'•«'*^ 's ■ay ' "^^ o^ : V^ ^ao< <^ °^ ^..^^ ^< n'Vo^ ^^d< V^%-^ ^^<^ s^^ 0,^' ^^" "^ V ^ -1 " o , -^^ V '-e. .^' ^ •'/ .V'^ ^G^ ^ "''' /v> --^ -^'^^ •0' '*Ac!i ^S "^/.O^ -^AO^ ^^ aO' ■.^^ % -z ° "^0^ .^ ^^ %. ^ .0^ Vd,. THE THOUGHTS OF THE EMPEROR. M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS. V TRANSLATED BY GEORGE LONG. NEW YORK JOHN B. ALDEK, PUBLISHER 1891 <3ift from tvirs. Etta F, Winter Sept. 20 1932 17^ OF M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS. M. Antoninus was born at Rome a. d. 121, on the26*L of April. His fatlier Aanius Yerus died while he was praeior. His mother was Don itia Calvilla, also named Lucilla. The Emperor Antoninus Pius married Annia Galeria Faustina, . the sister of Annius 7erus, and was conse^quentiy Antoni- nus' uncle. When Hadrian adopted Antoninus Pius and declared him his suci:essor in the empire, Antoninus Pius adopted both L. Ceionius Commodus, the son of Aeliua Caesar, and M. Antoninus, whose original name was M. Annius Yerus. Amoninus took the name of M. Aelius Aurelius Yerus, to w hich was added the title of Caesar in A. D. 139 : the name Aelius belonged to Hadrian's familjj, and Aurelius was tho name of Antoninus Pius. When M.- Antoninus became Augustus, he dropped the name of Yerus and took the name of Antoninus. Accordingly he is gener?- ally named M. Aurelius Antoninus, or simply M. Anton* inus. The youth was most carefully brought up. He thanks the gods (i. 17) that he had good grandfathers, good par- ents, a good sister, good teachers, good associates, good kinsmen and friends, nearly everything good. He had the happy fortune to witness the example of his uncle and adoptive father Antoninus Pius, and he has recorded in his work (i. 16 ; vi. 30) the virtues of this excellent man and prudent ruler. Like many young Romans he tried his hand at poetry and studied rhetoric. Herodes Atticus and M. Cornelius Pronto were his teachers in eloquence. There are extant letters between Pronto and Marcus, which show the great affection of the pupil for the master, and the mas- ter's great hopes of his Industrious pupil. M. Antoninus jtnentions Pronto (i. 11) among those to whom he was in- debted for his education. When he was eleven years old, he assumed the ,dress of philosophers, something plain and coarse, became a hard .student, and lived a mOst laborious abstemious life, even so far as to injure his health. Pinally, he abandoned poetry rand rhetoric for philosophy, and he attached himself to the sect of the Stoics. But he did not neglect the study of law, which was a useful preparation for the high place which lie was designed to fill. His teacher was L. Yolusianus Mae- cianus, a distinguished jurist. We must suppose that he learned the Roman discipline of arms, which was a neces- sary part of the education of a man who afterwards led b.i» troops to battle against a warlike race. - 8 SIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. Antoninus has recorded in his first book the names of his teachers and the obligations which he owed to each of them. The way in which he speaks of what he learned from them might seem to savor of vanity or self-praise, if we look carelessly at the way in which he has expressed himself ; but if any one draws this conclusion, he will be mistaken. Antoninus means to commemorate the merits of his several teachers, what they taught and what a pupil might learn from them. Besides, this book like the eleven other books, was for his own use, and if we may trust the note at the end of tbe first book, it was written during one of M. Antoninus' campaigns against the Quadi, at a time when the commemoration of the virtues of his illustrious teachers might remind him of their lessons and the practi- cal uses which he might derive from them. Among his teachers of philosophy was Sextus of Chae- roneia, a grandson of Plutarch. What he learned from this excellent man is told by himself (i. 9). His favorite teacher was Q. Junius. Eusticus (i. 7), a philosopher and also amah of practical good sense in public affairs. Rusticus was the adviser of Antoninus after he became emperor. Toung men who are destined for high places are not often fortu- nate in those who are about them, their companions and teachers ; and I do not know any example of a young prince having liad an education which can be compared with that of M. Antoninus. Such a body of teachers dis- tinguished by their acquirements and their character will hardly be collected again ; and as to the pupil, we have not had one like him since. Hadrian died in July A. D. 138. and was succeeded by Antoninus Pius. M. Antoninus manled Faustina, his cousin, the daughter of Pius, probably about A. d. 146, for he had a daughter born in 147. M. Antoninus received from his adoptive father the title of Caesar and was associ- ated with him in the administration of the