F 27 .H7 J5 Copy 2 THE FORTUNATE ISLAND OF MONHEGAN A Historical Monograph BY CHARLES FRANCIS JENNEY THE FORTUNATE ISLAND OF MONHEGAN A Historical Monograph BY CHARLES FRANCIS JENNEY u [From \'ol. 31 of the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian SocietyJ 4 With Additions THE DAVIS PRESS Worcester, Mass. 1922 Fi7 .Ml ^5 -2^ 3 THE FORTUNATE ISLAND OF MONHEGAN^ ON FRIDAY, May 17, 1605, a ship, "supposed to have been called the Archangel "'^ and commanded by Capt. George Waymouth, neared the main. The narrator, James Rosier, who is stated to have been a gentleman employed in the voyage, thus describes the landfall : ". . . about sixe a clocke at night we descried the land, which bare from vs North-North-East; but because it blew a great gale of winde, the sea very high and neere night, not fit to come upon an unknowen coast, we stood off till two a clocke in the morning, being Saturday; then standing in with it againe, we descried it by eight a clocke in the morning bearing North-East from us. It appeared a meane high land, as we after found it, being but an Hand of some six miles in compasse, but I hope the most fortunate euer yet discoured. About twelve a clocke that day, we came to an anker on the North side of this Hand, about a legue from the shore. About two a clocke our Captaine with twelue men rowed in his ship boat to the shore, where we made no long stay, but laded our boat with dry wood of olde trees upon the shore-side and returned to our ship, where we rode that night. "This Hand is woody, grouen with Firre, Birch, Oke, and Beech, as farre as we saw along the shore; and so 'At the outset, acknowledgment ia made of great indebtedness to Henry S. Burrage, D.D., State Historian of Maine, whose recent woric entitled "The Beginnings of Colonial Maine," 1602-1658, is so full of matters of historical interest relating to this locality. It has been used freely. In most cases, however, the sources of information have been verified and sometimes supplemented by examination of other sources. ^1 Me. Hist. Collections, VI, 294. Rosier, " Relation of Waymouth's Voyage," 2 Coll. Me. Hist. Soc, VII, 165, 16S. ^^Prince, "Chronological History of New England." (Drakes' Ed.) 209. "1 Coll. Me. Hist. Soc, II, S8; Baxter, "Christopher Levett of York," (Gorges Soc.) 104. 19 Most interesting is the connection of Monhegan, and the nearby fishing stations, with the Pilgrims. We read in Bradford^* that on March 16, 1621, "a certaine Indian came bouldly amongst them and spoke to them in broken EngUsh, which they could well understand, but marvelled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastrene parts, wher some English- ships came to fhish, with whom he was aquainted and could name sundrie of them by their names, amongst whom he had gott his language. He became profi(t)able to them . . . His name was Sama- sett."=8 Mourt's Relation tells us "He bad us Wellcome;" that he had acquired his knowledge of English from the fishermen that came to Monchiggon; and that he was of Moratiggon, and was one of the "Sagamores or Lords" thereof.=9 "Monchiggon" is undoubtedly "Monhegan," but the other place-name " Moratig- gon," used in such close connection, cannot well be con- strued as referring to the same place, although it has been so stated frequently. Other reasons might be given for this conclusion if space permitted. The reference is undoubtedly to some nearby locality. Samoset, as the name is most commonly given, in 1625 deeded land at New Harbor and on Muscongus Island.* By Phineas Pratt's narrative, we are informed that in May, 1622, the fishermen had newly set up a may- pole at Damariscove, and " weare very merry. " Both he and Gov. Bradford report many ships there and at Monhegan." Doubtless there also were rollicking "Bradford, "Hist," I, 199. 5»" Mourt's Relation" (1622) 31, 32, 34, 35, 38, 39. ""Trans. Colonial Soc. of Mass., VI, 59; Gen. Adv., (Greenlaw) I, 100; "Beginnings of Colonial Maine," 172, 177; "Bangor Hist. Mag.," IV, 81. Sewall, "Samoset and New England Colonization," Mag. of Am. Hist. Soc. (1882) VIII, 820. "Trans. Colonial Soc. of Mass. VI, 59; Gen. Adv. (Greenlaw) I, 100; "Beginnings of Colonial Maine," 172, 177; Bangor Hist. Mag. IV, 81; 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll- IV, 478; Bradford, "History," I, 2.56; Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc. XX, 65. 20 May-day celebrations at Monhegan. Perhaps Brad- ford's account of Morton's famous maypole festivities at Merrymount (1628) may be appropriately given as a description of those six years earlier on the Maine coast. "They allso set up a May-pole, drinking and dancing aboute it many days togeather, inviting the Indean women, for their consorts, dancing and frisking togither. ""- In the same year, a boat "from the eastward" sent by Capt. Huddleston, who was on a fishing voyage from Virginia, visited Plymouth, and this year, Wins- low was sent from that place to procure provisions from the fishermen/^ Maverick's reference (hitherto quoted) is undoubtedly to ttie aid then extended to the struggling colony by those at Monhegan and vicinity. ^^ How timely and great was the assistance rendered, we learn from Winslow's own account. He tells us that the fishermen gave freely and without price all that they could spare, and "supplied our necessities, for which they sorrowed; provoking one another to the utmost of their abilities. Which, although it were not much, amongst so many people as were at the Planta- tion; yet through the provident and discreet care of the Governors, (it) recovered and preserved strength till our own crop on the ground was ready. "^° Wins- low also informs us that about thirty sail of ships fished about Damariscove. In the year following, in February, the improvident colonists at Weymouth (Massachusetts) sent their shallop to Monhegan to secure food from the fisher- n.en who arrived from England either in that or the following month; and later in the year some of the discouraged inhabitants of that place went to Mon- hegan, hoping to return to England with the fishing "Bradford, "History," H, 48. «=Ib. I, 272. Mlb. I, 273. 85Win3low, "Good Neweg from New England," (1624) 11. 21 ships j""^ Standish also went to Monhegan for supplies. In the beginning of March, 1624, the Pilgrims sent their pinnace to Damariscove on a fishing voyage, and found ships "allready arived out of England."" In 1626, Jennings determined to sell his stock of goods at Monhegan and to part with his interests there. Why he came to this conclusion we can only conjecture, but certain conditions are known to have been in existence. In the Great Patent of 1620, establishing the Plymouth company,** besides land, is granted "Fishings . . . within the . . . seas adjoining," and also "Sea Waters, Fishings," etc. Under this grant, the council claimed and exercised the right to control the fisherj^, and exacted on fishing vessels a tax of eighty-three cents a ton. This caused intense feeling, and a long parliamentary struggle ensued which ended in the abandonment by the council of the claim of control. Sabine says that "during the five years embraced in the struggle the number of English fishing-vessels on the whole extent of our coast diminished much more than one-half, or from four hundred to one hundred and fifty; while it is certain that in the alarm which prevailed, the merchants who had purchased the island of Monhegan, and had provided there ample accommodations for the prosecu- tion of their adventures, sold their property and re- tired from the business."