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 ^6' 
 
 UNIVERSITY EXTENSION LECTURES 
 
 SYLLABUS 
 
 or a 
 
 COURSE OF SIX LECTURES 
 
 ON 
 
 England in the 
 Eighteenth Century 
 
 1714-1789 
 
 BY 
 
 W: HUDSQNSHAW, M.A. 
 
 FeliorY ■o' "BaUiol, College, Oxford*; Staff Lecturer in History to the 
 American and Oxford Societies 
 
 " Fair is our lot — O goodly is our heritage ! 
 (Humble ye, my people, and be fearful in your mirth !) 
 For the Lord our God Most High 
 He hath made the deep as dry. 
 He hath smote for us a pathway to the ends of all the Earth ! " 
 
 
 Serlea H. No. 1 Price, 25 cents 
 
 Copyright, 1898, by 
 
 The American Society for the Extension of Uniyersity Teaching 
 
 111 South Fifteenth Street, Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
"» 
 
 
 The Class. — At the close of each lecture a class will be held for 
 questions and further discussion. All are urged to attend it and to 
 take an active part. The subjects discussed will ordinarily be those 
 arising from the lecture of the same evening. In centres in which no 
 Students' Association (see below) has been formed, the class will 
 afford opportunity for the lecturer to comment on the papers sub- 
 mitted to him. 
 
 The Weekly Papers. — Every student has the privilege of writing 
 and sending to the lecturer each week, while the course is in progress, 
 a paper treating any theme from the lists given at the end of each 
 part of the syllabus. The paper should have at the head of the first 
 sheet the name of the writer and the name of the centre. Papers 
 may be addressed to the lecturer, University Extension, in South 
 Fifteenth street, Philadelphia. 
 
 The Students' Association. — Every lecture centre will be greatly 
 helped in its work by the formation of a club or other body of students 
 and readers desirous of getting the stimulus that working in common 
 affords. This Students' Association .wilL.ha.ve i£s own.Qr,g£y2 ization and 
 arrange its regular progranimo,".if'.'p'o65£ble, both tjefoje* 'grid: after &s 
 well as during the lecture course. The lecturer will always lend his 
 help in drawing up prograyitnes,;aHd>wlien t»he "mteeliag /alls <m the 
 day of the lecture, will endeavor to attend" and lake* part. " Biilch of 
 the best work of Extension is being 'ctone". t&rdjifpi the Students' 
 Associations. • ' • * ' • " * * - • ' *■ 
 
 The Examination. — Those students who have followed the course 
 throughout will be admitted at the close of the lectures to an exami- 
 nation under the direction of the lecturer. Each person who passes 
 the examination successfully will receive from the American Society 
 for the Extension of University Teaching a certificate in testimony 
 thereof. . ..* " 
 
 
 PE3 I 
 
LECTURE I. 
 
 MODERN ENGLAND. 
 
 The Reign of Walpole. The Age of Peace, Prosperity, 
 
 and Laissez-faire. 
 
 " Madam, there are fifty thousand men slain this year in Europe, and 
 not one Englishman." — Walpole to Queen Caroline. 
 
 " He durst do right, but he durst do wrong too." — Horace WALPOLE. 
 
 " Name him in the same sentence with a Chatham, and who will not 
 feel the contrast ? The mind of Chatham bears the lineaments of a higher 
 nature ; and the very sound of his name carries with it something lofty 
 and august. Of Walpole, on the other hand, the defects — nay perhaps, 
 even the merits — have in them something low and common. No enthusi- 
 asm was ever felt for his person ; none was ever kindled by his memory. 
 No man ever inquired where his remains are laid, or went to pay a 
 homage of reverence at his tomb." — Lord Mahon. 
 
 "Walpole took the pleasures, the honors, the prizes of the world as 
 they came in his way, and he thoroughly relished and enjoyed them ; but 
 what his heart was seriously set upon all the time — seriously, persistently, 
 strenuously, devotedly — was the promotion of good government and the 
 frustration and confusion of its enemies." — John Morley. 
 
 " Of crooked things made straight by Walpole, of heroic performance 
 or intention, legislative or administrative, by Walpole, nobody ever heard ; 
 never of the least handbreadth gained from the Night-Realm in England, 
 on Walpole's part ; enough if he could manage to keep the Parish Con- 
 stable walking, and himself float atop. . . . This task Walpole did, — 
 in a sturdy, long-headed, John-Bull fashion, not unworthy of recognition. 
 A man of very forcible natural eyesight, strong natural heart — courage in 
 him to all lengths; a very block of oak, or of oak-root, for natural strength. 
 He was always very quiet with it, too ; given to digest his victuals, and be 
 peaceable with everybody. He had one rule that stood in place of many : 
 To keep out of every business which it was possible for human wisdom to 
 stave aside. ' What good will you get of going into that ? Parliamentary 
 criticism, argument and botheration. Leave well alone.' .... In 
 foreign politics his rule was analogous : — ' Mind your own affairs. You 
 are an island, you can do without Foreign Politics ; Peace, keep peace 
 with everybody : what, in the Devil's name, have you to do with these 
 dog-worryings overseas? ' " — Carlyle, Friedrich II. 
 
 " At this critical juncture the helm of state fell into the hands of a man 
 who with most of the robust vices had also many cf the robust virtues of a 
 self-trained, business-like English squire of the time. Walpole, after all 
 that has been said against him, remains one of our few great finance min- 
 isters It was he who guided the country through the worst 
 
 panic it has ever known, who set the public debts on a sound footing, who 
 initiated fiscal reform, who reconciled warring classes by reconciling their 
 interests, who secured the new dynasty by identifying it with national 
 prosperity. All this was a great work. It is true he despised literature, 
 he dreaded religious movements, he shunned foreign affairs ; he was 
 coarse, he was domineering, he was a corrupter of politics ; but to call 
 him ' an un-idea'd ' statesman is to forget the great work which he did, and 
 the still greater work which he would fain have done." — " Social 
 England," Vol. V. 
 
 (3) 
 
SCOPE OF LECTURE. 
 
 Recapitulation — The main drift of English History to 1714. Characteristics 
 of the present period. Its unique importance. The absurdity ot regarding 
 eighteenth century history as dull. Contrast between 1700 and 1800. The 
 transformation of British Kingdom into British Empire, of 10,000,000 into 
 100,000,000. The great industrial change — from agriculture to " workshop of 
 the world." The century too has its Great Rebellion and tragic catastrophe, 
 the Disruption of the British Race. The significance of the American Revolu- 
 tion to-day. English recovery from disaster. Loss of the American Colonies 
 balanced bargain of Canada, India, Australia, S. Africa. Chatham, Wolfe', 
 Clive, Hastings, Cook, Anson — a dull record ! Necessity of distinguishing 
 between the eighteenth century before Chatham and Wesley, and after. Low 
 ideals of the age of the first Georges. Contrast between the John Hampden of 
 1640 and the John Hampden of 1740. Moral ugliness of the time. Political, 
 religious, humanitarian movements under George III. The glory of the age 
 which produced Chatham, Burke, Adam Smith, Gibbon, Johnson, Reynolds, 
 John Wesley, John Howard, Wilberforce. 
 
 England at the death of Queen Anne- a great crisis. The question of the 
 succession to the throne. Had the Pretender a chance? The strength of the 
 Tory reaction. The accession of George I. has been rightly described as " the 
 greatest miracle in our history." The vitality of the Divine Right theory. 
 Disadvantages of the Elector of Hanover — a disagreeable, narrow-minded, 
 despotic German princelet. It is improbable that he would have succeeded 
 had not James the Pretender been an honest, determined Roman Catholic. "I 
 will abandon all rather than act against my conscience and honor, cost what 
 it will." Conclusion — the chances were fairly even. Much depended upon 
 the character of the minister in power, Henry St. John, Lord Bolingbroke. 
 
 The extraordinary interest of Bolingbroke's career. Friend of Dryden and 
 Pope, Swift and Voltaire, statesman, orator, philosopher, man of letters, leader 
 of dissolute society. His antecedents and early life. The amazing contrasts 
 of his history. In many ways, Bolingbroke was the most notable English 
 figure of his period. Swift's opinion of him : " Mr. St. John is the greatest 
 young man I ever knew." His eloquence — " I would rather possess a speech 
 of Bolingbroke's than any of the lost treasures of antiquity" (William Pitt). — 
 His writings: "Who now reads Bolingbroke?" All students of English 
 History and Literature read him. — His daring ambition and unscimpulous 
 character. Entirely distrusted by his own age. His brilliant failure due 
 mainly to his utter lack of principle and conviction. 
 
 Bolingbroke's conduct in 1 7 14 is very difficult to understand. He was not 
 at heart a Jacobite, but chiefly desirous of keeping the Tory party and himself 
 in power. His idea probably was to strengthen the Tory position and compel 
 the Elector of Hanover to come to terms, falling back upon the Pretender only 
 if he refused. Bolingbroke believed that with six weeks of power he would 
 
have been successful, but he had only six days. While his plans were incom- 
 plete, Queen Anne died. The Whig leaders acted with great decision, and 
 George I was proclaimed King. " The Queen died on Sunday," wrote the 
 fallen minister to Swift. " What a world is this ! and how does fortune banter 
 us !" It meant the end of the Stuarts and Divine Right, the final triumph of 
 the Whig Revolution. 
 
 The age of Walpole, the first of English Prime Ministers. He, not George I 
 or George II, is the chief political figure of the period. England is now an 
 aristocratic Republic and the kings are almost Venetian Doges; it is the 
 Minister who counts. The one benefit which George I conferred upon England 
 was to place Walpole at the head of the Government; the greatest act of 
 George II as king was to keep him there. To understand Walpole is to under- 
 stand English history from 1 72 1 to 1742. 
 
 Robert Walpole, born in 1676, the younger son of a prosperous Norfolk 
 squire, entered Parliament in 1700 at the same time as his rival, Henry St. 
 John. His appearance and character. Outwardly, a big, coarse, hard-drinking, 
 hard-living foxhunter, of overwhelming physical vitality, without eloquence, 
 without culture. His chief characteristic — robust common sense. Not an 
 orator, but a skilled debater. Emphatically a man of business, a financier, 
 with the best head for figures of any public man of the period. This is illus- 
 trated by his attitude to the South Sea Bubble. He saved English credit, but 
 made a fortune before the crash. Viciousness of his private life. A better 
 man, nevertheless, than most of his contemporaries. Lack of elevation in his 
 public career. His scoffs at purity and patriotism in politics. " No saint :" 
 " no reformer." But the trend of modern historical opinion is distinctly in 
 Walpole's favor, because (a) he was honest, "the most straightforward states- 
 man of his time, the least addicted to scheming and cabal": {b) not cruel, or 
 treacherous, or as cynical as his experience would have warranted : (c) and did 
 a great work for England. What was his achievement ? 
 
 1. He reconciled England to the Hanoverian dynasty and prevented another 
 Civil War. 
 
 2. He helped to mould the modern English Constitution, especially the 
 Cabinet. 
 
 3. His financial policy was wise and enlightened, even his Excise Bill. 
 
 4. He was a Free Trader before Adam Smith. 
 
 5. He gave England peace. 
 
 The chief charges brought against his administration by historians are 
 three : — (a) inordinate love of power : (3) a ruinous jealousy of able colleagues : 
 (c) systematic corruption of Parliament. Judgments of Lord Stanhope, 
 'Macaulay, Lecky, John Morley. On the whole, there is truth in these charges, 
 but they have been for the most part much exaggerated. " Walpole must be 
 pronounced to have got discredit for more wrong than he ever did." If he 
 loved power, he was the most fitted to rule. The able colleagues, Carteret 
 
and Chesterfield especially, deserved their dismissal. The third charge is 
 more serious. Walpole never said " Every man has his price," but he thought 
 it. He was a low man, living in a low age. But he did not invent Parlia- 
 mentary corruption, nor at that time could any minister govern without its aid. 
 What is true is that he acquiesced in the bad system, never desired to reform 
 it. His place in English History is that of a great statesman, wise, wary and 
 sagacious, unattractive, unheroic, of the dull-useful type, the representative 
 man of a corrupt age, who conferred enormous benefits uoon his country and 
 deserves more gratitude than he commonly receives. 
 
 IMPORTANT DATES. 
 
 1 7 14. Death of Queen Anne (August 1). Accession of George I. 
 
 1715. Jacobite rebellion under Lord Mar. 
 
 1 7 16. The Septennial Act. 
 
 1720. The South Sea Bubble. 
 
 1721. Robert Walpole Prime Minister. 
 
 1723. Wood's Half-pence. The " Drapier Letters." Bolingbroke's 
 
 Return to England. 
 
