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 7 
 
 rHE EDITOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 F&OM the justly acquired celebrity of Dr. Goldsmith, 
 the origin jv' compiler of this Work, it seems highly neces- 
 sary, as well through respect to the genius and erudition 
 of that great author, as regard to public opinion, that I 
 should state the reasons which induced me to attempt the 
 revision and correction of ^ book, which has been, for a 
 long series of years, so general a favourite in our schools. 
 
 That Dr. Goldsmith, in, those productions which he in- 
 tended as a monument of literary immortality, has display- 
 ed abilities, which seldom have been equalled, or perhaps 
 never have been surpassed, is generally admitted: but, that 
 in many, which were written through necessity, and pub- 
 lished without revisal, he has fallen below authors, whose 
 •/ names are scarcely mentioned in the page of criticism, is 
 a truth, which stands attested by*their perusal. 
 
 My first intention was merely to render innocuous those 
 passages, which, by their indecency, were sure to promote 
 hesitation in the reader, and to cover with a blush the 
 cheek of modesty. That such recitals should be tolerated 
 by the instructors of our youth, is extraordinary: thus, by 
 repetition, familiarizing the infant mind with obscenity, 
 and associating indelicacy with instruction. 
 
 To obviate this,, by even a partial rejection of historical 
 ynlatter, has not, in the present edition, been attempted. 
 Such a course, might be fairly censured by the friendly, 
 or, with severity, be attacked by the fastidious. The 
 remedy, I have sought, in the substitution of language, 
 which, without partaking of vulgarity, may be found 
 equally expressive of the meaning. 
 
 Though, however, my original plan was confined to di- 
 vesting the work of those passages which were the most 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 glaringly offensive, yet, o%a more muiute examination, it 
 appeared so objectionable, in many other respects, that I 
 determined on the more laborious, as well as presumptu- 
 ous task, of revising the entire. Presumptuous, indeed, 
 it may appear, for inexperience to contend with prejudice. 
 We read, with increasing pleasure, the fascinating produc- 
 tions of our illustrious Author; whose transcendent talents 
 have given so great a splendour to his classical effusions, 
 that even his errors, the offspring of occasional distress, 
 have lain concealed amidst the glare of reflected brightness. 
 
 Tne Roman History, from which this little work is 
 taken, was written, by Dr. Goldsmith, in two volumes 8vo. 
 — In the year 1770, at the request of his bookseller, he 
 made this " Abridgment for the use of Schools;'^ and, for 
 that service, received only the miserable payment of Fifty 
 Guineas! — a sum, scarcely equivalent to remunerate the 
 manual labour of transcribing. By such means, is genius 
 degraded, to suit the sordid calculations of avarice, and 
 Literature made the agent of her own destruction. 
 
 Candour, however, obliges me to state, that the larger 
 work is chargeable with the same imperfections; and that 
 the Abridgment is, in general, a literal extract. But thai 
 continued tautology, so offensive to a well tuned ear, is 
 not equally perceptible in the original; the narrative of 
 which being more distended, the repetitions are, of course, 
 less observable. 
 
 Nearly fifty years have passed, since this History was 
 written, which will, in a great measure, apologize for the 
 introduction of those indelicacies, that it has been my ob- 
 ject to remove. Half a century ago, Jlncient Literature 
 was not much attended to by females^ even amongst the 
 highest ranks; and this compilation was intended rather 
 to assist the studies of the Classical scholar. Though 
 coarseness of expression should always be avoided, it 
 must, however, be conceded, that the same language, 
 which might not be objectionable to an academical student, 
 in his retirement, would be highly offen3ive when re;pid by 
 
PREFACE. V 
 
 a female: and, when read aloud, and particularly before a 
 teacher of the other sex, «he, who does not feel abashed 
 at the recital of indelicacy, must be insensible indeed. 
 
 The errors, a few of which I shall shortly notice, may 
 be ranked under two heads — Radical and Typographical. 
 That many of them belong to the former class, will ap- 
 pear on examination; as they are so intimately interwoven 
 with the subject, that it seems impossible, even by the 
 exercise of the most indulgent extenuation, to attribute 
 them to the press. However, those who can be satisfied 
 with nothing less than demonstration, must refer, either 
 to the original manuscript, or to the first edition, if the 
 author was employed in its typographical correction* 
 That I am warranted in my conjecture, will be made evi- 
 dent, by a reference to the cotemporary Reviews; in 
 which, the two volume edition is severely censured. The 
 errors of the Press, are indeed easily distinguished, by a 
 comparison of various copies, of which, I availed myself. 
 
 I cannot, in this place, avoid remarking, that, in gene- 
 ral, too little attention is paid to the accuracy of School- 
 Books; though, of all literary works, they should be the 
 most correct. 
 
 I shall now proceed to examine a few passages in the 
 History; allowing the public to determine, to which class 
 of errors these seeming inconsistencies belong. In the 
 third line, is the following: "jEneas, the son of Venus 
 and Anchises, having escaped from the destruction of 
 Troy." — That -^neas was the son of Anchises^ we have 
 no reason to question; it having always been admitted as 
 historical truth; but, that Venus wslS his mother, is true, 
 only as far as the Mount Ida story is to be credited. No 
 doubt, the Heathens believed the descent of Venus, and 
 her amorous addresses to the handsome chief, as implicitly 
 as they gave credit to the fable of Jupiter and Leda; 
 but, in the present age, those fictions are wrested from 
 tJie Historian, and assigned to the Poet. A History, 
 
 which commences in fiction, may continue in falsehood^ 
 
 A2 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 and will end in uncertainty. The evidence of a man, 
 once convicted of untruth, is never afterwards to be re 
 lied on. 
 
 " Having escaped from the destruction of Troy,^^^ 
 To mention that a house, or part of any buildingy was 
 saved from the destruction of a city, is perfectly consist- 
 ent; just as we should say that a particular bale of mer- 
 chandise was saved from the wreck of the brig Her cities; 
 but, it would appear rather ludicrous, if one of our Balti- 
 more Papers were to give us a paragraph in this style: 
 '' Arrived, yesterday, at Gadsby^s Hotel, our gallant 
 townsman. Captain Broadside, saved out of the wreck 
 of the ship Milo,^^ — For the chronological error, as to the 
 date of his arrival in Italy, we are indebted to the Phila- 
 delphia and Baltimore printers; an edition having been 
 furnished in each place, with the initials A. D. instead of 
 A. M. 
 
 " Amulius made use of his wealth, to supplant his 
 brother, and soon found means to possess himself of the 
 kingdom." By this mode of expression, the same person 
 becomes both subject and object; and Amulius seizes on 
 himself, instead of a kingdom. The impropriety would 
 not be greater, should I say: '^ Octavius, having procured 
 a horse, found leisure to ride himself to Washington.*' 
 Similar expressions, however, to that, will be found 
 throughout the whole. 
 
 In the account of Rhea Sylvia's going to the grove, a 
 sentence concludes thus: " whom, perhaps, to palliate her 
 offence, she averred to be Mars, the god of war/' She 
 was certainly not guilty of any crime; but, may justly 
 be said to have suffered a Tnisfortune, Again: '^The 
 mother was condemned to be buried alive; the usual pun- 
 ishment for vestals who had violated their chastityP 
 This burying alive should have been inflicted upon her 
 bold admirer, Mars; not on the unoffendiiig Sylvia, 
 
 Romulus and Remus are advised to take an omen, from 
 the flight of birdsj and proceed accordingly: << they both 
 
PREFACE. Vll 
 
 took their stations upon different hills. ^' Both might, if 
 they pleased, stand on one hill; but both could not be on 
 different hills at the same time. It might be more per- 
 spicuous to say; ''each took his station upon a diiOTerent 
 kilV 
 
 Speaking of the city: "It was called Rome, after the 
 name of its founder." No, it certainly was not called 
 Rome; that we know, beyond a doubt; but we might 
 with propriety say: It was called Roma, as being the 
 oldest name of that city mentioned by the Latin historians. 
 
 "The city was, at first, almost square; containing 
 about a thousand houses.^' Its having contained^ one 
 thousand, or even two thousand houses, shortly after 
 its commencement, corresponds with our own method of 
 doing things; but, that a city could, at first, contain a 
 thousand houses, implies a sort of architectural legerde- 
 main, of which, neither Romulus nor Remus, nor all the 
 mountaineers at their command, were capable. We build 
 very rapidly in Baltimore, but our building is nothing 
 compared with that. 
 
 " It was near a mile in compass, and commanded a small 
 territory round it, of about eight miles over. However, 
 small as it appears, it was, notwithstanding, worse inhab- 
 ited." Why, I would ask, is the comparative of the word 
 bad, used, in describing the relative proportions of the 
 size of a city, and the number of its inhabitants? 
 
 "The senate, which was to act as counsellors to the 
 King, was composed, &c." Senate, being a noun of mul- 
 titude, may be taken either as singular or plural; but, 
 whatever number the writer begins with, must be observed 
 throughout the sentence. In this place, it is taken in the 
 singular; being the antecedent to which, the nominative 
 to the verb was, in the singular. But, by what rule of 
 modern syntax, would counsellors in the plural stand in 
 apposition with senate in the singular, in this passage? 
 or how can we reconcile the transformation that occurs in 
 the use of the relative? at first, it refers to a legislative 
 
viii PREFACE. 
 
 assembly in the abstract; not the persons of whom that 
 assembly was composed^ for, if so, it should be the senate 
 who; as which cannot, with grammatical accuracy, be ap- 
 plied to persons: — in its next agency, however, it becomes 
 a personal relative. 
 
 " The plebeians, who composed the third part of the 
 legislature,^' &c. Third part gives the idea rather of an 
 arithmetical third, or third as to quantity; conveying 
 something quite different from the author's intention ; 
 which was au ordinal third: as, the king, first; the sen- 
 ate, second; the plebeians, third. I have written it, third 
 branch of the legislature. 
 
 '^ After his endeavours, by laws, to regulate his subjects, 
 he next gave orders to ascertain their numbers. The whole 
 amounted but to three thousand foot, and as many hun- 
 dred horsemen." How many hundred horsemen, then, 
 were there? I defy all the colleges in the universe to an- 
 swer the question. They might indeed guess at the num- 
 ber; or, by the assistance of a little reasoning, say, that 
 there were about three hundred horsemen; which is just 
 what the Latin authorities make them. 
 
 ^^ By these wise regulations, each day added strength 
 to the new city: multitudes flocked in from all the adja-t 
 cent towns, and it only seemed to want women to ascer^ 
 tain its duration,^^ A person might, at a slight view, 
 imagine, that the women, who were wanted, were, what 
 the ancients called soothsayers; and, what we now vul- 
 garly call fortune-tellers; in order to foretel how long 
 the city would continue. But, this, as appears in the 
 sequel, is not the meaning, nor any thing near the mean- 
 ing: the women were required to assist in the increasing 
 of the population; in fact, women were wanted to con-- 
 firm its growiiig prosperity. 
 
 Having now but partially examined five pages, and 
 finding that I am likely to run over rather too mubh paper, 
 by these criticisms, I shall conclude them, by a few gene- 
 ral remarks. Throughout the whole work, there is a 
 
PREFACE. ix 
 
 violation of language, and a misapplication of terms; which, 
 though not so objectionable, when they were first written, 
 are insufierable at the present day: for instance, adjectives 
 used as adverbs: the words between^ both^ and either^ 
 applied in reference to three persons or things. '^ The 
 triumviri agreed to divide the empire between them ;'' 
 ^'he 6/mnnulled those laws,'' ^^ he gSive free liberty;'' 
 " he followed them into their inaccessible mountains," 
 and similar expressions, very frequently appear. I have 
 endeavoured to restore the proper names, to that degree 
 of accuracy, with which, I have no doubt, they were 
 originally given ; but, from which, by successive copying, 
 they have been made, materially, to deviate; and, in most 
 instances, I have allowed them their classical form, when 
 they first occur; continuing, afterwards, the familiar^ in 
 which way, many names, in the original copy are exclu- 
 sively written. Occasional translations, also, and explana- 
 tory notes, have been added, which may prove useful to 
 the inquisitive reader, who has not had the advantage of 
 a classical education; the punctuation, likewise, has re- 
 ceived a considerable share of attention ; and, by th? 
 transposition of several clauses, I have endeavoured to give 
 the sentences that strength, which the author himself, had 
 he had more leisure, would have much better performed. 
 Surprising as it may appear, I have heard many glaring 
 mfringements of grammatical rules defended, upon the 
 principle, that the proper test of Historical composition is 
 the Understanding. If this position were admitted, our 
 Colleges are no longer required, but as the insignia of lite- 
 rary ostentation : the herculean labours of a Johnston, or 
 the critical researches of a Blair, have been made in vain. 
 Is it not possible, I would ask, so to arrange a discourse, 
 that every rule in grammar shall be violated; and yet this 
 miserable jargon may be as intelligible as the finished de- 
 clamations of Demosthenes? 
 Baltimore J May 1, 1818. 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 The original Reviser of this History, sensible 
 that the First Edition would admit of still further 
 improvement, has reviewed it, with much care ; 
 and confidently hopes, that the amendments 
 made in the second edition, will render the 
 work still more deserving of the extensive intro- 
 duction, already procured for it, by the former 
 corrections. 
 
 Philadelphitty JVovember, 1826. 
 
 1867 
 
 *^* Accompanying this edition^ there is a 
 small Book of Historical Questions^ for the use 
 of schools; also^ for the convenience of Teachers^ 
 a Key^ containing the Answers. ^ ^'^ 
 
 /J 
 
 
THE HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 
 
 CHAPTER I, 
 
 Origin of the JRomans. 
 
 The Romans, that they migl^onceal the meanness of their 
 real arfya^^i^'T'Were particularly desirous of being thought de- 
 scended fporfn'the gods.^SEneas, (said by the poets to have 
 been th^ son of Yenus and Anchises,) having escaped from 
 Troy, at the time of the destruction of that city, after matiy 
 . -mj adventures and dangers, arrived in Italy ; where'he was 
 99Q4* k^i^dty received by Latinus, the king of the Latin^, who 
 * gave him his daughter Lavinia in marriage. Turnus, 
 king of the Rutuli, was the first who opposed iEneas, he him- 
 self having long made pretensions to Lavinia. A war ensued; 
 im which the Trojan hero was victorious, and Turnlis siain^ 
 In consequence of this, ZEneas built a city, which he called^ 
 Lavinium, in honour of his wife; but, some time afterwards, 
 having engaged in another war, against Mezenlius, one of the 
 petty kings <>f the country, he was vanquished, and died in 
 battle, after a reign of four years. 
 
 Numitor, (the fifteenth king in a direct linefrorniEneas,) who 
 took possession of^the kingdom in consequence of his father's 
 vi^ill, had a brother named Amulius ; to whom were lefl the trea- 
 sures which had been brought from Troy. But, as riches too 
 generally prevail against right, Amulius mad^. use of his wealth 
 to supplant his brother, and soon found mekns to take pos- 
 session of the kingdom; adding to the crinie of usurpation, 
 that also of murder. The sons of Numitor first fell a sacrifice 
 to his suspicions ; and, to remove all apprehensions of his being 
 at any time disturbed in his ill acquired power, he caused Rhea 
 Sylvia, his brother's only daughter, to become a vestal virgin; 
 which office obliging her to observe perpetual chastity, he ap- 
 prehended little danger fron^her poster!^. > 
 
 His precautions, howeverv^^re all frustrated. Rhea Sylvia, ^ 
 when^^ing for.>vater to a neighbouring- grove, waa^met by a 
 
12 HISTORY OF HOME. 
 
 man, whom, perhaps to palliate her misfortune, she averred 
 was Mars, the god of war. 
 
 Two boys were the fruits of this violent intercourse; who 
 were no sooner born, than devoted by the usurper to destruc- 
 tion. The mother was condemned to be buried alive, the usual 
 punishment for vestals who had suffered a violation of their 
 chastity ; and the twins were ordered to be thrown into the 
 river Tyber. It happened, at the time this rigorous sentence 
 was executed, that the river had more than usually overflowed 
 its banks ; so that the water, into which the children were cast, 
 being at a distance from the main current, was too shallow to 
 drown them. In this situation, therefore, they continued with- 
 out injury ; and, that nothing relative to their preservation might 
 be free from wonder, we are told that they were for some time 
 suckled by a wolf; and that Faustjilus, the king!s^ herdsman, 
 finding them thus exposed, carried tbem ta his wife, Acca 
 Laurentia, who brought thern up as the children of her husband. 
 
 Romulus and Remus, the twins, thus strangely preserved, 
 seemed early to discover abilities and desires above the mean- 
 ness of their supposed origin. The shepherd's life began to 
 displease them; and, from tending flocks, or hunting wild 
 beasts, they soon turned their strength against the robbers who 
 infested the country; \/hom they often stripped of their plunder, 
 to share it with their fellow shepherds. In one of these ex- 
 cursions, Remus was taken prisoner, by Numitor's herdsmen, 
 who brought him 1/efore Amulius, and accused him of being a 
 robber. Romulus, however, being informed, by Faustulus, of 
 his real birth, assembled a number of his fellow shepherds, and 
 beset the usurper on all sides ; who, during his amazement and 
 distraction, was taken and slain; and Numitor, after having 
 been deposed forty-two years, recognized his grandsons, and 
 was restored to the throne. 
 
 Numitor being now in quiet possession of the kingdom, his 
 grandsons resolved to build a city, on those hillsAvhere they had 
 formerly tended flocks. Many of the neighbouring shepherds, 
 and such also as were fond of change, hastened to the site of 
 the intended city, and prepared to raise it. 
 
 In order to proceed in this undertaking with all pfksible 
 solemnity, the two brothers were advised by the king to take 
 an omen, from the flight of birds ; and it was agreed that he, 
 whose omen would be the most favourable, should, in all re- 
 spects, direct the other. In compliance with this advice, each 
 took his station upon a diflerent hill. To Remus, appeared 
 sa vultur^; to Romulus, twice that number; so th^'each 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 13 
 
 fiiought himself victorious ; the one having had the first omen, 
 the other the most complete. This produced a contest, which 
 proved fatal to Remus ; and historians relate that he was killed 
 by his brother, who, being provoked at his leaping contem[>- 
 tuously over the city wall, struck him dead upon the spot. 
 
 Romulus, now eighteen years of age, and sole commander 
 A TVr persevered in the building of a city, which was, at f 
 09 K9* future day, to give laws to the world. It was called 
 A Roma, (now Rome, by the English,) after the name of 
 ^j.j^ 'its founder; and |)uilt upon the Palatine Hill, where 
 he had taken his. successful omen. The city was at 
 first almost square, containing, shortly after its commence- 
 ment, about a thousand houses. It was nearly a mile in com- 
 pass, and commanded a small territory around it, of about 
 twenty-five miles in circuit. However, small as it appears, it 
 was but thinly inhabited ; and the first method taken to increase 
 its numbers, was the opening of a sanctuary for all malefactors, 
 slaves, and such as were desirous of novelty; who came in 
 great multitudes, and produced the effect which the new legis- 
 lator had intended. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 From the Building of Rome, to the Death of Romulus, 
 
 Scarcely was the city raised above its foundation, when its 
 rude inhabitants began to form a Constitution. Romulus, by 
 an act of great generosity, left them at liberty in the choice of 
 their king; and they, through gratitude, concurred in the election 
 of their founder ; who was accordingly acknowledged as chief 
 of their religion, sovereign magistrate of Rome, and general 
 of the army. Besides a guard to attend his person, it was de- 
 termined that he should always be preceded, wherever lie went^ 
 by another, of twelve men, armed with axes, tied up in a bundle 
 of rods ; who were to execute the laws, and impress his new 
 subjects with a high idea of his authority. 
 
 The Senate, (intended to be the King's Council,) was com- 
 posed of one hundred of the principal citizens — men, whose 
 age, wisdom, or valour, gave them a natural authority ovei 
 their fellow subjects. The king named the first senator; and 
 appointed him to act as governor of the city, during his own 
 absence in war. 
 
 The Plebeians, who composed the third branch of the legist 
 lature, as/^jumed the power of authorising those laws which were 
 
 B 
 
l4 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 introduced by the king or the senate : and all things relative 
 to peace or war ; to the election of magistrates ; and even to 
 the choosing of a king ; were confirmed by the votes of their 
 assembly. 
 
 The first care of the newly created monarch, was to attend 
 to the interest of religion ; but the precise forms of that which 
 they embraced, are now unknown. The principal religion of 
 that age consisted in a firm reliance on the soothsayers, who 
 pretended, from observations on the flight of birds, and the 
 entrails of beasts, to direct the present, and dive into the future. 
 Romulus, by an express law, commanded that no election 
 should be made, no enterprise undertaken, without first con- 
 sulting them. 
 