*' The extent and importance of the fishery to England and New England at this period is a subject of much interest. The temptation is strong to enlarge, be- cause it is the key to much that is otherwise obscure; but time forbids. It was the corner-stone of early "Bradford, "History." I, 259; Letter of Bradford and Allerton, dated Sept. 8, 1623, Am. Hist. Rev. (Jan. 1903) VIII, 299; Bradford, "History," I, 296. "Bradford, "History," I, 350. "2 Coll. Me. Hist Soc. VII, 20, 33, 34, 37. ^^Sabine, "Principal Fisheries of the American Seas," (1853) 43-45. This subject is fully discussed with ample citation of authorities in the chapter on " Free Fishing " in the "Beginnings of Colonial Me." 144-159 and in Bradford, "History of Plymouth Planta- tion." I. 310-313. 22 colonial prosperity, because fish was a staple product largely in demand in the West Indies and in Europe."" At one time it was the "stay and support" of the west counties of England." Thomas Morton proclaimed that the cod "is a commodity better than the golden mines of the Spanish Indies."" The settlement of Massachusetts has been said to be directly traceable to the fisheries." According to Bradford and Allerton, "fishing must be the cheefe, if not the only means to doe us [the Plymouth colonists] good. "'^ Hubbard, writing shortly after 1680, affirms that "it [fishing] was the first improvement that ever was made of this coast, soe it [fish] is still the most certaine and stable com- moditie the country affordeth. "'^ Governor Bradford comes to our assistance relative to the sale by Jennings: ". . . and wanting trading goods, they understoode that a plantation which was at Monhigen, and belonged to some march- ants of Plimoth was to breake up, and diverse use- full goods was ther to be sould; the Gove (rno) r and Mr. Winslow tooke a boat and some hands and went thither. But Mr. David Thomson, who lived at Pascataway, understanding their purpose, tooke op- portunitie to goe with them, which was some hinder- ance to them both; for they perceiveing their joynt desires to buy, held their goods at higher rates; and not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their trading goods, excepte they sould all. So, lest they should further prejudice one an other, they agreed to buy all, and devid them equally between them. They bought '"Weeden, "Economic and Social Hist, of N. E.." I, 91, 129, 132, 139; Gillespie, "Influence of Over-sea Expansion on England to 1700, " 102-105; McFarland, "History of the N. E. Fisheries, " 35, 36, 38. '1" Beginnings of Colonial Maine," 16,141,148. "Morton, "New English Canaan," (Prince Soc.) 221; See also White, "The Plant- ers Plea"; Sabine, "Report on American Fisheries." ^Sabine, "Report on American Fisheries," 117. "Bradfordand Allerton, Letter dated Sept. 8, 1623; Am. Hist. Rev. (Jan. 1903) VIII, 296. ''Hubbard, "History of New England," (ed. 1815) 25. 23 allso a parcell of goats, which they distributed at home as they saw neede and occasion, and tooke corne for them of the people, which gave them good content. Their moyety of the goods came to above 400 li starling. Ther was allso that spring a French ship cast away at Sacadahock, in which were many Biscaie ruggs and other commodities, which were falen into these mens hands, and some other fishermen at Damarins-cove, which were allso bought in part- nership and made their parte arise to above 500 li. This they made shift to pay for, for the most part, with the beaver and comodities they had gott the winter before, and what they had gathered up that somer. Mr. Thomson having some thing overcharged him selfe, desired they would take some of his, but they refused except he would let them have his French goods only; and the marchant (who was one of Bristol) would take their bill for to be paid the next year. They were both willing, so they became ingaged for them and tooke them. By which means they became very well furnished foi trade. . ."'* The eight hundred pounds so paid represented a much greater purchasing power than a like sum would now. The stock of goods has never been equalled in value on this island. Would that we could have an inventory of it! Captain John Smith says that the things most needed were "salt, nettes, hookes, lines, knives, Irish rugges, course cloth, beads, hatchets, glasse, and such trash, onely for fishing and trade with the Salvages. "" An inventory of goods at Richmond Island in 1634, given in the Trelawney papers, includes two hogsheads of "aqua vitae, " and eight barrels of "Malaga sacke" (a sweet wine); and such articles as bread, peas, beans, prune.s, tobacco, kettles, hatchets, iron arrow points, awls, puncheons, cloaks, and blankets were in demand."* "Bradford, "History," I, 447, 448,449. ""Travels and Works" I, 244. '82 Me. Hist. Soe. Coll. HI, 37, 3.32; Bradford, "History," 448n. 24 Concerning the sale of the island itself, let Abraham Shurt who acted for the purchasers speak: " . .in the year 1626, Alderman Alsworth, and Mr. Gyles Elbridge of Bristol, Merchants, sent over this Deponent for their Agent, and gave Power to him to buy Monhegan, which then belonged to Mr. Abraham Jennings of Plimouth, who they understood was willing to sell it, and having Conference with his Agent, about the Price thereof, agreed for fifty Pounds, and the Pattent to be delivered up ; and gave him a bill upon Alderman Alsworth; which bill being presented, was paid as the Aforesaid wrote me."'' Capt. Sylvanus Davis, a man of much prominence, who in 170F° gave an account of the settlements to the eastward of the Kennebec, "some 70 and some 40 years since" (about 1630 to 1660) and who had been a resident in those parts gives the date of the sale as March, 1626.*" The purchasers soon after established a trading station at Pemaquid, and the famous Pema- quid patent was made to them on February 29, 1631.*- This included all the islands within three leagues of the mainland. For the purpose of locating the grant, it refers to the "lands where the people or servants of the said Robert Alsworth and Gyles Elbridge are now settled, or have inhabited for the space of three years last past," near the Pemaquid River. Thereby the occupation of Pemaquid in their behalf is established at or about the beginning of 1629. Formal possession was delivered to Shurt on May 27, 1633.^^ The status of Monhegan as a settlement at and prior to the time of abandonment of the trading "Trans. Colonial Soc. of Mass. VI, 50l Lincoln Land Report, 40; Johnston, "Bristol Bremen and Pemaquid," 57. *"See concerning him 1 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll. X, 73, and the volumes of said collections there referred to. "Trans. Col. Soc. of Mass., VI, 26. ''■2 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll. VII, 165, 168, where reference is made to the many places where this patent has been printed. »Lincohi Land Report, 35; Trans. Col. Soc. Mass. VI, 51. 