of the institutes and 
 practice«of medicine, and of clinical practice, in the university 
 of Pennsylvania. 
 
 As a lecturer on chemistry, and a practitioner, Dr. Rush 
 !)ecamc deservedly popidar. During liis residence abroad, 
 his professional attainments were much enlarged, and he was 
 successful in introducing several valuable improvements. 
 He was particularly attaclicd to the system of depletion, and 
 resorted to bleeding in many new cases. Next to the lancet, 
 he used cathartics ; and upon these two remedies he chiefly 
 depended for the cure of diseases. About the year 1790, 
 twenty years after Dr. Rush had been a practitioner, and 
 professor of medicine, he began to publish his new principles 
 of medicine. These were more or less developed by him in 
 
 21» 
 
246 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 his successive annual course of lectures, for the aubsequent 
 twenty-three years of his life. 
 
 It is not our province to settle the merits of that system, 
 which Dr. Rush adopted. He applied his principles of medi- 
 cine to the cure of consumptions, dropsies, hydrocephalus, 
 apoplexy, gout, and other diseases of the body, and also to 
 madness, and the diseases of the mind. He depended chiefly 
 upon the lancet, and strongly urged the use of calomel, to 
 which he gave the name of " the Sampson of the Materia 
 Medica." 
 
 It was not to be expected that a system, in many respects 
 so novel, should be adopted by every one. It had its strong 
 opposers, and these opposers exist at the present day. They 
 objected to the system of depletion, but agreed with Doctor 
 Rush, that calomel was well entitled to the name of " Samp- 
 son," not for the reason which he assigned, but "because," 
 swiid they, " it has slain its tho7isands.^^ 
 
 In the year 1793, Dr. Rush had an opportunity of apply- 
 ing his principles, in the treatment of yellow fever. In that 
 year, Philadelphia was desolated by that tremendous scourge, 
 after an interval of thirty-one years. The disease baffled the 
 skill of the oldest and most judicious physicians ; and they 
 differed about the nature, and the treatment of it. " This 
 general calamity lasted for about one hundred days, extend- 
 ing from July till November. The deaths in the whole of 
 this distressing period, were four thousand and forty-four, 
 or something more than thirty-eiglit each day, on an average. 
 Whole families were confined by it. There was a great defi- 
 ciency of nurses for the sick. There was likewise a great 
 deficiency of physicians, from the desertion of some, and the 
 sickness and death of others. At one time, there were but 
 three physicians, who were able to do business out of their 
 houses, and at this time there were probably not less than six 
 thousand persons ill with the fever." 
 
 " A cheerful countenance was scarcely to be seen for six 
 weeks. The streets every where discovered marks of the 
 distress that pervaded the city. In walking for many hun- 
 dred yards, few persons were met, except such as were in 
 
BENJAMIN RVSH. 247 
 
 quest of a physician, a nurse, a bleeder, or the men who 
 buried the dead. The hearse alone kept up the remembrance 
 of the noise of carriages, or carts, in the streets. A black 
 man leading or driving a horse, with a corpse, on a pair of 
 chair wheels, met the eye in most of the streets of the city, at 
 every hour of the day ; while the noise of the same wheels 
 passing slowly over the pavement kept alive anguish and fear 
 in the sick and well, every hour of the night." 
 
 For some time after the commencement of the disease, all 
 the physicians were nearly alike unsuccessful in the manage- 
 ment of it. At this time, Dr. Rush resorted to gentle evacu- 
 ants as had been used in the yellow fever of 1762 ; but find- 
 ing these unavailing, he applied himself to an investigation 
 of the disease, by means of the authors who had written on 
 the subject. He ransacked his library, and pored over every 
 book which treated of the yellow fever. At length he took 
 up a manuscript, which contained an account of the disease, 
 as it prevailed in Virginia, in 1741, and which was given to 
 him by Dr. Franklin, and had been written by Dr. Mitchell of 
 Virginia. In this manuscript the propriety and necessity of 
 powerful evacuants were stated and urged, even in cases of 
 extreme debility. 
 
 These ideas led Dr. Rush to an alteration in his practice. 
 He adopted the plan of Dr. Mitchell. He administered calo- 
 mel and jalap combined, and had the happiness of curing four 
 of the first five patients to whom he administered this medi- 
 cine, notwithstanding some of tliem were advanced several 
 days in the disease. 
 
 " After such a pledge of the safety and success of this new 
 medicine," says Dr, Thatcher, in his biographical sketch of 
 Dr. Rush, " he communicated the prescription to such of the 
 practitioners as he met in the streets. Some of them, he 
 found, had been in the use of calomel for several days ; but as 
 they had given it in single doses only, and had followed it by 
 large doses of bark, wine, and laudanum, they had donejittle 
 or no good with it. He imparted the prescription to the col- 
 lege of physicians, on the third of September, and endeavour- 
 ed to remove the fears of his fellow citizens, by assuring them 
 
24S PENNSVLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 that the disease was no longer incurable. The credit his 
 prescription acquired, brought him an immense accession of 
 business. It continued to be ahnost uniformly effectual, in 
 nearly all those cases which he was able to attend, either in 
 person, or by his pupils. But he did not rely upon purges 
 alone to cure the disease. The theory which he had adopted 
 led him to use other remedies, to abstract excess of stimulus 
 from the system. These were blood letting, cool air, cold 
 drinks, low diet, and application of cold water to the body. 
 He began by drawing a small quantity of blood at a time. 
 The appearance of it when drawn, and its effects upon the 
 system, satisfied him of its safety and efficacy, and encouraged 
 him to proceed. Never did he experience such sublime joy 
 as he now felt, in contemplating the success of his remedies. 
 It repaid him for all the toils and studies of his life. The 
 conquest of this formidable disease was not the effect of acci- 
 dent, nor of the application of a single remedy ; but it was 
 the triumph of a principle in medicine. In this joyful state 
 of mind, he entered in his note book, dated the 10th of Sep- 
 tember, ' Thank God, out of one hundred patients whom I 
 have visited or prescribed for this day, I have lost none.' 
 
 " Being unable to comply with the numerous demands 
 which were made upon him, for the purging powders, not- 
 withstanding he had employed three persons to assist his 
 pupils in putting them up, and finding himself unable to at- 
 tend all the persons who sent for him, he furnished the apo- 
 thecaries with the receipt for the mercurial purges, together 
 with printed directions for giving them, and for the treatment 
 of the disease. Had he consulted his own interest, he would 
 silently have pursued his own plans of cure, with his old pa- 
 tients, who still confided in him and his new remedies ; but 
 he felt, at this season of universal distress, his professional 
 obligations to all the citizens of Philadelphia, to be superior 
 to private and personal considerations ; and therefore de- 
 termined, at every hazard, to do every thing in his power to 
 save their lives. Under the influence of this disposition, he 
 addressed a letter to the college of physicians, in which ho 
 stated his objections to Dr. Stevens's remedies, and defended 
 
BENJAMIN RUSH. 249 
 
 those he had recommended. He likewise defended them in 
 the public papers, against the attacks that were made upon 
 them by several of the physicians of the city, and occasioo- 
 ally addressed such advice to the citizens as experience had 
 suggested to be useful to prevent the disease. In none of the 
 recommendations of his remedies did he claim the credit of 
 their discovery. On the contrary, he constantly endeavour 
 ed to enforce their adoption by mentioning precedents in 
 favour of tlieir efficacy, from the highest authorities in medi 
 cine. This controversy was encouraged merely to prevent 
 the greater evil of the depopulation of Philadelphia, by the 
 use of remedies which had been prescribed by himself as 
 well as others, not only without eflect, but with evident inju 
 ry to the sick. The repeated and numerous instances of 
 their incfficacy, and the almost uniform success of the de- 
 pleting remedies, after a while procured submission to the lat 
 ter, from nearly all the persons who were affected by ths 
 fever. 
 
 " Many whole families, consisting of five, six, and, in 
 three instances, of nine members, were recovered by plenti- 
 ful purging and bleeding. These remedies were prescribed 
 with great advantage by several of the physicians of the city. 
 But the use of them was not restricted to the physicians alone; 
 the clergy, the apothecaries, many private citizens, several 
 intelligent women, and two black men, prescribed them with 
 great success. Nay, more, many persons prescribed them 
 to themselves. It was owing to the almost universal use of 
 these remedies, that the mortality of the disease diminished 
 in proportion as the number of persons who were affected by 
 it increased. It is probable that not less than six thousand 
 of the inhabitants of Philadelphia were saved from death by 
 bleeding and purging, during the autumn of 1793. 
 
 " The credit which this new mode of treating the disease 
 acquired in all parts of the city, produced an immense influx 
 of patients to Dr. Rush. His pupils were constantly employ- 
 ed at first in putting up purging powders, but after a while 
 only in bleeding and visiting the sick. 
 
 "Between the 8th and 15th of September, Dr. Rush visited 
 
256 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 and prescribed for a hundred and a hundred and twenty pa- 
 tients a day. In the short intervals of business, which he 
 spent at his meals, his house was filled with patients, chief- 
 ly the poor, waiting for advice. For many weeks he sel- 
 dom ate without prescribing for numbers as he sat at table. 
 To assist him, three of his pupils, Mr. Stall, Mr. Fisher, 
 and Mr. Cox, accepted of rooms in his house, and became 
 members of his family. Their labours now had no re- 
 mission. He employed every moment in the interval of 
 his visits to the sick, in prescribing in his house for the 
 poor, or in sending answers to messages from his patients. 
 Unable to comply with the numerous applications that were 
 made to him, he was obliged to refuse many every day. 
 His sister counted forty-seven applicants for medical aid 
 turned off in one forenoon, before eleven o'clock. In 
 riding through the streets, he was often forced to resist the 
 entreaties of parents imploring a visit to their children, or of 
 cliildren to their parents. He \vas sometimes obliged to 
 tear himself from persons who attempted to stop him, and to 
 urge his way by driving his chair as speedily as possible be- 
 yond the reach of their cries. While he was thus over- 
 whelmed with business, and his own life endangered, without 
 being able to answer the numerous calls made on him, he re- 
 ceived letters from his friends in the country, pressing him, 
 in the strongest terms, to leave the city. To one of these 
 letters he replied, " that he had resolved to stick to his prin- 
 ciples, his practice, and his patients, to the last extremity." 
 
 The incessant labours of Dr. Rush, both of body and mind, 
 during this awful visitation, nearly overpowered his health, 
 and for a time his useful life was despaired of. By a timely 
 application of remedies, however, he was restored, and able 
 to return to the duties of his profession. But ill health was 
 not the only evil he suffered, as the consequence of his ac- 
 tivity, during the prevalence of the yellow fever in Philadel- 
 phia. His mode of treatment was called in question by many 
 of his contemporaries, notwithstanding the great success 
 which attended it. At length the prejudices against him in- 
 fected not only physicians, but a considerable part of the 
 
BENJAMIN RUSH. 251 
 
 community. The public journals were enlisted against him, 
 and in numerous pamphlets his system was attacked with 
 great severity. He Avas even called a murderer, and was at 
 length threatened to be prosecuted and expelled the city.. 
 
 The benefactors of mankind have not unfrequently been 
 treated in a similar manner. They suffer for a time ; but 
 justice is at length done them. Dr. Harvey, as a conse- 
 quence of publishing his account of the circulation of the 
 blood, lost his practice ; and the great Dr. Sydenham suffered 
 in a similar niauner, for introducing depleting medicine in 
 cases of inllannnatory fevers. On the termination of the fever 
 in Philadelphia, a motion was made in a public meeting of 
 the citizens in that city, to thank the physicians for their ser- 
 vices during the prevalence of the fever, but no one would 
 second it. This was high ingratitude, and especially when 
 it is considered that eight out of thirty -live of the physicians, 
 who continued in the city, died; and of those who remained, 
 but three escaped the fever. 
 
 Notwithstanding the great labours of Dr. Rush as a lec- 
 turer and practitioner, he was a voluminous writer. His 
 printed works consisted of seven volumes, six of which treat 
 of medical subjects. One is a collection of essays, literary, 
 moral, and philosophical. It is a matter of wonder how a 
 physician, who had so many patients to attend — a professor, 
 who had so man}* pupils to instruct — could find leisure to 
 write so much, and at the same time so well. Our wonder 
 will cease, when it is known that he suffered no fragments of 
 time to be wasted, and that he improved every opportunity 
 of acquiring knowledge, and used all practicable means for 
 retaining and digesting what he had acquired. In his early 
 3'outh he had the best instructors, and in every period of his 
 life, great opportunities for mental improvement. He was 
 fifted from heaven with a lively imagination, a retentive me- 
 mory, a discriminating judgment, and he made the most of 
 all these advantages. From boyhood till his last sicknesa, 
 he was a constant and an indefatigable student. He read 
 much, but tliouglit more. His mind was constantly en- 
 grossed with at least one literary inquiry, to which, for the 
 
252 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 time, he devoted his undivided attention. To make himsell 
 master of that subject, he read, he meditated, he conversed. 
 It was less his custom to read a book through, than to reaa 
 as much of all the authors within his reach as bore on the sub- 
 ject of his present inquiry. His active rmnd brooded over 
 the materials thus collected, compared his ideas, and traced 
 their relations to each other, and from the whole drew his 
 own conclusions. In these, and similar mental exercises, he 
 was habitually and almost constantly employed, and daily 
 aggregated and multiplied his intellectual stores. In this 
 manner his sound judgment was led to form those new com- 
 binations, which constitute principles in science. He formed 
 acquaintances with his literary fellow-citizens, and all well 
 informed strangers, who visited Philadelphia; and drew from 
 them every atom of infarmation he could obtain, by conver- 
 sing on the subjects with which they were best acquainted. 
 He extracted so largely from the magazine of knowledge 
 deposited in the expanded mind of Dr. Franklin, that he 
 once mentioned to a friend, his intention to write a book with 
 the title of Frankliniana, in which he proposed to collect the 
 fragments of wisdom, which he had treasured in his memory, 
 as they fell in conversation from the lips of this great ori- 
 ginal genius. To Dr. Rush, every place was a school, every 
 one with whom he conversed was a tutor. He was never 
 without a book, for, when he had no other, the book of nature 
 was before him, and engaged his attention. In his lectures 
 to his pupils, he advised them, ' to lay every person they 
 met with, whether in a packet boat, a stage wagon, or a 
 public road, under contribution for facts on physical sub- 
 jects.' What the professor recommended to them, he prac- 
 tised himself. His eyes and ears were open to see, hear, 
 and profit by every occurrence. The facts he received 
 from persons of all capacities he improved to some valuable 
 purpose. He illustrates one of his medical theories by a fact 
 communicated by a butcher ; another from an observation 
 made by a madman, in the Pennsylvania Hospital. In his 
 scientific work on the diseases of the mind, he refers fre- 
 quently to poets, and particularly to Shakspeare, to illustrate 
 
BENJAMIN RUSH. 253 
 
 the history of madness, and apologises for it in the following 
 words. ' They (poets) view tlie human mind in all its opera- 
 tions, whether natural or morbid, with a microscopic eye, 
 and hence many things arrest their attention, which escape 
 the notice of physicians.' It may be useful to students to 
 be informed, that Dr. Rush constantly kept by him a note 
 book, consisting of two parts, in one of which he entered 
 facts as they occurred ; in the other, ideas and observations, 
 as they arose in his own mind, or were suggested by others 
 in conversation. His mind Avas under such complete dis- 
 cipline, that he could read or write with perfect composure, 
 in the midst of the noise of his children, the conversation 
 of his family, and the common interrogatories of his visiting 
 patients. A very moderate proportion of his time was devo- 
 ted to sleep, and much less to the pleasures of the table. In 
 the latter case, sittings were never prolonged, but in conver- 
 sation on useful subjects, and for purposes totally distinct 
 from the gratifications of appetite. In the course c-f nearly 
 seventy years spent in this manner, he acquired a sum of 
 useful practical knowledge that has rarely been attained by 
 one man, in any age or country." 
 
 Medical inquiries were the primary objects of Dr. Rush's 
 attention ; yet he by no means neglected other branches of 
 knowledge. In the earlier part of his life, he paid great 
 attention to politics. The subjects of a political character, 
 which chiefly engrossed his mind, were the independence of 
 his country, the establishment of wise constitutions for the 
 states generally, and for his own state particularly, and the 
 difl'usion of knowledge among the American people. On 
 these subjects he usefully employed his pen in numerous 
 essays, which were published under a variety of names. 
 
 This political knowledge, and political integrity, were so 
 well appreciated, that sundry offices were conferred upon 
 him. He was a member of the celebrated congress of 1T76, 
 which declared these states free and independent. This 
 event Dr. Rush perceived to be the harbinger of important 
 blessings to the American people. He was not one of those 
 Mho thought so much of commerce, of the influx of riches, 
 22 
 
254 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 or high rank among the nations. These, indeed, he well 
 knew were consequences which would result from the decla- 
 ration of independence. But these he viewed as a minor 
 consideration, compared with the increase of talents and know- 
 ledge. The progress of eloquence, of science, and of mind, 
 in all its various pursuits, was considered by him as the ne- 
 cessary effect of republican constitutions, and in the pro- 
 spect of them he rejoiced. Nor was he disappointed ; for in 
 a lecture, delivered in November, 1799, he observes : "from 
 a strict attention to the state of mind in this country, before the 
 year 1774, and at the present time, I am satisfied the ratio of 
 intellect is as twenty are to one, and of knowledge as a hun- 
 dred are to one, in these stites, compared with what they 
 were before the American revolution." 
 
 In 1777, he was appointed physician general of the military 
 hospital in the middle department, sometime after which he 
 published his observations on our hospitals, army diseases, 
 and the effects of the revolution on the army and people. 
 
 In 1787, he became a member of the convention of Penn- 
 sylvania for the adoption of the federal constitution. This 
 constitution received his warmest approbation. He pro- 
 nounced the federal government a masterpiece of human 
 wisdom. From it he anticipated a degree of felicity to the 
 American people Avhich they have not, and probably never 
 will, experience. 
 
 For the last fourteen years of his life, he was treasurer for 
 tlie United States mint, by appointment of President Adams ; 
 an office which was conferred upon him, as a homage to his 
 talents and learning, and by means of which something was 
 added to his revenue. 
 
 Dr. Rush took a deep interest in the many private associa- 
 tions, for the advancement of human happiness, with which 
 Pennsylvania abounds. In the establishment of the Phila- 
 delphia Dispensary, the first institution of the kind in the 
 United States, he led the way. He was the principal agent 
 in founding Dickinson College, in Carlisle ; and through his 
 influence, the Rev. Dr. Nisbet, of Montrose, in Scotland, wae 
 induced to remove to America to take charge of it. For spme 
 
BENJAMIN RUSH. 2o5 
 
 years, he was president of the society for the abolition of sla- 
 very, and, also, of the Philadelphia Medical Society. He was 
 a founder of the Philadelphia Bible Society, and one of its vice- 
 presidents, and a vice-president of the American Philosophical 
 Society. He was an honorary member of many of the literary 
 institutions, both of this country and of Europe. In 1805, he 
 was honoured by the king of Prussia, with a medal, for his re- 
 plies to certain questions on the yellow fcsver. On a similar 
 account, he was presented with a gold medal in 1807, from the 
 queen of Etruria; and in 1811, the Emperor of Russia sent 
 him a diamond ring, as a testimony of his respect for his me- 
 dical character. 
 
 Dr. Rush was a public writer for forty-nine years, and 
 from the nineteenth to the sixty-eighth year of his age. His 
 works, which were quite numerous, show much reading, deep 
 investigation, and tried experience. He seems to have com- 
 bined the most useful in physical science, with the most ele- 
 gant in literature. Instead of being a mere collator of the 
 opinions of others, he was constantly making discoveries and 
 improvements of his own ; and from the result of his indivi- 
 dual experience and observation, established more principles, 
 and added more facts to the science of medicine, than all who 
 had preceded him in his native country. The tendency of all 
 his writings was decidedly good. 
 
 He powerfully, and to some extent successfully, employed 
 his pen against some of the habits and vices of mankind. His 
 *' Inquiry into the effects of ardent spirits upon the human 
 body and mind," has been more read than any of his works. 
 All the medical philosophy that was pertinent to the subject, 
 was incorporated with it. Striking descriptions of the per- 
 gonal and family distress occasioned by that vice, and of its 
 havoc on the minds, bodies and estates of its unhappy votaries, 
 were given, and the means of prevention and cure pointed 
 out. The whole was illustrated by a scale, graduated like a 
 thermometer, showing at one view the effects of certain 
 enumerated liquors on the body, the mind, and the condition 
 in society of those who are addicted to them. In the last 
 year of Dr. Rush's life, he presented to the general assembly 
 
356 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 of the Presbyterian churcli in the United Statf , '^ne thousand 
 copies of tliis popular pamphlet, to be given away among the 
 people of their respective congregations. About the same 
 time, tliat numerous and respectable body passed a resolution, 
 enjoining on their members to exert themselves in counter- 
 acting this ruinous vice. 
 
 In his " Observations upon the influence of the habitual 
 use of tobacco upon health, morals, and property," Dr. Rush 
 employed his eloquent pen in dissuading from practices, 
 which insensibly grow into habits productive of many unfore- 
 seen evils. 
 
 Dr. Rush was a great practical physician. In the treat- 
 ment of diseases he was eminently successful, and in descri- 
 bing their symptoms and explaining their causes, he was un- 
 commonly accurate. Ncr is this matter of wonder, for he 
 was minutely acquainted with the histories of diseases of all 
 ages, countries, and occupations. The annals of medicine 
 cannot produce an account of any great epidemic disease, 
 tliat has visited our earth, in any age, or country, which is 
 more minute, accurate, and completely satisfactory, than Dr. 
 Rush's description of the yellow fever of 1793, in Philadel- 
 phia. Had he never written anotlier line, this alone would 
 have immortalized his name. He Avas a physician of no 
 common cast. His prescriptions were not confined to doses 
 of medicine, but to the regulation of the diet, air, dress, exer- 
 cise, and mental actions of his patients, so as to prevent 
 disease, and to make healthy men and women from invalids. 
 His pre-eminence as a physician, over so many of his contem- 
 poraries, arose from the following circumstances : 
 
 He carefully studied the climate in which he lived, and the 
 symptoms of acute and chronic diseases therein prevalent ; 
 the difi'erent habits and constitutions of his patients, and 
 varied his prescriptions with their strength, age, and sex. 
 
 He marked the influence of difl'erent seasons, upon the 
 same disease; and varied his practice accordingly. He obser- 
 ved and recorded the influence of successive epidemic dis- 
 eases upon each other, and the hurtful as well as salutary 
 effects of his remedies, and thereby acquired a knowledge ol 
 
BKNJAMIX KUSH. 257 
 
 ihe character of the reigning disease in every successive sea- 
 son. His notes and records of the diseases, which have taken 
 place in Philadelphia for the last forty-four years, must be 
 of incalculable value to such as may have access to them. In 
 attendance upon patients, Dr. Rush's manner was so gentle 
 and sympathising, that pain and distress were less poignant in 
 his presence. On all occasions he exhibited the manners of 
 a gentleman, and his conversation was sprightly, pleasant, 
 and instructive. His letters were peculiarly excellent ; for 
 they were dictated by a feeling heart, and adorned with the 
 effusions of a brilliant imaginatioi;i His correspondence 
 was extensive, and his letters numerous ; bait every one of 
 them, as far as can be known to an individual, contained 
 something original, pleasant, and sp-ightly. I can truly say, re- 
 marks Dr. Ramsay, that in the course of thirty-five years' cor- 
 respondence and friendly intercourse, I never received a let 
 ter from him without being delighted and improved ; nor left 
 his company without learning something. His observations 
 were often original, and when otherwise, far from insipid : 
 for he had an uncommon way of expressing common thoughts. 
 He possessed in a high degree those talents which engage the 
 heart. He took so lively an interest in every thing that 
 concerned his pupils, that each of them believed himself a 
 favourite, while his kind offices to all proved that he was the 
 common friend and father of them all. 
 
 In lecturing to his class, Dr. Rush mingled the most ab- 
 struse investigation with the most agreeable eloquence ; the 
 sprightliest sallies of imagination, with the most profound dis- 
 quisitions ; and the whole was enlivened with anecdotes, both 
 pleasant and instructive. His language was simple and al- 
 ways intelligible, and his method so judicious, that a consistent 
 view of the subject was communicated, and the recollection 
 of the whole rendered easy. His lectures were originally 
 written on leaves alternately blank. On the blank side he 
 entered from time to time, every new fact, idea, anecdote, or 
 illustration, that he became possessed of, from any source 
 w^iatever. In the course of about four years, the blank was 
 generally so far filled xm, that he found it expedient to make 
 3-L 22* 
 
358 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 a new set of lectures. In this way he not only enlightened 
 the various subjects, on which it was his province to instruct 
 his class ; but the light which he cast on them, for forty-four 
 successive years, was continually brightening. The instruc- 
 tions he gave to his pupils by lectures, though highly valua- 
 ble, were less so than the habits of thinking and observation 
 he, in some degree, forced upon them. His constant aim was 
 to rouse their minds from a passive to an active state, so as 
 to enable them to instruct themselves. Since the first insti- 
 tution of the medical school in Pennsylvania, its capital, 
 Philadelphia, has been he very atmosphere of medicine, and 
 that atmosphere has been constantly clearing from the fogs 
 of error, and becoming more luminous from the successive 
 and increasing diffusion of the light of truth. A portion of 
 knowledge floated about that hallowed spot, which was im- 
 bibed by every student, without his being conscious of it, 
 and had an influence in giving to his mind a medical texture. 
 To this happy state of things all the professors contributed. 
 Drs. Wistar, Barton, Physick, Dorsey, Coxe, and James, the 
 survivors of that illustrious and meritorious body, will ac- 
 knowledge that their colleague, Professor Rush, was not de- 
 ficient in his quota. 
 
 We have hitherto viewed Dr. Rush as an author, a physi- 
 cian, a professor, and a philosopher ; let us now view him as 
 a man. From him we may learn to be good, as well as great. 
 Such was the force of pious example and religious education 
 in the first fifteen years of his life, that though he spent the en- 
 suing nine in Philadelphia, Edinburgh, London, and Paris, ex- 
 posed to the manifold temptations which are inseparable from 
 great cities, yet he returned, at the age of twenty-four, to his na- 
 tive country, with unsullied purity of morals. The sneers of in- 
 fidels, and the fascinations of pleasure, had no power to divert 
 him from the correct principles and virtuous habits which had 
 been ingrafted on his mind in early youth. He came home 
 from his travels with no excessive attachment but to his books ; 
 no other ambition than that of being a great scholar ; and with- 
 out any desire of making a stepping-stone of his talents and 
 education, to procure for him the means of settling down in 
 
BENJAMIN RUSir. 259 
 
 inglorious case, without the fartlier cultivation and exertion of 
 liis talents. In a conversation which he held with Dr. Ram- 
 say, thirty-five years ago, Dr. Rush observed, that as he step- 
 ped from the ship that brought him home from Europe, he 
 resolved that " no circumstances of personal charms, fortune, 
 or connexions, should tempt him to perpetrate matrimony, 
 (his own phrase,) till he had extended his studies so lar that a 
 family would be no impediment to his farther progress." To 
 this resolution of sacrificing every gratification to his love 
 for learning, and his desire of making a distinguislied figure 
 in the republic of letters, he st')}»dily adhered. For this he 
 trimmed the midnight lamp ; lor this, though young, gay, 
 elegant in person and manners, and possessed of the most in- 
 sinuating address, he kept aloof from all scenes of dissipation, 
 enervating pleasure, and unprofitable company, however 
 fashionable ; and devoted himself exclusively to the cultiva- 
 tion of those powers which God had given him. 
 
 Piety to God was an eminent trait in the character of Dr 
 Rush. In all his printed works, and in all his private trans- 
 actions, he expressed the most profound respect and vene'ra- 
 tion for the great Eternal. At the close of his excellent ob- 
 servations on tlic pulmonary consumption, he observes, " I 
 cannot conclude this inquiry without adding, that the author 
 of it derived from his paternal ancestors a predisposition to 
 pulmonary consumption ; and that, between the eighteenth 
 and forty-third year of his age, he has occasionally been af- 
 flicted with many of the symptoms of that disease which lie 
 has described. By the constant and faithful use of many of 
 the remedies which he has now recommended, he now, in 
 the sixty-first )'car of his age, enjoys nearly an uninterrupted 
 exemption from pulmonary complaints. In humble gratitude, 
 therefore, to that Being who condescends to be called the 
 ' preserver of men,' he thus publicly devotes the result of his 
 experience and inquiries to the benefit of such of his fellow 
 creatures as may be afflicted with the same disease, sincerely 
 wishing that they may be as useful to them as they have been 
 to the author." 
 
 It was not only by words, but in deeds, that he expressed 
 
260 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 his reverence for the Divine character. It was his usual prac- 
 tice to close the day by reading to his collected family a 
 chapter in the Bible, and afterwards by addressing his Maker 
 in prayer, devoutly acknowledging his goodness for favours 
 received, and humbly imploring his continued protection and 
 blessing. His respect for Jehovah, led him to respect his 
 ministers, who acted consistently with their high calling. He 
 considered their office of the greatest importance to society, 
 both in this world and that which is to come. He stiengthen- 
 cd their hands, and was alwa 's ready and willing to promote 
 and encourage arrangempiiL^'e/or their comfortable support, 
 and for building churches, and for propagating the gospel. 
 In an address to ministers of every denomination, on subjects 
 interesting to morals, he remarks, " If there were no here- 
 after, individuals and societies would be great gainers by at- 
 tending public worship every Sunday. Rest from labour in 
 the house of God winds up the machine of both soul and 
 body better than any thing else, and thereby invigorates it 
 for the labours and duties of the ensuing week." Dr. Rush 
 made his first essay as an author, Avhen an apprentice to Dr. 
 Redman, by writing an eulogy on the Rev. Gilbert Tennentj 
 who had been the friend and fellow labourer of the celebrated 
 George Whitfield, and an active, useful, animated preacher 
 of the gospel, from 1725 till 17G4. On the 27th of May, 
 1809, he wrote to his cousin. Dr. Finley, to this effect : "The 
 general assembly of the presbyterian church is now in ses- 
 sion in Philadelphia. It is composed of many excellent men, 
 some of whom are highly distinguished by talents and learn- 
 ing, as well as piety. I have had some pleasant visits from u 
 number of them, and have been amply rewarded for my ci- 
 vilities to them, by their agreeable and edifying conversation. 
 They remind me of the happy times when their places in the 
 church were filled by your venerable father, and his illus- 
 trious contemporaries and friends, Messrs. Tennent, Blair, 
 Davies, and Rodgers." 
 
 The life of Dr. Rush was terminated on the 19th of April, 
 in the 68th year of his age. During his illness, which was 
 of but few days continuance, his house was beset with crowds- 
 
r~- 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 261 
 
 of citizens, such was the general anxiety in respect to the life 
 of this excellent man. AVhen, at length, he died, the news 
 of his decease spread a deep gloom over the city, and ex- 
 pressions of profound sympathy were received from all parts 
 of the country. 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Benjamin Franklin was born at Boston, on the 17th of 
 January, 1706. His ancestors were from the county of 
 Northampton, in England, where they had for many genera- 
 tions possessed a small freehold estate, near the village of 
 Eaton. During the persecutions in the reign of Charles II., 
 against the puritans, the father of Benjamin, Avho was of 
 that persuasion, emigrated to America, and settling in Bos- 
 ton, had recourse for a livelihood to the business of a chan- 
 dler and soap boiler. His mother's name was Folger. She 
 was a native of Boston, and belonged to a respectable family. 
 
 At an early age, young Franklin discovered, as his parents 
 thought, a more than ordinary genius ; and they resolved to 
 give him an education, with reference to the profession of a 
 clergyman. According!}', he was placed at a grammar school, 
 where he soon attained the reputation of a lad of industrious 
 habits, and respectable genius. 
 
 Ilii parents, however, at the expiration of a year, found 
 that their slender revenues would not admit of the expense of 
 collegiate instruction. He was, therefore, soon after taken 
 home to prosecute the business of his father. In this occu- 
 pation he was employed for two years, but it was ill adapted 
 to his constitution, and he felt unwilling to continue cutting 
 wicks for candles, filling moulds, and running of errands. He 
 became uneasy, and at length resolved to embark on a sea- 
 faring life. To such a proposition, however, his parents 
 strongly objected, as they had already lost a son at sea. He 
 
262 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 was permitted, however, to change his business, and allowed 
 to choose an occupation which was more congenial to his in- 
 clinations. 
 
 His fondness for books had, from an early age, been singu- 
 larly great. He read every thing within his reach. His fa- 
 ther's library was itself scanty, being confined to a few such 
 works as Defoe's Essay upon Projects, Mather's Essay on 
 doing Good, and the Lives of Plutarch. These he perused 
 with great attention, and they appear to have exercised a fa- 
 vourable influence on his mind. His love of books was fre- 
 quently noticed by his father, who, at length, proposed to 
 bind him as an apprentice to an elder brother^ who was at 
 that time a printer of a newspaper in Boston. He was ac- 
 cordingly thus situated, in the year 1717, when he was scarce- 
 ly twelve years of age. He soon became a proficient in the 
 mechanical part of the business, and seized every opportuni- 
 ty for reading books that he could borrow from his acquaint- 
 ance, in which employment he spent the greater part of his 
 nights. He soon began to indulge himself in writing ballads 
 and other poetical pieces ; but, it is said, that his father spee- 
 dily satisfied him that this was not the species of composition 
 in which he could excel. His next etTorts were directed to 
 prose composition, in which his success is well known, and 
 duly appreciated. With a passion for reading and writing, 
 he imbibed a kindred one for disputation ; and adopting the 
 Socratic method, he became dexterous in confuting and con- 
 founding an antagonist, by a series of questions. This 
 course gave him a sceptical turn with regard to religion, and 
 while he was young he took every opportunity of propagating 
 his tenets, and with tlie ordinary zeal of a new convert. He 
 was, however, soon convinced, by the efl^ct produced on 
 some of his companions, that it was extremely dangerous to 
 loosen the ties of religion, without the probability of substi- 
 tuting other principles equally efficacious. The doubts 
 which subsisted in his own mind, he was never able to re- 
 move ; but he was not deficient in fortifying himself with 
 guch moral principles as directed him to the most valuable 
 ends, by honourable means. By habits of self-denial, early 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 263 
 
 formed, he obtained a complete dominion over his appetiteg, 
 so that, at the age of sixteen, he readily discarded animal 
 food, from the conviction produced in his mind by perusing a 
 work on the subject, that he should enjoy a more vigorous 
 state of health without it. He now offered his l)rother to 
 maintain himself, for half the sum paid for his board ; and 
 even with this he was able to make savings to purchase what 
 books he wanted. In his brother, he found a harsh master, 
 and Benjamin felt indignant at the treatment wliich he ex- 
 perienced from him in the way of business. His brother had 
 established a newspaper, in which the apprentice contrived 
 to insert some papers and essays anonymously. These were 
 read and highly commended by people of the best judgment 
 and taste in the town. The young man began now to feel 
 his importance, which was still more impressed on him by 
 having the paper published in his own name, that of his 
 brother, for some political offence, having been interdicted 
 by the state. 
 
 On the release of his brother, who had for some time been 
 imprisoned for the above political offence, Franklin was treat- 
 ed by him with so much Severity, that at length he determin- 
 ed to leave him. His indentures having before this been can- 
 celled, he secretly went on board of a vessel, bound to New- 
 York, in which he took passage for that city. After a few 
 days spent in New-York, having sought in vain to procure 
 business, he proceeded on foot to Philadelphia, where he 
 at length arrived, fatigued and destitute of all means of sup- 
 port. He was now but seventeen years of age, at the dis- 
 tance of four hundred miles from home, nearly pennyless, 
 without employment, without a counsellor, and unacquainted 
 with a single person in the city. 
 
 The day following his arrival he wandered through the 
 streets of Philadelphia with an appearance little short of a 
 beggar. His pockets were distended by his clothes, which 
 were crowded into them ; and provided with a roll of. bread 
 under each arm, he proceeded through the principal streets 
 of the city. His uncouth appearance attracted the notice of 
 several of the citizens, and among others of a Miss Reed, 
 
294 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 who afterwards became his wife, and by whom, as he passed 
 aJong, he was thought to present a very awkward and ridicu- 
 lous appearance. 
 
 There were at this time but two printing offices in Phila- 
 delphia. Fortunately, in one of these he found employment 
 as compositor. His conduct was very becoming ; he was at- 
 tentive to business, and economical in his expenses. His 
 fidelity not only commended him to his master, but was no- 
 ticed by several respectable citizens, who promised him their 
 patronage and support. 
 
 Among others, who took much notice of him, was Sir Wil- 
 liam Keith, at that time governor of the province. The go- 
 vernor having become acquainted with the history of his re- 
 cent adventures, professed a deep interest in his welfare, and 
 at length proposed that he should commence business on his 
 own account ; at the same time, promising to aid him with 
 his intluence and that of his friends, and to give him the 
 printing of the government. Moreover, the governor urged 
 him to return to Boston, to solicit the concurrence and as- 
 sistance of his father. At the same time, he gave him a let- 
 ter to that gentleman, replete with assurances of affection, 
 and promises of support to the son. 
 
 With this object in view, he sailed for Boston, and at 
 length, after an absence of several months, he again entered 
 his father's house. He was affectionately received by the 
 family. To his father he communicated the letter of Go- 
 vernor Keith, which explained the object of his return. His 
 father, however, judiciously advised him, on account of youth 
 and inexperience, to relinquish the project of setting up a 
 printing office, and wrote to this effect to his patron. Govern- 
 or Keith. Having determined to follow the advice of his 
 father, he returned to Philadelphia, and again entering the 
 employment of his former master, pursued his business with 
 his usual assiduous attention. 
 
 Governor Keith, on learning the advice and decision of 
 Franklin's father, offered himself to furnish the necessary 
 materials for a printing establishment, and proposed to Frank- 
 lin to make a voyage to England to procure them. This pro- 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 265 
 
 posal Franklin readily accepted, and with gratitude to his 
 generous benefactor, he sailed for England in 1725, accom- 
 panied by his friend Ralph, one of his literary associates in 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 Before his departure, he exchanged promises of fidelity 
 with Miss Reed of Philadelphia, with whose father he had 
 lodged. Upon his arrival in London, Mr. Franklin found 
 that Governor Keith, upon whose letters of credit and re- 
 commendation he relied, had entirely deceived him. He 
 was now obliged to work as a journeyman printer, and ob- 
 tained employment in an office in Bartholomew-close. His 
 friend Ralph did not so readily find the means of subsist- 
 ence, and was a constant drain upon the earnings of Frank- 
 lin. In that great city, the morals of the young travellers 
 were not much improved ; Ralph forgot, or acted as if he 
 had forgotten, t?iat he had a wife and child across the Atlan- 
 tic ; and Franklin was equally forgetful of his promises and 
 engagements to Miss Reed. About tliis period he published, 
 " A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and 
 Pain," dedicated to Ralph, and intended as an answer to 
 Wollaston's "Religion of Nature." This piece rained for 
 him some degree of reputation, and introduced him to the 
 acquaintance of Dr. Mandeville, author of the " Fable of the 
 Bees," and some other literary characters Franklin was 
 always temperate and industrious, and his habits in this 
 respect were eventually the means of securing his morals, 
 as well as of raising his fortune. In the interesting account 
 which he has left of his own life, is a narrative of the method 
 which he took in reforming the sottish habits of his fellow- 
 woiimen in the second printing oflTice in Avhich he was 
 engaged in London, and which was situated in the neighbour- 
 hood of Lincoln's-inn-fields. He tried to persuade them 
 that there was more real sustenance in a penny roll, than in a 
 pint of porter; at first, the plan of economy which he pro- 
 posed was treated with contempt or ridicule ; but in the end 
 he was able to induce several of them to substitute a warm 
 and nourishing breakfast, in the place of stimulating liquors. 
 
 Having resided about a year and a half in London, he 
 2M 23 
 
266 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 concerted a scheme with an acquaintance, to make the tour 
 of Europe. At this juncture, however, he fell in company 
 with a mercantile friend, who was about returning home to 
 Philadelphia, and who now persuaded Franklin to abandon 
 liis project of an eastern tour, and to enter his service in the 
 capacity of a clerk. On the 22d of July, 1726, they set sail 
 for Philadelphia, where they arrived the 11th of October. 
 
 The prospects of Franklin were now brighter. He was 
 attached to his new adopted profession, and by his assiduous 
 attention to business gained the confidence of his employer 
 so much, that he was about to be commissioned as supercargo 
 to the West Indies, when of a sudden his patron died, by 
 which, not only his fair prospects Avere blighted, but he was 
 once more thrown out of all employment. 
 
 He had, however, one resource, and that was a return to 
 the business of printing, in the service of his former master. 
 At length, he became superintendant of the printing office 
 where he worked, and finding himself able to manage the 
 concern with some skill and profit, he resolved to embark in 
 business for himself. He entered into partnership with a 
 fellow-workman, named Meredith,* whose friends were ena- 
 bled to furnish a supply of money sufficient for the concern, 
 which was no doubt very small ; for Franklin has recorded 
 the high degree of pleasure, which he experienced from a 
 payment of five shillings only, the first fruits of their earn- 
 ings. " The recollection," says this noble spirited man, 
 " of what I felt on this occasion, has rendered me more dis- 
 posed, than perhaps I might otherwise have been, to encour- 
 age young beginners in trade." His habitual industry and 
 undeviating punctuality, obtained him the notice and business 
 of the principal people in the place. He instituted a club 
 under the name of " the Junto," for the purpose of the dis- 
 cussion of political and philosophical questions, which proved 
 an excellent school for the mutual improvement of its several 
 members. The test proposed to every candidate, before his 
 aamission, was this ; " Do you sincerely declare that you 
 love mankind in general, of what profession or religion so- 
 ever ? Do you think any person ought to be harmed in his 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 2G7 
 
 body, name, or goods, for mere speculative opinions, or his 
 external way of worship ? Do you love truth for truth's sake ; 
 and will you endeavour impartially to find and receive it 
 yourself, and communicate it to others." Mr. Franklin and 
 his partner ventured to set up a new public paper, which his 
 own eflbrts as writer and printer caused to succeed, and they 
 obtained likewise the printing of the votes and laws of the 
 assembly. In process of time, Meredith withdrew from the 
 partnership, and Franklin met with friends, who enabled him 
 to undertake the whole concern in his own name, and add to 
 it the business of a stationer. 
 
 In 1730, he married the lady to whom he was engaged be- 
 fore his departure for England. During his absence he for- 
 got his promises to her, and on his return to America, he 
 found her the wife of another man. Although a woman of 
 many virtues, she suffered from the unkindness of her hus- 
 band, who, fortunately for her, lived but a short time. Not 
 long after his death, Franklin again visited her, soon after 
 which they were married, and for many years lived in the 
 full enjoyment of connubial peace and harmony. 
 
 In 1732, he began to publish "Poor Richard's Almanac," 
 a work which was continued for twenty-five years, and which, 
 besides answering the purposes of a calendar, contained 
 many excellent prudential maxims, Avhich were of great 
 utility to that class of the community, who by their poverty 
 or laborious occupations, were deprived of the advantages 
 of education. Ten thousand copies of this almanac are 
 said to have been published every year, in America. The 
 maxims contained in it, were from time to time republished 
 both in Great Britain, and on the continent. 
 
 The political course of Franklinbeganin the year 173G, when 
 he was appointed clerk to the general assembly of Pennsyl- 
 vania ; an office which he held for several years, until he was, 
 at length, elected a representative. During the same year, 
 he assisted in the establishment of the American Philosophi- 
 cal Society, and of a college, which now exists under the title 
 of the University of Pennsylvania. In the following year he 
 was appointed to the valuable office of post-master of Phila- 
 
^368 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 delphia. In 1739 he improved the police of the city, in re- 
 spect to the dreadful calamity of fire, by forming a society 
 called a fire company, to which was afterwards added an as- 
 surance oflice, against losses by fire. 
 
 In 1742 he published his treatise upon the improvement 
 of chimnies, and at the same time contrived a stove, which 
 is in extensive use at the present day. 
 
 In the French war of 1744, he proposed a plan of volun- 
 tary association for the defence of the country. This was 
 shortly joined by ten thousand persons, who were trained to 
 the use and exercise of arms. Franklin was chosen colonel 
 of the Philadelphia regiment, but he refused the honour in 
 favour of one, whom he supposed to be more competent to 
 the discharge of its duties. 
 
 During the same year he was elected a member of the pro- 
 vincial assembly, in which body he soon became very popu- 
 lar, and was annually re-elected by his fellow-citizens for the 
 space of ten years. 
 
 About this time, the attention of Mr. Franklin was parti- 
 cularly turned to philosophical subjects. In 1747, he had 
 witnessed at Boston, some experiments on electricity, which 
 excited his curiosity, and which he repeated on his return 
 to Philadelphia, with great success. These experiments led 
 to important discoveries, an account of which was transmit- 
 ted to England, and attracted great attention throughout all 
 Europe. 
 
 In the year 1749 he conceived the idea of explaining the 
 phenomena of thunder gusts, and of the aurora borealis, upon 
 electrical principles ; he pointed out many particulars, in 
 which lightning and electricity agreed, and he adduced many 
 facts and reasonings in support of his positions. In the same 
 year, he thought of ascertaining the truth of his doctrine by 
 drawing down the forked lightning, by means of sharp 
 pointed iron rods, raised into the region of the clouds. Ad- 
 mitting the identity of lightning and electricity, and knowing 
 the power of points in conducting away silently the electric 
 fluid, he suggested the idea of securing houses, ships, &c. 
 from the damages to wliich they were liable from lightning. 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 269 
 
 by erecting pointed iron rods, which should rise some feet 
 above the most elevated part, and descend some feet into the 
 ground, or the water. The effect of tlicsc, he concluded, 
 would be either to prevent a stroke, by repelling the cloud 
 beyond the striking distance, or by drawing off the electrical 
 fluid, Avhich it contained ; or at least, conduct the stroke to 
 the earth, without any injury to the building. It was not till 
 the summer of 1752, that Mr. Franklin was enabled to com- 
 plete his grand experiment. The plan which he proposed 
 was, to erect on some high tower, or elevated place, a sort of 
 hut, from which should rise a pointed iron rod, insulated by 
 being fixed in a cake of resin. Electrified clouds passing 
 over this, M'ould, he conceived, impart to it a portion of their 
 electricity, which might be rendered evident to the senses by 
 sparks being emitted, when the kn\ickle or other conductor 
 was presented to it. While he was waiting for the erection 
 of a spire, it occurred to hira, that he might have more ready 
 access to the region of clouds by means of a common kite ; 
 lie accordingly prepared one for the purpose, affixing to the 
 upright stick an iron point. The string m^is as usual, of 
 hemp, except the lower end, which was silk, and where the 
 hempen part terminated, a key was fastened, ^yith this sim- 
 ple apparatus, on the appearance of a thunder storm approach- 
 ing, he went into the fields, accompanied by his son, to whom 
 alone he communicated his intentions, dreading probably the 
 ridicule which frequently awaits unsuccessful attempts in ex- 
 perimental philosophy. For some time no sign of electricity 
 appeared ; he was beginniug to despair of success, when he 
 suddenly observed the loose fibres of the string to start for- 
 ward in an erect position, lie now presented his knuckle to 
 the key, and received a strong spark. How exquisite must 
 his sensations have been at this moment? On this experiment 
 depended the fate of his theory ; repeated sparks were drawn 
 from the key, a phial was charged, a shock given, and all the 
 experiments made, which are usually performed with electri- 
 city. He immediately fixed an insulated iron rod upon his 
 house, which drew down the lightning, and gave him an op- 
 portunity of examining whether it were positive or negative, 
 23'.* 
 
270 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 and hence he applied his discovery to the securing of build- 
 ings from the effects of hghtning. 
 
 It will be impossible to enumerate all, or even a small part 
 of the experiments which were made by Dr. Franklin, or to 
 give an account of the treatises which he wrote on the 
 branches of science. Justice requires us to say, that he sel- 
 dom wrote, or discoursed on any subject, upon which he did 
 not throw light. Few men possessed a more penetrating 
 genius, or a happier faculty of discrimination. His investiga- 
 tions attracted the attention, and his discoveries called forth the 
 admiration of the learned in all parts of the world. Jealousy 
 was at length excited in Europe, and attempts were made, 
 not only to detract from his well earned fame, but to rob him 
 of the merit of originality. Others claimed the honour of 
 having first made several of his most brilliant experiments, or 
 attempted to invalidate the truth and reality of those, an ac- 
 count of which he had published to the world. The good 
 sense of Dr. Franklin led him to oppose his adversaries only 
 by silence, leaving the vindication of his merit to the slow, but 
 sure operations of time. 
 
 In 1753 he was raised to the important office of deputy 
 post master general of America. Through ill management, 
 this office had been unproductive : but soon after the appoint- 
 ment of Franklin, it became a source of revenue to the British 
 crown. In this station, he rendered important services to 
 General Braddock, in his wild and fatal expedition against 
 fort Du Quesne. When, at length, Braddock was defeated, 
 and the whole frontier was exposed to the incursions of the 
 savages and the French, Franklin raised a company of volun- 
 teers, at the head of which he marched to the protection of 
 the frontier. 
 
 At length, in 1757, the militia was disbanded by order of 
 the British government, soon after which Franklin was ap- 
 pointed agent to settle the disputes which had arisen between 
 the people of Pennsylvania, and the proprietary government. 
 With this object in view, he left his native country once more 
 for England. On his arrival, he laid the subject before the 
 privy council. The point in dispute was occasioned by an 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 271 
 
 effort of the proprietors to exempt their private estates from 
 taxation ; and because this exemption was not admitted, they 
 refused to make appropriations for the defence of the pro- 
 vince, even in times of the greatest danger and necessity. 
 FrankHn managed the subject with great ability, and at length 
 brought the proprietary faction to terms. It was agreed, 
 that the proprietary lands should take their share in a tax for 
 the public service, provided that Franklin would engage that 
 the assessment should be fairly proportioned. The measure 
 was accordingly carried into effect, and he remained at 
 the British court as agent for his province. His reputation 
 caused him also to be entrusted with the like commission 
 from Massacliusetts, Maryland, and Georgia. The molesta- 
 tion received by the British colonies, from the French in 
 Canada, induced him to write a pamphlet, pointing out the 
 advantages of a conquest of that province by the English ; and 
 the subsequent expedition against it, and its retention under 
 the British government, at the peace, were, it is believed, 
 much influenced by the force of his arguments on the subject. 
 About this period, his talents as a philosopher were duly 
 appreciated in various parts of Europe. He was admitted a 
 fellow of the royal society of London, and the degree of doc- 
 tor of laws was conferred upon him at St. Andrews, Edin- 
 burgh, and at Oxford. 
 