 Wives were forbidden, upon any pretext whatever, to sepa- 
 rate from their husbands; whilst, on the contrary, husbands 
 were empowered to repudiate their wives, and, in some cases, 
 even to put them to death. His laws with respect to children 
 and their parents, were yet more severe ; the father had entii*e 
 power, over both the fortune and the life of his ofi*spring ; and 
 could sell or imprison them, at any period, without regard either 
 to their age, or their condition. 
 
 His attention was now directed to ascertain the number of 
 his subjects ; who were found to amount only to three-thou- 
 sand foot, and about three-hundred horsemen, capable of bear- 
 ing arms. These were divided equally into three tribes; and 
 to each he assigned a different part of the city. Each of those 
 tribes was subdivided into ten curiae, or companies, consisting 
 of one-hundred men, having a centurion to command it; a priest 
 called curio to perform the sacrifices ; and two of the principal 
 inhabitants, under the title of duumviri^ to distribute justice. 
 These wise regulations contributed daily to increase the strength 
 of the new city; multitudes flocked in from all the adjacent 
 towns, and w^omen only were wanted to confirm its growing 
 prosperity. By the advice of the senate, Romulus sent depu- . 
 ties to the neighbouring Sabines, to entreat their alliance; 
 which would be the means of their obtaining the strictest con- 
 federacy with the Romans. The Sabines, who were then con- 
 sidered as the most warhke people of Italy, rejected the pn>- 
 posal with disdain. Romulus then proclaimed, throughout all 
 the neighbouring villages, a feast, in honour of Neptune ; for 
 which, he made the most magnificent preparations. These 
 entertamments were generally preceded by sacrifices, and ended 
 in the exhibition of wrestlers, gladiators, and chariot races. The 
 Sabines, as he expected, were amongst the foremost of thf 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 16 
 
 spectators ; bringing with them their wives and daughters, to 
 share in the pleasures of the day. But, whilst the strangers 
 were most intent upon the spectacle, a number of Roman youths 
 rushed in among them, with drawn swords; seized the youngest 
 and most beautiful women, and carried them off by violence. 
 In vain, the parents protested against this breach of hospitality 
 — in vain, the young women themselves at first opposed the 
 attempts of those, into whose power they had fallen; — by per- 
 severance and caresses, the betrayers, from being objects of 
 aversion, soon became the partners of their dearest affections. 
 
 A sanguinary war ensued. The cities of Cenina, Antemna, 
 and Crustum.inum, were the first that resolved to revenge the 
 common cause, which the Sabines were too dilatory in espous- 
 ing. But these, by making separate inroads, were the more 
 easily overthrown by Romulus ; who, however, made the most 
 merciful, as well ^s politic use, of his vicloiies: instead of 
 putting them to the sword, or ordering the dei^truction of their 
 towns, he placed in them Roman colonies, to form a frontier 
 for the repression of more distant invasions. 
 
 Tatius, king of Cures, a Sabine city, was the last, although 
 the most formidable, who undertook to revenge the disgrace 
 v/hich his country had suffered. He entered the Roman ter- 
 ritories, at the head of twenty-five thousand men ; and, to the 
 advantage he possessed, in having a superiority of numbers, 
 he added that of stratagem. Tarpeia, daughter of him who 
 commanded at the Capitoline Hill, happened to fall into his 
 hands, as she went without the. city walls for water; upon 
 whom, he prevailed, by means of large promises, to open one 
 of the gates to his army. The reward for which she engaged, 
 was what the soldiers wore upon their arms ; by which, she 
 meant their bracelets. They, however, either mistaking her 
 meaning, or intending to punish her perfidy, threw their buck 
 lers upon her, as they entered, and crushed her to death. The 
 Sabines being thus possessed of the Capitoline Hill, a general 
 engagement shortly afterwards took place ; which was renewed 
 for several days, witii almost equ*al success, arid lieither party 
 would consent to a submission. The last battle that they 
 fought, was in the valley which divides the Capitoline and 
 Quirinal hills. When the engagement had become general, 
 and the slaughter prodigious, the attention of the combatants 
 was suddenly turned from the scene of horror before them. — 
 The Sabine women, who had been carried off by the Romans, 
 regardless of danger, rush, with dishevelled hair, and freed from 
 their ornaments, between the parties, and with loud outcries, 
 
16 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 implore their husbands- and their children to desist. — TIi« 
 combatants, as if by mutual impulse, let fall their weapons ; — 
 an accommodation ensues ; by which, it is agreed, that Romu- 
 lus and Tatius should reign conjointly in Rome, with equal 
 power and prerogative ; that one-hundred Sabines should be 
 admitted into the senate ; that the city should still retain its name, 
 but that the citizens should be called Quirites, after Cures the 
 principal town of the Sabines ; and that the two nations being 
 thus united, those of the latter who might desire it, should be 
 admitted to live in Rome, and enjoy all the privileges of a Ro- 
 man citizen. 
 
 In about five years from this time, Tatius was killed by the 
 Lavinians, for having protected some of his servants, who had 
 plundered them and murdered their ambassadors. 
 
 The good fortune of the king produced in him an equal de- 
 gree of pride. From being contented with swaying the sceptre 
 of a limited monarchy, he now aimed at the acquisition of ab- 
 solute power ; and endeavoured to subvert those very laws, to 
 which he had himself formerly professed implicit obedience. 
 The senate, in particular, were displeased with his cojiduct; aa 
 they found themselves used only as instruments to justify the 
 rigour of his commands. We are not precisely informed of 
 the means which they employed to get rid of the tyrant: som« 
 say that he was torn in pieces in the senate-house, — others, 
 that he disappeared when reviewing his army : but, from the 
 secrecy of the fact, and the concealment of the body, they tool? 
 occasion to persuade the multitude that he was taken up into 
 heaven. Thus, him whom they could not suffer as a king, 
 they were contented to worship as a god. 
 
 Romulus reigned thirty-seven years; and, after his death 
 a temple was dedicated to him, under the name of Quirinus. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 From the death of Romulus, to the death of JVtima Pcmpilius 
 the second king of Rome, 
 
 TT r * ^^ ^^® death of Romulus, the people were greatly 
 
 OQ ' divided in the choice of a successor. The Sabines 
 
 wished to have a king chosen from their body; but 
 
 the Romans could not be prevailed on to advance a stranger to 
 
 tiie throne. In this perplexity, the senators undertook to sup- 
 
 * U. C. are the initials of two latui words^ signifying from the building of 
 the cUy 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 17 
 
 ply the place of a king, by taking the government, each of 
 them in succession, for five days; and during that lime enjoy- 
 ing all the honours, and all the privileges of royalty. This 
 new form continued for a year; but the Plebeians, wl.o saw that 
 this method of transferring power, was only multiplying their 
 masters, insisted on a change. The senate being thus com- 
 pelled to make an election, nominated Numa Pompilius, a 
 Sabine; who was received by the people with univerjal appro- 
 bation. 
 
 Numa, now in his fortieth year, had long been eminent for 
 his piety and justice, moderation and exemplary life. He was 
 skilled in all the learning and philosophy of his country; and, 
 contented with a private fortune, he enjoyed at Cures the 
 sweets of domestic retirement, unambitious of higher honours. 
 It was not, therefore, without reluctance that he accepted the 
 dignity; and his compliance produced so much joy, that the 
 people seemed not so much to receive a king, as a. kingdom. 
 
 No monarch could have been more proper for them,^ than 
 Numa. At a conjuncture when tlie kingdom was composed 
 of various petty stales, but lately subdued, and not sufficiently 
 united, they wanted a master, who could, by his laws and pre- 
 cepts, soften their fierce dispositions, and by his example, pro- 
 mote a respect for religion, and the several moral virtues. 
 
 Numa's whole time was therefore spent in inspiring his sub- 
 jects with a love of piety, and a veneration for the gods. He 
 built many new temples ; instituted sacred offices and feasts ; 
 and the sanctity of his life gave him credit enough to persuade 
 his people, that he had a particular correspondence with the 
 goddess Egeria. By her advice, he built the temple of Janus, 
 which was to be shut in time of peace, and open in war; he 
 also ordained vestal virgins, who were four in number, and had 
 very great privileges allowed them. 
 
 For the encouragement of agriculture, he divided, amongst 
 the poorer part of the people, the lands which Romulus had 
 gained in war; he also regulated the kalendar, and abolished 
 the distinction between Romans and Sabines, by dividing the 
 citizens according to their several trades, and compelling all 
 the people of each trade to live together. Thus, having leigned 
 forty-three years, in profound peace, and arrived at the age of 
 eighty, he died; having ordered his body to be buried in a stone 
 coffin, contrary to the custom of the times ; and his books of 
 ceremonies, consisting of twelve in Latin, and as many in 
 Greek, to be placed, in another, by his side. 
 
 B 2 
 
18 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 From the death of JVuma, to the death of Tullus Hostilius, tlu 
 third King of Rome. 
 
 -tr r^ On the death of Numa, the administration once mo] 
 * " devolved upon the senate ; in wl\om it continued until 
 the people elected Tullus Hostilius for their king: 
 which choice had the concurrence of the other branch of the 
 government. This monarch was grandson of a noble Roman, 
 who had formerly signalized himself against the Sabines, and 
 in nothing resembled his predecessor ; being entirely devoted 
 to war, and fonder of enterprise than even the founder of the 
 empire had been; so that he anxiously sought a pretext for 
 leading his forces into the field. 
 
 The Albans were the first who gave him an opportunity of 
 indulging, his favourite inclination. The forces of these two 
 states met about fiwe miles from Rome, prepared to decide the 
 fate of their respective kingdoms ; for almost every battle in 
 those days was decisive. The two armies were for some time 
 drawn out in array, waiting the signal for battle ; both anxious 
 to shorten that dreadful period of suspense, when an unexpected 
 proposal from the Alban general prevented the onset. Stepping 
 in between the armies, he offered the Romans a choice of 
 deciding the dispute by single combat; adding that that side, 
 whose champion was overcome, should .submit to the other. 
 Such a proposal suited the impetuous temper of the Roman 
 king, and was eagerly embraced by his subjects; each of 
 whom hoped that he himself might be chosen to decide the 
 cause of his country. There were at this time, in each army, 
 three brothers, of one birth: those of the Romans were called 
 Horatii; those of the Albans, Curiatii; all six remarkable foi 
 their courage, strength, and activity; and to them it was re- 
 solved to commit the fate of the two parties. — At length, the 
 champions met in combat, and each, totally regardless of his 
 own safety, only seeks the destruction of his opponent. Tlic 
 spectators, in horrid silence, tremble at every blow, and 
 wish to share the danger: — now, fortune seems to decide tlie 
 glory of the field; — victory, which had hitherto been doubtful, 
 appears to declare against the Romans ; two of their ch amnions 
 lie dead upon the plain, and the three Curiatii, who are wounded, 
 elowly endeavour to pursue the survivor, who seems, by flight, 
 Mo^beg for mercy. Soon, however, they perceive that his flight 
 is only feigned, that he may separate his antagonists, whom 
 
 •re™ 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. I^ 
 
 united, he was unable to oppose; for, immediately turning upon 
 him who follows the most closely behind, he lays him dead !— ^t 
 The second brother who comes on to assist, shares the same 
 fate; and now there remains but one of the Curiatii to conquer; 
 who, fatigued, and disabled by his wounds, slowly .approaches, 
 to offer r?n easy victory ; and is despatched, almost unresisting. 
 Then the conqueror, exclaiming, offers him as a victim to the 
 superiority of the Romans; to whom, the Alban army now 
 yield obedience. 
 
 But none of the virtues of that age were without alloy : — the 
 very hand, which, in the m^ rning, had been exerted to save his 
 country, was, before night, imbrued in the blood of his sister! 
 Returning triumphant from the field, it raised his indignation 
 to behold her bathed in tears, and lamenting the loss of her 
 lover; one of the Curiatii, to whom she was betrothed. This 
 provoked him beyond the power of sufferance, so that he slew 
 her in the heat of passion : an action which greatly displeased 
 the senate, and drew on him the condemnation of the magis- 
 trates : but he was pardoned by making his appeal ta the people. 
 
 Hostilius died after a reign of thirty-two years. His death 
 was, by some, attributed to lightning; but by others, with 
 greater probability, to treason. 
 
 CHAPTER T. 
 
 From the death of Tullus Hostilius, to the death of Ancus 
 •Martins, the fourth King of Rome^ 
 
 jj p An interregnum now ensiled, which terminated in the 
 * Pj * election of Ancus Martins, the grandson of Numa; who 
 was chosen king by the people, and approved of by the 
 senate. As this monarch was a lineal descendant of Numa, 
 so he, seemed to make him the great object of his imitation. 
 He instituted the sacred ceremonies which were to precede a 
 declaration of war ; he took every occasion of recommending 
 to his subjects a return to the pursuits of agriculture, and a 
 cessation from the less useful stratagems of war. 
 
 These institutions and precepts were considered by the 
 neighbouring powers, as marks rather of cowardice, than wis- 
 dom. The Latins therefore began to make incursions into hi» 
 territories ; but their success was not superior to their justice^ 
 They were conquered by Ancus ; who destroyed their cities, 
 removed their inhabitants to Rome, and increased his own ter 
 ritories by the addition of a pai t of theirs. He quelled a^so an 
 
20 HISTORY OI' ROME. 
 
 insirrection of the Veientes, the Fidenates, and the Volsci: 
 and over the Sabmes he obtained a second triumph. But his 
 victories over the enemy were of far less importance, than his 
 excisions at home, in raising temples, fortifying the city, making 
 a prison foi;^ malefactors^ and forming, at the mouth of th 
 Tyber, a sea port, called Ostia; by which, he secured to his 
 subjects the trade of that river, and of the adjacent^ saitpits. 
 Having thus enriclied his subjects, and beautified the city, he 
 died after a reign of twenty-four years. 
 
 L3 
 
 y 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 From the death of Ancus JMartius, to the death of Tarquinius 
 Prisciis^ the fifth King of Rome. 
 
 yj ^ Lucius Tarquinius Prisons, whose original name was 
 ,' * Lucumon, -was appointed guardian to the sons of the 
 late king. He took the surname of Tarquinius from, 
 the city of Tarquinii, where he had last resided. His father^ 
 was a merchant of Corinth, who had acquired considerable 
 wealth by trade, and had settled in Italy, in consequence of 
 the unpleasant state of affairs at home. His son Lucumon, 
 who inherited his fortune, married a woman of family in Tar- 
 quinii; and as his birth, profession, and country, were held in 
 contempt, by the nobles of that place, he came, by the persuasion 
 of his wife, to settle at Rome, where merit only gave distinc- 
 tion. It is said, by the historians, that, on his way thither, as 
 he approached the city gate, an eagle, stooping from above, 
 took off his hat, and flying around his chariot for some time 
 with much noise, replaced it on his head. This, his wife 
 Tanaquil, who, it seems, was skilled in augury, interpreted as 
 a presage that he shonhl wear a croion: and it was perhaps this 
 which first fired his ambition to pursue it. 
 
 Ancus being dead, and the government as usual devolving 
 upon the senate, Tarquin used all his power and arts to set 
 aside the children of the late king, and to have himself chosen 
 in their place. Accordingly, on the day appointed for election, 
 he contrived to have them removed from the city; and, in a 
 set speech to the people, in which he urged his friendship for 
 them, the fortune he had spent amongst them, and his know- 
 ledge of their government, he offered himself for their king. 
 There being nothing in this harangue that could be contested, 
 it had the desired effect; and the people unanimously elected 
 him. 
 
HISTORY Ot^ ROME 21 
 
 A kingdom, thus gained by intrigue, was, notwithstanding, 
 governed with equity. In the beginning of his reign, in order 
 to recompense his friends, he added one-hundred members to 
 the senate ; which increased their number to thi'ee hundred. 
 
 But his pacific endeavours, were soon interrupted by the in- 
 roads of his restless neighbours, particularly the Latins ; whom 
 however he defeated, and forced to beg a peace. He then 
 turned his arms against the Sabines, who had again risen, and 
 passed the Tyber; but Tarquin, (as he is named in English 
 works,) attacking them vigorously, routed their army: and 
 many who escaped the sword, were drowned in attempting to 
 recross the river ; whilst their bodies and armour floating down 
 to Rome, conveyed the proofs of victory, even before the mes- 
 sengers who were despatched with the account, could arrive. 
 These conquests were followed by several advantages over 
 the Latins ; from whom, he took many towns, though without 
 gaining any decisive victory. 
 
 Tarquin, having thus forced his enemies into submission, 
 was resolved not to let the people be corrupted by indolence, 
 but undertook and perfected several public works, for the con- 
 venience and embellishment of the city. 
 
 Duriag his reign, the augurs advanced considerably in repu- 
 tation, and he found it his interest to promote the superstition 
 of the people, as it served also to increase their obedience. 
 
 Tanaquil, his wife, was a great pretender to this art, in 
 which however she was excelled by Accius Na^vius, the most 
 celebrated adept that was ever known in Rome. Tarquin, 
 being resolved to try the augur's skill, demanded, whether that, 
 which he was then considering, could be effected. Neevius, 
 having examined his auguries, boldly affirmed that it might : 
 *' Why then," cries the king, with an insulting smile, ^* I had 
 thoughts of cutting this whetstone with a razor!" " Cut boldly" 
 replied the augur ; and the king cut it ^through accordingly. 
 Thenceforward, nothing was undertaken in Rome, without 
 obtaining the advice and approbation of the augurs. 
 
 Tarquin was not contented with a kingdom, without also the 
 ensigns of royalty. In imitation of the Lydian monarchs, he 
 assumed a crown of gold, an ivory throne, a sceptre surmount- 
 ed by an eagle, and robes of purple. * It was perhaps the 
 splendour of these royalties that first raised the envy of the 
 late king's sons, who had for thirty-seven years quietly sub- 
 mitted to his government. His design also of adopting for his 
 successor, Servius Tullius, his son-in-law, might have con- 
 tributed to inflame their resentment. But whatever was *ho 
 
22 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 cause of their tardy vengeance, they now resolved to destroy 
 him, and at length found means to effect their purpose, by 
 hiring two ruffians, who, demanding to speak with the king 
 under pretence of seeking justice, struck him dead in iiis palace, 
 with the blow of an axe. The lictors, however, that attended 
 the king's person, seized the murderers, v/ho were attempting 
 to escape. They were put to death ; but the sons of Ancus, 
 who were the instigators, found safety by flight. 
 
 Thus fell Lucius Tarquinius, ^si^irnamed Priscus, to dis- 
 tinguish him from one of his successors of the same name,) 
 aged fifty-six years, of which he had reigned thirty-eight. 
 
 CHAPTER YIL 
 
 From the death of Tarquinius Priscus, to the death of Servius 
 Tullius, the sixth King of Rome, 
 
 The report of the murder of Tarquin filled all his subjects 
 l^j p with complaint and indignation; and the citizens ran 
 - ' * from every quarter to the palace, to ascertain the truth 
 of the account, or to take vengeance on the assassins. 
 In this tumult, Tanaquil, widow of the late kmg, kn< wing the 
 danger she must incur, in case the conspirators should succeed 
 to the crown; and desirous of advancing her son-in-law to the 
 throne; artfully concealed her sorrow, and assured the people, 
 from a window of the palace, that the king was not killed, but 
 stunned by the blow, that he would shortly recover, and that 
 in the mean time he had deputed his power to Servius Tullius, 
 his son-in-law. Servius, accordingly, as it had been previously 
 arranged, issued from the palace, adorned with the ensigns of 
 royalty, and preceded by his lictors, went to despatch some af- 
 fairs that related to tlie public safety; still pretending that he 
 took all his instructions from the king. This scene of dissimu- 
 lation continued until he had confirmed his party amongst the 
 nobles ; and then, the death of Tarquin being publicly ascer- 
 tained, Servius was appointed king, solely by the election of 
 the senate, without having attempted to procure the suffrages 
 of the people. 
 
 Servius was the son of a bond-woman, who had been taken 
 at the sacking of a town belonging to the Latins, and was bom 
 whilst his mother was a slave. When yet an infant in his cradle, 
 a lambent flame is said to have played around his head ; which 
 Tanaquil converted into an omen of his future greatness. 
 
 The principal object during his reign was to increase thj^ 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. // /,A^f^^ 
 
 power of the senate, by depressing that of the people. The 
 populace, who were unable to see into his designs, conferred 
 upon him an unlimited power in the arrangement of the taxes, 
 and accordingly, as he insisted that they should pay them by 
 centuries, he commanded that they should give their votes also 
 by centuries.. In former deliberations, each citizen gave his 
 suffrage singly, and the numbers of the poor always prevailed 
 against the power of the rich; but, by the regulations of Ser- 
 vius, the senate consisted of a greater number of centuries than 
 all the other classes combined ; and thus entirely outweighed 
 them, in every contention. 
 