 1724. Dismissal of Carteret by Walpole. 
 1727. Accession of George II. 
 
 1730. Quarrel of Walpole and Townshend. 
 
 1733. The Excise Bill. 
 
 1735. Withdrawal of Lord Bolingbroke from public life. 
 
 1736. Porteous Riots in Scotland. 
 
 1737. Death of Queen Caroline. 
 
 1739. War of "Jenkins' Ear." 
 
 1740. Anson's Voyage. 
 1742. Fall of Walpole. 
 
 1744. Death of Pope. Ministry of Pelham (1 744-1 754). 
 
 1745. Death of Swift. Battle of Fontenoy. 
 Death of Walpole. 
 
 Jacobite Rebellion. Tbe Young Pretender. 
 
 1746. Battle of Culloden. 
 1748. Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. 
 
 SUBJECTS FOR CLA.SS. 
 
 5. Queen Caroline of Anspach. 
 
 6. Lord Carteret. 
 
 7. The War of Jenkins' Ear. 
 
 8. Causes of Walpole's fall. 
 
 1 . The Jacobite Rebellions. 
 
 2. The Septennial Act and the 
 
 Peerage Bill. 
 
 3. The South Sea Bubble. 
 
 4. Ireland under Walpole. 
 
 QUESTIONS FOR ESSAYS. 
 I . "Of all characters in our history, Bolingbroke must be pronounced to 
 be most of all a charlatan." " Whatever view is taken of certain episodes in 
 
his career, no one will now dispute his title of The Great Lord Bolingbroke." 
 Criticize these estimates. 
 
 2. Discuss the chances of a Jacobite restoration in 1 7 14. 
 
 3. What degree of blame attaches to Walpole as regards the Parliamentary 
 corruption of his time ? 
 
 4. " The peace policy of Walpole was centred in a selfish desire to maintain 
 the peace of his administration. " How far do you agree with this judgment of 
 Macauley ? 
 
 BOOKS. 
 
 A. Essential Book. John Morley's "Walpole" (Macmillan, 1896). 
 
 B. General Text-books. " The Early Hanoverians," by E. E. Morris 
 (Longmans), or "Our Hanoverian Kings," by B. C. Skottowe (Sampson 
 Low). 
 
 C. Main Authorities for the Whole Period. W. E. Lecky, " History 
 of England in the Eighteenth Century," 8 vols. (Longmans), and Lord 
 Mahon's "History of England from 1713 to 1783," 7 vols. (John Murray). 
 
 D. Biographies of Bolingbroke. R. Harrop, " Study of Bolingbroke." 
 Churton Collins, " Bolingbroke and Voltaire." A. Hassall's " Bolingbroke " 
 (Allen's Statesmen Series). 
 
 E. Refer to Macauley's " Essay on Horace Walpole;" Horace Walpole's 
 "Letters," and his " Memoirs of the Reign of George II;" Coxe's "Life of 
 Walpole;" Lord Hervey's "Memoirs;" Ballantyne's "Carteret;" Leslie 
 Stephen's " Swift;" Bolingbroke's "Works;" Burke's "Appeal from the New 
 to the Old Whigs;" Carlyle's "Frederick the Great;" Dyer's "Modern 
 Europe." 
 
 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 A. The Hanoverian Dynasty. 
 James I. 
 I 
 
 Charles I. Elizabeth = Fred. V, Elector Palatine. 
 
 I I 
 
 James II. 
 
 Sophia = Ernest Augustus, 
 
 I Elector of Hanover. 
 
 Mary II. Anne. James, the George I. 
 
 Pretender. 
 
 George II. 
 
 Charles Edward, __J 
 
 the Young | 1 
 
 Pretender. Frederic, Prince Duke of 
 
 of Wales. Cumberland 
 
 George III. 
 
8 
 
 B. Walpole's Influence on the English Constitution. 
 
 ¥ It is to the long administration of Sir R. Walpole that we are to look for 
 tb"e first distinct outline of our modern Constitution. It was Walpole who first 
 administered the government in accordance with his own views of our political 
 requirements. It was Walpole who first conducted the business of the country 
 in the House of Commons. It was Walpole who in the conduct of that 
 business first insisted upon the support for his measures of all servants of that 
 Crown who had seats in Parliament. It was under Walpole that the House of 
 Commons became the dominant power in the State, and rose in ability and 
 influence as well as in actual power above the House of Lords. And it was 
 Walpole who set the example of quitting his office while he still retained the 
 undiminished affection of his king for the avowed reason that he had ceased to 
 possess the confidence of the House of Commons." — W. E. Hearn, " The 
 Government of England." 
 
 C. Material Prosperity of England under Walpole. 
 
 Population of England and Wales in 1700 = 5,134,561 \ 
 " " 1750 = 6,039,684/ 
 
 National Debt in 17 14 = ^52,000,000 "I 
 1739 = 247.000,000/ 
 Total export trade of England in 1 7 10 = ^6,000,000 1 
 " " " 1760 = ^12,000,000 J 
 
 " The nation, exhausted by the long wars of William and Anne, recovered 
 strength in thirty years of peace that ensued ; and in that period, especially 
 under the prudent rule of Walpole, the needs of our commercial greatness were 
 gradually ripened. It was evidently the most prosperous season England had 
 ever experienced." — Hallam. 
 
 D. Walpole's Opinion of George II. 
 
 " He thinks he is devilish stout and never gives up his will or his opinion ; 
 but he never acts in anything material according to either of them but when 
 I have a mind he should . . . Our master, like most people's masters, wishes 
 himself absolute, and fancies he has courage enough to attempt making himself 
 so; but if I know anything of him, he is, with all his personal bravery, as 
 great a political coward as ever wore a crown, and as much afraid to lose 
 it." — Lord Hervey's Memoirs of the Reign of George II. 
 
 E. Contemporary Verdicts on Walpole. 
 
 "He is a brave fellow; he has more spirit than any man I ever knew." — 
 George II. 
 
 " The prudence, steadiness and vigilance of that man preserved the crown to 
 this Royal family, and with it their laws and liberties to this country." — Burke. 
 " He was a fine fellow, and his very enemies deemed him so before his 
 death." — Johnson. 
 
 " Seen him I have ; but in his happier hour 
 Of social pleasure ill-exchanged for power ; 
 Seen him unencumbered with the venal tribe, 
 Smile without art and win without a bribe." — Pope, 
 
LECTURE II. 
 THE POLITICAL AWAKENING. 
 William Pitt, Lord Chatham. 
 The Founding of the Empire. 
 
 " A great and celebrated name ; a name that keeps the name of this 
 country respectable in every other on the globe." — Edmund Burke. 
 
 "Your country has been long in labor, and has suffered much, but a - 
 last she has produced a man." — Frederick the Great. 
 
 " I want to call England cut of that enervate state in which 20,000 men 
 from France can shake her." — William Pitt, 1757. 
 
 " No man ever entered the Earl of Chatham's closet who did not feel 
 himself, if possible, braver at his return than when he went in." — COLONEL 
 Barre. 
 
 "This most remarkable man who, in spite of many and glaring defects, 
 was undoubtedly one of the noblest, as he was one of the greatest, who 
 have ever appeared in English politics." — W. E. Lecky. 
 
 " His greatness is throughout identified with the expansion of England ; 
 he is a statesman of Greater Britain. It is in the buccaneering war with 
 Spain that he sows his political wild oats; his glory is won in the great 
 colonial duel with France ; his old age is spent in stnving to avert schism 
 in Greater Britain." — Sir John Seeley. 
 
 " If ever there has lived a man in modern times to whom the praise of a 
 Roman spirit might be truly applied, that man beyond all doubt was 
 William Pitt . . . Bred amidst too frequent examples of corruption ; 
 entering public life at a low tone of public morals ; standing between the 
 mock-patriots and the sneerers at patriotism — between Bolingbroke and 
 Walpole — he manifested the most scrupulous disinterestedness, and the 
 most lofty and generous purposes : he shunned the taint himself, and in 
 time removed it from his country." — Lord Mahon. 
 
 " He was a political mystic ; sometimes sublime, sometimes impossible, 
 and sometimes insane. But he had genius . . . No country could have 
 too many Pitts : the more she has the greater will she be. But no country 
 could afford the costly and splendid luxury of many Chathams." — Lord 
 Rosebery. 
 
 " That low man seeks a little thing to do, 
 Sees it and does it : 
 This high man, with a great thing to pursue, 
 
 Dies ere he knows it. 
 That low man goes on adding one to one, 
 
 His hundred's soon hit : 
 This high man, aiming at a million, 
 Misses an unit." 
 
 (9) 
 
IO 
 
 SCOPE OF LECTURE. 
 
 The contrast between Walpole and William Pitt. Empire-building. Hu- 
 miliating position of England in 1757. Disasters on sea and land. " We are 
 no longer a nation" (Chesterfield). Four years later, under Pitt, England 
 stood at the head of all the nations, victorious in America, victorious in India, 
 victorious on the sea. 
 
 The change of English opinion in regard to the Empire. Decline of the 
 pessimist view of the Colonies and India. Causes of the change. The shrink- 
 age of the world, stronger race-sympathy, better interpretation of past history. 
 Seeley's " Expansion of England" and its influence upon thought. The necessity 
 of a right perspective of the eighteenth century. Its chief aspect is — Greater 
 Britian. 
 
 The dreary period succeeding Walpole's fall, 1 742— 1757. Incompetence of 
 his rivals, Pulteney and Carteret. The ascendency of the Pelhams. What 
 circumstances gave them power ? Henry Pelham a bad copy of Walpole. 
 Contemptibility cf the Duke of Newcastle. Opinions of contemporaries. His 
 ignorance and absurdity. Notwithstanding, for a quarter of a century no 
 minister, not even Pitt, could govern England without Newcastle's co-opera- 
 tion. The age of gross Parliamentary corruption. The House of Commons 
 independent of the Crown and not yet controlled by public opinion. Rotten 
 boroughs. Bribery almost a necessity of the times. The extent of Parliament- 
 ary corruption. Lord Beaconsfield's description of English government at this 
 time — a Venetian oligarchy. Newcastle, a man of great wealth, caring only 
 for power, became in 1754 the chief of the Whig grandees and governor of 
 England, although " not fit to be Chamberlain in the smallest of German Courts." 
 The critical character of George IPs last years. Incessant war. The great 
 colonial duel of France and England. Supremacy in America and Asia at 
 stake. The need of a Hero-King. Failure of the Whig aristocracy to pro- 
 duce a leader of genius. Against the wishes of the King and of the nobles, 
 the nation in 1757 forced Pitt into power. " It is the people who have sent 
 me here." 
 
 European politics at this date. Frederic II and the Seven Years' War. 
 Prussia and England ranged against France, Austria, Russia, Sweden, Poland. 
 The real meaning of the Seven Years' War for England. " Here is a develop- 
 ment which ever since the seventeenth century has been steadily growing in 
 magnitude; here is a development which binds together the future with the 
 past." The race for Empire. Success of the French. Disasters of the English 
 before Pitt. Braddock's defeat in America. 50,000 Hanoverians to defend 
 England ! The loss of Minorca. Calcutta taken by Surajah Dowlah. 
 Surrender of the Duke of Cumberland. The convention of Koster-Seven. 
 " It is time for England to slip her cables and float away into some unknown 
 ocean." (Horace Walpole). Accession of William Pitt to ower. " I know 
 that I can save this country and that no one else can." 
 
II 
 
 Pitt's early career. Born in 1 708, and entered Parliament, a " Cornet of the 
 Blues," in 1735. The " Boy Patriots." Pitt's burning patriotism the secret of 
 his success. His consummate eloquence. Different conditions of eighteenth 
 and nineteenth century oratory. The "grand style." The oratory of inspira- 
 tion. Charge of theatricality. Pitt's faults: — (a) Lack of simplicity; (l>) 
 Want of humor ; (c) His arrogance, a "Grand Solitary," without friends ; (d) 
 The inconsistencies of his Parliamentary career, e. g. as regards standing army. 
 Hanoverian subsidies, attitude towards George II. But after all these are 
 slight faults in comparison with the general nobility and grandeur of his 
 nature, as shown in (1) his courage. The "Great Commoner," dependent 
 entirely upon his popularity, constantly espouses unpopular causes. Illustra- 
 tions — Admiral Byng, clamor against Scotsmen, John Wilkes, American 
 resistance. (2) Disinterestedness as regards money. His conduct as Pay- 
 master of the Forces compared with that of Henry Fox. The first protest 
 against the mercenary politics of the eighteenth century and the systematic 
 plundering of England by the Whig aristocracy. (3) Intense patriotism. " He 
 loved England as an Athenian loved the city of the Violet Crown." The 
 English Empire of to-day is a monument to him. The stupendous nature of 
 his task. His successful appeal to higher ideals. The awakening of the dry 
 bones. "The ardor of his soul set the whole kingdom on fire" 
 
 Pitt's Great Administration, 1757-1761. English successes in India under 
 Clive were not due to him, but coincided in time with his real achievements. 
 The battle of Plassey. Eyre Coote's victory of Wandewash. Capture of 
 Pondicherry. The French worsted in India. Pitt's own work is Canada and 
 the expulsion of the French from North America. His policy of "winning 
 America in Gei many." Importance of his close alliance with Frederick the 
 Great. Condition of North America when Pitt took office. Magnificent daring 
 and enterprise of the French. Their plan of hemming in the English and 
 preventing their advance to the West. The Marquis of Montcalm. The chain 
 of forts. Defeats of Major George Washington and General Braddock. Pitt's 
 great effort of 1759. Three separate armies hurled against Canada. Pitt's 
 sagacity in choosing men. General Wolfe, character and history. The famous 
 siege of Quebec. The strength of the position. Wolfe's early failures. The 
 last, forlorn hope, and the Heights of Abraham. The night attack and the 
 battle. Death of Wolfe. Death of Montcalm. Significance of the victory. 
 The doom of French dominion in America. Contest of France and England 
 on the sea. Pitt's sea-dogs. Lord Hawke's defeat of the French navy in 
 Quiberon Bay. Final supremacy of England on the sea. Conclusion — in 
 three years William Pitt had changed the history of the world. Is there any 
 greater name in our national record ? 
 