state. The . father and the adopted son lived together in perfect friend- ship and confidence. Antoninus was a dutiful son, and the emperor Pius loved and esteemed him. Antoninus Piui died in March 161. The Senate, it is said, urged M. Antoninus to take the solemn administra- tion of the empire, but he associated with himself the other adopted son of Pius, L. Ceionius Commodus, who is gener- ally called L. Verus. Thus Eome for the first time had two emperors. Verus was an indolent man of pleasure and unworthy of his station. Antoninus however bore with him, and it is said that Verus had sense enough to pay to his colleague the respect due to his character. A virtuous emperor and a loose partner lived together in peace, and their alliance was strengthened by ^toninus giving to Verus for wife his daughter Lucilla. The reign of Antoninus was first troublea by a Parthian VfAT., in which Verus was sent to command, but he did nothing, and the success that was obtained by the Bomans in Armenia and on the Euphrates and Tigris was due to his generals. This Parthian war ended in 165. The north of Italy was also threatened by the rude people ■peyond the Alps from the borders of Qallia to the eastern M. AUnELIXTS ANTOKINXTS, 7 side of the Hadriatic- These barbarians attempted to break into Italy, as the Germanic nations liad attempted near three hundred years before; and tiie rest of the life of An- toninus with some intervals was employed in driving back the invaders. In 169 Verus suddenly died, and Antoninus administered the state alone. In A. D. 175 Avidius Cassius, a brave and skilful Roman commander who was at the head of the troops in Asia, re- volted and declared himself Augustus. But Cassins was assassinated by some of his officers, and so the rebellion came to an end. Antoninus showed his humanity by his treatment of the family and the partisans of Cassius, and his letter to the senate in which he recommends mercy is ex- tant. (Vulcatius, Avidius Cassius, c. 12.) Antoninus set out for the east on hearing of Cassius's re- volt. We know that in A. d. 174 he was engaged in a war against the Quadi, Marcomanni and other Germanic tribes, and it is probable that he went direct from the German war without returning to Rome. His wife Faustina who accom- panied him into Asia died suddenly at the foot of the Tau- rus to the great grief of her husband. Capitolinus- who has written the life of Antoninus, and also Dion Cassius accuse the empress of scandalous infidelity to her husband and of abominable lewdness. But Capitolinus says that Antoninus either knew it not or pretended not to know it. Nothing is so common as such malicious reports in all ages, and the history of imperial Rome is full of them. Antoninus loved his wife and he says that she was " obedient, affectionate, and simple." The same scandal had been spread aboift Faustina's mother, the wife of Antoninus Pius, and yet be too was perfectly satisfied with his wife. Antoninus Pius says in a letter to Fronto that he would rather live in exile with his wife than in his palace at Rome without her. There are not many men who would give their wives a better character than these two emperors. Capitolinus wrote ia the time of Diocletian. He may have intended to tell th« truth, but he is a poor, feeble biographer. Dion Cassiits, the most malignant of historians, always reports and per- haps he believed any scandal against anybody- Antoninus continued his journey to Syria and Egypt, and on his return to Italy through Athens he was initiated iiito the Eleusinian mysteries. It was the practice of th« empercar to conform to the established rites of the age and to perform religious ceremonies with due solemnity. We cannot con- clude from this that he was a superstitious man, though we might perhaps do so, if his book did not show that he waa not. But this is only one among many instances that a ruler's pubUc acts do not always prove his real opinions. A prudent governor will not roughly oppose even the supersti- tions of his people, and though he may wish that they were wiser, he will know that he cannot make them so by offend- ing their prejudices. Antoninus and his son Commodus entered Rome intfi- umph on the 23d of December, a.d. 176. In the following year Commodus was associated with his father in the empire and took the name of Augustus. This year a.b. 177 is memorable in ecclesiastical Ui story. Attalus and oth«rs 8 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCB. ■were put to death at Lyon for their adherence to the Chrisr tian religion. The evidence of this persecution is a letter preserved by Eusebius (E. H. v. 1; printed in Routh's Ee- liquiae Sacrae, vol. i. with notes). The letter is from the Christians of Vienna and Lugdunum in Gallia (Vienna and Lyon) to their Christian brethren in Asia and Phrygia; and it is preserved perhaps nearly