 In order to ascertain the increase or diminution of his sub- 
 jects and their estates, he instituted another regulation, which 
 he called a lustrum. By this, all the citizens were to assemble 
 once every five years, completely armed, and in their respec- 
 tive classes, in the Campus Martins; and there give an exact 
 account of their families and fortunes. 
 
 Having thus enjoyed a long reign, occupied in settling the 
 domestic policy of the state, and also not inattentive to foreign 
 concerns, he conceived reasonable hopes of concluding it in 
 tranquillity and eas^ He had even thoughts of laying down 
 his power; and, after having formed the kingdom into a re- 
 public, of returning into obscurity. But so generous a design 
 was frustrated, before he could put it in execution. 
 
 In the beginning of his reign, to secure the throne by every 
 precaution, he had married his two daughters to the two grand- 
 sons of Tarquin ; and, being aware that the women, as well as 
 their intended husbands, were of entirely opposite dispositions, 
 he resolved to unite her that was ungovernable and proud, with 
 him who was remarkable for a contrary character: by this, he 
 supposed that they would correct each other's failings, and that 
 the mixture would produce concord. The event however 
 proved otherwise. Lucius, his haughty son-in-law, soon grew 
 displeased with the meekness of his partner, and placed his 
 whole affections upon Tullia, his brother's wife; who answer- 
 ed his passion with sympathetic ardour As their desires wore 
 ungovernable, they resolved to break through every restramt 
 that opposed their union; both undertook and effected the 
 murder of their consorts, and were shortly afterwards intermar- 
 ried. One crime is often productive of another: from the de- 
 struction of their consorts, they proceeded to conspiring that of 
 the king. They began by raising factions against him ; alleging 
 'ais illegal title to the. crown, which Lucius claimed as his own, 
 
24 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 as heir to Tarquin. At length, when he found the senate ripe 
 for seconding his views, he entered the senate-house, adorned 
 with all the insignia of royalty ; and, placing himself upon the 
 throne, began to harangue them on the obscurity of the king's 
 birth, and the injustice of his title. Whilst he was yet speak- 
 ing, Servius entered, attended by a few followers ; and, seeing 
 his throne thus rudely invaded, attempted to push the usurper 
 from his seat : but Lucius, being in the vigour of youth, threw 
 the old man down the steps which led to the throne ; and some 
 of his adherents, who had been previously instructed, followed 
 the king, as he was feebly attempting to reach the palace, and 
 despatched him ; throwing his mangled and bleeding body, as a 
 public spectacle, into the street. In the mean time, TuUia, burn- 
 ing with impatience for the event, was informed of what her 
 husband had done, and resolving to be amongst the first who 
 should salute him as monarch, ordered her chariot to the senate- 
 house : but, as the charioteer approached the place where the 
 body of the old king, her father, lay, exposed and bloody, the 
 man, amazed at the inhuman spectacle, and not wishing to 
 trample upon it with his horses, offered to turn another way. 
 This served only to increase the fiercene^ of her temper : shfiM^ 
 threw the footstool at his head, and ordered him to drive o4tr 
 the dead body, without hesitation. 
 
 Thus died, Servius Tullius ; a prince of eminent justice and 
 moderation ; after a useful and prosperous reign of forty-four 
 y^ears. 
 
 CHAPTER Vm. 
 
 From the death of Servius Tullius, to the banishment of Ta}^ 
 quinius Superbus, the seventh and last King of Rome, 
 
 yy p Lucius Tarquinius afterwards called Superbus, 
 9^0 * (^'^i^h) i" Latin, signifies proud,) having placed him- 
 self upon the throne, as related in the preceding chap- 
 ter, was resolved to support his dignity by the same violence 
 by which it had been acquired. Regardless of the approbation 
 either of the senate or the people, he seemed to claim the crown 
 by hereditary right ; and refused the late king's body a burial, 
 under the pretence of his having been a usurper. All virtuous 
 people, however, looked upon his accession with detestation 
 and horror; and this last act of inefficient barbarity, served 
 only to confirm their hatred. Conscious of this, he order d 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 25 
 
 all those whom he suspected to have been attached to Servius, 
 to be put to death ; and, fearing the natural consequences of 
 his tyranny, he increased the guard around his person. 
 
 His chief policy seems to have consisted in keeping the 
 people always employed, either in wars or in public works; 
 by which means, he diverted their attention from his illegal 
 method of obtaining the crown. 
 
 He first marched against the Sabines, who had refused to 
 pay him obedience, and soon reduced them to submission. He 
 next began a war with the Volsci, which continued for many 
 ages. The city of the Gabii made a determined resistance; 
 and, having ineffectually attempted to reduce it by a siege, he 
 was obliged to resort to stratagem, contrary to the usual prac- 
 tice of the Romans. He caused his son Sextus to counterfeit 
 desertion, under pretence of barbarous usage, and to seek refuge 
 amongst the inhabitants of the place. There, by artful com- 
 plaints, and studied lamentations, he so engaged the people in 
 his interest, as to be chosen their governor; and soon after, 
 general of their army. He appeared at first, successful in 
 every engagement, and, thus finding himself possessed of the 
 confidence of the state, he sent a trusty messenger to his farther, 
 for instructions. Tarquin made no other answer, than by 
 taking the man into the garden, where he cut down before him 
 the tallest poppies. Sextus readily understood this reply ; and 
 found means to destroy or remove, one by one, the principal 
 men of the city ; still taking care to confiscate their effects, and 
 divide them amongst the people. The charms of these divi- 
 dends kept the giddy populace blind to their own ruin, until 
 they found themselves, at last, without counsellors or head; 
 and they eventually fell under the power of Tarquin, without 
 even striking a blow. After this, he made a league with the 
 JEqui, and renewed that with the Etrurians. 
 
 But whilst he was engaged in war abroad^ he took care that 
 the people should not remain in idleness at home. He under- 
 took to build the capitol, the foundation of which had been laid 
 in a former reign ; and a singular occurrence contributed to 
 hasten the execution of his design. A woman, in a strange 
 attire, made her appearance at Rome, offering to sell nine 
 books, which she said were of her own composing. Not know- 
 ing the abilities of the stranger, or that she was in fact one of 
 the celebrated Sybils, whose prophecies were never supposed 
 to fail, Tarquin refused to buy them. Upon this she departed, 
 and burning three of the books, returned again, demanding the 
 same price for the six remaining. Being again treated as an 
 
 C 
 
26 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 impostor, she went away; and having burned three more, re* 
 turned with the rest, still adhering to the same price. Tarquin, 
 surprised at the inconsistency of her behaviour, consulted the 
 augurs. They blamed him much for not having purchased the 
 nine ; and commanded him to buy the three, at any price for 
 which they could be obtained. The woman, say the historians, 
 after thus selling and delivering these three prophetic volumes, 
 and advising him to give a special attention to what they con- 
 tained, vanished from before him, and was never afterwards 
 seen. He appointed proper persons to take charge of them: 
 they were originally two, but were afterwards increased to fif- 
 teen, under the title of q aindecemviri. The books were placed 
 in a stone chest, intended to be lodged in a vault of the newly 
 designed building, as the most proper for then safety. 
 
 The people, having been for four successive years employed 
 in erecting the capitol, now wished for something new to engage 
 them; wherefore Tarquin, to gratify them, proclaimed war 
 against the Rutuli, (upon a frivolous pretence of their having 
 harboured some malefactors whom he had banished,) and in- 
 vested Ardea, their chief city, which lay about sixteen miles 
 from Rome. 
 
 . Whilst the army was encamped before this place, the king's 
 son Sextus, Collatinus, a noble Roman, and some others, sat 
 together in a tent, drinking wine. The discourse happening 
 to turn upon the beauty and virtue of their wives, each man 
 praising his own, Collatinus suggested, as the best way of de- 
 ciding the dispute, that they should set out that instant for Rome, 
 and ascertain which of them should be found of the great- 
 est beauty, and most sedulously employed, at the time of their 
 arrival. Being heated with wine, the proposal was relished by 
 the whole company ; and, having mounted their horses without 
 delay, though the night was far advanced, they galloped off to 
 Rome. There, they found Lucretia, the wife of Collatinus, 
 not like other women of her age, spending the time in luxury 
 and ease, but in the midst of her maids, spinning and cheerfully 
 portioning out their tasks. Her modest beauty, and the easy 
 reception which she gave her husband and his friends, so 
 charmed them all, that they unanimously decided in her favour, 
 and Sextus was so much inflamed, that he determined to gratify 
 his passion. 
 
 For that purpose, after a few days he left the camp, to visil 
 her privately ; and met with the same kind reception as before. 
 His intention not being suspected, Lucretia sat with him at 
 tfuppor, axu) ord^-od one of the chambers to be prepared for 
 
HISTORY OF ROMR 37 
 
 him. Midnight was the time chosen by this ruffian, to put his 
 design into execution. Having found means to enter her 
 chamber, he approached her bed side with a drawn sword ; and 
 threatened her with instant death, if she offered to resist. Lu- 
 cretia, thus alarmed in her sleep ; though seeing death so near, 
 was yet inexorable ; until being told that if she would not yield, 
 he would first kill her. and then, laying his own slave dead by 
 her side, would repoiythat he found and killed them both in a 
 criminal act. The terror of infamy achieved what that of death 
 could not obtain ; and the next morning he returned to the 
 camp, exulting in his brutal victory. In the mean time, Lu- 
 cretia, detesting theJight, and resolving not to pardon herself, 
 even for the crime y another, sent for her husband Collatinus, 
 and for Spurius, her father, to come to her; as indelible dis- 
 grace had befallen her family. They instantly obeyed the sum- 
 mons, bringing with them Valerius, g. kinsman of her father's, and 
 Junius Brutus, a reputed idiot, who had accidentally met the 
 messenger on the way. Their arrival only served to heighten 
 the poignant anguish of Lucretia : they found her in a state of 
 stedfast desperation, and attempted in vain to give her relief. 
 " No," said she, " never shall I find any thing in this world 
 worth living for, after having lost my honour. You see before 
 you, my Collatinus, a polluted wretch; one, whose person has 
 been the spoil of another, but whose affections were never es- 
 tranged from you. Sextus, under the pretended veil of friend- 
 ship, has this night forced from me that treasure, which death 
 only can restore ; — but if you have the hearts of men, you will 
 avenge my cause, and let posterity know, that she who has 
 lost her virtue, has no consolation but in death." So saying, 
 she drew from beneath her robe, a poignard; and, plunging it 
 into her bosom, expired without a groan! All remained fixed 
 in sorrow, pity, and indignation: Spurius and Collatinus at 
 length gave vent to their grief in tears ; but Brutus, drawing 
 the poignard reeking from Lucretia's wound, and raising it 
 towards Heaven, " Be witness ye gods," he cried, " that, from 
 this moment, I proclaim myself the avenger of the chaste Lu- 
 cretia's cause : from this moment, I profess myself the enehij 
 of Tarquin and his lustful" house: henceforth, this life, whilst 
 life continues, shall be employed in opposing tyranny, and pro- 
 moting the freedom and happiness of my much loved country.*' 
 A new amazement seized the»hearers; to find him, whom they 
 had hitherto considered as an idiot, now appearing in his real 
 character, the friend of justice and of Rome. *He told them 
 that tears and lamentations were unmanly, when vengeance 
 
2b HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 called so loud; and, delivering the poignard to the rest, that 
 %ath, which he himself had taken, he imposed upon them. 
 
 Junius Brutus was the son of Marcus Junius, a noble Ro- 
 man, who had been married to the daughter of Tarquinius 
 Priscus. That connexion having created a jealousy, Marcus 
 was put to death by the present king. Brutus had received an 
 excellent education from his father; and had naturally a strong 
 mind, and an inflexible attachment to wtue ; but, perceiving 
 that Tarquin had privately murdered his father, and his eldest 
 brother, he passed himself as a fool, in order to escape the 
 same danger; and thence obtained the surname of Brutus. 
 Tarquin, thinking him actually insane, deajised the man; and 
 having seized upon his estate, kept him as^ idiot in his house, 
 for the amusement of his children. 
 
 Brutus, however, only wa^ited a favourable moment for re- 
 venge ; wherefore, ordering kucretia's dead body to be brought 
 out, and exposed to view in the public forum, he inflamed the ar- 
 dour of the citizens, by a display of the horrid transaction. He 
 obtained a decree of the senate, that Tarquin and his family 
 should be forever banished from Rome,. and that it should be 
 capital for any to plead for, or aid in his return. This monarch 
 who had now reigned twenty-five years, being thus expelled his 
 kingdom, went to take refuge with his family at Cira, a little 
 city of Etruria. In the mean time, the Roman army made a 
 truce with the enemy, and Brutus was declared the deliverer 
 of the people. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 From the banishment of Tarquin, to the appointment of the first 
 
 dictator. 
 
 U p The regal power having been overthrown, a form of 
 9*4.^ ' government, nominally republican, was substituted. The 
 senate, however, reserved far the greatest share of au- 
 thority to themselves ; and decorated their own body with all 
 the spoils of deposed monarchy. The centuries of the people 
 chose from among the senators, two annual magistrates, whom 
 they called consuls ; with power equal to that of the regal, with 
 the same privileges, and the same ensigns of authority. 
 
 Brutus, the deliverer of his country, and Collatinus, the hus- 
 band of Lucretia, were the first consuls chosen in Rome. 
 
 But this new republic, which so much gratified the people, 
 was in danger of destruction, in its very comniericement 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 59 
 
 Some young men of the principal families in the state, who had 
 been educated about the king, and had sfiared in all the luxuries 
 and pleasures of the court, formed a party in Rome, in favour 
 of Tarquin, and undertook the re-establishment of monarchy. 
 This party secretly incro^ed every day ; and, surprising as it 
 may appear, even the sons of Brutus, and the Aquilii, the 
 nephews of Collatinus, were arnoqjgst the number. Informed 
 of these intrigues in his favour, Tarquin sent ambassadors 
 from Etruria to Rome, under a pretence of reclaiming the 
 crown ; but in reality to give spirft to his faction. However, 
 the whole plot was discovered by a slave, who, unperceived by 
 the conspirators, accidentally remainefl in the room where they 
 were accustomed to assemble. Few situations could be moro 
 awfully affecting than that of Brutus ; — a father the judge, — 
 his children the criminals ; — their lives at stake ! impelled by 
 justice to condemn; — by nature, to spare them! The young 
 men accused, pleaded nothing for themselves ; but, with con- 
 scious guilt, awaited their sentence, in agony and silence. The 
 other judges, felt all the pangs of nature; Collatinus wept, 
 and Valerius could not repress his sentiments of pity. Brutus, 
 alone, seemed to have lost all the softness of humanity ; and, 
 with a stern countenance, and a tone of voice that marked his 
 gloomy resolution, demanded of his sons, whether they could 
 make any defence to the crimes with which they had been 
 charged. This he repeated three several times ; but receiving 
 no answer, he at length turned himself to the executioner; 
 " Now," cried he, "it is your duty to do the rest." Thus 
 gaying, he resumed his seat, with an air of determined majesty; 
 nor could all the sentiments of paternal pity, nor the imploring 
 looks of the people, nor yet the complaints of the young men, 
 who were preparing for execution, alter the tenor of his decree. 
 Being first entirely divested of their dress, and then whipped 
 with rods, they were presently afterwards beheaded; Brutus, 
 all the time, beholding the cruel spectacle with a steady look, 
 and unaltered countenance, whilst the multitude gazed on, with 
 mingled sensations, of pity, terror, and admiration. 
 
 All Tarquin's hopes of an insurrection in his favour being 
 
 thus overthrown, he now resolved to regain his former throne 
 
 by foreign assistance, and having prevailed upon the Veientes 
 
 to assist him, advanced with a considerable army towards Rome* 
 
 Yj p The consuls made immediate preparations to oppose 
 
 q' ^ ' him. Valerius commanded the foot, and Brutus being 
 
 appointed to head the cavalry, advanced to meet him 
 
 on the Roman borders. Aruns, the son of Tarquin, who com- 
 
 C 2 
 
30 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 manded the cavalry for his father, seeing Brutus^ a distance, 
 resolved, by one great a4;tempt, to decide the fate of the dayy 
 before the engaging of the armies ; and, spurring on his horse, 
 made towards him, wUh ungovernable fury. Brutus, who per- 
 ceived his approach, singled out from the ranks to meet him ; 
 and each being eager only to assail, and thoughtless of defend- 
 ing, they joined with such a shock, that they both fell dead 
 upon the field together. A^^erious battle ensued, with equal 
 slaughter on both sides ; but the Romans, remaining in posses- 
 sion of the field, claimed the victory; and Yalerius returned in 
 triumph to Rome. 
 ^.^ In the mean time, Tarquin, undaunted by his misfortunes, 
 prevailed upon Porsenna, on© of the kings of Etruria, to es- 
 pouse his cause, and in person to assist him in the contest. 
 This prince, noted equally for courage and abilities, marched 
 with a numerous army directly to Rome, and laid siege to the 
 city, whilst yet tha terror of his name and his arms filled all 
 ranks of people vv ith dismay. A furious attack was made on 
 the place : the two consuls opposed in vain, and were carried 
 off wounded from the field ; whilst the Romans, flying in great 
 copsternation, v/ere pursued by the enemy to the bridge ; over 
 which, both victors and vanquished were about to enter the city 
 in confusion. All now appeared lost; when Horatius Codes, 
 who had been placed there as centinel to defend it, opposed 
 himself to the torrent of the enemy ; and, assisted only by two 
 others, for some time sustained the whole fury of the assault, 
 until the bridge was broken down behind him : when, finding 
 the communication thus cut off*, he plunged, with his arms, 
 into the torrent of the Tyber, and swam back victorious to his 
 fellow soldiers, who received him with merited applause. 
 
 Still, however, Porsenna v/as determined to take the city; 
 and, though five-hundred of his men were f^lain in a sally, by 
 the Romans, he reduced it to the utmost extremity; and, turn- 
 ing the siege into a blockade, resolved to subdue it by famine. 
 The distress of the besieged soon became insufferable, and all 
 things seemed to threaten a speedy surrender, when another 
 act of fierce bravery, superior even to that which saved the city 
 before, again procured its safety and its freedom. 
 
 Mutius, a youth of unda'.:ntf)d courage, resolved to rid his 
 country of an enemy which so severely continued to oppose it ; 
 and, for that purpose, disguised in the habit of an Etrurian 
 peasant, entered the camp of the enemy, intending to kill Por- 
 senna, or perish in the attempt. With this resolution, he ad- 
 vanced to the place where he was paying his troops, with a 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 31 
 
 secretary by his side ; but, mistaking the latter for the king, he 
 stabbed him to the heart, and was immediately apprehended, 
 and brought back into the royal presence. On Porsenna's de^ 
 manding who he was, and his motive for so heinous an action^ 
 Mutius, without reserve, informed him of his country, and his 
 design ; and, at the same time, thrusting his right hand into a 
 fire which was burning upon an altar before him, " You see." 
 cried he, " how Uttle I regard ths severest punishment your 
 cruelty can inflict. A Roman knows not only how to act, but 
 how to suffer : I am not the only person you have to fear ; three 
 hundred Roman youths, like me, have conspired your destruc- 
 tion; therefore, prepare for their attempts.'' Porsenna, amazed 
 at so much intrepidity, had too noble a mind not to acknow- 
 ledge merit, even in an enemy; he therefore ordered him to 
 be safely conducted back to Rome, and offered the besieged 
 conditions of peace. These were readily accepted; being 
 neither hard nor disgraceful, except that twenty hostages were 
 demanded : ten young men, and as many virgins of the best 
 families in Rome. Even in this instance, also, the gentler sex 
 were resolved to be sharers in the desperate valour of the 
 times. Clelia, one of the hostages, escaping from the guards, 
 and pointing out the way to the rest of her female companions, 
 swam over the Tyber on horseback, amidst showers of darts 
 from the enemy, and presented herself to the consul. This 
 magistrate, fearing the consequences of detaining her, sent her 
 back; upon which, Porsenna, that he might not be exceeded 
 in generosity, not only released her, but permitted her to choose 
 such of the hostages of the opposite sex, as she might wish to 
 attend her. Clelia, with all the modesty of a Roman virgin, 
 chose only those who were under fourteen ; alleging that their 
 tender age was the least capable of sustaining the rigours of 
 slavery. ^,t<- ■'- - |^ ; "/w <^^^^ *^^/- fcJ 
 
 Tarquin, by means of his son-in-law Manlius, once more in- 
 duced the Latins to espowse his interest, and chose the most 
 convenient opportunity, when the plebeians were at variance 
 with the senators, concerning the payment of their debts. They 
 refused to go to war, unless their debts were remitted on their 
 return; so that the consuls, finding their authority ins ufl[icient, 
 proposed the election cf a temporary magistrate, who should 
 have absolute power, not only over all ranks of the state, but 
 even over th3 very laws. To this, the plebeians readily as- 
 sented ; willing to give up their own power, for the sake of 
 abridging that of their superiors. In consequence of this, Lar- 
 gius was created the first dictator, (for so was this high office 
 
$2 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 ailed,) being nominated to it by his colleague in the consul- 
 ship. Thus, the people who could not bear to hear the name 
 of a king even mentioned, readily submitted to a magistrate pos- 
 sessed of much greater power : so much do the names of things 
 mislead us, and so little is the form of a government irksome 
 to a people, when it coincides with their prejudices. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 From the creation of the first dictator, to the election of the 
 tribunes of the people, 
 
 yy p Largius, being now created dictator, entered upon 
 s^lp. ' his office, surrounded by his Uctors, and all the ensigns 
 of ancient royalty ; and, seated upon a throne in the 
 midst of the people, ordered the levies to be made in the man#- 
 ner of the kings of Rome. The populace looked with terror 
 upon a magistrate, whom they had invested with uncontrollable 
 power; and each went peaceably to range himself under his 
 respective standard. Having then gone out to oppose the 
 enemy, he returned with his army; and, before his six months 
 were expired, laid down the dictatorship, with the reputation of 
 having exercised it with blameless lenity. 
 