 In 1702 he returned to America. On his arrival the pro- 
 vincial assembly of Pennsylvania expressed their sense of his 
 meritorious services by a vote of thanks ; and as a remune- 
 ration for his successful labours in their behalf, they granted 
 him the sum of five thousand dollars. During his absence, he 
 had annually been elected a member of the assembly, in 
 which body he now took his seat. The following year he 
 made a journey of sixteen hundred miles, through the nor- 
 thern colonies, for the purpose of inspecting and regulating 
 the post offices. 
 
 In 17G4, he was again appointed the agent of Pennsylvania, 
 to manage her concerns in England, in which country he ar- 
 rived in the montli of December. About this period the 
 famous stamp act was exciting violent commotions in America. 
 
272 rENTifSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 Against this measure, Dr. Franklin strongly enlisted himself, 
 and on his arrival in England, he presented a petition against 
 it, which, at his suggestion, had been drawn up by the Penn- 
 sylvania assembly. At length the tumults in America became 
 so great, that the ministiy found it necessary either to modify 
 the act, or to repeal it entirely. Among others, Dr. Franklin 
 was summoned before the house of commons, wliere he un- 
 derwent a long examination. " No person was better ac- 
 quainted with the circumstances and internal concerns of the 
 colonies, the temper and disposition of the colonists towards 
 the parent country, or their feelings in relation to the late 
 measures of parliament, than this gentleman. His answers 
 to the numerous questions put to him in the course of 
 this inquiry, not only show his extensive acquaintance with 
 the internal state of the colonies, but evince his sagacity as a 
 statesmen. To the question, whether the Americans would 
 submit to pay the stamp duty if the act were modified, and 
 the duty reduced to a small amount ? He answered, no, they 
 never will submit to it. British statesmen were extremely 
 desirous tliat the colonial assemblies should acknoAvledge the 
 right of parliament to tax them, and rescind and erase from 
 their journals their resolutions on this subject. To a ques- 
 tion, whether the American assemblies would do this, Di. 
 Franklin answered, ' they never will do it, unless compelled 
 by force of arms.' " 
 
 The whole of this examination on being published was 
 read with deep interest, both in England and America. To 
 the statements of Dr. Franklin, the repeal of the stamp act 
 was, no doubt, in a great measure, attributable. 
 
 In the year 1766, and 1767, he made an excursion to Hol- 
 land, Germany, and France, where he met with a most flat- 
 tering and distinguished reception. To the monarch of the 
 latter country, Louis XV., he was introduced, and also to 
 other members of the royal family, by whom, as well as by 
 the nobility and gentry at court, he was treated with great 
 hospitality and courtesy. About this time, he was elected a 
 member of the French Academy of Sciences, and received 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 273 
 
 diplomas from several other literary societies in England, 
 and on the continent. 
 
 Alhision lias already been made, in our introduction, to the 
 discovery and publication, in 1772, of certain letters of Go- 
 vernor Hutchinson, addressed by that gentleman to his 
 friends in England, and which reflected in the severest man- 
 ner upon the people of America. These letters had fallen 
 into the hands of Dr. Franklin, and by him had been trans- 
 mitted to America, where they were at length inserted in the 
 public journals. For a time, no one in England knew 
 through what channel the letters had been conveyed to 
 America. In 1773, Franklin publicly avowed himself to be 
 the person who obtained the letters and transmitted them to 
 America. This occasioned a violent clamour against him, 
 and upon his attending before the privy council, in the fol- 
 lowing January, to present a petition from the colony of 
 Massachusetts, for the dismission of Mr. Hutchinson, a most 
 violent invective was pronounced against him, by Mr. Wed- 
 deburne, afterwards Lord Loughborough. Among other 
 abusive epithets, the honourable member called Franklin a 
 coward, a murderer, and a thief. During the whole of this 
 torrent of abuse, Franklin sat with a composed and unaverted 
 aspect, or, to use his own expression, in relation to himself 
 on another occasion, "as if his countenance had been made 
 of wood." During this personal and public insult, the whole 
 assembly appeared greatly amused, at the expense of Dr. 
 Franklin. The president even laughed aloud. There was a 
 single person present, however. Lord North, who, to his 
 honour be it recorded, expressed great disapprobation of the 
 indecent conduct of the assembly. The intended insult> 
 however, was entirely lost. The dignity and composure of 
 Franklin caused a sad disappointment among his enemies, 
 who were reluctantly compelled to acknowledge the superi- 
 ority of his character. Their animosity, however, was not 
 to be appeased, but by doing Franklin the greatest injury 
 within their power. They removed him from the office of 
 deputy post master general, interrupted the payment of his 
 salary as agent for the colonies, and finally instituted 
 2N 
 
274 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 against him a suit in chancery concerning the letters of 
 Hutchinson. 
 
 At length, finding all his efforts to restore harmony be- 
 tween Great Britain and the colonies useless ; and perceiv- 
 ing that the controversy had reached a crisis, when his pre- 
 sence in England was no longer necessary, and his continu- 
 ance personally hazardous, he embarked for America, where 
 he arrived in 1775, just after the commencement of hostilities. 
 He was received with every mark of esteem and affection. 
 He was immediately elected a delegate to the general con- 
 gress, in which body he did as much, perhaps, as any other 
 man, to accomplish the independence of his country. 
 
 In 1776, he was deputed by congress to proceed to Canada, 
 to negociate with the people of that country, and to persuade 
 them, if possible, to throw off the British yoke ; but the in- 
 habitants of Canada had been so much disgusted with the zeal 
 of the people of New-England, who had burnt some of their 
 chapels, that they refused to listen to the proposals made to 
 them by Dr. Franklin and his associates. On the arrival of 
 Lord Howe in America in 1776, he entered upon a correspon- 
 dence with him on the subject of reconciliation. He was 
 afterwards appointed, with two others, to wait upon the Eng- 
 lish commissioners, and learn the extent of their powers ; 
 but as these only went to the granting of pardon upon sub- 
 mission, he joined his colleagues in considering them as in- 
 sufficient. Dr. Franklin was decidedly in favour of a decla 
 ration of independence; and was appointed president of the 
 convention assembled for the purpose of establishing a new 
 government for the state of Pennsylvania. When it was 
 determined by congress to open a public negociation with 
 France, he was commissioned to visit that country, with 
 which he negotiated the treaty of alliance, offensive and de- 
 fensive, which produced an immediate war between England 
 and France. Dr. Franklin Avas one of the commissioners 
 who, on the part of the United States, signed the provincial 
 articles of peace in 1782, and the definitive treaty in the fol- 
 lowing year. Before he left Europe, he concluded a treaty 
 with Sweden and Prussia. By the latter, he obtained several 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 275 
 
 most liberal and humane stipulations in favour of the free- 
 dom of commerce, and the security of private property 
 during war, in conformity to those principles which he had 
 ever maintained on these subjects. Having seen the accom- 
 plishment of his wishes in the independence of his country, 
 he recjuested to be recalled, and after repeated solicitations, 
 Mr. Jefl'erson was appointed in his stead. On the arrival of 
 his successor, he repaired to Havre de Grace, and crossing 
 the English channel, landed at Newport in the Isle of Wight, 
 whence, after a Avvourable passage, he arrived safe at Phila- 
 delphia, in September, 1785. 
 
 The news of his arrival, was received with great joy by 
 tlie citizens. A vast multitude (locked from all parts to see 
 him, and amidst the ringing of bells, the discharge of artillery, 
 the acclamations of thousands, conducted him in triumph to 
 his own house. In a few days, he was visited by the mem- 
 bers of congress, and the principal inhabitants of Philadel- 
 phia. From numerous societies and assemblies he received 
 the most affectionate addresses. All testified their joy at his 
 return, and their veneration of his exalted character. 
 
 This was a period in his life of which he often spoke with 
 peculiar pleasure. "I am now," said he, " in the bosom of 
 my family, and find four new little prattlers, who cling about 
 the knees of their grandpapa, and afford me great pleasure. 
 I am surrounded by my friends, and have an alTectionate 
 good daughter and son-in-law to take care of me. I have 
 got into my niche, a very good house, which I built twenty- 
 four years ago, and out of which I have been ever since kept 
 by foreign employments." 
 
 The domestic tranquillity in wliich he now found himself, 
 he was not permitted long to enjoy, being appointed presi- 
 dent of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, an office which 
 he held for three years, and the duties of which he discharged 
 very acceptably to his constituents. Of the federal conven- 
 tion of 17b7, for organizing the constitution of the United 
 States, he was elected a delegate, and in the intricate discus- 
 sions which arose on different parts of that instrument, he 
 bore a distinguished part. 
 
276 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 In 1788, he withdrew from public life, his great age ren 
 dering retirement desirable, and the infirmities of his bodv 
 unfitting him for the burdens of public ofhce. On the 17th 
 of April, 1790, in the eighty-fourth year of his age, he ex- 
 pired, in the city of Philadelphia. He was interred on the 
 21st of April. Congress directed a general mourning for 
 him, throughout the United States, for the space of a month. 
 The national assembly of France testified their sense of the 
 loss which the world sustained, by decreeing that each mem- 
 ber should wear mourning for three days. Tliis was an ho- 
 nour perhaps never before paid by the national assembly of 
 one country, to a citizen of another. Dr. Franklin lies bu- 
 ried in the northwest corner of Christ Church yard, in Phila- 
 delphia. In his will he directed that no monumental orna- 
 ments should be placed upon his tomb. A small marble 
 slab only, therefore, and that, too, on a level with the sur- 
 face of the earth, bearing the name of himself and wife, and 
 the year of his death, marks the spot in the yard where he 
 lies. 
 
 Dr. Franklin had two children, a son and a daughter. The 
 son, under the British government, was appointed governor 
 of New-Jersey. On the occurrence of the revolution, he left 
 America, and took up his residence in England, where he 
 spent the remainder of his life. The daughter was respecta- 
 bly married in Philadelphia, to Mr. William Bache, whose 
 descendants still reside in that city. 
 
 In stature. Dr. Franklin was above the middle size. He 
 possessed a healthy constitution, and was remarkable for his 
 s'trength and activity. His countenance indicated a serene 
 state of mind, great depth of thought, and an inflexible re- 
 solution. 
 
 In liis intercourse with mankind, he was uncommonly 
 agreeable. In conversation, he abounded in curious and in- 
 teresting anecdote. A vein of good humour marked his con- 
 versation, and strongly recommended him to both old and 
 young, to the learned and illiterate. 
 
 As a philosopher, he justly ranks high. In his specula- 
 tions, he seldom lost sight of common sense, or yielded up 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 277 
 
 ?ns understanding either to enthusiasm or authority. He 
 contributed, in no small degree, to the extension of science, 
 and to the improvement of the condition of mankind. He 
 appears to have entertained, at some periods of his life, opi- 
 nions which were in many respects peculiar, and which pro- 
 bably were not founded upon a sound philosopliy. The fol- 
 lowing experiment, which he made some years after his fa- 
 ther's death, and after an absence of several years, to ascer- 
 tain whether liis mother would know him, will be thought at 
 least curious and interesting. It was his conjecture, if not a 
 well settled opinion, that a mother might, by a kind of in- 
 stinct or natural allcction, recognize her children, even al- 
 though she had lost the recollection of their particular fea- 
 tures. It was on a visit to his native town of Boston, after 
 an absence of many years, that this curious incident oc- 
 curred. 
 
 " To discover the existence of this instinct by actual ex- 
 periment," says an unknown writer, to whom we are indebt- 
 ed for the story, and upon whose responsibility we give it to 
 our readers, " the Doctor resolved to introduce himself as a 
 stranger to his mother, and to watch narrowly for the mo- 
 ment in which she should disco i'cr her son, and then to de- 
 termine, with the cool precision of the philosopher, whether 
 that discovery Avas the effect of that instinct of affection, that 
 intuitive love, that innate attacliment, which is conjectured 
 to cement relatives of the same blood ; and which, by ac- 
 cording tlie passions of parent and child, like a well-tuned 
 viol, would, at the first touch, cause them to vibrate in uni- 
 son, and at once evince that they were different chords of the 
 same instrument. 
 
 " On a sullen, chilly day, in the month of January, in the 
 afternoon, the Doctor knocked at his mother's door, and 
 asked to speak with Mrs. Franklin. He found the old lady 
 knitting before the parlour fire. He introduced himself, and 
 observing, that he understood she entertained travellers, re- 
 <iucsted a night's lodging. She eyed him with that cold look 
 of disapprobation which most people assume, when they ima- 
 gine themselves insulted, bv being supposed to exercise an 
 'Si 
 
278 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 employment but one degree below their real occupation in 
 life — assured him that he had been misinformed, that she did 
 not keep tavern ; but that it was true, to oblige some mem- 
 bers of the legislature, she took a number of them into her 
 family during the session ; that she had four members of the 
 council, and six of the house of representatives, who then 
 boarded with her ; that all her beds were full ; and then be- 
 took herself to her knitting, with that intense application, 
 which expressed, as forcibly as action could do, if you have 
 concluded your business, the sooner you leave the house the 
 better. But upon the Doctor's wrapping his coat around him, 
 affecting to shiver with cold, and observing that it was verv 
 chilly weather, she pointed to a chair, and gave him leave to 
 warm himself. 
 
 " The entrance of her boarders precluded all further con- 
 versation; coffee was soon served, and the Doctor partook with 
 the family. To the coffee, according to the good old custom 
 of the times, succeeded a plate of pippins, pipes, and a paper 
 of M'Intire's best, when the whole family formed a cheerful 
 smoking semi-circle before the fire. Perhaps no man ever 
 possessed colloquial powers to a more fascinating degree, 
 than Dr. Franklin, and never was there an occasion when he 
 displayed those powers to greater advantage, than at this 
 time. He drew the attention of the company, by the solidity 
 of his modest remarks, instructing them by the varied, new, 
 and striking lights in which he placed his subjects, and de- 
 lighted them with apt and amusing anecdotes. Thus employ- 
 ed, the hours passed merrily along, until eight o'clock, when, 
 punctual to a moment, ^Irs. Franklin announced supper. 
 Busied with her household affairs, she fancied the intruding 
 stranger had quitted the house, immediately after coffee, and 
 it was with difficulty she could restrain her resentment, when 
 she saw him, without molestation, seat himself at the table 
 with the freedom of a member of the family. 
 
 " Immediately after supper, she called an elderly gentle- 
 man, a member of the council, in whom she was accustomed 
 to confide, to another room ; complained bitterly of the rude 
 ness of the stranger ; told the manner of his introduction t*^ 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 279 
 
 her house ; observed tliat he appeared like an outlandish 
 man ; and, she thought, liad something very suspicious in 
 his appearance ; concluding by soliciting her friend's advice 
 with respect to the way in which she could most easily rid 
 herself of his presence. The old gentleman assured her, 
 that the stranger was certainly a young man of education, and 
 to all appearance a gentleman ; that, perhajjs, being in agreea- 
 ble company, he had paid no attention to the lateness of the 
 liour ; and advised her to call him aside, and repeat her ina- 
 bility to lodge him. She accordingly sent her maid to him, 
 and then, with as much temper as she could command, reca- 
 pitulated the situation of her family, observed that it grew 
 late, and mildly intimated that he would do well to seek him- 
 self a lodging. The Doctoi' replied, that he would by no 
 means incommode her family ; but that, with her leave, he 
 would smoke one pipe more with her boarders, and then 
 retire. 
 
 " lie returned to the company, filled his pipe, and with 
 the first whiff his powers returned with double force. He 
 recounted the hardships, he extolled the piety and policy of 
 their ancestors. A gentleman present mentioned the subject 
 of the day's debate in the house of representatives. A bill 
 had been introduced to extend the prerogatives of the royal 
 governor. The Doctor immediately entered upon the sub- 
 ject ; supported the colonial rights with new and forcible ar 
 gumcnts ; was familiar with the names of the influential men 
 in the house, when Dudley was governor ; recited their 
 speeches, and applauded the noble defence of the charter 
 of rights. 
 
 " During a discourse so appropriately interesting to the 
 company, no wonder the clock struck eleven, unperceiv- 
 ed by the delighted circle ; and was it wonderful that the 
 patience of Mrs. Franklin grew quite exhausted ? She now 
 entered the room, and, before the whole company, with much 
 warmth, addressed the Doctor ; told him plainly, she thought 
 herself imposed on ; observed, it was true she was a lone 
 woman, but that she had friends who would protect her, and 
 concluded bv insisting on his leaving the house. The Doc- 
 
280 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 tor made a slight apology, deliberately put on his great coat 
 and hat, took polite leave of the company, and approached 
 the street door, lighted by the maid, and attended by the mis- 
 tress. While the Doctor and his companions had been en- 
 joying themselves within, a most tremendous snow storm had, 
 without, filled the streets knee deep ; and no sooner had the 
 maid lifted the latch, than a roaring northeaster forced open 
 the door, extinguished the light, and almost filled the entry 
 with drifted snow and hail. As soon as it was re-lighted, the 
 Doctor cast a woful look towards the door, and thus address- 
 ed his mother : ' My dear madam, can you turn me out in 
 this dreadful storm? I am a stranger in this town, and shall 
 certainly perish in the streets. You look like a charitable 
 lady ; I shouldn't think you could turn a dog from your 
 door, in this tempestuous night.' ' Don't tell me of charity,' 
 said the offended matron ; ' charity begins at home. It is 
 your own fault you tarried so long. To be plain with you, 
 sir, I do not like your looks, or your conduct ; and I fear 
 you have some bad designs in thus introducing yourself to my 
 family.' 
 
 " The wai-mth of this parley had drawn the company from 
 the parlour, and by their united interference the stranger 
 was permitted to lodge in the house ; and as no bed could 
 be had, he consented to rest on an easy chair before the par- 
 lour fire. Although the boarders appeared to confide, per- 
 fectly, in the stranger's honesty, it was not so with Mrs. 
 Franklin. With suspicious caution, she collected her silver 
 spoons, pepper-box, and porringer, from her closet ; and, 
 after securing her parlour door, by sticking a fork over the 
 latch, carried the plate to her chamber ; charged the negro 
 man to sleep with his clothes on, to take the great lever to 
 bed with him, and to waken and seize the vagrant at the first 
 noise he made, in attempting to plunder the house. Having 
 tlius taken every precaution, she retired to her bed with her 
 maid, whom she compelled to sleep in her room. 
 
 " Mrs. Franklin rose before the sun, roused her domestics, 
 unfastened the parlour door with timid caution, and was 
 agreeably surprised to find her guest sleeping on his own 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 281 
 
 cliair. A sudden transition from extreme distrust to perfect 
 confidence, was natural. She awakened him witli a cheerful 
 good morning ; inquired liow he rested ; invited him to par- 
 take of her hreakfast, which was always served previous to 
 (hat of her boarders. ' And pray, sir,' said the lady, as she 
 sipped her chocolate, ' as you appear to be a stranger here, 
 to what distant country do you belong V 'I, madam, belong to 
 the city of Philadelphia.' At the mention of Philadelphia, 
 the Doctor declared he, for the lirst time, perceived some emo- 
 tion in her. ' Philadelphia /' said she, and all the mother 
 sulFused her eye : ' if you live in Philadelphia, perhaps yon 
 know our Ben.' ' Who, madam V ' Why Ben Franklin — my 
 Ben. — Oh ! he is the dearest child that ever blest a mother '.' 
 'What,' said the Doctor, ' is Ben Franklin, the printer, your 
 son; why he is my most intimate friend: he and I lodge in 
 the same room.' ' Oh ! God forgive me,' exclaimed the old 
 lady, raising her watery eyes to heaven — ' and have I suffered 
 a friend of my Benny to sleep in this hard chair, while I my- 
 self rested on a good bed?' 
 
 " How the Doctor discovered himself to his mother, he 
 has not informed us ; but from the above experiment, he was 
 firmly convinced, and was often afterwards heard to declare, 
 that natural affection did not exist." 
 
 Few men have exhibited a more worthy conduct than did 
 Dr. Franklin, through his long life. Through every vicissi- 
 tude of fortune, he seems to have been distinguished for his 
 sobriety and temperance, for his extraordinary perseverance 
 and resolution. He was not less distinguished for his veracity, 
 for the constancy of his friendship, for his candour, and his 
 fidelity to his moral and civil obligations. In the early part 
 of his life, he acknowledged himself to have been sceptical in 
 religion, but he became in maturer years, according to the tes- 
 timony of his intimate friend. Dr. William Smith, a believer in 
 divine revelation. The following extract from his memoirs, 
 written by himself, deserves to be recorded; " And here let 
 me with all humility acknowledge, that to Divine Providence 
 I am indebted for the felicity I have hitherto enjoyed. It is 
 that power alone which has furnished me with the means I 
 
282 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 have employed, and that has crowned them with success. 
 My faith in this respect leads me to hope, though I cannoi 
 count upon it, that the divine goodness will still be exercised 
 towards me, either by prolonging the duration of my happi- 
 ness to the close of life, or by giving me fortitude to support 
 any melancholy reverse which ma)^ happen to me as well as 
 to many others. My future fortune is unknown but to Him, 
 in whose hand is our destiny, and who can make our very 
 afflictions subservient to our benefit." 
 
 We conclude our notice of this distinguished man and 
 profound philosopher, by subjoining the following epitaph, 
 which was written by himself, many years previously to his 
 death : 
 
 The body of 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, Printer, 
 
 Like the cover of an old book, 
 
 its contents torn out, 
 
 and stript of its lettering and gilding, 
 
 lies here food for worms ; 
 
 Yet the work itself shall not be lost, 
 
 For it will (as he believed) appear once more 
 
 in a new 
 
 and more beautiful edition, 
 
 Corrected and amended 
 
 by the Author. 
 
 JOHN MORTON. 
 
 John Morton was a native of Ridley, in the county of 
 Chester, now Delaware. His ancestors were of Swedish ex- 
 traction, and among the first Swedish emigrants, who loca- 
 ted themselves on the banks of the Delaware. His father, 
 after whom he was called, died a few months previously to his 
 birth. His mother was some time after married to an Eng- 
 lishman, who possessed a more than ordinary education, and 
 who, with great kindness, on young Morton's becoming of 
 
JOHN MORTON. 283 
 
 the proper age, superintended and directed his education at 
 home. Here his active mind rapidly expanded, and gave 
 promise of the important part which he was destined to act 
 in the subsequent history of his country. 
 
 About the year 1764, he was commissioned as a justice of 
 the peace, and was sent as a delegate to the general assembly 
 of Pennsylvania. Of this body he was for many years an 
 active and distinguished member, and for some time the 
 speaker of the house of representatives. The following year 
 he was appointed by the house of representatives of Pennsyl- 
 vania to attend the general congress at New-York. The 
 object and proceedings of this congress are too well known to 
 need a recital in this place. 
 
 In 17(5(5, INIr. Morton was appointed sheriff of the county 
 in which he lived, an oflice which he continued to hold for 
 the three following years, and the duties of which he dis- 
 charged witli great satisfaction to the public. Some time 
 after, he was elevated to a seat on the bench, in the superior 
 court of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Of the memorable congress of 1774 he was a member, and 
 continued to represent the state of Pennsylvania in the national 
 assembly, through the memorable session of that body which 
 gave birtli to the declaration of American Independence. 
 
 On the occurrence of the momentous subject of independ- 
 ence, in the continental congress, Mr. Morton unexpectedly 
 found himself placed in a delicate and trying situation. Pre- 
 viously to the 4th of July, the states of Delaware and Pennsyl 
 vania had voted in opposition to that measure. Great doubts 
 were therefore entertained by the other members of con- 
 gress, how the Pennsylvania and Delaware delegations would 
 act. Much was obviously depending upon them, for it was 
 justly apprehended, that should these two states decline to 
 accede to the measure, the result might prove most unfortu- 
 nate. Happily, the votes of both these states were, at length, 
 secured in favour of independence. But, as the delegation 
 from Pennsylvania were equally divided, it fell to Mr. Mor- 
 ton to give his casting vote. The responsibility which he 
 tlius assumed was great, and even fearful, should the measure 
 
284 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 be attended by disastrous results. Mr. Morton, however, 
 was a man of firmness and decision, and, in the spirit of true 
 patriotism, he enrolled his vote in favour of the liberty of his 
 country. Considering his novel and solemn situation, he de- 
 serves to be remembered with peculiar respect, by the free 
 and independent yeomanry of America. 
 
 In the following year, he assisted in organizing a system of 
 confederation, and was chairman of the committee of the 
 whole, at the time it was finally agreed to, on the 15tli of No- 
 vember, 1777. During the same year, he was seized with an 
 inflammatory fever, which, after a few days, ended his mor- 
 tal existence, in the 54th year of his age. Mr. Morton was a 
 professor of religion, and a truly excellent man. To the 
 poor he was ever kind ; and to an affectionate family, consist- 
 ing of a wife, three sons, and five daughters, he was an affec- 
 tionate husband and father. His only enemies were those 
 who would not forgive him because of his vote in favour of 
 independence. During his last sickness, and even on the 
 verge of the eternal world, he remembered them, and re- 
 quested those who stood round him, to tell them, that the 
 hour would yet come, when it would be acknowledged, that 
 his vote in favour of American independence was the most il- 
 lustrious act of his life. 
 
 GEORGE CLYMER. 
 
 George Clymer was born in the city of Philadelphia, in 
 the year 1739. His father was descended from a respecta- 
 ble family of Bristol, in England ; and after his emigration 
 to America became connected by marriage with a lady in 
 Philadelphia. Young Clymer was left an orphan at the age 
 of seven years, upon which event the care of him devolved 
 upon William Coleman, a maternal uncle, a gentleman of 
 much respectability among the citizens of Philadelphia. 
 
GEORGE CLYMER. 285 
 
 The education of young Clymer was superintended by his 
 uncle, than whom few men were better quaUfied for such a 
 charge. The uncle possessed a cultivated mind, and early 
 instilled into his nephew a love of reading. On the comple- 
 tion of his education, he entered the counting-room of his 
 uncle. His genius, however, was little adapted to mercantile 
 employments, being more inclined to literary and scientific 
 pursuits. At a suitable period he commenced business for 
 himself, in connexion with Mr. Robert Ritchie, and afterwards 
 with two gentlemen, father and son, by the name of Mere- 
 diths, a daughter of the former of whom he subsequently 
 married. 
 
 Although Mr. Clymer embarked in the pursuits of com- 
 merce, and continued engaged in that business for many 
 years, he was always decidedly opposed to it. During his 
 mercantile operations, he found much time to read. He 
 was distinguished for a clear and original mind ; and though 
 he never pursued any of the learned professions, he became 
 well versed in the principles of law, history, and politics. 
 
 At the age of twenty-seven, he was married, as has already 
 been noticed, to a daughter of Mr. Meredith, a gentleman of 
 a generous and elevated mind, as the following anecdote of 
 him will show. "While yet a young man. General Washing- 
 ton had occasion to visit Philadelphia, where he was an en- 
 tire stranger. Happening in at the public house where 
 Washington lodged, Mr. Meredith observed him, inquired his 
 name, and finding him to be a stranger in the place, invited 
 him to the hospitalities of his house, and kindly insisted upon 
 his continuance with his family while he remained in the 
 city. This accidental acquaintance led to a friendship of 
 many years continuance, and at Mr. Meredith's, Washington 
 ever after made it his home when he visited Philadelphia. 
 
 Mr. Clymer may be said to have been by nature a repub- 
 lican. He was, also, a firm and devoted patriot. His feel- 
 ings were strongly enlisted, at an early age, against the arbi- 
 trary acts of the British government. Gifted with a sort of 
 prescience, he foresaw what was meditated against his coun- 
 try, and was ready to hazard every interest in support of tha 
 
286 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 pillars of American freedom. Hence, when conciliatory 
 measures Avith the parent country were found unavailincr, he 
 Avas one of the foremost to adopt measures necessary for de- 
 fence. He early accepted a captain's commission in a com- 
 pany of volunteers, raised for the defence of the province, 
 and manfully opposed, in 1773, the sale of tea, which was 
 sent out by the British government for the purpose of indi- 
 rectly levying a contribution on the Americans without their 
 consent. Never was a plan more artfully laid by the minis- 
 try of Great Britain ; never was an attack upon American 
 liberty more covert and insidious ; and never was a defeat 
 more complete and mortifying. On the arrival of the tea 
 destined to Philadelphia, the citizens of that place, in a nume- 
 rous meeting, adopted the most spirited resolutions, the ob- 
 ject of which was to prevent the sale of it. A committee 
 was appointed, of which Mr. Clymer was chairman, to wait 
 upon the consignees, and to request them not to attempt to 
 sell it. This was a delicate office ; the committee, how- 
 ever, fearlessly and faithfully discharged the duties of their 
 appointment ; and not a single pound of tea was oflered for 
 sale in the city of Philadelphia. 
 
 In 1775, Mr. Clymer was chosen a member of the council 
 of safety, and one of the first continental treasurers. On the 
 20th of July, of the following year, he was elected a member 
 of the continental congress ; and though not present when 
 the vote was taken on the question of independence, he had 
 the honour of affixing his signature to that instrument in the 
 following month. 
 
 In September, Mr. Clymer was appointed to visit Ticon- 
 deroga, in conjunction with Mr. Stockton, to inspect the 
 affairs of the northern army. In December of the same 
 year, congress, finding it necessary to adjourn to Baltimore, 
 in consequence of the advance of the British army towards 
 Philadelphia, left Mr. Clymer, Robert Morris, and George 
 Walton, a committee to transact such business in that city as 
 might be found necessary. 
 
 In 1777, Mr. Clymer was again a member of congress. 
 His duties during this session were particularly arduous, and 
 
GEORGE CLYMER. 2S7 
 
 owing to his unremitting- exertions, he was obliged to retire 
 for a season, for the recovery of his health. 
 
 During the fall of this distressing year, the family of Mr. 
 Clymer, which, at that time resided in the county of Chester 
 about twenty-five miles from Philadelphia, suffered severely, 
 in consequence of an attack by a band of British soldiers. 
 The furniture of the house was destroyed, and a large stock 
 of liquors shared^ a similar ftite. Fortunately, the family 
 made their escape, Mr. Clymer was then in Philadelphia. 
 On the arrival of the British in that place, they sought out 
 his residence, and were proceeding to tear it down, and were 
 only diverted from their purpose by the information, that the 
 house did not belong to him. 
 
 During this year, Mr. Clymer was appointed a commis- 
 sioner, in conjunction with several other gentlemen, to pro- 
 ceed to Pictsbfrg, on the important and confidential service, 
 of preserving a good understanding with several Indian tribes 
 in that country, and particularly to enlist warriors from the 
 Shawanese and Delaware Indians into the service of the 
 United States. During his residence at Pittsburg, he nar- 
 rowly escaped death from the tomahawk of the enemy, 
 liaving, in an excursion to visit a fri(Mid, accidentally and for- 
 tunately taken a route which led liira to avoid a party of 
 savages, who murdered a white man at the very place where 
 Mr. Clymer must have been, had he not chosen a different 
 road. 
 
 In our biographical sketch of Robert Morris, we have 
 given some account of the establishment of a bank by the 
 patriotic citizens of Philadelphia, the object of which was 
 the relief of the army, which, in 1780, was suffering such a 
 combination of calamities, as was likely to lead to its dis- 
 banding. Of the advocates of this measure, Mr. Clymer 
 was one, and from the active and efficient support which he 
 gave to the bank, he was selected as a director of the insti- 
 tution. By means of this bank, the pressing Avants of the 
 army were relieved. Congress, by a resolve, testified the 
 high sense which they entertained of the generosity and pa- 
 triotism of the association, and pledged the faith of the 
 
288 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 United States to the subscribers to the bank, for their ulti- 
 mate reimbursement and indemnity. 
 
 Mr. Clymer was again elected to congress in 1780 ; from 
 which time, for nearly two years, he was absent from his 
 seat but a few Aveeks, so faithfully and indefatigably atten- 
 tive was he to the public service. In the latter part of 1782, 
 he removed with his family to Princeton, in New-Jersey, 
 for the purpose of giving to his children the advantages 
 of a collegiate education, in the seminary in that place. After 
 the many toils and privations through which he had passed, 
 it was a luxury, indeed, to enjoy the peace of domestic life,, 
 especially having to reflect that the glorious object for which 
 he and his fellow-countrymen had laboured so long, was 
 now with certainty soon to be accomplished. 
 
 In 1784, Mr. Clymer was again summoned by the citizens 
 of Pennsylvania, to take a part in the general assembly of 
 that state. Of this body he continued a member until the 
 meeting of the convention to form a more eflicicnt constitu- 
 tion for the general government; of which latter body he was 
 elected a member, and after the adoption of the constitution, 
 he represented the state of Pennsylvania, in congress, for 
 two years ; when declining a re-election, he closed his long 
 and able legislative career. 
 
 In the year 1791, congress passed a bill imposing a duty 
 on spirits distilled in the United States. To the southern 
 and western part of the country, this duty was singularly 
 obnoxious. At the head of the excise department, in the 
 state of Pennsylvania, Mr. Clymer was placed. The duties 
 of this office were rendered extremely disagreeable, by rea- 
 son of the general dissatisfaction, which prevailed on account 
 of the law. This dissatisfaction was particularly strong in 
 the district of Pennsylvania lying west of the Alleghany 
 mountains, and here the spirit of discontent broke out into 
 acts of open opposition. At the risk of his life, Mr. Clymer 
 made a visit to this theatre of insurrection, to ascertain the 
 existing state of things, and if possible to allay the spirit of 
 opposition, which was manifesting itself. His instructions, 
 however, were so limited, that he was able to produce but 
 
GEORGE CLYMER. 289 
 
 little effect upon the turbulent and heated minds of the fac- 
 tion. Soon after his return, he was induced to resign an 
 oflice, which, from the difficulty of faithfully discharging it, 
 had become extremely disasrreeable to him. 
 
 In the year 1796, Mr, Clymer was appointed, togetlier with 
 Colonel Hawkins and Colonel Pickins, to negotiate a treaty 
 with the Cherokee and Creek Indians, in Georgia. With 
 this object in view, he sailed from Philadelphia for Savannah, 
 in the month of April, accompanied by his wife. Their 
 voyage proved not only exceedingly unpleasant, but extreme- 
 ly hazardous, in consequence of a violent storm, during 
 which, the crew were for several days obliged to labour in- 
 cessantly at the pumps. Having satisfactorily completed the 
 business of his mission, he again returned to Philadelphia. 
 At this time, he closed his political life, and retired to the 
 enjoyment of that rest which he justly coveted, after having 
 served his country, with but few sbort intervals, for more 
 than twenty years. 
 
 At a subsequent date, he was called to preside over the 
 Philadelphia bank, and over the Academy of Fine Arts, and 
 was elected a vice president of the Philadelphia Agricultural 
 Society, upon its re-organization, in 1805. These offices he 
 held at the time of his death, which occurred on the 23d of 
 January, 1813, in the 74th year of his age. 
 
 The following extracts from an eloquent eulogium, pro- 
 nounced before the Academy of Fine Arts, upon the charac- 
 ter of Mr. Clymer, by Joseph llopkinson, Esq. may pro- 
 perly conclude this brief biographical notice. After alluding 
 to the election of Mr. Clymer to the presidency of the Aca- 
 demy of Fine Arts, ]Mr. llopkinson happily observes : "At 
 different periods of our national history, from the first bold 
 step which was taken in the march of independence, to its 
 full and perfect consummation in the establislnnent of a wise 
 and effective system of government, whenever the virtue and 
 talents of our country were put in requisition, Mr. Clymer 
 was found with the selected few, to whom our rights and 
 destinies were committed. 
 
 " When posterity shall ponder on the declaration of July, 
 2P 25 
 
390 PENNSYLVANIA PELEGATION. 
 
 1T76, and admire, with deep amazement and veneration, tlic 
 courage and patriotism, the virtue and self-devotion of the 
 deed, they will find the name of Clymer there. When 
 the strength and splendour of this empire shall hereafter be 
 displayed in the fulness of maturity, (heaven grant we reach 
 it,) and the future politician shall look at that scheme of go- 
 vernment, by which the whole resources of a nation have 
 been thus brought into action ; by which power has been 
 maintained, and liberty not overthrown; by which the people 
 have been governed and directed, but not enslaved or op- 
 pressed ; they will find that Clymer was one of the fathers 
 of the country, from whose wisdom and experience the sys- 
 tem emanated. Nor was the confidence, Avhich had grown 
 out of his political life and services, his only claim to the 
 station which he held in this institution. Although his 
 modest, unassuming spirit never sought public displays of his 
 merit, but rather withdrew him from the praise, that was his 
 due ; yet he could not conceal from his friends, nor his 
 friends from the world, the extraordinary improvement of 
 his mind. Retired, studious, contemplative, he was ever 
 adding something to his knowledge, and endeavouring to make 
 that knowledge useful. His predominant passion was to 
 promote every scheme for the improvement of his country, 
 whether in science, agriculture, polite education, the useful 
 or the fine arts. Accordingly, we find his name in every as- 
 sociation for these purposes ; and wherever we find him, we 
 also find his usefulness. Possessed of all that sensibility and 
 delicacy, essential to taste, he had of course a peculiar fond- 
 ness for the fine arts, elegant literature, and the refined pur- 
 suits of a cultivated genius. It was in the social circle of 
 friendship that his acquirements were displaj^ed and appre- 
 ciated, and although their action Avas communicated from 
 this circle to a wider sphere, it was with an enfeebled force. 
 His intellects were strong by nature, and made more so by 
 culture and study; but he was diffident and retired. Capa- 
 ble of teaching, he seemed only anxious to learn. Firm, but 
 not obstinate ; independent, but not arrogant ; communica- 
 tive, but not obtrusive, he Avas at once the amiable and in- 
 
JAMES SMITH. 291 
 
 structive companion. His researches had been various, and, 
 if not always profound, they were competent to his purposes, 
 and beyond his pretensions. Science, literature, and the arts, 
 had all a share of his attention, and it was only by a frequent 
 intercourse with him, we discovered how much he knew of 
 each. The members of this board have all witnessed the 
 kindness and urbanity of his manners. Sufficiently fixed in 
 his own opinions, he gave a liberal toleration to others, as- 
 suming no ofl'cnsive or unreasonable control over the conduct 
 of those with whom he was associated." 
 
 In a subsequent part of his discourse, Mr. Hopkinson, allu- 
 ding to the value of a punctual performance of our promises, 
 remarks : " In this most useful virtue, Mr. Clymer was pre- 
 eminent. During the seven years he held the presidency of 
 this academy, his attention to the duties of the station were 
 Avithout remission. He excused himself from nothing that 
 belonged to his office; he neglected nothing. He never once 
 omitted to attend a meeting of the directors, unless prevented 
 by sickness or absence fi'om the city ; and these exceptions 
 were of very rare occurrence. He was indeed the first to 
 come ; so that the board never waited a moment for their 
 president. With other public bodies to which he was at- 
 tached, I understand, he observed the same punctual and con- 
 scientious discharge of his duty. It is thus that men make 
 themselves useful, and evince that they do not occupy places 
 of this kind merely as empty and undeserved compliments, but 
 for the purpose of rendering all the services which the place 
 requires of them." 
 
 JAMES SMITH. 
 
 James Smith, the subject of the following memoir, was a 
 native of Ireland ; but in what year he was born is unknown. 
 This was a secret Avhich, even to his relations and friends, he 
 
292 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 would never communicate, and the knowledge of it wag 
 buried with him in the grave. It is conjectured, however, 
 tliat he was born between the years 1715 and 1720. 
 
 His father was a respectable farmer, who removed to Ame- 
 rica with a numerous family, and settled on the west side of 
 the Susquehanna. He died in the year 1761. James, who 
 was his second son, received his education from the distin- 
 guished Dr. Allison, provost of the college of Philadelphia. 
 His attainments in classical literature were respectable. In 
 the art of surveying, which at that early period of the coun- 
 try was of great importance, he is said to have excelled. 
 After finishing his education, he applied himself to the study 
 of law, in the office of Thomas Cookson, of Lancaster. On 
 being qualified for his profession, he took up his residence as 
 a lawyer and surveyor, near the present town of Shippens- 
 burg ; but some time after, he removed to the flourishing vil- 
 lage of York, where he established himself, and continued the 
 practice of his profession during the remainder of his life. 
 
 On the occurrence of the great contest between Great 
 Britain and her American colonics, Mr. Smith entered with 
 zeal into the patriotic cause, and on a meeting of delegates 
 from all the counties of Pennsylvania in 1774, convened to 
 express the public sentiment, on the expediency of abstaining 
 from importing any goods from England, and assembling a 
 general congress, Mr. Smith was a delegate from the county 
 of York, and was appointed one of the committee to report a 
 draft of instruction to the general assembly, which was then 
 about to meet. At this time, a desire prevailed throughout 
 the country, that the existing difficulties between the mother 
 country and the colonies should be settled, without a resort 
 to arms. Mr. Smith, however, it appears, was disposed to 
 adopt vigorous and decided measures, since, on his return to 
 York, he was the means of raising a volunteer company, 
 which was the first volunteer corps raised in Pennsylvania, in 
 opposition to the armies of Great Britain. Of this company 
 he was elected captain, and when, at length, it increased to a 
 regiment, he was appointed colonel of that regiment ; a title. 
 
JAMES SMITH. 293 
 
 however, which in respect to him was honorary, since he 
 never assumed the actual command. 
 
 In January, 1775, the convention for the province of Penn- 
 sylvania was assembled. Of this convention, Mr. Smith was 
 a member, and concurred in the spirited declaration made by 
 that convention, that " if the British administration should 
 determine by force to cfl'ect a submission to the late arbi- 
 trary acts of the British parliament, in such a situation, we 
 hold it our indispensable duty to resist such force, and at 
 every hazard to defend the rights and liberties of America." 
 
 Notwithstanding this declaration by the convention, a great 
 proportion of the Pennsylvanians, particularly the numerous 
 body of Quakers, were strongly opposed, not only to war, 
 but even to a declaration of independence. This may be in- 
 ferred from the instructions given by the general assembly to 
 their delegates, who were appointed in 1775 to the general 
 congress, of the following tenor : — that " though the oppres- 
 sive measures of the British parliament and administration, 
 have compelled us to resist their violence by force of arms ; 
 yet we strictly enjoin you, that you, in behalf of this colonyj 
 dissent from and utterly reject any proposition, should such 
 be made, that may cause or lead to a separation from our mo- 
 ther country, or a change in this form of government." 
 
 This decided stand against a declaration of independence, 
 roused the friends of that measure to the most active exertions, 
 tliroughout the province. On the 15th of May, congress 
 adopted a resolution, which was in spirit a declaration of in- 
 dependence. This resolution was laid before a large meet- 
 ing of the citizeni* of Philadelphia, assembled five days after 
 the passage of it, and in front of the very building in which 
 congress was assembled, digesting plans of resistance. The 
 resolution was received by this assembly of citizens, who 
 were decided whigs, with great enthusiasm, the instructions 
 of the provincial assembly to the Pennsylvania delegation in 
 congress was loudly and pointedly condemned, and a plan 
 adopted to assemble a provincial conference to estabHsh a 
 new government in Pennsylvania. 
 
 Accordingly, such a conference was assembled, on the 
 25* 
 
394 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 I8th of June. Of this conference, Mr. Smith was an active 
 and distinguished member. The proceedings of the confe- 
 rence were entirely harmonious. Before it had assembled, 
 the provincial assembly had rescinded their obnoxious in- 
 structions to their delegates in congress. Still, however, it 
 was thought advisable for the conference to express in form 
 their sentiments on the subject of a declaration of indepen- 
 dence. The mover of a resolution to this effect, was Dr. 
 Benjamin Rush, at that time a young man. Colonel Smith 
 seconded the resolution, and these two gentlemen, with 
 Thomas M'Kean, were appointed a committee to draft it. 
 On the following morning, the resolution being reported, was 
 unanimously adopted, was signed by the members, and on 
 the 25th of June, a (ew days only before the declaration of 
 independence by congress, was presented to that body. 
 
 This declaration, though prepared in great haste, contain- 
 ed the substance of that declaration, which was adopted by 
 congress. It declared, that the king had paid no attention to 
 the numerous petitions which had been addressed to him, 
 for the removal of the most grievous oppressions, but (to 
 use the language of the preamble to the resolution) he 
 " hath lately purchased foreign troops to assist in enslaving 
 us ; and hath excited the savages of this country to carry on 
 a war against us, as also the negroes to imbrue their hands 
 in the blood of their masters, in a manner unpractised by 
 civilized nations ; and hath lately insulted our calamities, by 
 declaring that he will show us no mercy, till he has reduced 
 us. And M'hereas the obligations of allegiance (being recip- 
 rocal between a king and his subjects) are now dissolved, on 
 the side of the colonists, by the despotism of the said king, 
 insomuch that it now appears that loyalty to him is treason 
 against the good people of this country ; and whereas not 
 only the parliament, but there is reason to believe, too many 
 of the people of Great Britain, have concurred in the arbi- 
 trary and unjust proceedings against us ; and whereas the 
 public virtue of this colony (so essential to its liberty and 
 happiness) must be endangered by a future political union 
 with, or dependence on, a crown and nation, so lost to jus- 
 
JAMES SMITH. 295 
 
 tice, patriotism, and magnanimity :" Therefore, the resolu- 
 tion proceeded to assert that " the deputies of Pennsylvania 
 assembled in the conference, unanimously declare their wil- 
 lingness to concur in a vote of the congress, declaring the 
 united colonies free and independent states : and that they 
 call upon the nations of Europe, and appeal to the great 
 Arbiter and Governor of the empires of the world, to wit- 
 ness, that this declaration did not originate in ambition, or 
 in an impatience of lawful authority ; but that they are dri- 
 ven to it in obedience to the iirst principles of nature, by the 
 oppressions and cruelties of the aforesaid king and parlia- 
 ment of Groat Britain, as the only possible measure left to 
 preserve and establish our liberties, and to transmit them in 
 violate to posterity." 
 
 In the month of July, a convention was assembled in Phi- 
 ladelphia, for the purpose of forming a new constitution for 
 Pennsylvania. Of this body. Colonel Smith was elected a 
 member, and he appeared to take his seat on the 15th day of 
 the month. On the 20th he was elected by the convention a 
 member of congress, in which body he took his seat, after 
 tlie adjournment of the convention. Colonel Smith continu 
 ed a member of congress for several years, in which capacity 
 he was active and efficient. He always entertained strong 
 anticipations of success during the revolutionary struggle, 
 and by his cheerfulness powerfully contributed to dispel the 
 despondency which he often saw around him. On with- 
 drawing from congress, in November, 1778, he resumed his 
 professional pursuits, Avhich he continued until the year, 
 1800, when he Mithdrew from the bar, having been in the 
 practice of his profession for about sixty years. In the 
 year 180G, he Avas removed to another world. He had 
 three sons and two daughters, of whom only one of each 
 survived him. 
 
 In his disposition and habits. Colonel Smith was very pe- 
 culiar. He was distinguished for his love of anecdote and 
 conviviality. His memory was uncommonly retentive, and 
 remarkably stored with stories of a humourous and diverting 
 
296 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 character, which, on particular occasions, he related with 
 great effect. 
 
 He was for many years a professor of religion, and very 
 regular in his attendance on public worship. Notwithstand- 
 ing his fondness for jest, he was more than most men ready 
 to frown upon every expression which seemed to reflect on 
 sacred subjects. It was a singular trait in the character of 
 Mr. Smith, that he should so obstinately refuse to inform his 
 friends of his age. The monument erected over his grave 
 informs us, that his death occurred in the ninety-third year 
 of his age. It is probable, however, that he was not so old 
 by several years. 
 
 GEORGE TAYLOR. 
 
 Of the early life of George Taylor, although he acted a 
 distinguished part in the political affairs of his time, few 
 incidents are recorded, in any documents which we have 
 seen, and few, it is said, are remembered by the old men of 
 the neighbourhood in which he lived. Mr. Taylor was born 
 in the year 1716. Ireland gave him birth. He was the 
 son of a respectable clergyman in that country, who having 
 a more just estimation of the importance of a good educa- 
 tion, gave to his son an opportunity to improve his mind, 
 beyond most youth in the country about him. At a proper 
 age he commenced the study of medicine ; but his genius 
 not being adapted to the profession, he relinquished his me- 
 dical studies, and soon after set sail for America. 
 
 On his arrival, he was entirely destitute of money, and 
 was obliged to resort to manual labour to pay the expenses 
 of his voyage to America. The name of the gentleman 
 who kindly employed hhn, and paid his passage, was Savage. 
 He was the owner of extensive iron works at Durham, a 
 
GEORGE TAYLOR. 297 
 
 small village, situated on the river Delaware, a few miles 
 from Easton. 
 
 In these works, young Taylor was for a time employed 
 to throw coal into the furnace, when in blast. The business 
 was, however, too severe for him, and at lengtli Mr. Savage 
 transferred him from this menial and arduous service, into 
 his counting-room as a clerk. In this situation, he rendered 
 himself very useful and acceptable, and, at length, upon the 
 death of Mr. Savage, he became connected in marriage with 
 his widow, and consequently the proprietor of tlie whole es- 
 tablishment. In a few years the fortune of Mr. Taylor was 
 considerably farther increased. He was now induced to pur- 
 chase a considerable estate near the river Leliigh, in the 
 county of Northampton, where he erected a spacious man- 
 sion, and took up his permanent residence. 
 
 A few years after, Mr. Taylor was summoned by his fel- 
 low-citizens into public life. Of the provincial assembly, 
 which met at Philadelphia, in October, 1764, he was for the 
 first time a mt-mber, and immediately rendered himself con- 
 spicuous, by the active part which he took in all the impor- 
 tant questions which came before that body. 
 
 From this period, until 1770, Mr. Taylor continued to 
 represent the county of Northampton in the provincial as- 
 sembly. He was uniformly placed on several standing com- 
 mittees, and was frequently entrusted, in connexion with 
 other gentlemen, with the management of many important 
 special concerns, as they continued to rise. At Northampton, 
 Mr. Taylor entered into the business, which had so exten- 
 sively occupied him, while at Durham. The business, how- 
 ever, at the former place was by no means as profitable as 
 it had been at tlic latter. Indeed it is said, that tlie fortune 
 of Mr. Taylor suflered so considerably, that he was at length 
 induced to return to Durham to repair it. 
 
 In October, 1775, he was again elected a delegate to the 
 provincial assembly in Pennsylvania, and in tlie following 
 month was appointed, in connexion with several other gen- 
 tlemen, to report a set of instructions to the delegates, which 
 the assembly had just appointed to the continental congress. 
 2Q, 
 
298 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 The circumstances of the colony of Pennsylvania, were at 
 tins time, in some respects, peculiar. She was far less op- 
 pressed than the otlier colonies in America. On the contrary, 
 she had been greatly favoured by his British majesty. Her 
 government, which was proprietary, was administered without 
 the least political oppression, and her constitution was free 
 and liberal. 
 