 IMPORTANT DATES. 
 1708. Birth of Pitt. 
 1726. At Trinity College, Oxford. 
 
12 
 
 1 735- M.P. for Old Sarum. 
 
 1736. Dismissed from the army by Walpole. Oppositioh. 
 
 1 746. Paymaster of the Forces. 
 
 1755. Attack on Newcastle. Dismissed from office. 
 
 1756. Devonshire. Pitt Coalition, lasts only a few months. 
 
 The Great Administration. 
 June, 1757, to October, 1761. 
 
 1757. BATTLE OF Plassey (June). Conquest of Bengal. 
 Defeat of Cumberland (July). Rochefort failure. 
 Battle of Rossbach. 
 
 1758. Howe's attack on St. Malo and Cherbourg. 
 
 Fall of Louisburg. Capture of Cape Breton and of Fort Duquesne. 
 
 1759. " The Year of Victories." Capture of Fort Niagara (Prideaux) 
 Capture of Ticonderoga (Amherst). 
 
 Wolfe's victory on Heights of Abraham. 
 
 Capture of Goree, Senegal and Guadaloupe. 
 
 English naval victory at Lagos Bay (Boscawen). 
 
 Battle of Minden. Defeat of the French. 
 
 Battle of Quiberon Bay. Defeat of the French navy. English 
 
 SUPREME ON THE SeA. 
 
 1760. Final Conquest of Canada. 
 
 Battle of Wandewash (Eyre Coote). Conquest of the Carnatic. 
 
 1 761. Resignation of Pitt. 
 1763. Peace of Paris. 
 
 SUBJECTS FOR CLASS. 
 
 6. England and Frederick the Great. 
 
 7. The beginnings of English Rule in 
 
 India. 
 
 8. Clive and Dupleix. 
 
 1. The Young Pretender. 
 
 2. Henry Fox. 
 
 3. Pitt's early career in Parliament. 
 
 4. Character of George II. 
 
 5. The Seven Years' War. 
 
 QUESTIONS FOR ESSAYS. 
 
 1. Explain and illustrate the influence exercised by William Pitt, Earl of 
 Chatham, on English politics. 
 
 2. The growth and extent of Parliamentary corruption in England in the 
 eighteenth century. 
 
 3. What were the circumstances in which Canada became a British 
 possession ? 
 
 4. India in 1750. 
 
 5. What judgment do you pass on Clive's early proceedings in India? 
 
 6. What amount of truth is there in Shelburne's bitter criticism of Chatham's 
 character ? 
 
13 
 
 BOOKS. 
 
 A. Essential BOOK. Sir John Seeley's " Expansion of England " (Mac- 
 niillan). 
 
 B. Biographies. There is as yet, unfortunately, no good book, great or 
 small, dealing with the life of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham. Read, as intro- 
 duction, Macaulay's " Essays " and Lecky's " History of England," vol. ii. 
 Consult Lord E. Fitzmaurice's "Life of Shelburne" (a hostile view), Lord 
 Mahon's " History of England," and Thackeray's " History of W.Pitt" (2 
 vols., 1827). 
 
 C. For Canada. Parkman's " Montcalm and Wolfe." 
 
 D. India. Lyall's " British Dominion in India ; " Wilson's " Life of Clive." 
 
 E. Accessible Original Authorities. Chatham's "Speeches;" Chatham 
 " Correspondence," 4 vols. ; Almon's "Anecdotes and Speeches of Chatham ; " 
 Walpole's " Memoirs." 
 
 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 A. English Possessions in 17 14 and 1763. 
 
 I. 17 14. North American coast from Nova Scotia to Florida, and inland to 
 the Alleghany Mountains ; Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, and Hudson's Bay 
 India : small settlements in Bengal and Madras, Bombay. West Indies : 
 Jamaica, Barbadoes, Bahamas, Bermudas, St. Christopher, Antigua. Africa: 
 Cape Coast Castle. Europe : Gibraltar and Minorca. 
 
 II. 1763. As before, with the additions of (a) Upper and Lower Canada, 
 Labrador, New Brunswick, Cape Breton Isle, Prince Edward's Isle, and all 
 territory north of Louisiana and Mexico and west of the Alleghanies ; (&) 
 Bengal, Masulipatam, the Northern Circars, supremacy over Arcot; Grenad? 
 St. Vincent's, Dominica, Guadaloupe, Trinidad. 
 
 B. The Pitts and Grenvilles. 
 
 Richard Grenville. 
 
 Hester, Richard, George Grenville, 
 
 m. William Pitt, Earl Temple. Prime Minister, 1763. 
 
 Earl of Chatham. 
 
 I I 
 
 John, Earl of William Pitt, Hester, m. 
 
 Chatham. Prime Minister, Earl Stanhope. 
 
 I783- 
 C. Pitt's Dictatorship. 
 " Without a moment of hesitation, without a twinge of diffidence, he set 
 himself at the head of his countrymen ; and they, placing their blood and 
 treasure at his disposal, believing all that he asserted, paying all that he 
 
demanded, undertaking everything that he advised, followed him through 
 an unbroken course of effort and victory with an enterprise and a resolution 
 worthy of his own. . . . ' You would not know your country again,' 
 Walpole wrote to Sir Horace Mann. • You left it a private little island, living 
 upon its means. You would find it the capital of the world.' . . . While the 
 renown of the great Englishman was spread over three continents by a series 
 of triumphs, vast, rapid and durable beyond any which are related in the pages 
 of Curtius or Livy, at home his empire was unbounded, and even undisputed. 
 During four whole sessions his opponents never ventured to test the opinion of 
 Parliament by calling for a vote. Charges of inconsistency, of recklessness, of 
 profusion, were disdainfully cast aside, and ere long ceased to be uttered. 
 When he thought fit to break silence, every phrase had the weight of a despot's 
 edict." — Trevelyan, Early History of C. J. Fox. 
 
 D. England and the Sea-Power During the Seven Years' War. 
 "(She conquered) by the superiority of her Government using the tremendous 
 
 weapon of her sea-power. This made her rich, and in turn protected the trade 
 by which she had her wealth. With her money she upheld her few auxiliaries 
 mainly Prussia and Hanover, in their desperate strife. Her power was every- 
 where that her ships could reach, and there was none to dispute the sea with 
 her. Where she would she went, and with her went her guns and her troops. 
 By this mobility her forces were multiplied, those of her enemies distracted. 
 Ruler of the sea,she everywhere obstructed its highways." — Captain Mahan. 
 Influence of the Sea-Power upon History. 
 
 E. Problems of Empire. 
 
 " I show you mighty events in the future, events of which, as future, we know 
 as yet nothing but that they must come, and that they must be mighty. These 
 events are some further development in the relation of England to her colonies 
 and also in relation to India. . . . Will there be a great disruption ? Will 
 Canada and Australia become independent States ? Shall we abandon India, 
 and will some native government, at present almost inconceivable, take the 
 place of the Viceroy and his Council ? Or will the opposite of all this happen ? 
 Will Great Britain rise to a higher form of organization ? Will the English 
 race, which is divided by so many oceans, making a full use of modern scientific 
 inventions, devise some organization like that of the United States, under which 
 full liberty and solid union may be reconciled with unbounded territorial 
 extension? " — Sir John Seeley. 
 
 F. Two Warnings on Empire. 
 
 (o) " Since first the dominion of man was asserted over the ocean, three 
 thrones of mark above all others have been set upon its sands : the thrones ot 
 Tyre, Venice and England. Of the first of these great powers only the 
 memory remains ; of the second, the ruin ; the third, which inherits their great- 
 
15 
 
 ness, may, if it forget their example, be led through prouder eminence to less 
 pitied destruction." — John Ruskin. 
 
 (£) God of our fathers, known of old — 
 
 Lord of our far-flung battle-line — 
 Beneath Whose awful Hand we hold 
 
 Dominion over palm and pine — 
 Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet, 
 Lest we forget — lest we forget ! 
 
 The tumult and the shouting dies — 
 
 The captains and the kings depart ; 
 Still stands Thine ancient sacrifice — 
 
 An humble and a contrite heart. 
 Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet, 
 Lest we forget — lest we forget ! 
 
 Far-called, our navies melt away — 
 
 On dune and headland sinks the fire- 
 Lo, all our pomp of yesterday 
 
 Is one with Nineveh and Tyre ! 
 Judge of the Nations, spare us yet, 
 Lest we forget — lest we forget ! 
 
 If, drunk with sight of power, we loose 
 Wild tongues that have not Thee in awe — 
 
 Such boasting as the Gentiles use, 
 Or lesser breeds without the Law — 
 
 Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet, 
 
 Lest we forget — lest we forget ! 
 
 For heathen heart that puts her trust 
 
 In reeking tube and iron shard — 
 All valiant dust that builds on dust, 
 
 And guarding, calls not Thee to guard 
 For frantic boast and foolish word, 
 Thy Mercy on Thy people, Lord ! 
 
 Rudyard Kipling. 
 
LECTURE III. 
 
 KING GEORGE III, 1760-1783. 
 
 Monarchy and Oligarchy. The Last Struggle for 
 Personal Rule. 
 
 " George, be a King." — The Princess Dowager. 
 
 " Prerogative has become a fashionable word." — Horace Walpole. 
 
 " The king of England is not only the chief, but properly the sole magis- 
 trate of the nation, all others acting by commission from and in due 
 subordination to him." — Blackstone's Commentaries, 1765. 
 
 " Why all this childish jealousy of the power of the Crown ? The 
 Crown has not power enough." — Samuel Johnson. 
 
 " Absolute Monarchy — the true Euthanasia of the British Constitution." 
 — David Hume. 
 
 "... half a patriot, half a coward grown, 
 I fly from petty tyrants to the throne." 
 
 — Goldsmith. 
 
 " No monarch, not Henri Quatre, not Maria Theresa, not even our own 
 Elizabeth, was ever more deeply rooted in the hearts of the people." — 
 Lord Mahon. 
 
 " Stranger irony of Fate can hardly be imagined than that which placed 
 this stupidest of rulers at the head of a great people during one of its most 
 trying crises ; as if to show how much mischief can be worked by wrong- 
 headed honesty, and how little the stupidity or the mischief wrought by a 
 ruler can affect loyalty. . . . His popularity was due in part to the fact 
 that he represented fairly enough those qualities of dogged courage and 
 honesty, shading by imperceptible degrees into sheer pig-headedness and 
 insensibility to new ideas, upon which we are accustomed, rightly or 
 wrongly, to pride ourselves." — Leslie Stephen. 
 
 " He inflicted more profound and enduring injuries upon his country 
 than any other modern English king. Ignorant, narrow-minded and 
 arbitrary, with an unbounded confidence in his own judgment, and an 
 extravagant estimate of his prerogative, resolved at all hazards to compel 
 his ministers to adopt his own views, or to undermine them if they refused, 
 he spent a long life in obstinately resisting measures which are now almost 
 universally admitted to have been good, and in supporting measures which 
 are as universally admitted to have been bad." — W. E. Lecky. 
 
 " Punctual, patient, self-willed, and self-possessed ; intruding into every 
 department ; inquiring greedily into every detail ; making everybody's 
 duty his own, and then doing it conscientiously, indefatigably, and as badly 
 
 (16) 
 
as it could possibly be done ; he had almost all the qualities which enable 
 a man to use, or misuse, an exalted station with hardly any of the talents 
 by means of which such a station can be reached from below." — Trevel- 
 yan's Life of Fox. 
 
 " By a certain persistent astuteness ; by the dextrous utilizing of political 
 rivalries ; by cajoling some men and betraying others ; by a resolute 
 adroitness that turned disaster and even disease into instruments of his 
 aim, the king realized his darling object, of converting the dogeship to 
 which he had succeeded into a real and to some extent a personal mon- 
 archy." — Lord Rosebery's Life of Pitt. 
 
 SCOPE OF LECTURE. 
 