entire. It contains a veiy particular description of the tortures inflicted on the Chris- tians in Grallia, a/id it states that while the persecution was going on, Attains a Christian and a Roman citizen was loudly demanded by the populace and brought into the am- phitheatre, but the governor ordered him to be reserved with the rest who were in prison until he had received instruc- tions from the emperor. It is not clear who the "rest" were who are mentioned in the letter. Many had been tortured before the governor thought of applying to the emperor. The imperial rescript, says the letter, was that the Christians should be punished, but if they would deny their faith, they must be released. On this the work began again. The Christians who were Roman citizens were be- headed: the rest were exposed to the wild beasts in the amphitheatre. Some modern writers on ecclesiastical his- tory, when they use this letter, say nothing of the wonderful Btories of the martyrs' sufferings. Sanctus, as the letter (jays, was burnt with plates of hot iron till his body was one •tore and had lost all human form, but on being put to the rack he recovered his former appearantie under the torture, which was thus a cure instead of a punishment. He was afterwards torn by beasts, and placed en an iron chair and roasted. He died at last. The letter is one piece of evidence. The writer, whoever he v?as that wrote in the name of the Gallic Christians, is our evidence both for the ordinary and the extraordinary circumstances of the story, and we cannot accept his evi- dence for one part and reject the other. We often receive kinall evidence as proof of a thing which we believe to be Within the limits of probability or possibility, and we reject tkactly the same evidence, when the thing to which it refers appears very improbable or impossible. But this is a false knethod of inquiry, though it is followed by some modern ♦rriters, who select what they like from a story and reject the rest of the evidence; or if they do not reject it, they dis- lioinestly suppress it. A man can only act consistently by liccepting all this letter or rejecting it all, and we cannot blame him for either. But he who rejects it may still ad- toit that such a letter may be founded on real facts ; and he would make this admission as the most probable way of Bccounting for the existence of the letter : but if, as he would suppose, the writer has stated some things falsely, he cannot tell what part of his story is worthy of credit. The war on the northern frontier appears to have been uninterrupted during the visit of Antoninus to the East, and ■ on his return the emperor again left Rome to oppose the barbarians. The Germanic people were defeated in a great battle A.D. 179. During this campaign the emperor was seized with some contagious malady, of which he died in the camp at Sirmium (Mitrovitz) on the Save in Lower Pan- M. AU MELIUS ANTONINUS. 9 nonia, but at Yindebona (Vienna) according to other au- thorities, on the 17th of March A.d. 180, in the fifty-ninth year of his age. His son Commodus was with him. His body, or the ashes probably, was carried to Kome, and he received the honor of deification. Those who could afford it had his statue or bust, and when Capitolinus wrote, many people still had statues of Antoninus among the Dei Pe- nates or household deities. He was in a manner made a saint. His son Commodus erected to his memory the An- tonine column which is now in the Piazza Collona at Kome. The bassi rilievi which are placed in a spii'al line round the shaft commemorate his father's victories over the Marco- manni and the Quadi, and the miraculous shower of i-aiu which refreshed the Eoman soldiers and discomfited their enemies. The statue of Antoninus was placed on the col- umn, but it was removed at some time unknown, and a bronze statue of St. Paul was put in its place by Pope Six- tus the fifth. The historical evidence for the times of Antoninus is very defective, and some of that which remains is not credible. The most curious is the story about the miracle which hap- pened in A.D. 174, during the war with the Quadi. The Eoman army was in danger of perishing by thirst, but a sudden storm drenched them with rain, while it discharg(>d fire and hail on their enemies, and the Romans gained a great victory. AH the authorities which speak of the battle speak also of the miracle. The Gentile writers assign it to their gods, and the Christians to the intercession of the Christian legion in the emperor's army. To confirm the Christian statement it is added that the emperor gave the title of Thundering to this legion ; but Dacier and others who maintain the Christian report of the miracle, a.dmit that this title of Thundering or Lightning was not given to this legion because the Quadi were struck with lightning, but because there was a figure