25 station is not easy to define. Bradford (1623) refers to what was then in existence as "scatering beginnings; Maverick refers to it as a ''plantation." While the trading station was in existence, there must have been buildings commensurate with the enterprise, and the occupation must have continued throughout the j^ear, if not for purposes of trade, at least for the protection of the property. Yet one cannot, except by the exer- cise of a lively imagination, picture it as a place of homes. Prior to 1623, at least as early as 1614 as we have seen, and probably earlier, the harbor must have been well occupied by the small vessels and the smaller boats used in fishing. The more level places around the harbor must have been well filled with flakes, and near them the rude dwellings which sheltered the fishermen. Rocroft's men spent the winter of 161(1-20 on the island, and although they found only "bad lodging and worse fare" the fact that they made their way so far out to sea, away from all likelihood of a supply of provisions except what could be drawn from the sea, indicates more than a possibility that the winter fishing, afterwards so profitable,*^ was even then pursued, or that men were left to care for the boats and other property remaining from year to year.** But we can hardly believe that the presence of women and children brightened life or made the plantation in truth a settlement, until some years later. Inasmuch as the most of the fishing was done in the late winter and in the spring,*^ there must have been something more than huts of boughs. From tradition, as well as more tangible evidence, it is known that the island afTorded trees large enough for the construction "2 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll. HI, 26, 59; 1 lb. II, 24; Banks, "Early Settlements in Maine Prior to 1620," 215. s^Mention has already been made of the voyage of Brawnde and his meeting with Hawkins at Monhegan in April as an indication that the latter there spent the winter of 1615-16. "Beginnings of Colonial Maine." 135. "Smith, "Travels and Works, " 256, 257; Baxter. "Christopher Levett of New York, " 64. 26 of buildings and vessels. Manana did not as now, gladden the eye of the artist by its everchanging dis- play of color, but was then and long afterward covered with a heavy growth of timber. Why Monhegan was abandoned as a trading station can well be understood. Reference has already been made to the decline in the fisheries. Pemaquid offered far greater attractions for trade with the Indians and was also well situated for such business as was likely to be done in supplying the needs of the fishermen. The new patentees of Pemaquid, by the terms of their grant, were under an obligation to nurture a settlement there. Alsworth (Aldworth), and Elbridge made Pemaquid the seat of all their endeavors. For nearly 120 years after the sale by Jennings in 1626, the title to Monhegan was vested in those who claimed title under the Pemaquid Patent. No deed from Jennings is known. In the course of time, the fact that Monhegan was held under an independent title was forgotten, and it was treated as a part of the lands included in the grant of Pemaquid. Before considering other things, the title is now traced to the time it ceased to be associated with that of Pemaquid. Robert Aldworth, one of the owners, by will dated August 30, 1634, and proved January 12, 1635, devised his interest to the other owner, Gyles Elbridge, his nephew by marriage. Elbridge, who died Febru- ary 4, 1644, devised the island to his son John; and on the death of John, by his will dated September 11, 1646 and proved October 16, 1646, it passed to his brother Thomas.*^ On September 11, 1650, Thomas Elbridge, then of Pemaquid, mortgaged the island to Abraham Shurt, hereinbefore mentioned,*^ and on "Waters, "Genealogical Gleanings in England," I, 632-637, 660, 665, 735; II, 1009; Johnston. "Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid," 21, 57, 70, 76, 78, 85, 95, 96; Trans. Col. Soc. Mass. VI, 17; Suffolk Deeds, III, 57. "Suffolk Deeds, I, 131. 27 November 5, 1650, again mortgaged Monhegan and also Damariscove to Richard Russell of Charlestown for one hundred pounds paj^able in money, beaver or merchantable dry codfish.*" Thomas Elbridge by two deeds, one dated April 14, 1657, the other dated September 3, 1657, conveyed the island to Nicholas Davison, a merchant of Charles- town, who about the same time, July 21, 1657, took an assignment of the mortgage to Richard Russell. The consideration of these deeds was eighty-five pounds, but the conveyance included a moiety of the entire Pemaquid Patent.'" The deed of Elbridge to Captain Paul White, (February 1, 1652), and from White to Richard Russell and Nicholas Davison (April 27, 1653), and from Russell to Davison (July 21, 1657), properly construed, do not include the island; but in any event, the title thereby conveyed became the property of Davison who also held title by direct conveyance, as hereinbefore given.'' Nicholas Davison remained the sole owner from 1657 to his death, which probably occurred early in 1665, as his will was proven February 5, 1665.'^ From this time the title may be traced through the heirs of Davison, and those of David Anderson, also of Charlestown, who acquired an undivided share from some of the heirs of Davison. To do this requires painstaking research and the detailed results would be of interest only to the antiquary or the conveyancer.'^ The result may be summarily stated. The Pemaquid patent and Monhegan became the property of the Pemaquid proprietors. There was much confusion and doubt as to the validity of the patent, all of which 8'Suffolk Deeds, III, 49. '"Suffolk Deeds, HI, 49, 50, 57; York Deeds XVUI, 114; Lincoln Land Report, 49. "Suffolk Deeds, H, 68, 69, HI, 49; York Deeds, XVUI, 116, 118; XVII, 331; Lin- coln Land Report, 41, 45, 47. ^'Lincoln Land Report, 52; Trans, Col. Soc. Mass. VI. 38. ^Those interested in the matter may find assistance in Lincoln County Land Report, pansim: Trans. Col. Soc. Mass. VI, 11-70 passim, but particularly pages 23, 37-48. 28 resulted in considerable litigation, much turmoil, and finally in legislative action leading to a compromise of conflicting claims. It is an interesting subject but far afield from our text.^^ Suffice it to say, that as the title to Monhegan was not involved in the validity of that of Pemaquid, these troubles had no effect upon it. On June 14, 1749, at a meeting of the Pemaquid Proprietors held in the Sun tavern in Boston, it was "Voted that all The Islands belonging to The Pro- prietors of the Pemaquid Patent be sold to Mr. Shem Drowne For Eighteen hundred Pounds Old Tenor Including his Twenty Five Ninetyths. To be paid in Twelve months without Interest. "^^ The deed given under this vote was dated June 16, 1749, and it included Monhegan by specific designa- tion.^'' Thus rapidly has been outlined the history of the title from 1626 to 1749. Many events happening between these dates remain for consideration. Concerning the various owners, there is little of general interest. Robert Aldworth and Gyles Elbridge were merchants of Bristol, Eng- land, and the former was an alderman of that city. Aldworth, who died on November 6, 1634, was a "furtherer of the voyage of [Captain Martin Pring in 1603] as well with his purse as with his travail."^' He was most prominent in Bristol, not only as a merchant, but in the civic life of the city. His mansion, a fine specimen of the timber and plaster house of the period, adorned with rich wood carvings, is still standing, and the dining-room, completely panelled in dark oak, with a high sculptured marble fireplace is still shown to visitors. His monument, in St. Peter's Church in Bristol, is more than eighteen feet high, and bears the effigies of Aldworth and his **See references under last note, and also Johnston, " Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid. ' ' ^Pemaquid Proprietors' Records I, 16. (Manuscript in possession of the Am. Antiq. .Soc.) See also Trans. Col Soc. Mass. VI, 52. "York Deeds, XXXHI, 144; Lincoln Deeds, V, 59. ^'"Beginnings of Colonial Maine" 26, 142. 