 The " Expansion of England " is not the whole of eighteenth-century 
 history. Tendency of Sir John Seeley and his disciples to undervalue the 
 Parliamentary struggles of the period, and to cast scorn upon " the dull brawls 
 of the Wilkes period," upon which Edmund Burke bestowed a good deal of 
 attention. " It is not the mere multiplication of a race, nor its diffusion over 
 the habitable globe, that sets its deepest mark on the history of a state, but rather 
 those changes in idea, disposition, faculty, and, above all, in institution, which 
 settle what manner of race it shall be that does in this way replenish the earth." 
 The Industrial Revolution and the Religious Revolution of the eighteenth 
 century are scarcely less important than England's territorial expansion. The 
 Constitutional struggle of George Ill's reign, less critical than that of Charles 
 I's time, is, nevertheless, full of interest, especially as regards the king's 
 determined and partially successful attempt to restore Personal Government by 
 the monarchy. 
 
 Modern changes in historical opinion. Altered ideas of the Conqueror, of 
 Henry II, of Henry VIII, of Strafford and Cromwell, of Queen Elizabeth. The 
 fate of George III. His enormous popularity once rivaled that of Elizabeth. 
 Causes of English respect for him. A representative Englishman of the period, 
 strongly imbued with the ideas, prejudices, virtues, and faults of the English 
 middle-class. Almost universally condemned by modern historians. " Only a 
 dull man with a rather bad heart." "A smaller mind than any English 
 king before him save James II." "An arbitrary and bigoted king whose best 
 excuse is that he had not made himself a ruler instead of being what nature 
 intended him to be, a ploughman." How far are these severe verdicts justified ? 
 
 George Ill's early life and surroundings. Character of his father, Frederic, 
 Prince of Wales. Sir Robert Walpole's opinion of him : " A poor, feeble, 
 irresolute, false, dishonest, contemptible wretch." His death in 1751. The 
 Princess Dowager and her training. Made her son a respectability. The 
 domestic virtues of George III. Not allowed to mix in society lest his morals 
 should suffer ! The Prince's dutifulness, as for example, in the matter of his 
 affection for Lady Sarah Lennox. His defective education. To the last he 
 
remained a narrow, uncultured British Philistine. '• Was there ever such stuff 
 as great part of Shakespeare ?" The deadly dullness of his court. Miss 
 Burney's appalling account of it. Importance of understanding the political 
 principles in which he was educated. Anti-Whig training of a king who owed 
 his throne to the Whig Revolution. Influence of Lord Bolingbroke. The 
 " Patriot King " and its main doctrines. Importance of Bolingbroke's work in 
 transforming the creed and policy of the Tory party. Shallowness and insin- 
 cerity of the book. Its idea of kingship, however, governing as well as 
 reigning, was that which the young king adopted and tried to carry out. 
 
 The duel of George III with the Whig oligarchy. Advantages on the side 
 of the King : (a) " Gloried in the name of Briton ; " (b) Jacobitism dead ; 
 (c) Adhesion of the new Tory party ; (d) Disunion of the Whigs. Degeneracy 
 of party. Chatham's dislike of it aids George III. The services of the Whig 
 nobility to England had been very great, but it had done its work and cumbered 
 the ground. The Whig methods of government. The " Spoils system " in 
 Parliament. t " Every one for himself and the Exchequer for us all." Increase 
 of corruption. Scandals of Irish and American jobbery. Junius' attack. The 
 King turns the methods of the Whigs against themselves and becomes the 
 arch-corrupter of Parliament. Plausibility of his scheme for the destruction of 
 party government. His overthrow of successive Whig ministries by detestable 
 methods. The " King's friends." Did Burke exaggerate ? The King's 
 treachery to his ministers. " At home in all the darkest corners of the political 
 workshop." How far was he successful ? The end of Whig monopoly. Per- 
 sonal government of the sovereign prevailed under Lord North, a mere Grand 
 Vizier ; and all through the reign the wishes and prejudices of the King were a 
 chief factor in English politics. The achievements of ten years. Meaning of 
 1783. George Ill's triumph only partial. " In ridding himself of the tyranny 
 of the Whigs, with the assistance of Pitt, he only exchanged one bondage for 
 another." 
 
 The King's general influence upon the course of English history. Puritan 
 morals at court. " In the private and domestic virtues few men and certainly 
 no monarch ever excelled him" (Lord Mahon). Benjamin Franklin's 
 eulogy. The King's sincere patriotism. Few sovereigns, however, have 
 effected so much mischief. " The tyranny of ignorant conscientiousness." 
 Examples : ( 1 ) The Wilkes controversy. Great constitutional questions 
 involved. The transformation of John Wilkes into a popular hero. ( 2 ) The 
 King's opposition to all schemes of Parliamentary Reform. (3) His attitude 
 toward the Test and Corporation Acts, and the infamous Slave Trade. (4) 
 His responsibility for the American quarrel. Not just to make him the scape- 
 goat for this. The war was popular at first and the nation must share the 
 blame. But the King resisted conciliation and embittered the contest. " Every 
 means of distressing America must meet with my concurrence." The " King's 
 War." (5) George III and Ireland. Why did the Act of Union fail? 
 
19 
 
 Refusal of Catholic Emancipation due to the King's bigotry. (6) Danger to 
 the English Constitution from the King's policy. Contrast between the per- 
 sonal rule of George III and the constitutional government of Queen Victoria. 
 
 IMPORTANT DATES. 
 
 1760. Accession of George III at the age of twenty-two. 
 
 1761. Resignation of Pitt. Ministry of Lord Bute. 
 
 1763. Peace of Paris. Ministry of George Grenville. 
 
 1764. First expulsion of John Wilkes from the House of Commons. 
 
 1 765. Ministry of Lord Rockingham. 
 
 1766. Ministry of Lord Chatham. His illness and retirement 
 
 1768. Ministry of the Duke of Grafton. 
 
 1769. The Wilkes quarrel. The " Letters of Junius." 
 
 1770. Reappearance of Chatham. Ministry of Lord North 
 1776. Declaration of American Independence. 
 
 1778. Death of Chatham. 
 
 1782. Second Rockingham Ministry. Irish legislative Independence. 
 Edmund Burke. Charles James Fox. 
 
 Pitt's Bill for Parliamentary Reform. 
 
 Burke's Bill for Economical Reform. Shelburne Ministry. 
 
 1783. Treaties of Paris and Versailles. 
 Coalition Ministry of Fox and North. 
 Ministry of William Pitt. 
 
 SUBJECTS FOR CLASS. 
 
 1. Bolingbroke's " Patriot King." 
 
 2. Burke's " Thoughts on Present 
 
 Discontents." 
 
 3. The " Letters of Junius." 
 
 4. Character of Lord North. 
 
 5. Charles James Fox. 
 
 6. Give's Second Governorship. 
 
 7. Warren Hastings in India. 
 
 8. The Irish Revolution of 1782. 
 
 9. Henry Grattan. 
 
 10. Early career of William Pitt. 
 
 QUESTIONS FOR ESSAYS. 
 
 1. The case for and against King George III. 
 
 2. What constitutional questions are illustrated by the career of Wilkes ? 
 
 3. To what extent was George III successful in re-establishing personal 
 monarchy ? 
 
 4. Trace out the causes leading to Irish legislative independence. 
 
 5. State and criticize Edmund Burke's view of the English Constitution. 
 
 6. What, in your opinion, are Burke's chief contributions to political 
 philosophy ? 
 
 BOOKS. 
 
 A. Text-book. " Our Hanoverian Kings," by B. C. Skottowe, pp. 213-293. 
 
20 
 
 B. Main Authority. Lecky's " History of England in the Eighteenth 
 Century," vols, iii, iv. 
 
 C. Illustrative Literary Masterpieces, (a) Bolingbroke's " Patriot 
 King;" (b) Burke's "Thoughts on the Cause of Present Discontents ;" (c) 
 "The Letters of Junius ;" (d) Benjamin Franklin's " Autobiography." 
 
 D. Special Subjects. Burke : John Morley's " Life ;" Burke's " Works," 
 vol. i (Clarendon Press); Leslie Stephen's " English Thought in the Eigh- 
 teenth Century." Fox: Trevelyan's "Life." WilliamPitt: Lord Rose- 
 bery's "Life." Warren Hastings: Lyall's " Life." Ireland: Lecky's 
 " History," and " Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland ;" Froude's " English 
 in Ireland." 
 
 E. Refer to Lord Mahon's " History ; " Sir G. C. Lewis' " Administrations 
 of Great Britain;" Dicey 's "Law of the Constitution;" Macaulay's 
 "Essays;" Erskine May's "Constitutional History;" Medley's "English 
 Constitutional History;" Horace Walpole's "Memoirs;" "The Chatham 
 Correspondence; " " Correspondence of George III and Lord North ; " " The 
 Annual Register from 1758." 
 
 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 A. Growth of Political Corruption under George III. Facts 
 and Figures. 
 
 In 1770, 192 members of the House of Commons held places under the 
 Government, the number having doubled since 1740. In 1782, 11,500 revenue 
 officers were employed and were believed to control no less than seventy 
 elections. In 1767, Chesterfield tried to buy a seat for his son for ^2,500 and 
 failed, Indian Nabobs having raised the price. In 1768, the election contest in 
 Westmoreland and Cumberland cost ^80,000. In 1761, the borough of Sud- 
 bury, later on Oxford and Shoreham, tried to sell themselves to the highest 
 bidder. In 1774, it was proved that out of 513 members who sat for England 
 and Wales, 254 represented less than 11,500 voters and 56 about 700 voters, 
 six members having constituencies of not more than three ! In 1776, through 
 George Ill's lavish use of pensions and bribes, there was a deficit of ^"600,000 
 in the royal accounts. On one occasion the Secretary of the Treasury paid 
 away ,£"25,000 in bribes in a single day. 
 
 " If any man challenges me to assert that there is much corruption in both 
 Houses, I would laugh in his face, and tell him that he knows it as well as I." 
 — Lord Chatham. 
 
 " Every man of consequence almost in the kingdom has a son, relation, 
 friend or dependent, whom he wishes to provide for ; and unfortunately for the 
 liberty of this country, the Crown has the means of gratifying the expectations 
 of them all." — Bishop Watson. 
 
21 
 
 " Parliament, chosen by corrupt constituencies, was corruptly influenced by 
 corrupt ministers, of whom Junius told the literal truth when he said that they 
 addressed themselves neither to the passions, nor to the understanding, but 
 simply to the touch. The arguments by which Grenville and Grafton persuaded 
 their supporters were bank-bills for ^"200 and upwards, so generously dealt 
 about at a Premier's levee that sometimes they were slipped into a hand which 
 was ashamed to close upon them ; tickets for state lotteries, sold to members of 
 Parliament in parcels of five hundred, and resold by them at a profit of two 
 pounds a ticket ; Government loans subscribed for by the friends of Govern- 
 ment at par, and then thrown on the City at a premium of seven, and even 
 eleven per cent. Lord Bute and his adherents, by one such transaction, robbed 
 the country of nearly ^"400,000." — Trevelyan, Life of Fox. 
 
 B. Growth of the National Debt During the Reign of 
 
 George III. 
 
 1763 (After Seven Years' War). ^133,287,940. 
 1783 (After American War). ^273,000,000. 
 181 5 (After Napoleonic War). ^885,000,000. 
 
 C. Chatham and Burke on Party Government. 
 
 " As for myself, I purpose to continue acting through life upon the best 
 convictions I am able to form, and under the obligation of principles, not by 
 the force of any particular bargains. . . . Whatever I think it my duty to 
 oppose or promote, I shall do it independent of the sentiments of others. . . . 
 I have no disposition to quit the free condition of a man standing single, and 
 daring to appeal to his country at large upon the soundness of his principles and 
 the rectitude of his conduct."— Chatham to Newcastle, 1764. 
 
 "As to my future conduct, 'measures not men ' will be the rule of it." — 
 Shelburne (Chatham's adherent) to Rockingham. 
 
 " Party is a body of men united, for promoting by their joint endeavors the 
 national interest, upon some particular principle upon which they are all agreed. 
 For my part, I find it impossible to conceive that anyone believes in his own 
 politics; or thinks them to be of any weight, who refuses to adopt the means of 
 having them reduced into practice. . . . Without a proscription of others, they 
 are bound to give to their own party the preference in all things ; and by no 
 means, for private considerations, to accept any offers of power in which the 
 whole body is not included ; nor to suffer themselves to be led, or to be con- 
 trolled, or to be over-balanced, in office or in council, by those who contradict 
 the very fundamental principles on which their party is formed, and even those 
 upon which every fair connection must stand. Such a generous contention for 
 power, on such manly and honorable maxims, will easily be distinguished from 
 the mean and interested struggle for place and emoluments." — Burke, " Pres- 
 ent Discontents." 
 