 In consequence of these, and other circumstances, a strong 
 reluctance prevailed in Pennsylvania to sever the bonds of 
 union between herself and the mother country. Hence, the 
 measures of her public bodies were characterized by a more 
 obvious respect for the British government than the measures 
 of other colonies. This might be inferred from the instruc- 
 tions reported at this time, by Mr. Taylor and his associates, 
 and adopted by the assembly: 
 
 " The trust reposed in you is of such a nature, and the 
 modes of executing it may be so diversified, in the course of 
 your deliberations, that it is scarcely possible to give you par- 
 ticular instructions respecting it. We, therefore, in general, 
 direct that you, or any four of you, meet in congress the dele- 
 gates of the several colonies now assembled in this city, and 
 any such delegates as may meet in congress next year; that you 
 consult together on the present critical and alarming state of 
 public affairs ; that you exert your utmost endeavours to 
 agree upon, and recommend such measures as you shall judge 
 to afibrd tlie best prospect of obtaining redress of American 
 grievances, and restoring that union and harmony between 
 Great Britain and the colonies, so essential to the welfare and 
 happiness of both countries." 
 
 " Though the oppressive measures of the British parlia- 
 ment and administration have compelled us to resist their 
 violence by force of arms, yet we strictly enjoin you, that you, 
 in behalf of this colony dissent from, and utterly reject any 
 propositions, should such be made, that may cause or lead to 
 a separation from our mother country, or a chanije of the 
 form of this government." 
 
 During the winter and spring of 1776, a great change was 
 effected in public sentiment in the province of Pennsylvania, 
 
GEORGE TAYLOR. 299 
 
 on the subject of the contest between the mother country and 
 the colonies. Hence the provincial assembly rescinded their 
 former instructions to their delegates in congress, and while 
 they expressed an ardent desire for the termination of the 
 unhappy controversy, they were unwilling to purcliase peace 
 "by a dishonourable submission to arbitrary power. " We, 
 therefore," said the assembly, in their instructions to their 
 delegates in congress, "authorize you to concur with the other 
 delegates in congress, in forming such further compacts be- 
 tween the united colonies, concluding such treaties with foreign 
 kingdoms and states, and in adopting such other measures as, 
 upon a view of all circumstances, shall be judged necessary 
 for promoting the liberty, safety, and interests of America ; 
 reserving to tlie people of this colony the sole and exclusive 
 right of regulating the internal government and police of the 
 same. 
 
 " The happiness of these colonies has, during the whole 
 course of this fatal controversy, been our first wish. Their 
 reconciliation with Great Britain our next. Ardently have 
 we prayed for the accomplishment of both. But if we must 
 renounce the one or the other, we humbly trust in the mer- 
 cies of the Supreme Governor of the universe, that we shall 
 not stand condemned before his throne, if our choice is de- 
 termined by that overruling law of self-preservation, which 
 His divine wisdom has thought fit to implant in the hearts of 
 his creatures." 
 
 Fortunately for the cause of American liberty, the change in 
 public sentiment above alluded to, continued to spread, and 
 on taking the great question of a declaration of independence, 
 an approving vote by all the colonies was secured in its favour. 
 The approbation of Pennsylvania, however, was only obtain- 
 ed by the casting vote of Mr. Morton, as has already been 
 mentioned in our biographical notice of that gentleman. On 
 the 20th of July, the Pennsylvania convention proceeded to a 
 new choice of Representatives. Mr. Morton, Dr. Franklin, 
 Mr. Morris, and Mr. Wilson, who had voted in favour of the 
 declaration of independence, were re-elected. Those who 
 had opposed it were at this time dropped, and the following 
 
300 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 gentlemen were appointed in their place, viz. : Mr. Taylor, 
 Mr. Ross, Mr. Clymer, Dr. Rush, and Mr. Smith. These latter 
 gentlemen were consequently not present on the fourth of 
 July, when the declaration was passed and proclaimed, but 
 they had the honour of affixing their signatures to the en- 
 grossed copy, on the second of August following, at which 
 time the members generally signed it. 
 
 Mr. Taylor retired from congress in 1777, from which time 
 we know little of his history. He settled at Easton, where he 
 continued to manage his afl'airs with much success, and to re- 
 pair his fortune, which had greatly suffered during his resi- 
 dence on the banks of the Lehigh. Mr. Taylor died on the 
 22d of February, 1781, in the sixty-sixth year of his age. He 
 had two children by his wife, a son, who became an attorney, 
 but died before his father, and a daughter who was never 
 married. 
 
 JAMES WILSON. 
 
 James Wilson was a native of Scotland, where he was 
 born about the year 1742. His father was a respectable far- 
 mer, who resided in the vicinity of St. Andrews, well known 
 for its university. Though not wealthy, he enjoyed a com- 
 petency, until at length, a passion for speculation nearly 
 ruined him. 
 
 James Wilson received an excellent education. He 
 studied successively at Glasgow, St. Andrews, and Edinburgh. 
 He had the good fortune to enjoy the instruction of the dis- 
 tinguished Dr. Blair, and the not less celebrated Dr. Watts. 
 By the former he was taught rhetoric ; by the latter, both 
 rhetoric and logic. Under these eminent men, Mr. Wilson lai(J 
 the foundation of an impressive eloquence, and a superi/r^ 
 and almost irresistible mode of reasoning. 
 
 After completing his studies under the superior advantages 
 
JAMES WILSON. 301 
 
 already named, he resolved to seek in America that indepen- 
 dence which he could scarcely hope for in his native country 
 Accordingly, lie left Scotland, and reached Philadelphia early 
 in the year 1706. He was highly recommended to several 
 gentlemen of that city, hy one or more of whom he was in- 
 troduced as a tutor to the Philadelphia college and academy. 
 During the period that he served in this capacity, he enjoyed 
 a reputation of being the best classical scholar who had offi- 
 ciated as tutor in the Latin department of the college. 
 
 lie continued, however, only a few months to fill the above 
 office, having received an oiler, through the assistance of 
 Bishop White and Judge Peters, of entering the law office of 
 Mr. John Dickinson. In this office he continued for the 
 space of two years, applying himself with great ardour to the 
 study of the profession of law. At the expiration of this 
 time, he entered upon the practice, first at Reading, but soon 
 after removed to Carlisle, at which latter place he acquired the 
 reputation of being an eminent counsellor previous to the re- 
 volution. From Carlisle, Mr. Wilson removed to Annapolis, 
 in Maryland, whence, in 1778, he came to Philadelphia, where 
 he continued to reside for the remainder of his life. 
 
 At an early day, Mr. Wilson entered with patriotic zeal in- 
 to the cause of American liberty. He was an American in 
 principle from the time that he landed on the American shore ; 
 and at no period in the revolutionary struggle, did he for a 
 single hour swerve from his attachment to the principles 
 w^hich he had adopted. 
 
 Mr. Wilson, who was a member of the provincial conven- 
 tion of Pennsylvania, was proposed as a delegate to the con- 
 gress of 1774, in conjunction with his former instructor, Mr. 
 Dickinson. Neither, however, was elected, through the in- 
 fluence of the speaker, Mr. Galloway, of whom we have 
 spoken in our introduction, and who afterwards united him- 
 self to the British on their taking possession of Philadelphia. 
 In the following year, however, Mr. Wilson was unanimously 
 elected a member of congress, and in that body took his 
 seat on the 10th of May, 1775. In this distinguished station, 
 he continued until 1777, when, through the influence of party 
 
 26 
 
303 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 feeling, he was superseded, and another appointed in his 
 stead. 
 
 In 1783, however, he was again elected to congress, and 
 took his seat in that body, on the second of January, 1783. 
 A few months previously to his re-election, he Avas appoint- 
 ed by the president and supreme executive council, a coun- 
 sellor and agent for Pennsylvania, in the great controversy 
 between that state and the state of Connecticut, relating to 
 certain lands within the charter boundary of Pennsylvania. 
 These lands the state of Connecticut claimed as belonging to 
 her, being included within her charter. On the thirtieth of 
 December, 1782, this great question was determined at Tren- 
 ton, New-Jersey, by a court of commissioners appointed for 
 that purpose, who unanimously decided it in favo-ur of Penn- 
 sylvania. To the determination of the question in this man- 
 ner, Mr. Wilson, it is said, greatly contributed, by a lumi- 
 nous and impressive argument, which he delivered before the 
 court, and which occupied several days. 
 
 The high estimation in which Mr. Wilson was held, about 
 this time, may be learned from his receiving the appointment 
 of advocate general for the French government, in the Uni- 
 ted States. His commission bore date the fifth of June, 
 1779; and at a subsequent date was confirmed, by letters pa- 
 tent from the king of France. The duties of this office were 
 both arduous and delicate. Few men, however, were better 
 qualified for such an office than Mr. Wilson. In 1781, diffi- 
 culties having arisen as to the manner in which he should be 
 paid for his services, he resigned his commission. He con- 
 tinued, however, to give advice in such cases as were laid 
 before him, by the ministers and consuls of France, until 
 1783. At which time, the king of France handsomely re- 
 warded him by a gift of ten thousand livres. 
 
 The standing of Mr. Wilson, during the whole course of 
 his attendance in congress, was deservedly high. As a man 
 of business, Pennsylvania had, probably, at no time, any one 
 among her delegation who excelled him. He was placed on 
 numerous committees, and in every duty assigned him exi- 
 hibited great fidelity, industry, and perseverance. 
 
JAMES WILSON. 303 
 
 Notwithstanding this high and honourable conduct of Mr. 
 Wilson, and the active exertions whicli he made in favour of 
 his adopted country, he had enemies, whose slanders he did 
 not escape. It was especially charged against him, that he 
 was opposed to the declaration of independence. This, how- 
 ever, has been amply refuted by gentlemen of the highest 
 standing in the country, who wore intimately acquainted with 
 his views and feelings on tliat important subject. Many who 
 voted for tlie measure, and who sincerely believed in the ulti- 
 mate expediency of it, were of the opinion, that it was brought 
 forward prematurely. But when, at length, tliey found the 
 voice of the nation loudly demanding such a measure, and 
 saw a spirit abroad among the people determined to sustain 
 it, they no longer hesitated to vote in its favour. Mr. Wil- 
 son, probably, belonged to this class. Though at first doubt- 
 ful whether the state of the country would justify such a mea- 
 sure, he at length became satisfied that existing circumstances 
 rendered it necessary ; and accordingly it received his vote. 
 
 Notwithstanding that a declaration of independence had 
 been spoken of for some time previously to the fourth of 
 July, 1770, no motion was brought forward in congress re- 
 specting it, until the 7th of June. This motion was referred 
 the following day to a committee of the whole, but it was 
 postponed until the tenth of June. On the arrival of the 
 tenth of that month, the following resolution was offered: 
 " Tiiat these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, 
 free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all 
 allegiance to the British crown ; and that all political con- 
 nexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and 
 ought to be, totally dissolved." The consideration of this 
 resolution was postponed to the first of July, on which day 
 it was expected that the committee which was appointed to 
 draft a declaration, and which consisted of Mr. Jetlerson, J. 
 Adams, Dr. Franklin, and R. R. Livingston, would report. 
 
 At length, the first of July arrived, when the motion was 
 further discussed, and the question taken in committee of the 
 whole. The declaration received the votes of all the states 
 excepting Pennsylvania and Delaware, The delegates of the 
 
304 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 former state were four to three in the opposition ; the dele- 
 gates of the latter, Tlionias M'Kean and George Read, were 
 divided, the one in favour of the measure, the other opposed 
 to it. The final question was postponed from day to day, 
 vmtil the fourth of July, when it was taken, and an unanimous 
 vote of all the states was obtained. The day was rainy. Of 
 the Pennsylvania delegation, Messrs. Morris and Dickinson 
 were absent, and consequenlh' the vote of Pennsylvania was 
 now in favour of the measure, Messrs. Wilson, Franklin, and 
 Morton, being in favour of it, and Messrs. Humphreys and 
 Willing being opposed to it. Fortunately, at this juncture, 
 Ca;sar Rodney, a delegate from Delaware, arrived. He had 
 been sent for by an express from Mr. M'Kean, and arrived in 
 time to vote with that gentleman, in opposition to their col- 
 league, George Read. 
 
 Thus, an unanimous vote of the thirteen colonies was se- 
 cured. Thus, a question was decided which deeply agitated 
 the whole American community, and the decision of which 
 was fraught with blessings to the country, which will go down, 
 we trust, to the end of time. 
 
 In a preceding paragraph we have intimated that a charge 
 was brought against Mr. Wilson of being opposed to the de- 
 claration of independence. Had such been his sentiments, 
 who could have charged him with a want of patriotism? The 
 truth is, there were hundreds, and even thousands, at that 
 day, in America, as strongly attached to her cause, as friend- 
 ly to her liberties, and as firmly resolved never to surrender 
 the rights which the God of nature had given them, as were 
 those who voted in favour of a declaration of independence, 
 but who yet thought the time had not arrived when the wisest 
 policy dictated such a measure. Mr. Wilson was, indeed, 
 not altogether of this class. He would perhaps not have 
 brought forward the subject at so early a day ; but when it 
 was brought forward, he voted in favour of it, on the first of 
 July, even in opposition to the majority of his colleagues ; 
 and on the fourth, as it happened, fortunately for the cause of 
 liis country, in a majority. 
 
 Another charge has also been brought against Mr. Wilson, 
 
JAMES WILSON. 305- 
 
 \viz.) a participation in tlie combination which was formed 
 against General Washington, towards the close of the year 
 1777. This conspiracy, if it may be so called, originated in 
 the discontent of many who felt envious at the exalted station 
 which Washington occupied ; and was founded, at this time, 
 upon tlie high military reputation which General Gates had 
 acquired by the capitulation of Saratoga, and the gloomy as- 
 pect of allairs in the region where Washington was in parti- 
 cular command. In this combination, it was supposed seve- 
 ral members of congress, and a very few officers of the army, 
 were concerned. Among these officers, it is believed, Gene 
 ral Gates himself may be included. " He had not only omit 
 ted," says Marshall, in his life of Washington, " to communi- 
 cate to that general the successes of his army, after the vic- 
 tory of the seventh of October had opened to him the pros- 
 pect of finally destroying the enemy opposed to him ; but he 
 carried on a correspondence with General Conway, in which 
 that officer had expressed himself with great contempt of 
 tlie commander in chief, and on the disclosure of this circum- 
 stance. General Gates had demanded the name of the in- 
 former, in a letter expressed in terms by no means concilia- 
 tory, and which was accompanied by the very extraordinary 
 circumstance of being passed through congress. 
 
 " The state of Pennsylvania, too, chagrined at losing its 
 capita], and forgetful of its own backwardness in strengthen- 
 ing the army, which had twice fought superior numbers in 
 its defence, furnished many discontented individuals, who 
 supposed it to be the fault of General Washington that he 
 had not, with an army inferior to that of the enemy in num- 
 bers, and in every equipment, efl'ected the same result, which 
 had been produced in the north, by a continental army, in 
 itself mucli stronger than its adversary, and so rc-inforced by 
 militia as to amount to three times the number opposed to 
 them. Tlie legislature of that state, on the report that Gene- 
 ral Washington was moving into winter quarters, addressed 
 a remonstrance to congress on the subject, which manifested, 
 in very intelligible terms, their dissatisfaction with the com- 
 mander in chief. About the same time, a new board of war 
 2 R 26 * 
 
306 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 was created, of which General Gates was appointed the pre- 
 sident; and General Mifflin, who was supposed to be also of 
 the party unfriendly to Washington, \vas one of its number. 
 General Conway, who was, perhaps, the only brigadier in 
 the army that had joined this faction, was appointed inspector 
 general, and was elevated above brigadiers older than himself, 
 to the rank of major general. There were other evidences 
 that, if the hold which the commander in chief had taken of 
 the aflections and confidence of the army, and of the nation, 
 could be shaken, the party in congress which was disposed 
 to change their general, was far from being contemptible in 
 point of numbers." 
 
 Fortunately for America, it was impossible to loosen this 
 hold. Even the northern army clung to Washington as the 
 saviour of their country. The only effect of this combina- 
 tion was, to excite a considerable degree of resentment, which 
 was directed entirely against those who were believed to be 
 engaged in it. General Gates himself, in consequence of 
 thia, and of the disastrous battle of Camden, fell into obscu- 
 rity ; and General Conway, the great calumniator of General 
 Washington, scorned by honourable men, on account of his 
 cov/ardice at the battle of Germantown, and other equally 
 unworthy conduct, resigned his commission on the 28th of 
 April, 1778. 
 
 The charge brought against Mr. Wilson, of having been 
 hostile to General Washington, and of having participated in 
 the combination formed against him, was wholly unfounded. 
 The evidence on this point is complete. 
 
 Of the celebrated convention of 1787, which was assembled 
 in Philadelphia, for the purpose of forming the constitution 
 of the United States, Mr. Wilson was a member. During 
 the long deliberations of the convention on that instrument, 
 he rendered the most important services. He possessed 
 great political sagacity and foresight, and being a fluent 
 speaker, he did much to settle upon just principles the great 
 and important points Avhich naturally arose in the formation 
 of a new government. On the twenty-third of July, the con- 
 vention resolved, " That the proceedings of the convention 
 
JAMES WILSON. 307 
 
 for the establishment of a national government, except what 
 respects the supreme executive, be referred to a committee 
 for the purpose of reporting a constitution, conformably to 
 the proceedings aforesaid." In pursuance of this resolution, 
 a committee was appointed on the following day, consisting 
 of Messrs. Wilson, Rutledge, Randolph, Gorham, and Ells- 
 worth, who accordingly, on the sixth of August, reported the 
 draught of a constitution. 
 
 When the state convention of Pennsylvania assembled to 
 ratify the federal constitution, Mr. Wilson was returned a 
 member of that body, and as he was the only one who had 
 assisted in forming that instrument, it devolved upon him to 
 explain to the convention the principles upon which it was 
 founded, and the great objects which it had in view. Thus he 
 powerfully contributed to the ratification of the constitution 
 in that state. The following language, which he used in 
 conclusion of his speech, in favour of this ratification, de- 
 serves a ])lace here : " It is neither extraordinary nor unex- 
 pected, that the constitution ofl'ered to your consideration, 
 should meet with opposition. It is the nature of man to 
 pursue his own interest, in preference to the public good ; 
 and I do not mean to make any personal reflection when I 
 add, that it is the interest of a very numerous, powerful, and 
 respectable body, to counteract and destroy the excellent 
 work produced by the late convention. All the officers of 
 government, and all tl)e appointments for the administration 
 of justice, and the collection of the public revenue, which are 
 transferred from the individual to the aggregate sovereignty 
 of the states, will necessarily turn the stream of influence and 
 emolument into a new channel. Every person, therefore, 
 who enjoys, or expects to enjoy, a place of profit under the 
 present establishment, will object to the proposed innova- 
 tion ; not, in truth, because it is injurious to the liberties of 
 his country, but because it affects his schemes of wealth and 
 consequence. I m ill confess, indeed, that I am not a blind 
 admirer of this plan of government, and that there are some 
 parts of it which, if my wish had prevailed, would certainly 
 have been altered. But, when I reflect how widely men dif- 
 
308 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 fer in their opinions, and that every man, (and the observa- 
 tion applies likewise to every state,) has an equal pretension 
 to assert his own, I am satisfied that any thing nearer to per- 
 fection could not have been accomplished. If there are er- 
 rors, it should be remembered, that the seeds of reformation 
 are sown in the work itself, and a concurrence of two thirds 
 of the congress may, at any time, introduce alterations and 
 amendments. Regarding it, then, in ever)'' point of view, 
 with a candid and disinterested mind, I am bold to assert, that 
 it is the best form of govermnent which has ever been offered 
 to the world." 
 
 After the ratification of the federal constitution in Penn- 
 sylvania, a convention was called to alter the constitution of 
 that state, to render it conformable to that of the United 
 States. Mr. Wilson was one of the committee appointed to 
 prepare the form of a constitution, and upon him devolved 
 the task of making the draught. 
 
 In the year 1789, General Washington appointed Mr. Wil- 
 son a judge of the supreme court of the United States, under 
 the federal constitution. In this exalted station he was asso- 
 ciated with John Jay, who was placed at the head of the de- 
 partment, and Judge Rutledge, of South Carolina, William 
 Gushing, of Massachusetts, Robert Harrison, of Maryland, 
 and John Blair, of Virginia. In this office he continued until 
 his death, which occurred on the twenty-eighth of August, 
 1798, at Edenton, in North Carolina, while on a circuit attend- 
 ing to his duties as a judge. He is supposed to have been 
 about fifty-six years of age. 
 
 In stature. Judge Wilson was about six feet. His appear- 
 ance was dignified and respectable, and in his manners he 
 was not ungraceful. As a lawyer, he stood at the head of 
 his profession, while he practised at the Philadelphia bar. 
 He was not less eminent as a judge on the bench. He enter- 
 ed with great readiness into the causes which came before 
 lum, and seldom did he fail to throw light on points of law of 
 the most difficult and perplexing character. 
 
 In his domestic relations, such was his happy and consist- 
 ent course, as to secure the respect and affection of his family 
 
GEORGE ROSS. 309 
 
 and friend?. Towards all with whom he had intercourse 
 from abroad, he was friendly and hospitable, and within his 
 family he was atfectionate and indulgent. He was distin- 
 guished for great integrity of character, and for an inviolate 
 regard for truth. Mr. Wilson was twice married, the first 
 time to a daughter of William Bird, of Berks county, and the 
 second time to a daughter of Mr. Ellis Gray, of Boston. By 
 the former wife, he had six children ; and by the latter one. 
 Two only of these children are now living, the one at Phila- 
 delphia, the other in the state of New-York. After the death 
 of Mr. Wilson, his wife became connected in marriage with 
 Dr. Thomas Bartlett, of Boston, whom she accompanied to 
 Ensrland, where she died in 1807. 
 
 GEORGE ROSS. 
 
 The last gentleman who belonged to the Pennsylvania de- 
 legation, at the time the members of the revolutionary con- 
 gress affixed their signatures to the declaration of indepen- 
 dence, Avas George Ross. lie was the son of a clergyman 
 by the same name, who presided over the episcopal church 
 at New Castle, in the state of Delaware, in which town he was 
 born in the year 1730. 
 
 At an early age, he gave indications of possessing talents 
 of a superior order. These indications induced his father to 
 give him the advantages of a good education. At the age of 
 eighteen he entered upon the study of law, under the super- 
 intendence of an elder brother, who was at tliat time in the 
 practice of the profession, in the city of Pliiladrlijhia. 
 
 Soon after being admitted to the bar, he established liimself 
 at Lancaster, at that time near the western limits of civiliza- 
 tion, lie soon became connected in marriage with a lady of 
 a respectable family. For several years he continued to de- 
 vote himself, with great zeal, to the duties of his profession, 
 
310 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 in which, at length, he attained a high reputation, both as a 
 counsellor and an advocate. 
 
 Mr. Ross commenced his political career in 1768, in which 
 year he was first returned as a representative to the assembly 
 of Pennsylvania. Of this body he continued to be re-elected a 
 member, until the year 1774, when he was chosen in connec- 
 tion with several other gentlemen, a delegate to the celebra- 
 ted congress which met at Philadelphia. At the time he was 
 appointed to a seat in this congress, he was also appointed to 
 report to the assembly of the province, a set of instructions, 
 by which the conduct of himself and colleagues were to be 
 directed. The instructions thus drafted and reported, were 
 accepted by tlie assembly. In concluding these instructions, 
 the assembly observed : " that the trust reposed in you is of 
 such a nature, and the modes of executing it may be so di- 
 versified in the course of your deliberations, that it is scarcely 
 possible to give you particular instructions respecting it. We 
 shall, therefore, only in general direct, that you are to meet in 
 congress the committees of the several British colonies, at such 
 time and place as shall be generally agreed on, to consult toge- 
 ther on the present critical and alarming situation and state of 
 the colonies, and that you, with them, exert your utmost en- 
 deavours to form and adopt a plan, which shall afford the best 
 prospect of obtaining a redress of American grievances, as- 
 certaining American rights, and establishing that union and 
 harmony, which is most essential to the welfare and happi- 
 ness of both countries. And in doing this, you are strictly 
 charged to avoid every thing indecent or disrespectful to the 
 mother state." 
 
 Mr. Ross continued to represent the state of Pennsylvania 
 in the national legislature, until January, 1777, when, on ac- 
 count of indisposition, he was obliged to retire. During his 
 congressional career, his conduct met the warmest approba- 
 tion of his constituents. He was a statesman of enlarged 
 views, and under the influence of a general patriotism, he 
 cheerfully sacrificed his private interests for the public good. 
 The high sense entertained by the inhabitants of the county of 
 Lancaster, of his zeal for the good of his country, and of his 
 
GEORGE ROSS. 311 
 
 constituents in particular, was expressed in the following re- 
 solution : "Resolved, that the sum of one hundred and fifty 
 pounds, out of the county stock, be forthwilli transmitted to 
 George Ross, one of the members of assembly for tliis county, 
 and one of the delegates for this colony in the continental 
 congress ; and that he be requested to accept the same, as a 
 testimony from this county, of their sense of his attendance on 
 tlie public business, to his great private loss, and of their appro- 
 bation of his conduct. Resolved, that if it be more agreeable, 
 Mr. Ross purchase with part of the said money, a genteel piece 
 of })late, ornamented as he thinks proper, to remain with him, 
 as a testimony of the esteem this county has for him, by reason 
 of his patriotic conduct, in the great struggle of American li- 
 berty." Such a testimony of respect and affection, on the 
 part of his constituents, must have been not a little gratifying 
 to the feelings of 3Ir. Ross. He felt it his duty, however, to 
 decline accepting the present, offering as an apology for so do- 
 ing, that he considered it as the duty of every man, and espe- 
 cially of every representative of the people, to contribute, by 
 every means within his power, to the welfare of his country, 
 without expecting pecuniary rewards. 
 
 The attendance of Mr. Ross in congress, did not prevent 
 him from meeting with the provincial legislature. Of this 
 latter body, he was an active, energetic, and influential mem- 
 ber. In the summer of 1775, it was found by the general as- 
 sembly, that the circumstances of the state required the adop- 
 tion of some decisive measures, especially in respect to put- 
 ting the city of Philadelphia, and the province, in a slate of 
 defence. A committee was accordingly appointed, of which 
 Mr. Ross was one, to report what measures were expedients 
 In a few days that committee did report, recommending to 
 the people to associate for the protection of their lives, and 
 liberty, and property, and urging upon the several counties o 
 the province the importance of collecting stores of ammuni* 
 tion and arms. A resolution was also offered, providing for 
 the payment of all such associations as should be called out to 
 repel any attacks made by the British troops. To carry 
 these plans into effect, a general committee of public safety 
 
312 PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION. 
 
 was appointed, and clothed with the necessary authority. To 
 this committee Mr. Ross was attached, and was one of its most 
 active and efficient members. He also belonged to another 
 important committee, viz. that of grievances. 
 
 On tlie dissolution of the proprietary government in Penn- 
 sylvania, a general convention was assembled, in which Mr. 
 Ross represented the county of Lancaster. Here, again, he 
 was called to the discharge of most important duties, being 
 appointed to assist in preparing a declaration of rights on be- 
 half of the state, for forming rules of order for the convention, 
 and for defining and settling what should be considered high 
 treason and misprision of treason against the state, and the 
 punishment which should be inflicted for those oflences. 
 
 In the year 1779, Mr. Ross was appointed a judge of the 
 court of admiralty for the state of Pennsylvania. This was 
 on the 14th of April. He was permitted to enjoy, however, 
 the honourable station which he now filled but a short time. 
 In the month of July following, he was suddenly and violently 
 attacked by the gout, which terminated his useful life, in the 
 liftieth year of his age. 
 
 In respect to the character of Judge Ross, we have little to 
 add to the preceding account. As a lawyer, even before the 
 revolution, he was among the first of his profession, a rank 
 which he continued to hold, while he practised at the bar. 
 As a politician, he was zealous, patriotic, and consistent. As 
 a judge, he was learned and upright, and uncommonly skilful 
 in the despatch of business. He comprehended with ease 
 causes of the greatest intricacy, and formed his decisions, 
 which often displayed much legal knowledge, with great 
 promptness. It is to be added to his honour, that while he 
 was thus distinguished abroad, he was characterized in the 
 fulfilment of his domestic duties, by an uncommonly kind and 
 allectionate disposition. 
 
THE 
 
 DELAWARE DELEGATION. 
 
 C^sAR Rodney, 
 George Read, 
 Thomas M'Kean. 
 
 CyESAR RODNEY. 
 
 Cesar Rodney, the first of the delegation from Dela- 
 ware, was a native of that state, and was born about the 
 year 1730. His birth-place w'as Dover. The family, from 
 which he was descended, was of ancient date, and is honour 
 bly spoken of in the history of early times. We read of 
 Bir Walter De Rodeney, of Sir George De Rodeney, and 
 Sir Henry De Rodeney, with several others of the same 
 name, even earlier than the year 1234. Sir Richard De Ro- 
 deney accompanied the gallant Richard Cceur de Lion in his 
 crusade to the Holy Land, where he fell, while fighting at 
 the seige of Acre. 
 
 In subsequent years, the wealth and power of the family 
 continued to be great. Intermarriages took place between 
 some of the members of it, and several illustrious and noble 
 families of England. During the civil wars, about the time 
 of the commonwealth, the family became considerably re ■ 
 duced, and its members were obliged to seek their fortunes 
 in new employments, and in distant countries. Soon after 
 the settlement of Pennsylvania by William Penn, William 
 Rodney, one of the descendants of this illustrious family 
 2S 27 
 
314 DELAWARE DELEGATION. 
 
 removed to that province and after a short residence in Phi- 
 ladelphia, settled in Kent, a county upon the Delaware. 
 This gentleman died in the year 1708, leaving a considerable 
 fortune, and eight children, the eldest of whom is the subject 
 of tlie following sketch. Mr. Rodney inherited from his 
 father a large landed estate, which was entailed upon him, 
 according to the usages of distinguished families at that day. 
 At the early age of twenty-eight years, such was his popu- 
 larity, he was appointed high sheriff in the county in which 
 he resided, and on the expiration of his term of service, h»- 
 was created a justice of the peace, and a judge of the lowei 
 courts. In 1762, and perhaps at a still earlier date, he repre- 
 sented the county of Kent in the provincial legislature. 
 In this station he entered with great zeal and activity into 
 the prominent measures of the day. In the year 1765, th-' 
 first general congress was assembled, as is well known, « 
 New-York, to consult upon the measures which were neces 
 sary to be adopted in consequence of the stamp act, and 
 other oppressive acts of the British government. To this 
 congress, Mr. Rodney, Mr. M'Kean, and Mr. Kojlock, were 
 unanimously appointed by the provincial assembly of Dela- 
 ware to represent that province. On their return from New- 
 York, they reported to the assembly their proceedings, 
 under the instructions which they had received. For the 
 faithful and judicious discharge of the trust reposed in them, 
 the assembly unanimously tendered them their thanks, and 
 voted them a liberal compensation. 
 
 The tumults caused in America by the stamp act, we have 
 had frequent occasion to notice, as well as the joy consequent 
 upon the repeal of that odious measure. In this universal 
 joy, the inhabitants of Delaware largely participated. On 
 the meeting of their legislature, Mr. Rodney, Mr. M'Kean, 
 and Mr. Read, were appointed to express their thanks to the 
 king, for his kindness in relieving them, in common with 
 their country, from a burden which they had considered 
 as exceedingly oppressive. In the address which was report- 
 ed by the above committee, and forwarded, by direction 
 of the assembly, to England, we find the following language: 
 
CjESAR RODNEY. 315 
 
 " We cannot help glorying in being the subjects of a king, 
 that has made the preservation of the civil and religious 
 rights of his people, and the established constitution, the 
 foundation and constant rule of his government, and the 
 safety, ease, and prosperity of his people, his chiefest care ; 
 of a king, whose mild and equal administration is sensibly 
 folt and enjoyed in the remotest parts of his dominion. 
 The clouds which lately hung over America are dissipated. 
 Our complaints have been heard, and our grievances re- 
 dressed ; trade and commerce again flourish. Our hearts 
 are animated with the warmest wishes for the prosperity of 
 the mother country, for which our afl'ection is unbound- 
 ed, and your faithful subjects here are transported with joy 
 and gratitude. Such are the blessings we may justly expect 
 will ever attend the measures of your majesty, pursuing 
 steadily the united and true interests of all your people, 
 throughout your wide extended empire, assisted with the advice 
 and support of a British parliament, and a virtuous and wise 
 ministry. We most humbly beseech your majesty, graciously 
 to accept the strongest assurances, that having the justest 
 sense of the many favours we have received from your royal 
 benevolence, during the course of your majesty's reign, and 
 how much our present happiness is owing to your paternal 
 love and care for your people; we will at all times most 
 cheerfully contribute to your majesty's service, to the utmost 
 of our abilities, when your royal requisitions, as heretofore, 
 shall be made known ; that your majesty will always find 
 such returns of duty and gratitude from us, as the best of 
 kings may expect from the most loyal subjects, and that you 
 will demonstrate to all the world, that the support of your 
 majesty's government, and the honour and interests of the 
 British nation, are our chief care and concern, desiring no- 
 thing more than the continuance of our wise and excellent 
 constitution, in the same happy, firm, and envied situation, 
 in which it was delivered down to us from our ancestors, and 
 your majesty's predecessors." 
 
 This address, according to the agent who presented it, was 
 
316 DELAWARE DELEGATION. 
 
 kindly received by his majesty, who expressed his pleasure 
 by reading it over twice. 
 
 Unfortunately for the British government, but perhaps 
 fortunately in the issue for the America colonies, the repeal 
 of the stamp act was followed by other oppressive measures, 
 Avhich caused a renewal of the former excitement in the 
 American colonies, and led to that revolution, which deprived 
 Great Britain of one of her fairest possessions. The inha- 
 bitants of Delaware were for a long time anxious for a re- 
 conciliation between the mother country and the American 
 colonies ; still they understood too well their unalienable 
 rights, and had too high a regard for them, tamely to relin- 
 quish them. In a subsequent address, prepared by the same 
 gentlemen who had drafted the former, they renewed their 
 protestations of loyalty ; but at the same time took the 
 liberty of remonstrating against the proceedings of the Bri- 
 tish parliament : 
 
 " If our fellow-subjects of Great Britain, who derive no 
 authority from us, who cannot in our humble opinion repre- 
 sent us, and to whom we will not yield in loyalty and alTec- 
 tion to your majesty, can at their will and pleasure, of right, 
 give and grant away our property ; if they enforce an impli- 
 cit obedience to every order or act of theirs for that purpose, 
 and deprive all, or any of the assemblies on this continent, 
 of the power of legislation, for ditl'ering with them in opinion 
 in matters which intimately afiect their rights and interests, 
 and every thing that is dear and valuable to Englishmen, we 
 cannot imagine a case more miserable ; we cannot think that 
 we shall have even the shadow of liberty left. We conceive 
 it to be an inherent right in your majesty's subjects, derived 
 to them from God and nature, handed down from their ances- 
 tors, and confirmed by your royal predecessors and the con- 
 stitution, in person, or by their representatives, to give and 
 grant to their sovereigns those things which their own la- 
 bours and their own cares have acquired and saved, and iu 
 such proportions and at such times, as the national honour 
 and interest may require. Your majesty's faithful subjects 
 of this government have enjoyed this inestimable privilege 
 
C^SAR RODNEY. 317 
 
 iminterrupted from its first existence, till of late. They 
 liave at all times cheerfully contributed to the utmost of their 
 abilities for your majesty's service, as often as your royal 
 requisitions were made known ; and they cannot now, but 
 with the greatest uneasiness and distress of mind, part with 
 the power of demonstrating their loyalty and affection to 
 their beloved king." 
 
 About this time, Mr. Rodney, in consequence of ill health, 
 was obliged to relinquish his public duties, and seek medical 
 advice in the city of Philadelphia. A cancerous affection had 
 some time previously made its appearance on his nose, and 
 was fast spreading itself over one side of his face. Fortunate- 
 ly, the skill of the physicians of Philadelphia afforded him 
 considerable relief, and deterred him from making a voyage 
 to England to seek professional advice in that country. In 
 17G9, Mr. Rodney was elected speaker of the house of repre- 
 sentatives, an office which he continued to fill for several 
 years. About the same time he was appointed chairman of 
 the committee of correspondence with the other colonies. In 
 the discharge of the duties of this latter office, he communi- 
 cated with gentlemen of great influence in all parts of the 
 country, and by the intelligence which he received from them, 
 and which he communicated to his constituents, contributed 
 to that union of sentiment which, at length, enabled the colo- 
 iiies to achieve their independence. 
 
 Among tlie persons which composed the well known con- 
 gress of 1771, Mr. Rodney Avas one, having for his colleagues 
 the gentlemen already named, viz. Thomas M'Kean and 
 George Read. The instructions given to this delegation re- 
 quired them to consult and determine upon such measures as 
 might appear most wise for the colonies to adopt, in order to 
 obtain relief from the sufferings they were experiencing. On 
 the meeting of this congress, on the fifth of September, in 
 the year already named, Mr. Rodney appeared and took his 
 seat. He Avas soon after appointed on several important 
 committees, in the discharge of which he exhibited great 
 fidelity, and as a reward for his services he received the 
 thanks of the provincial assembly, together with a re-appoint- 
 27*' 
 
318 DELAWARE DELEGATION. 
 
 nient to the same high station in the following year. He 
 was also appointed to the office of brigadier general in the 
 province. 
 
 At the time that the important question of independence 
 came before congress, Mr. Rodney was absent on a tour into 
 the southern part of Delaware, having for his object to quiet 
 the discontent which prevailed in that section of the coimtry, 
 and to prepare the minds of the people to a change of their 
 government. On the question of independence, his col- 
 leagues, Mr. M'Kean and Mr. Read, who were at this time 
 in attendance upon congress, in Philadelphia, were divided. 
 Aware of the importance of an unanimous vote of the states 
 in favour of a declaration of independence, and acquainted 
 with the views of Mr. Rodney, Mr. M'Kean dispatched a 
 special messenger to summon him to be present in his seat 
 on the occurrence of the trying question. With great effort, 
 Mr. Rodney reached Philadelphia just in time to give his 
 vote, and thus to secure an entire unanimity in that act of 
 treason. In the autumn of 1776, a convention was called in 
 Delaware, for the purpose of framing a new constitution, and 
 of appointing delegates to the succeeding congress. In this 
 convention there was a majority opposed to Mr. Rodney, 
 who was removed from congress, and another appointed in 
 his stead. Such ingratitude on the part of a people was not 
 common during the revolutionary struggle. In the present 
 instance, the removal of this gentleman was principally at- 
 tributable to the friends of the royal government, who were 
 quite numerous, especially in the lower counties, and who 
 contrived to enlist the prejudices of some true republicans in 
 accomplishing their object. 
 
 Although thus removed from congress, Mr. Rodney still 
 continued a member of the council of safety, and of the com- 
 mittee of inspection, in both of which offices he employed 
 himself with great diligence, especially in collecting supplies 
 for the troops of the state, which were at that time with 
 Wasliington, in the state of New-Jersey. In 1777, he re- 
 paired in person to the camp near Princeton, where he re- 
 
CESAR RODNEY. 319 
 
 mained for nearly two months, in the most active and labori- 
 ous services. 
 
 In the autumn of this year, Mr. Rodney was again appoint- 
 ed as a dt'lcgate from Delaware to congress, but before taking 
 his seat he was elected president of the state. This was an 
 office of great responsibility, demanding energy and prompt- 
 ness, especially as the legislature of the state was tardy in 
 its movements, and the loyalists were not unfrequently ex- 
 citing troublesome insurrections. Mr. Rodney continued 
 in the office of president of the state for about four years. 
 During this period, he had frequent communications from 
 Washington, in relation to the distressed condition of the 
 army. In every emergency, he was ready to assist to the 
 extent of his power ; and by the influence which he exerted, 
 and by the energy which he manifested, he succeeded in af- 
 fording the most prompt and efficient aid. The honourable 
 course which he pursued, his firm and yet liberal conduct, in 
 circumstances tlie most diffiicult and trying, greatly endeared 
 him to the people of Delaware, who universally expressed 
 their regret when, in the year 1782, he felt himself obliged, 
 on account of the arduous nature of his duties, and the deli- 
 cate state of his health, to decline a re-election. 
 
 Shortly after retiring from the presidency, he was elected 
 to congress, but it does not appear that he ever after took 
 his seat in that body. The cancer which had for years af- 
 flicted him, and which for a long time previously had so 
 spread over his face as to oblige him to wear a green silk 
 screen to conceal its ill appearance, now increased its ra- 
 vages, and in the early part of the year 1783, brought him to 
 the grave. 
 
 It would be unnecessary, were it in our power, to add any 
 thing further on the character of Mr. Rodney. He was, as 
 our biographical notice clearly indicates, a man of great in- 
 tegrity, and of pure patriotic feeling. He delighted, when 
 necessary, to sacrilicc his private interests for tlie public 
 good. He was remarkably distinguished for a degree of 
 good humour and vivacity ; and in generosity of character 
 was an ornament to human nature. 
 
320 DELAWARE DELEGATION. 
 
 GEORGE READ. 
 
 George Read was a native of the province of Maryland, 
 where he was born in the year 1734. His grandfather was 
 an Irishman, who resided in the city of Dublin, and was pos- 
 sessed of a considerable fortune. His son, John Read, the 
 father of the subject of the present memoir, having emigrated 
 to America, took up his residence in Cecil county, where he 
 pursued the occupation of a planter. Not long after the 
 birth of his eldest son, he removed with his family into the 
 province of Delaware, and settled in tlie county of Newcas- 
 tle. Mr. Read designing his son for one of the learned pro- 
 fessions, placed him in a seminary at Chester, in the province 
 of Pennsylvania. Having there acquired the rudiments of 
 the learned languages, he was transferred to the care of that 
 learned and accomplished scholar, the Rev. Dr. Allison, a 
 gentleman eminently qualified to superintend the education 
 of young men. With this gentleman young Mr. Read con- 
 tinued his studies until his seventeenth j^ear, when he enter- 
 ed the office of John Moland, Esq. a distinguished lawyer in 
 the city of Philadelphia, for the purpose of acquiring a know- 
 ledge of the legal prolession. The intense application, and 
 the sober habits of Mr. Read, were at this time highly ho- 
 nourable to him. While yet a student, he gave promise of 
 future eminence in his profession. Mr. Moland reposed so 
 great confidence in his abilities, that even before he had fin- 
 ished his preparatory studies, he entrusted to him a consider- 
 able share of his attorney business. 
 
 In 1753, at the early age of nineteen years, Mr. Read was 
 admitted to the bar. On this event he performed an act of 
 singular generosity in favour of the other children of the 
 family. As the eldest son, he was entitled, by the existing 
 laws, to two shares of his father's estate, but he relinquished 
 all his rights in favour of his brothers, assigning as a reason 
 for this act, his belief that he had received his proper portion 
 in the education which had been given him. 
 
 In the following year, he commenced the practice of law, 
 
GEORGE READ. 321 
 
 in the town of Newcastle, and altliough surrounded by gen- 
 tlemen of high attainments in the profession, he soon ac- 
 quired the confidence of the public, and obtained a respect- 
 able share of business. In 1703, he was appointed to suc- 
 ceed John Ross, as attorney general of the three lower 
 counties on the Delaware. This oflice, Mr. Read held until 
 the year 1775, when, on being elected to congress, he re- 
 signed it. 
 
 During the same year, Mr. Read was connected by mar- 
 riage with a daughter of the Rev. John Ross, a clergyman, 
 who had long presided over an episcopal church, in the town 
 of Newcastle. The character of Mrs. Read was in every 
 respect excellent. She possessed a vigorous understanding- 
 In her person she was beautiful, and to elegant manners was 
 added a deep and consistent piety. She was also imbued 
 with the spirit of a pure patriotism. During the revolutionary 
 war, she was often called to suffer many privations, and was 
 frequently exposed with her infant family to imminent danger, 
 by reason of the predatory incursions of the British. Yet, in 
 the darkest hour, and amidst the most appalling danger, her 
 fortitude was unshaken, and her courage undaunted. 
 
 In the year 1705, Mr. Read was elected a representative 
 from Newcastle county to the general assembly of Delaware, 
 a post which he occupied for twelve years. In this station, 
 and indeed throu<;;]i his whole political course, he appears to 
 have been actuated neither by motives of self-interest nor 
 fear. By an adherence to the royal cause, he had reason to 
 anticipate office, honour, and wealth. But his patriotism and 
 integrity were of too pure a character to be influenced by 
 worldly preferment, or pecuniary reward. The question 
 with him was, not what a worldly policy might dictate, but 
 what reason and justice and religion would approve. 
 
 On the first of August, 1774, Mr. Read was chosen a mem- 
 ber of the continental congress, in connexion with Caesar 
 Rodney, and Thomas M'Kean. To this station he was an- 
 nually re-elected, during the whole revolutionary war, and 
 was indeed present in the national assembly, except for a few 
 sliort intervals, during the whole of that period. 
 2T 
 
322 PELAWARE DELEGATION. 
 
 It has already been noticed, that when the great qxiestion 
 of independence came before congress, Mr. Read was op- 
 posed to the measure, and ultimately gave his vote against 
 it. This he did from a sense of duty : not that he was 
 unfriendly to the liberties of his country, or was actuated by 
 motives of selfishness or cowardice. But he deemed the 
 agitation of the question, at the time, premature and inex- 
 pedient. In these sentiments, Mr. Read was not alone. Many 
 gentlemen in the colonies, characterized for great wisdom, 
 and a decided patriotism, deemed the measure impolitic, and 
 would have voted, had they been in congress, as he did. The 
 idle bodings of these, fortunately, were never realised. They 
 proved to be false prophets, but they were as genuine 
 patriots as others. Nor were they, like some in similar cir- 
 cumstances, dissatisfied with results, diflering from those 
 which they had predicted. On the contrary, they rejoiced 
 to find their anticipations were groundless. When, at length, 
 the measure had received the sanction of the great national 
 council, and the time arrived for signing the instrument, Mr. 
 Read affixed his signature to it, with all the cordiality of 
 those who had voted in favour of the declaration itself. 
 
 In the following September, Mr. Read was elected presi- 
 dent of the convention which formed the first constitution 
 of the state of Delaware. On the completion of this, he 
 was offered the executive chair, but chose at that time to de- 
 cline the honour. In 1777, the governor, Mr. M'Kinley, 
 was captured by a detachment of British troops, when Mr. 
 M'Kean was called to take his place in this responsible office, 
 the duties of which he continued to discharge, until the release 
 of the former gentleman. 
 
 In 1779, ill health required him to retire for a season from 
 public employment. In 1782, however, he accepted the ap- 
 pointment of judge of the court of appeals in admiralty cases, 
 an office in which he continued till the abolition of the court. 
 
 In 1787, he represented the state of Delaware in the con- 
 vention which framed the constitution of the United States, 
 under which he was immediately elected a member of the 
 Senate. The duties of this exalted station he discharged till 
 
THOMAS M'KEAN. 323 
 
 1793, when he accepted of a seat on the bcncli of the su- 
 preme court of the state of Delaware, as chief justice. In 
 this station lie continued till the autumn of 1798, when he 
 was suddenly summoned to another world. 
 
 In all the offices with which Mr. Read was entrusted by 
 his fellow citizens, he appeared with distinguislied aljility ; 
 but it was as a judge that he stood pre-eminent. For this 
 station he was peculiarly fitted, not only by his unusual legal 
 attainments, but by his singular patience in hearing all that 
 council might deem important to bring forward, and by a 
 cool and dispassionate deliberation of every circumstance 
 which could bear upon the point in question. To this day 
 his decisions are much respected in Delaware, and are often 
 recurred to, as precedents of no doubtful authority. 
 
 In private life, the character of Mr, Head was not less 
 estimable and respectable. He was consistent in all the rela- 
 tions of life, strict in the observance of his moral duties, 
 and characterized by an expanded benevolence towards all 
 around him. 
 
 THOMAS M'KEAN. 
 
 Thomas M'Kean was the second son of William M'Kean, 
 a native of Ireland, who sometime after his emigration to 
 America, w^as married to an Irish lady, with whom he settled 
 in the township of New-London, county of Chester, and the 
 province of Pennsylvania, where Thomas was born, on the 
 nineteenth of March, 1734. 
 
 At the age of nine years, he was placed under the care of 
 the learned Dr. Allison, who was himself from Ireland, and 
 of whose celebrated institution at New-London, we have al- 
 ready had occasion to speak, in terms of high commendation. 
 Besides an unusually accurate and profound acquaintance 
 with the Latin and Greek classics, Dr. Allison was well in- 
 
334 DELAWARE DELEGATION. 
 
 formed in moral philosophy, history, and general literature. 
 To his zeal for the diffusion of knowledge, Pennsylvania 
 owes much of that taste for solid learning and classical litera- 
 ture, for which many of her principal characters have been 
 so distinguished. 
 
 Under the instructions of this distinguished scholar, young 
 M'Kean made rapid advances in a knowledge of the lan- 
 guages, rhetoric, logic, and moral philosophy. After finishing 
 the regular course of studies, he was entered as a student at 
 law, in the office of David Finney, a gentleman who was re- 
 lated to him, and who resided in Newcastle, in Delaware. 
 Before he had attained the age of twenty-one years, he com- 
 menced the practice of law, in the courts of common pleas for 
 the counties of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex, and also in the 
 supreme court. His industry and talents soon became known, 
 and secured to him a respectable share of business. In 1756, 
 he was admitted to practice in the courts of the city and 
 county of Philadelphia. In the following year he was ad- 
 mitted to the bar of the supreme court in Pennsylvania. In 
 the same year the house of assembly elected him as their 
 clerk, and in the following year he was re-appointed to the 
 same station. 
 
 Mr. M'Kean was as yet a young man, but at this early 
 age, he occupied an enviable rank among men of maturer 
 years. He had held several offices of distinction, and by his 
 industry and assiduity, his judgment and ability, he gave pro- 
 mise of his future eminence. 
 
 The political career of Mr. M'Kean commenced in the year 
 17G2, at which time he was returned a member of the assem- 
 bly from the county of Newcastle, which county he continued 
 to represent in that capacity for several successive years, al- 
 though the last six years of that period he spent in Philadel- 
 phia. In 1779, Mr. M'Kean appeared at Newcastle on the 
 day of the general election in Delaware, and after a long and 
 eloquent speech addressed to his constituents, he requested 
 the privilege of being considered no longer one of their can- 
 didates for the state legislature. Most unexpectedly he was 
 now placed in a peculiarly delicate situation. His constitu- 
 
THOMAS M'KEAN. 325 
 
 ents, although unwilling to dispense with his services in the 
 assembly, consented to comply with his wishes ; but at the 
 eame time requested him to nominate certain gentlemen, 
 whom they should consider as candidates for the next general 
 assembly. This Avas conferring on Mr. M'Kean an honour 
 which must have been highly flattering. It was a mark of 
 confidence in his judgment, without a parallel within our 
 recollection. To a compliance with this request, Mr. M'Kean 
 delicately gave his refusal ; but, it being repeated, he deliver- 
 ed, with much reluctance, to the committee who waited upon 
 liim, the names of seven gentlemen, who were all elected with 
 great unanimity. 
 