29 wife. Concerning Aldworth, an inscription in Latin, freely translated, says : "Although this statue of the venerable man is silent Learn, O reader and beholder who he was — A famous merchant, a successful voyag,er through Many seas, seeking rather the glory of his country And the relief of the poor than thirsting for The accumulation of hoards of wealth. And, therefore, by the will of God, He became richer, an exemplary magistrate of the city. Full of honor and fidelity, serving Christ and Cod According to the teaching of the Church of England (Which was dear to his heart); he dosed his life in peace And now enjoys eternal peace beyond the stars.'"" Gyles Elbridge, his nephew by marriage, who with Aldworth owned Monhegan, was also a leading merchant of Bristol, and prominent in civic affairs.^^ On his death in February, 1644, the title vested in his eldest surviving son, John, who died either in Septem- ber or October, 1646, devising all his property in New England, and also considerable real estate in England, to his brother Thomas. In hiswill, dated September 11, 1646, he states that Thomas was then "beyond the seas and still in his minority." Thomas Elbridge, who became the owner in 1646, came to Pemaciiiid prior to September 11, 1650, when he mortgaged the island to Abraham Shurt. As we have seen he was not of age in the early fall of 1646, and was then somewhere in America. In 1672 he was one of the petitioners to Massachusetts to be taken under its government and protection. •"'' After he came to Pemaquid, where he was a merchant, he "called a Court unto which Divers of the then In- "" Beginnings of Colonial Maine. " ISl. where Dr. Burrage has gathered much informa- tion concerning Aldworth, and has given a picture of his monument. A detailed des- cription of the memorial, written by the clerk of St. Peters is in the possession of the writer. ""Beginnings of Colonial Maine." 180, 182, 284. His monument adjoins that of Aldworth in St. Peters Church. '""Johnston, "Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid," 110, 112; 1 Coll. Me. Hist. Soc. V, 237-241 ; 1 Me. Hist. Soc. X, 83 and references there given. 30 habitants of Monhegan, and Damariscove repaired, and continued there fishing, paying a certain Acknowl- edgement."'"' It must not be inferred that this was a court in the sense in which the word is now used, but rather a gathering of the people, called by Elbridge for the purpose of establishing his rights as proprietor. Why Elbridge left his home in old Bristol and came to the then new Bristol, we know not. It is certain that he was in financial difficulties while in Pemaquid. His property in England apparently was not available. To exploit his patent required not only energy and foresight, but capital, and he seemingly had none of these qualifications. On December 10, 1650, Abraham Shurt bound him- self to Thomas Elbridge in the sum of 7000£ to abide the order of any court at Boston, or any arbitration "in an action of the case uppon Accounts taken out" between him and Gyles Elbridge and John Elbridge his executor.'"- In 1651, he had leave to bring an "action of review" for the hearing of a suit between himself and the administrator of the estate of Richard Saltonstall.""' In 1659, Thomas Elbridge was in litigation with George Cleeve. There were cross actions for debt, and suits by Elbridge for assault and for defamation.'"^ He disposed of the last of his interests in lands at Pemaquid and Monhegan in 1657, and thereafter was not an important factor in the history of either Monhegan or Pemaquid. He resided in Pemaquid until 1672 and probably some time longer. In June 1677, he was of Marblehead and was licensed to "draw liquor, beer and cider to sell out of doors at retail, but not within doors. "'"^ Two years ""Trans. Col. Soc. of Mass. VI, 51; Lincoln Land Report, 40; Johnston, "Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid," 57; 1 Coll. Me. Hist. Soc. V, 226, 237. '"'Aspinwall Notarial Records, (Boston Record Comm'r's Reports), XXXII, 357. '"'Mass. Colonial Rec. Ill, 226; IV, Ft. I. 44. '"■"Baxter, "George Cleeve and His Times" (Gorges Society) 17S; York County Court Records (Mss.) '""Essex Court Records, VI, 296. 31 afterward, he again petitioned reciting, "what condi- tion it had 'pleased the lord by meanes of the cruell heathen,' to bring him, he having lost his all," and having "a wife and five children to maintain with no way to earn a living"; that he had been granted "a license to sell drink out of doors, but living out of the way in a poor house could not make a living, but ran in debt ; ' ' and that he had " now moved to a house near the town for which he is to pay a great rent," and asked for a license to sell within doors.'"* The follow- ing year the selectmen of Marblehead represented to the court the low and necessitous condition of El- bridge's family, and asked that his daughter Elizabeth be licensed to sell "liquor beer and syder" "till such time as she can have reliefe from him . . . now necessarily absent in Jaimaica," so that she may be able to provide for and maintain the "four small children left with hir."'°' On Nov. 28, 1682, the selectmen again petitioned reciting the needy state of Elbridge's family, left with his eldest daughter, Elizabeth, which had depended for its subsistence upon a license to the daughter issued on the petition hereinbefore referred to, and representing that the daughter named had "kept good orders," and "hath still two of the children with her."'"* Elbridge died at "Spring Plantation, Liguanee" in the parish of St. Andrew, Jamaica. The dilapidated stone over his grave gave the date as 1682, but it was so defaced or broken that the month and day did not appear. Rebecca, his wife, died in Jamaica in October, 1684.'"^ An examination of the old burial ground recently made in 1915 at the writer's request failed to find the stone. His will, dated June 9, 1682, recites that he is "very sick and weak of body;" it indicates that he possessed con,siderable property. •™Ib. VII, 242. ""lb, VII. 416, 417. ""lb. VIII, 444. ^''^Carribeana, I, 342. The will is recorded in Spanishtown, Jamaica; a copy is in the writer's possession; it never has been printed. 32 The inscription gives the age of Thomas as 63. This is inconsistent with the statement in the will of his uncle that he was a minor in 1646. The cause of the penniless condition of Thomas Elbridge of Bristol, England, Pemaquid and Jamaica remains a mystery. While he had abundant property in old England, for more than a quarter of a century both he and his family were in destitute circumstances in New^ England. On the death of Thomas, his son John became the possessor of the combined Elbridge and Aldworth estates, and was a man of great wealth. The money bequests in his will exceeded £52,000. He was founder of, and a great benefactor to, numerous important charities and schools in Bristol, England. With him the male line became extinct. Prof. Edward Elbridge Salisbury, with great outlay of time and money gathered nearly all that is known concerning the family and reference must be made to his monumental work for further details."" But many of the references to Thomas Elbridge and his family have come to light since its publication, and the date of Thomas Elbridge's death and the existence of his will were discovered by the writer by merest chance. One of the reasons for this outline of family history is the relationship of the Elbridge family with Worcester. In the female line, he was an ancestor of Stephen Salisbury, Daniel Waldo, and Levi Lincoln. Elbridge Cerry, signer of the Declaration of Independence and Vice-President of the United States, also was a descendant of Thomas Elbridge."' Shurt, the trusted servant of Gyles and John Elbridge, who purchased Monhegan in their behalf, was not only a ^"'"Family Memorials, A Series of Genealogical and Biogiaphical Monographs," including among others, the family of Aldworth-Elbridge (lSS5-Privately printed in an Edition of 200) I, 103, 143; "Beginnings of Colonial Maine." 