of lightning on their shields, and that this title of the legion existed in the time of Au- gustus. Scaliger also had observed that the legion was called Thundering before the reign of Antoniiius. Welearirthia from Dion Cassius (Lib. 55, c. 23, and the note of Reima- rus) who enumerates all the legions of Augustus' time. Tha name Thundering or Lightning also occurs on an inscrip» tion of the reign of Trajan, which was found at Trieste, Eusebius (v. 5) when he relates the miracle, quotes Apoli, narius, bishop of Hierapolis, as authority for this pamf being given to the legion Melitene by the emperor in conse. qiience of the success which he obtained through theii prayers ; from which we may estimate the value of Apolin- arius' testimony. Eusebius does not say in what book o< Apolinarius the statement occurs. Dion says that the Thundering legion was stationed in Cappadocia in the tim« of Augustus. Valesius also observes that in the Notitia ofr the Imperium Romanum there is mentioned under the con?- mander of Armenia the Praefectura of the twelfth legion named " Thundering Melitene ; " and this position in Armenia will agree with what Dion says of its position in Cappadocia. Accordingly Valesius concludes that Melitene 10 BIOGBAPIIICAL SKETCH. was not the name of the legion, but of the town in which It was statioiied. The legions did not, he says, take their name from the place where they were on duty, but from the country in which they were raised, and therefore, what Eusebius says about the Melitene does not seem probable to feirn. Yet Valesius on the authority of Apolinariua and Tertullian believed that the miracle was worked through the prayers of the Christian soldiers in the emperor's army, kufinus does not give the name of Melitene to this legion, says Valesius, and probably he purposely omitted it, be- cause he knew that Melitene was the name of a town in Ar- menia Minor, where the legion was stationed in his time. The emperor, it is said, made a report of his victory to the Senate, which we may believe, for such was the practice ; but we do not know what ho said in his letter, for it is not «xtant. Dacier assumes that the emperor's letter was pur- posely destroyed by the Senate or the enemies of Chris- Itanity, that so honorable a testimony to the Christians and tJieir religion might not be pei-petuated. The critic has however not seen that he contradicts himself when he tells us the purport of the letter, for he says that it was destroyed, and even Eusebius could not find it. But there does exist a letter in Greek addressed by Antoninas to the Roman Sen- ate after this memorable victory. It \a sometimes printed after Justin's second Apology, though it is totally unconnec- ted with the apologies. This letter is one of the most stupid forgeries of the many which exist, and it cannot be possibly founded even on the genuine report of Antoninus to the Senate. If it were genuine, it would free the emperor from the charge of persecuting men because they were Christians, for he says in this false letter that if a man Accuse another only of being a Christian and the accused confess and there is nothing else against him, he must be set free; with this monstrous addition made by a man Inconceivably ignorant, that the informer must be burnt alive.* During the time of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Antoni- nus there appeared the first Apology of Justinus, and under M. Antoninus the Oration of Tatian against the Greeks, Which was a fierce attack on the established religions, the address of Athenagoras to M. Antoninus on behalf of the Christians, and the Apology of Melito, bishop of Sardes, also addressed to the emperor, and that of Apolinarius. The first Apology of Justinus is addressed to Antoninus Pius and his two adopted sons M. Antoninus and L. Verus; but we do not know whether they read it. The second Apology of Justinus is addressed to the Roman Senate, but * Euseblna (v. 6) quotes TertuUian's Apology to the Roman Senate in confirmation of the story. Tertullian, he says, writes that letters of the emperor were extant, in wliich he declares that bis army was saved by the prayers of the Christians ; and that he " threatened to piniish with death those who ventured to ac- cuse us. " It is possible that the forged letter which is now ext.int may be on« of those which Tertullian had seen, for he uses th« pluEil number "letters." A great deal has been written about this miracle of the Thucdeiing Legion, and more than is worth . ijeading. M. AUHELIUS ANTOmKUS, ir] there is nothing in it which shows its date. In one passage where he is speaking of the persecution of the Christians, Justinus says that even men who followed the Stoic doc- trines, when they ordered their lives according to ethical reason, were hated and murdered, such as Heraclitus, Musonius in his own times and