 We have had frequent occasion, in these biographical no- 
 tices, to speak of the congress which assembled in New- York 
 in 1765, usually called the stamp act congress, its object being 
 to obtain relief of the British government from the grievances 
 generally under which the colonies were suflering, and of the 
 stamp act in particular. Of that illustrious body Mr. M'Kean 
 was a member, from the counties of Newcastle, Kent, and 
 Sussex, on the Delaware. Of the proceedings of this first 
 American congress, little has been known, or can probably 
 be collected, except from their general declaration of rights, 
 and their address to the king, and petitions to parliament. 
 Vet it is known, that in that congress, there were some who 
 were distinguished for great energy and boldness of character. 
 Among those of this description was James Otis of Boston, 
 w^ho, as Caesar Rodney afterwards said, " displayed that light 
 and knowledge of the interest of America, which, shining like 
 a sun, lit up those stars which shone on this subject after- 
 wards." In original firmness and energy, Mr. M'Kean was 
 probably not greatly inferior to Mr. Otis. His independent 
 conduct, on the last day of the session of the above congress, 
 reflects the highest honour upon him, and deserves a special 
 notice in every history of his life. 
 
 A few of the members of this body appeared not only timid, 
 but were suspected of hostility to the measures which had 
 been adopted. Among these, was Timothy Ruggles, a repre- 
 eentative from the province of Massachusetts, who had been 
 
 28 
 
326 DELAWARE DELEGATIOP*. 
 
 elected president of the congress in preference to James Otis, 
 by only a single vote. In conclusion of the business, and 
 when the members were called upon to sign the proceedings, 
 Mr. Ruggles, with a few others, refused to affix their signa- 
 tures. 
 
 At this moment, Mr. M'Kean rose, and with great dignity, 
 but with deep feeling, addressing himself to the president, 
 requested him to assign his reasons, for refusing to sign the 
 petitions. The president refused, on the ground that he was 
 not bound in duty to state the cause of his objections. So 
 uncourteous a refusal, especially as unanimity and harmony 
 had prevailed during the session, called forth a rejoinder from 
 Mr. M'Kean, in which he pressed upon the president the im- 
 portance of an explanation. At length, after a considerable 
 pause, Mr. Ruggles observed, that it was " against his con 
 science." " Conscience T exclaimed Mr. M'Kean, as he rose 
 from his seat, " conscience .'" and he rung changes on the 
 word so long and so loud, that at length the president, in a 
 moment of irritation, gave Mr. M'Kean, in the presence of 
 the whole congress, a challenge to fight him, which was in- 
 stantly accepted. The president, however, had no more 
 courage to fight than to sign the proceedings of congress; and 
 the next morning he was seen wending his way through the 
 streets of New-York, towards the province of Massachusetts, 
 the legislature of which, not long after, ordered him to be 
 reprimanded. 
 
 The only other member of the congress of 1765, who re- 
 fused to sign the petitions, was Mr. Robert Ogden, at that 
 time speaker of the house of assembly of New-Jersey. This 
 gentleman, Mr. M'Kean strongly solicited in private to adopt 
 a bold and manly course, by affixing his signature to the pro- 
 ceedings of the congress. Arguments, however, were in 
 vain ; yet he was reluctant that his constituents in New-Jer- 
 sey should become acquainted with his refusal. It was, 
 however, communicated to them. The people of New-Jer- 
 sey, justly indignant at his conduct, burnt his effigy in several 
 towns, and on the meeting of the general assembly, he was 
 removed from the office of speaker. As Mr. M'Kean, in pass- 
 
THOMAS M'KEAN. 327 
 
 ing through New-Jersey, had without hesitation, when asked, 
 communicated the course which Mr. Ogden had taken, the 
 latter gentleman, it is said, threatened him with a challenge, 
 which, however, ended much as had the precipitate challenge 
 of the president from Massachusetts. 
 
 We must necessarily pass over several years of the life of 
 Mr. M'Kean, during which he was engaged in various public 
 employments. A short time before the meeting of the con- 
 gress of 1774, IMr. M'Kean took up his permanent residence 
 in the city of Philadelphia. The people of the lower coun- 
 ties on the Delaware were anxious that he should represent 
 them in that body, and he was accordingly elected as their 
 delegate. On the 3d of September, he took his seat in that 
 august assemblage. From this time, until the 1st of Febru- 
 ary, 1783, he continued annually to be elected a member of 
 tlie great national council, a period of eight years and a half. 
 This was the only instance, it is said, in which any gentleman 
 was continued a member of congress, from 1774, to the 
 signing of the preliminaries of peace in 1783. It is also 
 worthy of notice, that at the same time he represented the 
 state of Delaware in congress, he was president of it in 1781, 
 and from July, 1777, was the chief justice of Pennsylvania. 
 Such an instance of the same gentleman being claimed as a 
 citizen of two states, and holding high official stations in both 
 at the same time, is believed to be without a parallel in the 
 history of our country. 
 
 As a member of congress, Mr. M'Kean was distinguished 
 for his comprehensive views of the subjects which occupied 
 the deliberation of that body, and for the firmness and deci- 
 sion which marked his conduct on all questions of great na- 
 tional importance. On the 12th of June, 1776, he was 
 appointed, in connexion with several others, a committee to 
 prepare and digest the form of a confederation between the 
 colonies. This committee reported a draught the same day ; 
 but it was not finally agreed to until the 15th of November, 
 1777, nor was it signed by a majority of the representatives 
 of the respective colonies, until the 9th of July, 1778. Even 
 ai this latter date, New- Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland, had 
 
328 DELAWARE DELEGATION. 
 
 not authorized their delegates to ratify and sign the instru- 
 ment. But, in the November following, New-Jersey acceded 
 to the confederation, and on the 22d of February, 1779, Mr. 
 M'Kean signed it in behalf of Delaware. Maryland ratified 
 the act of union in March, 1781. 
 
 On the great question of a declaration of independence. 
 Mr. M'Kean was, from the first, decidedly in favour of the 
 measure. He subscribed his name to the original intrument 
 deposited in the oflice of the secretary of state, but it was 
 omitted in the copy published in the journals of congress. 
 This omission it is now impossible satisfactorily to explain 
 The following letter on the subject, addressed by Mr. 
 M'Kean to Mr. Dallas of Pennsylvania, on the 26lh of Sep- 
 tember, 1796, will, it is believed, be thought a valuable docu- 
 ment ; 
 
 " Sir, 
 
 "Your favour of the 19th instant, respecting the Decla- 
 ration of Independence, should not have remained so long 
 unanswered, if the duties of my oflice of chief justice had 
 not engrossed my whole attention, while the court was 
 sitting. 
 
 " For several years past, I have been taught to think less 
 unfavourably of scepticism than formerly. So many things 
 have been misrepresented, misstated, and erroneously print- 
 ed, (with seeming authenticity,) under my own eye, as in 
 my opinion to render those who doubt of every thing, not 
 altogether inexcusable : The publication of the Declaration 
 of Independence, on the 4th of July, 177G, as printed in the 
 second volume of the Journals of Congress, page 241 ; and 
 also in the acts of most public bodies since, so far as respects 
 the names of the delegates or deputies, who made that De- 
 claration, has led to the above reflection. By the printed 
 publications referred to, it would appear, as if the fifty-five 
 gentlemen, whose names are there printed, and none other, 
 were on that day personally present in congress, and assent- 
 ing to the Declaration ; M'hereas, the truth is otherwise. The 
 fallowing gentleman were not members of congress on the 
 
THOMAS M'KEAN. 329 
 
 4th of July, 1776 ; namely, Matthew Thornton, Benjamin 
 Rush, George Clyraer, James Smith, George Taylor, and 
 George Ross. The five last named were not chosen delegates 
 until the 20th day of the month ; the first, not until the 12th 
 day of September following, nor did he take his seat in con- 
 gress, until the 4th of November, which was four months 
 after. The journals of Congress, (vol. ii. page 277 and 442.) 
 as well as those of the assembly of the state of Pennsylvania, 
 (p. 53.) and of the general assembly of New-Hampshire, 
 establish these facts. Although the six gentleman named 
 had been very active in the American cause, and some of 
 them, to my own knowledge, warmly in favour of indepen- 
 dence, previous to the day on which it was declared, yet I 
 personally know that none of them were in congress on that 
 day. 
 
 " Modesty should not rob any man of his just honour, 
 when by that honour, his modesty cannot be off'ended. My 
 name is not in the printed journals of congress, as a party to 
 the Declaration of Independence, and this, like an error in 
 llie first concoction, has vitiated most of the subsequent pub- 
 lications; and yet the fact is, that I was then a member of 
 congress for the state of Delaware, was personally present 
 in congress, and voted in favour of independence on the 4th 
 o( Julv, 177(3, and signed tlie declaration after it had been 
 engrossed on parchment, where my name, in my own hand 
 writing, still appears. Henry Misner, of the state of New- 
 York, was also in congress, and voted for independence. I 
 do not know how the misstatement in the printed journal has 
 happened. Tlie manuscript public journal has no names 
 annexed to tlie Declaration of Independence, nor has the 
 scfref journal ; but it appears by the latter, that on the 19th 
 day of July, 177G, the congress directed that it should bo 
 engrossed on parclunent, and signed by cvcnj memhcr, and 
 that it was so produced on the 2d of August, and signed. 
 This is interlined in the secret journal, in the hand of Charles 
 Thompson, the secretary. The present secretary of state 
 of the United States, and myself, have lately inspected the 
 journals, and seen this. The journal was first printed by 
 2 U 28* 
 
830 DELAWARE DELEGATION. 
 
 Mr. John Dunlap, in 1778, and probably copies, with the 
 names then signed to it, were printed in August, 1776, and 
 that Mr. Dunlap printed the names from one of them. 
 
 " I have now, sir, given you a true, though brief, history 
 of this affair ; and, as you are engaged in publishing a new 
 edition of the Laws of Pennsylvania, I am obliged to you 
 for affording the favourable opportunity of conveying to you 
 this information, authorizing you to make any use of it you 
 please. 
 
 " I am," &LC. 
 
 In the life of Mr. Rodney, we have had occasion to re- 
 mark that Mr. M'Kean and Mr. Read voted in opposition to 
 each other, when the question of independence was put in 
 committee of the whole, on the 1st of July. Delaware was 
 thus divided. As it was improbable, in the estimation of Mr. 
 M'Kean, that the views of Mr. Read would undergo a favour- 
 able change before the final question should be taken, he be- 
 came exceedingly anxious that Mr. Rodney, who he knew 
 was in favour of the declaration, should be present. At his 
 private expense he dispatched an express into Delaware to 
 acquaint Mr. Rodney with the delicate posture of aflairs, 
 and to urge him to hasten his return to Philadelphia. For- 
 tunately, by an exertion which patriotism only could have 
 prompted liim to make, that gentleman arrived in Philadel- 
 pliia, just as the members were entering the door of the state 
 house, at the final discussion of the subject. Without even 
 an opportunity of consulting Mr. M'Kean, on the momentous 
 question before them, he entered the hall with his spurs on 
 his boots. Scarcely had he taken his seat, before the report 
 of the chairman of the committee of the whole was read, 
 soon after which the great question was put. Mr. M'Kean. 
 and Mr. Rodney voted in favour on the part of Delaware, 
 and thus contributed to that unanimity among the colonies, 
 on this great subject, without which a declaration had been 
 worse than in vain. 
 
 At the time congress passed the declaration of indepen- 
 dence, the situation of Washington and liis army, in New-Jer- 
 
THOMAS M'KEAN. 331 
 
 sey was exceedingly precariousj. On the 5th of July, it was 
 agreed by several public committees in Philadelphia, to 
 dispatch all the associated militia of the state to the assist- 
 ance of Washington, where they were to continue, until ten 
 thousand men could be raised to relieve them. Mr. M'Kean 
 was at this time colonel of a regiment of associated mililia. 
 A few days following the declaration of independence, he was 
 on his way to Perth Amboy, in New-Jersey, at the head of 
 his battalion. In a letter, dated at head quarters, Perth Am- 
 boy, July 26th, 1770, he describes the narrow escape which 
 he had in executing an order of the commander-in-chief, 
 which required him to marcli his battalion into the town. 
 Having put his troops in motion, under Lieutenant Colonel 
 Dean, he mounted his horse, and proceeded to wait upon the 
 general for more particular orders. At this time, the enemy's 
 batteries were playing along the road which it was necessary 
 for him to take. Amidst balls, which were Hying in every di- 
 rection around him, he proceeded to the general's head 
 ipiarters. An order had just been issued to jirevent the bat- 
 talion from proceeding into the town. It became necessary, 
 therefore, for him to follow them, in order to stop them. As 
 he turned to execute the order, a horse at a short distance 
 from him was shot through the neck by a cannon ball, and 
 such was the incessant discharge from the enemy's batteries 
 along the road, over which he passed, tliat it appeared impos- 
 sible that he should escape. A merciful providence, however, 
 protected him on his return. He executed his order, and 
 safely marched his troops to the camp. 
 
 The associate militia being at length discharged, Mr. M'Kean 
 returned to Philadelphia, and was present in his seat in con- 
 gress on the second of August, when the engrossed copy of 
 the declaration of independence was signed by the members. 
 A few days after this, receiving intelligence of his haring 
 been elected a member of the convention in Delaware, assem- 
 bled for the purpose of forming a constitution for that state, 
 he departed for Dover, which place he reached in a single 
 day. Although excessively fatigued, on his arrival, at the 
 request of a committee of gentlemen of the conreution, ho 
 
333 DELAWARE DELEGATION. 
 
 retired to his room in the public inn, where he was employed 
 the whole night in preparing a constitution for the future go- 
 vernment of the state. This he did without the least assist- 
 ance, and even without the aid of a book. At ten o'clock 
 the next morning it was presented to the convention, by 
 whom it was unanimously adopted. 
 
 In the year 1777, Mr, M'lvean was appointed president 
 of the state of Delaware, and on the twenty-eighth of July of 
 the same year, he received from the supreme executive coun- 
 cil the commission of chief justice of Pennsylvania. The 
 duties of this latter station he continued to discharge for 
 twenty-two years. At the time of his accepting the commis- 
 sion, he was speaker of the house of assembly, president of 
 Delaware, as already noticed, and member of congress. 
 
 The duties of so many otllces pressed with too much weight 
 upon Mr. M'Kean, and he found himself compelled to offer 
 his resignation, in 1780, to the people of Delaware, as their 
 delegate to congress. They were, however, unwilling to dis- 
 pense with his services, and he continued still to represent 
 the state in the national council. In July of the following 
 year, on the resignation of Samuel Huntington, he was elect- 
 ed president of congress, a station which he found it neces- 
 sary in the following October to relinquish, as the duties of it 
 interfered with the exercise of his office of chief justice of 
 Pennsylvania. On accepting his resignation, it was resolved : 
 " that the thanks of congress be given to the honourable 
 Thomas M-Kean, late president of congress, in testimony of 
 their approbation of his conduct in the chair, and in the exe- 
 cution of public business." 
 
 We must here devote a paragraph to speak of Mr. M'Kean, 
 in the exercise of his judicial functions. As a judge, he had 
 few equals, in this, or any other country. At this time the 
 law of the state of Pennsylvania was in a great measure un- 
 settled. It devolved upon him to reduce it to a system. His 
 decisions were remarkably accurate, and often profound. He 
 was distinguished for great perspicuity of language, for an 
 easy and perfectly intelligible explication of even intricate 
 and difficult cases. In his manners, while presiding, to a 
 
THOMAS M'KEAX. 333 
 
 proper affability, he united great dignity. In short, few men 
 while living have acquired a higher reputation than did chief 
 justice M'Kean, and few have enjoyed, after death, a greater 
 share of judicial fame. 
 
 In the year 17S8, an attempt was made to impeach the con- 
 duct of INIr. jM'Kcan, as chief justice. The ground of accusa- 
 tion arose from the following circumstance. Eleazer Oswald, 
 in a column of a paper of which he was editor, attempted to 
 prejudice the minds of the people, in a cause then in court, 
 in which he was defendant ; at the same time casting highly 
 improper reflections upon the judges. In consideration of 
 this contempt of court, the judges inflicted a fine upon Os- 
 wald of ten pounds, and directed him to be imprisoned for 
 the space of one month, that is, fro7n the fifteenth day of July 
 to the fifteenth day ofAvg-iist. At the expiration of twenty 
 eight days, a legal month, Oswald claimed his discharge. The 
 sherifi", upon this, consulted Mr. M'Kean, who not knowing 
 that the sentence was entered upon the record '^for the space 
 of one month,'''' without the explanatory clause, directed the 
 sheriff to detain tlie prisoner until the morning of the fifteenth 
 of August. Finding his mistake, however, he directed Oswald 
 to be discharged ; but as he had been detained beyond the 
 time specified in the sentence, he presented a memorial to the 
 general assembly, complaining of the chief justice, and de- 
 manding his impeachment. After a discussion of the subject 
 by the assembly for several days, and a long examination of 
 witnesses, it was at length resolved : " that this house, having, 
 in a committee of the whole, gone into a full examination of 
 the charges exhil)ited by Eleazer Oswald, of arbitrary and 
 oj)pressive proceedings in the justices of the supreme court, 
 against the said Eleazer Oswald, are of the opinion, that the 
 charges are unsupported by the testimony adduced, and, con- 
 sequently, that there is no just cause for impeaching the said 
 justices." 
 
 Of the convention of Pennsylvania, which was assembled 
 on the twentieth of November, 1787, to ratify the constitution 
 of the United Slates, Mr. M'Kean was delegated a member 
 from the city of Philadelphia. In this convention, Mr 
 
334 DELAWARE DELEGATION. 
 
 M'Kean and Mr. Wilson, of the latter of whom we have gpo- 
 ken in a former biographical sketch, took the lead. On the 
 twenty-sixth of this month, the former submitted the follow- 
 ing motion : " That this convention do assent to, and ratify 
 the constitution agreed to on the seventeenth of September 
 last, by the convention of the United States of America, held 
 at Philadelphia." On a subsequent day, he entered at length 
 into the merits of the constitution, which he demonstrated in 
 the most masterly manner, and triumphantly answered the 
 various objections which had been urged against it. In the 
 conclusion of this eloquent speech, he used the following 
 language : " The law, sir, has been my study from my infan- 
 cy, and my only profession. I have gone through the circle 
 of office, in the legislative, executive, and judicial, depart- 
 ments of government; and from all my study, observation, 
 and experience, I must declare, that from a full examination 
 and due consi leration of this system, it appears to me the 
 hest the world has yet seen. 
 
 "I congratulate you on the fair prospect of its being 
 adopted, and am happy in the expectation of seeing accom- 
 plished, what has been long my ardent wish — that you will 
 hereafter have a salutary permanency in magistracy, and 
 stability in the laws.''^ 
 
 In the following year, the legislature of Pennsylvania took 
 measures for calling a convention, to consider in what re- 
 spects their slate constitution required alteration and amend 
 ment. This convention commenced its session on the 24th 
 of November, 1780 ; Mr. M'Kean appeared and took his seat 
 as a delegate from the city of Philadelphia. When the con- 
 vention resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the 
 subject of altering or amending the constitution, he was ap- 
 pointed chairman. During the whole of the deliberations, he 
 presided with great dignity and ability, for which he received, 
 the unanimous thanks of the convention. In 1779, Mr. M'Kean 
 was elected to the chief magistracy of the state of Pennsyl- 
 rania. His competitor at this time, was the able and distin- 
 guished James Ross. Mr. M'Kean belonged to the politics 
 of Mr. Jefferson, to whose elevation to the presidency of the 
 
THOMAS m'keax. 336 
 
 United States, his election is supposed to have powerfully 
 contributed. The administration of Mr. M'Kean was mark- 
 ed with ability, and with ultimate benefit to the state ; yet 
 the numerous removals from office of his political opponents, 
 produced great excitement in the state, and, perhaps, upon 
 the %vhole, betrayed, on his part, an unjustifiable degree of 
 political asperity. 
 
 During the years 1807 and 1808, through the influence of 
 a number of the citizens of the city and county of Philadel- 
 phia, an inquiry was instituted by the legislature into the offi- 
 cial conduct of Governor M'Kean. The committee appointed 
 for this purpose reported to the legislature : 
 
 " I. That the governor did, premeditatedly, wantonly, un- 
 justly, and contrary to the true intent and meaning of the 
 constitution, render void the late election, (in 1806,) of a she- 
 riff in the city and county of Philadelphia. 
 
 " II. That he usurped a judicial authority, in issuing a 
 warrant for the arrest and imprisonment of Joseph Cabrera ; 
 and interfered in favour of a convict for forgery, in defiance 
 of the law, and contrary to the wholesome regulations of the 
 prison in Philadelphia, and the safety of the citizens. 
 
 " III. That, contrary to the true intent and meaning of the 
 constitution, and in violation of it, did he appoint Dr. George 
 Buchanan lazaretto physician of the port of Philadelphia. 
 
 " IV. That, under a precedent, acknowledged to have been 
 derived from the king of Great Britain, and contrary to the 
 express letter of the constitution, did he suffer his name to be 
 stamped upon blank patents, M'arrants on the treasury, and 
 other official papers, and that, too, out of his presence. 
 
 "V. That, contrary to law, did he supersede Dr. James 
 Reynolds as a member of the board of health. 
 
 *' VI. That, contrary to the obligations of duty, and the 
 injunctions of the constitution, did he offer and authorize 
 overtures to be made to discontinue two actions of the com- 
 monwealth against William Duane and his surety, for an al- 
 leged forfeiture of two recognizances of one thousand 
 dollars each, on condition that William Duane would discon- 
 tinue •ivii actions against his son Joseph B. M'Keaa, and 
 
336 DELAWARE DELEGATION. 
 
 Others, for damages for a murderous assault, committed by 
 Joseph M'Kean, and others, on WilHam Duane." 
 
 This report the committee followed by affixing the follow- 
 ing resolution : 
 
 " Resolved, That Thomas M'Kean, governor of this 
 commonwealth, be impeached of high crimes and misde- 
 meanours." 
 
 On tlie twenty-seventh of January, the house proceeded to 
 the consideration of the above resolution, and on the same 
 day indefmitely postponed the further consideration of the 
 subject. 
 
 Although this attempt to impeach the governor was thus 
 unsuccessful, the following day he presented to the house a 
 reply to the charges which had been exhibited against him 
 by the committee of inquiry. After being read, a motion 
 was made to insert it at large on the journal, which, at length, 
 was carried in the affirmative. 
 
 In the course of this reply, which contained, in the view 
 of temperate men, a triumphant vindication of his character, 
 Mr. M'Kean observed as follows : " That I may have erred 
 in judgment ; that I may have been mistaken in my general 
 views of public policy ; and that I may have been deceived 
 by the objects of executive confidence, or benevolence — I am 
 not so vain nor so credulous as to deny ; though, in the 
 present instance, I am still without the proof and without 
 the belief; but the firm and fearless position which I take, 
 invites the strictest scrutiny, upon a fair exposition of our 
 constitution and laws, into the sincerity and truth of the 
 general answer given to my accusers — that no act of my 
 public life was ever done from a corrupt motive, nor with- 
 out a deliberate opinion that the act was lawful and proper 
 in itself'' 
 
 At the close of the year 1808, Mr. M'Kean, having occu- 
 pied the chair of state during the constitutional period of nine 
 years, retired from tlie cares of a long life to the enjoyment 
 of a peaceful retirement, rendered doubly grateful by the 
 consciousness of a well earned and honourable fame. In 
 the enjoyment of this retirement, he lived until the twenty- 
 
THOMAS M'KEAN. 337 
 
 fourth of June, 1817, when he was gathered to the generation 
 of his fathers, at the uncommon age of eighty-three years, 
 two months, and sixteen days. He lies interred in the burial 
 ground of the First Presbyterian Church, in Market-street, 
 Philadelphia, 
 
 2X 29 
 
TUB 
 
 MARYLAND DELEGATIOIV. 
 
 Samuel Chase, 
 William Paca, 
 
 Thomas Stone, 
 Charles Carroll. 
 
 SAMUEL CHASE. 
 
 Samuel Chase was the son of the Rev. Thomas Chase, a 
 clergyman of distinction, in the protestant episcopal church, 
 who, after his emigration to America, married the daughter 
 of a respectable farmer, and settled, for a time, in Somerset 
 county, in Maryland, where this son was born, on tne 17th of 
 April, 1741. 
 
 In 1743, Mr. Chase removed to Baltimore, having been ap- 
 pointed to the charge of St. Paul's church, in that place. 
 Even in Baltimore, at this period, there was no school of a 
 high order. The instruction of his son, therefore, devolved 
 upon Mr. Chase, than whom few, fortunately, were better 
 qualified for such a charge. His own attainments in classi- 
 cal learning were much superior to those who had been edu- 
 cated in America. Under the instruction of one so well 
 qualified to teach, the son soon outstripped most of his com- 
 peers, and at the early age of eighteen was sent to Annapolis, 
 to commence the study of law. After a sedulous attention 
 to his preparatory course, for two years, he was admitted to 
 practice in the mayor's co art, and two years from this latter 
 
SAMUEL CHASE. 339 
 
 date, was licensed for the chancery, and some of the county 
 courts. Finding the number of practitioners at Annapolis 
 small, he settled in that place as a lawyer, where he was soon 
 after connected in marriage with an amiable and intelligent 
 lady, by whom he had two sons and two daughters, all o 
 whom survived their parents. 
 
 The incidents in the life of Mr. Chase, for several years, 
 Avere but few. Devoted to his professional duties, he not 
 only acquired a respectable share of business, but became 
 liiglily distinguished for his legal attainments. 
 
 The poHtical career of Mr. Chase commenced about the 
 lime of tlie congress of 1774, in which body he acted as a de- 
 legate from Maryland. This station he continued to occupy 
 for several years. In the spring of 1776, he was appointed 
 by congress, in conjunction with Dr. Franklin and Mr. Car- 
 roll, to a trust of a most important nature. This was a mis- 
 sion to Canada, the object of which was, to induce the inha- 
 bitants of that country to withdraw their connexion from 
 Great Britain, and to join the American confederacy. The 
 undertaking was attended with great ditliculties ; but as Mr. 
 Cliase, though young, was distinguished for his abilities, and 
 characterized for a most ardent patriotism, he was appointed 
 one of the commissioners. IMr. Carroll, and his brother, af- 
 terwards the archbishop of Baltimore, were added to the com- 
 mission, under an apprehension that they might exercise a 
 fialutary influence with the catholics in Canada. Although 
 tlic objects of tlie expedition were not attained, the fidelity of 
 the commissioners was never, for a moment, questioned. 
 
 On his return to Philadelphia, Mr. Chase found that a pro- 
 position had been made in congress to issue a declaration of 
 independence. The situation of the Maryland delegation, in 
 respect to sucli a measure, was peculiarly trying. They had 
 been expressly prohibited, by the convention which appointed 
 ihem, from voting in favour of a declaration of independence ; 
 and, as they had accepted their appointments under this re- 
 striction, they did not feel at liberty to give such a measure 
 their active and open support. 
 
 It was not compatible with the independent and patriotic 
 
340 MARYLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 spirit of Mr. Chase, quietly to endure such a situation. Us 
 left congress, and proceeded to Maryland. He traversed the 
 province, and, assisted by his colleagues and friends, as- 
 sembled county meetings, and persuaded the inhabitants to 
 send addresses to the convention, then sitting at Annapolis, 
 in favour of independence. Such an expression of cordiality 
 to a measure, the convention could not resistj^and at length 
 gave an unanimous vote in its favour. With this vote, Mr. 
 Chase hastened to Philadelphia, where he arrived in time to 
 take his seat on Monday morning, having rode, on the two 
 previous days, one hundred and fifty miles. On the day of 
 his arrival, the resolution to issue a declaration of indepen- 
 dence came before the house, and he had the pleasure of 
 uniting with a majority in favour of it. 
 
 This success was a sufficient reward for all the labour 
 which he had sustained, in accomplishing an object so de- 
 sirable. A pure patriotism only, however, could have sus- 
 tained the fathers of the revolution, under all the toils and 
 fatigue which they endured. They Avere fitted for high and 
 mighty enterprises. Common dangers, and common sufier- 
 ings, they regarded not. The object presented to their view, 
 was connected with the liberty not only of themselves, but 
 with the millions of their future posterity. With this object 
 before them, therefore, they heeded not danger, nor were 
 they subdued, or even disheartened, by the most unexpected 
 reverses. 
 
 Our limits permit us not to enter into a minute detail of 
 the congressional services rendered by Mr. Chase, during 
 several years which followed the declaration of indepen- 
 dence. In the number, variety, and importance of those 
 services, he was probably surpassed by (ew. He possessed, 
 beyond most others, an ardour of mind, which sometimes, in 
 debate, carried him almost beyond the bounds of propriety. 
 There were some others from time to time in congress of a 
 similar stamp. They were important members ; they served 
 to animate that body by the warmth which they manifested 
 in debate, and to rouse the more supine or timid to action, as 
 the necessity of the times required. 
 
SAMUEL CHASE. 341 
 
 In 1783, Mr. Chase being accidentally in BaUimore, was 
 invited to attend the meeting of a club of young men, who 
 assembled at stated times, for the purpose of debating. 
 Among the speakers of the evening, there was one who, 
 from his force of argument, and gracefulness of delivery, 
 attracted his attention. At the close of the debate, Mr. Chase 
 entered into conversation with him, and advised him to think 
 of the profession of law. The young man was at the time a 
 clerk in an apothecary's shop. Finding him destitute of the 
 means necessary for an undertaking so expensive, Mr. Chase 
 kindly offered him the benefit of his library, his instruc- 
 tion, and his table. That young man was William Pinhncy. 
 lie accepted the invitation of his generous benefactor, wlio 
 afterwards had the pleasure of seeing him one of the most 
 distinguislied lawyers ever at the American bar. It may be 
 proper to add in this place, that he was afterwards attorney 
 general of the United States, and a minister in successive 
 years at the courts of St. James, at Naples, and St. Peters- 
 burg. In the same year, Mr. Chase visited England, on be- 
 half of the state of Maryland, for the purpose of reclaiming 
 a large amount of property, which, while a colony, she had 
 entrusted to the bank of England. In the prosecution of 
 this business, he continued in England about a year, in which 
 lime he had the j)leasure of becoming acquainted with many 
 of llic distinguished men of that country, among whom were 
 Pitt, and Fox, and Burke. Although unsuccessful in accom- 
 j)lishing the object of his mission, while he continued in 
 England, he put the claim in so favourable a train, that at 
 a subsequent period, the state recovered about six hundred 
 and fifty thousand dollars. While in England, he was mar- 
 ried to his second wife, the daughter of Dr. Samuel Giles, of 
 Kentbury, with whom, in 17S4, he returned to America. 
 
 In the year 1780, at the pressing invitation of his friend, 
 Colonel Howard, he removed from Annapolis to Baltimore. 
 By this gentleman, he was generously presented with a 
 square of ten lots of land, upon a spot in which he erected a 
 liouse, in whicli he lived until his death. On his removal 
 from Annapolis, the corporation of that city tendered to liim 
 39* 
 
342 MARYLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 the expressions of their respect, in the following address : 
 *• Sir, the mayor, aldermen, and common councilmen of the 
 city of Annapolis, impressed with a due sense of the services 
 rendered to this corporation by you, in the capacity of re- 
 corder thereof, do take this occasion to assure you of their 
 entire approbation of your conduct in the performance of the 
 duties of that trust, and to acknowledge your ready exertion, 
 at all times, to promote the interest and Avelfare of this city- 
 They sincerely regret the occasion of this address, as your 
 removal from the city of Annapolis will deprive this body of 
 a faithful and able officer, and the city of a valuable citizen. 
 You have our warmest wishes for your happiness and wel- 
 fare." 
 
 To this address, Mr. Chase returned the following an- 
 swer : " The address of the mayor, aldermen, and common 
 councilmen of this city, presented me this day, affords me 
 just pleasure, as I flatter myself they speak the genuine senti- 
 ments of the citizens. As recorder of the city, duty and in 
 clination urged me to enforce due obedience to the by-laws, 
 and assist in the framing of ordinances for tlie regulating the 
 police of the city. In the discharge of this duty, I ever re- 
 ceived the ready assistance of my brethren on the bench, 
 and of the other members of the corporation, and but a small 
 portion of merit is due to me. My abilities have been much 
 overrated by the corporation ; I only wish they had been 
 equal to my inclination to serve them. 
 
 " As one of the delegates of Annapolis, my public powers 
 were exerted on all occasions to promote the interest and 
 welfare of the city ; and supported by my colleagues, my 
 endeavours were in some instances crowned with success. I 
 feel myself amply rewarded by the approbation of the body 
 over whom you have the honour to preside. There can be 
 nothing more agreeable to a public character, than to receive 
 the public approbation of his conduct, from those who speak 
 the collected and unbiassed sense of his constituents; and it 
 is the only reward a free and virtuous people can bestow, 
 and the only one an honest representative can ex})ect. 
 
 " Be pleased to present the corporation my warmest 
 
SAMUEL CHASE. 343 
 
 wishes for their prosperity, and I sincerely liope that the 
 city of Annapolis may be forever distinguished for the har- 
 mony and friendship, the benevolence and patriotism of its 
 citizens." 
 
 In the year 1788, Mr. Chase was appointed the presiding 
 judge of a court of criminal jurisdiction, for the county and 
 town of Baltimore, at that time organized. This situa- 
 tion, however, did not prevent him from the practice of his 
 profession, in which he continued until the year 1791, when 
 he accepted the appointment of chief justice of the general 
 court of Maryland. In a previous year, Mr. Chase had served 
 in the convention of IMaryland, assembled to ratify the 
 federal constitution on the part of Maryland. With this in- 
 strument he was not entirely pleased, considering it not 
 sufficiently democratical. He is said to have belonged to the 
 federal party in the country, and so to have continued to the 
 end of his life ; but not to have entertained that partiality 
 for England which has been ascribed to that party. With 
 this peculiarity of views and feelings, Mr. Chase was not, as 
 might be expected, without his enemies. 
 
 In the year 1794, an event occurred in the city of Balti- 
 more, which gave an opportunity to Judge Chase of exhibit- 
 ing the firmness of his character, in respect to maintaining 
 the dignity of the bench and the supremacy of the law. The 
 event to wliich we allude was the tarring and feathering of 
 two men, in the public streets, on an occasion of some popu- 
 lar excitement. The circumstances of the case were inves- 
 tigated by Judge Chase, in the issue of which investigation, 
 he caused two respectable and popular men to be arrested as 
 ring-leaders. 
 
 On being arraigned before the court, they refused to give 
 bail. Upon this the judge informed them that they must go 
 to jail. Accordingly, he directed the sheriff to take one of the 
 prisoners to jail. This the sheriff informed the judge he 
 could not do, as he apprehended resistance. " Summon the 
 posse comitatus then," exclaimed tlie judge. " Sir," said the 
 tjheriff, " no one will serve." " Summon me then," said Judge 
 
344 MARYLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 Chase, in a tone of lofty indignation, " I will be the posse 
 comitatus, and I will take him to jail." 
 
 A membei* of the bar now begged leave to interpose, and 
 requested the judge to waive the commitment. "No, God for- 
 bid," replied tlie judge, "I will do my duty, whatever be the 
 consequences to myself or my family." lie now directed the 
 parties to meet him the next day, and to give him the required 
 security. He was told that the next day would be the sabbath 
 " No better day," said Judge Chase, " can be named, on 
 which to execute the laws of the country. I will meet you 
 here, and from this seat of justice I will go to the house of 
 God." 
 
 The parties in question, however, neglected to give the re- 
 quired security on the sabbath, on account of which neglect, 
 the judge despatched an express to the governor and council, 
 calling upon them for assistance in the execution of the laws. 
 On Monday the required security was given ; but when the 
 grand jury met, instead of finding a bill against the accused, 
 they delivered a presentment against Judge Chase himself, 
 in which they rellected with severity upon his censure of the 
 sherifl", and charged him with having violated the bill of rights, 
 by holding at the same time two incompatible offices, viz. 
 the office of chief justice of the criminal court, and that of the 
 general court of the state. To this presentment Judge Chase 
 replied with becoming moderation, and yet with firmness. In 
 conclusion, he informed tlie jury that they had touched upon 
 topics beyond their province ; he advised tliem to confine 
 themselves to the line of their duty, assuring them that what- 
 ever opinions they might form, or whatever resentments they 
 might indulge, he sliould ever respect them as the grand in- 
 quest of the state of Maryland. 
 
 In the year 179G, he was appointed by Washington an as- 
 sociate judge of the supreme court of the United States, a sta- 
 tion which he continued to occupy for fifteen years, and in 
 which he generally appeared with great dignity and ability. 
 It was the ill fortune of Judge Chase, however, to have his 
 latter days on the bench embittered by an impeachment by 
 the house of representatives, on which he was tried before the 
 
SAMUEL CHASE. 345 
 
 senate of the United States, where he narrowly escaped con- 
 demnation. This impeachment was made in 1804, and was 
 recommended by a committee of inquiry, raised, it is said, on 
 the motion of John Randolph, of Virginia, to which he was 
 incited through political animosity. The articles of impeach- 
 ment originally reported were six in number, to which two 
 others were afterwards added. On these articles Judge Chase 
 was put upon his trial, which began on the second of January, 
 and was finally ended on the fifth of March, 1805. 
 
 The articles of impeachment were founded on certain con- 
 duct of the judge, on different occasions, at Philadelphia, Rich- 
 mond, and other places, in which he was said to have tran- 
 scended his judicial powers. The minute history of this 
 affair, our limits forbid us to detail. It is sufficient to say, that 
 much exertion was made by his political opponents to pro- 
 duce a conviction, but without effect. On five of the charges 
 a majority of ihc senate acquitted him. On the others, a ma- 
 jority was against him ; but as a vote of two thirds is neces- 
 sary to conviction, he was acquitted of the whole. 
 
 This was a severe trial to a man of the independent spirit 
 of Judge Chase. Its disagreeableness was not a little increas- 
 ed by a severe attack of the gout, during the progress of the 
 impeachment. After his acquittal, he continued to exercise 
 his judicial functions, unmolested by his enemies, and with 
 his usual ability. 
 
 In the year 1811, his health began to fail him, and though 
 his disease was slow in its progress, he well understood, that 
 it was of a nature to bring him to the grave. His death oc- 
 curred on the nineteenth of June. In his dying hour, he ap- 
 peared calm and resigned. He spoke of his domestic afl'airs 
 with great propriety, and to his weeping family recommend- 
 ed composure and fortitude. He was a firm believer in 
 Christianity, and but a sliort time before his death, having 
 partaken of the sacrament, he declared himself to be in peace 
 with all mankind. In his will, he directed that no mourning 
 should be worn for him, and requested that only his name, 
 with the dates of his birth and death, should be inscribed on 
 his tomb. 
 
 2Y 
 
346 MARYLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 From the foregoing sketch, it is easy to perceive that Judge 
 Chase was no ordinary man. He possessed an intellect of 
 great power, and a courage which was at all times undaunted. 
 It was his unhappiness to have feelings which were too iras- 
 cible and vehement for his personal comfort, and which be- 
 trayed him at times, into a course of conduct, that sober 
 judgment would have pronounced at least impolitic. Yet few 
 men Avere more sincere, or more firmly patriotic. He ar- 
 dently loved his friends, and by them, was ardently loved in 
 turn. He loved his country. In the days of her deepest de- 
 pression, he stood firm to her interests, and will occupy a 
 distinguished place among those who have " graced the rolls 
 of fame." 
 
 WILLIAM PACA. 
 
 William Paca was born on the 31st of October, 1740. 
 He was the second son of John Paca, a gentleman of large 
 estate, who resided in the county of Harford, in the state of ^ 
 Maryland. His father, sensible of the importance of a good 
 education, placed his son, at a proper age, in the college at 
 Philadelphia, at that time under the care of the learned and 
 eloquent Dr. William Smith. On commencing bachelor of 
 arts, in 1759, he entered the office of Stephen Bradley, a dis- 
 tinguished lawyer of Annapolis, for the purpose of pursuing 
 the profession of law. 
 
 Mr. Paca was a diligent student, and early gave promise of 
 eminence inhis profession. He was licensed to practice in 1761, 
 and was admitted to the bar at the provincial court in 1704. He 
 established himself at Annapolis, where he had for his com- 
 petitors, John Price, and Samuel Chase, with the latter of 
 whom he became intimately acquainted, and with Avhom he 
 acted an important part during the revolutionary struggle. 
 
 The political career of Mr. Paca commenced in 1771, at 
 
WILLIAM PACA. 347 
 
 which time he was appointed to represent the county in the 
 popular branch of the legislature. At this time, and for se- 
 veral years after, much contention existed between the go- 
 vernment of Maryland, which was proprietary, and the peo- 
 ple. The government consisted of three branches : a house 
 of burgesses, the members of which were selected by the 
 people. The second branch Avas called the upper house, the 
 members of which were elected and removed, at the pleasure 
 of the proprietor. The governor formed the third branch, 
 without whose assent no act of assembly was valid. And in 
 addition to this, the proprietor himself, who generally resid- 
 ed in England, claimed the privilege of dissenting from such, 
 laws as he pleased, although they had received the sanction 
 of the above branches of the legislature. Hence, there was 
 often no small collision between the lower house, or those 
 who represented the people, and the upper house and go- 
 vernor, who were considered as under the influence of the 
 proprietor. 
 
 In this provincial assembly, Mr. Paca represented the peo 
 pie, whose interests he strongly felt, and faithfully guarded. 
 The interests of the proprietor and of the people were often 
 thought to be at variance. An avaricious and oppressive 
 spirit marked the proceedings of the proprietor and his par- 
 tisans. It was important, therefore, for the people, to have 
 men to represent them in the house of burgesses, who un- 
 derstood their rights, and were sulliciently bold to assert and 
 maintain them. Such a man was Mr. Paca. He was learn- 
 ed as to a knowledge of law, and of the principles of the 
 proprietary government ; and at all times, when necessary, 
 sufficiently courageous to resist the aggressions of avarice, 
 and the usurpations of tyranny. 
 
 The following anecdote will illustrate the bold and inde- 
 pendent spirit of Mr. Paca. In 1771, an act expired in 
 Maryland, the object of which was to regulate the staple of 
 tobacco, and the fees of certain officers. This act the house 
 of burgesses refused to continue, without a reduction of the 
 officers' fees. As neither branch of the assembly would re- 
 cede from the ground it had taken, the fee bill fell. In this 
 
348 MARYLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 state of things, the governor issued his proclamation direct- 
 ing the officers to proceed according to the old law. 
 
 The commotion excited throughout the province was 
 great, and at some places, particularly at Annapolis, even 
 tumultuous. At this latter place, a multitude of citizens col- 
 lected to express their abhorrence of the conduct of the go- 
 vernor. At the head of this multitude were Mr. Paca and 
 Mr. Chase. A procession was formed, and with these two 
 gentlemen for leaders, they proceeded to a gallows which 
 had been previously erected, upon which they hung the 
 governor's proclamation, in due form, with a halter. At 
 length it was taken down, inclosed in a coffin prepared for 
 the purpose, and consigned to a grave dug beneath the gal- 
 lows. During the whole ceremony, minute guns were fired 
 from a schooner owned by Mr. Paca, which was stationed at 
 no great distance. In conclusion, the citizens marched back 
 to the city, where they devoted the remainder of the day to 
 festivity. 
 
 The controversy to which we have now alluded had long 
 existed, and continued to exist, quite down to the era of the 
 revolutionary struggle. When that struggle commenced, 
 about the year 1774, there were men, therefore, in Maryland, 
 who were well prepared to enter into it, with energy and de- 
 cision. They had been trained in the school of controversy. 
 They had studied every chapter relating to American rights; 
 and possessing a boldness and a courage commensurate with 
 their knowledge, they were prepared to act a decided part. 
 
 Of the illustrious congress of 1774, Mr. Paca was a mem- 
 ber, in conjunction with Samuel Chase, and several others. 
 They were instructed by the Maryland convention, from 
 which they received their appointment : " To effect one 
 general plan of conduct, operating on the commercial con- 
 nexion of the colonies with the mother country, for the 
 relief of Boston, and the preservation of American liberty." 
 As a member of this congress, Mr, Paca so well pleased his 
 constituents, that he was re-appointed to the same station, 
 until the year 1778, at the close of which he retired. 
 Mr. Paca was an open advocate for a declaration of inde* 
 
WILLIAM PACA. 349 
 
 pendencc, as were several of his colleagues. For the ac- 
 complishment of such an object, they laboured with unwea- 
 ried zeal. A majority of the people of Maryland, however, 
 were not ])rcpared for such a measure. They still felt 
 a strong allcction for the king, and the mother country, to- 
 wards whom they expressed by their convention, early in 
 the year 177(5, many professions of loyalty and regard. 
 
 At the same time, they strictly enjoined their representa- 
 tives in congress, not to consent fo any propositions for pub- 
 lishing a declaration of independence, and accompanied 
 these restrictions with a resolution, that Maryland would not 
 be bound by any vote of congress, which should sanction 
 such a measure. 
 
 In the life of Mr. Chase, we have related the manner in 
 which a change was efl'ectcd among the people in relation to 
 this subject, particularly through the instrumentality of Mr. 
 Chase. On the 28th of June, the convention of Maryland 
 recalled their instructions to their delegates, whom they left 
 free to vote in favour of a declaration of independence. In 
 consequence, their vote was given in its favour, shortly after 
 which the convention expressed their approbation of the 
 measure, and in support of it pledged their lives and fortunes 
 and sacred honour. 
 
 Early in tlie year 1778, Mr. Paca was appointed chief jus- 
 tice of the supreme court of his state, an office which he 
 continued to exercise with great ability, until 1780, when he 
 was advanced by congress to the still more important oflice 
 of chief judge of the court of appeals, in prize and admiralty 
 cases. In this new station, he acquitted himself with great 
 honour. He entered with ability into the subject of inter- 
 national law, and had the happiness to learn that his deci- 
 sions were highly approved, both at home and abroad. 
 
 In 1782, he was elected to the chief magistracy of his na- 
 tive state. Here, again, he was distinguished for great cor- 
 rectness and integrity, for dignity and simpltcity. He en- 
 tered with zeal into the interests of literature and religion, 
 both of which he promoted by his private donations, and his 
 executive patronage. These subjects he officially recom- 
 30 
 
350 MARYLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 mended to the general assembly in the following language 
 "It is far from our intention," said he, " to embarrass your 
 deliberations with a variety of objects ; but we cannot pass 
 over matters of so high concernment as religion and learning. 
 The sufferings of the ministers of the gospel of all denomi- 
 nations, during the war, have been very considerable ; and 
 the perseverance and firmness of those, who discharged their 
 sacred functions under many discouraging circumstances, 
 claim our acknowledgments and thanks. The bill of rights 
 and form of government recognize the principle of public 
 support for the ministers of the gospel, and ascertain the 
 mo.de. Anxiously solicitous for the blessings of government, 
 and the welfare and happiness of our citizens, and thoroughly 
 convinced of the powerful influence of religion, when dif- 
 fused by its respectable teachers, we beg leave most seriously 
 and warmly to recommend, among the first objects of your 
 attention, on the return of peace, the making such provision 
 as the constitution, in this case, authorizes and approves." 
 
 The recommendation of Governor Paca was kindly re- 
 ceived by the assembly, which passed several acts in aid of 
 the several denominations of christians, which were at that 
 time numerous in Maryland. The interest Avhich he mani- 
 fested in favour of religion, met the warm approbation of 
 the various sects ; and from the episcopalians, in particidar, 
 jt elicited, through their convention, a formal expression of 
 thanks. 
 
 After holding the office of chief magistrate for one year, 
 Mr. Paca retired to private life, until 1780, when he again 
 accepted the executive chair for a single year. 
 
 In 1789, on the organization of the federal government, 
 be received from President Washington the appointment of 
 judge of the district court of the United States for Mary- 
 land. This office he held until the year 1799, when he was 
 summoned to another world, in the sixtieth year of his age. 
 
 Mr. Paca was twice married. The first time to a daughter 
 of Samuel Chew, in the year 1761, while he was pursuing 
 tlie study of law. The second time in 1777, to a daughter 
 of a respectable gentleman of Philadelphia, by the name of 
 
THOMAS STONE. 851 
 
 Harrison. By the former lady he had five children, one of 
 whom only survives. By the latter he had a son, who died 
 shortly after his mother, whose decease occurred in 1780. 
 
 Few men in America, as maybe gathered from the precc- 
 dinjr sketch, were ever more estimable in their character than 
 Governor Paca. He possessed a mind of superior order, 
 which was greatly improved by his intercourse with man- 
 kind, and his extensive acquaintance with books. 
 
 In his address he was unusually graceful, and in his social 
 powers was excelled by i'ew. His attention to the young 
 Avas not the least excellent trait in his character. He sought 
 their company, and took a deep interest in their moral and 
 intellectual improvement. Even after he became governor 
 of the state, he was in the habit of attending a club at Anna- 
 polis, composed of young men and gentlemen of science. In 
 this school, many were trained, who afterwards became 
 highly distinguished both as statesmen and lawyers. It was 
 Jicre that tliat celebrated orator, William Pinkncy, first at- 
 tracted the attention of Judge Chase, an account of whose 
 particularlv kind conduct towards liini, we have given in the 
 life of that gentleman. We shall only add to this notice of 
 Mr. Paca, that as he lived a life of distinguished usefulness, 
 so he died regretted by all who knew how to estimate moral 
 worth, intellectual elevation, and political integrity. 
 
 THOMAS STONE. 
 
 Thomas Stone was the son of David Stone, of Pointon 
 Manor, Charles county, Maryland. His father was a de- 
 scendant of William Stone, who was governor of Maryland 
 during the protectorate of Oliver Cromwell. 'The boyhood 
 of Thomas Stone was distinguished by an unusual fondness 
 for learning. At the age of fifteen, having acquired a re- 
 spectable knowledge of the EngUsh language, he obtained 
 
352 MARYLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 the reluctant consent of his father to enter the scliool of a Mr. 
 Blaizedel, a Scotchman, for the purpose of pursuing the 
 Greek and Latin languages. This school was at tlie distance 
 of ten miles from his father's residence ; yet, such was the 
 zeal of young Stone, that he was in the habit of rising suffi- 
 ciently early in the morning, to traverse this distance on 
 horseback, and enter the school at the usual time of its com- 
 mencement. 
 