 Although, in that instance, the soldiers had submitted, they 
 were resolved, by some means, to free themselves from the 
 yoke of their severe masters ; and, as they had no hopes that 
 their grievances would be redressed in Rome, they determined 
 to fly from those whom they could not move to compassion, 
 and to form a new establishment without its limits. Under the 
 conduct of a plebeian, named Sicinius Bellutus, they therefore 
 retired to a mountain, thence called the Mons Sacer, on the 
 banks of the river Anio, within about three miles of Rome. 
 
 The news of this defection filled the city with tumult and 
 consternation : those who wished well to the army made fre- 
 quent attempts to scale the walls, in order to join it. The 
 Senate was not less agitated than the rest: some were for vio- 
 lent measures, and repelling force by force ; others were of 
 opinion that gentle means were preferable, and that over such 
 enemies, a victory would be worse than a defeat. At length, 
 therefore, ft was resolved to send a messenger, entreating the 
 army to return, and declare their grievances ; promising, at the 
 same time, an oblivion of all that had passed. 
 
 This message not succeeding, Menenius Agrippa, one of tha 
 
 1 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. S3 
 
 wisest and most virtuous of the senators, was of opinion that 
 the demands of tlie army should be granted. 
 
 In conformity with his advice, it was determined to enter 
 into a treaty with the soldiers, and to make them such offers 
 as should induce them to return. Ten commissioners were ac- 
 cordingly deputed; at the head of whom, were Largius and 
 Valerius, who had been dictators, and Menenius Agrippa, be- 
 loved equally by the senate and the people. The dignity and 
 the popularity of these ambassadors, procured them a very re- 
 spectable reception amongst the soldiers ; and a long conference 
 commenced. Largius and Yalerius employed all their oratory, 
 on the one hand, whilst Sicinius and Lucius Junius, who were 
 the spokesmen of the soldiery, aggravated their distresses, with 
 all that masculine eloquence, which is the child of nature. The 
 conference had continued a considerable time, when Agrippa, 
 k shrewd man, who himself had been originally a plebeian, and 
 consequently knew what kind of eloquence was most likely to 
 please the people, addressed them with that celebrated fable, 
 which is so finely related by Livy. " In times of old, when 
 every part of the human frame could think for itself, and each 
 had a separate will of its own, they all, with common consent, 
 resolved to revolt against the body: they knew no reason, they 
 said, why they should toil from morning till night in its service, 
 whilst the body, in the mean time, lay at its ease in the midst 
 of them all, and indolently grew fat upon their labours : ac- 
 cordingly, one and all, they agreed to befriend it no more. The 
 feet vowed they would carry it no longer; the hands vowed 
 they would feed it no longer; and the teeth averred they would 
 not chew a morsel of meat, though it were placed between 
 them. Thus determined, they all, for some time, showed their 
 spirit, and kept their word ; but soon they found, that, instead 
 of mortifying the body by these means, they only destroyed 
 themselves ; they languished for a while, and perceived, when 
 too late, that it was owing to the body, that they had strength 
 to work, or courage to mutiny." 
 
 This fable, the application of which is obvious, had an in* 
 stantaneous effect. They unanimously cried out, that Agrippa 
 should lead them back to Rome ; and were making prepara- 
 tions to follow him, when Lucius Junius, beforementioned, 
 withheld them ; alleging, that though they were gratefully to 
 acknowledge the kind offers of the senate, yet they had no safe- 
 guard, for the future, against their resentment ; and that it was 
 therefore necessary for the security of the people, to have cer- 
 tain officers created annually from amongst themselves, who 
 
34 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 should have power to redress their injuries, and plead the cause 
 of the community. 
 
 The people, who are mostly of opinion with the last speaker, 
 highly applauded this proposal, with which the commissioners 
 had not yet the power of complying: they therefore sent to 
 Rome, to take the instruction of the senate. Torn by divisions 
 amongst themselves, and harassed by complaints from without, 
 the senate resolved to have peace, upon any terms ; accordingly, 
 as if with one voice, they consented to the creation of the new 
 officers, who were called Tribunes Of The People; Appius 
 alone protesting violently against the measure. 
 
 The tribunes of the people were originally five in number ; 
 though afterwards they were increased to ten. They were 
 annually elected by the people, and generally chosen from their 
 own body. They at first had their seats placed before the 
 doors of the senate-house, and, being called in, were to examine 
 every decree; annulling it by the word Veto; (I forbid it;) or 
 confirming it by signing the letter T. The first tribunes chosen 
 by the suffrages of the people, were Sicinius Bellutus, Lucius 
 Junius, Caius Licinius, Albinus, and Icilius Ruga. The senate 
 also made an edict, confirming the abolition of debts ; and now, 
 all things being mutually adjusted, the people, after having 
 sacrificed to the gods of the mountain, (after the manner of the 
 heathens,) returned once more triumphantly to Rome. 
 
 » CHAPTER XL 
 
 From the creation of the tribunes, to the appointment of the 
 
 decemviri, 
 
 jT p During the late separation, all tillage having been 
 
 '^ ' neglected, a famine was the consequence, the ensuing 
 
 season. The senate used every exertion to remedy 
 
 the distress ; but the people, pinched by want, and willing to 
 
 throw the blame upon any but themselves, ascribed their 
 
 present sufferings to the avarice of the Patricians, who, having 
 
 purchased all the corn, as it was alleged, intended to procure 
 
 indemnity, by reselling it, for losses sustained from the aboUtion 
 
 of the people's debts. 
 
 But the arrival of a large quantity of com again raised their 
 spirits, and produced a temporary reconciliation, A great part 
 of this was sent as a present to the Romans, by Gelon, the king 
 of Sicily, and the rest purchased there, by the senate, with the 
 public money. 
 
 i 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 35 
 
 At this time, Coriolanus incurred their resentment, by in- 
 sisting that it should not be distributed until the grievances of 
 the senate were removed; for which proposition, the tribunes 
 summoned him to a trial before the people. 
 
 When the appointed day arrived, public expectation had 
 arisen to the greatest height; and a vast concourse from the 
 adjacent country crowded the forum. Coriolanus presented 
 kimself before the people, with a degree of intrepidity which 
 merited better fortune. His graceful person, his persuasive 
 eloquence, the cries of those whom he had saved from the 
 enemy, inclined the auditors to relent. But, being unable to 
 answer what was alleged against him, to the satisfacti^ of the 
 people, and utterly confounded by a new charge, of having en>- 
 bezzled the plunder of Antium, the tribunes immediately took 
 the votes, and Coriolanus was condemned to perpetual exile. 
 
 This sentence, against their bravest defender, struck the 
 whole body of the senate with sorrow, consternation, and regret. 
 Coriolanus, alone, in the midst of the tumult, seemed an un- 
 concerned spectator. He returned home, followed by the la- 
 mentations of hundreds of the most respectable senators and 
 citizens, to take a lasting leave of his wife and children, and 
 Veturia his mother. Then, recommending his little children 
 to their care, and all to the care of Heaven, he left the city, 
 without followers or fortune, to seek refuge amongst the Vol- 
 scians, with Tullius Attius, a man of great power, who took 
 him under his protection, and espoused his quarrel. 
 
 The first thing to be done, was to induce the Volsci to break 
 the league which had been made with Rome. For this pur- 
 pose, Tullius sent many of his citizens thither, to see the 
 games at that time celebrating ; and, in the mean time, gave 
 the senate private information that the strangers intended to 
 burn the city. This had the desired effect : the senate issued 
 an order that all strangers should depart before sun-set. Tullius 
 represented this to his countrymen as an infraction of fhe treaty, 
 and procured an embassy to Rome, complaining of the breacli, 
 and re-demanding all the territories belonging to the Volscians, 
 of which they had been violenfiy dispossessed. In case of a re- 
 fusal, war was to be declared : this message was however treat- 
 ed by the senate with contempt. 
 
 War having thus commenced, Coriolanus and Tullius were 
 made generals of the Volscian army, and accordingly entered 
 the Roman territories, ravaging and laying waste all lands 
 which belonged to the plebeians, but sparing those which were 
 th« property of the senators. 
 
3o HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 In the mean time, the levies went on but slowly at Rome ; 
 the two consuls, who were re-elected by the people, seemed 
 little skilled in war ; and even feared to encounter a general, 
 whom they knew to be their superior. The allies also showed 
 a reluctance, and brought in their succours very slowly; so that 
 Coriolanus continued to take their towns, one after another. 
 Fortune favoured him in every expedition, and he was now so 
 famous for his victories, that the Volsci left their towns de- 
 fenceless, to follow him into the field. The very soldiers of 
 his colleague's army came over to him, and would acknowledge 
 no other general. Thus, finding himself unopposed in the field, 
 and at the head of a numerous army, he at length invested the 
 city of Rome itself, fully resolved to besiege it. Now, the 
 senate and the people unanimously agree to send deputies to 
 him, with proposals of restoration, if he would draw off* his 
 army. Coriolanus received them at the head of his principal 
 officers ; but, with the sternness of a general that was to give 
 the law, refused their offers. 
 
 Another embassy was sent forth, conjuring him not to exact, 
 from his native city", any conditions but what became Romans 
 to grant. Coriolanus, however, naturally inflexible and severe^ 
 still persisted in his former demands, and granted them but 
 three days in which to finish their deliberations. In this exi- 
 gence, the only alternative was another deputation, still more 
 solemn than either of the former; composed of the pontiff*s, the 
 priests, and the augurs. These, clothed in their habits of cere- 
 mony, and with a grave and mournful deportment, issued from 
 the city, and entered the camp of the conqueror; but all ia 
 vain : they found him severe and inflexible as before. 
 
 When the people saw them return ineffectually, they gave up 
 the commonwealth as lost. Their temples were filled with old 
 men, with women and children; who, prostrate at the altars, 
 put up their ardent prayers for the preservation of their country. 
 Nothing was to be heard, but anguish and lamentation; nothing 
 to be seen, but terror and distress. At length it was suggested, 
 that what could not be eflTected by the intercession of the senate, 
 or the adjuration of the priests, might be accompUshed by tho 
 tears of his wife, or the commands of his mother. This depu- 
 tation was unanimously approved; and even the very senate 
 gave k the sanction of its authority. But Veturia, the mothe/ 
 of Coriolanus, at first hesitated to join in so pious an under- 
 taking ; knowing the inflexible temper of her son, and unwilling 
 that his disobedience should be shown, m so new and striking 
 an instance, as disregarding the injunctioHi^ of a parent. At 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 37 
 
 length, however, she consented, and set forward from the city, 
 accompanied by many of the principal matrons of Rome, to- 
 gelher with Yolumnia his wife, and his two children. Corio- 
 kanus, who at a distance discovered this mournful train of fe- 
 males, resolved to give them, a denial, and called his officers 
 around him to witness his determination: but, when told that 
 his mother and his wife were amongst the number, he instantly 
 descended from his tribunal, to meet and embrace them. At 
 first, the tears and caresses of the women took away the power 
 of words, and the rough soldier himself, hard as he was, could 
 not refrain from sharing in their distress. Coriolanus now 
 seemed much agitated by contending passions: whilst his 
 mother, who saw him moved, seconded her entreaties by the 
 most persuasive eloquence, her tears ; his wife and children 
 hung around him, begging for pity and protection, and the fair 
 train, her companions, added their lamentations ; deploring their 
 own misery, and that of their country. Coriolanus, for a mo- 
 ment, was silent, feeling the strong conflict between honour 
 and inclination; then, as if roused from a drearn, he flew to 
 taise his parent, who had fallen at his feet, crying out, " 0,my 
 mother, thou hast saved Rome, but lost thy son!" He accord- 
 ingly gave orders to draw oflf the army ; pretending to the of- 
 ficers that the city was too strong to be taken. Tullius, who 
 had long envied his glory, was not remiss in aggravating this 
 lenity towards his countrymen. Upon their return, Coriolanus 
 was slain in an insurrection of the people, and afterwards hon- 
 ourably buried, with late and ineffectual repentance. 
 
 Great and many were the public rejoicings at Rome, upon 
 the retreat of the Volscian army; but they were soon after 
 interrupted by the intrigues of Spurius Cassius, who wished to 
 render himself despotic by means of the people. He was 
 brought to trial, convicted of a number of criminal acts tending 
 to alter the constitution, and thrown headlong from the Tar- 
 peian rock, by the very party whose interests he had endeavour- 
 ed to promote. 
 
 The following year, the two consuls of the preceding, ?»Ian- 
 lius and Fabius, were cited, by the tribunes, to appear before the 
 people. The Agrarian* law, proposed some time before, for 
 dividing the lands of the commonwealth equally amongst the 
 people, was the object invariably pursued ; and they were ac- 
 cused of having made unjustifiable delays, in postponing it. 
 
 It seems that the Agrarian law was a gi'ant which the senate 
 could not think of conceding to the people. The consuls 
 therefore formed various excuses, until they were once more 
 
 D 
 
 I 
 
38 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 obliged to have recourse to a dictator. They fixed upon 
 Quintus Cincinnatus, a man who had for some time given up 
 all views of ambition, and retired to his little farm, where the 
 deputies of the senate found him holding the plough, and 
 dressed in the homely attire of a labouring husbandman. He 
 appeared little elevated by their ceremonial addresses, and the 
 pompous habits which they brought him ; and, upon their de- 
 claring to him the wishes of the senate, he testified rather a 
 concern that his aid should be required. He naturally prefer- 
 red the charms of a country retirement, to the fatiguing splen- 
 dours of office ; and only said to his wife, as they were leading 
 him away, '' I fear, my AttiUa, that for this year, our little fields 
 must remain unsown." Thus, taking a tender leave, he de- 
 parted for the city, where both parties were strongly inflamed 
 against each other. However, he was resolved not to lean to 
 either side; but, by a strict attention to the interest of his 
 country, instead of courting the confidence of faction, to gain 
 the esteem of all. Thus, by threats and well-timed submission, 
 he prevailed upon the tribunes to postpone their favourite law ; 
 and conducted himself so as to be a terror to the multitude, 
 when reluctant to enlist, and their warmest advocate on all oc- 
 casions, when their conduct was approved. Having now re- 
 stored to the people that tranquillity which he so much loved 
 himself, he again gave up the splendours of ambition, for the 
 more solid enjoyment of his little farm. 
 jj p Cincinnatus had not long retired from office when 
 
 'f.' a, fresh exigence of the state occurred: the -^qui and 
 the Yolsci, though always defeated, were still for re- 
 newing the war; and made new inroads into the territories of 
 Rome. Minutius, o^e of the consuls who succeeded Cincin- 
 natus, was sent to oppose them ; but, l^irig naturally timid, and 
 more afraid of defeat, than desirous of vicloryT^iis army was 
 driven into a defile between two mountains, from which, ex- 
 cept through the enemy, there was no egress. 
 
 This, iTowever, the -3Equi had the precaution to fortify; by 
 which means, the Roman army was so hemmed in on every side, 
 that nothing remained but submission, famine, or immediate 
 death. Some knights, who found mean^ of escaping undiscover- 
 ed through the enemy's camp, were the first that brought the 
 ' account of this dilemma to Rome. Nothing could now exceed 
 the general consternation: the senate, at first, thought of the 
 other consul; but, not having had sufficient experience of his 
 abilities, they unanimously turned their eyes upon Cincinnatus, 
 and resolved to make him dictator. This great man, the only 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 3^ 
 
 person on whom Rome could now place her whole dependence, 
 was found by the messengers of the senate, as before, labour > 
 ing in his little field, with cheerful industry. He was at first 
 astonished at the ensigns of unbounded power, with which the 
 deputies came to invest him ; but still more at the approach of 
 the senate, who left the city to meet him. A dignity so unex- 
 pected, had, however, no effect upon the simplicity of his man- 
 ners, or his integrity ; and, being now possessed of absolute 
 power, and called upon to nominate his master of the horse, he 
 chose a poor man, named Tarquitius ; one who, like himself, 
 despised riches, when they lead to dishonour. Thus, the 
 saving of a great nation devolved upon a husbandman, taken 
 from the plough, and an obscure centinel, found amongst the 
 lowest ranks of the army. Upon entering the city, the dic- 
 tator assumed a serene look, and entreated all those capable 
 of bearing arms, to assemble before sun-set in the Campus 
 Martius, (the place where the levies were made,) fully accou- 
 tred and provisioned for five days. He put himself at their 
 head; and, marching with great expedition, arrived, before (l\s,y 
 light, within view of the enemy. Upon his approach, he or- 
 dered the soldiers to raise a loud shout, to apprize the consul's 
 army of the relief which was at hand. The iEqui were not a 
 little amazed, when they saw themselves between two enemies ; 
 but still more, when they perceived Cincinnatus making the 
 strongest entrenchments to prevent their escape, and enclosing 
 them, as they had enclosed the consul. To frustrate this, a 
 furious combat ensued; but the ^^qui, being attacked on two 
 sides, and unable to resist or fly, begged a cessation of arms. 
 They ofiered the dictator his own terms : he gave them their 
 lives, but obliged them, in token of servitude, to pass under the 
 yoke. This was formed of two spears, set upright, with 
 another across, in the form of a gallows; beneath which, the 
 vanquished were to march. Their captains and generals, he 
 made prisoners of war ; being reserved to adorn his triumph. 
 He gave the plunder of the enemy's camp entirely up to his 
 own soldiers, without reserving any part for himself, or permit- 
 ting those of the delivered army to have a share. Thus, hav- 
 ing rescued a Roman army from inevitable destruction ; having 
 defeated a powerful enemy; having taken and fortified their 
 city; and still more, having refused any part of the spoil, he 
 resigned his dictatorship, after having held it only fourteen 
 days. The senate would have enriched him, but he declined 
 their offers, choosing to retire, once more, to his farm and hia 
 cottage, contented with temperance and fame. 
 
40 inSTOBY OF ROME. 
 
 But this repose from foreis^n invasion did not lessen the in- 
 ternal tumults orthe<!'ity. The clamours for the Agrarian la\r 
 still continued; and were increased by Siccius Dentatus, a 
 plebeian advanced in years, but of a commanding person and 
 military deportment, who came forward to enumerate his hard- 
 ships and his merits. This old soldier openly extolled the va- 
 rious achievements of his youth : and indeed his merits were 
 an apolooy for his ostentation. He had, during forty years 
 served his country, in the w ars : he had been an oficer thirty 
 first, a centurion, and then a tribune : he had fought one hun- 
 dred-and-twcnty rattles, in which, by the force of his cringle 
 arm, he had saved many lives: he had gained fourteen civic, 
 three mural, and eight golden crowns; besides eighty-three 
 chains, sixty bracelets, eighteen gilt spears, and twenty-three 
 horse trappings, whereof nine were for killing the enemy in 
 single combat: moreover, he had received forty-five wounds 
 in front, and none behind. These were his honours: yet, 
 notwithstanding, he had never received any share of those 
 lands wh'ch were taken from the enemy, but continued to 
 waste his days in poverty and contempt ; whilst others were 
 possessed of those very territories which his valour had won, 
 without any merit to deserve them, or ever having contributed 
 to the conquest. A case of so much hardship had a strong 
 effect upon the multitude; they unanimously demanded that the 
 law might be passed, and that such services sliould not go un- 
 rewarded. It was in vain that some of the senators rose to 
 speak against it : their voices were drowned by the cries of the 
 people. When reason therefore could no longer be heard, 
 passion, as usual, succeeded; and the young patricians running 
 furiously into the throng, broke the balloting urns, and dispersed 
 the multitude which offered to oppose them. For this, the} 
 were afterwards fined by the tribunes; but their resolution for 
 the present postponed the Agrarian law. 
 
 CHAPTER XH. 
 