180-182, 217-219,284, 306, 308; Report of State Historian (Me.) 1913-1914, 7-10, 14016: N. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg (Oct. 1900), LIV, 410-413. i"ibid. 33 man of great influence, but the leading resident of Pemaquid, and its neighborhood."^ Nicholas Davison was a mariner of Charlestown and left considerable property. Although his estate was settled in Middlesex County, Massachusetts, he be- came a resident of Pemaquid, died and was there buried."' Time permits a reference to only one more of the owners hereinbefore referred to. Deacon Shem Drowne, agent for the Pemaquid Proprietors and the one most active in their behalf, was a coppersmith of Boston, and the first tinplate worker that ever came to that place. He was the artisan of the grasshopper vane that still remains on Faneuil Hall."^ The progress of events on the island is nowreviewed. Sylvanus Davis's report, made in 1701, states that the island was "improved ever since [from 1626] till the Warr, in 1688. ""^ Although this is not literally true, undoubtedly it is substantially correct. Richard Mather, in the journal of his voyage from Bristol, England, to Massachusetts, states that on August 8, 1635, land was made at Monhegan, "an Hand without inhabitants.""^ Everything indicates that shortly after the sale by Jennings, the island ceased for a time to be a place of importance. The day of the explorer had ended. A voyage to the Maine coast was no more momentous than one of like character would be to-day, and such voyages were not heralded or recorded. The centre of events had moved to Massachusetts Bay, and, by the greater growth there taking place, that of the fishing isles of Maine was shadowed. But the fishery was still of iisjobnston, "Bristol. Bremen and Pemaquid." 56, 59; New England Hist, and Gen Reg. XXV, 131 : Trans. Col. Soc. Mass. VI, 49, and references there given. "'Trans. Col. Soc. Mass. VI, 37-14; York Deeds, XVII, 331. "•Trans. Col. Soc. Mass. VI, 23, 30-32; Lincoln Land Report, 7-11, 59, 62, 76, 146: Johnston, "Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid," 4G6. "sTrans. Col. Soc. Mass. VI, 27. "'Journal of Richard Mather, 26. 34 great importance, and the fishermen continued to pull up from the sea "two pence, six pence and twelve pence," as Smith quaintly phrased it.'" While the evidence for some considerable time after 1626 is against a continuous settlement, there can be no doubt that, in the spring and early summer, the island was a place of resort for fishermen from across the sea, and from Massachusetts Bay and Plymouth. In 1629, one John Parker was there engaged in fishing."^ Dixey Bull, the first pirate of the New England Coast, vexed this vicinity, taking several vessels at sea, rifling the fort at Pemaquid, and plundering the settlers."' Governor Winthrop rec- ords (1641) the sorrowful adventures of eight men, who in the fall "about the beginning of the frost," started from Piscataqua for Pemaquid, and who were driven out to sea, and after fourteen days of suffering reached Monhegan. Four died, and the others were discovered and rescued by a fisherman.'-" In an account rendered in 1647, is this entry: "It to Monhigan men 04:00:00. "'2' In 1648, shallops from Ipswich, Mass., fished at Monhegan all summer. '^'- Valentine Hill made a voyage to this place from Essex County in 1650, and had litigation about it with one of his men. At least one of them remained on the island, and the same year John Devoux left there two swine. '^' Edward Hilliard, in 1654, brought suit against John Ridgaway for "freight of fish from Munhegin to Charlestowne."'-^ Apparently he met with success in his suit, or other creditors pursued Ridgway, for, in the next year, he tendered to his creditors among other things "two bills with men's '"Smith, "Travels and Works," I, 213; n,727. "»1 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll. U, 192. '"1 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., V. 204; Me. Gen. Recorder, I, 57. ™Mag. Am. Hist. (Sept. '84) 270; 1 Me. Hist, Soc. Coll. V, 224. '"SuSfolk Deeds, III, 100. '^^Hubbard. "General History of New England," 532. 's^Essex Court Records, I, 214-216, 325. "«Johnstnn, "Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid," HO; 2 Mc. Hist. Soc. Coll. IV, 344; lIb.,V,249. "'Records of Court of Assistants (Mass.), I, 12. "*The name is sometimes spelled Dollen. "'2 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll. IV, 344; 1 lb.. V, 249; Mass. Col. Rec. V, 1719; Johnston, "Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid," 110; Sullivan "History of the District of Maine," 162; Mass. Colonial Records, VI, 18-20. ^^^See references last cited. 41 The colonial records of Massachusetts give accounts of proceedings in the next two j'ears.'" In 1674, eighty took the oaths of fidelity. While their names are given, the residences do not appear. '^^ These records show that Monhegan had a pros- perous settlement, apparently the most so of any place named. Its residents were men of influence; its taxable property was not only nearly three times that of Pemaquid, but more than that of any other part of the county. Josselyn records that it was filled with dwelling houses and stages for fishing; but as to the former, the statement must not be taken too literally.'^' In the year last named, Charles II renewed his grant to the Duke of York, and Gov. Edmund Andros, then of New York, took measures to re-establish the authority of the duke.'^'' Before this had been accomplished, grievous mis- fortune had befallen. On the death of King Philip, August 12, 1676, the Indian War, so far as Massachu- setts was concerned, ended, but it broke out in Maine with renewed energy. ^Nlonhegan residents did not pour oil on the. troubled waters when they offered "five Pound for every Indian that should be brought, " evidently with the intent of selling the captives as slaves.'" The smouldering embers of hostility burst out into flame in August, 1676. Attacks were made upon Casco (Portland) and Georgetown. Some were killed and many were taken captives. Warning being given, settlers fled from every quarter seeking a haven of safety. Let William Hubbard, who wrote but a few years later, tell the story. liijohnston, "Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid." 115. i«2 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll. IV, 345. is"3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. HI. 347; 1 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll. VUI. 310. 1M2 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll. IV, 190, where the date is erroneously given as 1664; 2 lb.. VII, 323; 1 lb., VIII, 1S3. '"Hubbard's "Indian Wars," (Drakes Ed.) II. 149; New England Hist. Gen. Reg. (.