22 
 
 D. The Permanent Influence of Burke. 
 
 " There is no political figure of the eighteenth century which retains so 
 enduring an interest, or which repays so amply a careful study, as Edmund 
 Burke. . . . There is scarcely any serious political thinker in England who has 
 not learned much from his writings, and whom he has not profoundly influenced 
 either in the way of attraction or in the way of repulsion. . . . There is perhaps 
 no English prose-writer since Bacon, whose works are so thickly starred with 
 thought. The time may come when they will be no longer read. The time 
 will never come in which men would not grow the wiser by reading them." — 
 W. E. Lecky. 
 
 E. Some Apothegms of Burke. 
 
 " People will not look forward to posterity who never look backward to 
 their ancestors." 
 
 " He that accuses all mankind of corruption ought to remember that he is 
 sure to convict only one." 
 
 " It is no inconsiderable part of wisdom to know how much of an evil ought 
 to be tolerated." 
 
 " Nobody will be argued into slavery." 
 
 " I know no method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people." 
 
 " Magnanimity in politics is not seldom the truest wisdom, and a great empire 
 and little minds go ill together." 
 
 " I am not one of those who think that the people are never in the wrong. 
 
 . . But I do say, that in all disputes between them and their rulers, the 
 presumption is at least upon a par in favor of the people. . . . The people 
 have no interest in disorder. When they do wrong, it is their error, and not 
 their crime." 
 
LECTURE IV. 
 
 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 The Disruption of the British Race. Chatham, Burke, 
 Franklin, George Washington. 
 
 " Colonies are only settlements made in distant parts of the world for 
 the improvement of trade." — George Grenville. 
 
 " To found a great empire for the sole purpose of raising up a people of 
 customers may, at first sight, appear a project fit only for a nation of shop- 
 keepers. It is, however, a project altogether unfit for a nation of shop- 
 keepers, though extremely fit for a nation whose government is influenced 
 by shopkeepers." — Adam Smith. 
 
 " Colonies are like fruits which cling to the tree only till they ripen." — 
 Turgot, 1750. 
 
 " The secession of our first colonies was not a mere normal result of 
 expansion, like the bursting of a bubble, but the result of temporary con- 
 ditions, removable and which have been removed." — Seeley. 
 
 " The wild wastes of America have been turned into pleasant habita- 
 tions ; little villages in Great Britain into manufacturing towns and opulent 
 cities ; and London itself bids fair to become the metropolis of the world 
 These are the fruits of commerce and liberty. The British Empire, to be 
 perpetuated, must be built on the principles of justice." — Legislature of 
 Massachusetts, 1764. 
 
 " The British colonists do not hold their liberties or their lands by so 
 slippery a tenure as the will of the prince. Colonists are men, the common 
 children of the same Creator with their brethren of Great Britain." — 
 James Otis. 
 
 " Will these American children, planted by our care, nourished up to 
 strength and opulence by our indulgence, and protected by our arms, 
 grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from the heavy burden under 
 which we lie ? " — Charles Townshend, 1765. 
 
 " They planted by your care ! No : your oppressions planted them in 
 America. They fled from your tyranny to a then uncultivated, unhospi- 
 table country, where they exposed themselves to almost all the hardships 
 
 to which human nature is liable They nourished by your 
 
 indulgence! They grew by your neglect of them They 
 
 protected by your arms ! They have nobly taken up arms in your defense ; 
 have exerted a valor, amid their constant and laborious industry, for the 
 defense of a country whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its 
 interior parts yielded all its little savings to your emolument. . . . The 
 people, I believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects the king has ; but a 
 people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them, if ever they 
 should be violated." — Colonel Barre. 
 
 " If the offspring are grown too big and too resolute to obey the parent, 
 you must try which is the strongest, and exert all the powers of the mother 
 country to decide the contest." — Lord Mansfield, 1766- 
 
 (23) 
 
24 
 
 " America must fear you before she can love you. If America is to be 
 the judge, you may tax in no instance, you may regulate in no instance. 
 I am against repealing the last Act of Parliament, securing to us a revenue 
 out of America; I will never think of repealing it until I see America at 
 my feet." — Lord North, 1768. 
 
 " I rejoice that America has resisted. Three millions of people, so dead 
 to all the feelings of liberty as voluntarily to submit to be slaves, would 
 have been fit instruments to make slaves of the rest. I come not here 
 armed at all points with law cases and Acts of Parliament, with the statute- 
 book doubled down in dogs ears, to defend the cause of liberty. I can 
 acknowledge no veneration for any procedure, law or ordinance, that is 
 repugnant to reason and the first elements ot our constitution. The 
 gentleman asks, When were the Colonies emancipated ? I desire to know 
 when they were made slaves ? But I do not dwell upon words. The 
 profits to Grea Britain from the trade of the Colonies, through all its 
 branches, is two millions a year . . . This is the price that America pays 
 you for her protection. And shal a miserable financier come with a boast 
 that he can fetch a peppercorn into the Exchequer to the loss of millions to 
 the nation ? . . . The American have not acted in all things with 
 prudence and temper. The3 have been driven to madness by injustice. 
 Will you punish them for the madness you have occasioned ? Rather let 
 prudence and temper come firs fron fhi; side." — Lord Chatham. 
 
 " O thou, that sendest ou the man 
 
 To rule by land and sea, 
 Strong mother of a Lion-line, 
 Be proud of those strong sons of thine 
 
 Who wrenched their rights from thee ! 
 
 " What wonder if in noble heat 
 
 Those men thine arms withstood, 
 Retaught the lesson thou hadst taught, 
 And in thy spirit with thee fought — 
 
 Who sprang from English blood ! " 
 
 Lord Tennyson. 
 
 SCOPE OF LECTURE. 
 
 The two political failures of modern English History. Ireland and America. 
 The full fruits of the American Revolution have not yet been reaped. It is 
 blind optimism to regard the disruption of our race as a blessing in disguise. 
 The age of great empires has arrived . the era of small states is over. The 
 Anglo-Saxon and the Slav. A hundred million Russians are balanced by one 
 hundred million of the British race, but the latter has a divided political 
 allegiance. Possibility of collision between England and America. The history 
 of our separation. 
 
 The extent, population and circumstances of the American Colonies in 1760. 
 The original thirteen. — Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New 
 Hampshire, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, Mary- 
 land, the Carolinas, Georgia. Their estimated population about 1 ,600,000 
 (inclusive of negroes). Extent of the territory. Three typical Colonies, 
 Massachusetts, Virginia, New York. 
 
25 
 
 Virginia, the "Old Dominion," not colonized by Raleigh, dates from 1607. 
 Captain John Smith. Its foundation due, not to religious enthusiasm, but 
 commercial adventure. Early hardships and misfortunes. Tobacco-growing 
 saved the colony. Its characteristics — royalist, Church of England, aristocratic. 
 Faults and virtues of the Virginian oligarchy. Small regard for education. 
 " I thank God there are here no free schools nor printing." (Virginian 
 Governor of 1 671.) 
 
 The contrast afforded by New England, Calvinist, religious, with tendencies 
 to republicanism and equality. The splendid human material, and the stern 
 discipline of New England. Zeal for education. Learned scholars of the 
 Massachusetts Bay settlement stamped their impress upon the Puritan 
 Colonies. The schools of New England. Harvard College. Vast influence 
 of New England upon American history. 
 
 New York — a colony of quite different origin. Originally Dutch — New 
 Netherland. Passed into the hands of Charles II in 1664, and by him granted 
 to his brother, the Duke of York. The Dutch impress still remains visible. 
 Heterogeneous population of later days, Germans, Huguenots, Swedes, Scots, 
 Pennsylvania, the refuge of every people and faith, has an even greater variety. 
 
 The government of the Colonies before 1760. There were many diversities, 
 but each possessed a very large measure of home rule. The colonial legisla- 
 tures had exercised, almost unchallenged, exclusive power of internal taxation 
 until 1763. The royal governors and their powers, theoretical and real. The 
 Imperial Parliament could legislate for the Colonies, but rarely did so except to 
 regulate trade and manufactures. Laissez-faire policy generally prevailed, with 
 happy results. Active interest and interference under Grenville. Refusal of 
 Sir Robert Walpole to levy taxes in America. The new policy. 
 
 The Americans, though generally free, labored under one tremendous 
 disability and grievance, the restriction of their trade. Old-world view of 
 Colonies. The mother country protected, and in return expected to manipulate 
 trade in her own interest. A narrow mercantile policy, more than anything 
 else, estranged the Colonies from England. What were the restrictions? 
 (a) "Enumerated" articles could be exported to Great Britain alone, e. g. 
 tobacco, cotton. (&) All imported goods from Europe had first to be landed 
 in England and pay duty, (c) No grain or salted provisions could be exported 
 to England, (d) No manufacture likely to compete with home industries, e. g. 
 woolen goods, hats, steel, could be exported from the Colonies to any country 
 whatsoever. (<•) Sugar, molasses, drawn from the French or Spanish West 
 Indies, were not, by law, permitted to enter the English Colonies. 
 
 The behavior of Great Britain, in this matter, was not exceptionally 
 oppressive, but rather the opposite. Adam Smith's testimony. Reciprocal 
 advantages of the colonists. Bounties on American exports. Notwithstanding, 
 when the population of the Colonies increased, there were great and genuine 
 hardships, as, for example, the denial of commercial intercourse with W<*st 
 
26 
 
 Indian islands. The restrictive laws, however, were systematically evaded. 
 The smuggling trade was the safety valve of America. The trouble began 
 when Grenville's Government entered upon a real endeavor to put the law 
 into execution. Arthur Young's view. 
 
 How far was the conquest of Canada a cause of the American Rebellion ? 
 Changed conditions brought about by the Treaty of Paris and the removal of 
 the dangers from the French. Predictions of Montcalm and Turgot. There is 
 danger of attributing too much importance to this cause. " The expulsion of the 
 French from Canada made it possible for the Americans to dispense with English 
 protection. The commercial restrictions alone made it their interest to do so." 
 
 The undoubted loyalty of the Colonies down to 1 763, attested by Benjamin 
 Franklin. What causes, from 1765, made them rebellious ? Two in the main, 
 (a) the enforcing of the commercial laws, (3) the attempt of the Imperial 
 Parliament for the first time to levy internal taxes. The unwise author of both 
 those measures was George Grenville. His character and career. His mind 
 that of a lawyer, not a statesman. His responsibility for the breach. The 
 Stamp Act, good or bad, was a new departure. Momentous nature of the 
 questions involved in it. 
 
 The case for England apparently sound and just. In defense of America, 
 she had incurred enormous liabilities, but did not ask the Colonies to share in 
 these. Looking to the future, and recognizing the need for a standing army in 
 America, she asked for a moderate, equitably levied contribution from the 
 colonists for their own defense. The Colonies, separated and disunited, could 
 not agree to tax themselves : therefore, the Imperial Parliament stepped in to 
 levy a small tax upon every one by the Stamp Act. As regards the legality of 
 the tax, the balance of opinion is on the side of the mother country. The 
 distinction between external and internal taxation was unsound. " The Stamp 
 Act was constitutional." 
 
 Nevertheless, the colonial case was stronger still. " No taxation without 
 representation." English liberties had been built up upon the principle ot 
 taxation by consent. The principle that the English Parliament could levy 
 what taxes they pleased, would, if fully acted upon, reduce the colonists to 
 slavery. " Prohibitions of trade," said Massachusetts, " are neither equitable 
 nor just : but the power of taxing is the grand barrier of British liberty. 
 If that is once broken down, all is lost." Is there any reply to this ? 
 
 Resistance to the Stamp Act in America. Riots at Boston. Policy of the 
 new ministry of Rockingham in England. The Declaratory Act. Renewal of 
 the strife by Charles Townshend. His import duties also resisted by the 
 colonists. The Tea Duty retained. The " Boston Tea-party." Coercive 
 measures of the British Government. Gradual approach of the war. Congress 
 at Philadelphia. The first conflict. Lexington, April 19th, 1775, the begin- 
 ning of the Revolution and the Disruption. Upon whom does the chief 
 responsibility for the war rest ? Was there any way of escape ? Chatham's 
 
27 
 
 counsel left the chief grievance unremedied. Burke's view limited to the 
 taxation difficulty. Our modern solution impossible at this time. 
 
 Some generalizations regarding the war. The Loyalists and their treatment. 
 Little enthusiasm for the war in England. The employment of Hessian 
 mercenaries and of Indians. Chatham's protest. Lack of heroism on the 
 side of the colonists. Valley Forge. The incapacity of the British com- 
 manders. The French alliance. England's defeat largely owing to one great 
 man, the hero Washington. Verdicts of our historians on his life. Carlyle's 
 depreciation of him. The mythical George Washington and the real man. 
 His Virginian training and early career as a soldier. His qualities as general, 
 as shown at Boston, Trenton and Valley Forge. Not a brilliant man 
 intellectually. His pure patriotism and invincible, patient courage. His lack 
 of personal ambition. The Ideal Patriot of Modern History. 
 