 Frojii the creation of the Decemviri to the extinction of that 
 
 office. 
 
 rj Q The commonwealth of Rome, had, for nearly sixty 
 
 S02 * y^'^**^? been fluctuating between the contendinuj orders 
 
 which composed it; until, at length, each side, as if 
 
 weary, were willin^r to respire awhile from the mutual assertion 
 
 of their claims. The citizens, therefore, of every rank, began 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. At 
 
 now to complain of the arbitrary decisions of their magistrates; 
 and wished to be guided by a written body of laws, which being 
 known, might prevent wrongs, as well as punish them. In this, 
 both the senate and the people concurred, hoping* that such 
 laws would put an end to the commotions which so long had 
 harassed the state. It was thereupon agreed, that ambassa- 
 dors should be sent to the Greek cities in Italy, and to Athens, 
 to select such laws, as by experience had been found the most 
 equitable and useful. For this purpose, three senators. Post- 
 humius, Sulpicius, and Manlius, were appointed, and a convoy 
 of galleys assigned them, corresponding with the majes-ty of 
 the Roman people. During their absence upon this commission, 
 a dreadful plague depopulated the city, and supplied the interval 
 with other anxiety besides that of wishing their arrival. In 
 about a year, the plague ceased, and the ambassadors returned; 
 bringing home a body of laws, collected from the most civilized 
 states of Greece and Italy. These were afterwards compiled 
 into ten tables, which, with two more that were added, formed 
 that celebrated code called the Laivs of the Twelve Tables, 
 many fragments of which remain to this day. 
 
 Upon the return of the ambassadors, the tribunes had required 
 that a body of men should be chosen, not only to digest their 
 new lav/s into proper form, but also to give weight to their 
 execution. After long debates, whether this choice should not, 
 be partly made from the people, as well as the patricians, it 
 was at last agreed that ten of the principal senators should 
 be elected ; whose power continuing for a year, should be equal 
 to that of kings and consuls, and from which there should be 
 no appeal. Those appointed were Appius and Genutius ; (who 
 had been elected consuls for the ensuing year;) Posthumius, 
 Sulpicius, and Manhus, the three ambassadors; Sextus and 
 Romulus, former consuls, v/ith Julius, Veturius, and Horatius, 
 senators of the first consideration. Thus, the whole constitu- 
 tion of the state at once took a n^w form; and a dreadful ex- 
 pijriment was about to be tried, of governing one nation, by 
 laws corresponding with the manners and customs of another. 
 
 The decemviri being now invested with absolute power, 
 agreed to take the reins of government alternately; and that 
 each should dispense justice for a day. 
 
 These magistrates, for the first year, attended incessantly 
 to business, and their work being finished, it was of course ex- 
 pected that they would resign their office ; but having expe- 
 perienced the charms of power, they were unwilUng to retire : 
 they therefore pretended that some laws were yet wanting to 
 
 D 2 
 
42 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 complete their design, and intreated the senate to allow them 
 further time ; to which, that body assented. 
 
 But they soon threw off the mask of moderation ; and, re- 
 gardless of the approbation either of the senate or the people, 
 resolved, against all order, to continue in the decemvirate. A 
 conduct so notorious produced discontents, and these were as 
 sure to promote fresh acts of tyranny. The city was almost 
 deserted by all who had any thing to lose ; and the rapacity of 
 the decemvirate was then only discontinued, when they wanted 
 objects on which to exercise it. In this state of slavery, pro- 
 scription, and mutual distrust, not one citizen was found to 
 strike for his country's freedom. These tyrants continued to 
 rule without control ; being constantly guarded, not only by 
 their lictois, but also a numerous crowd of dependants, clients, 
 and even patricians, whom their vices had confederated around 
 them. 
 
 In this gloomy situation of the state, the ZEqui, and Yolsci, 
 (those constant enemies of the Romans,) having resolved to 
 profit by their intestine divisions, undertook their incursions, 
 and advanced within about ten miles of Rome. 
 
 But the decemviri, being put in possession of all the military, 
 as well as civil power, divided their army into three parts ; oae 
 of which continued with Appius in the city, to keep it in 
 awe ; the other two were commanded by his colleagues, and 
 were led, one against the ^qui, the other against the Sabines. 
 
 The Roman soldiers had now got into a method of punish- 
 ing the generals whom they disliked, by suffering themselves* 
 to be vanquished. This, they now put in practice, and shame- 
 fully abandoned their camp upon the approach of the enemy 
 Never was the news of a victory more joyfully received al 
 Rome, than were the tidings of this defeat. The generals, as 
 is usual, were blamed for the treachery of their men; some 
 demanded that they should be deposed; others cried out foi 
 a dictator, to lead the troops to conquest; 'and amongst the 
 rest, old Siccius Dentatus, the tribune, spoke his sentiments 
 with his usual openness; showing all the defects of their dis- 
 eif)line in the camp, and their conduct in the field. Appius, in 
 the mean time, was not remiss in observing the disposition of 
 ihe people. Dentatus, in particular, was marked out for ven- 
 geance, and under pretence of doing him particular honour, he 
 was appointed legate, and put at the head of the supplies, which 
 weffe sent to reinforce the army. The office of legate was held 
 sacred amongst the Romans, as in it were united the authority 
 of a general, with the reverence due to the priesthood. Den- 
 
HISTORY OF ElOME. 43 
 
 tatus, not suspecting his design, went to the camp with alacrity, 
 where he was received by the generals with all the external 
 marks of respect. But they soon found means of indulging 
 their desire of revenge. He was appointed, at the head of a 
 hundred men, to discover a more commodious place for en- 
 campment, as he had very candidly assured the commanders 
 that their present situation was badly chosen. The soldiers, 
 however, who composed his escort, were assassins ; wretches 
 that had long been ministers of the vengeance of the decemviri, 
 and who engaged to murder him ; though with ail those appre- 
 hensions, which his reputation, (as he v/as called the Roman 
 Achilles,) might be supposed to inspire. With these designs, 
 they led him into the hollow bosom of a retired mountain, 
 where they began to set upon him from behind. Dentatus, 
 now too late, perceived the treachery of the decemviri, and re- 
 solved to sell his life as dearly as he could; he therefore put 
 his back to a rock, and defended himself with the most heroic 
 bravery. Though now gron^n old, he had still the remains of 
 his former vigour, and killed no less than fifteen, and wounded 
 thirty of the assailants, with his own hand ! The assassins, now 
 terrified by his amazing heroism, shower in their javelins at a 
 distance; — he receives them in his shield, with undaunted reso- 
 lution. The combat, notwithstanding the inequality of num- 
 bers, is carried on for some time with doubtful success! But 
 his dastardly assailants once more change the mode of attack : 
 they ascend the rock against which he stands, and pour down 
 stones upon him from above. By their united efforts, the old 
 soldier falls; — showing by his death, that his frequent victories 
 were owing, not to fortune, but to his own fortitude and courage. 
 The decemviri pretended to join in the general sorrow for so 
 brave a man, and decreed him a funeral with the highest mili- 
 tary honours ; but the greatness of their apparent distress, com- 
 pared with their real hatred, only rendered them still more de- 
 testable to the people. 
 
 Another transaction, equally atrocious, inspired the citizens 
 with a resolution to break all measures of obedience, and 
 eventually to restore freedom. Appius, who still remained in 
 the city, when sitting on his tribunal to dispense justice, saw a 
 young female of exquisite beauty, about fifteen years of age, 
 passing to one of the public schools, attended by a matron, her 
 nurse. Her charms, heightened by that modest glow, which 
 innocence and virtue lend to nature, caught his attention, and 
 fired his heart. The day following, as she passed, he found 
 her still more beautiful; and his breast still more inflamed. 
 
44 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 He therefore resolved to obtain the gratification of his passion, 
 whatever should be the consequence ; and soon found means 
 of discovering her name and family. She was called Virginia. 
 Her father was Yirginius, a centurion, then with the army in 
 the field. She had been contracted to Icilius, formerly a tri- 
 bune of the people ; who had agreed to marry her, at the end 
 of the present campaign. Appius, at first, resolved to break 
 this match, and to espouse her himself; but the laws of the 
 twelve tables forbade the patricians to intermarry with the ple- 
 beians ; and he was unwilling to infringe those laws, the enact* 
 ment of which had been sanctioned by himself. After having 
 in vain tried to corrupt the fidelity of the nurse, he had re- 
 course to another expedient not less guilty. He directed one 
 Claudius, who had long been the minister of his pleasures, to 
 assert that Virginia was his slave ; and to refer the cause to his 
 tribunal, for decision. Claudius obeyed his instructions ; and, 
 entering the school where Virginia was playing amongst her fe- 
 male companions, he seized upon her as his property, and would 
 have dragged her ofi^by force, but was prevented by the people, 
 who were drawn together by her cries. At length, after the 
 first heat of opposition had subsided, he led the weeping victim 
 to the tribunal of Appius, and there plausibly exposed his pre- 
 tensions. He asserted that she was bom in his house, of a 
 female slave : that she had sold her to the wife of Virginius, 
 who was childless. The truth of this statement, he said, could 
 be proved by many credible witnesses; but, until they couh^ 
 come together, it was but reasonable that the slave should be 
 delivered into his custody, he being, by right, her master. Ap- 
 pius seemed to be struck by the justice of his claim; he ol>- 
 served, that if the reputed father himself were present, he might 
 indeed be willing to delay the delivery of the girl for some 
 time; but that it was not lawful, in the present case, to detain 
 her from her proper master. He therefore adjudged her to 
 Claudius, as his slave; to remain with him until Virginius 
 should be able to prove his paternity. This sentence was re- 
 ceived by the multitude with loud _clamours and reproaches ; 
 the women surrounded the innocent Virginia, wishing to pro- 
 tect her from the eftects of so unjust an award; whilst Icihus, 
 her lover, boldly opposed the decree, and obliged Claudius to 
 take refuge under the tribunal of the decemvir. All things now 
 threatened an open insurrection; when Appius, fearing the 
 event, thought proper to suspend his judgment, until the arrival 
 of Virginius, who was then about eleven miles from Rome, 
 with the army. The day following was fixed for the trial ; and, 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 45 
 
 in the njean time, Appins sent orders to the generals, to con- 
 fine Virginius, as his arrival in town might only serve to kindle 
 sedition amongst the people. The letters were howe er in- 
 tercepted, bjthe centurion's friends, who transmitted him a full 
 relation of the plot against the liberty and the honour of his 
 only daughter. Virginius, upon this, pretending the death of 
 a near relation, obtained permission to leave the camp, and flew 
 to Rome, inspired with indignation and revenge. Accordingly, 
 the next day, to the astonishment of Appius, he appeared be- 
 fore the tribunal, leading his weeping daughter by the hand, 
 both habited in the deepest mourning. Claudius, the ac- 
 cuser, was also there, and began by making his demand. Then 
 Virginius spoke: he represented that his wife had many chil- 
 dren; that their births could be well attested; that if he had 
 intentions of adopting the child of another, he would have fixed 
 upon a boy, rather than a girl ; that it was notorious to all, that 
 his wife had suckled her own child ; and that it was surprising 
 such a claim should now be brought forward, after a lapse of 
 fifteen years. Whilst the father spoke this with a stern air, 
 Virginia stood trembhng by, and with looks of persuasive in- 
 nocence, added weight to his remonstrances. The people 
 seemed entirely convinced of the hardness of his case ; when 
 Appius, fearing that w^hat he said might have dangerous eifectg 
 upon the multitude, interrupted him, under pretence of being 
 sufficiently instructed in the merits of the cause. *^ My con- 
 science," says he, " obliijes me to declare, that I myself am a 
 witness to the truth of the deposition of Claudius. Most of 
 this assembly know that I was left guardian to this youth, and 
 that I was very early apprized of his right to this young woman; 
 but the affairs of the public, and the dissensions of tlie people, 
 then prevented me doing hiip justice. However, it is not now 
 too late; and, by the power vested in me for the public good, 
 I adjudge Virginia to be the property of Claudius, the plaintiff. 
 Go, therefore, lictors, disperse the multitude ; and make room 
 for a master to take possession of his slave." The Hctors, 
 in obedience to his commands, soon drove olf the throng which 
 pi'essed around the tribunal: and now they seized upon Vir- 
 ginia, and were delivering her up into the hands of Claudius, 
 when Virginius, seeing ihat all w^as over, seemed to acquiesce 
 in the sentence. He therefore mildly entreated Appius to be 
 permitted to take a last farewell of one whom he had long 
 considered as his child; and thus satisfied, he would return 
 with fresh alacrity to his duty. With this, the decemvir com- 
 plied; but upon condition, that tljeir endearments should pass 
 
46 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 in his presence. Virginius, with the most poignant anguish, 
 took bis almost expiring daughter in his arms, for a while sup- 
 ported her head upon his breast, and wiped away the tears that 
 rolled down her lovely face; then, (happening to be near the 
 shops which surrounded the forum,) he snatched up a knife that 
 lay on the shambles, and addressing his daughter; " My dear- 
 est — lost child," he cried, " this — this only, can preserve your 
 freedom, and your honour." So saying, he buried th-e weapon 
 in her breast ; and then holding it up, reeking from her wound, 
 " Appius," he exclaimed, " by this blood of innocence, I devote 
 thy head to the infernal gods!" Thus saying, with the bloody 
 knife in his hand, and threatening destruction to all who should 
 oppose him, he ran through the city, wildly calling on the people 
 to strike for freedom, and thence to the camp, to spread the 
 flame of liberty throughout the amy. 
 
 When arrived there, followed by a number of his friends, he 
 informed the soldiers of what had passed ; still holding in his 
 hand the bloody knife. He asked their pardon, and the pardon 
 of the gods, for having committed so rash an action; but as- 
 cribed it all to the dreadful necessity of the times. The army, 
 already predisposed, immediately, by shouts, echoed their ap- 
 probation; and decamping, left their generals behinil, to take 
 tlieir station, once more, upon mount Aventine, whither they 
 had retired about forty years before. The other army, which 
 had been opposed to the Sabines, seemed actuated by a similar 
 resentment, and went over in large parties to join them. 
 
 Appius, in the mean time, did all he could to quell the dis- 
 turbances in the city ; but, finding the tumult incapable of con- 
 trol, and perceiving that his inveterate enemies, Valerius and 
 Horatius, were the most active in opposition, he at first at- 
 tempted to find safety by flight. Nevertheless, being encouraged 
 by Oppius, one of his colleagues, he ventured to assemble the 
 senate, and urged the punishment of all deserters. The senate, 
 however, were far from concurring with his desires : they fore- 
 saw the dangers and miseries that would most probably fall 
 upon the state, by opposition to an incensed soldiery; they 
 therefore despatched messengers to them, oflTering to restore 
 their former mode of government. To this proposal, all the 
 people joyfully assented; and the army, gladly acceding, now 
 returned to the city, if not with the ensigns, at least with the 
 pleasure, of a triumphal entry. Appius and Oppius both died 
 by their own hands in prison. The remaining eight decemvirs 
 went into voluntary exile ; and Claudius, the pretended master 
 of Virginia, was driven after them. 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 47 
 
 In the meantime, these intestine tumults produced weakness 
 within the state, and confidence in the enemy abroad. The 
 wars with the ^qui and the Yolsci still continued; and, as 
 each year gave the enemy some trifling advantages over the 
 Romans, they at last advanced so far, as to make their incur- 
 sions to the very walls of the city. 
 
 jy p But not the courage only of the Romans seemed di- 
 ^' ' minished by these conquests, but their other virtues 
 also; particularly their justice. About this time, the 
 inhabitants of two neighbouring cities, Ardea and Aricia, had 
 a contest between themselves, respecting some lands which 
 had long been claimed by both ; and, being unable to agree, 
 they referred it to the senate and the people of Rome. The 
 senate had yet some of the principles of primitive justice re- 
 maining, and felt it their duty, as the case stood, to allow it to 
 remain undecided. But the people readily undertook the mat- 
 ter; and one Scaptius, an old man, declaring that these very 
 lands belonged of right to Rome, they immediately voted them- 
 selves to be the legal proprietors, and sent home the foreign 
 litigants, fully convinced of their own folly, and of the Roman 
 injustice. 
 
 The tribunes now grew more turbulent : they proposed two 
 laws ; one to permit the plebeians to intermarry with patricians; 
 the other to qualify them to be admitted to the consulship. 
 The senators received this proposal with indignation, and 
 seemed resolved to undergo the utmost extremity, rather than 
 submit to their enaction. However, finding that their resist- 
 ance only increased the commotions of the state, they at last 
 agreed to pass the law relating to marriages ; hoping that this 
 concession would satisfy the people. They were, however, to 
 be appeased but for a very short time ; for, returning to their 
 old custom of refusing to enlist on the approach of an enemy, 
 the consuls were obliged to hold a private conference with the 
 chief of the senate, when, after many debates Claudius pro- 
 posed an expedient, as the most probable means of satisfying 
 them in the present conjuncture. This was, to create six or 
 eight governors, in the room of consuls ; of whom, one half, at 
 least, should be patricians. This project, which was in fact 
 granting what the people demanded, pleased the whole meeting; 
 and it was agreed that at the next public assembling of tlie 
 senate, the consuls should, contrary to their usual custom, 
 begin by asking the opinion of the youngest senator. Upon 
 their meeting, one of the tribunes accused them of folding 
 
48 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 secret conferences, and of dangerous designs against the people. 
 The consuls, on the other hand, averred their innocence ; and, 
 to demonstrate their sincerity, gave any of the younger mem- 
 bers of the house leave to deliver their opinions. These re- 
 maining silent, such of the senior senators as were knovtn to 
 be popular, began by observing, that the people ought to be 
 indulged in their request: that none so well deserved power 
 as those who were the most instrumental in gaining it; and 
 that the city could not be free, until all were reduced to perfect 
 equality. Claudius spoke next, and broke out into bitter in- 
 vectives against the people; asserting that it was his opinion, 
 that the law should not pass. This produced some disturbance 
 amongst the plebeians ; at length, Genutius proposed, (which 
 had been preconcerted,) that six governors should be annually 
 chosen, with consular authority; three from the senate, and 
 three from the people; and that, at the expiration of their 
 term of magistracy, then it might be determined whether they 
 w^ould have the same office continued, or whether the consul- 
 ship should be estabhshed upon its former footing. This pro- 
 ject was eagerly embraced by the people ; yet so fickle were 
 the multitude, that though many of the plebeians stood candi- 
 dates, the choice fell exclusively upon the patricians. These 
 new magistrates were called Military Tribunes: they were at 
 jy p first only three, afterwards they were increased to four, 
 ^' ' and at length to six. They had the power and ensigns 
 of consuls ; yet that power being divided amongst a 
 number, each, singly, was of less authority. The first that 
 were chosen continued in office only about three months ; the 
 augurs having discovered some informality in the ceremonies 
 of their election. 
 
 The military tribunes being deposed, the consuls once more 
 came into office ; and, in order to lighten the weight of business 
 which they were obliged to sustain, a new department was 
 formed; that of Censors ; to be chosen every fifth year. Their 
 duty was to estimate the number and estates of the people, and 
 to distribute them into their proper classes; to inspect the 
 morals and manners of their fellow citizens ; to degrade senators 
 for misconduct; to dismount knights ; and, in case of misde- 
 meanor, to reduce the plebeians into an inferior tribe. The 
 first censors were Pa])irius and Sempronius, both patricians-; 
 and from this order they continued to be elected for nearly 
 one-hundred years. 
 
 Tliis new creation served to restore harmony amongst themi 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 49 
 
 and a triumph gained over the Volscians, by Geganius the con- 
 sul, added to the universal satisfaction which reigned amongst 
 the people. 
 
 Yj p This calm, however, was only of short continuance. 
 
 «* * Sometime after, a famine pressing hard upon the poor, 
 the usual complaints against the rich were renewed ; 
 which, as before, proving ineffectual, produced new seditions. 
 The consuls were accused of neglect, in not having provided 
 sufficient quantities of corn: they, however, disregarded tho 
 murmurs of the populace; contented with exerting all their 
 care in attempts to supply the pressing necessities. But, 
 though they did all that could be expected from active magis- 
 trates, in collecting provisions, and distributing them amongst 
 the poor, yet Spurius Maelius, a rich knight who had purchased 
 up all the corn of Tuscany, far outshone them in liberality. 
 This demagogue, inflamed with a desire of becoming powerful 
 by the contentions in the state, daily distributed corn in great 
 quantities amongst the poorer sort; until his house became the 
 asylum of all who wished to exchange a life of labour, for one 
 of lazy dependence. When he had thus gained a sufficient 
 number of partisans, he procured large quantities of arms to be 
 brought into his house, by night; and formed a conspiracy, by 
 which he was to obtain the command; whilst some of the tri- 
 bunes, whom he had found means to corrupt, were to act under 
 him, in seizing upon the liberties of his country. Minucius 
 soon discovered the plot ; and, informing the senate, they im- 
 mediately determined to create a dictator, who should have the 
 power of quelling the conspiracy, without appealing to the 
 people. Cincinnatus, who was now eighty years old, was 
 chosen once more to rescue his country from impending ruin. 
 He began by summoning Ma3lius to appear; who refused to 
 obey. He next sent Ahala, the master of his horse, to com- 
 pel him ; who, meeting Mcelius in the forum, and pressing him 
 to go to the dictator's tribunal, on his refusal, killed him on the 
 spot. The dictator applauded the resolution of his officer; 
 and commanded the conspirator's goods to be sold, his house 
 to be demolished, and his stores of corn to be distributed amongst 
 the people. 
 