 On leaving the school of Mr. Blaizedel, the subject of our 
 memoir was anxious to prosecute the study of law. But, al- 
 though his father was a gentleman of fortune, his son wag 
 under the necessity of borrowing money to enable him to 
 carry his laudable design into effect. He placed himself under 
 the care of Thomas Johnson, a respectable law) er of Anna- 
 polis. Having finished his preparatory studies, he entered 
 upon the practice of his profession in Fredericktown, Mary- 
 land, where having resided two years, he removed to Charles 
 county, in the same state. 
 
 During his residence in the former of these places, his 
 business had enabled him to discharge the obligations under 
 which he had laid himself for his education. At the age of 
 twenty-eight, he married the daughter of Dr. Gustavus 
 Brown, with whom he received the sum of one thousand 
 pounds sterling. With tliis money, he purchased a farm, 
 near the village of Port Tobacco, upon which he continued 
 to reside during the revolutionary struggle. 
 
 The business of Mr. Stone, during a considerable part of 
 that period, was not lucrative ; and as the soil of the farm 
 upon which he lived was poor, he found it dilhcult to obtain 
 more than a competent livelihood. The expenses of his fa- 
 mily were increased by the charge of four brothers, who were 
 yet of tender years. The situation of many of our fathers, 
 during those trying times, was similar to that of Mr. Stone. 
 They had small patrimonies ; business was in a great mea- 
 sure suspended : and, added to this, their time and talents 
 were imperiously demanded by their suffering country. Yet, 
 amidst all these dilliculties and trials, a pure patriotism con- 
 tinued to burn within their breasts, and enabled them most 
 
THOMAS STONE 353 
 
 cheerfully to make any and every sacrifice to which they 
 were called by the cause of freedom. Nor should it be for- 
 gotten, that in these sacrifices the families of our fathers joy- 
 fully participated. They received without a murmur " the 
 spoiling of their goods," being elevated by the reflection, 
 that this was necessary for the achievement of that indepen- 
 dence to which they considered themselves and their posteri- 
 ty as entitled. 
 
 Although Mr. Stone was a gentleman of acknowledged ta- 
 lents, and of inflexible and incorruptible integrity, it does not 
 appear that he was brought forward into public life until 
 some time in the year 1774. He was not a member of the 
 illustrious congress of that year, but receiving an appoint- 
 ment as a delegate in December, he took his seat in that body 
 in the following May ; and, for several years afterwards, was 
 annually re-clcctod to the same dignified station. 
 
 In our bioirraphical sketches of the other gentlemen who 
 belonged about this time to the Maryland delegation, we have 
 had frequent occasion to notice the loyalty and afi'ection 
 which prevailed in that j)rovince, for several years, towards 
 the king and the parent country ; and hence the reluctance 
 of her citizens to sanction the declaration of independence. 
 When, therefore, towards the close of the year 1775, such a 
 measure began seriously to be discussed in the country, the 
 people of Maryland became alarmed ; and, apprehensive lest 
 llieir delegation in congress, which was composed generally 
 of young men, should be disposed to favour the measure, the 
 convention of that province attempted to restrain them by 
 strict and specific instructions : 
 
 " We instruct you," said they, " that you do not, without 
 tlie previous knowledge and approbation of the convention 
 of this province, assent to any proposition to declare these 
 colonies independent of the crown of Great Britain, nor to 
 any proposition for making or entering into an alliance with 
 any foreign power ; nor to any union or confederation of 
 these colonies, which may necessarily lead to a separation 
 from the mother country, unless in your judgments, or in the 
 judgments of any four of you, or a majority of the whole of 
 2Z 30* 
 
354 MARYLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 you, if all shall be then attending in congress, it shall be 
 thought absolutely necessary for the preservation of the liber- 
 ties of the united colonierf ; and should a majority of the colo- 
 nies in congress, against such your judgment, resolve to de- 
 clare these colonies independent of the crown of Great 
 Britain, or to make or enter into alliance with any foreign 
 power, or into any union or confederation of these colonies, 
 which may necessarily lead to a separation from the mother 
 country, then we instruct you immediately to call the conven- 
 tion of this province, and repair thereto with such proposi- 
 tion and resolve, and lay the same befoi*e the said convention 
 for their consideration; and this convention will not hold this 
 province bound by such majority in congress, until the repre- 
 sentative body of the province in convention assent thereto." 
 
 The cautious policy observable in these instructions, arose, 
 not so much from timidity on the part of the people of Ma- 
 ryland, as from a sincere attacluncnt to the royal government, 
 and an equally sincere afl'ection to the parent country. Soon 
 after, however, the aspect of things in tliis province began to 
 change. The aflcctions of the people became gradually 
 weaned from Great Britain. It was apparent that a reunion 
 with that country, on constitutional principles, though infi- 
 nitely desirable, Avas not to be expected. By the fifteenth 
 of May, 1776, these sentiments had become so strong, that a 
 resolution passed the convention, declaring the authority of 
 the crown at an end, and the necessity that each colony 
 should form a constitution of government for itself. 
 
 In the latter part of June, the work of regeneration was 
 accomplished. The people of Maryland generally expressed 
 themselves, in county meetings, decidedly in favour of a de- 
 claration of independence. This expression of public senti- 
 ment proved irresistible, and the convention proceeded to 
 resolve : " That the instructions given to their deputies be 
 recalled, and the restrictions therein contained, removed ; 
 and that the deputies of said colony, or any three or more of 
 them, be authorized and empowered to concur with the other 
 united colonies, or a majority of them, in declaring the united 
 colonies free and independent states ; in forming such fur- 
 
THOMAS STONE. 355 
 
 ther compart and confederation between them ; in making 
 foreign alliances ; and in adopting such other measures as 
 shall be adjudged necessary for securing the liberties of 
 America; and that said colony will hold itself bound by the 
 resolutions of the majority of the united colonies in the pre- 
 mises ; provided the sole and exclusive right of regulating 
 the internal goi'ernment and police of that colony be reser- 
 ved to the people thereof." 
 
 Being thus relieved from the trammels which had before 
 bound them, Mr. Stone and his colleagues joyfully recorded 
 their names in favour of a measure, which was connected with 
 the imperishable glory of their country. 
 
 Soon after the declaration of independence, congress ap- 
 pointed a committee to prepare articles of confederation. 
 To act on this committee, Mr. Stone was selected from the 
 Maryland delegation. The duty devolving upon them was 
 exceedingly arduous. Their report of the plan of a confede- 
 ration was before the house for a long period, and was the 
 subject of debate thirty-nine times. Nor was it at length 
 agreed to, till the lifteentli day of November, 1777. Although 
 the people of Maryland had consented to a declaration of in- 
 dependence, after their lirst fervour had subsided, their for^ 
 raer jealousy rcturjied ; and the Maryland convention pro- 
 ceeded to limit the powers of tlieir delegates, as to the forma- 
 tion of the confederation. At the same time, not obscure- 
 ly hinting in their resolution, that it might be still possible, 
 and certainly desirable, to accommodate the unhappy difle- 
 rences with (Jrcat Britain. 
 
 The above rcsolulion was expressed in the following 
 terms : "That the delegates, or any three or more of them, 
 be authori7,ed and empowered to concur with the other 
 United States, or a majority of them, in forming a confedera- 
 tion, and in making foreign alliances, provided that such 
 confederation, when formed, be not binding upon this state, 
 without the assent of the general assembly ; and the said 
 delegates, or any three or more of them, are also authorized 
 and empowered to concur in any measures, which may be 
 resolved on by congress for carrying on the war with Groat 
 
356 MARYLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 Britain, and securing the liberties of the United States; re- 
 serving always to this state, the sole and exclusive right of 
 regulating the internal police thereof. And the said dele- 
 gates, or any three or more of them, are hereby authorized 
 and empowered, notwithstanding any measure heretofore 
 taken, to concur with the congress, or a majority of them, in 
 accommodating our unhappy difference with Great Britain, 
 on sucli terms as the congress, or a majority of them, shall 
 think proper." 
 
 After seeing the confederation finally agreed upon in con- 
 gress, Mr. Stone declined a re-appointment to tliat body, but 
 became a member of the Maryland legislature, where he pow- 
 erfully contributed to meliorate the feelings of many, who 
 were strongly opposed to the above plan of confederation. 
 He had the pleasure, however, with other friends of that 
 measure, to see it at length approved by the general assem- 
 bly and the people generally. 
 
 Under this confederation, in 1783, he Avas again elected to 
 a seat in congress. In the session of 1784 he acted for some 
 time as president pro tempore. On the breaking up of con- 
 gress this year, he linally retired from that body, and again 
 engaged actively in the duties of his profession. His prac- 
 tice now became lucrative in Annapolis, whither he had re- 
 moved his residence ; and in professional reputation he rose 
 to great distinction. As an advocate, he excelled in strength 
 of argument. He was often employed in cases of great 
 difficulty : and by his l)rethren of the bar, it was thought emi- 
 nently desirable, at such times, to have him for their colleague. 
 
 In 1787, Mr. Stone was called to experience an afliiction 
 which caused a deep and abiding melancholy to settle upon 
 his spirits. This was the death of Mrs. Stone, to Avhom he 
 was justly and most tenderly attached. During a long state 
 of weakness and decline, induced by injudicious treatment 
 on the occasion of her having the small pox by inoculation, 
 Mr. Stone watched over her with the most unwearied devo- 
 tion. At length, however, she sank to the grave. From 
 this time, the health of Mr. Stone evidently declined. In 
 tlie autumn of tiie same year his physicians advised him to 
 
CHARLES CARROLL. 357 
 
 make a sea voyage ; and in obedience to that advice, he re- 
 paired to Alexandria, to embark for England. Before the 
 vessel was ready to sail, however, he suddenly expired, on 
 the fifth of October, 17S7, in the forty-fifth year of his age. 
 
 Mr. Stone was a professor of religion, and distinguished 
 for a sincere and fervent piety. To strangers, he had the 
 appearance of austerity ; but among his intimate friends, he 
 was affable, cheerful, and familiar. In his disposition he was 
 uncommonly amiable, and well disposed. In person, he was 
 tall, but well proportioned. 
 
 Mr. Stone left one son and two daughters. The son died 
 in 1793, while pursuing the study of law. One of the daugh- 
 ters, it is said, still lives, and is respectably married in the 
 state of Virginia. 
 
 CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 Charles Carroll was a descendant of Daniel Carroll, an 
 Irish gentleman, who emigrated from England to America 
 about the year 1689. He settled in the province of Mary- 
 land, where, a few years after, he received the appointment 
 of judge, and register of the land office, and became agent 
 for Lord Baltimore. 
 
 Charles Carroll, the father of the subject of the present 
 sketch, was born in 1702. His son, Charles Carroll, sur- 
 named of Carrollton, M-as born September 8, 1737, O. S. at 
 Annapolis, in the province of Maryland, 
 
 At the age of eight years, he was sent to France for the 
 purpose of obtaining an education. He was placed at a col- 
 lege of English Jesuits, at St. Omer's, where he remained for 
 six years. Afterwards he staid some time at Rheims, whence 
 he was removed to the college of Lewis le Grand. On 
 leaving college, he entered upon the study of the civil law, at 
 Bourges ; from which place he returned to Paris, where he 
 
358 MARYLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 remained till 1757, in which year he removed to London, and 
 commenced the study of law. He returned to America in 
 1764, an accomplished scholar, and an accomplished man. 
 Although he had lived abroad, and might naturally be sup 
 posed to have imbibed a predilection for the monarchical in ■ 
 stitutions of Europe, he entered with great spirit into the 
 controversy between the colonies and Great Britain, which, 
 about the time of his arrival, was beginning to assume a most 
 serious aspect. 
 
 A few years following the repeal of the stamp act, the 
 violent excitement occasioned by that measure, in a degree 
 subsided throughout all the colonies. In this calmer state of 
 things the people of Maryland participated. But about the 
 year 1771, great commotion was excited in that province, in 
 consequence of the arbitrary conduct of Governor Eden and 
 his council, touching the fees of the civil officers of the colo- 
 nial government. These fees, as was noticed in the life of 
 Mr. Paca, had become, in the estimation of the popidar 
 branch of the assembly, from the manner in which they were 
 charged, exceedingly exorbitant. To correct the abuses 
 growing out of the indefinite character of the law, a new law 
 was framed ; and, after being passed by the lower house, was 
 sent to the upper house for their concurrence. This, how- 
 ever, was refused ; and the assembly was prorogued, without 
 coming to any agreement on the subject. Shortly after. Go- 
 vernor Eden issued his proclamation, the ostensible object of 
 which was to prevent oppressions and extortions on the part 
 of the ofTicors, in exacting unreasonable and excessive fees. 
 The proclamation was in reality, however, highly exception- 
 able in the view of the people, as it affected to settle the 
 point, which was the prerogative only of the people. The 
 fees in question were considered in the light of a tax, the 
 power to lay which the people justly claimed to tliemselves. 
 
 The controversy which grew out of this arbitrary exercise 
 of power on the part of Governor Eden, became exceedingly 
 epirited. It involved the great principles of the revolution. 
 Several writers of distinguished character enlisted them- 
 eelves on different sides of the question. Among these wri- 
 
CHARLES CARROLt. 359 
 
 ters, no one was more conspicuous than Mr. Carroll. The 
 natural conseciuence of his firmness in defence of the rights 
 of the people was, that great confidence was reposed in him 
 on their part, and he was looked up to as one who was emi- 
 nently qualilied to lead in the great struggle which was ap- 
 proaching between the colonies and tlie parent country. 
 
 From what has been observed respecting Mr. Carroll, it 
 may justly be inferred that his mind was made up at an early 
 day, as to the course duty required him to take in respect to 
 this coming storm. An anecdote is related of him, which 
 will illustrate liis influence with the people of Maryland. By 
 a resolution of the delegates of Maryland, on the 22d day of 
 June, 1771, tlie importation of tea was prohibited. Some- 
 time after, liowever, a vessel arrived at Annapolis, having a 
 quantity of this article on board. This becoming known, 
 the people assembled in great multitudes, to take efiectual 
 measures to prevent its being landed. At length the excite- 
 ment became so high, that the personal safety of the captain 
 of the vessel became endangered. In tliis state of tilings, the 
 friends of tlic captain made application to Mr. Carroll, to in- 
 terpose his inllucnce with the people in his behalf. The pub- 
 lic indignation was too great to be easily allayed. This Mr. 
 Carroll perceived, and advised the captain and his friends, as 
 the only probable means of safety to himself, to set fire to the 
 vessel, and burn it to the M'ater's edge. This alternative was 
 indeed severe ; but, as it was obviously a measure of neces- 
 sity, the vessel was drawn out, her sails were set, lier colours 
 unfurled, in which attitude the fire was apj)lied to her, and, in 
 the presence of an immense concourse of people, she was 
 consumed. This atonement was deemed satisfactory, and 
 the captain was no farther molested. 
 
 In the early part of 1776, Mr. Carroll, whose distinguished 
 exertions in [Maryland had become extensively known, was 
 appointed by congress, in connexion with Dr. Franklin and 
 Samuel Chase, on a commission to proceed to Canada, to per- 
 suade the people of that province to relinquish their alle- 
 giance to the crown of England, and unite with the Americans 
 iu their struggle for independence. 
 
360 MARYLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 In the discharge of their duties, the commissioners met 
 with unexpected difficulties. The defeat and death of Mont- 
 gomery, together with the compulsion which the American 
 troops found it necessary to exercise, in obtaining the means of 
 support in that province, conspired to diminish the ardour of 
 the Canadians in favour of a union with the colonies, and 
 even, at length, to render them hostile to the measure. To 
 conciliate their aflections, and to bring to a favourable result 
 the object of their mission, the commissioners employed their 
 utmost ingenuity and influence. They issued their proclama- 
 tions, in which they assured the people of the disposition of 
 congress to remedy the temporary evils, which the inhabi- 
 tants suffered in consequence of the presence of the American 
 troops, so soon as it should be in their power to provide spe- 
 cie, and clothing, and provisions. A strong tide, however, 
 was now setting against the American colonies, the strength 
 of which was much increased by the roman catholic priests, 
 who, as a body, had always been opposed to any connexion 
 with the united colonies. Despairing of accomplishing the 
 wishes of congress, the commissioners at length abandoned 
 the object, and returned to Philadelphia. 
 
 The great subject of independence was, at this time, imder- 
 going a discussion in the hall of congress. It has been al- 
 ready noticed, that the Maryland delegation, in that body, 
 bad been instructed by their convention to refuse their assent 
 to a declaration of independence. On returning to Maryland, 
 Mr. Carroll resumed his seat in the convention, and, with the 
 advocates of a declaration of independence, urged the with- 
 drawal of the above instructions, and the granting of power 
 to their delegates to unite in such a declaration. The friends 
 of the measure had at length the happiness, on the 28th of 
 June, of procuring a new set of instructions, which secured 
 tlie vote of the important province of Maryland in favour of 
 the independence of America. 
 
 On the same day on which the great question was decided 
 in congress, in favour of a declaration of independence, Mr. 
 Carroll was elected a delegate to that body from Maryland, 
 
CHARLES CARROLL. 361 
 
 and accordingly took his seat on the eighteenth of the same 
 month. 
 
 ■I Although not a member of congress at the time the question 
 ©fa declaration of independence was settled, Mr. Carroll had 
 the honour of greatly contributing to a measure so auspicious 
 to the interests of his country, by assisting in prociiring the 
 withdrawal of the prohibiting instructions, and the adoption 
 of a new set, by which the Maryland delegates found them 
 selves authorized to vote for independence. He had the 
 honour, also, of affixing his signature to the declaration on 
 the second of August, at which time the members generally 
 signed an engrossed copy, which had been prepared for that 
 purpose. From the printed journals of congress, it would 
 appear, that the declaration was signed on the fourth of July, 
 the same day on which the final question was taken. This 
 is an error. The declaration, as first published, had only the 
 name of Hancock affixed to it; and it was only on the nine- 
 teenth of July, that a resolution was adopted, directing the 
 declaration to be engrossed on parchment, with a view to a 
 general signature on the part of the members. 
 
 The truth of this statement may be inferred from the fol- 
 lowing letter, addressed by Mr. Secretary Adams to Mr. Car- 
 roll, on the twenty-fourth of June, 1824 : 
 
 "Sir, 
 
 "In pursuance of a joint resolution of the two houses of 
 congress, a copy of which is hereto annexed, and by direction 
 of the president of the United States, I have the honour of 
 transmitting to you two fac simile copies of the original de- 
 claration of independence, engrossed on parchment, confor- 
 mably to a secret resolution of congress of nineteenth .July, 
 1776, to be signed by every member of congress, and accord- 
 ingly signed on the second day of August of the same year. 
 Of this document, unparalleled in the annals of mankind, the 
 original, deposited in this department, exhibits your name as 
 one of the subscribers. The rolls herewith transmitted, are 
 copies as exact as the art of engraving can present, of the in- 
 strument itself, as well as of the signers to it, 
 3 A 31 
 
362 MARYLAND DELEGATION. 
 
 ' While performing the duty thus assigned me, permit me 
 to felicitate you, and the country, which is reaping the reward 
 of your labours, as well that your hand was affixed to this 
 record of glory, as that, after the lapse of near half a century, 
 you survive to receive this tribute of reverence and gratitude, 
 from your children, the present fathers of the land. 
 
 "With every sentiment of veneration, I have the ho- 
 nour," (fee. 
 
 A signature to the declaration, was an important step for 
 every individual member of congress. It exposed the signers 
 of it to the confiscation of their estates, and the loss of life, 
 should the British arms prove victorious. Few men had more 
 at stake in respect to property than Mr. Carroll, he being con- 
 sidered the richest individual in the colonies. But wealth 
 was of secondary value in his estimation, in comparison with 
 the rights and liberties of his country. When asked whether 
 he woidd annex his name, he replied, " most willingly," and 
 seizing a pen, instantly subscribed " to this record of glory." 
 " There go a few millions," said some one who watched the 
 pen as it traced the name of "Charles Carroll, of Carrollton," 
 on the parchment. Millions would indeed have gone, for 
 his fortune was princely, had not success crowned the Ame- 
 rican arms, in the long fought contest. 
 
 Mr. Carroll was continued a member of congress until 
 1778, at which time he resigned his seat in that body, and 
 devoted himself more particularly to the interests of his native 
 state. He had served in her convention in 1776, in the lat- 
 ter part of which year he had assisted in drafting her consti- 
 tution. Soon after, the new constitution went into operation, 
 and Mr. Carroll was chosen a member of the senate of Ma- 
 ryland. In 1781 he was re-elected to the same station, and 
 in 1788, on the adoption of the federal constitution, was 
 chosen to the senate of the United States. 
 
 In 1791 Mr. Carroll relinquished his seat in the national 
 sewnate, and was again called to the senate of his native state. 
 This office he continued to hold until 1804, at which time the 
 democratic party was successful in electing their candidate, 
 to the exclusion of this long tried and faithful patriot. At 
 
CHARLES CARROLL. 363 
 
 this time, Mr. Carroll took leave of public life, and sought in 
 retirement the quiet enjoyment of his family circle. 
 
 Since the date of his retirement from public office, few in- 
 cidents have occurred in the life of this worthy man, which 
 demand particular notice. Like a peaceful stream, his days 
 liave glided along, and have continued to be lengthened out, 
 while the generation of illustrious men, with whom he acted 
 on the memorable fourth of July, 1770, have all descended to 
 the tomb. 
 
 At the age of nearly ninety-two years, he alone survives. 
 " He seems an aged oak, standing alone on the plain, which 
 time has spared a little longer, after all its contemjiorariea 
 have been levelled with the dust. Sole survivor of an assem 
 bly of as great men as the world has witnessed, in a transac- 
 tion, one of the most imjiortant that history records; what 
 thoughts, what reflections, must at times fdl his soul! If he 
 dwell on the past, how touching its recollections ; if he sur 
 vey the present, how happy, how joyous, how full of the frui- 
 tion of hope, which his ardent patriotism indulged; if he 
 glance at the future, how must the prospect of his country's 
 advancement almost bewilder his weakened conceptions. 
 Fortunate, distinguished patriot ! Interesting relic of the 
 past !" 
 
 To few men has it been permitted to number so many 
 years — to none, to ha\e filled them up more honourably and 
 usefully, than Charles Carroll. Happy in the recollection of 
 the past — conscious of a life well spent, and possessing 
 
 A peace above all earthly dignities — 
 A still and qnict conscience, 
 
 He may well hope to pass the remaining hours of the even- 
 ing of his life in tranquillity ; and may be assured, that when 
 called to follow his illustrious predecessors to the grave, 
 liberty, and inteliigence, and patriotism, and affection, will 
 ■weep at his departure, while they will rejoice that his honour 
 is placed where no accident can reach it, and no stain can 
 tarnish it. 
 
THE 
 
 VIRGIJ^TIA DELEGATION. 
 
 George Wythe, 
 Richard Henry Lee, 
 Thomas Jefferson, 
 Benjamin Harrison, 
 Thomas Nelson, Jun. 
 Francis Lightfoot Lee, 
 Carter Braxton. 
 
 GEORGE WYTHE. 
 
 George Wvthe was a native of the county of Elizabeth 
 city, Virginia, where he was born in the year 1726. His 
 father was a respectable farmer, in easy circumstances, and 
 bestowed upon his son a competent patrimony. At a proper 
 age he was placed at school ; but the knowledge which he 
 here obtained was extremely limited and superficial, being 
 confined to the English language, and the elementary rules 
 of arithmetic. Fortunately for young Wythe, his mother 
 M^as a woman of extensive knowledge for those times, and 
 undertook to supply the defect of his scholastic education. 
 By her assistance, the powers of his mind, which were ori- 
 ginally strong and active, rapidly unfolded. He became ac- 
 curately versed in the Latin and Greek languages, and made 
 honourable attainmentf ir several of the solid sciences, and 
 in polite literature. 
 
GEORGE WYTHE. 365 
 
 Before he became of age, he had the misfortune to lose 
 his excellent tnother, whose death was, not long after, follow- 
 ed by that of his father. Being deprived, at this unguarded 
 period of life, of the counsel and example of tliesc natural 
 guardians, lie became devoted, for several years, to amuse- 
 ment and dissipation, to which he was strongly enticed by the 
 fortune that had been left him. During this period, his litei'a- 
 ry pursuits were almost entirely neglected ; and tliere was 
 the greatest reason to fear he would not escape that vortex 
 into which so many young men remedilessly sink. At the 
 age of thirty, the principles which had been instilled into his 
 mind by his virtuous parents, asserted their proper influence 
 over him. IJc abandoned his youthl'ul follies, applied him- 
 self with indefatigable industry to study, and from this date, 
 during a life which was protracted to the uncommon age of 
 eighty years, he maintained a rigid and inflexible integrity of 
 character. 
 
 Devoting himself to the profession of law, he pursued his 
 preparatory studies under the direction of Mr. John Lewis. 
 The courts in Virginia, where he was called to praciice, were 
 filled by gentlemen of distinguished ability in their profes- 
 sion. "With these he soon held an equal rank, and eventual- 
 ly, by his superior learning, greater industry, and more pow^- 
 erful eloquence, occujned the cliicf j)lace at the bar. 
 
 Tlie estimation in wliich he was held by his fellow-citizens, 
 was early manifested in an appointment from his native coun- 
 ty to a seat in the house of burgesses. Tliis station he held 
 for several years, even to the dawn of the revolution. In this 
 assembly were found, from time to time, men of distinguish- 
 ed genius and of great attainments. Among these, George 
 Wythe was conspicuous. In 17G4, he assisted in preparing 
 a petition to the king, a memorial to the house of lords, and 
 a remonstrance to the liousc of commons, on the subject of 
 the stamp act, which was then occupying the deliberations of 
 parliament. The remonstrance to the house of commons 
 was the production of his pen. The tone and language of 
 this paper were both in spirit and style of too independent a 
 character for the times, especially in the estimation of the 
 
 31* 
 
366 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 more timid in the house of burgesses, who required, be- 
 fore it received their sanction, that its asperities should be 
 softened. 
 
 We have had frequent occasion, in the course of these 
 biogritphical sketches, to allude to the friendly feelings of the 
 Americans, at this time, to the parent country. Few, if any, 
 were to be found whose views or wishes extended to a sepa- 
 ration from Great Britain. Hence, the language which was 
 used by the colonies, in setting forth their riglUs, was gene- 
 rally supplicatory in its style. Their remonstrances were 
 mild and conciliatory. Tliese, however, it was at length 
 found, were in vain, and a loftier tone was adopted. 
 
 The passage of the celebrated stamp act, in January, 1765, 
 diffused a spirit of discontent and opposition throughout all 
 tlie American colonies, and was the signal for the commence- 
 ment of those stronger measures which led on to the great 
 revolutionary struggle. 
 
 In measures of this kind, it is well known that Virginia 
 took the lead. About this time, Pati'ick Henry, a young 
 man, became a member of the house of burgesses. Although 
 a young man, he was possessed of a most powerful eloquence, 
 and of an intrepidity of character which eminently fitted him 
 to take the lead in the work of opposition. 
 
 Towards the close of the session, in May, 1765, Mr. Henry 
 presented to the house the following resolutions : 
 
 " Resolved, That the first adventurers and settlers of this, 
 his majesty's colony and dominion, brought with them, and 
 transmitted to their posterity, and all other his majesty's sub- 
 jects, since inhabiting in this, his majesty's said colony, all 
 the privileges, franchises, and immunities, that have at any 
 time been held, enjoyed, and possessed by the people of 
 Great Britain. 
 
 " That by two royal charters granted by King James the 
 First, the colonists aforesaid are declared entitled to all the 
 privileges and immunities of denizens and natural born sub- 
 jects, to all intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding 
 and born within the realm of England. 
 
 " That the taxation of the people by themselves, or by per- 
 
GEORGE WYTHE. 367 
 
 sons chosen by themselves to represent them, who can only 
 know what taxes the people are able to bear, and the easiest 
 mode of raisinsj them, is the distinouishin(r characteristic of 
 Bi'itish freedom, and without which the ancient constitution 
 cannot subsist. 
 
 " That his majesty's liege people of this most ancient co- 
 lony have, uninterruptedly, enjoyed the right of being thus 
 governed by their own assembly in the article of their taxes 
 and internal police ; and that the same hath never been for- 
 feited, or any other way given up, but hath been constantly 
 recognized by the king and people of Great Britain. 
 
 " Resolved, therefore, that the general assembly of this co- 
 lony have the sole right and power to lay taxes and imposi- 
 tions upon the inhabitants of this colony : and that any at- 
 tempt to vest such power in any person or persons what- 
 soever, other tha^ii the general assembly aforesaid, has a 
 manifest tendency to destroy British as well as American 
 freedom." 
 
 The laiiiruage of these resolutions, so much stronger than 
 the house had been accustomed to hear, at once caused no in- 
 considerable alarm among many of its members. A power- 
 ful opposition arose to their passage, and in this opposition 
 were to be found some of the warmest friends of American 
 independence. Among these was Mr. Wythe ; not that he, 
 and many others, did not admit the justice of the sentiments 
 contained in the resolutions; but they remonstrated on the 
 ground of their tending to involve the colony, at a time when 
 it was unprepared, in open hostility with Great Britain. The 
 eloquence of Henry, however, silenced, if it did not convince 
 the opposition, and produced the adoption of the resolutions 
 without any material alteration. As the fifth resolution was 
 carried by a majority of only a single vote, the house, on the 
 following day, in the absence of Henry, rescinded that re- 
 so'lution, and directed it to be erased from the journals. 
 
 The above resolutions spread rapidly through the Ameri- 
 can colonies, and in every quarter of the country found men, 
 who were ready to justify both their spirit and language. 
 They served to rouse the energies of the American people. 
 
368 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 and were among the measures which powerfully urged on 
 the revolutionary contest. The bold and decided measure 
 thus adopted in tlie colony of Virginia, loudly called upon the 
 patriots of other states to follow her in measures of a similar 
 character. This they were not backward in doing. After 
 the temporary revival of the afi'ection of the colonies, conse- 
 quent upon the repeal of the stamp act, had ceased, their op- 
 position became a principle, and in its operation was strong 
 and lasting. In tlie history of the opposition of America to 
 Great Britain, the colony of Virginia did themselves immor- 
 tal honour. In this honour, as an individual, Mr. Wythe 
 largely participates. For many years, during the approach 
 of the great conflict, he held a seat in the house of burgesses ; 
 and by his learning, his boldness, his patriotic firmness, 
 powerfully contributed to the ultimate liberty and indepen- 
 dence of his country. 
 
 In 1775, he was appointed a delegate from his native state 
 to the continental congress in Philadelpliia ; and in the fol- 
 lowing year, assisted in bringing forward and j)ublishing to 
 the world the immortal declaration of independence. During 
 this latter year, Mr. W^ythe was appointed, in connexion with 
 Thomas Jefferson, Edward Pendleton, and several others, to 
 revise the laws of the state of Virginia, and to accommodate 
 them to the great change which had been eilccted in her 
 transition from a colony to an independent state. In this im- 
 portant work, only the three gentlemen mentioned were ac- 
 tually engaged. The original commission included also the 
 names of Cieorge Mason and Thomas Ludwell Lee ; the for- 
 mer of whom deceased before the committee entered upon 
 the duties assigned them ; and the latter tendered his resig- 
 nation, leaving the arduous task to be accomplished by the 
 gentlemen already named. 
 
 " The report of this committee was at lengtn made, and 
 showed such an intimate knowledge of the great principles of 
 legislation, as reilected the highest honour upon tliose who 
 formed it. The people of Virginia are indebted to it for the 
 best parts of their present code of laws. Among the changes 
 then made in the monarchical system of jurisprudence, which 
 
GEORGE WYTHE, 369 
 
 had been previously in force, the most importantwerf^effectedby 
 the act aboHshing the right of primogeniture, and directing the 
 real estate of persons dying intestate, to be equally divided 
 among their cliildren, or other nearest relations; by the act for 
 regulating conveyances, which converted all estates in tail into 
 fees simple, thus destroying one of the supports of the proud 
 and overbearing distinctions of particular families ; and finally 
 by the act for the establishment of religious freedom. Had 
 all tlie proposed bills been adopted by tlie legislature, other 
 changes of great importance would have taken place. A wise 
 and universal system of education would have been establish- 
 ed, giving to the children of the poorest citizen the oppor- 
 tunity of attaining science, and thus of rising to honour and 
 extensive usefulness. The proportion between crimes and 
 punishments would have been better adjusted, and malefactors 
 would have been made to promote the interests of the cora- 
 monweallh by tlicir labour. But the public spirit of the as- 
 sembly coukl not keep pace with the liberal views of W) the." 
 
 In the year 1777, Mr. Wythe was elected speaker of the 
 house of delegates, and during the same year was appointed 
 judge of the high court of chancery of Virginia. On the new 
 organization of the court of equity, in a subsequent year, he 
 was appointed sole chancellor, a station which he filled, with 
 great ability, for more than twenty years. 
 
 During the revolution, Mr. Wythe suffered greatly in re- 
 spect to his property. His devotion to public services lefi 
 him little opportunity to attend to his private affairs. The 
 greater part of his slaves he lost by the dishonesty of his su- 
 perintendant, who placed them in the hands of the British,. 
 By economy and judicious management, however, Mr., Wythe 
 was enabled, with the residue of his estate, ai^d with his sala- 
 ry as chancellor, to discharge his debts, and to preserve his 
 independence. 
 
 Of the convention of 1787, appointed to revise the federal 
 constitution, Mr. Wythe was a delegate from Virginia, having 
 for his colleagues Washington, Henry, Randolph, Blair, Ma- 
 dison, and Mason. "During the debates, he acted for the 
 most part as chairman. Being convinced that the confede-* 
 3 B 
 
370 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 ration was defective in the energy necessary to preserve the 
 union and liberty of America, this venerable patriot, then be- 
 ginning to bow under the weight of years, rose in the con- 
 vention, and exerted his voice, almost too feeble to be heard, 
 in contending for a system, on the acceptance of which he 
 conceived the happiness of his country to depend. lie was 
 ever attached to the constitution, on account of tlie principles 
 of freedom and justice which it contained -, and in every 
 change of affairs lie Avas steady in supporting (he rights of 
 man. His political opinions were always firmly republican. 
 Though in 179S and 1799, he was opposed to the measures 
 which were adopted in the administration of President Adams, 
 and reprobated the alien and sedition laws, and the raising of 
 the army, yet he never yielded a moment to the rancour of 
 party spirit, nor permitted the difference of opinion to inter- 
 fere with his private friendships. He presided twice succes- 
 sively in the college of electors in Virginia, and tuice voted 
 for a president whose political principles coincided with his 
 own. 
 
 " After a short, but very excruciating sickness, he died, 
 Jmie 8, 1806, in the eighty-first year of his age. It was sup- 
 posed that he was poisoned ; but the person suspected was 
 acquitted by a jury of his countrymen. By his last will and 
 testament, he bequeathed his valuable library and philosophi- 
 cal apparatus to his friend, Mr. Jefferson, and distributed the 
 remainder of his little property among the grandchildren of 
 his sister, and the slaves whom he had set free. He thus 
 wished to liberate the blacks, not only from slavery, but from 
 the temptations to vice. He even condcscejided to impart 
 to them instruction ; and he personally taught the Greek lan- 
 guage to a little negro boy, who died a few days before his 
 preceptor. 
 
 " Chancellor Wythe was indeed an extraordinary man. 
 With all his great qualities, he possessed a soul replete with 
 benevolence, and his private life is full of anecdotes, which 
 prove, that it is seldom that a kinder and warmer heart throbbed 
 in the breast of a hiunan being. He was of a social and affec- 
 tionate disposition. From the time when he was emanci- 
 
GEORGE WYTHE. 371 
 
 pated from tlic follies of youth, he sustained an unspotted re- 
 putation. His integrity was never even suspected. 
 
 " While he practised at the bar, when oilers of an extraor- 
 dinary, but well merited compensation, were made to him by 
 clients, whose causes he had gained, he would say, that the 
 labourer was indeed worthy of his hire ; but the lawful fee 
 was all he had a right to demand ; and as to presents, he did 
 not want, um\ would not accept them from any man. This 
 grandeur of mind, he uniformly preserved to the end of his 
 life. His manner of living was plain and abstemious. He 
 found the means of suppressing the desires of wealth by limit- 
 ing the number of his wants. An ardent desire to promote 
 the happiness of his fellow men, by supporting the cause of 
 justice, and maintaining and establishing their rights, appears 
 to have been his ruling passion. 
 
 " As a judge, he was remarkable for his rigid impartiality, 
 and sincere atiacliment to the princij)les of equity; for his vast 
 and various learning; and for his strict and unwearied atten- 
 tion to business. yu])crior to popular prejudices, and every 
 corrupting inlluence, nothing could induce him to swerve from 
 truth and right. In his decisions, he seemed to be a pure in- 
 telligence, untouched by human passions, and settling the dis- 
 putes of men, according to the dictates of eternal and immu- 
 table justice. Other judges have surpassed him in genius, and 
 a certain facility in despatching causes; but while the vigour 
 of his faculiics remained unimpaired, he was seldom surpassed 
 in learning, industry, and judgment. 
 
 " From a man, entrusted with such higli concerns, and 
 Avhose time was occupied by so many difficult and perplexing 
 avocations, it could scarcely have been expected, that he should 
 have employed a partofitin the toilsome and generally unplea- 
 sant task of the education of youth. Yet, even to this, he was 
 prompted by his genuine patriotism and philanthropy, which 
 induced Iiini for many years to take great delight in educating 
 such young persons as showed an inclination for improve- 
 ment. Harassed as he was with business, and enveloped 
 with papers belonging to intricate suits in chancery, he yet 
 found time to keep a private school for the instruction of a 
 
372 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 few scholars, always with very little compensation, and of 
 t n demanding none. Several living ornaments of their coun- 
 tiy received their greatest lights from his sublime example and 
 instruction. Such was the upright and venerable Wythe." 
 
 RICHARD HENRY LEE. 
 
 Richard Henry Lee, a descendant from an ancient and 
 distinguished family in Virginia, was born in Westmoreland 
 county, of that province, on the twentieth of January, 1732. 
 As the schools of the country for many years furnished but 
 few advantages for an education, those who were able to meet 
 the expense, were accustomed to send their sons abroad for 
 instruction. At a proper age, young Lee was sent to a flou- 
 rishing school, then existing at Wakesfield, in the county ol 
 Yorkshire, England. The talents which he possessed, indus- 
 triously employed under the guidance of respectable tutors, 
 rendered his literary acquisitions easy and rapid ; and in a few 
 years he returned to his native country, with a mind well 
 stored with scientific and classical knowledge. 
 
 For several years following his return to America, he con- 
 tinued his studies with persevering industry, greatly adding to 
 the stock of knowledge which he had gained abroad, by 
 which he was still more eminently fitted for the conspicuous 
 part he was destined to act in the approaching revolutionary 
 struggle of his country. 
 
 About the year 1757, Mr. Lee was called to a seat in the 
 liouse of burgesses. For several years, however, he made 
 but an indifTerent figure, either as an orator or the leader of a 
 party, owing, it is said, to a natural diffidence, which prevent- 
 ed him from displaying those powers with wliich he was 
 gifted, or exercising that influence to which he was entitled. 
 This impediment, however, was gradually removed, when 
 he rapidly rose into notice, and became conspicuous as a poli- 
 
RICHARD HENRY LEE. 373 
 
 deal leader in his country, and highly distinguished for a na- 
 tural, easy, and at the same time impressive eloquence. 
 
 In the year 1765, Patrick Henry proposed the celebrated 
 resolutions against the stamp act, noticed in the preceding 
 sketch oi" the life of iMr. Wythe. During the debate on these 
 resolutions, Mr. Lee arrived at the seat of government, soon 
 after which he entered with great spirit into the debate, and 
 powerfully assisted in carrying these resolutions through the 
 house, in opposition to the timidity of some, and the mis- 
 taken judgment of others. 
 
 The above strong and spirited resolutions served, as has 
 already been noticed in a former page, to rouse the energies 
 of the Americans, and to concentrate that feeling, which was 
 spending itself without obtaining any important object. Not 
 long after the above resolutions were carried, Mr. Lee pre- 
 sented to his fellow citizens the plan of an association, the 
 object of which was an eilectual resistance to the arbitrary 
 power of the mother country, which was manifesting itself 
 in various odious forms; and especially in that detestable 
 measure, the stamp act. The third article of the constitu- 
 tion of this association will show the patriotic and determined 
 spirit which prevailed in the county of Westmoreland, the 
 people of which generally united in the association. "As the 
 stamp act does absolutely direct the property of people to be 
 taken from them, without their consent, expressed by their 
 rej)resenlatives, and as in many cases it deprives the Britisli 
 American subject of his right to be tried by jury, we do deter- 
 mine, at every hazard, and paying no regard to death, to 
 exert every faculty to prevent tlic execution of the stamp act, 
 in every instance, within the colony." 
 
 The inlluence of this association, and of other associations 
 of a similar kind, rendered the execution of the stamp act dif- 
 licult, and even impossible. It was a measure to which the 
 Americans would not submit; and the ministry of Great Bri- 
 tain were reluctantly forced to repeal it. To Mr. Lee, as 
 well as to his countrymen, the removal of the stamp act was 
 an occasion of no small joy ; but the clause accompanying the 
 repealing act, which declared the power of parliament to bind 
 
 32 
 
374 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 the colonies in all cases whatever, was a dark cloud, which in 
 a measure obscured the brightness of the prospect, and fore- 
 boded an approaching storm. 
 
 In the year 1773, Mr. Lee brought forward in the Virginia 
 house of burgesses his celebrated plan for the formation of a 
 committee of correspondence, whose object was to dissemi 
 nate information, and to kindle the flame of liberty, through- 
 out the continent ; or, in other language, " to watch the con- 
 duct of the British parliament, to spread more widely correct 
 information on topics connected with the interests of the co- 
 lonies, and to form a closer union of the men of influence in 
 each." The honour of having first established corresponding 
 societies is claimed both by Massachusetts and Virginia ; the 
 former placing the merit to the account of her distinguished 
 patriot, Samuel Adams ; and the latter assigning it to Richard 
 Henry Lee. It is probable, however, that each of these dis- 
 tinguished men are entitled to equal honour, in respect to ori- 
 ginating a plan which contributed, more than most others, to a 
 unity of sentiment and harmony of action among the different 
 leaders in the respective colonies. Without concert between 
 them, each of these individuals seems to have introduced the 
 plan, about the same period, to the legislatures of their re- 
 spective colonies. It is certain, however, that in respect to 
 Mr. Lee, the plan of these corresponding societies was not 
 the result of a few days reflection only. It had occupied his 
 thoughts for several years; had been there forming and ma- 
 turing, and, at length, was proposed and adopted, to the infi- 
 nite advantage of the cause of liberty in the country. 
 
 Of the distinguished congress which met at Philadelphia in 
 1774, Mr. Lee was a delegate from Virginia, with Washington 
 and Henry. In the deliberations of this celebrated body, 
 Mr. Lee acted a conspicuous part, and served on several com- 
 mittees ; and to his pen is attributed the memorial, which the 
 continental congress authorized, to the people of British Ame- 
 rica. In the following year, Mr. Lee received the unanimous 
 suffrage of the district in which he resided to the assembly of 
 Virginia, by which he was deputed to represent the colony 
 in the second congress, which was to meet on the tenth of 
 
RICHARD HENRY LEE. 375 
 
 May of tliat year. At the same time, he received an expres- 
 sion of the thanks of the assembly, " for his cheerful under- 
 taking, and faithful discharge of the trust reposed in him, 
 during the session of the last congress." 
 
 On the meeting of this second congress, it was apparent 
 that all hope of peace and reconciliation with the mother 
 country was at an end. Indeed, hostilities had actually com- 
 menced ; the busy note of preparation was heard in all the 
 land. Washington was summoned by the unanimous voice 
 of congress to the command of the American armies ; and 
 his commission and instructions it fell to j\Ir. Lee to furnish, 
 as the chairman of a committee aj>poinlcd for that purpose. 
 During the same session, also, he was placed on committees 
 which were appointed to the, important duties of preparing 
 munitions of war, encouraging tlie manufacture of saltpetre 
 and arms, and for devising a plan for the more rapid commu- 
 nication of intelligence throughout the colonies. 
 
 The period had now arrived, when the thoughts of the 
 American people were turned, in solemn earnest, to the great 
 subject of American independence. Most of the colonies 
 were already prepared to hail with joy a measure which 
 should declare to the world their determination to be ac- 
 counted a free and independent people. Most of the provin- 
 cial assemblies had published resolutions in favour of such a 
 declaration, antl had even instruoled their delegates to urge 
 uponcongress the importance and necessity of this decisive step. 
 
 Mr. Lee was selected to move the resolution in congress 
 on this great subject. This he did on the seventh of June, 
 1776, in the following words ; " That these united colonies 
 are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states; 
 that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British 
 crown ; and that all political connexion between them and the 
 state of Groat Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." 
 
 The motion, thus introduced by Mr. Lee, he followed by 
 one of the most luminous and eloquent speeches ever deli 
 vered, either by himself or any other gentleman, on the floor 
 of congress. " Why then, sir," (said he, in conclusion,) 
 " why do we longer delay ? Why still deliberate ? Let thi« 
 
376 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 happy day give birth to an American republic. Let her arise, 
 not to devastate and to conquer, but to re-estabUsh the reign 
 of peace and of law. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon us ; 
 she demands of us a living example of freedom, that may ex- 
 hibit a contrast in the felicity of the citizen to the ever in- 
 creasing tyranny which desolates her polluted shores. Sho 
 invites us to prepare an asylum, where the unhappy may find 
 solace, and the persecuted repose. She entreats us to culti- 
 vate a propitious soil, where that generous plant which first 
 sprung and grew in England, but is now williered by the 
 poisonous blasts of Scottisli tyranny, may revive and flourish, 
 sheltering under its salubrious and interminable shade, all 
 the unfortunate of the human race. If we are not this day 
 wanting in our duty, the names of the American legislators 
 of 1776 will be placed by posterity at the side of Theseus, 
 Lycurgus, and Romulus, of the three "Williams of Nassau, 
 and of all those whose memory has been, and ever will be, 
 dear to virtuous men and good citizens." 
 
 The debate on the above motion of Mr. Lee was protracted 
 until the tenth of June, on which day congress resolved : 
 " that the consideration of the resolution respecting indepen- 
 dence be postponed till the first Monday in July next; and, in 
 the mean while, that no time be lost, in case the congress 
 agree thereto, that a committee be appointed to prepare a 
 declaration to the efiect of tlie said resolution." 
 
 On the day on whicli this resolution was taken, Mr. Lee 
 was unexpectedly summoned to attend upon his family in 
 Virginia, some of the members of which were at that time 
 dangerously ill. As the mover of the original resolution for 
 independence, it would, according to parliamentary usage, 
 have devolved upon Mr. Lee to have been ajipointed chair- 
 man of the committee selected to prepare a declaration, and, 
 as chairman, to have furnished that important document. In 
 the absence of Mr. Lee, however, Mr. Jeflierson was elected 
 to that honour, by whom it was drawn up with singular en- 
 ergy of style and argument. 
 
 In the following month, Mr. Lee resumed his seat in con- 
 gress, in which body he continued till June, 1777, during 
 
RICHARD HENRY LEE. 377 
 
 ■which period he continued the same round of active exertions 
 for the welfare of his country. It was liis fortune, however, 
 as well as tlic fortune of others, to have enemies, who charged 
 liim with disalfection to liis country, and attachment to Great 
 Britain. The groimd upon which this charge was made, was, 
 tliat contrary to liis former practice, previously to the war, 
 he received the rents of his tenants in the produce of their 
 farms, instead of colonial money, which had now become 
 greatly depreciated. This accusation, though altogether un- 
 just, and unwarrantable, at length gained so much credit, that 
 the name of Mr. Lee was omitted by the assembly, in their 
 list of delegates to congress. This gave him an opportunity, 
 and furnished him with a motive, to demand of the assembly 
 an inquiry into the nature of the allegations against him. 
 The inquiry resulted in an entire acquittal, and in an expres- 
 sion of thanks to Mr. Lee, which was conveyed, on the part 
 of the house, by their speaker, Mr. Wythe, in the following 
 language : — " It is with peculiar pleasure, sir, that I obey this 
 command of the house, because it gives me an opportunity, 
 while I am performing an act of duty to them, to perform an 
 act of justice to yourself. Serving with you in congress, and 
 attentively observing your conduct there, I thought that you 
 manifested, in the American cause, a zeal truly patriotic ; and 
 as far as I could judge, exerted the abilities for which you are 
 confessedly distinguished, to promote the good and prosperity 
 of your own country in particular, and of the United States 
 in general. That the tribute of j)raise'deserved, may reward 
 those. who do well, and encourage others to follow your ex- 
 ample, the house have come to this resolution: that the thanks 
 of tliis house be given by the speaker to Richard Henry Lee, 
 for the faithful services he has rendered his country, in dis- 
 charge of his duty, as one of the delegates from this state in 
 general congress." 
 
 At a subsequent period, Mr. Lee was again elected a dele- 
 gate to congress ; but during the session of 1778 and 1779, 
 in consequence of ill health, he was obliged frequently to ab- 
 sent himself from the arduous duties wliich devolved upon 
 him, and which he could no longer sustain. From this time, 
 3C 32* 
 
378 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 until 1784, Mr. Lee declined accepting a seat in congress, 
 from a belief that he might be more useful to his native state, 
 by holding a seat in her assembly. In this latter year, how 
 ever, the people of Virginia again honoured him, by appoint- 
 ing him one of her representatives to congress, of which body 
 he was unanimously elected president. In this exalted sta- 
 tion h-e presided with great ability ; and on the expiration of 
 his time of service, he received the thanks of congress for his 
 able and faithful discharge of the duties of president, while 
 acting in that station." 
 
 To the adoption of the federal constitution without amend- 
 ment, although not a member of the convention which dis- 
 cussed its merits, he was strongly opposed. The tendency 
 of the constitution, he apprehended, was to consolidation. To 
 guard against this, it was his wish that the respective states 
 should impart to the federal head only so much power as 
 was necessary for mutual safety and happiness. Under the 
 new constitution, Mr. Lee Mas appointed the first senator from 
 Virginia; in the exercise of which olHcc, he ojH'ered several 
 amendments to the constitution, from the adoption of which 
 he hoped to lessen the danger to the country, which he had 
 apprehended. 
 