 IMPORTANT DATES. 
 1607. First permanent settlement of Virginia. 
 1620. Voyage of the Mayflower. 
 1630. Puritan emigration to New England. 
 1664. New York gained by English from the Dutch. 
 1682. Penn founds Pennsylvania. 
 1684. La Salle explores the Mississippi. 
 1733. Settlement of Georgia. 
 1755. Defeat of General Braddock. 
 1759. Wolfe's capture of Quebec. 
 
 1763. Peace of Paris, and cession of Canada. 
 
 1764. Enforcement of the Commercial Laws. 
 
 1765. The Stamp Act passed. Patrick Henry's resolutions. 
 The " Stamp Act Congress" at New York. 
 
 1766. Stamp Act repealed. The Declaratory Act. 
 
 1767. The Townshend duties imposed. 
 
 1770. The " Boston Massacre." All duties repealed except on tea. 
 
 1773. Destruction of tea at Boston. 
 
 1774. First Continental Congress. 
 
 1775. " Battle" of Lexington (April 19). Siege of Boston. Bunker's Hill. 
 Second Continental Congress. Washington Commander-in-Chief. 
 
 1776. The Declaration of Independence (July 4). 
 The surprise of Trenton. 
 
 1777. Defeat of Washington at the Brandywine (September). 
 Surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga (October). 
 
 1778. Alliance between the colonists and France. Death of Chatham. 
 Battle of Monmouth. 
 
 1779. Treason of Benedict Arnold. Exploits of Paul Jones. 
 
 1780. Capture of Charlestown. 
 
28 
 
 1781. Campaign of Greene in the South. 
 
 Surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. 
 1783. Peace signed between Great Britain and the United States. 
 
 SUBJECTS FOR CLASS. 
 
 6. The theory of virtual Repre- 
 
 sentation. 
 
 7. Benedict Arnold and Andre. 
 
 8. Chatham's last schemes for con- 
 
 ciliation. 
 
 9. Burke on America. 
 
 10. Thomas Paine's " Common 
 Sense." 
 
 1. The Declaratory Act. 
 
 2. James Otis, Patrick Henry, 
 
 Samuel Adams. 
 
 3. The character of Benjamin 
 
 Franklin. 
 
 4. France and the American colon- 
 
 ists. 
 
 5. The Declaration of Independence. 
 
 QUESTIONS FOR ESSAYS. 
 
 1. " No taxation without representation." How far is the position sound? 
 
 2. What can be fairly urged in defense of Grenville's Stamp Act ? 
 
 3. What, in your judgment, were the chief causes of American discontent 
 and rebellion ? 
 
 4. State and criticise the views held by Lord Chatham and Edmund Burke 
 on the American question. 
 
 5. Discuss the causes of English defeat in the American war. 
 
 6. The place in history of George Washington. 
 
 BOOKS. 
 
 I. Text-books. Channing's "United States of America," 1765-1865 
 (Cambridge Historical Series, 1896) ; J. M. Ludlow, " War of American 
 Independence," (Longmans); John Fiske's "American Revolution," 2 vols. 
 (Macmillan); Hart's "Formation of the Union," ("Epochs of American 
 History "). 
 
 II. Best Essay. Goldwin Smith's "The United States" (Macmillan, 1893). 
 
 III. Main Authorities. " Histories of the United States," by Hildreth, 
 Bancroft, Justin Winsor, and McMaster ; Lecky's " History of England in the 
 Eighteenth Century," vols, ii, iii, iv. 
 
 IV. Biographies. Morse's " Franklin " (American Statesmen Series) ; 
 Franklin's "Autobiography ; " Wells, " Life and Services of Samuel Adams ; " 
 '' Works of John Adams," vol. i; Morse's "Thomas Jefferson;" "Lives of 
 George Washington," by W. Irving, Jared Sparks, H. C. Lodge (1889); 
 Charlemagne Tower's "Marquis de Lafayette;" Morley's " Burke ; " Fitz- 
 maurice's " Life of Shelburne ; " Thackeray's "Chatham." 
 
 V. Important Illustrative Literature. Burke, " On American Taxa- 
 tion" (April, 1774); "Conciliation with America" (March, 1775), in 
 Payne's " Select Works," vol. i. (Clarendon Press) ; James Otis, " Rights of 
 the Colonies Asserted and Proved " (1764); Thomas Jefferson's, "Summary 
 
29 
 
 View of the Rights of British America ; " Johnson's " Taxation no Tyranny ; " 
 Paine's " Common Sense ; " Tucker's " Political Tracts ; " Adam Smith's 
 "Wealth of Nations." 
 
 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 A. The American Colonies in 1760. 
 
 1 . Charter Colonies : Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island. 
 
 2. Proprietary Colonies : Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware. 
 
 3. Royal Colonies : Virginia, New York, New Jersey, New Hampshire, 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia. 
 
 Of these, the most important as regards population were Virginia (295,000), 
 Massachusetts (200,000), Pennsylvania (185,000), Maryland (155,000), 
 Connecticut (110,000). 
 
 B. Was Separation Inevitable. 
 
 " It can not be too often repeated that the relation between the imperial 
 country and a colonial dependency was radically false. It became more 
 manifestly false as the colony grew in strength and every conceivable need of 
 tutelage passed away. Separation was sure to come." — Goldwin Smith. 
 
 " The separation of the American colonies was perhaps inevitable, but only 
 because, and so far as, they were held under the old colonial system. . . We 
 are not to suppose that the Colonies rebelled against English rule as such. The 
 Government against which they rebelled was that of George III, in his first 
 twenty years ; now that period stands marked in our domestic annals, too, for 
 the narrow-mindedness and perverseness of government. There was discontent 
 at home as well as in the Colonies. Mansfield on the one side of politics and 
 Grenville on the other, had just at that time given an interpretation of our 
 liberties which deprived them of all reality. It was this new-fangled system, 
 not the ordinary system of English government, which excited discontent 
 everywhere alike, which provoked the Wilkes agitation in England at the same 
 time as the colonial agitation beyond the Atlantic." — Sir John Seeley. 
 
 C. The Declaration of Independence. (July 4, 1776.) 
 
 " We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that 
 they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among 
 these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these 
 rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from 
 the consent of the governed ; that whenever any form of government becomes 
 destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and 
 to institute new government, laying its foundations on such principles and 
 organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect 
 their safety and happiness." 
 
30 
 
 " The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated 
 injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an 
 absolute tyranny over these States." 
 
 " We have warned (our British brethren) from time to time of attempts by 
 their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have 
 reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. 
 We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have con- 
 jured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, 
 which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, 
 too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity. We must, there- 
 fore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, 
 as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace, friends." 
 
 " We therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in 
 General Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for 
 the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by authority, of the good 
 people of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these United 
 Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States." 
 
 D. Chatham's Last Speeches on the American Question. 
 
 " My Lords, you can not conquer America. You may swell every expense 
 and every effort still more extravagantly ; pile and accumulate every assistance 
 you can buy or borrow; traffic and barter with every little pitiful German prince 
 that sells and tends his subjects to the shambles of a foreign power ; but your 
 efforts are for ever vain and impotent." 
 
 " If I were an American, as I am an Englishman, while a foreign troop was 
 landed in my country, I never would lay down my arms — never, never, 
 never!" (1777.) 
 
 " I will never consent to deprive the royal offspring of the House of Brunswick 
 of their fairest inheritance. My Lords, His Majesty succeeded to an empire 
 as great in extent as its reputation was unsullied. Shall we tarnish the lustre 
 of that empire, by an ignominious surrender of its rights ? Shall we now fall 
 prostrate before the House of Bourbon ? " 
 
 " As long as I can crawl down to this House, and have strength to raise 
 myself on my crutches or lift my hand, I will vote against giving up the 
 dependency of America on the sovereignty of Great Britain." (May 11, 1778.) 
 
 E. Burke's View. 
 
 " My hold of the Colonies is in the close affection which grows from common 
 names, from kindred blood, from similar privileges, and equal protection. 
 These are ties which, though light as air, are as strong as links of iron. Let 
 the colonists always keep the idea of their civil rights associated with your 
 government : they will cling and grapple to you ; and no force under heaven 
 will be of power to tear them from their allegiance. But let it once be under- 
 stood, that your government may be one thing, and their privileges another; 
 
3i 
 
 that these two things may exist without any mutual relation ; — the concert is 
 gone; the cohesion is loosened; and everything hastens to decay and dis- 
 solution. As long as you have the wisdom to keep the sovereign authority of 
 this country as the sanctuary of liberty, the sacred temple consecrated to our 
 common faith, wherever the chosen race and sons of England worship freedom, 
 they will turn their faces towards you."— Speech on Conciliation with America. 
 F. Responsibility for the Disruption. 
 " Woe, we must say, to them by whom the offense came and through whose 
 immediate agency, culpable in itself, the two great families of the race were 
 made, and to a deplorable extent have remained, enemies instead of being 
 friends, brethren, and fellow-workers in the advancement of their common 
 civilization. Woe to the arbitrary and bigoted king whose best excuse is that 
 he had not made himself a ruler, instead of being what nature intended him to 
 be, a plowman. Woe to Grenville, who, though not wicked or really bent on 
 depriving the Colonies of their rights, but, on the contrary, most anxious after 
 his fashion to promote their interests, was narrow, pedantic, overbearing, 
 possessed with extravagant ideas of the authority of Parliament, and unstates- 
 manlike enough to insist on doing, because it was technically lawful, that which 
 the sagacity of Walpole had, on the ground of practical expediency, refused to 
 do. Woe, above all, to Charles Townshend, who, with his vain brilliancy and his 
 champagne speeches, repeated in the face of recent and decisive experience the 
 perilous experiment and recklessly renewed the quarrel. Woe to Lord North, 
 and all the more because in stooping to do the will of the king, he was sinning 
 against the light of good nature and good sense in himself. Woe even to 
 Mansfield, whose supremely legal intellect too ably upheld the letter of the law 
 against policy and the right. Woe to the Parliament— a Parliament, be it ever 
 remembered, of rotten boroughs and of nominees not of the nation — which 
 carelessly or insolently supported the evil resolution of the ministry and the 
 court. Woe to the Tory squires who shouted for the war, to the Tory parsons 
 who preached for it, and to the Tory bishops who voted for it in the House of 
 Lords. Woe to the pamphleteers of prerogative, such as Johnson, whose 
 vituperative violence added fuel to the flame. But woe also to the agitators at 
 Boston, who, with the design of independence unavowed and of which they 
 themselves were perhaps but half-conscious, did their utmost to push the 
 quarrel to extremity and to quench the hope of reconciliation. Woe to the 
 preachers of Boston who, whether from an exaggerated dread of prelacy or to 
 win the favor of the people, made themselves the trumpeters of discord and 
 perverted the gospel into a message of civil war. Woe to contrabrand traders, 
 if there were any, who sought in fratricidal strife relief from trade restrictions ; 
 to debtors, if there were any, who sought in it a sponge for debt. Woe to all 
 on either side who under the influence of passion or selfish ambition fomented 
 the quarrel which rent asunder the English race." — Goldwin Smith, " The 
 United States." 
 
LECTURE V. 
 
 THE RELIGIOUS REVOLUTION OF THE 
 
 EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 John Wesley, George Whitefield. 
 
 The Methodist and Evangelical Movements. 
 
 " Christianity was nothing if it was not rational. Its life and vigor, its 
 high enthusiasm, were all laid aside. The Church of the eighteenth 
 century would have been a strange Church to St. Francis or to Oliver 
 Cromwell. Men argued of the suitability of the scriptural promises to the 
 needs of life, sometimes like Bishop Butler, with a high idea of duty and 
 loving kindness before them ; sometimes with the mere thought of skil- 
 fully adjusting formulas into a pleasant scheme. Others carried the 
 argument further, and the Deists conceived the idea of a beneficent 
 Creator, who had ordained all things in a world in which no account need 
 be taken of the disturbing elements of sorrow and sin. But whatever 
 might be the special view arrived at, the characteristic of the age was the 
 predominance of reason without active energy for the common good." — 
 S. R. Gardiner. 
 
 "The whole successful development which culminated at Utrecht 
 secularized and materialized the English people as nothing had ever done 
 before. Never were sordid motives so supreme, never was religion and 
 every high influence so much discredited, as in the thirty years that 
 followed." — Seeley. 
 
 " Whether the Englishmen of those days were really better or worse 
 than the Englishmen of the seventeenth or of the nineteenth century, is 
 a question not to be speedily settled. But the exertions of Wesley, and 
 their success, are of themselves a sufficient proof that a work was to be 
 done of which neither the rationalist nor the orthodox was capable. The 
 creed of the one party was too negative, that of the other too lifeless, to 
 satisfy the minds of the people. And therefore, in Wesley's mouth the 
 old creed uttered itself after the old fashion." — Leslie Stephen. 
 