others ; for all those who in any way labored to live according to reason and avoided M ickedness were always hated ; and this was the effect of the work of daemons. Justinus himself is said to have been put to death at Kome, because he refused to sacrifice to the gods; but the circumstances of his death are doubtful, and the time is un- certain. It cannot have been in the reign of Hadrian, as one authority states ; nor in the time of Antoninus Pius, if the second Apology was written in the time of M. Anton- inus. The persecution in which Polycarp suffered at Smyrna be- longs to the time of M. Antoninus. The evidence for it is the letter of the church of Smyrna to the churches of Philome- lium and the other Christian churches, and it is preserved by Eusebins (E. H. iv. 15). But the critics do not agree about the time of Polycarp' s death, differing in the two extremes to the amount of twelve years. The circimistances of Poly- cap's martyrdom were accompanied by miracles, one of which Eusebius (iv. 15) has omitted, but it appears in the oldest Latin version of the letter, which Usher published, and it is supposed that this version was made not long after the time of Eusebius. The notice at the end of the letter states that it was transcribed by Caius from the copy of Irenaeus, the disciple of Polycarp, then transcribed by So- crates at Corinth ; " after which I Pionius again wrote it out from the copy above mentioned, having searched it ottt by the revelation of Polycarp, who directed me to it," etc. Tlie story of Polycarp's martyrdom is embellished with miraculous circumstances which some modern writers on ecclesiastical history take the liberty of omitting.* In order to form a proper notion of the condition of the Christians under M. Antoninus we must go back to Trajan's time. When the younger Pliny was governor of Bithynia, the Christians were numerous in those parts, and the wor- shippers of the old religion were falling off. The temples were deserted, the festivals neglected, and there were no pm*chasers of victims for sacrifice. Those who were inter- ested in the maintenance of the old religion thus found that their profits were in danger. Christians of both sexes and of all ages were brought before the governor, who did not know what to do with them. He could come to no other conclusion than this, that those who confessed to be Chris- * Conyers Middleton, An Inquiry ijito the Miraculous Powers, etc. p. 126. Middleton says that Eusebius omitted to mention tlie dove, which flew out of Polycarp's body, and Dodwell and Arch- bishop Wake have done the same. Wake says, " I am so little a friend to such miracles that I thought it better with Eusebius to omit that circumstance than to mention it from Bishop Usher'a Manuscript," which manuscript however, says Middleton, be afterwards declares to be so well attested that we need not *J» fwrtfUer assurance of the truth of it. !l"2 ^lOGUAPBlGAL SKETCff. tians and persevered in their religion ought to be ptmished; if for nothing else, for their invincible obstinacy. He found no crimes proved against the Christians, and he could only characterize their religion as a depraved and extravagant -superstition, which might be stopped, if the people were al- lowed the opportunity of recanting. Pliny wrote this in a letter to Trajan (Plinius, Ep. x. 97). He asked for the em- peror's directions, because he did not know what to do: He remarks that he had never been engaged in judicial in- quiries about the Christians, and that accordingly he did not know what or how far to inquire and punish. This •proves that it was not a new thing to inquire into a man's profession of Christianity and to punish him for it. Tra- jan's Rescript is extant. He approved of the governor's judgment in the matter ; but he said that no search must be made after, the Christians ; if a man was charged with the new religion and convicted, he must not be punished, if he affirmed that he was not a Christian and confirmed his denial by showing his reverence to the heathen gods. He added that no notice must be taken of anonymous informa- tions, for such things were of bad example. Trajan was a mild and sensible man, and both motives of mercy and policy probably also induced him to take as little notice of the Christians as he could ; to let them live in quiet, if it were possible. Trajan's Eescript is the first legislative act of the head of the Roman state with reference to Chris- tianity, which is known to us. It does not appear that the Christians were further disturbed under his reign. The martyrdom of Ignatius by the order of Trajan himself is not universally admitted to be an historical fact. In the time of Hadrian it was no longer possible for the Roman government to overlook the great increase of the Christians and the hostility of the common sort to them. Jf the governors in