 The tribunes of the people were much enraged at the death 
 of Msslius ; and, in order to punish the senate at the next elec- 
 tion, instead of consuls, they insisted upon restoring their mili- 
 tary tribunes ; with which demand, the senate were obliged to 
 comply. 
 
 £ 
 
50 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 U. C. The next year, however, the consuls were re-estab- 
 315. lished, and the government assumed its ancient form. 
 The people of Veii had long been rivaling those of Rome. 
 They had always taken the opportunity of its internal dis- 
 tresses, to ravage its tenitories ; and had even threatened with 
 outrage the ambassadol-s, sent to complain of these injuries. 
 It seemed now, therefore, determined that the city of Veii, 
 whatever it might cost, should fall ; and the Romans accord- 
 ingly sat regularly down before it, prepared for a long and 
 painful resistance. The strength of the place may be inferred 
 from the length of the siege, it having continued for ten years; 
 during which time, the army remained encamped around the 
 walls. In winter, they lay in tents, made of the skins of beasts ; 
 and in summer drove on the operations of attack. Various, 
 was the success, and many were the commanders that directed 
 the siege ; sometimes, all the works of the besiegers were de- 
 stroyed, and numbers of their men cut off, by sallies from the 
 town ; sometimes, they were annoyed by an army of Veians, 
 who attempted to bring assistance from without. A siege so 
 destructive threatened even Rome itself with depopulation, by 
 draining its forces continually away. In order to carry it on 
 with greater vigour, Furius Camillus was created dictator, and 
 to him was entrusted the sole power of managing the long pro- 
 tracted war. Camillus, who, without intrigue, or any solicita- 
 tion, had raised himself to the first eminence in the state, had 
 been chosen one of the censors some time before; of which 
 office he was considered as the head. Being afterwards made 
 a military tribune, he, in that post, had gained several advan 
 tages over the enemy ; and it was owing to his great courage 
 and abilities in those situations, that he was deemed the most 
 eligible to serve his country on this pressing occasion. On his 
 appointment, numbers of the people flocked to his standard, 
 confident of success under so experienced a commander. Con- 
 scious, however, thathe was unable to take the city by storm, 
 he secretly, and with vast labour, wrought into it a mine, which 
 opened through the midst of the citadel. Certain thus of suc- 
 cess, and finding the city incapable of relief, he sent to the 
 senate, desiiing that all who wished to share in the plunder of 
 Veii, should immediately repair to the army. Then, giving his 
 men directions Jhow to enter at the breach, the city was in^ 
 stantly filled with his legions, to the amazement and constema^ 
 tion of the besieged, who, but a moment before, had rested in 
 oerfect security. Thus, like a second Troy, was the city of 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 51 
 
 Veil taken, after a ten years siege, and, with its spoils, enrich- 
 ed the conquerors ; whilst Camillus himself, transported by the 
 honour of having subdued the rival of his native city, triumph- 
 ed after the manner of the kings of Rome. His chariot was 
 drawn by four milk-white horses ; a distinction which did^^ot 
 fail to disgust the majority of the spectators; for they consi- 
 dered those as sacred, and more proper for doing honour to 
 their gods, than their generals. 
 
 His usual good fortune attended Camillus in another expe- 
 dition, against the Falisci: he routed their army, and besieged 
 their capital city, Falerii, which threatened a long and vigorous 
 resistance. The reduction of this little place, would have been 
 scarcely worth mentioning, in this scanty page, were it not for 
 an action of the Roman general, which has done him more 
 credit with posterity, than all his triumphs united. A person 
 who superintended the education of the children belonging to 
 the principal men of the city, having found means to decoy 
 his pupils into the Roman camp, offered to put them into the 
 hands of Camillus, as the surest means of inducing the citi- 
 zens to a speedy surrender. The general was struck with the 
 treachery of this wretch, whose duty it was to protect inno- 
 cence, not to betray it: he for some time regarded the traitor 
 with a stern air, but at last finding words, " Execrable villain," 
 cried the noble Roman, ** offer thy arbominable proposals to 
 creatures like thyself, but not to me ; what, though we are the 
 enemies of your city, yet there are natural ties that bind all 
 mankind, which should never be broken : there are duties re- 
 quired from us in war, as well as in peace ; we fight not against 
 helpless children, but against men ; men, who have used us ill 
 indeed, yet whose crimes are virtues, when compared with 
 thine. Against such base arts, let it be my duty to use only 
 Roman arts — the arts of valour and of arms." So saying, he 
 ordered him to be stripped, his hands tied behind him, and, in 
 that ignominious manner, to be whipped into the town, by his 
 own scholars. This generous behaviour of Camillus, effected 
 more than his arms : the magistrates immediately submitted to 
 the senate, leaving to Camillus the conditions of their surren- 
 der ; who only fined them a sum of money, to satisfy his army. 
 He then received them under the protection, and into the alli- 
 ance of Rome. 
 
 Notwithstanding the veneration which the virtues of Camillus 
 had excited abroad, they seemed but little adapted to gain the 
 respect of the turbulent tribunes at home, as they every day 
 raised some fresh accusation against him. To the charge of 
 
 I 
 
52 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 being an opposer of their intended migration from Rome to 
 Veil, they added that of his having concealed a part of the 
 plunder of that city, particularly two brazen gates, for his own 
 use ; and appointed him a day, on which to appear before the 
 people. Camillus, finding the multitude exasperated against 
 him, on many accounts, and detesting their ingratitude, resolv- ' 
 ed not to wait the ignominy of a trial ; but, embracing his wife 
 and children, prepared to depart from Rome. He had already 
 passed as far as one of the gates, unattended on his way, and 
 unlamented. There, ]ie could no longer suppress his indigna- 
 tion ; but, turning his face to the capitol, and lifting up his hands 
 to heaven, he entreated all the gods that his country might one 
 day be sensible of their injustice and ingratitude ; and, so say- 
 ing, he travelled on, to take refuge in a town, at a little dis- 
 tance, called Ardea. Here, he afterwards learned, that he had 
 been fined fifteen hundred asses, by the tribunes at home. 
 
 The tribimes were not a little pleased ^vith their triumph 
 over this great man; but they soon had reason to repent of 
 their injustice, and to wish for the assistance of one, who only, 
 was able to save their country from ruin. For now, an enemy 
 more terrible, and more formidable, than the Romans had ever 
 yet encountered, began to ma.ke their appearance. The 
 Gauls, a barbarous nation, had, about two centuries before, 
 made an irruption from beyond the Alps, and settled in the 
 northern parts of Italy. They were fond of emigration, and 
 had been invited over by the delicious quality of the wines, and 
 the softness of the climate. Wherever they came, they dis- 
 possessed the original inhabitants ; being men of superior cour- 
 age, extraordinary stature, fierce in aspect, and barbarous in 
 their manners. A body of these, wild from their original habi 
 tations, were now, under the conduct of Brennus, their king 
 besieging Clusium, a city of Etruria. The inhabitants of that 
 city, alarmed by their numbers, and still more by their savage 
 appearance, entreated the assistance, or at least the mediation, 
 of the Romans. The senate, who had long made it a maxim 
 never to refuse succour to the distressed, were willing previ- 
 ously to send ambassadors to the Gauls, to dissuade them from 
 their enterprise, and show the injustice of their irruption. Ac- 
 cordingly, three young senators, of tl e family of the Fabii, 
 who seemed better fitted for the field than the cabinet, were 
 appointed to the embassy. Brennus received them with a de- 
 gree of complaisance which evinced Httle of the barbarian; 
 and, desiring to know their business, was answered, according 
 to their instructions, that it was not customary in Italy to make 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 53 
 
 war, but on just grounds of provocation ; and that they wished 
 to know, what offence the citizens of Clusium had given to the 
 king of the Ganls. To this, Brennus sternly repUed, that the 
 rights of vahant men lay in their swords; that the Romans 
 themselves had no other right to the many cities they had con- 
 quered; and that he had particular reasons of resentment 
 against the people of Clusium, as they had refused to part with 
 those lands, which they had neither hands to till, nor inhabit- 
 ants to occupy. The Roman ambassadors, who were httle 
 used to hear the language of a conqueror, for a while dissem- 
 bled their indignation at this haughty reply ; but, on entering 
 the besieged city, forgetful of their sacred characters, in- 
 stead of acting as ambassadors, they headed the citizens in a 
 sally against the besiegers. In this combat, Fabius Ambustus 
 killed a Gaul with his own hand, but was discovered whilst 
 despoihn^ him of his armour. A conduct, so unjust and un- 
 becoming, excited the resentment of Brennus; who, having 
 made his complaint to the senate by a herald, and finding no 
 redress, immediately broke up the siege, and, mth his conquer- 
 ing army, marched directly to Rome. The countries, through 
 which the Gauls passed in their rapid progress, gave up all 
 hopes of safety^; being terrified at their vast numbers, their 
 natural fierceness, and dreadful preparations for war. But the 
 rage and impetuosity of this wild people were directed only 
 against Rom^. They passed on, without doing the least in- 
 jury in their march, still breathing vengeance only against the 
 Romans: and a terrible engagement soon ensued, near the 
 river A Ilia, in which the latter w^ere defeated, with the loss ol 
 nearly fort^ thousand men. 
 
 Rome, thus deprived of all succour, prepared for every ex 
 tremity. One part of the inhabitants endeavoured to hida 
 themselves in the neighbouring towns : the other resolved to 
 await the conqueror's fury, and end their lives with the ruin of 
 their native city. But, more particularly, the ancient senators 
 and priests, struck with a religious enthusiasm on this occa- 
 sion, resolved to devote their lives, to atone for the crimes oi 
 ^the people, and, habited in their robes of ceremony, place ck 
 themselves in the forum, on their ivory chairs. The Gauls, m 
 the mean time, were giving a loose to their triumph, in sharing 
 and enjoying the plunder of their enemy's camp. Had they 
 immediately marched to Rome on gaining the victory, the capi- 
 tol itself would have fallen ; but they continued two days feast- 
 ing on the field of battle^ and with barbarous pleasure, exulcing 
 amidst their slaughtered enemies. On tlie third day after the 
 
54 KtlStORY or ROME. 
 
 victory, (the easiness of which much amazed the Gauls,) 
 Brennus appeared, with all his forces, before the city. He was 
 at first much surprised to find the gates wide open to receive 
 him, and the walls defenceless, and began to impute the un- 
 guarded situation of the place, to a stratagem of the Romans^ 
 After proper precautions, he entered ; and, marching into the 
 forum, there beheld the ancient senators sitting in their order, 
 observing a profound silence, unmoved and undaunted. The 
 splendid habits, the majestic gravity, and the venerable looks, 
 a[ these old men, who, in their time, had all borne the highest 
 offices of the state, awed the barbarous enemy into reverence : 
 they took them to be the tutelar deities of the place, and began 
 to oifer them blind adoration ; until one, more forward than the 
 rest, put forth his hand, to stroke the beard of Papyrius : this 
 insult, the noble Roman could not endure, and lifting up his 
 ivory sceptre, he struck the savage to the ground. This seem- 
 ed as a signal for general slaughter. Papyrius fell first, and 
 ail the rest shared his fate, without mercy or distinction. The 
 fierce invaders thus pursued their slaughter for three days suc- 
 cessively, sparing neither sex nor age ; and then, setting fire 
 to the city, burned every house to the ground. 
 jj p All the hopes of Rome were now placed in the capi- 
 ^' ' tol : every thing without that fortress, was but an ex- 
 tensive scene of misery, desolation, and despair. 
 Brennus, with threats, first summoned it to surrender; but in 
 vain : he then resolved to besiege it in form, and hemmed it 
 round with his army. Nevertheless, the Romans repelled his 
 attempts with great bravery: despair had supplied them with 
 that perseverance and vigour, which they seemed ^to want in 
 prosperity. 
 
 In the mean while, Brennus carried on the siege with great 
 ardour ; hoping, in time, to starve the garrison into a capitula- 
 tion : but they, sensible of his intention, although they were in 
 actual want, caused several loaves to be thrown into his camp, 
 to convince him of the futility of such expectations. His hopes, 
 failing in this, were soon after revived ; as some of his soldiers 
 came to inform him, that they had discovered footsteps which led 
 up to the rock ; by following which, they supposed the capitol 
 might be surprised. Accordingly, a chosen body of men were 
 ordered, by night, upon this dangerous service; which they 
 i with great difficulty and labour almost efl^ected. They are now 
 on the very wall! — the Roman centmel is fast asleep! the dogs 
 within give no signal, and all things promise an instant victory! 
 But, by the gabbling of some sacred geese, which bad been 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 55 
 
 kept in the temple of Juno, the garrison are roused ! The be- 
 sieged soon perceive the imminence of their danger, and each, 
 snatching the weapon he can soonest find, flies to oppose the 
 assailants. Manlius, a patrician of acknowledged bravery, is 
 the first who exerts all his strength, and inspires courage by his 
 example. He boldly mounts the rampart, and, at one effort, 
 throws two Gauls headlong down the precipice: others soon 
 come to his assistance, and the walls are cleared of the enemy, 
 in a space of time shorter than that employed in the recital. 
 
 From this forward, the hopes of the barbarians began to de- 
 cline, and Brennus wished for an opportunity of raising the 
 siege with credit. His soldiers had frequent conferences with 
 the besieged, whilst on duty; and proposals for an accommoda- 
 tion were desired bj the common men, before the chiefs thought 
 of conferring. At length, the commanders on both sides came 
 to an agreement, that the Gauls, immediately on being paid 
 one-thousand pounds weight of gold, should quit the city and 
 territories of Rome. This agreement being confirmed, on 
 each side, by oath, the gold was brought forth: but, upon 
 weighing it, the Gauls fraudulently attempted to kick the beam; 
 of which, the Romans complaining, Brennus insultingly cast 
 his sword and belt into the scale, crying out, that the only por- 
 tion of the vanquished was to suffer. By this reply, the Ro- 
 mans saw that they were at the victor's mercy, and knew that 
 it was in vain to expostulate against any conditions which he 
 should be pleased to impose. But, in this very juncture, and 
 whilst thus debating upon the payment, they learned that 
 Camillus, their old general, was at the head of a large army, 
 hastening to their relief, and then entering the gates of Rome. 
 Camillus actually appeared soon after; and, having reached 
 the place of controversy, with the air of one who was resolved 
 not to suffer imposition, demanded the cause of the contest. 
 Being informed of it, he ordered the gold to be carried back to 
 the capitol ; ^* For it has always been," cried he, '^ the manner 
 of us Romans, to ransom our country, not with gold, but with 
 iron : it is I alone that am to make peace, as being the dictator 
 of Rome; and my sword only shall purchase it." Upon this, 
 a battle ensued, in which the Gauls were entirely routed ; and 
 so great a slaughter followed, that the Roman territories were 
 soon cleared of their formidable invaders. 
 
 All the city, except the capitol, being one continued heap of 
 ruins, and the greater number of its former inhabitants having 
 gone- to take refuge in Veii, the tribunes of the people urged 
 for the removal of the poor remains of Rome to that city, where 
 
56 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 they might have houses to shelter, and walls to defend them*. 
 On this occasion, Camillus, by all the arts of persuasion, at- 
 tempted to appease them ; observing, that it was unworthy of 
 them, both as Romans, and as men, to desert the venerable 
 seats of their ancestors, where 'they had been encouraged by 
 repeated marks of divine approbation, to remove to, and inhabit 
 a city which they had conquered, and which wanted even the 
 good fortune of defending itself. By these, and similar re- 
 monstrances, he prevailed upon the people to go contentedly 
 to work; and Rome soon began to rise from its ashes. 
 
 We have already seen the bravery of Manlius, in defending 
 the capitol, and saving the last remains of Rome. For this, 
 the people' were by no means ungrateful ; having built him a 
 house, near the place where his valour was so conspicuous, 
 and apj)ointed him a public fund for his support. But he as- 
 pired at being not only equal to Camillus, but also sovereign of 
 Rome. With this view, he laboured to ingratiate himself with 
 the populace, paid their debts, and railed ^t the patricians, 
 whom he called their oppressors. . The senate was not ignorant 
 oPhis discourses or his designs, and, with a view of curbing his 
 ambition, created Cornelius Cossus, dictator. He soon finish- 
 ed his expedition against the Yolscians, by a vicjfe^ry ; and upon 
 his return, called Manlius to account for his conduct. Manlius, 
 however, was too much the darling of»the pec^le, to be affected 
 by the power of Cossus, who was obliged^ to lay down his of- 
 fice ; and the former was carried from his confinement, in tri- 
 umph through the city. This success served only to inflame \ 
 his ambition. He now began to talk of a division of the lands 
 amongst the people ; insinuated that there should be no dis- 
 tinctions in the state ; and, to give weight to his discourses, 
 always- appeared at the head of a large body of the dregs of the 
 ])opulace, whom his largesses had made his followers. The 
 city being thus filled with sedition and clamour, the senate had 
 recourse to another expedient; which was to oppose the power 
 of Camillus to that of the demagogue. Camillus, accordingly, 
 b 3ing made one of the military tribunes, appointed Manlius a 
 day, to answer for his life. The place in which he was tried 
 was near the capitol, to which, when he was accused of sedition, 
 and aspiring at sovereignty, he turned his eyes, and pointing 
 thither, put them ius mind of what he had there done for his 
 country. The multitude, whose compassion, or whose justice,! 
 •^'seldom springs from rational motives, refused to condemn himj 
 whilst he pleaded in sight of •the capitol; but when h^was^ 
 brought thence to the Peteline grove, and where the capitol 
 
^HISTORY OF ROME. 57 
 
 was no longer to be seen, they sentenced him to be thrown 
 headlong from the Tarpeian rock. Thus, the place which had 
 been the theatre of his glory, became that pf his punishment 
 and infamy. His house, in which the conspiracies had been 
 carried on, was ordeied to be razed to the ground, and his 
 family were forbiddej/ever after to assume the name of ManhjtHB. 
 In this manner, the Romans went gradually forward^yj^mh a 
 mixture of turbulence and superstition within their^walls, and 
 successful ent'crprises without. With what implicit obedience, 
 they submitted to their pontiffs, we have already seen^ in many 
 instances ; and how far they mighi be impelled, even to en- 
 counter death itself at their c^^mand, will evidently appear 
 from the behaviour of Curtius, about this time. This heroic 
 man, on the opening of a gulf in the forum, whi#h the augurs 
 affirrned would never close up, until the most precious things 
 in Rome were thrown into it, leaped with his horse and armour 
 boldly into the midst, crying out, that nothing was more truly 
 valyable than ''patriotism ahd military virtue. The gulf, say 
 the historians, clcj^sed immediately, and Curtius was seen no 
 more. * 
 
 •CHAPTER Xm. * 
 
 Including tfte wars with the SamniteSj and the ivars ivith 
 
 Pyrrhus. 
 
 The Romans having now triumphed over the Sabines, Jhe 
 Etrurians, the Latins, the Hernici, the iEqui, and the Volsci, 
 began to look for greater conquests. They accordingly turned 
 their arms against the Samnitej^, a people about a hundred 
 miles east of the city, who were/^d&(jen4ed from the SabinSs, 
 and inhabited a large tract of soffthernTtaly, which, at this day, 
 makes a considerable part of the kingdom of Naples. Valerius 
 Corvus and Cornehus were the two consuls, to whose care it 
 first fell to manage this dreadful contention between the rival 
 states. . "• m 
 
 Valerius was one of the greatest commanders of his-^time: 
 he was sumamed Corvus from a strange circumstance oT hav- 
 ing been assisted by a crow in a single combat, in whic^-^ lie 
 fought and killed a Gaul of|igantic stature* To his colleague's 
 cue, was consigned the l^gMfeg of an* army to Samnium, th'*^; 
 enemy's capital; ^hilst Corvus was sent to relieye Capua, dfe'* 
 capital of the XJampania^s. Never \^ a captain more fitftd 
 for the command. To 'a habit, na4;urally robust and athleticj 
 

 58 HISTORY OF • ROME.^ 
 
 he joined the gentlest manners : he was the fiercest, and yet ^^^^i 
 the best tempered man, in the army; and, though the lowest ' 
 centinel was his companion, no man kept the soldiery more 
 strictly to their duty: but, what completes his character, is, that/ 
 he constantly endeavoured to preserve his dignities by the same 
 arts by which he gained them. Such soldiers as the Romans 
 then were, hardened by their late adversity, and led on by such 
 a general, were invincible. The Samnites were the bravest 
 men they had ever yet encountered ; and the contention be- 
 tween the two nations was carried on, by both sides, with the 
 most determined resolution. But the fortune of Rome pre- 
 vailed: the Samnites at length fled; averring that they were 
 unable to wit^«*and the fierce looks and fire-darting eyes of 
 the Ro i» The other consul was not at first so successful. 
 