 "In an age of artificial formality, of self-satisfied enlightenment, of 
 material prosperity, contentment with things as they were was an easy and 
 comfortable creed. Duty to self as man took the place of duty to God in 
 man. Responsibility of man for man was lost. Zeal for his spiritual 
 welfare died away. Quiet and satisfaction reigned supreme ; and lethargy, 
 like a malarious fog, crept up the body of the Church of England, and 
 laid its cold hand upon her heart." — H. O. Wakeman. 
 
 "John Wesley does not rank in the first line of the great religious 
 creators and reformers, and a large part of the work with which he is 
 associated was accomplished by others ; but it is no exaggeration to say 
 that he has had a wider constructive influence, in the sphere of practical 
 religion, than any other man who has appeared since the sixteenth 
 century." — W, E. Lecky. 
 
 SCOPE OF LECTURE. 
 The vast importance of the religious movements of the eighteenth century. 
 Activity of the Church of England during the reign of Anne. Religious 
 
 (32) 
 
33 
 
 apathy of the country under the early Hanoverians. Causes contributing 
 to this. A period of weariness and exhaustion after the excited struggle of 
 the seventeenth century. Overthrow of religious ideals and theories, both 
 Anglican and Puritan. Influence of political conditions upon national religion. 
 The divergence between Whig Bishops and Tory Clergy. Controversies of 
 the time. The Deists. General characteristics of the Church of the Georgian 
 era. The Bishops. Butler, Berkeley and the saintly Wilson were scarcely 
 representative. Johnson's evidence. Illustrations from the autobiographies of 
 Bishop Gibson and Bishop Watson. The rank and file of the clergy, and then- 
 pervading ideas. Common-sense religion. The appeal to intellect alone. 
 Universal hatred of " enthusiasm." The clergy not so much corrupt as supine. 
 Their failure to cope with the changing industrial conditions of the age. The 
 spirit of the time not favorable to religious earnestness or activity. Decadence 
 of English morals following on the Revolution. Court and aristocracy. The 
 rise of modern drunkenness. Prevalence of gambling. The London Clubs. 
 Savagery of the people. The Penal Code. The London of Walpole's era. 
 The African Slave-trade. The need of a Reformer. 
 
 Birth of John Wesley, 1703. His antecedents and early life. Wesley 
 at Oxford. Books which influenced him. William Law and his " Serious 
 Call." One of the great religious works in the English language. The first 
 Methodist society at Oxford. Charles Wesley. George Whitefield. Wesley's 
 leading religious principles of this period. His mission to Georgia and its 
 results. Relations with the Moravian body. His conversion. " Aldersgate 
 Street, May 24, 1738." "An epoch in English history." Formation of 
 regular Methodist societies. Field preaching. George Whitefield and his 
 place in the Revival. Character of his preaching. Exclusion of the Methodists 
 from Anglican pulpits. Loyalty of Wesley to the Church in which he was 
 trained. Why was he opposed ? The dread of enthusiasm. Wesley's dis- 
 dain for parochial authority. Took "the whole world" for his parish. 
 Persecution of the Methodists. Contemporary opinions. Wesley's missionary 
 life of half a century. His extraordinary activity. His personal character. 
 Some faults and excesses of his movement. Wesley and Calvinism. Compared 
 with Whitefield. How far did the scope of the movement extend ? Wesley's 
 devotion to the poorer classes. His failure to influence the educated. 
 Southey's charge of ambition. Not a great thinker, or a very original mind. 
 His doctrines for the most part were not new. 
 
 Results of the revival upon English life. The Methodist body to-day. 
 Indirect results equally important. Wesley the awakener of the Church of 
 England. Foreign missions. The evangelical revival. Grimshaw, Berridge, 
 Venn, Newton, Romaine. Hannah More. Howard. Wilberforce. The 
 humanitarian movement of the late eighteenth century grows out of the 
 religious. The slave-trade. Evangelicalism and the revolutionary spirit. 
 John Wesley's place in history. 
 
34 
 
 IMPORTANT DATES. 
 1703. Birth of John Wesley. 
 1708. Birth of Charles Wesley. 
 1 7 14, Birth of George Whitefield. 
 1 717. Suppression of Convocation. 
 1726. John Wesley, Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford. 
 1729. " Methodist " Society at Oxford. William Law's " Serious Call." 
 1736. Wesley's mission to Georgia. Butler's " Analogy." 
 
 1738. "Conversion " of John Wesley. 
 
 1739. Whitefield at Bristol. Field preaching. 
 Formation of regular Methodist societies. 
 
 1744. First Wesleyan Conference. Methodists accused of Popery. 
 
 1759. Birth of Wilberforce. 
 
 1770. Wesley's controversy with Calvinists. Death of Whitefield. 
 
 1 781. Sunday Schools established. 
 
 1 784. Wesleyan superintendents for America set apart by Wesley. 
 
 1787 Slave-trade agitation. 
 
 1791. Death of Wesley. 
 
 SUBJECTS FOR CLASS. 
 
 4. John Howard and prison reform. 
 
 5. Industrial changes of the period. 
 
 6. Wilberforce and the slave-trade. 
 
 1. William Law. 
 
 2. Charles Wesley. 
 
 3. Methodists and Evangelicals. 
 
 QUESTIONS FOR ESSAYS. 
 
 1. " Place Ignatius Loyola at Oxford. He is certain to become the head of 
 a formidable secession. Place John Wesley at Rome. He is certain to be the 
 first general of a new society devoted to the interests and honor of the Church." 
 Discuss this criticism by Macaulay. 
 
 2. How do you account for the deadness of English religion under the early 
 Georges ? 
 
 3. Estimate the place in the movement of John Wesley, Charles Wesley, 
 Whitefield. 
 
 4. Trace out the results, other than the distinctively religious, of the 
 eighteenth-century revival upon English life. 
 
 BOOKS. 
 
 I. Text-books. " The Evangelical Revival in the Eighteenth Century," 
 by J. H. Overton (Longmans). 
 
 II. For Advanced Students. Lecky's " History," vol. ii, " The Religious 
 Revival," a full and impartial review of the whole movement. 
 
 III. Biographies. Lives of Wesley are very numerous. Among the chief 
 are Coke and Morris (1792), Dr. Whitehead's (1796), Southey's (1820) — 
 chiefly valuable for its literary merit, not for its historical accuracy, — Watson's 
 
35 
 
 (1831), J. Wedgwood's "Study of Wesley " (1870), Telford's ^r886), Rigg's 
 " Living Wesley ; " but the main authority for Wesley's career recognized by 
 historical students is the Rev. L. Tyerman's " Life and Times of John Wesley," 
 3 vols. (Hodder and Stoughton)." 
 
 IV. Best Original Authority. John Wesley's "Journal" — indispen- 
 sable for a thorough understanding of the man. 
 
 V. Church Histories., Perry's " History of the Church of England," 
 vol. ii, or the recent and able book by Mr. H. O. Wakeman, " Introduction to 
 the History of the Church of England " ( 1 897) ; Abbey and Overton's " English 
 Church in the Eighteenth Century." 
 
 VI. Refer to Leslie Stephen's " History of English Thought in the 
 Eighteenth Century," vol. ii; M. Pattison's "Essays," 2 vols. (Essay on 
 "Tendencies of Religious Thought in England, 1688-1750"); "Social 
 England," vol. v. 
 
 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 A. The Preaching of Whitefield. 
 
 " While exercising a power, which has never been equalled, on the most 
 ignorant and most vicious, Whitefield was quite capable of fascinating the 
 most refined audiences in London, and he extorted the tribute of warm 
 admiration from such critics as Hume and Franklin, from such orators as 
 Bolingbroke and Chesterfield. His preaching combined almost the highest 
 perfection of acting with the most burning fervor of conviction. . . His gestures 
 were faultless in their beauty and propriety, while his voice was so powerful 
 that Franklin, who was the most accurate of men, ascertained by experiment 
 that it could be heard distinctly in the open air by 30,000 persons." — 
 W. E. Lecky. 
 
 B. Were the Georgian Clergy Corrupt as Well as Indifferent ? 
 " It is sometimes assumed that because the bulk of the clergy in the eighteenth 
 
 century were unenlightened in politics, dull in conscience, and apathetic in 
 religion, they were immoral in their private lives, and failed as a body to set a 
 Teligious example to their parishioners. There is but little evidence of this. 
 Of course there were bad men amongst the clergy, but taking them as a whole 
 their faults were rather those of the time than of the men. Their failure lay 
 in the fact that they were not superior to their times. Even as it was, they 
 were decidedly better than the laity. The higher classes, especially in the 
 middle of the century, were vicious and profane, the lower classes brutal and 
 irreligious. The middle classes alone were seriously disposed. The clergy, 
 though wanting in the subtle power which sanctity and devotion alone can give, 
 were as a body exemplary in their lives, diligent in study, kindly in nature, and 
 sensible in advice. They did not attempt either to be saints themselves or to 
 make saints of others." — H. O. Wakeman. 
 
36 
 
 C. Contemporary Opinions of the Early Methodists. 
 
 " The nonsensical New Light is extremely in fashion, and I shall not be 
 surprised if we see all the cant and folly of the last age." — Horace Walpole. 
 
 " What think you of our new set of fanatics called the Methodists ? I have 
 seen Whitefield's Journal, and he appears to me as mad as ever George Fox 
 the Quaker was." — Bishop Warburton. 
 
 "We may see in Mr. Wesley's writings that he was once a strict Churchman, 
 but has gradually relaxed and put on a more Catholic spirit, tending at length 
 to Roman Catholicism." — Bishop Lavington. 
 
 D. Wesley's Characteristics. 
 
 " He was the most elastic, wiry, and invulnerable of men. His amazing 
 soundness of physical health explains the character of his religion. He was 
 too indomitably cheerful to dwell by preference on those gloomy imaginings 
 which have haunted many of the greatest leaders of men. Calvinism revolted 
 him. Mysticism seemed to him to be simply folly. His feet were on the solid 
 earth ; and he preferred the plain light of day to the glooms and the glories 
 loved by more imaginative natures. His writings never have the questionable 
 charm of a morbid sensibility." — Leslie Stephen. 
 
 E. Wesley's Attitude Towards Slavery. 
 
 " Unless Divine power has raised you up to be as Athanasius contra 
 mundum, I see not how you can go through your glorious enterprise, in 
 opposing that execrable villainy which is the scandal of religion, of England, 
 and of human nature. Unless God has raised you up for this very thing, you 
 will be worn out by the opposition of men and devils ; but if God be for you, 
 who can be against you ? Oh ! be not weary of well-doing. Go on in the 
 name of God, and in the power of His might, till even American slavery, the 
 vilest that ever saw the sun, shall vanish away before it. Your affectionate 
 servant, John Wesley." — Letter to Wilberforce, February 24, 179 1. 
 
 F. The Humanitarian Movement of the Eighteenth Century. 
 " A yet nobler result of the religious revival was the steady attempt, which 
 
 has never ceased from that day to this, to remedy the guilt, the ignorance, the 
 physical suffering, the social degradation of the profligate and the poor. 
 It was not till the Wesleyan impulse had done its work that this philanthropic 
 impulse began. The Sunday Schools established by Mr. Raikes, of Gloucester, 
 at the close of the century were the beginnings of popular education. By 
 writings and by her own personal example, Hannah More drew the sympathy 
 of England to the poverty and crime of the agricultural laborer. A passionate 
 impulse of human sympathy with the. wronged and afflicted, raised hospitals, 
 endowed charities, built churches, sent missionaries to the heathen, supported 
 Burke in his plea for the Hindoo, and Clarkson and Wilberforce in their 
 crusade against the iniquity of the slave-trade." — J. R. Green. 
 
LECTURE VI. 
 
 DR. JOHNSON, 
 
 Representative Englishman of the Eighteenth 
 Century. 
 
 " A true-born Englishman." — Boswell. 
 
 "The representative in epitome of all the contradictions in human 
 nature." — Horace Walpole. 
 
 " He brushes the rubbish from our minds." — Sir Joshua Reynolds. 
 
 " Clear your mind of cant." — Johnson to Boswell. 
 
 " Dr. Johnson has nothing of the bear but his skin." — Oliver Gold- 
 smith. 
 
 " He loved the poor as I never yet saw any one else love them, with an 
 earnest desire to make them happy." — Mrs. Thrale. 
 
 "The respectable, the unbearable Samuel Johnson." — Henri Taine. 
 
 " In prejudice, as in all things, Johnson was the product of England. . . 
 His culture is wholly English : that not of a thinker but a ' scholar : ' his 
 interests are wholly English : he sees and knows nothing but England ; 
 he is the John Bull of spiritual Europe . . . our dear, foolish John ! and 
 yet there is a lion's heart within him. Ought we not indeed to honor 
 England and English institutions and waj of life, that they could still 
 equip such a man ? " — Carlyle. 
 