the provinces wished to let them alone, they could not resist the fanaticism of the heathen com- munity, who looked on the Christians as atheists. The Jews too who were settled all over the Roman Empire were as hostile to the Christians as the Gentiles were. With the time of Hadrian begin the Christian Apologies, which show plainly what the popular feeling towards the Christians then was. . A rescript of Hadrian to the Proconsul of Asia, which stands at the end of Justin's first apology, instructs the governor that innocent people must not be troubled and false accusers must not be allowed to extort money from them ; the charges against the Christians must be made in due form and no attention must be paid to popular clamors: when Christians were regularly prosecuted and convicted of *iny illegal act, they must be punished according to their deserts ; and false accusers also must be punished. An- toninus Pius is said to have published Rescripts to the same effect. The terms of Hadrian's Eescript seem very favor- able to the Christians, but if we understand it in this sense, that they were only to be punished like other people for illegal acts, it would have had no meaning, for that could have been done without asking the em];)eror's advice. The real purpose of the Rescript is that Christians must be pun- ished if they persisted in their belief, and would not prove M. auhelius antoninus. 13 their renunciation of it by acknowledging the heathen re- ligion. This was Trajan's rule, and we have no reason for supposing that Hadrian granted more to the Christians than Trajan did. There is printed at the er.d of Justin's Apology a Rescript of Antoninus Pius.to the Commune of Asia and it is also in Eusebius*(E. H. iv. 13). The Rescript de- clares that the Christians, for they are meant, though the name Christians does not occur in the Rescript, were not to be disturbed, unless they were attempting something against the Roman rule, and no man was to be punished simply for being a Christian. But this Rescript is spurious. Any man moderately acquainted with Roman history will see at once from the style and tenor that it is a clumsy forgery. In the time of M. Antoninus the opposition between the old and the new belief was still stronger, and the adherents of the heathen religion urged those in authority to a more regular resistance to the invasions of the Christian faith. Melito in his apology to M. Antoninus represents the Chris- tians of Asia as persecuted under new imperial orders. Shameless informers, he says, men who were greedy after the property of others, used these orders as a means of rob- bing those who were doing no harm. He doubts if a just ■-;',uui8Ued iu Trajan's time. M. AUEELJUS AXTONINUS. 15 tn some parts of the world the persecution of the Christians became more violent, and that it proceeded from the popu- lace in the cities ; and he adds hi his usual style of exaggera- tion, that we may infer from what took place in a single nation that myriads of martyrs were made in the habitable earth. The nation which he alludes to is Gallia; and he then proceeds to give the letter of the churches of Vienna and Lugdunura. It is probable that he has assigned the true cause of the persecutions, the fanaticism of the popu- lace, and that both governors and emperor liad a great deal of trouble with these disturbances. How far Marcus was cognizant of these cruel proceedings we do not know, for the historical records of his reign are very defective. He did not make the rule against the Christians, for Trajan did that; and if we admit that he would have been willing to let the Christians alone, we cannot affirm that it was in his power, for it would be a great mistake to suppose that An- toninus had the unlimited authority, which some modem sovereigns have had. His power was limited by certain constitutional forms, by the Senate, and by the precedents of Ills predecessors. We cannot admit that such a man was an active persecutor, for there is no evidence that he was, though it is certain that he had no good opinion of the Christians, as appears from his own words.* But he knew nothing of them except their hostility to the Roman relig- ion, and he probably tliought that they were dangerous to the state, notwithstanding the professions false or true of some of the Apologists. So much I have said, because it would be unfair not to state all that can be urged against a man whom his contemporaries and subsequent ages ven- • See XI. 3. The emperor probably speaks of such fanatics as Clemens (quoted by Gataker on tliis passage) mentions. The rational Christians admitted no fellowship with them. " Some of these heretics, says Clemens, " show their impiety and cowardice by loving their lives, saying that the knowledge of the really ex- isting God is true testimony (martyrdom), but that a man is a self-murderer