 About the year 1792, Mr, Lee, enfeebled by liis long at- 
 tention to public duties, and by the infirmities of age, retired 
 to the enjoyment of his family and friends. Not long after, 
 he had the pleasure of receiving from the senate and house 
 of delegates of Virginia, the following unanimous vote of 
 thanks : " Resolved, unanimously, that the speaker be de- 
 sired to convey to Richard Henry Lee, the respects of the 
 senate ; tliat they sincerely sympatliise with him in those in- 
 firmities, which have deprived their country of his valuable 
 services ; and that they ardently wish he may, in his retire- 
 ment, with uninterrupted happiness, close the evening of a 
 life, in which he hath so conspicuously shone forth as a states- 
 man and a patriot ; that while mindful of his many exertions 
 to promote the public interests, they are particularly thankful 
 for his conduct as a member of the legislature of the United 
 States." 
 
RICHARD HENRY LfiE. 379 
 
 The life of Mr. Lee was continued until the nineteenth of 
 June, 1794, when he breathed his last, at the age of sixty- 
 three years. 
 
 Few men, in any age or in any country, have shone with 
 greater brilliancy, or have left a more desirable name, than 
 Richard Henry Lee. Both in public and private life, he had 
 few equals. In his public career, he was distinguished for 
 no common ardour and disinterestedness. As an orator, he 
 exercised an uncommon sway over the minds of men. His 
 manners were perfectly graceful, and his language universally 
 chaste. " Although somewhat monotonous, his speeches," 
 says a Avriter, " were always pleasing, yet he did not ravish 
 vour senses, nor carry away your judgment by storm. His 
 was the mediate class of clo(iuence, described by Roliin in 
 his belles leltres. He was like a beautiful river, meandering 
 through a flowery mead, but which never overflowed its banks. 
 It was Henry who was the mountain torrent, that swept away 
 every thing before it ; it was he alone, who thundered and 
 lightened ; he alone attained that sublime species of eloquence, 
 also mentioned by Ivollin." 
 
 In private life, Mr. Lee Avas justly the delight of all who 
 knew him. He had a numerous family of children, the off- 
 spring of two marriages, who were eminently devoted to their 
 father, who in his turn delighted to administer to their inno- 
 cent enjovments, and to witness the expansion of their intel- 
 lectual powers. 
 
 We conclude this hasty sketch, with the following account 
 of Mr. Lee, from the flowing pen of the author of the life of 
 Patrick Henry. — " Mr. Lee," says he, " had studied the 
 classics in the true spirit of criticism. His taste had that de- 
 licate touch, which seized with intuitive certainty every 
 beauty of an author, and his genius that native aflinity, Vvhich 
 combined them without an effort. Into every walk of litera- 
 ture and science, he had carried his mind of exquisite selec- 
 tion, and brought it back to the business of life, crowned with 
 every light of learninij, and decked with every Avreath that 
 all the muses and all the graces could entwine. Nor did 
 these light decorations constitute the whole value of its 
 
380 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 freight. He possessed a rich store of political knowledge, 
 with an activity of observation, and a certainty of judgment, 
 Avhich turned that knowledge to the very best account. He 
 was not a lawyer by profession, but he understood thoroughly 
 the constitution both of the mother country and of her colo- 
 nies, and the elements, also, of the civil and municipal law. 
 Thus, while his eloquence was free from those stiff and tech- 
 nical restraints, which the habit of forensic speaking are so 
 apt to generate, he had all the legal learning Avhich is neces- 
 sary to a statesman. He reasoned well, and declaimed freely 
 and splendidly. The note of his voice was deep and melo- 
 dious. It was the canorous voice of Cicero. He had lost 
 the use of one of his hands, which he kept constantly covered 
 with a black silk bandage, neatly fitted to the palm of his 
 hand, but leaving his thumb free ; yet, notwithstanding this 
 disadvantage, his gesture was so graceful and highly finished, 
 that it was said he had acquired it by practising before a mir- 
 ror. Such Avas his promptitude, that he required no prepa- 
 ration for debate. He was ready for any subject^ as soon as 
 it was announced, and his speech was so copious, so rich, so 
 mellifluous, set off with such bewitching cadence of voice, 
 and such captivating grace of action, that while you listened 
 to him, you desired to hear nothing superior; and, indeed, 
 thought him perfect. He had quick sensibility and a fervid 
 imaoination." 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson was born on the second day of April, 
 O. S. 1743, at a place called Shadwell, in the county of Al- 
 bermarle, and state of Virginia, a short distance from Mon- 
 ticello. His family were among the earliest emigrants from 
 England. They sustained an honourable standing in the 
 territory in which they resided, and lived in circumstances of 
 
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 381 
 
 considerable affluence. His father, Peter Jefferson, was 
 much known in the province, as a gentleman of considerable 
 scientific attainments, and more than ordinary firmness and 
 integrity. It was probably in consequence of these qualifica- 
 tions, that he was selected as one of the commissioners ap- 
 pointed to the delicate and responsible task of determining 
 the division line between Virginia and North Carolina. On 
 the decease of the father, the son inherited from him an ex- 
 tensive and valual)le estate. 
 
 Of the early incidents in the life of Thomas .Jefferson, but 
 little is known. He was entered, while yet a youth, a stu- 
 dent in the college of William and Mary, in Williamsburg ; 
 but the precise standing which he occupied among his litera- 
 ry associates, is probably now lost. He doubtless, however, 
 left the college with no inconsiderable reputation. He ap- 
 pears. to have been imbued with an early love of letters and 
 science, and to have cherished a strong disposition to the 
 physical sciences especially ; and to ancient classical litera- 
 ture, he is understood to have had a warm attachment, and 
 never to have lost sight of them, in the midst of the busiest 
 occupations. 
 
 On leaving college, he applied himself to the study of the 
 law under the tuition of George Wythe, of whose high judi- 
 cial character we have had occasion to speak in a preceding 
 memoir. In tlie ollice of this distinguished man, he acquired 
 that unrivalled neatness, system, and method in business, 
 which throu:xh all his future life, and in every office that he 
 filled, gave him so much power and despatch. Under the 
 direction of liis distinguished j)receptor, he became intimately 
 acquainted with the whole round of the civil and common 
 law. From the same distinguished examj>le !ii^ caught that 
 untiring spirit of investigation, which never Icl't a suliject till 
 he had searched it to the very foundation. In short, Mr. 
 Wythe performed for him, as one of his eulogists remarks, 
 what Jeremiah (iridley did for his great rival, Mr. Adams; 
 he placed on his head the crown of legal preparation, and 
 well did it become him. 
 
 For his able legal preceptor, Mr. Jefferson always enter- 
 
382 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 tained the greatest respect and friendship. Indeed, the at- 
 tachment of preceptor and pupil was mutual, and for a long 
 series of years continued to acquire strength and stability. 
 At the close of his life, in 1806, it was found that Mr. Wythe 
 had bequeathed his library and philosophical apparatus to 
 his pupil, as a testimony of the estimation in which he was 
 held by his early preceptor and aged friend. 
 
 Mr. Jefl'erson was called to \he bar in the year 1766. 
 With the advantages which he had enjoyed with respect to 
 legal preparation, it might naturally be expected that he 
 would appear with distinguished credit in the practice of his 
 profession. The standing which he occupied at the bar, may 
 be gathered from the following account, the production of 
 the biographer of Patrick Henry : " It has been thought that 
 Mr. Jeil'erson made no figure at the bar ; but the case was far 
 otherwise. There are still extant, in his own fair and neat 
 hand, in the manner of his master, a number of arguments, 
 which were delivered by him at the bar, upon some of the 
 most intricate questions of the law; which, if they shall ever 
 see the light, will vindicate his claim to the first honours of 
 the profession. It is true, he was not distinguished in popular 
 debate ; why he was not so, has often been matter of surprise 
 to those who have seen his eloquence on paper, and heard it 
 in conversation. He had all the attributes of the mind, and 
 the heart, and the soul, which are essential to eloquence of 
 the highest order. The only defect was a physical one : he 
 wanted volume and compass of voice, for a large deliberative 
 assembly ; and his voice, from the excess of his sensibility, 
 instead of rising with his feelings and conceptions, sunk under 
 their pressure, and became guttural and inarticulate. The 
 consciousness of this infirmity, repressed any attempt in a 
 large body, in which he knew he must fail. But his voice 
 was all sufficient for the purposes of judicial debate ; and 
 there is no reason to doubt that, if the service of his country 
 had not called him away so soon from his profession, his 
 fame as a lawyer would now have stood upon the same dis- 
 tinguished ground, which he confessedly occupied as a states- 
 man, an author, and a scholar." 
 
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 383 
 
 The year previous to Mr. Jefferson's admission to the bar, 
 Mr. Henry introduced into the Virginia house of burgesses, 
 then sitting at Williamsburg, his celebrated resolutions 
 against the stamp act. Mr. Jefferson was, at this time, pre- 
 sent at the debate. " He was then," he says, " but a student, 
 and stood in the door of communication, between the house 
 and the lobby, where he heard the whole of this magnificent 
 debate. The opposition to the last resolution was most ve- 
 hement ; the debate upon it, to use his own strong language, 
 ' most bloodv ;' but," he adds, " torrents of sublime eloquence 
 from Henry, backed by the solid reasoning of Johnson, pre- 
 vailed ; and the resolution was carried by a single vote. I 
 well remember," he continues, " the cry of ' treason,' by the 
 speaker, echoed from every part of the house, against Mr. 
 Henry : I well remember his pause, and the admirable ad- 
 dress with which he recovered himself, and balJied the charge 
 thus vociferated." 
 
 He here alludes to that memorable exclamation of Mr. 
 Henry, now become almost too familiar for quotation : 
 " Ca'sar had his Brutus, Charles the First his Cromwell, and 
 George the Third (' treason !' cried the speaker ; ' treason ! 
 treason !' echoed the house ;) may profit by their example. 
 If this be treason, make the most of it." 
 
 The talents of ^Ir. Jefferson, which were early well known, 
 permitted liim not long to remain in a private station, or to 
 ])iirsue the ordinary routine of his profession. A career of 
 more extensive usefulness, and objects of greater importance, 
 were now presented to him. His country demanded his ser- 
 vices; and at the early age of twenty-five, that is, in the 
 year 1700, he entered the house of burgesses in Virginia, and 
 then first inscribed his name as a champion of his country's 
 rights. 
 
 At a former period, the attachment of the American colo- 
 nies to England was like that of an affectionate child towards 
 a venerable parent. In Virginia, this attachment was unusu- 
 ally strong. Various circumstances combined to render it 
 so. Many of the families of that province w^ere allied to dis- 
 tinguished families in England, and the sons of the former 
 
384 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 sought their education in the universities of tlie mother coini- 
 try. It was not singular, therefore, that a strong affection 
 should exist, on the part of this colony, for the people in 
 England, nor that the people of the colonies generally should 
 have come to the severance of these ties with peculiar reluc- 
 tance. Resistance, however, was at length forced upon them, 
 by the rash course pursued by the British ministry. The rights 
 of the colonies were invaded ; their choicest privileges were 
 taken away, and loudly were the patriots of America called 
 upon, by the suiferings of the country, to awake to a strong and 
 effectual resistance. At this time, Mr. Jefferson commenced 
 his political career, and has himself given us, in few words, 
 an outline of the reasons which powerfully impelled him to 
 enter the lists, with other American patriots, against the pa- 
 rent country. 
 
 " The colonies," says he, " were taxea internally and ex- 
 ternally ; their essential interests sacrificed to individuals in 
 Great Britain ; their legislatures suspended ; charters an- 
 nulled ; trials l)y jurors taken away ; their persons subjected 
 to transportation across the Atlantic, and to trial by foreign 
 judicatories; their supplications for redress thought beneath 
 answer, tlumselves published as cowards in the councils of 
 their mother country, and courts of Europe ; armed troops 
 sent amongst them, to enforce svibmission to these violences ; 
 and actual hostilities commenced against them. No alterna- 
 tive was presets ted, but resistance or unconditional submis- 
 sion. Between these there could be no hesitation. They 
 closed in the appeal to arms." 
 
 In the y "ar 1773, Mr. Jefferson became a member of the 
 first committee of correspondence, established by the pro- 
 vincial assemldies. We have already noticed the claim 
 which Virginia and Massachusetts have respectively urged, 
 to the honour of having first suggested this important mea- 
 sure in the revolution. Both, probably, in respect to this, 
 are entitled to equal credit ; but to whomsoever the honour 
 belongs, that honour is, indeed, great, since this measure, 
 more than most others, contributed to that imion of action 
 and sentiment, which characterized the proceedings of the 
 
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 385 
 
 several colonics, and which was the foundation of their final 
 triumpli over an ancient ;md powerful kingdom. 
 
 In 1774, Mr. Jclltirson published a "Summary View of 
 the Rights of British America," a valuable production among 
 tliose intended to show the dangers which threatened the 
 liberties of the country, and to encourage tlie people in their 
 defence. This pamphlet was addressed to the king, whom, 
 in language respectful I)ut bold, it reminded that America 
 Tvas settled by British freemen, whose rights had been vio- 
 lated ; upon whom the hand of tyranny was thus heavily 
 lying, and from the sufferings which they were experiencing, 
 they must be, and they would be, free. 
 
 The bold and independent language of this pamphlet gave 
 great umbrage to Lord Dunmore, the royal governor of the 
 province. Mr. Jefferson, on avowing himself the author of 
 (he pamphlet, was threatened with a prosecution for high 
 treason by the governor ; a threat, which he probably would 
 have carried into effect, could he have hoped that the vindic- 
 tive measure would succeed. 
 
 In the following year, 1775, Mr. Jefferson was selected by 
 the Virginia legislature to answer Lord North's famous 
 " Conciliatory proposition," called, in the language of the 
 day, his " Olive branch ;" but it was an olive branch that 
 concealed a serpent ; or, as the former President Adams ob- 
 served, " it was an asp, in a basket of flowers." The task 
 assigned him, was performed by Mr. Jefl'erson in a manner 
 the most hajipy and satisfactory. The reply was cool and 
 calm and close — marked with uncommon energy and keen 
 sagacity. The document may be found in most of the his- 
 tories of that period, and is manifestly one of the most ner- 
 vous and manly productions of that day. It concluded with 
 the following strong and independent language : 
 
 " These, my lord, are our sentiments, on this important 
 subject, which we offer only as an individual part of the 
 whole empire. Final determination we leave to the general 
 congress, now sitting, before whom we shall lay the papers 
 your lordship has communicated to us. For ourselves, we 
 have exhausted every mode of application, which our invcn- 
 3D 33 
 
386 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 tion could suggest, as proper and promising. We have de- 
 cently remonstrated with parliament — they have added new 
 injuries to the old ; we have wearied our king with supplica- 
 tions — he has not deigned to answer us ; we have appealed 
 to the native honour and justice of the British nation — their 
 efforts in our favour have hitherto been ineffectual. What 
 then remains to be done 1 That we commit our injuries to 
 the even handed justice of that Being, who doth no wrong, 
 earnestly beseeching Him to illuminate the councils, and 
 prosper the endeavours of those to whom America hath con- 
 fided her hopes ; that through their wise directions, we may 
 again see reunited the blessings of liberty, prosperity, and 
 harmony with Great Britain." 
 
 In the month of June, 1775, Mr. Jefferson appeared and 
 took his seat in the continental congress, as a delegate from 
 Virginia. In this enlightened assembly, he soon became 
 conspicuous among the most distinguished for their abilities 
 and patriotism. He was appointed on various important 
 committees, towards the discharge of whose duties he con- 
 tributed his full share. The cause of liberty lay near his 
 heart, nor did he hesitate to incur all necessary hazard in 
 maintaining and defending it. 
 
 Antecedently to the year 1776, a dissolution of the union 
 with Great Britain had not been contemplated, either by con. 
 gress, or the nation. During the spring of that year, how- 
 ever, the question of independence became one of deep and 
 solemn reflection, among the American people. It was per- 
 ceived by many in all parts of the land, that the hope of re- 
 conciliation with the parent country was at an end. It was, 
 indeed, an unequal contest, in which the colonies were en- 
 gaged. It was a measure of unexampled boldness, which 
 they Avere contemplating — a step which, should it not receive 
 the smiles of a propitious Providence, would evidently in- 
 volve them and their ])osterity in calamities, the full measure 
 and duration of whicli no political prophet could foreteL 
 But, then, it was a measure rendered necessary, by the of)- 
 pression which they were suffering. The " shadows, clouds, 
 and darkness," which rested on the future, did not deter them. 
 
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 387 
 
 The language which they adopted, and the feelings which 
 they indulged, were the language and feelings of the patriotic 
 Hawley, wlio said, " We must put to sea — Providence will 
 bring us into port." 
 
 It was fortunate for the cause of America, and for the cause 
 of freedom, that there was a class of men at that day, who 
 were adcipiate to the higli and mighty enterprise of sunder- 
 ing the ties which bound tlic colonies. For this they were 
 doubtless specially raised uj) by the God of heaven ; for this 
 they were prepared by the Icifty energies of their minds, and 
 by that boldness and intrepidity of character, which, perhaps, 
 never so signally marked another generation of men. 
 
 The measure thus determined upon was, at length, brought 
 forward in the continental congress. We have already 
 noticed in several preceding sketches, the debate on this 
 subject, and the important part which various individuals 
 took in urging it Ibrward, It belongs to this place to notice, 
 particularly, the important services which Mr. Jefferson ren- 
 dered in relation to it. A resolution liad been presented by 
 Richard Henry Lee to declare America free and independent. 
 The debate upon this resolution was continued from the 
 seventh to the tenth of June, when the further consideration 
 of it was postponed until the first of July, and at the same 
 time a committee of five was appointed to prepare provi- 
 sionally a draught of a declaration of independence. At 
 the head of this committee was jjlaccd Thomas Jelferson. 
 He was at this time but thirty-two years of age, and was 
 probably the youngest mend)er of the committee, and one 
 of the youngest men in the house, for he had only served 
 ])art of the former session. 
 
 Mr. Jefl'erson being chairman of this committee, the im- 
 portant duty of preparing the draught of the document was 
 assigned to him. It was a task of no ordinary magnitude, 
 and demanded the exercise of no common judgment and fore- 
 sight. By the act itself, a nation was to stand or fall. Nay, 
 in its effects, it was to exercise a powerful influence ui:)on 
 otlier nations on the globe, and might extend forward to the 
 end of time. 
 
388 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 To frame a document, which should precisely meet the exi 
 gencies of the case — which should set forth the causes of com- 
 plaint, according to truth — which should abide the scrutiny 
 of enemies at home and abroad — which should stand the test 
 of time, especially of a day which would come, when the high 
 Wrought excitement, then existing, would have subsided — 
 this was no ordinary task. Indeed, there were few mindsy 
 even at that day, which would have felt adequate to the un 
 dertaking. 
 
 From his study, Mr. Jeflerson at length presented to his 
 colleagues the original draught. A few changes only in the 
 document were suggested by two of them, Dr. Franklin and 
 Mr. Adams. The whole merit of the paper was Mr. Jefler- 
 son's. On being reported to congress, it underwent a few 
 other slight alterations ; none of which, however, altered the 
 tone, the frame, the arrangement, or the general character of 
 the instrument. 
 
 " It has sometimes been said," observes an eloquent writer, 
 "as if it were a derogation from the merits of this paper, that 
 it contains nothing new ; that it only states grounds of pro- 
 ceeding, and presses topics of argument, which had often been 
 .stated and pressed before. But it was not the object of the 
 declaration to produce any thing new. It was not to invent 
 reasons for independence, but to state those which governed 
 the congress. For great and sufficient reasons it was pro- 
 posed to declare independence ; and the proper business oS 
 the paper to be drawn, was, to set forth those causes, and 
 justify the authors of the measure, in any event of fortune, to 
 the country and to posterity. The cause of American inde- 
 jiendence, moreover, was now to be presented to the world 
 iu such a manner, if it might so be, as to engage its sympa- 
 thy, to command its respect, to attract its admiration ; and in 
 an assembly of most able and distinguished men, Thomas Jef- 
 ferson had the high honour of being the selected advocate of 
 this cause. To say that he performed his great work well, 
 would be doing him injustice. To say that he did excellently 
 well, admirably well, would be inadequate and halting praise. 
 Let us rather say, that he so discharged the duty assigned 
 
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 389 
 
 him, that all Americans may well rejoice that the work of 
 drawing the little deed of their liberties devolved on his 
 hands." 
 
 In 1778, Mr. Jefferson was appointed by congress, in con- 
 junction with Dr. Franklin andSilasDeane, a commissioner to 
 France, for the purpose of forming a treaty of alliance and 
 commerce with that nation. In consequence, however, of ill 
 health, and impressed with the conviction that he could be 
 of greater service to his country, and especially to his state, by 
 continuing at home, he declined accepting the office, and Ai*- 
 thur Lee was appointed in his place. 
 
 Between 1777 and 1779, Mr. Jefferson was employed, con- 
 jointly with George Wythe and Edmund Pendleton, on a com 
 mission for revising the laws of Virginia. This was an ar 
 duous service, requiring no less than one hundred and twenty- 
 six bills, which were drawn by these gentlemen, and which for 
 simplicity and perspicuity have seldom been excelled. In 
 respect to Mr. Jcllerson, it should be noticed, that, besides 
 the laborious share which he took in revising tlie laws of the 
 state, to him belongs the honour of having first proposed the 
 important laws in the Virginia code, forbidding the importa- 
 tion of slaves; converting estates tail into fees simple ; annul- 
 ling the rights of primogeniture ; establishing schools for ge- 
 neral education, and confirming the rights of freedom in re- 
 ligious opinion, with several others. 
 
 In 1779, Patrick Henry, who was the first republican go- 
 vernor, under the renovated constitution, and the successor 
 of the earl of Dunmore, having served his appointed term, 
 retired from that office, upon which Mr. Jefferson was chosen 
 to succeed him. To this office he was re-elected the follow- 
 ing year, and continued in office until June, 1781. 
 
 The administration of Mr. Jefferson, as governor of Virgi- 
 nia, during the above term, was arduous and difficult. The 
 revolutionary struggle was progressing, and the southern 
 states were particularly the theatre of hostile operations. At 
 three several times, during his magistracy, the state of Virgi- 
 nia was invaded by the enemy ; the first time in the spring of 
 1780, by the ferocious General Tarlton, whose military move- 
 
 33* 
 
390 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 ments were characterized by unusual barbarity, and who was 
 followed in his invasion, by the main army, under Lord Corn- 
 wallis. 
 
 While the eyes of all were directed to these military move- 
 ments in the south, the state experienced a still more unex- 
 pected and disastrous attack, from a body of troops, under 
 the guidance of the infamous Arnold, whom treachery had 
 rendered more daring and more vindictive. 
 
 In respect to preparations for hostilities within her own 
 limits, the state of Virginia was sadly deficient : nor had the 
 habits and pursuits of Mr. Jefferson been of a kind which fitted 
 him for military enterprise. Aware, however, of the neces- 
 sity of energy and exertion, in this season of danger and ge- 
 neral distress, he applied his mind, with alacrity and ardour, 
 to meet the exigencies of the case. Scarcely had Arnold left 
 the coast, when Cornwallis entered the state, on its southern 
 border. At this time, the condition of Virginia Avas extreme- 
 ly distressing; she was wholly unprepared ; her troops were 
 fighting in remote parts of the country ; she had few military 
 stores; and, to add to her distress, her finances were exhaust- 
 ed. On the approach of Arnold in January, the general as- 
 sembly had hastily adjourned, to meet again at Charlottesville, 
 on the twenty-fourth of May. 
 
 In the mean time, a most anxious part devolved upon the 
 governor. He had few resources, and was obliged to depend, 
 in a great measure, upon his personal influence to obtain the 
 munitions of war, and to raise and set in motion troops from 
 different parts of the state. The various expedients which he 
 adopted Avere indicative of much sagacity, and were attended 
 by success highly important to the common cause. 
 
 On the twenty-fourth of May, the legislature Avas to meet 
 at Charlottesville. They were not formed for business, how- 
 ever, until the twenty-eighth. A few days following Avhicli, 
 the term for which Mr. Jefferson had been elected expired, 
 when he again found himself a private citizen. 
 
 On leaving the chair of state, Mr. Jefi'erson retired to Mon- 
 ticcllo, when intelligence was received, two days after, that a 
 body of troops under coirmand of General Tarlton were ra- 
 
TrtOMAS JEFFERSON* 391 
 
 pidly hastening to Charlottesville, for the purpose of surpri- 
 sing and rapturing the members of tlie assembly. Tliey had 
 only tinu', after the alarm was given, to adjourn to meet at 
 Staunton, and to disperse, before the enemy entered the vil- 
 lage. Another party had directed llieir course to MonticelLo 
 to capture the ex-governor. Fortunately, an express hasteii- 
 ed from Charlottesville, to convey intelligence to Mr. Jefler- 
 son of their approach. Scarcely had the family time to malie 
 arrangements, indispensable for their departure, and to elled 
 tlieir escape, before the enemy were seen ascending the hill, 
 leading to the mansion-house. Mr. Jeflerson himself, mount- 
 ing his horse, narrowly escaped, by taking a course through 
 the woods. This flight of Mr. Jefferson, eminently proper, 
 and upon which his safety depended, has unwarrantably ex- 
 cited in times gone by the ridicule and censure of his enemies. 
 Agreeably to their appointment, the legislature assembled at 
 Staunton on the seventh, soon after which, at the instigation 
 of Mr. George Nicholas, an inquiry was moved into the coi> 
 duct of Mr. Jefferson in respect to remissness in the discharge 
 ofhisduty, at the time of Arnold's invasion. Theensuingsession 
 of the legislature was fixed upon for the investigation of thae 
 charges. yVt the arrival of the appointed time, Mr. Nicholas had 
 become convinced that the charges were without foundation, 
 and this impression having generally obtained, no one ap- 
 peared to bring forward the investigation. Upon this, Mr- 
 Jeflerson, who had been returned a member of the assembly, 
 rose in his place, and entered into a justification of his coiv- 
 duct. His statement was calm, lucid, and convincing. On 
 concluding it, the house unanimously adopted the following 
 resolution : 
 
 " Resolved, That the sincere thanks of the general assem- 
 bly be given to our former governor, Thomas Jefferson, for 
 his imi)artial, upright, and attentive administration, whilst in 
 ofllce. The assembly wish, in the strongest manner, to de- 
 clare the high opinion they entertain of Mi*. Jefferson's abili- 
 ty, rectitude, and integrity, as chief magistrate of this con*- 
 monwcallh ; and mean, by thus publicly avowing their opi- 
 nion, to obviate and to remove all unmerited censure." 
 
 / 
 
392 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 To this it may be added, that Mr. Nicholas, some time af- 
 ter, did Mr. Jefferson the justice to acknowledge, in a public 
 manner, the erroneous views which he had entertained, and 
 to express his regret that more correct information had not 
 been obtained, before the accusation had been brought forward- 
 In the year 1781, Mr. Jefferson composed his "Notes on 
 Virginia," a work which grew out of a number of questions, 
 proposed to him by M. De Marbois, the secretary of the 
 French legation in the United States. It embraced a general 
 view of the geography of Virginia, its natural productions, 
 statistics, government, history, and laws. In 1787, Mr. Jef- 
 ferson published the work, under his own signature. It at- 
 tracted much attention in Europe, as well as in America ; dis- 
 pelled many misconceptions respecting this continent, and 
 gave its author a place among men distinguished for science. 
 It is still admired, and will long be admired, for the happy 
 simplicity of its style, and for the extent and variety of its 
 information. 
 
 In 1782, Mr. Jefferson received the appointment of minis- 
 ter plenipotentiary, to join commissioners already in Europe, 
 to settle the conditions of peace between the United States 
 and Great Britain. Before his embarkation, however, intel- 
 ligence was received, that the preliminaries of peace had been 
 signed. The necessity of his mission being removed, congress 
 dispensed with his leaving America. 
 
 In November, 1783, he again took his seat in the conti- 
 nental congress ; but in May following was appointed minis- 
 ter plenipotentiary to act abroad in the negotiations of com- 
 mercial treaties, in conjunction with Dr. Franklin and Mr. 
 Adams. In the month of July, Mr. Jefferson sailed for France, 
 and joined the other commissioners at Paris, in August. 
 
 Although ample powers had been imparted to the commis- 
 sioners, they were not as successful in forming commercial 
 treaties as had been expected. It was of great importance to 
 the United States to effect a treaty of this kind with Great 
 Britain, and for this purpose Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams 
 proceeded to London. In this important object they failed, 
 owing, probably, to the hostile feelings which the ministry 
 
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 393 
 
 indulged towards America, and to the wounded pride which 
 still rankled in their breasts ; and, moreover, to a selfish po- 
 licy which they had adopted in respect to their navigation 
 system, by which they intended to increase their own navi- 
 gation at the expense of other nations, and especially of the 
 United States. The only treaties which the commissioners 
 were at this time able to negotiate, were with Morocco and 
 Prussia. 
 
 In 1785, Mr. Jefl'erson was appointed to succeed Doctor 
 Franklin as minister plenipotentiary to the court of Versailles. 
 The duties of this station he continued to perform until Octo- 
 ber, 1789, when he obtained leave to retire, just on the eve of 
 that tremendous revolution which has so much agitated the 
 world in our times. 
 
 The discharge of Mr. Jell'erson's diplomatic duties while 
 abroad, " was marked by great ability, diligence, and patriot- 
 ism ; and while he resided at Paris, in one of the most inte- 
 resting periods, his character for intelligence, his love of 
 knowledge, and of the society of learned men. distinguishe^i 
 him in the liigliest circles of the French ca])itdl. No couri 
 in Europe had, at that time, in Paris, a representative com-- 
 manding or enjoying higher regard, for political knowledge, 
 or for general attainment, than the minister of this then infant 
 republic." 
 
 During his residence in France, INIr. Jeflerson found leisure 
 to visit both Ilulland and Italy. In both countries he was 
 received with the respect and attention due to his official sta- 
 tion, as the minister of a rising rei)ublic, and as a man of learrw- 
 ing and science. 
 
 In the year 1789, he returned to his native country. His 
 talents and experience recommended him to President Wash- 
 ington for the first office in his gift. He was accordingly 
 placed at the head of the department of state, and immediately 
 entered on tlie arduous duties of that important station. 
 
 Soon after Mr. Jellerson entered on tlie (hities of this office, 
 congress directed him to prepare and report a plan for esta- 
 blishing a uniform system of currency, weights, and measures. 
 This was followed, at a subsequent day, by reports on tlie 
 3E 
 
394 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 subject of tonnage duties payable by France, and on the sub- 
 ject of the cod and whale fisheries. Each of these reports 
 displayed the usual accuracy, information, and intelligence of 
 the writer. 
 
 Towards the close of the year 1791, the relation of the 
 United States to several countries abroad became embarrass- 
 ing, and gave occasion to Mr. Jefferson to exercise those ta- 
 lents of a diplomatic character, with which he was pre-emi- 
 nently endowed. " His correspondence with the ministers of 
 other powers residing here, and his instructions to our own di- 
 plomatic agents abroad, are among our ablest state papers. A 
 thorough knowledge of the laws and usages of nations, perfect 
 acquaintance with the immediate subject before him, great fe- 
 licity, and still greater facility, in writing, show themselves in 
 whatever effort his official situation called on him to make. It 
 is believed, by competent judges, that the diplomatic inter- 
 course of the government of the United States, from the first 
 meeting of the continental congress in 1774 to the present time, 
 taken together, would not sufier, in respect to the talent with 
 which it has been conducted, by comparison with any thing 
 which other and older states can produce ; and to tlie attainment 
 of this respectability and distinction, Mr. Jefferson has con- 
 tributed his full part." 
 
 On the sixteenth of December, 1793, Mr. Jefferson con>- 
 mmiicated his last official report to congress, on the nature 
 and extent of the privileges and restrictions on the commerce 
 of the United States in foreign countries, and the measures 
 which he deemed important to be adopted by the United 
 States, for the improvement of their commerce and navigation. 
 
 This report, which has ever been considered as one of pri- 
 mary importance, gave rise to a long and interesting discus- 
 sion in the national legislature. In regard to the measures 
 recommended in the report, a wide difference prevailed in 
 congress, among the two great parties, into which that body 
 had become obviously and permanently divided. Indeed, it 
 may be said to have been this report, which finally separated 
 the statesmen of the country into two great political parties, 
 wliich have existed almost to the present time. 
 
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 395 
 
 On the thirty-first of December, 1793, Mr. Jefferson ten- 
 dered his resignation as secretary of state, and again retired 
 to private life. The interval which elapsed between his re- 
 signation of the above office, and his being summoned again 
 to the councils of the nation, he employed in a manner most 
 delightful to himself, viz. in the education of his family, the 
 management of his estate, and the pursuit of philosophical 
 studies, to the latter of which, though long neglected, in hia 
 devotion to higher duties, he returned Avilh renewed ardour. 
 
 The attachment of a large proportion of his fellow-citizens, 
 which Mr. Jefferson carried with him into his seclusion, did 
 not allow him long to enjoy the pleasures of a private life, to 
 which he appears to have been sincerely devoted. General 
 Washington had for some time determined upon a relinquish- 
 ment of the presidential chair, and in his farewell address, in 
 the month of September, 179G, announced that intention. 
 This distinguished man, having thus withdrawn himself, the 
 two political parties brought forward their respective candi- 
 dates, Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson. On counting the votes 
 in February, 1797, in the presence of both houses of con- 
 gress, it was lound that Mr. Adams was elected president, he 
 having the highest number of votes, and Mr. Jefferson vice 
 president, upon whicli res])ective offices they entered on the 
 following fourth of March. 
 
 In the life of Mr. Adams, we had occasion to allude to the 
 unsettled state of the country, and the general dissatisfaction 
 with his administration, which prevailed. During this pe- 
 riod, however, Mr. Jefferson resided chicffy at Monticello, 
 pursuing the peaceful and noiseless occupations of private 
 life. The time, at length, approached for a new election of 
 president. Mr. Jefferson was again proposed by the rej)ubli- 
 can ])arty as a candidate for that office. The candidate of 
 the federal party was Mr. Burr. 
 
 On the eleventh of February, 1801, the votes were counted 
 in the presence of both houses of congress, and the result 
 declared by the vice president to be, for Thomas Jefferson 
 seventy-three ; for Aaron Burr seventy-three ; John Adants 
 rixty-five ; C. C. Pinckney sixty-four; and John Jay one. 
 
396 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 Tlie vice president then, in pursuance of the duty enjoined 
 uiTOn him, declared that Thomas Jefi'erson and Aaron Burr, 
 having an equal number of votes, it remained for the house 
 crt" representatives to determine the choice. Upon this, the 
 two houses separated, " and the house of representatives re- 
 tiurned to their chamber, where seats had been previously 
 prepared for the members of the senate. A call of the mem- 
 bers of th^ house, arranged according to states, was then 
 made; upon which it appeared that every member wais pre- 
 sent, except General Sumpter, who was unwell, and unable 
 to-attend. Mr. Nicholson, of Maryland, was also unwell, but 
 attended, and had a bed prepared for him in one of the com- 
 mittee rooms, to which place the ballot box was carried to 
 him, by the tellers, appointed on the part of the state. 
 
 "The first ballot was eight states for Mr. Jefferson, six 
 for Mr. Burr, and two divided ; which result continued to be 
 llie same after balloting thirty-five times." 
 
 Thus stood afiliirs, after a long and even distressing con- 
 test, when a member of the house, (General Smith,) commu- 
 nicated to the house the following extract of a letter from 
 Mr. Burr : " It is highly improbable that I shall have an 
 equal number of votes with Mr. Jefferson: but if such should 
 he the result, every man who knows me, ought to know, 
 t3iat I would utterly disclaim all competition. Be assured 
 (hat the federal party can entertain no wish for such an 
 exchange. 
 
 " As to my friends, they would dishonour my views, and 
 insult my feelings, by a suspicion that I would submit to be 
 instrumental in counteracting the wishes and expectations of 
 the United States ; and I now constitute you my proxy to 
 declare these sentiments, if the occasion shall require." 
 
 This avowal of the wishes of Mr. Burr, induced two fede 
 ral members to withdraw ; in consequence of which, on the 
 fliirty-sixth balloting, Mr. Jefferson was elected president. 
 Ciolonel Burr, by the provision of the constitution, became, 
 of course, vice president. 
 
 On the fourth of March, 1801, Mr. Jefferson, agreeable to 
 Oie constitution, took the oath of office, in the presence of 
 
THOMAS JEFFEUSOX. 397 
 
 both houses of congress, on wliich occasion he delivered his 
 inaugural address. 
 
 In this address, after expressing his dillidencc in his powers 
 satisfactorily to discharge the duties of the high and respon- 
 sible ofiioc assigned hira, he proceeded to state the principles 
 by wliich his administration would be governed. These 
 were, " Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state 
 or persuasion, religious or political: peace, commerce, and 
 honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with 
 none : the support of the state governments in all their rights, 
 as the most competent administration for our domestic con- 
 cerns, and llie surest bulwarks against anti-republican ten- 
 dencies : the preservati(.)n of the general government in its 
 whole constitutional vigour, as tlic sheet anchor of our peace 
 at home, and safety abroad : a jealous care of the right of 
 election by the people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses 
 wlrich are lopped by the sword of revolution, where peacea- 
 ble remedies are unprovided : absolute acquiescence in the 
 decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, 
 from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and 
 immediate parent of despotisms : a well disciplined militia, 
 our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war, 
 till regulars may relieve them : the supremacy of the civil 
 over the military authority : economy in the public ex- 
 pense, that labour may be lightly burthened : the honest 
 payment of our debts, and sacred preservation of the public 
 faith : encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its 
 hand-maid : the diflusion of information, and arraignment of 
 all abuses at the bar of public reason : freedom of religion : 
 freedom of the press : and freedom of person, under the pro- 
 tection of the habeas corpus : and trial by juries impartially 
 selected. — These principles," added Mr. Jelferson, " should 
 be the creed of our political faith ; and should we wander 
 from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to 
 retrace our steps, and to regain the road which alone leads 
 to peace, liberty, and safety." 
 
 To enter into a minute detail of the administration of 
 Mr. Jefierson, would neither comport with the duties of a 
 
 34 
 
398 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 biographer, nor with the limits which must necessarily be 
 prescribed to the present sketch. At a future day, more dis- 
 tant by for than the present, when the remembrance of poli- 
 tical asperities shall have passed away, can exact justice be 
 done to Mr. Jefferson and his administration. That he was 
 a distinguished man, distinguished as a statesman, none can 
 deny. But as the measures of his administration were called 
 in question, in respect to their policy, and as the day of ex- 
 citement has scarcely passed by, it is deemed more judicious 
 to leave the subject to the research and deliberation of the 
 future historian, than, in this place, to attempt to settle ques- 
 tions, about which there was, while he lived, and still may 
 exist, an honest difference of opinion. 
 
 On the meeting of congress in December, ISOl, Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, varying from the practice of the former presidents, 
 communicated a message to congress, instead of delivering 
 a speech in person. The change in this respect thus intro- 
 duced was obviously so popular and acceptable, that it has 
 been adopted on every subsequent similar occasion. 
 
 The principal acts which characterized the first term of 
 Mr. Jefferson's career, were, a removal from responsible and 
 lucrative offices of a great portion of those wliose political 
 opinions were opposed to his own ; the abolition of the inter- 
 nal taxes; a reorganization of the judiciary ; an extension of 
 the laws relative to naturalization ; tlie purchase of Louisi- 
 ana, and the establishment of commercial and friendly rela- 
 tions with various western tribes of Indians. 
 
 On the occurrence of a new presidential election, in 1805, 
 tlic administration of Mr. Jefferson had been so acceptable, 
 that he was re-elected by a majority, not of eight votes, as in 
 the former instance, but by one hundred and forty-eight. In- 
 spired with new zeal by this additional proof of confidence 
 which his fellow-citizens had given him, he took occasion, in 
 his second inaugural address, to assert his determination to 
 abide by those principles upon which he had administered 
 the government, and the approbation of which, on the part 
 of the people, he read in their re-election of him to the same 
 exalted station. In concluding his inaugural address, he tooX 
 
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 399 
 
 occasion to observe : " I do not fear that any motives of in 
 tercst may lead me astray ; I am sensible of no passion which 
 could seduce me knowingly from the path of justice ; but the 
 weaknesses of human nature, and the limits of my own un- 
 dcrstandintjc, will produce errors of judgment sometimes inju- 
 rious to your interests ; I shall need, therefore, all the indul- 
 gence I have heretofore experienced ; the want of it will 
 certainly not lessen with increasing years. I shall need, tooi 
 the favour of that Being in whose hands we are, who led our 
 forefathers, as Israel of old, from their native land, and 
 planted them in a country flowing with all the necessaries 
 and comforts of life ; who has covered our infancy with his 
 providence, and our riper years with his wisdom and power." 
 
 On the second election of Mr. Jefferson to the presidency, 
 the vice presidency was transferred from Mr. Burr to George 
 Clinton, of New-York. A merited odium had settled upon 
 Sir. Burr in consequence of liis unprincipled duel with Gene- 
 ral Hamilton, in which the latter gentleman had fallen a vic- 
 tim to murderous revenge. From this time, Mr. Burr sunk, 
 as it was thought, into final obscurity ; but his future conduct 
 showed, that, while unobserved by his fellow citizens, he had 
 been achieving a project, which, but for the sagacity and ef- 
 fective measures of Mr. Jefferson, might have led even to a 
 dissolution of the union. 
 
 In the autumn of 1800, tlie movements of Mr. Burr first at- 
 tracted the notice of government. He had purchased and 
 was building boats on the Ohio, and engaging men to descend 
 that river. His declared purpose was to form a settlement 
 on the banks of the Washita, in Louisiana ; but the character 
 of the man, the nature of his preparations, and the incautious 
 disclosures of his associates, led to the suspicion that his true 
 object was either to gain possession of New-Orleans, and to 
 erect into a separate government the country watered by the 
 Mississippi and its branches, or to invade, from the territories 
 of the United States, the rich Spanish province of Mexico. 
 
 From the first moment of suspicion, he was closely watchr 
 ed by the agents of the government. At Natchez, while on 
 his way to New-Orleans, he was cited to appear before the 
 
400 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 supreme court of the Mississippi Territory. But he had so 
 enveloped his projects in secrecy, that sufficient evidence to 
 convict him could not be produced, and he was discharged. 
 Hearing, however, that several persons, suspected of being 
 his accomplices, had been arrested at New-Orleans and else- 
 where, he fled in disguise from Natchez, was apprehended on 
 the Tombigbee, and conveyed a prisoner to Richmond. Two 
 indictments were found against him, one charging him with 
 treason against the United Stales, the other with preparing 
 and commencing an exj)edition against the dominions of Spain. 
 In August, 1807, he was tried upon those indictments be- 
 fore John Marshall, the chief justice of the United States. 
 Full evidence of his guilt not being exhibited, he was acquit- 
 ted by the jury. The people, however, believed him guilty ; 
 and by their desertion and contempt he was reduced to a 
 condition of the most abject wretchedness. The ease with 
 which his plans were defeated, demonstrated the strength of 
 the government ; and his fate will ever be an impressive 
 warning to those who, in a free country, listen to the sugges- 
 tions of criminal ambition. 
 
 While these domestic troubles were, in a measure, agitating 
 the country, questions of still greater importance were en- 
 gaging the attention of the government in respect to our fo- 
 reign relations. War was at this time waging between 
 England and France. Ameiica, taking advantage of the bel- 
 ligerent state of these kingdoms, was advantageously em- 
 ploying hei-self, as a neutral power, in carrying from port to 
 port the productions of France and her dependent kingdoms, 
 and also to the ports of those kingdoms the manufactures of 
 England. 
 
 Great Britain, at this time, and indeed from the peace of 
 1783, had claimed a right to search for and seize her seamen, 
 even on board of neutral vessels while traversing the ocean. 
 In the exercise of this pretended right, many unlawful seizures 
 were made, against which Washington, Adams, and Jeffer- 
 son, had successively remonstrated in vain. Added to this, 
 the Americans were molested in the carrying trade, their ves- 
 sels being seized by Bi'itish cruisers while transporting to the 
 
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 401 
 
 continent the products of llie French colonies, and condemn- 
 ed by the EngUsh courts as lawful prizes. In May, 180G, 
 M'ere issued the British orders in council, by Avhich several 
 European ports, under the control of France, Avcre declared 
 to be in a slate of blockade, although not invested with a Bri- 
 tish licet, and American vessels, in attempting to enter those 
 ports, were captured and condemned. 
 
 As a measure retaliatory to the above orders in council, the 
 French emperor issued a decree at Berlin, in 180G, declaring 
 the British islands in a state of blockade. In consequence of 
 these measures of the two belligerents, the commerce of the 
 United States severely suflered, and their merchants were 
 loud in their demands on the government for redress and 
 protection. 
 
 In June, 1807, an act was committed which raised the in 
 dignation of the whole American people, and concentrated 
 upon the British government the whole weight of popular in 
 dignation. This was an attack upon the frigate Chesapeake, 
 just as she was leaving her port, for a distant service, by 
 order of a British admiral, in consequence of which three of 
 h5r men were killed, and four taken away. This outrage 
 occasioned an immediate i)roclamation on the part of Mr. 
 .JelTcrson, requiring all British armed vessels immediately to 
 depart from the waters of the United States, and forbidding 
 all such to cuter. Instructions were forwarded to the Ame- 
 rican minister at the court of Great Britain, to demand satis- 
 faction for the insult, and security against future aggression. 
 Congress was summoned to meet, and to decide upon the 
 further measures which should be adopted. 
 
 In the mean time, the British government promptly disa- 
 vowed the act of the officer, by whom the above outrage had 
 been committed, and oflcred reparation for the injuries done, 
 wliich some time after was carried into efl'ect. 
 
 From this time, the conduct of the belligerents was such. 
 In respect to each other, as to bear oppressively upon the 
 American nation, leaving the government of the latter no 
 other alternative, but abject submission, or decided retalia- 
 tion. In respect to the latter course, two measures only 
 3 F 34* 
 
402 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 could be adopted, a declaration of war, or a suspension of the 
 commerce of the United States. The latter alternative was 
 adopted, and on the twenty-second of December, 1807, an 
 act passed both houses of congress, laying a general embargo. 
 
 In respect to the policy of the embargo, the most promi- 
 nent feature in the administration of Mr. Jefferson, different 
 opinions prevailed among the American people. By the ad- 
 ministration, it was acknowledged to be only an experiment; 
 which, while it showed the spirit of the nation, and operated 
 with no inconsiderable severity upon the interests of the bel- 
 ligerents, left the way open to negociations, or, if necessary 
 to actual war. 
 
 Before the result of that system of measures which had 
 been recommended by Mr. Jefferson was fully known, the 
 period arrived when a new election to the presidency was to 
 take place. As Mr. Jefferson had reached the age of sixty- 
 five years, forty of which had almost uninterruptedly been 
 devoted to the arduous duties of public life, he was desirous, 
 at the close of his then presidential term, of ending his poli- 
 tical career. 
 
 Having formed this determination, he alluded to it in a 
 message to congress, in the following language : " Availing 
 myself of this, the last occasion which will occur of address- 
 ing the two houses of the legislature at their meeting, I can- 
 not omit the expression of my sincere gratitude for the re- 
 peated proofs of confidence manifested to me by themselves, 
 and their predecessors, since my call to the administration, 
 and the many indulgences experienced at their hands. The 
 same grateful acknowledgments are due to my fellow-citizens 
 generally, whose support has been my great encouragement, 
 under all embarrassments. In the transactions of their busi- 
 ness, I cannot have escaped error. It is incident to our im- 
 perfect nature. But I may say with truth, my errors have 
 been of the understanding, not of intention ; and that the ad- 
 vancement of their rights and interests has been the constant 
 motive of every measure. On these considerations, I solicit 
 their indulgence. Looking forward with anxiety to therr 
 future destinies, I trust, that in their steady character, un- 
 
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 403 
 
 shaken by difficulties, in tlieir love of liberty, obedience to 
 law, and sii[)port of public authorities, I see a sure guarantee 
 of the permanence of our republic ; and retiring from the 
 charge of their aflairs, I carry with me the consolation of a 
 lirm persuasion, that heaven has in store for our beloved 
 country, long ages to come of prosperity and happiness." 
 
 From the time of his retirement from public life, in 1807, 
 Mr. Jefferson resided at Monticello, and lived as became a 
 Wiseman, " Surrounded by allectionate friends, his ardour 
 in the pursuit of knowledge undiminished, with uncommon 
 health, and unbroken spirits, he Avas able to enjoy largely 
 the rational pleasures of life, and to partake in that public 
 prosperity, which he had so much contributed to produce. 
 His kindness and hospitality, the charm of his conversation, 
 the ease of his manners, the extent of his acquirements, and 
 especially the full store of revolutionary incidents which he 
 possessed, and Avhich he knew when and how to dispense, 
 rendered his abode, in a high degree, attractive to his ad- 
 miring countrymen, wliile his high public and scientific 
 character drew towards him every intelligent and educated 
 traveller from abroad." 
 
 Altliougli Mr. Jellcrson had withdrawn from public life, he 
 was still anxious to promote the objects of science, taste, and 
 literature ; and especially solicitous to see established a uni- 
 versity in his native state. To this object he devoted several 
 years of incessant and anxious attention, and by the enliglit- 
 ened liberality of the legislature of Virginia, and the co-opo- 
 ration of other able and zealous friends, he lived to see it ao- 
 com])lishcd. Of this institution, of which he was the father, 
 he was elected the rector, and, during the declining years of 
 his life, devoted himself, with unceasing ardour, to its perma- 
 nent prosperity. 
 
 It has often been the lot of those who have devoted 
 themselves to the public service, to suffer in the decline of 
 life from the hand of poverty. This was the lot of Mr. Jef- 
 ferson. His patrimony was originally large; but was una- 
 voidably neglected, in his attendance upon tlie duties of the 
 high ofEcial stations which he had filled. Partial efforls 
 
404 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 were made in his native state, and in other parts of the coun- 
 try, to relieve his embarrassments ; but the precise extent of 
 the measures adopted, in reference to this subject, we have 
 not the means of ascertaining. 
 
 At length, the day on which this illustrious man was to 
 terminate his long and useful career, approached. That day, 
 by the appointment of heaven, was to be the fourth of July, 
 1826. He saw its approach with undisturbed serenity. He 
 had no wish to live beyond that day. It was a day which, 
 fifty years before, he had helped to make immortal. His 
 wishes were answered ; and at ten minutes before one o'clock, 
 on that day — memorable, also, for the departure of his com- 
 patriot, Adams — Mr. Jefferson himself expired at Monticello. 
 At this time he had reached the age of eighty-three years, 
 two months, and twenty-one days. In stature, he was six 
 feet and two inches high. His person was erect and well 
 formed, though spare. The colour of his eyes was light, but 
 they beamed with intelligence. 
 