•Vpril 1871). 37; Johnston, "Bristol. Bremen and Pemaquid." llS-120. 42 "Upon the report of this sad Disaster, all the Planta- tions of the English in those Parts, were soon after left, and forsaken by Degrees. All the Rest of the In- habitants of Kennibeck River, Shipscot River, Sagade- hock, Damanicottee, fearing to be served in the same kind, fled to the Islands of Cape Bonawagan & Damorils Cove. "On the second Day at Night a Post was sent to Pemrnaquid to inform them of what had hapned, who being but eight or ten Men, were minded to go to the Island called Monhiggon, having secured the best of their Goods, but the Wind taking them short, they were forced to turn into Datnorils Cove, where they found Mr. Wiswal & Mr. Colicot. There they laboured two Days to settle a Garrison; But partly by the Mutinous- ness of the People, and partly by the Want of Provision nothing could be done to secure the Island, so that it was presently deserted: From thence they went to Monhiggon, resolving there to tarry till they had heard from Boston, from whence Mr. Colicot & Mr. Wiswal promised to do their utmost Endeavour to send help. There they settled three Gaurds, and appointed five & twenty to Watch every Night, not knowing but that the Indians might come every Hour. But continuing there a Fort-night, and finding no Relief like to come; & seeing all the Country burned round about (for after they had gotten all that could be saved from Pemaquid, they saw all the other Islands Windgins, Corbins Sound, Neiv Harbor, Pemaquid, all on fire in two Hours Time) then considering what was best to be done, they found no boats could be sent to Sea for fear of weakning the Island, & the most of those that were upon the Island, were Strangers, Coasters, & such as came from the Maync, and were ready to be gone upon ever}' Occasion, they laid an Imbargoe for one Weeks Time; after which a Letter was received from Major Clark, desiring their Assistance for enquiring after Capt. Lake if alive, saving what could be had at Kennibeck, &c. but intimating nothing of any Help 1 1 43 like to come, besides those that brought the Letter told them, it was in vain to expect any Help from Boston. It being questioned there, what they had to do with those Parts, upon which the Inhabitants considered, that if thej^ should tarry there, and spend all their Provision, & neither be able to go to sea, nor yet to live, or to be safe ashore for want of Help, it were better for them to remove, while they had something to live upon & seek Imployment elsewhere; so by Consent they resolved forthwith to transport themselves, and what they had saved of their Goods to some Place of Security, so they took this first Opportunity to set sayle, some for Piscataqua, some for Boston, and some for Salem, at one of which three Places thej' all safely arrived. "^'^ While the date is not given, the flight to Monhegan must have been about August 20. From another source we learn that about three hundred persons were collected at Damariscove, before the departure to Monhegan.'" Forty of the people of Monhegan were without guns, and there was not a sufficient supply of ammunition. '°* How many there were can only be conjectured, but the number must have been much larger than at Damariscove. What a sight the island must have presented! The small and rude homes were crowded to overflowing with those who were happy to endure hardship, be- cause they had escaped captivity or death, but who w^ere nevertheless subdued by sorrow because of their losses as they saw in the distance flames arising from homes upon the main, or sadly pondered what the future had in store for them. Some scanned the face of the waters to guard against further disaster to the anxious assemblage. Perchance some were there whose brothers, sisters, fathers, mothers or children had been struck down by the tomahawk, or dragged ■"Hubbard, "Indian Wars," (Drake's Ed ) U. 164-166. •"Johnston, "Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid," 126; The Giles Memorial, 116. '»2 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll VI, 91, 118, 127; .Mass Archives, LXIX, 51. 44 into captivity. If so, words cannot picture their grief. Troubles with the Indians continued for many years with but slight intermissions. In 1677, Governor Andros reasserted the jurisdiction of the Duke of York. A garrison was established and fortifications again erected at Pemaquid.^^'' Regulations were made as to the construction of stages for drying fish on the "fishing islands" of which Monhegan was the most important, and that Indians should not go to said islands.'^" In this year the Indians captured many fishing vessels, but were unsuccessful in navigating them.'" To some extent the former inhabitants returned to their homes. While the government under the Duke of York continued, here and there are found evidences of occupation of the island. For example, about the middle of August, 1682, one Richard Bass, being in debt, ran away with the shallop of his master John Dalton [DoUen] of Monhegan with a servant of the owner and another fellow "a liver in the place. ^*^ In 1688, Dollen was a justice of the peace there."'" M. LaMothe Cadillac, a competent observer, with access to original sources of information and with a wide personal knowledge, writing shortly after, says that there were "about twenty families employed in fishing around this island. ""^^ In June, 1699, Captain Ward, in the ship "Sampson" came from Virginia to Monhegan and returned "home with a good quantity of fish to relieve the colony."'"'^ During this period, leases were given of land. One of these dated September 18, 1686, upon a yearly ^^''Johnston, "Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid, " 141. ""1 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll. V. 15, 19, 21, 22. '"Johnston," Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid." 135; 2 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll. VI, 179, 184; 'KDukes County (Mass.) Deeds, I. 2S3; New England Hist. & Gen. Reg. LII, 27. See also 2 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll. IV, 348. i'"2 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll. VI, 44S. '«1 Me. Hist. Coll. VI, 283. 'S'N. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg. XXXI, 397. 45 rental of "three bushells of Merchantable Wheate, or y" Vallue thereof in money," demised to Richard Patteshall "a third part of a parcell of meadow which is in Company with John Dallen & John Palmer on ye Island of Monhegon. Also a Swamp lying on a hill above y'' sd Meadow Next to ye highway. "'"* Patte- shall also claimed a stage and flake privilege.'" A lease to Dollen in the same year is of premises whereon he "now dwelleth, " and includes" several other parcels of land" "there now fenced in or inclosed" by him "for planting of Indian corn; with a full third part of a certain marsh or meadow, on the said island, and the stage and back room for the fishery there. "^** Throughout many years conveyances are found of rights under these leases. In one, reference is made to land of Renold Kelly adjoining that of Dollen. '^^ When the Duke of York became King James II, by royal order dated September 9, 1686, the "Ffort & Country of Pemaquid " were joined with New England, over which Andros was appointed governor, as a part thereof.'"" Thereafter Monhegan was a part of Massachusetts until Maine became a sovereign state. The Indian troubles broke out with renewed severity in 1689, when the fort at Pemaquid was captured and destroyed. For many years thereafter this entire region was subsantially abandoned. In 1692, the fort at Pemaquid was rebuilt of stone, and occupied by a garrison. But it was in a troubled country. Again and again bands of Indians, sometimes with French allies, ravaged its vicinity, and harassed the garrison. In 1696, the fort was again captured, this time by the French and Indians. '"York Deeds, IX, 230; Sullivan, "History of Maine," 162: Johnston, •'Bristo!, Bremen and Pemaquid," 153. '"By deed dated August 3. 