who bears witness by his death. We also blame those who rush to death, for there are some, not of us, but only bearing the same name who give themselves up. We say of them that they die without being niiirtyrs, even if they are publicly punished; and they give themselves uji to a death which avails nothing, as the hidian Gynmosophists give themselves up foolish- ]}■ to fire." Cave in his Primitive Christianity (ii. c. 7) says of the Christians : " They did flock to the place of torment faster than droves of beasts that are driven to the shambles- They even ionged to be in the arms of suffering. Ignatius, though then in his journey to Rome in order to his execution, yet by the way aa he went could not but vent his passionate desire of it : O that I might come to those wild beasts, that are prepared for me ; I heartily wish that I may presently meet with them ; I would invite and encourage tliem speedily to devour me, and not be afraid to set upon me as they have been to others ; nay, should they refuse it. I would even force them to it; and more to the same purpose i.«oni Eusebius. Cave, an honest and good man, says all this in prf.ise of the Christians: but I think that he mistook the matter. We admire a man who holds to his principles even to death ; but these fanatical Christians ar tions) adnunisters the universe. God is eternal, and Matter Is eternal. It is God who gives to matter its form, but Hft 13 not said to have created matter. According to this vieWj which is as old as Anaxagoras, God and matter exist inde. pendently, but God governs matter. This doctrine is simply the expression of the fact of the existence both of matter and of God. The Stoics did not perplex themselves with the insoluble question of the origin and nature of matter.t Au- * I remark, in order to anticipate any misapprehension, that all these general terms involve a contradiction. Tiie " one and all," and the like, and " the whole," imply limitation. " One" is lim- ited; " all " is limited ; the " whole " Ls limited. We cannot help it. We cannot find words to express that which we cannot fully conceive. The addition of "absolute" or any other such word does not meud the matter. Even God is used by most people, often uncouscioosly, in such a way that limitation is implied, and yet at the same time words are added which are intended to deny liiuitatiou. A Christian martyr, when he was asked what God w;i8, is said to have answered that God has no name like a man ; and Justin says the same (Apol. ii. 6). We can conceive the ex- istence of a thing, or rather we may have the idea of an existence, without an adequate notion of it. "adequate" meaning coexten- Bive and coequal with the thing. We nave a notion of Umited »pace derived from the dimensions of what we call a material thing, though of space absolute, if I may use the term, we have no uotion at all; and yet we conceive it in a sense, though I know not how, and we beheve that space is infinite, and we cannot con- ceive it to be finite. t The notions of matter and of space are inseparable. We de- xive the aotioa gf sj)ftce Uom matter a»d form. Bui we have m '24 THE PHiLosopnr toninus also assumes a beginning of things, as we now know them; but his language is sometimes very obscure. I have endeavored to explain the meaning of one difficult pas- sage, (vii. 75, and the note.) Matter consists of elemental parts of which all material objects are made. But nothing is permanent inform. The nature of the universe, according to Antoninus' expression (iv. 36), "loves nothing so much as to change the things which are, and to make new things like them. For every- thing that exists is in a manner the seed of that which will be. But thou art thinking only of seeds which are cast into the earth or into a womb: but this is a very vulgar notion." All things then are in a constant flux and change : some things are dissolved into the elements, others come in their places; and so the " whole universe continues ever young and perfect." (xir. 23.) Antoninus has some obscure expressions about what he calls " seminaJ principles." He opposes them to the Epi- curean atoms (vi. 24), and consequently his "seminal prin- ciples" are not material atoms which wander about at haz- ard, and combine nobody knows how. In one passage (iv. 21) he speaks of living principles, souls after the dissolution of their bodies being received into the " seminal principle of the universe." Schultz thinks that by "seminal principles Antoninus means the relations of the various elemental principles, which relations are determined by the Deity and by which alone the production of organized beings is pos- sible." This may be the meaning, but if it is, nothing of any value can be derived from it.* Antoninus often uses tlie word " Nature," and we must attempt to fix its meaning. The simple etymological sense of