 We shall not attempt minutely to delineate the character 
 of Mr. Jefl'erson ; this must be left to others, who may pos- 
 sess greater facilities of doing him justice. It may be ob- 
 served, however, that in his manners he was simple and un- 
 affected ; at the same time possessing no inconsiderable 
 share of dignity. In disposition he was uncommonly liberal 
 and benevolent. In seasons of danger and perplexity, he 
 exhibited no ordinary fortitude and strength of mind. His 
 opinions were slowly formed, but yielded with great re- 
 luctance. Over his passions he possessed an uncommon 
 control. 
 
 In his domestic habits, he was quite simple. He rose 
 early, and through the whole day was unusually diligent in 
 his application, citlier to business or study. He was ardent- 
 ly devoted to literature and science, with almost every branch 
 of which he was well acquainted. Of his peculiar opinions 
 on religious subjects, we are designedly silent. In respect 
 to these, the best and wisest of his countrymen have enter- 
 tained very different sentiments. At a future day, it will 
 
BENJAMIN HARRISON. 405 
 
 be easier to decide in respect to their true cliaracter and 
 tendency. 
 
 It remains to notice only one circumstance more. " In a 
 private memorandum found among some other obituary pa- 
 pers and relics of Mr. Jcllcrson, is a suggestion, in case a 
 monument over him should ever be tliought of, that a granite 
 obelisk, of small dimensions, should be erected, with the fol 
 lowing inscription : 
 
 " HERE WAS BURIED 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON, 
 
 Authiir uf the Dcclanition of Independence, 
 
 Of the Statutes of Virg-inia, for Religious Freedom, 
 
 And Father of the University of Virginia." 
 
 BENJAMIN HARRISON. 
 
 Benjamin Harrison was the descendant of a famih/ long 
 distinguished in the history of Virginia. Both his father and 
 grandfather bore the name of Benjamin, and lived at Berkeley, 
 where they owned, and where the family still owns, a seat, 
 beautifidly sit\iated on the banks of the James River, in full 
 view of City Point, tlie seaport of Petersburg and Richmond 
 
 The father of .Mr. Harrison married the eldest daughter ol 
 Mr. Carter, the king's surveyor general, by whom he had six 
 sons and four dauyhters. Two of the latter, with himself, 
 were, at the same time, during the occurrence of a thunder 
 storm, killed by lightning in the mansion house at Berkeley. 
 
 The subject of the present memoir Avas the eldest son of 
 the preceding, but the date of his birth has not been satisfac- 
 torily ascertained. He was a student in the colhge of Wil- 
 liam and Mary at the time of his father's death ; but, in con- 
 sequence of a misunderstanding with an ollicer of the college, 
 he left it before the regular period of graduation, and returned 
 home. 
 
406 
 
 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 The management of his father's estate now devolved upon 
 him ; and though young to be entrusted with a charge so im- 
 portant, and involving responsibilities so weighty, he dis- 
 played an unusual share of prudence and judgment. 
 
 His ancestors having long been distinguished as political 
 leaders in the province, he was summoned at an early date, 
 even before he had attained to the age required by law, to 
 sustain tlie reputation which they had acquired. He com- 
 menced his political career as a member of the legislature, 
 about the year 1764, a station which he may be said to have 
 held tlirough life, since he was always elected to a seat, 
 whenever his other political employments admitted of his oc- 
 cupying it. As a member of the provincial assembly, Mr. 
 Harrison soon became conspicuous. To strong good sense 
 he united great hrmness and decision of cliaracter. Besides, 
 his fortune being ample, and his connexions by marriage 
 highly respectable, he was naturally marked out as a politi- 
 cal leader, in whom general confidence miglU well be re- 
 posed. 
 
 The royal government, aware of his influence and respect- 
 ability, was, at an early day, anxious to enlist him in its fa- 
 vour, and accordingly proposed to create him a member of 
 the executive council in Virginia, a station corresponding to 
 the privy council in England, and one which lew would have 
 had the firmness to have declined. 
 
 Mr. Harrison, however, though a young man, was not to 
 be seduced from the path of duty by the rank and influence 
 conferred by office. Even at this time, the measures of the 
 British ministry, although not as oppressive as at a later day, 
 were such as neither he nor the patriotic burgesses of Virgi- 
 nia could approve. In opposition to tlie royal cause, he iden- 
 tified himself with the people, whose rights and liberties he 
 pursued with an ardour which characterized most of the pa- 
 triots of the revolution. 
 
 Passing over the following ten years of Mr. Harrison's life, 
 in which icw incidents either of a private or political nature 
 are recorded of him, we an-ive at the year 1774, the era of 
 
BKNJAMIN HARRISON. 407 
 
 the memorable conjo^ress which laid the foundation of Aracr^■ 
 can liberty, of which body Mr. Harrison was a member. 
 
 From this period until the close of 1777, during nearly 
 every session of concrress, Mr. Harrison represented his na- 
 tive state in that distiuiruished assembly. Our limits forbid 
 us entering into a minute detail of the important services 
 which he rendered his country during his career in the na- 
 tional legislature. As a member of the board of war, and as 
 chairman of tliat board, an oflice which he retained until he 
 left congress, he particularly distinguished himself. Accord- 
 ing to the testimony of a gentleman who was contemporary 
 with him in congress, he was characterized for great firmness, 
 good sense, and a peculiar sagacity in difficult and critical 
 situations. In seasons of uncommon trial and anxiety, he 
 was always steady, cheerful, and undaunted. 
 
 Mr. Harrison was also often called to preside as chairman 
 of the committee of the whole house, in which station he was 
 extremely popular. He occupied tlie chair during the deli- 
 berations of congress on the despatches of Washington, the 
 settlement of commercial restrictions, the slate of the colo- 
 nies, the regulation of trade, and during the pendency of the 
 momentous question of our national independence. By his 
 correctness and impartiality, during the warm and animated 
 debates whicli were had on questions growing out of these 
 important sulijccts, he gained the general confidence and ap- 
 probation of the house. 
 
 An interesting anecdote is related of him, on the occasion 
 of the members affixing their signatures to the declaration of 
 independeJicc. While signing the instrument, he noticed 
 Mr. Gerry of Massachusetts standing beside him. Mr. Har- 
 rison himself was quite corpulent ; Mr. Gerry was slender 
 and spare. As the former raised his hand, having inscribed 
 his name on the roll, lie turned to Mr. Gerry, and facetiously 
 observed, that when the time of hanging should come, Ite 
 should have the advantage over him. " It will be over with 
 me," said he, " in a minute, but you will be kicking in the air 
 half an hour after I am gone." 
 
 Towards the close of the year 1777, Mr. Harrison resigned 
 
408 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 his seat in congress, and returned to Virginia. He was soon 
 after elected a member of the house of burgesses, of which 
 body he was immediately chosen speaker, a station which he 
 held until the year 1782. 
 
 In this latter year, Mr. Harrison was elected to the office 
 of chief magistrate of Virginia, and became one of the most 
 popular governors of his native state. To this office he was 
 twice re-elected. In 1785, having become ineligible by the 
 provisions of the constitution, he returned to private life, carry- 
 ing with him the universal esteem and approbation of his 
 fellow citizens. 
 
 In 178S, when the new constitution of the United States 
 was submitted to Virginia, he was returned a member of her 
 convention. Of the first committee chosen by that body, that 
 of privileges and elections, he Avas appointed chairman. 
 Owing, however, to his advanced years, and to infirmities 
 Avhich were now coming in upon him, he took no very active 
 part in the debates of the convention. He was a friend, 
 however, to the constitution, provided certain amendments 
 could be made to it, and opposed its ratification until these 
 should be incorporated with it. When the question was 
 taken in the convention as to its unconditional ratification, 
 the majority in the afilrmative was but ten. A minority so 
 respectable in point of number and character was not to be 
 slighted. Hence, the convention appointed a committee to 
 prepare and report such amendments as they should deem 
 necessary. Of this committee Mr. Harrison was a member, 
 and, in connexion with his colleagues, introduced such a se- 
 ries of amendments as were thought advisable, and which, 
 after passing the convention, formed the basis of the altera- 
 tions which were subsequently made. 
 
 In 1790, Mr. Harrison was again proposed as a candidate 
 to the executive chair. Finding, however, that if run it must 
 be in opposition to Mr. Beverley Randolph, who was at that 
 time governor, a gentleman distinguished for his great amia- 
 bleness of character, and a particular and intimate friend of 
 Governor Harrison, the latter declined the designed honour, 
 
BENJAMIN' HARRISON. 409 
 
 in consequence of whicli, Mr. Randolph was clccteil, but by- 
 only a majority of two or tliree votes. 
 
 In the spring of 1791, IMr. Harrison was attacked by a se- 
 vere fit of the gout, of which however he partially recovered. 
 In the month of April, he was elected a member of the legis- 
 lature. On the evening of the day after, however, a recur- 
 rence of his disease took place, which on the following day 
 terminated his life. 
 
 In his person, Mr. Harrison was above the ordinary height; 
 he possessed a vigorous constitution, and in Jiis manners was 
 remarkably dignified. Owing to the free manner in which he 
 lived, he, at length, became quite corpulent ; his features 
 Mere less handsome, and the vigour of his constitution was 
 much impaired. 
 
 Those who recollect him represent his talents as rather 
 useful than brilliant. He seldom entered into public discus- 
 sions, nor was he fond of writing; yet when occasion required, 
 he appeared with rcsj)ectability in both. 
 
 Mr. Harrison became connected by marriage with Eliza- 
 beth Bassett, daughter of Colonel William Bassett, of the 
 county of New Kent, a niece to the sister of Mrs. Washing- 
 ton. He had m'^ny children, seven ofwiiom only attained to 
 any number of years. Several of Iiis sons became men of 
 considerable distinction, but no one has occupied so conspicu- 
 ous a place in society as his tliird son, William Henry Harri- 
 son. While young, this gentleman distintriiishcd Iiimself in 
 a battle with the Indians at the rapids of Miami ; since which 
 time, he has filled the office of governor of Indiana Territory 
 served as a high military officer on the north-western fron- 
 tier, been sent as a delegate from the state of Ohio in con- 
 gress, and more recently been appointed to the important 
 office of minister plenipotentiary to Mexico. 
 3G 35 
 
410 VIRGINIA DELEGATION 
 
 THOMAS NELSON, Jun. 
 
 Thomas Nelson was born at York on the twenty-sixth ol 
 December, 1738. He was the eldest son of William Nelson, 
 a merchant of highly respectable character, who was de- 
 scended from an English family, which settled at York, in 
 the province of Virginia. By his prudence and industry, the 
 latter acquired a large fortune. After the meridian of life, he 
 held several offices of high distinction ; and at his death, which 
 occurred a few years before the revolution, left a character, 
 not only sullied by no stain, but justly venerated for the many 
 virtues which adorned it. 
 
 At the age of fourteen, Thomas Nelson was sent to Eng- 
 land, for the purpose of acquiring an education. He was for 
 some time placed at a private school, in a village in the neigh- 
 bourhood of London ; whence he was removed to the uni- 
 versity of Cambridge, where he enjoyed the instruction of 
 that distinguished man, Doctor Beilby Porteus, afterwards 
 bishop of London. Under the guidance of this excellent 
 man and accomplished scholar, young Nelson became deeply 
 imbued with a taste for literary pursuits. 
 
 About the close of 1761, he returned to his native coun- 
 try, and in the following year became connected by marriage 
 with a daughter of Philip Grymes, Esq. of Brandon, with 
 whom he settled at York. The ample fortune given him by 
 his father, at the time of his marriage, enabled him to main- 
 tain a style of no common elegance and hospitality. 
 
 At what period Mr. Nelson commenced his political career, 
 we have not been able to ascertain. He was, however, a 
 member of the house of burgesses in 1774, and during the 
 same year was appointed to the lirst general convention, 
 which met at WilUamsburg on the first of August. The next 
 year, 1775, he was a second time returned a member to the 
 general convention of the province, during the session of 
 which, he introduced a resolution for organizing a military 
 force in the province, a step which obviously placed the co- 
 lony of Virginia in the attitude of opposition to the mothelr 
 
THOMAS NELSON, JUN. 411 
 
 country. This plan was at first startling to some of the 
 warmest friends of liberty ; but in the issue, it proved a mea- 
 sure of high importance to the colonies. 
 
 In July, 1775, the third convention of Virginia delegates 
 assembled at Richmond, and in the following month Mr. Nel- 
 son was appointed a delegate to represent the colony in the 
 continental congress, which was to assemble at Philadelphia. 
 Agreeably to this appointment, he took his seat in that body 
 on the thirteenth of September. 
 
 From this time, until May, 1777, Mr. Nelson continued to 
 represent the colony of Virginia in the national council, where 
 lie was frequently appointed on important committees, and 
 was highly distinguished for his sound judgment and liberal 
 sentiments. In the month of May, of the year mentioned 
 above, while attending in his place in congress, he was sud- 
 denly attacked with a disease of the head, probably of a para- 
 lytic nature, which, for a time, greatly impaired his mental 
 faculties, particularly his memory. 
 
 He now returned to Virginia, soon after which he resigned 
 his seat in congress. His health gradually returning, his ser- 
 vices were again demanded by the public, and by the governor 
 and council he was appointed brigadier general and com- 
 mander in chief of the forces of the commonwealth. In this 
 office he rendered the most important services to his country 
 in general, and to the colony of Virginia in particular. His 
 ample fortune enabled him, in cases of emergency, to advance 
 money to carry forward the military operations of the day, 
 nor did the generosity of his nature allow him to withhold 
 his hand whenever occasion demanded advancements. 
 
 In 1779, the health of Mr. Nelson being, as it was thought, 
 contirmed, he was induced again to accept a seat in congress. 
 The arduous duties, however, to which he was called, con- 
 nected with the long confinement which those duties required, 
 induced a recurrence of his former complaint, which com- 
 pelled him again to return home. 
 
 Happily for his country, his health was again restored, and 
 he entered with great animation into several military expedi- 
 tions against the British, who, at that time, were making the 
 
412 VIRGINIA DELEGATION'. 
 
 southern states the cliief theatre of war. In 1781, Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, who liad for tluee years filled the executive chair, left 
 it, upon which General Nelson was called to succeed him. 
 This was a gloomy period in the annals of Virginia. In re- 
 peated instances the state Avas invaded, and the path of the 
 enemy marked by wanton and excessive barbarity. The le- 
 gislature were several times interrupted in their deliberations, 
 and repeatedly obliged to adjourn to a different and more re 
 tired place. Immediately following the accession of Mr. Nel- 
 son to the executive chair, they were driven, as was noticed 
 in the life of Mr. Jefferson, by Tarlton, from Charlottesville 
 to Staunton. 
 
 At this time they ])assed a law, " by which the governor, 
 with the advice of the council, was empowered to procure, 
 by impress or otherwise, under such regulations as they 
 should devise, provisions of every kind, all sorts of clothing, 
 accoutrements and furniture proper for the use of the army, 
 negroes as pioneers, horses both for draught and cavalry, 
 wagons, boats, and other vessels, with their crews, and all 
 other things which might be necessary for supplying the 
 militia, or other troops, employed in the public service." 
 
 According to this law, Mr. Nelson could not constitution- 
 ally act, except with the advice of his council. Owing to 
 the capture of two of the council by Tarlton, and to the 
 resignation of two others, that body was reduced to four 
 jnembers, the least number which agreeably to the constitu- 
 tion could act. Even this number, in the distracted state of 
 the country, it Avas difiicult and nearly impossible to keep 
 together. 
 
 Thus circumstanced. Governor Nelson determined, at the 
 risk of public censure, to take those measures which the 
 safety of the state and the good of the country demanded. 
 These measures were taken ; and though departing from the 
 strict line of duty as donned by the laws of the common- 
 weahli, it was owing to his prompt and independent course 
 that the army was kept together until the battle of Yorktown 
 gave the finishing stroke to the war. 
 
 Soon after the occurrence of that memorable and glorioua 
 
THOMAS NELSON, JUN. 413 
 
 event, Governor Nelson had the pleasure of receiving a just 
 expression of thanks from General Washington, who, in his 
 general orders of the 20th of October, 1781, tlius spoke of 
 •him: "The general would be guilty of the highest ingrati- 
 tude, a crime of which he hopes he shall never be accused, 
 if he forgot to return his sincere acknowledgments to his 
 excellency Governor Nelson, for the succours which he re- 
 ceived from him, and the militia under his command, to 
 whose activity, emulation, and bravery, the highest praises 
 arc due. The magnitude of the acquisition will be ample 
 compensation for the difUculties and dangers which they 
 met with so much firmness and patriotism." 
 
 At the expiration of a month, following the surrender of 
 Lord Cornwallis, Governor Nelson fniding his health im- 
 paired by the arduous duties to which he had been called, 
 tendered his resignation as chief magistrate of Virginia. 
 
 The many services which he had rendered, the great self- 
 denial whicli he had practised, the uncommon liberality 
 which he had manifested, entitled him to the gratitude of the 
 people, and to the unmolested enjoyment of the few years 
 which remained to liim. Jiut scarcely had his resigna- 
 tion been accepted, when an accusation was laid before the 
 legislature by his enemies, charging him with having tran- 
 scended his powers in acting without the consent of his 
 council. 
 
 Soon after the presentment of this accusation. Governor 
 Nelson addressed a letter to the legislature, requesting an in- 
 vestigation of his official conduct. In compliance M'ith this 
 request, a committee was appointed for that purpose, who," 
 at length, having reported, the legislature, on tJie 31st of 
 December, 1781, passed the following act : 
 
 '* An act to indemnify Thomas Nelson, Junior, Esquire, 
 late governor of this commonwealth, and to legalise certain 
 acts of his administration. ^Yhereas, upon examination it 
 appears that previous to, and during the seige of "York, 
 Thomas Nelson, Esquire, late governor of this common- 
 wealth, was compelled by the peculiar circumstances of the 
 state and army, to perform many acts of government without 
 
 35* 
 
414 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 the advice of the council of state, for the purpose of pro- 
 curing suboistence and other necessaries for the allied army 
 under the command of his excellency General Washington : 
 be it enacted, that all such acts of government, evidently 
 productive of general good, and warranted by necessity, be 
 judged and held of the same validity, and the like proceed 
 ings be had on them, as if they had been executed by and 
 with the advice of the council, and with all the formalities 
 prescribed by law. And be it farther enacted, that the said 
 Thomas Nelson, Jun. Esq. be, and hereby is, in the fullest 
 manner, indemnified and exonerated from all penalties and 
 dangers which might have accrued to him from the same." 
 
 Having thus been honourably acquitted of charges from 
 which his noble and patriotic conduct ought to have saved 
 him, he now retired ivholly from public life. His death oc- 
 curred on the 4th of January, 17b9, just after he had com- 
 pleted his fiftieth year. Few patriots of the revolution have 
 descended to the grave more justly honoured and beloved. 
 Few possessed a more ample fortune ; i'ew contributed more 
 liberally to support the cause of liberty. It was the patriot- 
 ism, the firmness, the generosity, the magnanimous sacrifices 
 of such men, that conducted the colonies through a gloomy 
 contest of seven years continuance, and gave them a rank, 
 among the independent nations of the earth. 
 
 We shall conclude this notice of this illustrious man, by 
 presenting to our readers the tribute, which was happily and 
 aileclionately paid to his memory by Colonel Innes : 
 
 " Tlie illustrious General Thomas Nelson is no more! 
 He paid the last great debt to nature, on Sunday, the fourth 
 of the present month, at his estate in Hanover. He who 
 undertakes barely to recite the exalted virtues M'hioh adorned 
 the life of this great and good man, will unavoidably pro- 
 nounce a panegyric on human nature. As a man, a citizen, 
 a legislator, and a patriot, he exhibited a conduct untarnished 
 and undebased by sordid or selfish interest, and strongly 
 marked with the genuine characteristics of true religion, 
 sound benevr>lence, and liberal policy. Entertaining the 
 most ardent love for civil and religious liberty, he was 
 
THOMAS NELSON, JUN. 415 
 
 among the first of that j^lorious hand of patriots Avhose ex- 
 ertions daslicd and defeated the machinations of British 
 tyranny, and gave United America freedom and independent 
 empire. At a most important crisis, during the hite struggle 
 for American liberty, when this state appeared to be desig- 
 nated as tlie theatre of action for the contending armies, he 
 was selected by the inianimous sull'rage of the legislature to 
 command the virtuous yeomanry of liis country ; in this 
 honourable employment lie remained until the end of tlte 
 war ; as a soldif r, he was indefatigably active and coolly in- 
 trepid ; resolute and undejected in misiortuncs, he towered 
 above distress, and struggled with the manifold difficulties to 
 which his situation exposed him, with constancy and courage. 
 In the memorable year 1781, when the whole force of the 
 southern Orilish army Avas directed to the immediate subju- 
 gation of this state, he was called to tlie helm of govern- 
 ment; this was a juncture which indeed ' tried men's souls.' 
 He did not avail himself of this opportunity to retire in the 
 rear of danger ; but on the contrary, took the field at the 
 head of his countrymen ; and at the hazard of his life, his 
 fame, and individual fortune, by his decision and magna- 
 nimity, he saved not only his country, but all America, from 
 disgrace, if not from total ruin. Of this truly patriotic and 
 heroic conduct, the renowned commander in chief, with all 
 the gallant oflicers of the combined armies employed at the 
 siege of York, will bear ample testimony ; this part of his 
 conduct even contemporary jealousy, envy, and malignity 
 were forced to approve, and this, more impartial posterity, 
 if it can believe, will almost adore. If, after contemplating 
 the splendid and heroic parts of his character, we shall in- 
 quire for the milder virtues of humanity, and seek for the 
 man, we shall find the refined, beneficent, and social qualities 
 of private life, tlirough all its forms and combinations, so 
 happily modified and united in him, that in the words of the 
 darling poet of nature, it may be said, 
 
 ' His lifo wixs gentle : and the elements 
 
 So mixed in tiim, that nature might stand up 
 
 And say to all the world— this was a man.' " 
 
416 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. 
 
 Francis Lightfoot Lee, the fourth son of Thomas Lee, 
 was born on the fourteenth day of October, 1734. His father 
 for several years held the office of president of the king's 
 council of the provincial government of Virginia. He had 
 several sons, all of whom were highly distinguished for their 
 talents, and for the services which they rendered their coun- 
 try. Philip Ludwell, a member of the king's council ; Tho- 
 mas Ludwell, a member of the Virginia assembly; Richard 
 Henry, as the champion of American freedom ; William, as a 
 sheriff and alderman of London, and afterwards a commis- 
 sioner of the continental congress at the courts of Berlin and 
 Vienna ; and Arthur as a scholar, a politician, and diplomatist. 
 
 Francis Lightfoot, the subject of the present memoir, was 
 perhaps not less distinguished, although he had not the ad- 
 vantages, which were enjoyed by the elder sons, of an educa- 
 tion at the English universities. His advantages, however, 
 were not of a moderate character. He was placed under the 
 care of a domestic tutor of the name of Craig, a gentleman 
 distinguished for his love of letters, and for his ability to im- 
 part useful knowledge to those of whom he had the care. Un- 
 der such a man, the powers of Francis Lightfoot rapidly un- 
 folded. He acquired an early fondness for reading and men- 
 tal investigation, and became well acquainted with the vari- 
 ous branches of science and literature. 
 
 The fortune bequeathed him by his father rendered the 
 study of a profession unnecessary. He, therefore, devoted 
 himself for several years to reading, and to the enjoyment of his 
 friends. He was a man, however, in whom dwelt the spirit 
 of the patriot, and who could not well be neglected, nor could 
 lie well neglect his country, when the political troubles of the 
 colonies began. 
 
 In 17G5, he was returned a member of the house of bur- 
 gesses from the county of Loudon, where his estate was si- 
 tuated. In this situation, he proved himself to be a gentleman 
 of strong good sense and discriminating judgment ; and to this 
 
FRANCIS LIGIITFOOT LEE. 417 
 
 office he was annually re-elected until 1772 ; when having be- 
 come connected by marriage with a daughter of Colonel John 
 Tayloe, of the county of Richmond, he removed to that coun- 
 ty, the citizens of which soon after elected him a member of 
 the house of burgesses. 
 
 In 1775, Mr. Lee Avas chosen a member of the continental 
 congress, by the Virginia convention. This was an eventful 
 period in the annals of America. It was the year in which 
 was shed the first blood in the revolutionary struggle. It 
 was emphatically the year of " clouds and darivuess," in which 
 indeed the hope of better days was indulged, but in which, 
 notwithstanding tliis hope, "men's souls were tried." 
 
 Mr. Lee continued a memljer of congress until the spring 
 of 1779. During his attendance upon this body, he seldom 
 took part in the j)ublic discussions, but few surpassed him in 
 his warmth of patriotism, and in his zeal to urge forward those 
 measures which contributed to the success of the American 
 arms, and the independence of the country. To his brother, 
 Richard Henry Lee, the high honour was allotted of bringing 
 forward the momentous question of independence, and to him, 
 and his associates in that distinguished assembly, the not in- 
 ferior honour was granted of aiding and supporting and 
 finishing this important work. 
 
 As already noticed, Mr. Lee retired from congress in the 
 year 1779. It was his wish to be exeni|)ted from public care, 
 and in the pleasures of home to seek those enjoyments which 
 were consentaneous to his health and haj)j)iness. 
 
 This seclusion, however, he was not permitted long to en- 
 jo}-. Tlie internal condition of Virginia, at tliis time, was 
 one of much agitation and perplexity. His fellow citizens, 
 justly appreciating the value of such a man, summoned him 
 by their suffrages to represent them in the legislature of Vir- 
 ginia. Although reluctantly, he obeyed the summons, and 
 took his seat in that body. He was fond of ease, and of the 
 pleasures of domestic life ; still he was conscious of his obli- 
 gations, and most faithfully discharged them. While a mem- 
 ber of the continental congress, he had been characterized for 
 
 3 n 
 
418 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 integrity, sound judgment, and love of country. In his pre- 
 sent office, he was distinguished for the same virtues. 
 
 He could not content himself, however, long in this situa 
 tion. He became wearied with the duties of public life ; and, 
 at length, relinquished them for the pleasures of retirement. 
 In this latter course of life, he not only enjoyed himseli 
 highly, but contributed greatly to the happiness of many 
 around him. The benevolence of his disposition, and the 
 urbanity of his manners, recommended him both to the old 
 and the young, to the gay and the grave. The poor shared 
 in his benevolence and advice. In his intercourse with 
 his particular friends, he was uncommonly pleasing and in- 
 structive. 
 
 Mr. Lee, having no children to require his care and atten- 
 tion, devoted much of his time to the pleasures of reading, 
 farming, and the company of his friends. His death was oc- 
 casioned by a pleurisy, which disease about the same time, 
 also, attacked his beloved wife, and terminated the life of both, 
 within a (tw days of each other. It is said, that he had em- 
 braced the religion of the gospel, and that under its support- 
 ing hope and consolation, he made his exit in peace from 
 the world. 
 
 CARTER BRAXTON. 
 
 Carter Braxton was the son of George Braxton, a 
 wealthy planter of Newington, in the county of King and 
 Queen, in Virginia, where he was born on the tenth of Sep- 
 tember, 1736. His mother was the daughter of Robert Car- 
 ter, who was for some time a member, and the president of 
 the king's council. 
 
 Carter Braxton was liberally educated, at the college of Wil- 
 liam and Mary. About the time that he left college, it is 
 supposed that his father died, although this is not well ascer- 
 
GARTER BRAXTOK. 419 
 
 tained. On this event, he became possessed of a considerable 
 fortune, consisting chiefly of land and slaves. His estate was 
 much increased, by his marriage, at the early age of nineteen 
 years, with the daughter of Mr. Christopher Robinson, a 
 wealthy planter of the county of Middlesex. 
 
 He had the misfortune to lose his wife within a few years 
 of his marriage, soon after which he embarked for England, 
 for the purpose of improving his mind and manners. He re- 
 turned to America in 1760 ; and, in the following year, was 
 married to the eldest daughter of Richard Corbin, of Lanne- 
 ville, by whom he had sixteen children. The life of Mrs, 
 Braxton was continued until the year 1814. Of her numer- 
 ous children, one only, a daughter, it is believed, is still living. 
 
 The ample fortune of Mr. Braxton rendering the study of 
 a profession unnecessary, he became a gentleman planter. 
 He lived in considerable splendour, according to the fashion 
 of the landed aristocracy at that day. Yet, it is said, that 
 his fortune was not impaired by it. 
 
 'Upon his return from a voyage to England, he was called 
 to a seat in the house of burgesses ; and in 1765, particu- 
 larly distinguished himself at the time that Patrick Henry 
 brought forward his celebrated resolutions on the stamp act, 
 
 From this date, until 1776, the political career of M». 
 Braxton corresponded, in general, with that of the other 
 delegates from Virginia, of whom we have given a more par 
 ticular and circumstantial account. It will be unnecessary 
 therefore, to observe in this place more than tliat Mr. Brax 
 ton was, during this period, for the most part, a member of 
 the house of burgesses, and a member of the first convention 
 which ever met in Virginia. Nor is it necessary to speak 
 particularly of the patriotic zeal and firmness which charac- 
 terized him, in all the duties which he was called upon to 
 discharge. 
 
 On the twenty-second of October, 1775, the distinguishea 
 Pteyton Randolph died at Philadelphia, while presiding over 
 congress. In the following month, the convention of Vir- 
 ginia proceeded to appoint his successor, upon which Mr. 
 Braxton was elected. In that body he soon rxfte^T took his 
 
420 VIRGINIA DELEGATION. 
 
 scat, and was present on the occasion which gave birth to 
 tlie declaration of independence. 
 
 In June, 1776, the convention of Virginia reduced the 
 number of their delegates in congress to iive, any three of 
 whom, it was directed, should be sufficient. In consequence 
 of this resolution, Mr. Harrison and Mr. Braxton were 
 omitted. 
 
 In the month of October, 1776, the first general assembly 
 under the republican constitution, assembled at Williamsburg. 
 Of this assembly Mr. Braxton was a member, and soon after 
 taking his seat, he had the pleasure of receiving, in connexion 
 with Thomas Jefferson, an expression of the public thanks in 
 the following language : 
 
 « Saturday, October I2th, 1776. 
 " Resolved, unanimously, that the thanks of this house are 
 justly due to Thomas Jeflerson and Carter Braxton, Esquires, 
 for the diligence, ability, and integrity, with which they exe- 
 cuted the important trust reposed in them, as two of the dele- 
 gates for this county in the general congress." 
 
 Of the above first session of the legislature of Virginia, 
 Mr. Braxton was an active member. This session, as might 
 be supposed, was interesting and important, from the circum- 
 stance that being the first, it was called upon to accommodate 
 the government to the great change which the people had 
 undergone in their political condition. From this time, he 
 continued to be a delegate in tlie house for several years, 
 where he proved himself to be faithful to his constituents, 
 and a zealous advocate for civil and religious liberty. 
 
 In 1786, he received an appointment as a member of the 
 cormcil of state of the commonwealth, which office he con- 
 tinued to execute until the thirtieth of March, 1791. After 
 an interval of a few years, during M'hich he occupied a seat 
 in the house of delegates, he was again elected into the exe- 
 cutive council, where he continued until October, 1797, on 
 the tenth of which month he was removed to another world, 
 by means of an attack of paralysis. 
 
CARTER BRAXTON. 421 
 
 Mr. Braxton was a gentleman of cultivated mind, and re- 
 spectable talents. Although not distinguished by the im- 
 pressive eloquence of Henry and Lee, his oratory was easy 
 and flowing. In his manners, he was peculiarly agreeable, 
 and the language of his conversation and eloquence was 
 smooth and flowing. 
 
 The latter days of Mr. Braxton were embittered by several 
 unfortunate commercial speculations, which involved him in 
 pecuniary embarrassments, from which he found it impossible 
 to extricate himself. Several vexatious law-suits, in which 
 he became engaged, contributed still farther to diminish his 
 property, and unfortunately led him unintentionally to injure 
 several of his friends, who were his sureties. The morning 
 of his days was indeed bright ; but, like many a morning 
 which appears in the natural world without clouds, his was 
 followed, towards the close of the day, by clouds and dark- 
 ness, under which he sunk, imparting an impressive lesson of 
 the passing nature of the form and fashion of the present 
 world. 
 
 36 
 
THE 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 William Hooper, 
 Joseph Hewes, 
 John Penn. 
 
 WILLIAM HOOPER. 
 
 William Hooper was a native of Boston, province of 
 Massachusetts Bay, where he was born on the seventeenth 
 of June, 1742. 
 
 His father's name was also William Hooper. He was 
 born in Scotland, in the year 1702, and soon after leaving the 
 university of Edinburgh emigrated to America. He settled in 
 Boston, where he became connected in marriage with the 
 daughter of Mr. John Dennie, a respectable merchant. Not 
 long after his emigration, he was elected pastor of Trinity 
 Church, in Boston, in which office, such were his fidelity and 
 affectionate intercourse Avith the people of his charge, that 
 long after his death he was remembered by them with pecu- 
 liar veneration and regard. 
 
 William Hooper, a biographical notice of whom we are 
 now to give, was the eldest of five children. At an early age 
 he exhibited indications of considerable talent. Until he was 
 seven years old, he was instructed by his father ; but, at 
 length, became a member of a free grammar school in Boston, 
 
WII.T.TAM HOOPER. 423 
 
 ■which at that time was under the care of Mr. John Lovell, a 
 teacher of distinguished eminence. At the age of fifteen, he 
 entered Harvard university, where he acquired the reputation 
 of a good classical scholar ; and, at length, in 17G0, com- 
 menced bachelor of arts, with distinguished honour. 
 
 Mr. Hooper had destined his son for the ministerial office. 
 But his inclination turning towards the law, he obtained his 
 fatlier's consent to pursue the studies of that profession, in 
 the office of the celebrated James Otis. On being qualified 
 for the bar, he left the province of Massachusetts, with the 
 design of pursuing the practice of his profession in North 
 Carolina. After spending a year or two in that province, his 
 father became exceedingly desirous that he should return 
 home. The health of his son had greatly suiTered, in conse- 
 quence of an excessive apj)lication to the duties ofliis profes- 
 sion. In addition to this, the free manner of living, generally 
 adopted by tlie wealthier inhabitants of the south, and in which 
 he had probably participated, had not a little contributed to 
 the injury of his health. 
 
 Notwithstanding the wishes of his father, in regard to his 
 favourite son, the latter, at length, in the fall of 1767, fixed 
 his residence permanently in North Carolina, and became 
 connected by marriage with Miss Ann Clark, of Wilmington, 
 in that province. 
 
 Mr. Hooper now devoted himself with great zeal to his 
 professional duties. He early enjoyed the confidence of his 
 fellow citizens, and was highly respected by his brethren at 
 the bar, among whom he occupied an enviable rank. 
 
 In the year 1773, he was appointed to represent the town 
 of Wilmington, in which he resided, in the general assembly. 
 In the following year he was elected to a seat in the same 
 liody, soon after taking which, he was called upon to assist 
 in opposing a most tyrannical act of the British government, 
 in respect to the laws regulating the courts of justice in the 
 province. 
 
 The former laws in relation to these courts being abcat to 
 expire, others became necessary. Accordingly, a bill was 
 brought forward, the provisions of which were designed to 
 
424 NORTH CAROLINA ttELEGATION. 
 
 regulate the courts as formerly. But the advocates of the 
 British government took occasion to introduce a clause into 
 the bill, which was intended to exempt from attachment all 
 species of property in North Carolina, which belonged to 
 non-residents. This bill having passed the senate, and been 
 approved of by the governor, was sent to the house of repre- 
 sentatives, where it met with a most spirited opposition. In 
 this opposition Mr. Hooper took the lead. In strong and 
 animated language, he set forth the injustice of this part of 
 the bill, and remonstrated against its passage by the house. 
 In consequence of the measures which were pursued by the 
 respective houses composing the general assembly, the pro- 
 vince was left for more than a year without a single court of 
 law. Personally to Mr. Hooper, the issue of this business 
 was highly injurious, since he was thus deprived of the prac- 
 tice of his profession, upon which he depended for his sup- 
 port. Conscious, however, of having discharged his duty, 
 he bowed in submission to the pecuniary sacrifices to which 
 he was thus called, preferring honourable poverty to the 
 greatest pecuniary acquisitions, if the latter must he made at 
 the expense of principle. 
 
 On the twenty-fifth of August, 1774, Mr. Hooper was elect- 
 ed a delegate to the general congress, to be held at Philadel- 
 phia. Soon after taking his seat in this body, he Avas placed 
 upon several important committees, and wlien occasion re- 
 quired, took a share in the animated discussions, which were 
 had on the various important subjects which came before 
 them. On one occasion, and tlie first on Avliich he addressed 
 the house, it is said, that he so entirely ri vetted the attention 
 of the members by his bold and animated language, that many 
 expressed their wonder that such eloquence should flow forth 
 from a member from North Carolina. 
 
 In the following year, Mr. Hooper Avas again appointed a 
 delegate to serve in the second general congress, during whose 
 session he was selected as the chairman of a committee ap- 
 pointed to report an address to the inhabitants of Jamaica. 
 The draught was the production of his pen. It was charac- 
 terized for great boldness, and was eminently adapted to pro- 
 
WILLIAM HOOPER. 425 
 
 ducc a strong impression upon the people for whom it was 
 ilesignotl. In conchision of the address, Mr. Hooper used 
 tlie following bold and animated language : 
 
 " That our petitions have been treated with disdain, is now 
 become the smallest part of our complaint : ministerial inso- 
 lence is lost in ministerial barbarity. It has, by an exertion 
 ])eculiarly ingenious, ])rocurcd those very measures, which it 
 laid us under the hard necessity of pursuing, to be stigma- 
 tized in parliament as rebellious : it has employed additional 
 fleets and armies for the infamous purpose of compelling us 
 to abandon them : it has plunged us in all the horrors and ca- 
 lamities of a civil war: it has caused the treasure and blood 
 of Britons (formerly shed and expended for far other ends) to 
 be spilt and wasted in the execrable design of spreading 
 slavery over British America : it will not, however, accom- 
 plish its aim ; in the worst of contingencies, a choice will still 
 be left, which it never can prevent us from making." 
 
 In January, 1770, Mr. Hooper was appointed, with Dr. 
 Franklin and jlr. Livingston, a committee to report to con- 
 gress a proper method of honouring the memory of General 
 Montgomery, who had then recently fallen beneath the walls 
 of Quebec. This committee, in their report, recommended 
 the erection of a monument, which, while it expressed the re- 
 spect and allcction of the colonies, might record, for the be- 
 nefit of future ages, the patriotic zeal and fidelity, enterprise 
 and perseverance of the hero, whose memory the monument 
 was designed to celebrate. In compliance with the recom- 
 mendation of this committee, a monument was afterwards 
 erected by congress in the city of New-York. 
 
 In the spring, 1770, the private business of Mr. Hooper so 
 greatly required his attention in North Carolina, that he did 
 not attend upon the sitting of congress. He returned, how- 
 over, in season to share in the honour of passing and pub- 
 lishing to the world the immortal declaration of independence. 
 
 On the twentieth of December, 1770, he was elected a de- 
 legate to congress for the third time. The embarrassed situ- 
 ation of his private afi^airs, however, rendered his longer ab- 
 cnce from Carolina inconsistent with his interests. Accord- 
 3 1 36* 
 
426 NORTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 ingly, in February, 1777, he relinquished liis seat in con- 
 gress, and not long after tendered to the general assembly his 
 resignation of the important trust. 
 
 But, although he found it necessary to retire from this par- 
 ticular sphere of action, he was nevertheless usefully employed 
 in Carolina. He was an ardent friend to his country, zeal 
 ously attached to her rights, and ready to make every required 
 personal sacrifice for her good. Nor like many other patriots 
 of the day, did he allow himself to indulge in despondency. 
 While to others the prospect appeared dubious, he would al- 
 ways point to some brighter spots on the canvass, and upon 
 these he delighted to dwell. 
 
 In 1786, Mr. Hooper was appointed by congress one of the 
 judges" of a federal court, which was formed for the purpose 
 of settling a controversy which existed between the states of 
 New-York and Massachusetts, in regard to certain lands, the 
 jurisdiction of which each pretended to claim. The point at 
 issue was of great importance, not only as it related to a con- 
 siderable extent of territory, but in respect of the people of 
 tliese two states, among whom great excitement prevailed on 
 tlie subject. Fortunately, the respective parties themselves 
 appointed commissioners to settle the dispute, which was, at 
 length, amicably done, and the above federal court were saved 
 a most difhcult and delicate duty. 
 
 In the following year, the constitutional infirmities of Mr. 
 Hooper increasing, his health became considerably impaired. 
 He now gradually relaxed from public and professional exer- 
 tions, and in a short time sought repose in retirement, which 
 he greatly coveted. In the month of October, 1790, at the 
 early age of forty-eight years, he was called to exchange 
 worlds. He left a widow, two sons, and a daughter, the last 
 of whom only, it is believed, still lives. 
 
 In his person, Mr. Hooper was of middle stature, well 
 formed, but of delicate and slender appearance. He carried 
 a pleasing and intelligent countenance. In his manners he 
 was polite and engaging, although towards tliose with whom 
 lie Avas not particularly acquainted, he was somewhat re- 
 served. He was distinguished for his powers of conversa- 
 
JOSEPH HEWES. 427 
 
 tion ; in point of literary merit he had but few rivals in tlve 
 ueighbourhootl in whicli he dwelt. 
 
 As a lawyer, he was distinguished for his professional 
 knowletltj^e, and indefatigable zeal in respect to business with 
 which he was entrusted. Towards his brethren he ever 
 maintained a high and honourable course of conduct, and 
 particularly towards the younger members of the bar. As a 
 politician, ho was characterized for judgment, ardour, and 
 constancy. In times of the greatest political difTiculty and 
 danger, he was calm, but resolute. He never desponded ; 
 but trusting to the justice of his country's cause, he had 
 an unshaken confidence that heaven would protect and de- 
 liver her. 
 
 JOSEPH HEWES. 
 
 Joseph Hcwes was born near Kingston, in New-Jersey, 
 in the year 1730. His parents were Aaron and Providence 
 Hewes, who were members of the society of friends, and 
 who originally belonged to the colony of Connecticut. They 
 were induced, however, to remove from New-England, ou 
 account of the prejudices which existed among the descen- 
 dants of the puritans against those who adopted the quaker 
 dress, or professed the quaker faith. 
 
 At the period of their removal, many parts of New-Eng- 
 land were suflering from tlic frequent hostilities of the In- 
 dians, who, roving through the forests in their vicinity, often 
 made suchlcn incursions upon the inhabitants of those colo- 
 nies, and trenerally marked their route witli the most shock- 
 ing barbarities. The murderous spirit of the Indians was 
 also, at this time, much inllamed by an act of the govern- 
 ment of Massachusetts, which had increased the premium on 
 Indian scalps and Indian prisoners to a hundred pounds for 
 each. By way of retaliation, the Indians often made their 
 
428 NORTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 sanguinary incursions into the territory of Massachusetts, 
 and not unfrequently extended their jouriiies among the in- 
 offensive farmers of Connecticut. Hence, many of the latter, 
 desirous of a more quiet and secure life, were induced to 
 seek a permanent residence in the remoter parts of the 
 country. 
 
 Among those who thus fled from the annoyance of preju- 
 dice, and from the deeper wrath of a savage foe, were the 
 parents of Joseph Hewes. But even in their flight they nar- 
 rowly escaped the death which they wished to avoid. On 
 j)asslng the Housatonic River, a party of the indians came so 
 nearly upon them, that Mrs. Hewes was wounded in the neck 
 by a ball shot from the gun of a savage. 
 
 In New-Jersey, however, where they at length arrived, 
 they found a peaceful and secure home. Here, some time 
 after their settlement, their son Joseph Hewes was born. Of 
 the incidents of his younger days we know but little. At a 
 })roper age he became a member of Princeton College, from 
 which, having graduated in due course, he v.as placed in the 
 counting-liouse of a gentleman at Philadel])hia, to be educated 
 as a merchant. 
 
 On leaving the counting-house of his employer, he entered 
 into the mercantile business for himself, and soon became 
 an active and thrifty merchant. 
 
 At the age of thirty he removed to North Carolina, and 
 isettled in the village of Edenton. The -same prosperity 
 which had attended him at Philadelphia, followed him to a 
 more southern province, and in a few years he acquired a 
 handsome fortune. 
 
 Mr. Hewes, both before and after his removal to North 
 Carolina, sustained the reputation of a man of j)robity and 
 honour. He acquired the confidence and esteem of the peo- 
 ple among whom he lived, and was soon called to represent 
 them in the colonial legislature of the province. This dis- 
 tinction was conferred upon him for several successive years, 
 with increasing usefulness to his constituents, and increasing 
 credit to himself. 
 
 At length, in the year 1774, a congress, w^U known in the 
 
JOSEPH HEWES. 429 
 
 annals of the American colonies, assembled in Philadelphia. 
 In that body were three delegates from North Carolina, of 
 whom Mr. Ilcwes was one. 
 
 The instructions and powers given to the delegates of this 
 congress by the people of the several colonies, were consider- 
 ably diversified. No public body, at that time, contemplated 
 a separation from the mother country, and with no powers 
 to this effect were any of the delegates to the congress of 
 1774 invested. Their object respected the means most 
 proper to restore harmony between themselves and Great 
 Britain, to obtain redress of grievances which tlie colonies 
 suffered, and to secure to them the peaceful enjoyment of 
 tlieir unalienable rights, as British subjects. 
 
 Nodeloijates to this congress carried with thorn credentials 
 of a bolder stamp, than those from North Carolina. They 
 were invested with such powers as might " make any acts 
 done by them, or consent given in behalf of this province, 
 obligatory in honour upon any inliabitant thereof, who is not 
 aji alien to his country's good, and an apostate to the liberties 
 of America." 
 
 On the meeting of this congress, two important committees 
 were appointed ; the one, to " state the rights of the colonies 
 in general, the several instances in which these rights are 
 violated or infringed, and the means most proper to be pur- 
 sued for ol)taining a restoration of them ;" the other, to 
 " examine and report tlie several statutes which affect the 
 ti-ade and manufactures of the colonies." Of the former of 
 Uiese committees, Mr. Hewes was appointed a member, and 
 assisted in preparing their celebrated report. 
 
 This report contained a temperate, but clear declaration 
 of the rights of the English colonies in North America, which 
 were expressed in the following language : 
 
 " 1. That they are entitled to life, liberty, and proi)erty ; 
 and they have never ceded to any sovereign power whatever 
 a right to dispose of either, without their consent. 
 
 " 2. That our ancestors, who first settled these colonies, 
 were, at the time of their emigration from the mother com>' 
 
430 NORTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 try, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free 
 and nattiral born subjects, M^ithin the realm of England. 
 
 "3. That by such emigration they by no means forfeited, 
 surrendered, or lost, any of those rights ; but tlmt they were, 
 and their descendants now are, entitled to the exercise and 
 enjoyment of all such of them as their local and other cir- 
 cumstances enable tliem to exercise and enjoy. 
 
 "4. That the foundation of English liberty, and of free go- 
 vernment, is a right in the people to participate in their legisla- 
 tive council ; and as the English colonists are not represented, 
 and, from tlieir local and other circumstances, cannot pro- 
 perly be represented in the British parliament, they are enti- 
 tled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their seve- 
 ral provincial legislatures, where their right of representation 
 can alone be pursued in all cases of taxation and internal po- 
 lity, subject only to the negative of their sovereign, in such 
 manner as has been heretofore used and accustomed; but if 
 from the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual 
 interests of I)oth countries, we cheerfully consent to the ope- 
 ration of sucli acts of the British parliament as are bona 
 fide restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, 
 for the j)urpose of securing the commercial advantages of the 
 whole em])ire to ihe mother country, and the commercial be- 
 nefit of its respective members ; excluding every idea of taxa- 
 tion, internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects 
 in America, witliout their consent. 
 
 " 5. That the respective colonies are entitled to llie common 
 law of England, and, more especially, to tlie great and inesti- 
 mable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, 
 according to the course of that law. 
 
 "6. That they are entitled to the benefit of such of the Eng- 
 lish statutes as existed at the time of their colonization, and 
 which they have, by experience, respectively Ibund applica- 
 ble to their several local and other circumstances. 
 
 "7. That these his majesty's colonies are likewise entitled 
 to all the inununities and privileges granted and confirmed 
 to them by royal charters, or secured by their several codes 
 of provincial laws. 
 
JOSEPH HEWES. 431 
 
 " 8. That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider 
 of their grievances, and petition the king ; and that all pro- 
 secutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for 
 the same, arc illegal. 
 
 " 0. That the keeping a standing army in these colonies in 
 times of ])cace, Avithout consent of the legislature of that co- 
 lony in Avhich such army is kept, is against the law. 
 
 " 10. It is indispensably necessary to good government, and 
 rendered essential by the English constitution, that the con- 
 stituent branches of the legislature be independent of each 
 other; and therefore the exercise of legislative power in seve- 
 ral colonies by a council appointed during pleasure by the 
 crown, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the 
 freedom of American legislation. 
 
 "All and each of which the aforesaid deputies, in behalf of 
 tliemselvcs and their constituents, do claim, demand, and in- 
 sist on, as their indisputable rights and liberties, which can- 
 not be legally taken from them, altered, or abridged, by any 
 power whatever, without their consent, by their representa- 
 tives in their several provincial legijlalures." 
 
 To the above declaration of rights was added an enumera- 
 tion of the wrongs already sustained by the colonies; after 
 stating which, the report concluded as follows : 
 
 "To these grievous acts and measures, Americans cannot 
 submit; but in hopes their fellow subjects in Great Britain 
 will, on a revision of them, restore us to that state in which 
 both countries found hapi)iness and prosperity, we have, for 
 tlie present, only resolved to pursue the following peaceable 
 measures ; 1. To enter into a non-importation, non-con- 
 sumption, and non-exportation agreement, or association. 
 2. To prepare an address to the people of (Jrcat Britain, and 
 a memorial to the inhabitants of British America. And, 3. to 
 prepare a loyal address to his majesty, agreeably to resolu- 
 tions already entered into." 
 
 Few measures adopted by any session of congress during 
 tlie revolutionary struggle, were more remarkable than that 
 of the congress of 1774, which recommended the system of 
 non-importatiun. It was a measure dictated by the highest 
 
432 NORTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 patriotism, and proceeded upon the acknowledged fact, that 
 the same exalted patriotism which existed among them, exist- 
 ed, also, among the American people. The efliciency of the 
 measure, it was obvious, must lie in the union of the people 
 to support it. They must adopt and persevere in a system 
 of privation. A willingness to do this generally prevailed 
 throughout the colonies ; and to the government of Great 
 Britain was presented the spectacle of thirteen colonies 
 adopting a measure, novel, perhaps, in the history of the 
 world, and supporting it at the sacrifice of a great portion of 
 those comforts which they had been accustomed to enjoy. 
 
 Although a merchant, and one who had been engaged in 
 commercial transactions with England for the space of twenty 
 years, Mr. Hewes cheerfully assisted in forming a plan of the 
 non-importation association, and most readily became a 
 member of it. 
 