1683; Johnston, "Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid," 235; "Book of Eastern Claims," (Mass. Archives) 65. i^SulUvan, "History of the District of Maine." 162. "'York Deeds, XVIII, 259. This deed dated May 7, 1717, recites that Joanna Man- dor, widow of James, of Boston, was the daughter of Dollen, and also wife of Reynold Kelly. See also York deeds, XIX, 67. '"^ Me. Hist. Soc. Coll. VII, 369, 372, 379; 1 lb., V, 4. 46 With the capture of the fort at Pemaquid in 1689, and the abandonment of the country thereabout, ended the golden age of Monhegan. At first it had been a noted landmark for explorers, and a place of rendezvous for their small ships. Then it had been a noted and prosperous resort of fishermen from across the ocean, a trading station unequalled elsewhere, the succor of the infant settlement at Plymouth. Next, full of fishermen who had there their homes, for a time, it was the most prosperous of all the settlements east of the Kennebec. But all was now changed. Indians and their French allies devastated the shores and dominated the waters; and where there had been happy homes, there was now only a scene of desolation. From time to time, bold fishermen came here for the treasures of the deep; expeditions against the French or Indians passed by and sometimes anchored within the harbor ;^"^ hardy settlers from the main came here in the summer months when the Indian foe was more active than in the winter. But the pristine glory of Monhegan had departed. It is recorded only in the books of the historians, in the narratives of ancient voyages, in contemporaneous chronicles, and in musty records found here and there from London to New York. Sullivan, writing in 1795, says "The chimneys, and remains of houses," are in evidence "at this day,""^ but nothing of substance now remains to recall to us the ancient days. A legend is sometimes told of the capture of the island by the Indians, but it is without foundation. Truly the island was deserted, and un- doubtedly its stages, fish and other houses, were destroyed. No trace exists of these, but in the locality of the church, the outlines of small cellars re- mained until within a few years. One of these was on the westerly side of the road and about one hundred "'Church, "History of King Philip'a War," (Ed. 1843) 222. '"Sullivan, "History of the District of Maine," 15. 47 feet southerly of the church ; another, about where the church stands; a third where is now the late residence of Rufus Pierce; a fourth in the rear of the Albee House and near the road to Horn's Hill. Still another was upon that hill. Excavations in this locality have revealed bits of broken pottery, and fragments of clay pipes of antique pattern. A little more than three decades ago, there was found an ancient Dutch spoon of bronze. When the late residence of Rufus Pierce was built, in excavating within the depression mark- ing an ancient cellar, there was found a large iron kettle, and the burnt fragments of a door. Great expectations were aroused when the outlines of the kettle appeared, and the work progressed with care, but alas! Nothing more valuable than mould re- warded the expectant workers. In front of this house, about fifty years ago, bones, pronounced to be human by one who had studied medicine, were ploughed up. There is not much to record during the fifty years after the fateful one of 1689. What is known may be summarized briefly. In 1696, Capt. Church there anchored the vessels of his fourth expedition against the eastern Indians."' Mary Cowell, in a deposition taken August 19, 1768, gives testimony that "about Fifty years ago" she lived at a "place called Muscongus at the East- ward about seven or eight years. . . that in the summer season, this Deponent with William Hilton, Richard Pierce, Samuel Annis and their Familys used to go over to Monhegan Island for fear of the Indians and return back in the Fall. . . that said Samuel Martin used to make fish Hkewise on Monhegan island on account of the Indians.""^ In depositions taken about the same time, Naomi Annis states that about '"Eaton, "Thomaston, Rockland and So. Thomaston," I. 29; Johnston, "Bristol. Bremen and Pemaquid, " 210. ■"Suffolk Court Files, — Printed in part in Trans. Col. .Soc. Mass. VI, 32; Cumberland Deeds, I, 35; Me. Hist & Gen. Rec. U, 202. 48 1715 "she with her late husband Samuel Annis went to live at a place called round Pond . . and there they continued three Years and then moved off for fear of the Indians to Monhegon Island. And moved off and on for the Space of one Year. And after two Years more the(y) moved off to Monhegan Island. Again for about a month for fear of Said Indians, and then returned to said Round Pond. ""^ William Hilton, who is referred to in Mrs. Cowell's deposition, probably removed from these parts about 1718. ''* But better evidence exists as to the date of some of the events referred to in these depositions. Rev. Richard Baxter of Medfield, Massachusetts, a missionary to the Indians, under date of August 13, 1721, made this entry in his journal. ". . . we arrived at Mun-Hegan where we found several fisher- men, and some Families yt were removed from Muscon- gus for fear of y Indians." The next day, Mr. Baxter took with him several of these families and went to the fort on Georges River.'" By this we not only fix a date of occupation of the island by settlers on the main but learn that the fishermen still came. Patrick Rogers of Bristol, who had been lieutenant at the fort at Pemaquid, also gave testimony that in 1720 or 1721 there was not "one House that he Knew of between Geord Town & Annopolis Royal (except one in Damariscove, an Island to make fish on)""* But his deposition is discredited by Mr. Baxter's journal, as well as by other evidence. In June, 1724, a part of Col. Thomas Westbrook's forces cruising among the islands, visited Monhegan, but no record exists as to what they found here.'" On July 6, 1758, Samuel Day and Rufus Stacy were captured by the Indians while fishing there ;'^ and in '"Trans. Col. Soc. Mass. VI, 33-36. "'Johnston, "Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid," 246-249, 256. "'New Eng. Hist. & Gen. Reg. XXI, 55. "'Trans. Col. Soc. Mass. VI. 28. "»2 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll. X, 203. 'SONew Eng. Hist. & Gen. Reg. XIV, 273. 49 the same month two men and a boy who were fishing "off Mohegan island . . . were killed and their schooner burnt."'