 Hay* ,iily led his army into a defile, he was in danger 
 
 ^ cut ofi", had not Decius, a tribune of the army, taken 
 possession of a hill, which commanded the enemy ; so that the 
 Samnites, being attacked on all sidef , were defeated with great 
 slaughter; no less than thirty-thousand of them being left dead 
 on the field of battle. ' • uf- 
 
 Sometime after this victory, the soldiers who were stationed 
 at Capua, having mutinied, forced Quintius, an old and eminent 
 soldier who was then residing in the country, to be their 
 leader; t and, conducted by their rage, rather than by their 
 general, came within eight miles of the city. So terrible an 
 enemy, almost at their gates, not a little alarmed the senate, 
 who immediately created Valerius Corvus, dictator, and sent 
 hiiti*forlh,with anotlier army, to oppose them.^^ The two armies 
 were, now drawn up against each other*;- whilst fathers and 
 sons beheld themselves prepared to engage in opposite causes. 
 Any other general than Corvus, would perhaps have brought 
 this civil war to an extremity :%but he, knowing his influence 
 •with the soldiery, instead of going forward to meet the muti- 
 neers in a>hostile manner, went, with the most cordial iriend- 
 ship, to .embrace and expostulate with his old acquaintances. 
 His conduct jjiad the desired effect. Quintius,jLs their speaker, 
 only desired to have the defection from their duty forgiven ; 
 but, a? for himself, being innocent of the conspiracy, he had 
 committed no oflTence, he said, for which to solicit pardon. Thus^,^-^ 
 this insubordination, which at first placed the city in so much 
 danger, was repaired by the prudence and moderation of a 
 general, whose ambition was, to* be gentle to his friends, and- 
 formidable only to his enemies. 
 ♦ A war between the Romans and the Latins followed soon 
 
i^Pi^- ^» 
 
 4 ^•^^ l'« 
 
 STORY OF ROME ^^ 
 
 afterwards; but, as their clothing, their arms, and their ^"** 
 guage were ahke, the most exact discipUne was necessary, tS 
 prevent confusion in the engagement, t Orders were therefore 
 issued by Manhus, the consul, that no soldier, upon any pro- 
 vocation whatever, should leave his ranks ; and that he who 
 would offer to disobey, should be put to death. . These in- 
 junctions being given, both armies were drawn out in array, 
 and ready to begin ; when Metius, the general of the enemy's 
 cavalry, advanced from his lines, and challenged any knight in 
 the Roman army, to single combat. For some time, there was 
 a general pause; no soldier daring to disobey his orders : then, 
 Titus Manlius, the consul's own son, burning with shame to see 
 the whole body of the Romans intimidated, boldly singled out 
 against his adversary. The soldiers, on both sides, for a while 
 suspended the general engagement, to be spectators of this fierce 
 encounter. The two champi<f[is drove their horses against 
 each other with great violence : Metius wounded his adversary's 
 in the neck ; but Manlius, with better fortune, killed the horse 
 of Metius. The Latin, having thus fallen to the ground, at- 
 tempted to support himself upon his shield; but the Ripman 
 repeated his blows, with so much force, that, as he was en- 
 deavouring to rise, he laid him dead : then, despoiling him of 
 his armour, he returned in triumph to the tent of the consul, 
 his. father, who was there preparing and giving orders relative 
 to the engagement. Notwithstanding the applause which was 
 given him by his fellow soldiers, being as yet doubtful of the 
 reception he might find from his father, he came with hesitation 
 to lay the enemy's spoils at his feet; and, with a modest air, 
 insinuated, that what he had done^^^^ntirely from a spirit of 
 hereditar^^ virtue. But he was soon made dreadfully sensible 
 of his error, when his father, turning away, ordered him to be 
 led publicly forth before the army ; where, the consul, with a 
 stern countenance, and yet with tears, spoke as follows. 
 " Titus Manlius, as thou hast regarded neither the dignity of 
 the consulship, nor the command of thy father; a^thou hast 
 destroyed military discipline, and set a pattern of disobedience 
 by thy example, thou hast reduced me to the deplorable ex- 
 tremity of sacrificing my son, or my country : but let us not 
 hesitate, in this dreadful alternative; a thousand lives would be ^ 
 well lost, in such a cause; nor do I think that thou thyself wilt 
 rduse to |ii^ w^hen thy country is to reap the advantage of thy 
 sufferings; Go, lictor, bind him ; and let his death be our fu- 
 ture example." The whole army were struck with horror at 
 this unnatural mandate : fear for a while kept them in suspense ; 
 
58 ^ 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 he joi . , t ry 
 
 the b*^^®^ ^^®y ^^w t^^i^ young champion's head struck off, 
 and his blood streaming on the ground, they could no longer 
 contain their execration*, and their groans. • His dead body 
 was conveyed without the camp, and, being adorned with the 
 spoils of the vanquished enemy, was buried with all the pomp 
 of military distress. 
 
 In the mean time, the battle joined with mutual fury; and, 
 as the two armies had often fought under the same leaders, 
 they combated with all the animosity of civil war. The Latins 
 depended chiefly on their bodily strength: the Romans, on their 
 invincible courage and conduct. Forces so nearly matched, 
 seemed only to require the protection of their deities, to turn 
 the scale of victory ; and the augurs had foretold that the com- 
 mander of that part of the Roman army which might be dis- 
 tressed, should devote himself for his country, and die as a 
 sacrifice to the immortal gods. #Manlius commanded the right 
 wing, and Decius the left. The courage of both sides being 
 equal, they fought for some time with equal success; but 
 eventually, the left wing of the Roman army began to give 
 way. •Then, Decius, its commander, resolved to devote him- 
 self fSt-his (^niry, and te offer his own life, to save his army.^^ 
 Thus determined,' he caHed out in a loud voice to Manlius, 
 who was- -jthe ^^tsi^f pontiff, demanding instructions how he 
 should d^dle hi^n^elf, and the form of the words lie should '• 
 use. fii^4iis dh^eclions, therefore, clothed in a long robe, his 
 head cove^^ed? and liis arms stretched forward, standing upon 
 a javelin, he^evo'fed himself to the celestial and infernal gods, 
 for the safety of Rome. Then, arming himself, and mounting 
 on horseback, he drove furiously into the midst of the enemy, 
 carrying terror anci consternation wherever he came,*until he 
 fell covered with wounds. In the mean time, the Roman y 
 army considered his devoting himself in this manner, as an /y^ 
 assurance of access ; rior was the superstition of the Latins / 
 less powerfully influenced by his resolution : a total rout began 
 to ensue ;%the Romans pressed them on every side, and so ^^ 
 great was the carnage, that scarcely a fourth part of the enemy / 
 survived the defeat. This was the last battle of importance, < 
 ^ught between the Ltatins and the Romans : they were forced 
 ,to beg S peace, on hard conditions ;% and, two years afterwards, 
 their strongest city, Paedum, being taken, they were brought 
 under an entire submission to the Roman power. ^ % ^ - • . 
 jT p A signal disgrace, suffered by the RomaHS^Uoutthis 
 
 *oi ' time, in their contests with the Samnitee,- interrupted 
 their usual good fortune, and, for a while, turned the 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 61 
 
 scale in favour of the enemy. The senate having denied that 
 people a peace, Pontius, their general, was resolved to gain by 
 stratagem, what he had frequently attempted by force. Ac- 
 cordingly, leading his army into a defile, called Claudium, and 
 taking possession of all its outlets, he sent ten of his men, 
 habited as shepherds, with directions to throw themselves in 
 the way of the Romans. Exactly to his wish, the Roman 
 consul met them ; and, supposing them to be what they ap- 
 peared, demanded the route taken by the Samnite army. They, 
 with seeming indifference, replied, that they were gone to Lu- 
 ceria, a town in Apulia, which they were then besieging. The 
 Roman general, not having the least idea of the stratagem, 
 arched on, by the shortest road, through the defiles, to re- 
 ive the city; unconscious of his danger, until he saw his 
 my surrounded by the enemy. « Pontius, thus having the Ro- 
 IS entirely in his power, obliged their army to pass under j 
 the yoke; they having been previously stripped of all but their 
 garments : he then stipulated that they should entirely evacu- 
 ate the'territories of the Samnites, and that they should in fu- 
 ture observe the terms of the former confederacy.* The Ro- 
 '^nians were constrained to submit to this ignominious treaty, 
 and marched into Capua, .disarmed, almost without clothing, 
 and burning witli a desire of retrieving their lost honour. When 
 ,. Hhe army arrived at Rome, all were extremely afflicted at their 
 shameful return: the whole city was put into mourning, and 
 nothing could be seen but grief and resentment. 
 
 But this calamity was only transitory. The state had suffer- 
 ed a diminution of its glory, though not of its power. The 
 war was carried on as usual for many years : the strength of 
 the Samnites ev^ry day declining, whilst that of the* Romans 
 gained a fresh accession from every victory. Under the con- 
 duct of Pajfyrius Cursor, who was at different times consul and 
 dictator,^ they gained repeated triumphs. Fabius Maximus, 
 also, had a share in the glory of conquering them ; and Decius, 
 the son of that Decius whom we saw devotii|g himself for his 
 country about forty years before,, ibTlo wed tire example of his 
 noble father, and, rushing intotne midst of the enemy, saved 
 the lives of his countrynten, by theK>s|^of his own. 
 
 The Samnites were dnven% extr^B dibi:ress. Unable. to 
 defend themselves, they were obliged TfiLJftall in the assistance^ 
 of a foreign power; and had recourse to Pyrrhus, king of\ 
 Epirus, tcjsave them from impending ruin. Pyrrhus, a mail 
 of great power, courage, and ambition, having always retained 
 Uj^^example of his great predecessor, Alexander, promised to 
 
62 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 go to their assistance. In the mean time, he despiaftched over \ 
 a body of three thousand men, under the command of Cineas, ; 
 an experienced soldier, and a scholar of the great orator, De- I 
 mosthenes. Nor did he himself long remain behind, but soon 1 
 after embarked with three-thousand horse, twenty-thousand 
 foot, and twenty elephants, in which, the commanders of that 
 time began to place very great confidence. However, only a 
 small part of these great preparations arrived with him in Italy : 
 many of his ships were dispersed, and some totally lost, in a 
 tempest. On his reaching Tarentum, his first care was to re- - 
 form the people whom he had come to succour. Observing a . 
 total dissolution of manners in this city, and that the inhabitanjbs^^ 
 were occupied more with the pleasures of bathing, feasting, anil^B 
 dancing, than in preparations for war, he gave orders to have 
 all their places of public entertainment shut up, and to rest 
 them from all those amusements which render soldiers uiii 
 for battle. The Romans did all that prudence could suggest, 
 to oppose so formidable an enemy; and the consul Laevinus ^ 
 was sent, with a numerous army, to interrupt his progress. 
 Pyrrhus, though his whole force had not yet arrived, drew out 
 to meet him; \fnt previously, sent an ambassador, desiring per^ . 
 mission to mediate between the Bomans and the people of 
 Tarentum. To this, Lsevinus returned an answer, saying, that 
 he neither esteemed him as a mediator, nor feared him as an- 
 enemy; and then, leading the ambassador through the Roman 
 <cai«p; requested him to observe diligently what he n^%v,^ and 
 report the result to hjs master. In consequence of this, both 
 armies approached, and pitched^ their tents in sight of each 
 other, upon opposite banks x)f. the river •Jtyris. • Pyrrhu^ was 
 always extremely cureful in d^ecting the siti^tion of his own 
 camp, and observing that of the enemy. When walking along- 
 the banks of the ri^^er, and sitrveying the Roman method -on • 
 encamping, he was heard to observe, '• These barbariS^is seem 
 to be in no wa^y barbarous; and I shall too soon find then* ac- 
 tions equal to th^ir resolution." In the mean time, ordering a 
 body of men along the banks, he placed them in readiness to- 
 oppose the Romans, in case they "attempted to ford the river, 
 before all his forces were collected.! The event justified his 
 expectations. The consul, witli an impetuosity that marked 
 his inexperience, gave orders for passing the river, where k 
 was fordable ; and the advanced guard, having in vain attempted i 
 to oppose him, was obliged to retire to the main body! Pyrrhus, 
 being apprized of the enemy's attempt, at first hoped to cut off 
 Iheir cavalry, before they could be reinforced by the foot, wjh 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 63 
 
 had not as yet passed over; and, in person, led on a chosen 
 body of horse against them. The Roman legions having with 
 much difficulty crossed over, the engagement became general. 
 The Greeks fought with a consciousness of their former fame ; 
 the Romans, with a desire of gaining fresh glory. The com- 
 bat was long in suspense : the Romans had seven times -re- 
 pulsed the enemy, and were themselves as often driven back; 
 but, at length, whilst the success seemed doubtful, Pyrrhus 
 sent his elephants into the midst of the engagement, and these 
 turned the scale of victory in his favour. A The Romans, who 
 had never before seen creatures of so great magnitude, were 
 terrified, not only by their intrepid fierceness, but also by the 
 castles, filled with armed men, built upon their backs. Tl>en, 
 Pyrrhus saw that the day was his own; and, sending in m^f 
 Thessalian cavalry, to charge the disordered enemy, thfe rout 
 became general.*4A dreadful slaughter of the E^omans ensued: 
 fifteen-thousand men were killed on the spot, and eighteen- \ 
 hundred takefn prisoners. Nor were the c onqu erors in a much 
 better state, than the vanquished; Pyrrhus MHifeMDeing wound- 
 ed, and thirt^gS^-thousand of his forces slain. J The approach 
 of night, put ^rltop to the slaughter, on .both ^ides, and Pyrrhus 
 was heard to cr0out, that one such/ victory more would ruin 
 his whole army. The next day, a^e was surveying the field 
 of battle^, he could not help regarding with admiration, the - 
 bodies of the Romans who were slain. / On seeing tliem all ^ 
 with their wounds before, their countefnancQS, even in death, 
 markfti with a noble resolution and a sternness that awed him 
 into respect, he w£L|| heard to exclaim, in the true spirit of a 
 military adventurer, " 0, with whaf ease could I conquer the/|j|, 
 world, had I the Romans for soldiers, or had they me for theii ^ 
 king!" */ff/i*« 
 
 Mankind had never before seen two armies so different in 
 discipline, opposed to each other ; nor is it, ^|^feM:(^ this day 
 determined, whether the Gre^ phalanx or tiBKoman legion 
 was preferable. '^ 
 
 Pyrrhus, after this victo^, was still unwilling to drive them 
 to an extremity; and considering that it is easier to treat with * | 
 an enemy when humbled<fie resolved to send his friend Cineas, • 
 tl^^rator, to negotiate a peace. He often asserted that he 
 UpTgained more towns by the eloquence of Cineas, than by 
 his' own arms: however, with all his art, he was incapable of 
 seducing the J^^mans, either by bribery, or by private or public 
 persuasion. ^^ 
 
 Being frustmted in his expectations, he returned to his 
 
64 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 master, extolling both the virtues and the grandeur of the 
 Romans. The senate, he said, appeared a reverend assembly 
 of demi-gods ; and the city, a temple for their reception. Of 
 this, Pyrrhus soon afterwards became sensible, by an embassy 
 from Rome, concerning the ransom and exchange of prisoners. 
 At the head of this venerable deputation, was Fabricius, an an- 
 cient senator, who had long been a pattern to his countrymen, 
 of extreme poverty, united, with the most cheeiful content 
 Pyrrhus received this old man with great kindness ;|and, wish 
 ing to ascertain the correctness of report, offered: him rich 
 presents, which, however, the Roman refused. The next day, 
 he was desirous of trying his temper also, and ordered one of 
 his elephants to be placed behind the tapestry ; which, upon a 
 given signal, raised its trunk above the ambassador's head, at 
 the same time using other tricks to intimidate him.\ But Fa- 
 bricius, with a countenance unaltered, smiled upon the king; 
 observing, that he was as indifferent to the terrors of that day, 
 as to the allurements of the preceding. Pyrrhu^ pleased to 
 find so much virtue in one he had considered as a barbman, 
 was willing to grant him the^nly favour whicttAe kne^^^ould 
 make him happy :Jhe releasedT the Roman priSmlRgS, entrusting 
 them to Fabricius alcsfie; on his promise, tlj^, if the senate 
 were determined to continue the war, he might reclaim tjiei 
 whenever he should think proper.- . 
 
 jj p By this time, the Roman arni}^ Bad recovered from 
 .L. " its late defe£||^ and Sulpicius and ^ecius^!lhe consuls 
 
 for the following year, were placed at its ,3iead.^ 1^^ 
 panic, hitherto caused by the elephants, nojv^ began to subside^ 
 and both armies met near the city of Asttlum ; "^nearly equal 
 in number, each being about forty-thousand strong. But now 
 again, after a long and, obstinate battle, the Grecian discipline 
 prevailed, n The Romans, being pressed on every side, par- 
 ticularly by the elephants, v/ere obUged to retire to the camp, 
 leaving six-thousand men dead upon the field. But the enemy 
 had no great reason to boast of their triumph, as they had four- 
 thousand killed ; so that Pyrrhus replied to one of his soldiers, 
 who was congratulating him on the victory, ^* Another victory 
 like this, and I am undone." 
 
 This battle ended the campaign. ^^ 
 
 The next season commenced with equal vigour, Qft I^Bi 
 sides; Pyrrhus having received reinforcements, from h«me. 
 Whilst the two armies were approaching, and^^^only a small 
 distance from each other, a letter was brought IWld Fabricius, 
 the^Roman general, from the king's physician ;* importing that 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 65 
 
 for a proper reward, he would take him off by poison, and thus 
 rid the Romans of a fonnidahle enemy, and a dangerous war. 
 At this proposal, Fabricius felt all that honest indignation 
 which was consistent with his character: he communicated it 
 to his colleague, and instantly gave it as his opinion, that 
 Pyrd^ should be informed of so treacherous a design, Ac- 
 cordi^y, letters were despatched for that purpose, informing 
 him b^TOie affair, and alluding to the unfortunate choice of his 
 friends and his enemies; in having trusted and promoted mur- 
 derers, whilst he carried his resentment against the generous 
 and brave, j Pyrrhus, now concluding that those bold barba- 
 rians, (as he called them,) were gradually taught refinement, 
 and that they would not suffer him to be their superior, even 
 in generosity, received their message, with as much amazement 
 at their candour, as indignation at his physician's treachery. 
 *' Admirable Fabrifcius!" cried he, "it would be as easy to 
 turn the sun from his course, as thee from the f aths of hon- 
 oui;<?' Then, making the proper enquiry among^his servants, 
 and being convinced of the treason, he ordered nis physician 
 to be executed. However, not to be outdone in magnanimity, 
 . he immediately released all his prisoners, without ransom, and 
 desired to negotiate a peace. The Romans, on the other hand, 
 refused to treat, except on the same conditions which they had 
 before offered. 
 
 After an interval of two years, Pyrrhus, having increased his 
 army by new levies, sent one division to oppose the march of 
 Lentulus, the Roi^jjfn * consul ; whilst he himself maiched to 
 attack Curius Dentatus, the other in command, before his col- 
 league could arrive. ^ " ^ ^ 
 
 His principal aim was to surprise the enemy ])y night ; but, 
 unfortunately, passing through woods, and his lights faiUng 
 him, his men lost their way; so that, on the approach of morn- 
 ing^ he found himself in sight of the Roman camp, with the 
 enemy drawn out ready to receive him.^ The vanguard of 
 both armies soon met, and the Romans had the a(l\^antage. 
 Soon afterwards a general engagement ensued, and Pyrrhus, 
 seeing the balance of victory still inclining against liim, had, 
 d|fe more, recourse to his elenhants. But the Romans wero 
 N^ too well acquainted with these animals, to feel from them 
 unnecessary terror ; i and, having found that fire was the most 
 effectual means of repelling them, they made a quantity of 
 Iballs, composed of flax and iron, which were thrown against 
 them, as they approached the ranks. The elephants, rendered 
 furious by n flame, and as boldly opposed by the soldiers, 
 
 M F 2 
 
66 HISTORY OF HOME. 
 
 could no longer be brought on ; but ran back upon their own 
 army, bearing down the ranks, and spreading general terror and 
 confusion. Thus, victory at length declared in favour of Roj^ae. 
 Pyrrhus in v«ain attempted to stop the flight and slaughter of 
 his troops. He lost not only twenty-three thousand of his 
 best soldiers, but also his camp. | This served as a ne^^sson 
 to the Romans, who were always open to improvemei^^They 
 had formerly pitched their tents without order ; bu^by the . 
 present capture, they 'were taught to measure their ground, 
 and fortify it by a trench ; so that many of their succeeding 
 victories are to be ascribed to their improved* method of en-, 
 camping. ^ 
 
 Pyrrhus, now finding all his hopes fruitless, i?e§pJfed to leave 
 Italy, where he found only desperate eneny«te, amd faithless 
 alhes: accordingly, calling together the Tarentines, he in- • 
 foi-med them that he had received from Greece assurance of 
 speedy assistgince; and desired them to wait the eventfwith 
 tranquillity. The night following, he embarked*his troops^ and 
 returned undisturbed into his native kingdom, with the remains 
 of his shattered forces ; leaving in Tarentum a garrisd%, merelyv 
 ' -for appearance. 
 