 The manner in which Mr. Hewes had acquitted himself 
 during the session of this congress, was so acceptable to the 
 people of North Carolina, that he was again appointed to the 
 same high oflice, and in the month of May, 1775, again ap- 
 peared at Philadelphia, and continued in congress until tlie 
 adjournment of that body, on the last day of July. During 
 the recess of congress, between July and September, he made 
 a visit to his friends in New-Jersey, and in the latter month 
 again resumed his place. From this date until the twenty- 
 ninth of October, 1779, Mr. Hewes continued to represent 
 the state of North Carolina, with the exception of something 
 more than a year, during Avhich he devoted himself to his 
 private aflairs, and to the interests of his state at home. 
 
 The last time that he appeared in congress was on the 
 twenty-ninth of October, of the year last mentioned, after 
 which, an indisposition under Avhich he had laboured for 
 some time confined him to his chamber, and at length, on the 
 tenth of November, terminated his life, in the fiflielh year of 
 his age. His funeral was attended on the following day by 
 congress, by the general assembly of Pennsylvania, the presi- 
 dent and supreme executive council, the minister plenipoten- 
 tiary of France, and a numerous assemblage of citizens. In 
 
JOHN PENN. 433 
 
 testimony of tlieir respect for his memory, congress resolved 
 to wear a crape around the left arm, and to continue in mourn- 
 ing for the space of one month. 
 
 Although the events in the life of Mr. Hewes, which we 
 have been able to collect, are few, they perhaps sufficiently 
 speak his worth, as a man of integrity, firmness, and ardent 
 patriotism. To this may be addinl, that in personal appear- 
 ance he was prepossessing, and characterized in respect to his 
 disposition for great benevolence, and in respect to his man- 
 ners for great amenity. He left a large fortune, but no chil- 
 dren to inlierit it. 
 
 JOHN PENN. 
 
 John Pk\n, Mas a native of the county of Caroline, in the 
 province of Virginia, where he was born on the seventeenth 
 day of May, 1741. He was the only child of his parents, 
 Moses and Catharine Penn. 
 
 The early education of young Penn was greatly neglected 
 by his parents, who appear in no degree to have appreciated 
 the value of knowledge. Hence, on his reaching the age of 
 eighteen, he had only enjoyed the advantages conferred by a 
 common scliool, and tliese for the space of but two or tliree 
 3'ears. 
 
 The death of Mr. Penn occurred in the year 1759, on whicli 
 event his son became his own guardian, and tlie sole mana- 
 ger of the fortune left him, wliich, tliough not large, was com- 
 petent. It was fortiuiatc that liis principles, at this early age, 
 were in a good degree established; otherwise he might, at 
 this unguarded period of life, left as he was without pater- 
 nal counsel and direction, have become the dupe of the un- 
 principled, or giving loose to licentious passions, have ruined 
 himself by folly and dissipation. 
 
 Although tlie cultivation of his mind had been neglected ia 
 3 K 37 
 
434 NORTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 the manner we have stated, he possessed intellectual powers 
 of no ordinary strength ; and, as he now enjoyed a competent 
 fortune, and possessed a disposition to cultivate those powers, 
 it is not surprising that his progress should have been rapid. 
 
 Fortunately he lived in the vicinity of Edmund Pendleton, 
 a gentleman of rare endowments, highly distinguished for his 
 legal attainments, and well known as one of the most accom- 
 plished statesmen of Virginia. Mr. Pendleton being a rela- 
 tive, young Penn sought access to his library, which was one 
 of the best in the province. The privilege which was thus 
 freely and liberally granted him, was by no means neglected. 
 By means of reading, the powers of his mind soon began to 
 unfold themselves, and he, at length, determined to devote 
 himself to the study of law. 
 
 Such a project, on the part of a young man whose early 
 education had been so greatly neglected, and whose only 
 guide through the labyrinth that lay before him, was to be 
 his own good sense, was indicative of powers of no ordina 
 ry character. Our country has furnished examples of a simi- 
 lar kind ; and to the obscure and neglected, they present the 
 most powerful motives to exertion and perseverance. The 
 author of our being has prescribed no narrow limits to human 
 genius, nor conferred upon any one class of persons the exclu- 
 sive privilege of becoming intellectually great. 
 
 At the age of twenty-one, Mr. Penn reaped in part the re- 
 ward of his toil and indefatigable industry, in being licensed 
 as a practitioner of law. The habits of study and application 
 which he had now formed, were of great advantage to him in 
 pursuing the business of his profession. He rose with great 
 rapidity into notice, and soon equalled the most distinguished 
 at the bar. As an advocate, in particular, there were few 
 Mdio surpassed him. 
 
 In 1774, Mr. Penn moved to the province of North Caroli- 
 na, where he soon occupied as distinguished a place at the 
 bar, as he had done in Virginia; although by his removal to 
 another province it was necessary to understand and apply a 
 new code of laws. With these he made himself acquainted 
 with ease and celerity 
 
JOHN PENX. 435 
 
 In 1775, he was elected a member of the continental con- 
 gress, in uhich body he took his seat on the twelfth of Octo- 
 ber. He Avas successively re-elected to congress, in the 
 years 1777, 1778, and 1779, in which body he was distin- 
 guished for his promptitude and fidelity. He was seldom ab- 
 sent from his seat, and hesitated not, either from want of 
 firmness or patriotism, to urge forward those measures, which 
 were calculated to redress the wrongs, and establish and per- 
 petuate the rights of his country. 
 
 After the return of peace, Mr. Penn retired to the enjoy- 
 ment of private life. The incidents in the remaining portion 
 of his history were, therefore, probably few ; and dillcred in 
 nothing from those which usually belong to individuals of 
 respectability, in the shades of peaceful retreat. His death 
 occurred in the month of September, 1788, at the age of forty- 
 six years. He had three children, two of whom died un- 
 married. 
 
THE 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA DELEGATIOIV. 
 
 Edavakd Rutledge, 
 Thomas Heyward, 
 Thomas Lynch, Jun. 
 Arthur Middleton. 
 
 EDWARD RUTLEDGE. 
 
 Edward Rutledge, the first of the South CaroHna dele- 
 gation, who aftixed his name to the Declaration of Lidepen- 
 deitce, was horn in the city of Charleston, November, 1749. 
 He was th^e youngest son of Doctor John Rutledge, who emi- 
 grated from Ireland to South Carolina, about the year 1755. 
 His mother was Sarah Hert, a lady of respectable family, and 
 large fortune. At the age of twenty-seven, she became a 
 widow with seven children. Her eldest son was John Rut- 
 ledge, distinguished for his patriotic zeal during the revolu- 
 tion. Her youngest son was the subject of the present me- 
 moir. 
 
 Of the early years of Edward Rutledge we have little to 
 record. He was placed under the care of David Smith, of 
 New-Jersey, by whom he was instructed in the learned lan- 
 guages ; but he appears not to have made as rapid attainments 
 as some others, although, as a scholar, he was respectable. 
 Before he had devoted as much time to academic studies, as 
 
EDWARD RUTLEDGE. 437 
 
 ^ ould have been desirable, he commenced the study of law 
 with his elder brother, who, at that time, was becoming the 
 most eminent advocate at the Charleston bar. Although at 
 this time he was still young, he was capable of appreciating 
 the advantages which he enjoyed, and was strongly impelled 
 to exertion, by the brilliant and successful example which 
 his brother held constantly before him. 
 
 In 1769, at the age of twenty years, he sailed for England, 
 to complete his legal education. He became a student at the 
 Temple. He derived great advantage from an attendance 
 upon the Englisii courts, and houses of parliament. In the 
 latter place, he had an opportunity of listening to the elo- 
 quence of some of the most distinguished orators who lived 
 at that day. 
 
 In 1773, he returned to his native country, and entered 
 upon the duties of his profession. He was at this time distin- 
 guished for his quickness of apprehension, fluency of speech, 
 tnd graceful delivery. Hence he early excited the admiration 
 of those who heard him, and gave promise of that future emi- 
 nence to which he was destined to arrive. 
 
 The general esteem in which he was held, was evinced in 
 1774, by his api)ointment to the distinguished congress which 
 assembled at Philadelphia in that year. He was at tins time 
 but twenty-five years of age. It was a high honour for so 
 young a man to be called to serve in the national council, 
 with men of exalted powers and pre-eminent experience. It 
 furnished unquestionable proof of the estimation in which he 
 was held, and strong presumptive evidence that this estima- 
 tion of his talents and moral worth was not unjust. As the 
 proceedings of the congress of 1774 were conducted with 
 closed doors, and an injunction of secrecy laid upon its mem- 
 bers, it is impossible, at this day, to ascertain the precise 
 share of influence which the individual members exerted, on 
 all the measures which they advocated. Mr. Rutledge was, 
 however, with the other delegates of South Carolina, for- 
 mally thanked by the provincial congress, for the spirited 
 and independent course he had pursued, and was again elected 
 to the important station which he held. 
 
 37* 
 
43(? SOUTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 In tne congress of 1776, he took an active part in the dis- 
 cussions which preceded the declaration of independence. 
 He is said to have proposed some alterations in the original 
 draught of that celebrated instrument : but the precise nature 
 of them it is now impossible to ascertain. The merit of the 
 instrument doubtless wholly belongs to Mr. Jefferson. Some 
 alterations, indeed, were made in it ; but they were chiefly 
 verbal, while the spirit and texture remained untouched. 
 
 At a subsequent date, Mr. Rutledge was appointed, with 
 Dr. Franklin and John Adams, as commissioners to wait upon 
 Lord Howe, who had requested congress to appoint such a 
 committee to enter with him into negotiations for peace. In 
 a former page we had occasion to allude to the appointment 
 of these commissioners, and to state that the conference was 
 productive of no beneficial results. 
 
 On the breaking up of tlie conference. Lord Howe despatch- 
 ed his own barge to convey the commissioners from Long 
 Island to New-York. A little before reaching the shore. 
 Doctor Franklin, putting his hand in his pocket, began chink- 
 ing some gold and silver coin. This, when about leaving the 
 boat, he offered to the sailors, who had rowed it. The Bri- 
 tish officer, however, who commanded the boat, prohibited 
 the sailors accepting it. After the departure of the boat, one 
 of the commissioners inquired why he had offered money to 
 the sailors. " Why," said the doctor, in reply, " the British 
 think we have no hard money in the colonies, and I thought 
 i would show them to the contrary. I risked nothing," added 
 he, " for 1 knew that the sailors would not be permitted to 
 accept it." 
 
 Mr. Rutledge was again appointed to congress, in the year 
 1779 ; but in consequence of ill health he was unable to reach 
 the seat of government, and returned home. In 1780, during 
 the investment of Charleston by the British, Mr. Rutledge 
 was taken prisoner by the enemy, and sent to St. Augustine 
 as a prisoner, where he was detained nearly a year before he 
 was exchanged. Soon after his exchange was effected, he 
 landed at Philadelphia, near which he resided, until a short 
 time before the city of Charleston was evacuated by the Bri- 
 
EDWARD RUTLEDGE. 439 
 
 tish, when he returned to the place of his nativity, and to the 
 enjoyment of the society of his friends and relations. 
 
 From this period, for the space of seventeen years, Mr. 
 Ilutk'dge was successfully engaged in the practice of his pro- 
 fession, and from time to time in important services which 
 he rendered to the state, as a member of her legislature. 
 
 In 17i)S, he rolin(juishc{l his station at the bar, and was 
 elected the chief magistrate of South Carolina. His consti- 
 tution, however, became much impaired in consequence of 
 severe and repeated attacks of the gout, to which he was sub- 
 ject. He continued, however, to perform his official duties 
 until within a short time before his death. This event is 
 supposed to have been somewhat hastened, by a necessary 
 attendance upon the sitting of the legislature at Columbia, 
 and an unfortunate exposure to rain and cold during his re- 
 turn from the latter place to Charleston. On reaching home, 
 he was confined by a severe illness, which terminated his life 
 on the 23d day of January, 1800. 
 
 The death of IMr. Rutledge was felt to be a severe loss, both 
 by the people of Charleston and by the state at large. Few 
 men were more deservedly respected ; no one could be more 
 generally beloved. Military and other funeral honours were 
 paid to him on the occasion of his being carried to his long 
 home ; and the universal regret expressed at his departure, 
 showed full well how sincerely he was lamented. 
 
 Both in his j)ublic and private character, IMr. Rutledge was 
 adorned with many virtues. In his disposition, he was un- 
 commonly benevolent ; he entered with great feeling into the 
 snflerings of his fellow men, and felt it not only his duty, but 
 his pleasure, to administer to their necessities. His deeds of 
 kindness were many, were widely extended, and are still re- 
 membered with affection and gratitude. 
 
 As an orator, he was deservedly eminent. He had faults, 
 indeed, both in point of manner and style, being too studied 
 in respect to the former, and too metaphorical, and sometimes 
 inaccurate, in respect to the latter. He also, it is said, lui- 
 dressed himself rather to the passions than to the under- 
 standing; yet, with these faults there were few speakers who 
 
440 SOUTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 commanded greater attention, or were more successful. He 
 was less impetuous, and perhaps less commanding, than his 
 brother John Rutledge ; but he possessed more of the style 
 of Cicero. There was a suavity in his manner, a conciliatoi-y 
 attraction in his arguments, which had frequently the effect 
 of subduing the prejudices of the unfriendly, and which sel- 
 dom failed to increase the ardour and inflexibility of steady 
 friends. The eloquence of John Rutledge, like that of Pat- 
 rick Henry of Virginia, was as a mountain torrent ; that of 
 Edv/ard Rutledge, that of a smooth stream gliding along the 
 plain ; the former hurried you forward with a resistless im- 
 petuosity ; the latter conducted you with fascinations, that 
 made every progressive step appear enchanting. 
 
 In his person, Mr. Rutledge was above the middle size, and 
 of a florid, but fair complexion. His countenance expressed 
 great animation ; and, on account of his intelligent and bene- 
 volent aspect, was universally admired. 
 
 On his return from Europe, Mr. Rutledge married the 
 daughter of Henry Middleton, by whom he left a son, Ma- 
 jor Henry M. Rutledge, of Tennessee ; and a daughter, who, 
 it is believed, now resides at Charleston. Upon the death of 
 his first wife, he married the widow of Nicholas Eveleigh, 
 comptroller of the treasury of the United States, in the time 
 of Washington's administration. This lady is supposed to be 
 still livincr. 
 
 THOMAS HEYWARD. 
 
 Thomas Heyward was born in St. Luke's parish, in the 
 province of South Carolina, in the year 174G. His father, 
 ColonefDaniel Heyward, was a planter of great wealth, which 
 he had chiefly acquired by his industry. 
 
 Unlike many,^entlemen of fortune, Mr. Heyward did not 
 appear to idolize his possessions ; at least, convinced of the 
 importance of intellectual cultivation, he determined to be- 
 
THOMAS HEYWARD. 441 
 
 stow upon his son all the advantages which a thorough edu- 
 cation might impart. Accordingly, the best school in the 
 province was selected for young Heyward, who, by his dili- 
 gence, became well acquainted with the Latin language, and 
 with such other branches as were at that time taught in the 
 most respectable provincial seminaries. 
 
 Having finished his scholastic studies, he entered the law 
 office of a Mr. Parsons, a gentleman who at that time was dis- 
 tinguished lor his professional learning and practical skill. 
 On accomplishing the usual term of study, young IMr. Hey- 
 ward, according to the fashion adopted by families of fortune, 
 was sent to England to complete his legal preparation. He 
 was entered as a student in one of the Inns of Court. Al- 
 though he had in expectancy a large fortune, he devoted him- 
 self with great ardour to the study of law, emulating the dili- 
 gence of those who expected to derive their subsistence from 
 the practice of the profession. 
 
 On completing his studies in England, he commenced the 
 tour of Europe, which occupied him several years. This 
 was an advantage which he enjoyed beyond most of the 
 youth of the colonies ; nor did he neglect to improve the su- 
 periour means which were tlius allowed him of gaining a 
 knowledge of the different countries of Europe. He enjoyed 
 a rare opportunity of contrasting the industry and simplicity 
 of his countrymen, with the indolence, and luxury, and li- 
 centiousness, the pride and haughtiness, so prevalent on the 
 old continent. 
 
 At length, satisfied Avith the observations which he had 
 made of men and manners abroad, he returned, with pleasure, 
 to his native country ; and impressed with the obligations of 
 application to some honest calling, he devoted himself, with 
 great zeal for a man of fortune, to the labours of the law. 
 
 In 1775, Mr. Heyward was elected to supply a vacancy in 
 congress, occasioned by the recall of 4he distinguished John 
 Rutledge, whose presence was required at home to assist in 
 defending the state against a threatened invasion. This 
 honour, owing to his pecuUar modesty, he at first declined. 
 He was, however, at length induced to enter upon the duties 
 3L 
 
442 SOUTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 of his appointment, and arrived in Philadelphia in season to 
 attend upon the discussion of the great question of American 
 independence. 
 
 In the year 1778, Mr. Heyward was appointed a judge of 
 the criminal courts of the new government. A sense of duty 
 alone prompted him to accept of this arduous and responsible 
 station. Soon after his elevation to the bench, he was called 
 to the painful duty of presiding at the trial and condemnation 
 of several persons charged with a treasonable correspondence 
 with the British army, which, at that time, was in the vicinity 
 of Charleston. The condemnation of these persons was fol- 
 lowed by their execution, which took place within view of 
 the enemy, and which served to render the judge most ob- 
 noxious to the British. 
 
 In the spring of 1780, the city of Charleston was besieged 
 by General Clinton, and was taken possession of by him, on 
 the 12th of May. Judge Heyward, at this lime, had com- 
 mand of a battalion. On the reduction of the place, he be- 
 came a prisoner of war. As he had been one of the leaders 
 of the revolution, he, with several others who had acted a 
 similarly distinguished part, were transported to St. Augustine, 
 while the other prisoners were confined on board some prisoa 
 ships in the harbour of Charleston. During liis absence, he 
 suffered greatly in respect to his property; his plantation 
 being much injured by a party of marauders, and all his slaves 
 seized and carried away. Some of his slaves were after- 
 wards reclaimed ; but one hundred and thirty were finally 
 lost, being transported, as was supposed, for the benefit of 
 the sugar planters on the island of Jamaica. 
 
 Judge Heyward, and his fellow prisoners at St. Augustine, 
 at length had leave to return to Philadelphia. On his passage 
 thither, he narrowly escaped a watery grave. By some acci- 
 dent he fell overboard ; but, fortunately, kept himself from 
 sinking by holding to the rudder of the ship, until assistance 
 could be rendered to him. 
 
 On returning to Carolina, he resumed his judicial duties ; 
 in the exercise of which he continued till 1798. During this 
 interval, he acted as a member of a convention for forming 
 
THOMAS LYNCH. 443 
 
 the state constitution, in 1790. In the following year, he 
 retired from all public labours and cares, except those which 
 were attached to his commission as judge. 
 
 Mr. Hey ward was twice married ; in 1773, to a Miss Mat- 
 thews, a lady of affectionate disposition, and great personal 
 charms. Sometime after her death, he was again connected 
 in marriage with a Miss Savage. By both of these wives he 
 had children, the history of whom, however, we have not as- 
 certained. Judge Ileyward died in March, 1809, in the sixty- 
 fourth year of his age. 
 
 Although we have been able to collect but (cw incidents in 
 the life of Thomas Ileyward, our readers may be assured that 
 he was among the most estimable of the men who lived in his 
 time, and one of the most firm, honest, intelligent, and fear- 
 less, who embarked in the revolution. He was characterized 
 for sound judgment, and an ardent disposition. Possessing 
 such a character, he naturally acquired, and was justly enti- 
 tled to, the confidence and esteem of his fellow-citizens. 
 
 It was happy for America, happy for the cause of freedom, 
 that the God of heaven raised up such a generation of men at 
 a time when the civil and religious liberties of the country de- 
 manded their wisdom, fortitude, and patriotism ; and at a 
 time, too, when, without their existence, and without their 
 exalted virtues, the world had never seen so brilliant an ex- 
 hibition of political liberty, order, and peace, as is presented 
 in the government of republican America. 
 
 THOMAS LYNCH. 
 
 Thomas Lynch was the son of a gentleman of the same 
 name, and was born on the fifth of August, 1749, at Prince 
 George's Parish, in the province of South Carolina. The 
 family was an ancient one, and is said to have originally emi- 
 grated from Austria to England, where they settled in tlie 
 
444 SOUTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 county of Kent ; sometime after which, a branch passed over 
 to Ireland, and thence some of the descendants removed to 
 South Carolina. The name of the family is said to have been 
 derived from a field of pulse called lince, upon which the 
 inhabitants of a certain town in Austria lived, for some time, 
 during a siege which was laid to it; and from which circum- 
 stance they changed the name of the town to Lince or Lintz, 
 which name was adopted by the principal family of the place. 
 
 The precise period when Jonack Lynch, the great grand- 
 father of Thomas Lynch, the subject of the present memoir, 
 emigrated from Ireland to America is uncertain, but, proba- 
 bly, at an early period after the settlement of the colony. At 
 his death, he left his son Thomas a slender patrimony, which, 
 however, by his industry, and especially by the purchase of a 
 large tract of land, which he devoted to the cultivation of 
 rice, was increased to a princely fortune. This fortune, at his 
 death, was left to a son by the name of Thomas, father of the 
 subject of the present sketch. 
 
 At an early age, young Thomas Lynch was sent to a flou- 
 rishing school, at that time maintained at Georgetown, South 
 Carolina. Before he had reached his thirteenth year, his fa- 
 ther removed him from this school and sent him to England, 
 to enjoy those higher advantages, which that country pre- 
 sented to the youtli of America. Having passed some time 
 in the collegiate institution of Eaton, he was entered a mem- 
 ber of the university of Cambridge, the degrees of which in- 
 stitution he received in due course. On leaving the universi- 
 ty, he sustained a high reputation, both in respect to his clas- 
 sical attainments, and for the virtues which adorned his cha- 
 racter. 
 
 This intelligence, communicated by some friend to his fa- 
 ther, was so highly flattering, that he was induced to continue 
 his son abroad for some years longer, and wrote to him, ex- 
 pressing his wish that he should enter his name at the tem- 
 ple, with a view to the profession of law. This he accord- 
 ingly did, devoting himself with his characteristic zeal to the 
 philosophy of jurisprudence, and to the principles of the Bri- 
 tish constitution. 
 
THOMAS LYNCH. 
 
 445 
 
 About the year 1772, after an absence of eight or nine 
 years, young Mr. Lyncli returned to South Carolina. He 
 returned an eminently accomplished man ; in his manners 
 graceful and insinuating, and with a mind enriched with 
 abundant stores of knowledge, justly the pride of his father, 
 and an ornament to the society in which he was destined to 
 move. 
 
 Although he was eminently (lualified to enter upon the pro- 
 fession of law, he succeeded in persuading his father to allow 
 him to relinquish the pursuit of a profession which his for- 
 tune rendered it unnecessary for him to pursue. Such a pre- 
 liminary course was unnecessary to entitle him to the confi- 
 dence and esteem of his fellow-citizens. These he at once 
 enjoyed. 
 
 In 1775, on the raising of the first South Carolina regiment 
 of provincial regulars, he was ajipointed to tlie command of 
 a compaii}-. Having received his commission, he soon en- 
 listed his quota of men, in some of the neighbouring coun- 
 ties, and at the head of them took up his march for Charles- 
 ton. Unfortunately, during tlie march he was attacked by a 
 violent bilious fever, which greatly injured his constitution, 
 and from the effects of which he never afterwards entirely re- 
 covered. 
 
 On his recovery, he joined his regiment, but was at this 
 time unable, from the feeble state of his health, to perform 
 the duties of his station according to his wishes. Added to 
 this aflliction, the unwelcome intelligence was received of the 
 dangerous illness of his father, who was at that time attend- 
 ing in his place upon congress in Philadelphia. He imme- 
 diately made the necessary arrangements to hasten to a dying 
 father, if possible to administer to him the support and con- 
 solation which an affectionate son only could impart. To 
 his surprise, his application for a furlough for this purpose 
 was denied by the commandinir officer. Col. Gadsden. This 
 disappointment, however, and the controversy which grew 
 out of the above refusal, were terminated by his election to 
 congress, as the successor of his father. He now lost no time 
 in hastening to Philadelphia, where he found his father still 
 
 38 
 
446 SOUTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 living, and so far recovered tliat the liope was indulged that 
 he might yet be able to reach Carolina. 
 
 The health of the younger Mr. Lynch, Boon after joining 
 congress, began also to decline with the most alarming ra- 
 pidity. He continued, however, his attendance upon that 
 body, until the declaration of independence had been voted, 
 and his signature allixed to that important instrument. He 
 then set out for Carolina in company with his father, who 
 had hitherto been detained by feeble health in Philadelphia ; 
 but the father lived only to reach Annapolis, when a second 
 paralytic attack terminated his valuable life. 
 
 After this alHicting event, the son proceeded to Carolina ; 
 but such was his own enfeebled state of health, that he had 
 little reason to anticipate the long continuance of life. A 
 change of climate, in the view of his physicians and friends, 
 presented the only hope of his ultimate recovery. A voyage 
 to Europe was at that time eminently hazardous, on account 
 of exposure to capture. A vessel, however, was found pro- 
 ceeding to St. Eustatia, on board of which, accompanied by 
 his amiable and aHectionate wife, he embarked, designing tw 
 proceed by a circuitous route to the south of France. 
 
 From the time of their sailing, nothing more is known of 
 their fate. Various rumours were from time to time in cir- 
 culation concerning the vessel in which they sailed ; but their 
 friends, after months of cruel suspense, were obliged to adopt 
 the painful conclusion, that this worthy pair found a watery 
 grave during some tempest, which must have foundered the 
 ship in which they sailed. 
 
 Although the life of Mr. Lynch was thus terminated, at an 
 early age, he had lived sufficiently long to render eminent ser- 
 vices to his country, and to establish his character as a man 
 of exalted views and exalted moral worth. Few men pos- 
 sessed a more absolute control over the passions of the heart, 
 and few evinced in a greater degree the virtues which adorn 
 the human mind. In all the relations of life, whether as a 
 husband, a friend, a patriot, or the master of the slave, lie ap- 
 peared conscious of his obligations, and found his pleasure in 
 discharging them. 
 
ARTHUR MIDDLETON. 447 
 
 Tliat a man of so mucli excellence, of such ability and in- 
 tegrity, such lirmness and patriotism, so useful to his country, 
 so tender and assiduous in all the obligations of life, should 
 have been thus cut oil", in the midst of his course, and in a 
 manner so piiinful to his friends, is one of those awful dispen- 
 sations of liiM whose way is in the great deep, and whose 
 judgments are past finding out. 
 
 ARTHUR MIDDLETON. 
 
 Arthur ^Iiddleton was the son of Henry Middleton, and 
 was born in tiie year 1713, at the seat of his father, at Mid- 
 dleton place, near the banks of the Ashley. 
 
 At the early age of twelve years, he was sent to the cele- 
 brated school of Hackney, in the neighbourhood of London ; 
 whence, after spending two years, he was removed to the 
 school of Westminster. The advantages which he here en- 
 joyed resulted in a thorough acquaintance with the Greek and 
 Roman classics, especially in a knowledge of the former, in 
 which he is said to have greatly excelled. The taste which 
 he acquired for classical literature he preserved through life, 
 and from the indulgence of it derived an exalted pleasure, 
 lost to minds of a heavier mould. 
 
 At the age of eighteen or nineteen, young Middleton be- 
 came a member of one of the colleges of the university of 
 Cambridge. Having for his companions young men frequently 
 of dissipated habits, he was often powerfully tempted to en- 
 ter into their youthful follies ; but fortunately he escaped the 
 contagion of their pernicious examples, and devoted that lei- 
 sure to the improvement of his mind, which the less reflect- 
 ing devoted to anmsements and vicious indulgence. In liis 
 twenty-second year, he was graduated bachelor of arts, and 
 left the university with the reputation of an accomplished 
 scholar, and a moral man. 
 
448 SOUTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 By means of his father's liberality, he was now enabled to 
 travel. After visiting several parts of England, he proceeded 
 to the continent, where he spent two years, chiefly in the 
 southern parts of Europe. At Rome, he passed several 
 months in viewing the various objects of taste afforded by 
 that ancient and splendid spot. He here greatly improved 
 his taste for music and painting ; and even became well versed 
 in the principles of sculpture and architecture. 
 
 Soon after his return to South Carolina, he was connected 
 in marriage with the daughter of Walter Izzard, Esq. Hav- 
 ing still a fondness for travelling, he, soon after his marriage, 
 again embarked on a visit to Europe, accompanied by his 
 wife. In this tour he visited many places in England, whence 
 proceeding to the continent, they passed through several of 
 the principal cities of France and Spain. In 1773, Mr. Mid- 
 dleton once more returned to America, and now settled down 
 on the delightful banks of the Ashley. 
 
 The father of Mr. Middleton was, at this time, a man of 
 great wealtli, and both by himself and family the approaching 
 controversy between Great Britain and her American colo- 
 nies might have been viewed with great concern, had not the 
 patriotism with which they were imbued much preferred the 
 welfare of their country, to their private interests. A rupture 
 with the mother country would necessarily put to hazard the 
 wealth which had long been enjoyed by the family, and might 
 abridge that influence, and diminish those comforts, which that 
 wealth naturally gave them. But what were these in compari- 
 son with the rights and liberties of a country, destined to em- 
 brace millions williin its bosom? Between the alternatives 
 presented, there was no room to hesitate. Both father and 
 son, in the spirit which had long characterized the family, 
 stood forth in the defence of the rights of America, and "left 
 not a hook to hang a doubt on," that they were patriots of 
 the noblest stamp. 
 
 In the spring of 1775, I\Ir. Arthur Middleton was chosen, 
 on a secret committee, Avho were invested with authority to 
 place the colony in a state of defence. In the exercise of the 
 trust with which they were charged, they immediately took 
 
ARTHUR MIDDLETON. 449 
 
 possession of the public magazine of arms and ammunitixjn, 
 and removed its contents to a place of safety. 
 
 In the following June, the provincial congress of South 
 Carolina proceeded to appoint a council of safety, con- 
 sisting of thirteen persons. This council, of which Mr. Mid- 
 dleton was a member, took measures to organize a military 
 force, the officers of which received commissions at their 
 hands, and under their signatures. Among the members of 
 this committee, no one exhibited more activity, or manifested 
 a greater degree of resolution and firmness, than did Arthur 
 Middleton. 
 
 In February, 1776, the provincial legislature of South 
 Carolina a])i)ointed a committee to prepare and report a con- 
 stitution, which " should most eflectually secure peace and 
 good order in the colony, during the continuance of the dis- 
 pute with Great Britain." This duty was assigned to INIr 
 Middleton and ten others. 
 
 Having discharged the duty to the satisfaction of the as- 
 sembly, Mr. Middleton was soon after elected by that body 
 a representative of South Carolina in the congress of the 
 United States, assembled at Philadelphia. Here he had an 
 oj)portunily of inscribing his name on the great charter of 
 American liberties. At the close of the year 1777, Mr. Mid- 
 dleton relinquished his seat in congress, and returned to 
 South Carolina, leaving behind him, in the estimation of those 
 who had been associated with him in the important measures 
 of congress, during the time he had been with them, the cha- 
 racter of a man of the purest patriotism, of sound judgment, 
 and unwavering resolution. 
 
 In the spring of 1778, the assembly of South Carolina pro- 
 ceeded to the formation of a new constitution, differing, in 
 many important points, from that of 1770. On presenting it 
 to the governor, John Rutlcdge, for his approbation, that 
 gentleman refused to assent to it. But, as he would not 
 embarrass the assembly in any measures which they might 
 deem it expedient to adopt, he resigned the executive chair, 
 upon which the assembly proceeded by a secret ballot again 
 to fill it. On counting the votes, it was found that Mr. Mid- 
 3 ]VI 38 * 
 
450 SOUTH CAROLINA DELEGATION. 
 
 dleton was elected to the office by a considerable majority* 
 But, entertaining similar views in respect to the constitution, 
 expressed by the distinguished gentleman who had vacated 
 the chair of state, he frankly avowed to the assembly, that he 
 could not conscientiously accept the appointment, under the 
 constitution which they had adopted. The candour with 
 which he had avowed his sentiments, and the sterling integ 
 rity of the man, exhibited in refusing an honour from con- 
 scientious scruples, instead of diminishing their respect for 
 him, contributed to raise him still higher in the confidence of 
 his fellow-citizens. The assembly proceeded to anothei 
 choice, and elected Mr. Rawlins Lowndes to till the vacancy, 
 who gave his sanction to the new constitution. 
 
 During the year 1779, the southern states became the prin 
 cipal theatre of the war. Many of the plantations were wan 
 tonly plundered, and the families and property of the princi 
 j)al inhabitants were exposed to the insults and ravages of 
 the invaders. During these scenes of depredation. Middle- 
 ton place did not escape. Although the buildings were 
 .spared, they were rifled of every thing valuable. Such arti- 
 cles as could not easily be transported were either wantonly 
 destroyed, or greatly injured. Among those which were in- 
 jured, was a valuable collection of paintings belonging to Mr. 
 Middleton. Fortunately, at the time the marauders visited 
 Middlcton place, the family had made their escape a day's 
 journey to the north of Charleston. 
 
 On the investment of the latter place, in the following year, 
 Mr. Middleton was present, and actively engaged in the de- 
 fence of the city. "With several others, on the surrender of 
 this place, he was taken prisoner, and was sent by sea to St. 
 Augustine, in East Florida, where he was kept in confinement 
 for nearly a year. At length, in July, 1781, he was ex- 
 changed, and proceeded in a cartel to Philadelphia. On his 
 arrival at the latter place, Governor Rutledge, in the exercise 
 of authority conferred upon him by the general assembly of 
 South Carolina, appointed him a representative in congress. 
 To this oflice he was again elected in 1782 ; but in the month 
 of November of that year, he returned to South Carolina on 
 
ARTHUR MIDDLETON. 451 
 
 a visit to his family, from whom he had been separated during 
 a long and anxious period. 
 
 On the signing the preliminaries of peace, Mr. Middleton 
 declined accepting a seat in congress, preferring the pleasures 
 of retirement with his family, to any honour which could be 
 conferred upon him. He occasionally, however, accepted of 
 a seat in the state legislature, in which he was greatly instru- 
 mental in promoting the tranquillity and happiness of his fel- 
 low-citizens. 
 
 The life of Mr. ]Middleton was terminated on the 1st of 
 January, 1787. His death was occasioned by an intermittent 
 fever, which he took in the preceding month of November, 
 by an injudicious exposure to the unsettled weather of the 
 autumnal season. 
 
 In his person, Mr. Middleton was of ordinary size, sym- 
 metrically ])roportioned, with fine features, and countenance 
 expressive of firmness and decision. 
 
THE 
 
 GEORGIA DELEGATIOJT. 
 
 Button Gwinnett, 
 Lyman Hall, 
 
 George Walton 
 
 BUTTON GWINNETT. 
 
 Button Gwinnett was a native of England, where he waw 
 1 orn about the year 1732. His parents were respectable in 
 lite, and save their son as ijood an education as their mode- 
 rate circumstances would allow. On coming of age, Mr. 
 Gwinnett became a merchant in the city of Bristol. 
 
 Some time after his marriage in England, he removed to 
 America, and selecting Charleston, South Carolina, as a place 
 of settlement, he continued there for about two years ; at the 
 expiration of which, having sold his stock in trade, he pur- 
 chased a large tract of land in Georgia, where he devoted 
 himself extensively to agricultural pursuits. 
 
 Mr. Gwinnett had from his earliest emigration to America 
 taken a deep interest in the welfare of the colonies ; but, from 
 the commencement of the controversy with Great Britain, he 
 had few anticipations that the cause of the colonies could 
 succeed. A successful resistance to so mighty a power as 
 that of the United Kingdoms, to him appeared extremely 
 
BUTTON GWINXETT. 453 
 
 doubtful ; and sucli continued to bo liis apprebcnsions, until 
 about the year 1775, when his views experienced no incon- 
 siderable cliange. 
 
 This change in his sentiments, touching the final issue of 
 the controversy, produced a corresponding change in his con- 
 duct. He now came forth as the open advocate of strong and 
 decided measures, in favour of obtaining a redress, if possi- 
 ble, of American grievances, and of establishing the rights of 
 tlic colonies on a firm and enduring basis. In the early part 
 of the year 1770, he was elected by the general assembly, 
 held in Savannah, a representative of the province of Georgia, 
 in congress. Agreeably to his appointment lie repaired to 
 Philadel]>hia, and in the following month of May, for the first 
 time, took his seat in the national council. In October, he 
 was re-elected for the year ensuing to the same responsible 
 station. 
 
 In the monlh of F(.'I)ruary, 1777, a convention of citizens 
 from Georgia was held in Savannah to frame a constitution 
 for the future government of the state. Of tliis convention 
 Mr. Gwinnett was a member, and is said to have furnished 
 the outlines of that constitution, which was subsequently 
 adopted. 
 
 .Shortly after the above convention, occurred the death of 
 I\Ir. Bullock, the president of the provincial council. To this 
 ofilce Mr. Gwinnett was immediately elevated. Unfortu- 
 nately, while he represented the colony in congress, he was a 
 competitor with Colonel Lackland M'Intosh, for the o/fico of 
 brigadier general of the continental brigade, about to be levi- 
 ed in Georgia, to which oiFice the latter was appointed. The 
 success of his rival, Mr. Gwinnett bore with little fortitude. 
 His ambition was disappointed, and being naturally hasty in 
 his temper, and in his conclusions, he seems, from this time, 
 to have regarded Colonel IM'Intosh as a personal enemy. 
 
 On becoming president of the executive council, Mr. Gwin- 
 nett adopted several exj)edients by which to mortify his ad- 
 versary. Among these, one was tlie assumption of great 
 power over tlie continental army in Georgia, in consequencQ 
 
454 GEORGIA DELEGATION. 
 
 of which General M'Intosh was treated with mucli disrespect 
 by a part of his officers and soldiers. To humble his adver- 
 sary still further, Mr. Gwinnett, in an expedition which he had 
 projected against East Florida, designed to command the con- 
 tinental troops and the militia of Georgia himself, to the ex- . 
 elusion of General M'Intosh from the command even of his 
 own brigade. 
 
 Just at this period, it became necessary to convene the le- 
 gislature for the purpose of organizing the new government. 
 In consequence of the station which Mr. Gwinnett held as 
 president of the council, he was prevented from proceeding 
 at the head of the expedition destined against East Florida. 
 The troops, therefore, were by his orders placed under the 
 command of a subordinate officer of M'Intosh's brigade. The 
 expedition entirely failed, and probably contributed to the 
 failure of Mr. Gwinnett's election to the office of governor, in 
 May, 1777. 
 
 This failure blasted the hopes of Mr. Gwinnett, and brought 
 his political career to a close. In the disappointment and 
 rnortification of his adversary, General M'Intosh foolishly 
 exulted. The animosity between these two distinguished 
 men, from this time, continued to gather strength, until Mr. 
 Gwinnett, unmindful of the high offices which he had held, 
 of his obligations to society, and of his paramount obligations 
 to the author of his being, presented a challenge to General 
 M'Intosh. They fought at the distance of only twelve feet. 
 Both were severely wounded. The wound of Mr. Gwinnett 
 proved mortal ; and on the 27th of May, 1777, in the forty- 
 fifth year of his age, he expired. 
 
 Thus fell one of the patriots of the revolution ; and though 
 entitled to the gratitude of his country, for the services which 
 he rendered her, her citizens will ever lament that he fell, a 
 victim to a false ambition, and to a false sense of honour. No 
 circumstances could justify an action so criminal, none can 
 ever palliate one so dishonourable. 
 
 In his person, Mr. Gwinnett was tall, and of noble and 
 commanding appearance. In his temper, he was irritable ; 
 
LYMAN HALL. 466 
 
 yet in his language he was mild, and in his manners polite 
 and graceful. Happy had it been for him, had his ambition 
 been tempered with more prudence ; and probably happy for 
 his country, had his political career not been terminated in 
 ilie prime of life. 
 
 LYMAN HALL. 
 
 Lyman Hall was a native of Connecticut, where he was 
 born about the year 173L After receiving a collegiate edu- 
 cation, and liaving acquired a competent knowledge of the 
 theory and practice of medicine, he removed, in 1752, to 
 8outh Carolina. He was induced, however, during the same 
 year, to remove to Georgia, where he established himself at 
 Hunbur}-, in the district of Mcdway. In tJiis place he con- 
 tinued attending to the duties of his profession, until the com- 
 mencement of the revolutionary contest. 
 
 On the arrival of this important crisis in the history of the 
 colonies, the patriotism of Doctor Hall became greatly excited 
 to the interests and dangers of his country. He perceived 
 I hat the approaching storm must necessarily be severe ; but 
 with the kindred spirits of the north, he was determined to 
 meet it with patriotic firmness and resolution. Having ac- 
 cepted of a situation in the parish of St. John, which was a 
 frontier settlement, both his person and property were ex- 
 })osed to great danger, from his proximity to the Creek In- 
 dians and to the royal province of Florida. 
 
 The parish of !St. John, at an early period of the contest, 
 entered with great spirit into the general opposition of the 
 country against Great Britain, while a majority of the inhabi- 
 tants of Georgia entertained diilerent sentiments. So widely 
 dilferent were the views and feelings of the people of this pa- 
 rish from those of the inliabitants of the province generally, 
 that an almost entire separation took place between them. 
 
456 GEORGIA DELEGATION. 
 
 In July, 1774, the friends of liberty held a general meeting 
 at Savannah, where Doctor Hall appeared as a representative 
 of the parish o£ St. John. The measures, however, adopted 
 at that time, fell far short of the wishes both of this patriot 
 and his constituents. In January, 1775, another meeting 
 was held at Savannah, at which it was agreed to petition the 
 king for a redress of grievances, and for relief from the arbi- 
 trary acts of the British ministry. 
 
 The parish of St. John, dissatisfied with the temporizing 
 policy of the Savannah convention, in the following month 
 made application to the committee of correspondence in 
 Charleston, South Carolina, to form an alliance with them, by 
 which their trade and commerce should be conducted on the 
 principles of the non-importation association. The patriotic 
 views and feelings of this independent people were highly ap- 
 plauded by the committee, but they found themselves under 
 the necessity, by the rules of the continental association, of 
 declining the alliance. 
 
 Upon receiving this denial, the inhabitants of St. John 
 agreed to pursue such independent measures as the patriotic 
 principles which they had adopted should appear to justify. 
 Accordingly, tliey resolved not to purchase slaves imported 
 into Savannah, nor to hold any commercial intercourse Avith 
 that city, nor with surrounding parishes, unless for the neces- 
 saries of life, and these to be purchased by direction of a com- 
 mittee. Having taken this independent stand, they next pro- 
 ceeded to choose a representative to congress, and on count- 
 ing the votes, it was found that Doctor Hall was unanimously 
 elected. 
 
 In the following May, Doctor Hall appeared in the hall of 
 congress, and by that body was unanimously admitted to a 
 seat. But, as he represented not the colony of Georgia, bu* 
 only a parish of the colony, it was at the same time resolved 
 to reserve the question as to his right to vote for the further 
 deliberation of the congress. 
 
 The above question at length coming before the house, on 
 the occasion of congress taking the opinions of its members 
 by colonies, Doctor Hall expressed his willingness to give his 
 
LYMAN HALL. 
 
 457 
 
 vote only in those cases in which the sentiments of congress 
 were not taken by colonies. 
 
 Fortunately for the cause of liberty, on the 15th of July, 
 3775, the convention of Georgia acceded to the general con- 
 federacy, and proceeded to the appointment of five delegates 
 to congress, three of whom attended at the adjourned meeting 
 of that body, September 13, 1775. 
 
 Among the delegates thus appointed. Dr. Hall was one. 
 To this station he was annually re-elected until 1780, at the 
 close of which year he finally retired from the national legis- 
 lature. 
 
 At length Georgia fell temporarily into the power of the 
 British. On this event. Doctor Hall removed his family to the 
 north, and suffered the confiscation of all his property by the 
 British government established in the state. In 1782, he re- 
 turned to Georgia, and in the following year was elected to 
 the chief magistracy of the state. 
 
 After enjoying this office for a time, he retired from the 
 cares of public life, and about the sixtieth year of his age, 
 died at his residence in the county of Burke, whither he had 
 removed. 
 
 Doctor Hall in his person, was tall and well proportioned. 
 In his manners he was easy, and in his deportment dignified 
 and courteous. He was by nature characterised for a warm 
 and enthrsiastic disposition, which, however, was under the 
 guidance of a sound discretion. His mind was active and 
 discriminating. Ardent in his own feelings, he possessed the 
 power of exciting others to action; and though in congress 
 he acted not so conspicuous a part as many others, yet his 
 example and his exertions, especially in connexion with those 
 of the inhabitants of the circumscribed parish of St. John, 
 powerfully contributed to the final accession of the whole co- 
 lony of Georgia to the confederacy ; thus presenting in array 
 against the mother country the whole niimber of her Ameri- 
 can colonies. 
 
 3 N 39 
 
458 GEORGIA DELEGATION, 
 
 GEORGE WALTON. 
 
 George Walton, the last of the Georgia delegation, who 
 signed the declaration of independence, and with an account 
 of whom we shall conclude these biographical notices, was 
 born in the county of Frederick, Virginia, about the year 
 1740. He was early apprenticed to a carpenter, who being a 
 man of selfish and contracted views, not only kept him closely 
 at labour during the day, but refused him the privilege of a 
 candle, by which to read at night. 
 
 Young Walton possessed a mind by nature strong in its 
 powers, and though uncultivated, not having enjoyed even 
 the advantages of a good scholastic education, he was ardently 
 bent on the acquisition of knowledge ; so bent, that during 
 the day, at his leisure moments, he would collect light wood, 
 which served him at night instead of a candle. His applica- 
 tion was close and indefatigable ; his acquisitions rapid and 
 valuable. 
 
 At the expiration of his apprenticeship, he removed to the 
 province of Georgia, anci entered the office of a Mr. Young, 
 with whom he pursued the preparatory studies of the profes- 
 sion of law, and in 1774, he entered upon its duties. 
 
 At this time the British government was in the exercise of 
 full power in Georgia. Both the governor and his council 
 were firm supporters of the British ministry. It was at this 
 period that George Walton, and other kindred sjjirits, assem- 
 bled a meeting of the friends of liberty, at the liberty pole, at 
 Tondee's tavern in Savannah, to take into consideration the 
 means of preserving the constitutional rights and liberties of 
 the people of Georgia, which were endangered by the then 
 recent acts of the British parliament. 
 
 At this meeting, Mr. Walton took a distinguished part. 
 Others, also, entered with great warmth and animation into 
 the debate. It was, at length, determined, to invite the dif- 
 ferent parishes of the province, to come into a general union 
 and co-operation with the other provinces of America to se- 
 cure their constitutional rights and liberties. 
 
GEORGE WALTON. 469 
 
 In opposition to this plan, the royal governor and his coun- 
 cil immediately and strongly enlisted themselves, and so far 
 succeeded by their influence, as to induce another meeting, 
 which was held in January, 1775, to content itself with pre- 
 paring a petition to be presented to tlic king. Of the com- 
 mittee appointed for this purpose, Mr. Walton was a member. 
 The petition, however, shared the fate of its numerous pre- 
 decessors. 
 
 In February, 1775, the committee of safety met at Savan- 
 nah. But notwithstanding that several of the members advo- 
 cated strong and decisive measures, a majority were for pur- 
 suing, for the present, a temporising policy. Accordingly, 
 the committee adjourned without concerting any plan for the 
 appointment of delegates to the continental congress. This 
 induced the people of the parish of St. John, as noticed in the 
 preceding memoir, to separate, in a degree, from the provin- 
 cial government, and to appoint Mr. Hall a delegate to repre- 
 sent them in the national legislature. 
 
 In the month of July, 1775, the convention of Georgia ac- 
 ceded to the general confederacy, and live delegates, Lyman 
 Hall, Archibald Bullock, John Houston, John J. Zubly, and 
 Noble W. Jones, were elected to rc])re3ciit the state in con- 
 gress. 
 
 In the month of February, 1776, Mr. Walton was elected 
 to the same honourable station, and in the following month of 
 October, was re-elected. From this time, until October, 17SI, 
 he continued to represent the state of Georgia at the seat of 
 government, where he displayed much zeal and intelligence, 
 iu the discharge of the various duties which were assigned 
 him. He was particularly useful on a committee, of which 
 Robert Morris and George Clymer were his associates, ap- 
 pointed to transact important continental business in Phila- 
 d('][)hia, during the time that congress was obliged to retire 
 from that city. 
 
 In December, 1778. Mr Walton received a colonel's com- 
 mission in the militia, and was present at the surrender of 
 Savannah to the British arms. During the obstinate defence 
 of that place, Colonel Walton was wounded in the thigh, in 
 
460 GEORGIA DELEGATION. 
 
 consequence of which he fell from his horse, and was made 8 
 prisoner by the British troops. A brigadier-general was de* 
 manded in exchange for him ; but in September, 1779, he was 
 exchanged for a captain of the navy. 
 
 In the following month, Colonel Walton M'^as appointed 
 governor of the state ; and in the succeeding January, was 
 elected a member of congress for two years. 
 
 The subsequent life of Mr. Walton was filled up in the 
 discharge of the most respectable offices within the gift of 
 the state. In what manner he was appreciated by the peo* 
 pie of Georgia, may be learnt from the fact that he was 
 at six different times elected a representative to congress; ' 
 twice appointed governor of the state ; once a senator of 
 the United States; and at four different periods a judge 
 of the superiour courts, which last office he held for fifteen 
 years, and until the time of his death. 
 
 It may be gathered from the preceding pages, respect- 
 ing Mr. Walton, that he was no ordinary man. He rose 
 into distinction by the force of his native powers. In 
 his temperament he was ardent, and by means of his en- 
 thusiasm in the great cause of liberty, rose to higher emi- 
 nence, and secured a greater share of public favour and con- 
 fidence, than he would otherwise have done. 
 
 Mr. Walton was not without his faults and weaknesses. 
 He was accused of a degree of pedantry, and sometimes 
 indulged his satirical powers beyond the strict rules of pro- 
 priety. He was perhaps, also, too contemptuous of public 
 opinion, especially when that opinion varied from his own. 
 
 The death of Mr. Walton occurred on the second day of 
 February, 1804. During the latter years of his life, he suf- 
 fered intensely from frequent and long continued attacks of 
 the gout, which probably tended to undermine his constitu- 
 tion, and to hasten the event of his dissolution. He had at- 
 tained however to a good age, and closed his life, happy in 
 having contributed his full share towards the measure of his 
 country's glory. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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