*' The day was at hand when the Indian wars were to end. Almost without intermission from 1676 to 1759, more than eighty years, the warwhoop had re- sounded along the shores of Maine westward of Penobscot Bay. However, with the fall of Quebec, (September IS, 1759), all was changed. About the middle of October, the glad news reached Pemaquid. The garrison had been removed the year before, but the fort was occupied by families who sought its protection. Indian raids continued as late as 1758. ''^ The treaty of peace by which France surrendered Canada was signed in 1763, and the redman was no longer a menace. The survey of the title closed with the purchase of the island by Shem Drowne in 1749. November 15, 1758, Drowne for the nominal consideration of five shillings conveyed the island to his son Thomas, also a tin-plate worker in Boston. The deed included "the Small Islands adjacent the Menahnahs. "'*' February 6, 1770, Thomas Drowne in consideration of one hundred and sixty pounds transferred Monhegan and "Menahnah" to Benjamin Bickford of Beverlj', Sailmaker, and to Benjamin Bickford, yeoman, George Bickford and Edmund Bickford, shoremen, and Ebenezer Bickford, merchant, all of Salem. The grantees did not take as equal owners, and their shares are carefully defined in the deed.'^^ A few years earlier Benjamin Bickford had purchased other interests or claims. At least one of the conveyances "14 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. V, 461. '«Johnston, "Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid," 315, 316, 318. '83York Deeds, XXXV, 102. The acknowledgment was peculiar. The eyesight of Shem Drowne had failed and the acknowledgment recites that the deed is the act of his "dimsightedness. " Johnston, "Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid," 466. ^^Lincoln Deeds, VII, 200. The Benjamin first named was a brother of Ebenezer: Edmund and George were brothers; otherwise the only relationship was that of cousins. Essex Antiquarian, VIII, 60. 50 to him deeded an interest under a grant or lease made by the government under the Duke of York.^**^ November 18, 1774, Benjamin Bickford mortgaged his half interest to Francis Cabot of Beverly for one hun- dred and twenty pounds. This mortgage mentions a dwelling house and barn.'*" Nothing has been found to indicate what caused the Bickfords to purchase the island, or as to any use or occupation by them, but the house and barn are first mentioned during their owner- ship. In an account of the estate of George Bickford, appears this item, "By 1-6 part of what was re- covered for stock on Monhegan Island 1.16.2."'*" October 2, 1777, the Bickfords made a written agreement with Henry Trefethren of Kittery, cabinet maker, to sell to him the islands, with house and barn on Monhegan. The formal conveyance was neglected, but after the death of George Bickford the deed dated February 16, 1790, was duly given in consideration of three hundred pounds which had been paid at an earlier date. While the deed refers to buildings, it does not describe them.'** The deed to Trefethren, or Trefethen, as the name was afterwards written, marks the beginning of a new chapter. From the abandonment of the island at the time of the Indian war, it had been so far as known almost without inhabitants, a resort for fishermen, a place of safety for refugees from the main, and later the residence of at least one family. But with the deed to Trefethren, begins the first page of the history of the present settlement. Henry Trefethren, if ever he became a resident, did not long remain. In 1790, as has been seen, he was of Kittery. March 26, 1796, he executed a power of •attorney to his son Henry Trefethren, Jr., of Mon- "sLincoln Deeds. V, 73; VII, 100. i»Ib. XI, 250. 's^Essex County (Mas3.) Probate Records is^Lincoln Deeds, XLI, 176; Mass. Resolves. 1789 c. 87, and petitiun in Mass Archives. 51 hegan, fisherman. In this instrument he describes himself as of Dover, New Hampshire, and as a trader. In it he authorized his son to take possession of any real or personal property belonging to him and situated on Monhegan.'*' Little is known concerning Henry Trefethren, Sr. It has been said that he was a shipwright, and that the family was of Welsh origin;"" but the name as originally spelled is Trevethan, a family name in Cornwall, and not given in any list of English, Scotch or Welsh surnames. He resided in Dover at the time of his death, October 28, 1797, at the age of 63. His will, dated September 16, 1797, directs his son, Henry, to take part of his share in his estate out of one half of Monhegan and Manana which formerly belonged to him. There are similar pro- visions as to his daughters, Mary, wife of Josiah Starling, and Sarah, wife of Thomas Horn.'^^ Ap- parently he had conveyed an undivided interest in the island to his son Henry, as in 1795, that son deeded an undivided sixth interest in Monhegan and all the islands belonging thereto to his brother-in-law, Josiah Starling, and a like interest to his brother-in-law, Thomas Horn. The deeds describe all three as of Monhegan and as "mariners," and also include "one sixth part of one yoke of oxen, nine cows, one bull, fifty-four sheep, and all farming utensils and all the Buildings thatwere built and standing insaid Islands," in 1793."^ The reference to this date indicates that the joint occupation of the island by these brothers- in-law began as early as 1793."' It is probable, how- ever, that there was an earlier occupation. In the little cemetery, the first inscription is in memory of Phebe Starling, who died March 4, 1784, aged one month : the second is in memory of Mary Starling who '"Lincoln County Deeds, XLI, 178. ""Goold, "History of Pe.^ks and House Islands." 73. '"Strafford County (N. H.) Probate Records. V, 121. "^Lincoln County Deeds, XLI, 177; XLIV, 32. '"In 1790, Henry Trefethen lived in Kittory; Josiah Starling in Cushing; and Thomas Home in Boothbay. U. S Census of 1790 for District of Maine, 34, 36, 61. 52 died October 22, 1790, aged two years and six months. There are no other graves bearing inscriptions of a date earlier than 1805. Reference has been made to the mortgage given by Benjamin Bickford to Francis Cabot. In 1804, the new owners purchased the interest of the mortgage whose executors had recovered possession thereunder. This entailed an additional expense of twelve hundred and fifty one pounds. '''' Even this did not end their troubles. In 1822, there was a division of the public lands in Maine between that state and Massachusetts, and under this division Massachusetts claimed title to Monhegan. Probably the ancient grant to Jennings was then unknown. The distance of the island from Pemaquid excluded it from the patent of that place, and even if it was claimed to be included therein, its title was subject to the alleged infirmities of that patent. After this division, Trefethren, Starling and Horn on July 23, 1823, for $200 purchased of Massa- chusetts all its interest in Monhegan and Manana. The conveyance recites a survey made in 1807 of the larger island, and gives its area as 433 acres, and that of Manana as 25 acres by estimation. "= In the year 1807, after the death of Henry Tre- fethren, Sr., a partition was made. Henry Trefethren became the owner of the northerly end of the island and Thomas Horn of the lot adjoining on the south and extending from Deadman's Cove across the island. The next lot was assigned to Josiah Starling and extended southerly to a line beginning at the road at a bound almost opposite the old island store and across the island to the eastern shore. This lot includes what is known as Cathedral Woods, White Head, and substantially all of the meadow. The house lot of Trefethren was between the road and the harbor, and included the lot on which the old Trefethren Mansion, now known as the "Influence," stands. Thomas " I --J I - ■ l.M o'> AaAft \ v\ 2.V A \(: a 2.«^S&&i V 'og'-ef>"ef \iVk»H ^ tNAViC