 " The names of many greater writers are inscribed upon the walls of 
 Westminster Abbey ; but scarcely any one lies there whose heart was more 
 acutely responsive during life to the deepest and tenderest of human 
 emotions. In visiting that strange gathering of departed heroes and 
 statesmen and philanthropists and poets, there are many whose words and 
 deeds have a greater influence upon our imaginations ; but there are very 
 few whom, when all has been said, we can love so heartily as Samuel 
 Johnson." — Leslie Stephen. 
 
 " What a singular destiny has been that of this remarkable man 1 To be 
 regarded in his own age as a classic, and in ours as a companion ! To 
 receive from his contemporaries that full homage which men of genius 
 have in general received only from posterity! To be more intimately 
 known to posterity than other men are known to their contemporaries ! 
 That kind of fame which is commonly the most transient, is, in his case, 
 the most durable. The reputation of those writings, which he probably 
 expected to be immortal, ir every day fading ; while those peculiarities of 
 manner and that careless table-talk, the memory of which he probably 
 thought would die with him, are likely to be remembered as long as the 
 English lar.guage is spoken in any quarter of the globe." — Lord 
 Macaulay. 
 
 (3/) 
 
38 
 SCOPE OF LECTURE. 
 
 Is it accurate to speak of Johnson as a representative Englishmai of the 
 eighteenth century? Characteristics of his age. Carlyle's attack won it. 
 The other side of the picture. Soundness of the middle class. Our judgment 
 of the eighteenth century liable to be warped by literary impressions. The 
 central period (i 742-1 789) " has a note of its own; some fifty years of energy, 
 thought, research, adventure, invention, industry; of good fellowships, a zest 
 for life, and a sense of humanity." 
 
 The leading facts of Johnson's life. Born in 1 709, son of Michael Johnson, 
 bookseller at Lichfield. Educated at Oxford, but forced to leave without taking 
 a degree, owing to poverty. Marriage. Failure as schoolmaster. Removal 
 to London in 1737. Twenty years' struggle against extreme poverty. Grub 
 Street. A pension of £300 a year from George III altered his circumstances, 
 and from 1762 onwards his position was that of " Dictator of Literature " in 
 England. His circle of friends — Goldsmith, Sir Joshua Reynolds, Edmund 
 Burke, Boswell. His chief works — " London ;" " Vanity of Human Wishes ; " 
 " The Dictionary ; " "Preface to Edition of Shakespeare; " "Taxation no 
 Tyranny ; " besides, and above all, " The Lives of the Poets." But the man 
 is far greater than his works. 
 
 To understand him, we must bear in mind his inherited tendencies to 
 melancholia, his scrofula, deafness, bad eyesight, disease in almost every form. — 
 Johnson's hypochondria. " I inherited a vile melancholy from my father, which 
 has made me mad all my life." His dread of solitude and his fear of death. 
 His silent pain. Contrasted with Carlyle. 
 
 Effects of his poverty. The episode of the shoes at Oxford. Johnson's 
 early struggles in London. The altered conditions of literary life. The age of 
 patronage was passing away ; the support of a large reading public had scarcely 
 come. Johnson in Grub Street on ^30 a year. Arrested for debt in 1756. 
 Released with six guineas by Richardson the novelist. How did he live ? His 
 journeyman work. Reports of Parliamentary speeches. Famous orations of 
 great statesmen composed by Samuel Johnson in a garret. His pride and 
 independence. Bookseller Osborne. The letter to Lord Chesterfield : " that 
 far-famed blast of doom proclaiming into the ear of Lord Chesterfield that 
 patronage should be no more." 
 
 Johnson's Dictionary. The work of seven years produced ^"1,575. Its 
 merits and defects. The humor of a lexicographer. His definitions : — Grub 
 Street, Whig, Tory, Pension, Excise. His defense of his own pension. 
 Character of his Jacobitism. His time of leisure and competence after 1762. 
 Macaulay's picture of his oddities and peculiarities. Failure of Macaulay to 
 penetrate to the real man. Johnson's prejudices. His extreme antipathy to 
 Scotland and Scotsmen. His dislike of all foreigners. Indifference to the 
 country and its pleasures. Fleet Street the centre of the universe. The Club 
 
39 
 
 the happiest place on earth. His hatred of shams and unveracities. « Clear 
 your mind of cant." 
 
 Johnson's religious position. A strong, sincere and narrow Churchmanship. 
 His hosdhty to Presbyterianism. How he regarded Wesley and Whitefield 
 and the religious movements of his time. His prayers and meditations.' 
 Johnson at St. Clement Danes. 
 
 His roughness in speech combined with extreme tenderness of heart His 
 household of waifs and strays, Miss Williams, Mr. Levett, Miss Carmichael 
 the negro Frank. Johnson's devotion to his wife's memory. How " Rasselas » 
 came to be written. London Street-Arabs. The man of letters and the 
 outcast. The death of Catherine Chambers. Johnson in the market-place of 
 Lichfield. Final estimate. Value of Boswell's book. 
 
 " The greatest biography ever written of any human being." 
 
 IMPORTANT DATES. 
 1709. Birth of Johnson. 
 
 1712. "Touched" for King's Evil by Queen Anne. 
 1723. Enters Pembroke College, Oxford. 
 
 1 73 1. Death of his father. 
 
 1732. Usher at Market Bosworth. 
 
 1735. Marries Mrs. Porter and opens school at Edial. 
 
 1737. Removal to London. 
 
 1 738. Writes for the « Gentleman's Magazine." Publishes » London." 
 1740. Begins to write the " Debates." 
 
 1742. Beginning of the "Dictionary." 
 1744. " Life of Savage." 
 
 1 749. " Vanity of Human Wishes." » Irene " acted. 
 
 1750. Beginning of the "Rambler." 
 1755. Publication of the "Dictionary." 
 1 758. The " Idler." « Rasselas." 
 
 1762. Pensioned by George III. 
 
 1763. Acquaintance with Boswell. 
 
 1773- Tour to Scotland. 
 
 1774- Death of Goldsmith. 
 
 1775- " Journey to the Western Islands." " Taxation no Tyranny." 
 1779. Death of Garrick. " Lives of the Poets." 
 
 1784. Death of Johnson. 
 
 1791. Boswell's " Life of Johnson." 
 
 SUBJECTS FOR CLASS. 
 
 1. Johnson's Toryism. I 3. « Taxation no Tyranny." 
 
 2. His views on Slavery. j 4 . j ohriSon and Burke> 
 
 5. Boswell's True Character. 
 
40 
 
 QUESTIONS FOR ESSAYS. 
 
 1. Contrast Carlyle's treatment of Johnson's life and character with 
 Macaulay's 
 
 2. What was Johnson's attitude towards the chief political problems of his 
 time? 
 
 3. "This book of Boswell's will give us more real insight into the history of 
 England in those days than twenty other books, falsely called histories." 
 Discuss this verdict. 
 
 BOOKS. 
 
 I. Text-book. "Johnson," by Leslie Stephen (English Men of Letters 
 Series, Macmillan). 
 
 II. Essays. Lord Macaulay's and Carlyle's (Miscellanies). 
 
 III. Main Authority. " Boswell's Life of Johnson." The best edition 
 by far is Dr. Birkbeck Hill's 6 vols. (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1S87). 
 
 IV. Books of Reference. " Johnsoniana," by Dr. Birkbeck Hill, 2 vols. 
 (Clarendon Press) ; Leslie Stephen's " English Thought in the Eighteenth 
 Century," vol. ii ; "Social England," vol. v; Taine's "English Literature," 
 vol. ii ; G. Saintsbury, " Eighteenth Century Literature ; " Johnson's " Works." 
 
 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 A. Some of Johnson's Contemporaries (1709-1784). 
 
 Dean Swift (died 1745); Sir Robert Walpole (died 1745); Bolingbroke 
 (diedl75i); Pope (died 1744); Richardson (1 689-1 761); Voltaire (1694- 
 1778); Chesterfield (1694-1773); Hogarth (1697-1764); Thomson (1700- 
 1748); Franklin ( 1 706-1 790); Fielding (1707-1754) ; Chatham (1708-1778); 
 Hume (1711-1776) ; Rousseau (1712-1778); Sterne (1713-1768); Gray 
 (1716-1771); Garrick (17 16-1779) ; Horace Walpole (1717— 1797) ; Smollett 
 (1721-1771); Adam Smith (1723-1790); Reynolds (1 723-1 792); Goldsmith 
 (1728-1774); Burke (1730-1797); Warren Hastings (1733-1818) ; Gibbon 
 (1737-1794); Boswell (1740-1795); Goethe (1 749-1832 ); C. J. Fox (1749- 
 1806); Burns (1759-1796) ; William Pitt (1759-1806). 
 
 B. The Letter to Lord Chesterfield. 
 
 " Seven years, my Lord, have now past, since I waited in your outward 
 rooms, or was repulsed from your door ; during which time I have been pushing 
 on my work through difficulties, of which it is useless to complain, and have 
 brought it, at last, to the verge of publication, without one act of assistance, 
 one word of encouragement, or one smile of favor. Such treaUnent I did not 
 expect, for I never had a patron before. 
 
 " The shepherd in Virgil grew at last acquainted with love, and found him 
 a native of the rocks. 
 
 " Is not a patron, my Lord, one who looks with unconcern on a man 
 struggling for life in the water, and, when he has reached ground, encumbers 
 
41 
 
 him with help ? The notice which you have been pleased to take of my labors, 
 had it been early, had been kind ; but it has been delayed till I am indifferent, 
 and can not enjoy it ; till I am solitary, and can not impart it ; till I am known, 
 and do not want it. I hope it is no very cynical asperity not to confess obliga- 
 tions where no benefit has been received, or to be unwilling that the public 
 should consider me as owing that to a patron, which providence has enabled 
 me to do for myself." 
 
 C. Carlyle's Judgment on Boswell. 
 
 " The world has been unjust to him : discerning only the outer terrestrial and 
 often sordid mass. . . . Sometimes a strange enough hypothesis has been started 
 about him : as if it were in virtue even of his bad qualities that he did his work; 
 as if it were the very fact of his being amongst the worst men in this world that 
 had enabled him to write one of the best books therein. . . . Boswell wrote a 
 good book because he had a heart and an eye to discern wisdom, and an utter- 
 ance to render it forth." 
 
 D. Johnson's Table-talk. 
 
 " The applause of a single human being is of great consequence." 
 
 "The parents buy the books, and the children never read them." 
 
 " It is prodigious, the quantity of good that may be done by one man, if he 
 
 will make a business of it." 
 
 " The greater part of mankind have no character at all." 
 
 " Let us not be found, when our Master calls us, ripping the lace off our 
 
 waistcoats, but the spirit of contention from our souls and tongues." 
 " We had talk enough, but no conversation." 
 " It matters not how a man dies, but how he lives." 
 " Every man is to take existence on the terms on which it is given him." 
 " A man, sir, should keep his friendship in constant repair." 
 " A man of genius has been seldom ruined but by himself." 
 " Bathurst was a man to my very heart's content; he hated a fool, and he 
 
 hated a rogue, and he hated a Whig; he was a very good hater." 
 
 " George the First knew nothing, and desired to know nothing ; did nothing, 
 
 and desired to do nothing." 
 
 " When a man is tired of London he is tired of life." 
 " As I know more of mankind, I expect less of them." 
 " About the things on which the public thinks long, it commonly attains to 
 
 think right." 
 
 "I would wish Caesar and Catiline, Xerxes and Alexander, Charles and 
 
 Peter huddled together in obscurity or detestation." 
 
 " There is something noble in publishing truth, though it condemns one's self." 
 41 A decent provision for the poor is the true test of civilization." 
 
For the purpose of aiding Centres in arranging their 
 work, the Society will furnish, without charge, the 
 following publications. 
 
 Aim and Scope of University Extension. 
 
 Instruction to Extension Organizers. 
 
 Instructions and Suggestions to Local Committees. 
 
 Schedule of Lecture Courses. 
 
 List of Publications. 
 
 Handbook of University Extension (400 pp. octavo, 
 cloth). 
 
 Lecturer's Notes on the "Working of University Ex- 
 tension. By R. G. Moulton. 
 
 The University Extension Movement in England 
 (1885). By R. G. Moulton. 
 
 What Should be the Position of University Exten- 
 sion ? By Sidney T. Skidmore. 
 
 University Extension as Seen by a Lecturer. By C. 
 Hanford Henderson. 
 
 Report on the Movement in England. 
 
 The Development of the University Extension Idea. 
 
 By Michael E. Sadler. 
 The Function and Organization of a Local Centre, By 
 
 Michael E. Sadler. 
 
 The Y. M. C. A. and University Extension. By Walter 
 C. Douglas, Gen. Sec'y of the Philadelphia Y. M. C. A. 
 
 The Church and University Extension. By Dr. John S. 
 Macintosh. 
 
 The Class in University Extension. By Edward T. 
 Devine. 
 
 The Place of University Extension in American Edu- 
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 The Place of University Extension. By Simon N. 
 Patten, Ph. D. 
 
 Some General Considerations on University Ex- 
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