 In this manner, ended the war with Pyrrhus, afte^ six years 
 continuance. '' * 
 
 The poor luisurip^. Tarentines, the original pron^oters of 
 this war, soon found a worse enemy in the garrison left for 
 their defence, than in the Romans who attacked them without. 
 The hatred between them and Milo, v/l(ff^ commanded their 
 .citadel for Pyrrhus, had become so great, that nothing could 
 ^equal it, except thelf^S? of their invetei^te enemies, the Ronmns. 
 In this distress, ihej^applied to the Carthaginians, who, with a 
 large fleet came and blocked up the port of Tarentum ; so that 
 this unfortunate people, once famous throughout Italy for their 
 pleasures and refinements, now saw themselves contended for 
 by three different enemies, without even the choice of a con- 
 queror. \ At length, the Romans found means touring over 
 the garrison to their inten'est ; after which, they easily became 
 masters of the city, and demolished its walls, granting the in- 
 habitants liberty and protection. ^B 
 
 A^^&' 
 
 ^^ 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 67 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Fhc First Punic tvar^ when the Romans first went out of Italy ^ 
 ^ and began to grow powerful by sea. 
 
 Ij p The Romans, having destroyed all rival pretensions 
 . ' / artwfme, were now eager to extend their conquests into 
 foreigri countries. The Carthaginians were at that 
 time in pps^ssion of the greatest part of Sicily; and, like the 
 Romans, oijly wanted an opportunity of embroiling the natives, 
 in order tg« become masters of the whole island. The oppor- 
 tunity at lengtM^fTered. • Hiero, king of Syracuse, a Sicilian 
 state as vet unconquered, having entreated aid from the Caj^ 
 thaginiaps, against the Mamertines, a petty nation of the same 
 country^, they sent him supplies, both by sea and land. The 
 Mamertines, on their part, to shield off impending danger, put 
 themselj^es under the protection of Rome. The Romans, de- 
 spising^ them as allies, instead of professing to assist them, 
 boldly decfereS war against Carthage; alleging, as £p reason, 
 th^^ssi|tence'laj}ely sent by that city to the southern parts of 
 
 ^Italy, a^Hnst l^me. In this manner, a war was declared be- 
 tween these two powerful states, both grown too^grejt to re- 
 main patieiit spectators of each other's increa^. m 
 
 Carthage, a Phoenician colony^ was built ori* the coast of 
 Africa, (near the*place where Tunis now slSnds,) about one- 
 hundred-and-thirty-seven years. before the foundation of Q^ome. 
 As it had been gradually rising into power, so it had extended 
 its dominion allalong the coast. But its chief stwngth con- 
 sisted in its fleets and its commerce. "Shus SirciJnstanced, 
 these t\^ great" powers began the first of what are called the 
 
 *" Punigj^ars : the Carthaginians, possessed of gold and silver, 
 which might 'Ife exhausted; the Romans, famous. for perse'- 
 verance, patriotism, and poverty, whili| appeared to gather 
 strength from every defeat. \ 
 
 But there seemed an insurmountable -dlfetacle to the ambition 
 of Rome. She had no fleet: at least, no naval force which 
 ^ deserved that title; whilst Carthage was sovereign of the sea, 
 ''^nd kept all other maritime towns in obedience. In such a situa- 
 tion, any people, except the Romans, would have remained con- 
 tented, under disa-dvantages which nature seemed to have im- 
 posed: but; nothing >95ulii conquer or intimidate^ them. They 
 now appjied themselves to maritime affairs ; and, though with- 
 out shipwrights to build, or Seamen to navigate a fleet, they re- 
 
68 HISTORY OF ROME. ': \ 
 
 solved to surmount every obstacle with inflexible perseverance. 
 A Carthaginian vessel which happened, in a storm, to be driven 
 ashore, was sufficient for a model. The consul Duillius was 
 the first who went to sea with his newly constructed armament; \ 
 and, though far inferior to the enemy in the management of his ^ 
 fleet, yet he gained the first naval victory ; the Carthaginians 
 losing fifty of their ships, and, what they valued more, the un- 
 disturbed sovereignty of the sea. • 
 
 But the conquest of Sicily was to be effected only by hum- 
 bling the power of Carthage, at home. Accordingly, t^e senate 
 resolved to carry the war into Africa itself; and, for that pur- 
 pose, deputed Regulus and Manlius, with a fleet of* three-hun- 
 dred sail. Regulus was esteemed the most dtosummate war- 
 rior that Rome could then produce, and was a professed example 
 of frugal severity. His patriotism was still greater than his 
 temperance; in him, all the private passions seemed extin- 
 guished, or concentrated in one great ruling affection, the love 
 of his country. The two generals set sail with one-hundred- 
 and-forty-thousand men, in a fleet which was the greatest that 
 ever had left an Italian port. They were metl3y the*enemy, 
 with a fleet as powerful, and men more inured tc^he^^sea. 
 Whilst the fight continued at a distance, rather bdjpen the^j^ ^ 
 ships i^n the men, the Carthaginians seemed successful ;Jfeut^ 
 when flie Romans came to grapple with them", th^difference 
 was apparent, between a mercenary army, and one that fought 
 for fame. The resolution of the Romans was triumphant ; 
 fifty-four of the enemy's vessels were taken, and the rest of 
 the fleet dispersed. The consequence of this victory, was, an 
 immediate descent upon the coast of Africa, the capture of the 
 city of Clhpeaf, and ^twenty- thousand men who were made pris- 
 oners of war. 
 
 The senate, being informed of these great successes, and 
 applied to for fresh instructions, recalled ManMus to Italy, in 
 order to superintend ii^ Sicilian war ; and directed Regulus to 
 continue in Africa, and there prosecute his victories. 
 
 A battle ensued, itl^ which the Carthaginians were once more 
 defeated, and some of their best troops cut off. This 
 misfortune contributed to throw them into the utmost de 
 more than eighty of their towns submitted to the RomanS 
 this distress, being destitute of generals at home, they were^ 
 obliged to send to Lacedajmon, offering the command of theii 
 army to Xantippus, a general of great experience, who under 
 took to conduct them. 
 
 Xantippus began by giving the magistrates propeninstructioaa 
 
\ 
 
 • HISTORY OF ROME. 69 
 
 •for levying the men. He assured them, that their armies were 
 hitherto overthrown, not by the strength of the enemy, but by 
 the ignorance of their own generals ; he therefore only required 
 a ready obedience to his orders, and piiorai«ed them an easy 
 victory. \ By the exhortations of^a-^rigle^stranger, the whole 
 city seemed once more revived from despondency; and from 
 hope, soon acquired confidence. ,This was the spirit which 
 the Grecian general wished to excij^; and when he saw them 
 thus ripe for the engagement, he joyfully took the field. The 
 Lacedaemonian made the most skilfwl disj^osition of his forces: 
 he placed his cavalry in the wings ; he stationed elephants at 
 proper intervals behind the line of tlie heavy armed infantry; 
 and, bringing up the light armed troops in front, he ordered 
 them to retire through the line of infantry, after they had 
 discharged their weapons. At length, both armies having en- 
 gaged, the Romans^ after a long and obstinate resistance, were 
 overthrown wiCh dreadful slaughter ; the greatest part of their 
 army being destroyed, and Regulus himself taken prisoner. 
 Several other disasters soon afterwards followed: they lost 
 their fleet in a storm; and Agrigentum, their principal town in 
 Sicily, ^^ taken by the Carthaginian general, Carthalo. They 
 undertook to build a nev/ fleet, which shared the fate of the 
 former. The mariners, as yet unacquainted ^ith the Mediter- 
 ranean shores, having driven it upon quicksands, the greater 
 part of it p^ished in a storm. 
 
 The Carthaginians, now successful, were again desirous of 
 treating for peace; hoping to have better terms, than those in- 
 sisted on by Regulus. For this purpose, they supposed, that 
 he whom they had, during four years, kept chained in a dun- 
 geon, would be a proper solicitor. It was expected, that, being 
 wearied with imprisonment and bondage, he would gladly en-^ 
 deavour to persuade his countrymen to discontinue a war^ 
 which prolonged his captisiPy. He wJpaccordingly sent, with 
 their ambassadors, to Rome ; a promise having previously been 
 exacted from him, that he would return, in case of being un- 
 successful. He was even given to understand, that his life 
 depended on the issue of the negotiation. 
 
 When this old general, with the ambassadors of Carthage, 
 approached Rome, numbers of his firoads came out to meet 
 mxd congratulate him on his return. Their acclamations re- 
 sounded through the city; but Regulus, with settled melan- 
 choly, refused to ente^ the gates. In vain, was he entreated, 
 on every side, to visit, once more, his Httle dwelling, and share 
 in that joy which his leturn had inspired : he persisted in say^* 
 
70 HISTORY OF ROME • 
 
 ing, that he was now only a slave ' belonging to the Carthagi-.j^ 
 nians, and unfit to partake of the liberal honours of his country^ » 
 The senate having^assembled ou.tside of the walls, as usual, 
 to give audience to^egambass^^dors, Regulus opened his com- 
 mission, as he had Men dUedled by the Carthaginian council j^ 
 and their ambassadors seconded hi^ proposals. The senate 
 themselves were by thi^jji^e weary of a war, which had been - 
 protracted above .eight y^»; akii3 had no aversion to a peace* ^^ 
 It only remained for ^gul^ himself to give his opinion; who, 
 when it came to his turn, g^v^e his voice for continuing the waH 
 So unexpected an advice not a li^^ disturbed the senate : they 
 pitied, as well as admif ed ^ man, who had used so inuch elo- 
 quence against his private interest, and they would not con- 
 clude upon a measure which wa« J,o terminate in his ruin. But 
 he soon relieved their embarrassment, by breaking off the 
 treaty, and rising to return to his bonds andT confinement. It 
 was in vain that the senate and his dearest friends, entreated 
 him to stay: he still opposed tj^eir solicitations. Marcia, his 
 wife, and his little childrerf, filled ^fe city with their lamenta- 
 tions, and in vain entreated pefmission to see him : he still ob- * ,^ 
 stinately persisted in adhering to his promise ; anip though 
 sufficiently apprized of the tortures which awaitecb^his returti, 
 without embracing* his family, or taking leave of his friends, he 
 departed, with the ambassadors, for Carthage. , 
 
 Nothing could equal tl^e fury and disappointment of the 
 Carthaginians, when informed, by their ambassadors, that Reg- 
 ulus, instead of advocating a peace, jjad given his opinion for 
 continuing the war. They accordingly prepared to inflict upon 
 him, the severest tortures. First, his eyehds w^re cut off, and 
 then he was remanded to prison. After some days, he was again 
 brought out, and exposed with his face turned towards the , 
 burning sun. At last, when malice was fatigued with studying^ 
 all the arts of torture jjle was pla<^ in a barrel, driven full of 
 nails, pointing inwards; and in this painful situation he con- 
 tinued, until he died. , ^ ^ /* 
 
 Both sides now took up arnis, with more t^an former ani- 
 mosity. At length, the prers.everance of the Romans waif 
 crowned with success : jme victory succeeded another. * Their 
 naval superiority was aPRn displayed, m the defeat of a large 
 squadron of the enemy. In^at battle, FaM»g Buteo, the 
 consul, had the command; but Liitatius Catulus gained a vic- 
 tory, still more complete ; having captijred, according to the 
 smallest computation, one-hundred-and-twenty shipS; by which, 
 the maritiine power of Carthage seemed totally destroyed. This 
 
 / h'> 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. ' 71 
 
 loss induced the Carthaginians to sue for peape; which Rome 
 , thought proper to grant: but, still iliflexible in her demands^ 
 she exacted the same conditions which Regulus had formerly 
 offered at the gates of Carthage. These were, that they should 
 ^pay a thousand talents of silver, then, tp defray the charges of 
 the war;^ and should gv^, in ten years, two-thousand-two- 
 hundred more : that they should evacuate Sicily, and the ad- 
 jacent islands: that they should' never metke war against the 
 allies of Rome, or enter with any vessels of war within the 
 Yj Q Roman waiters ;' and lastly , that they should deltY.er up 
 ^lo ' all their prisoners and deserters ^ithout ransom. To 
 , ^ \ tiies^ hard conditions, the Carthaginians, now exhausted, 
 adily ^ulJ^ibed ; and thus ended the ifirst Punic war, which 
 d lasted twenty-four years, and in some measure had dramed 
 oth nations of every resource to begin another*-^**** ■ 
 
 •^ DO 
 
 ''^ThAPTER XV. 
 
 From the end of the first Punic war^ to the end of the second. 
 
 /SMUPouNb peace, between tjie Carthag^nmns and tlie Rq- ^ 
 nlan^now ensued, and in about^six years afterwards, the Tem- 
 pl^f Janus jvvas ^hut ; being the second time since the foun- 
 4|^ion of the city, '^le Romdiis, 1%is in fridlfelship with all*,#^ 
 nation^ iiwjtt aji^ opportunity of cultivating the arts of peace": 
 ^they now begWjto have a relish for poetry, which, in. every 
 ci^^ilizeff^ation^Sfthe firstrliberal art i;hat rises, ancTttte first ^ 
 also, tliat (lr( ;i\ ./w Hitherto, they had been ^ntertai^jed only 
 by the rude drolleries of their lowest buffoons :, theyjiad sports ' 
 called l^escenliini, in i^ich a few debauched actors%iade thgk 
 own^j^ts; whilst rulllerv ^d ob^jjpnity supplied the place ot 
 humMr. To t k >' . sjjlb^died a composition Jff a higlier kind, 
 call^sd satire^ v.i)i< h wujg a species of dramatic poem, in^wj^h 
 ^the cjfaracters oi ti^^ great were pailiculdrly pointed at, and^^^ 
 "^ ttade objects of^ derision tp the vulgarjf After these, "came tra-^^| 
 [edr and comeSy,^^Alfeh w<ere borrowed from the Greek; in^ ^ 
 li^eA^ the first dramatic po^t of Riof^, \^hose name was Livius* "^ 
 jf^ p Andronicus, was-tty birth a Grecian. Tlvp instant these 
 «^* * fyaer kinds oJh^^^j^^ipo^tion ap^ared, the higfier orders 
 * .rejected the former lmpuriti^,^ith disdain. / Thence- 
 forward, the Romans laboured aft^r the Grecian model; and, 
 though tkey were never ah^lo rival their masters, in dramatic 
 
 ^ ■ w 
 
72 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 composition, they soon surpassed them in many of the more 
 soothing kinds of poetry. ♦Elegiac, pastoral, and didactic com- 
 position, began to assume new beauties in the Roman lan- 
 guage ; and satire, not that rude sort of dialogue already men- 
 tioned, but a nobler kjj^d invented byXucilius, was all theit 
 own, tS ^ * 
 
 Whilst they were thus improving the arts of peace, they 
 were not negligent in those'of war : all intervals of ease seemed 
 rather to give fresh vigoiir fo^ new designs, than to relax their 
 former intrepidity. The Illyrians, after some continuance of 
 jj p peace, were '^he first upon whom they tried their 
 K* ^ * strength. Tnat nation, which had long plundered fhe 
 ' merchants of the Mediterranean with injpflnity, hap- 
 pened to commit depredations upon some of the kading sulV- 
 jects of Roma* A complaint being mad^ to Teuta, their queen, 
 she, instead ^ granting redress, order1ill%ie ambassador w lio 
 was sent to owand ' restittmon, to be murdered. A war. eijpr; 
 sued, in which^e Romans were victories ; most of the Illyrii 
 towns were surrendered to tjfe consul^roh a peace was c^ 
 cluded^y which the greatest part of the country was ^eded'tii. 
 Rome Pa yearly tribute was exacted for the rest, and a prohi- 
 bition added, t^^^e Illyrians should not sail beyond the river 
 LissuS \^ith mo^Fihan tw6 barks, at one time, and those^ un- 
 armed. . ' * . " *> 
 
 The Gauls were the next \^o incurred the displeasure of the 
 Romans. Si^Jposing qjlfftieof peace, when the armies were 
 disbanded, a proper season for new irrtiptions, that barbarous 
 people invited fresh forces from beyond the AlpS, and, entering 
 Etruria, wasted all with fire and s\v^rd, until tlieyxame withjn 
 about three days journey of Rome. A prsftor a|^d a consul 
 were sent to oppose them ; and, being now instructed in the 
 improved arts of war, they were enabled<to sun'dtmd the Gauls, 
 wfio still retained their primi?val barbarity^ It was in vain that 
 these hardy tro^s, who had nothiflg bUL their courage to pro- 
 tecj^them, forniea two fronts to repel tneir adversaries; their 
 naked and* undiJciplined forces were unable to withstand**!!!© 
 shock of an enemy completely armed, and skilled in military 
 evolutions. A miserable slaughter ensued, in which forty- 
 thousand were killed: ten-thousand were also made prisoners. 
 '. This victory ^as followed b^ another, gained over thein by 
 Marcellus*; in which, h* killcfrVeridomarus, their kjng, widi 
 his own hand, and acqiiHed the third royal spoils that h^d ym 
 been obtained by the Romans. These conquests forced the 
 Gaula tjH^eg a peace, the conditi^o^of which served greatly 
 
 I 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 73 
 
 to enrich the empire. The Romans were now invariably suc- 
 cessful ; and, having totally recovered their former losses, they 
 only wanted an enemy, worthy of their arms, to provoke another 
 war. 
 
 The Carthaginians had made peace, only because they were 
 no longer able to continue the war. They therefore took the 
 earliest opportunity of breaking the treaty: they besieged Sa- 
 guntum, a city of Spain, which was in alliance with Rome ; and, 
 though requested to desist, prosecuted their operations with 
 vigour. Ambassadors were consequently despatched from 
 Rome to Carthage, complaining of this infraction, and requiring 
 that Hannibal, the Carthaginian general, who had advised the 
 measure, should be delivered up; which being refused, both 
 sides prepared for a second Punic war. 
 
 The Carthaginians, on their side, intrusted the management 
 to Hannibal, the son of A mile ar. This extraordinary man, 
 almost in 4iis infancy wa'fe made to swear perpetual enmity to 
 Rome; for, whilst yet^yery young, his father brought him be- 
 fore the altar, and obliged him to take an oath, that he never 
 would be in friendship with the Romans, nor desist from op- 
 posing their power, until he or they should be no more. On 
 his first appearance in the field, he displayed/ in his own per- 
 son, the most correct method of commanding, with the most 
 perfect obedience to his superiors. Thus, he was equally ]^e- 
 loved by his generals, and the troops he was appointed to lead. 
 He possessed the greatest courage in opposing danger, and 
 the greatest presence of mind in retiring from it. No fatigue 
 was able to subdue his body, nor any misfortune to break his 
 spirit: equally patient of heat and cold, he took sustenance 
 only to appease nature, and not to delight his appetite. He 
 was the best horseman, and the swiftest runner of his time. 
 
 This great general, who is considered the most skilful of 
 antiquity, having over-run all Spain, and levied a large army 
 of various languages and nations, resolved to carry the war 
 into Italy itself, as the Romans had before carried it into 
 the dominions of Carthage. For this purpose, leaving Hanno 
 with a sufficient force to guard his conquests in Spain, he 
 crossed the J^yrei^n mountains, and entered Gaul, with an 
 army of fifty»-thouSaiid foot, and nine-thousand horse. He 
 quickly traversed that extensive country, which was then wild, 
 aW filled with nations that wer^is declared enemies. In vain, 
 its forests and rivers appeared ro intimidate him: in vain, the 
 Rhone, wkh its rapid current, and its banks covered with ene- 
 mies, or the Dura, branchM out into innumerable channels, 
 
74 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 opposed his way ; by perseverance, he surmounted all, and m 
 ten days arrived at the foot of the Alps, over which a new pas- 
 sage into Italy was to be explored. It was in the midst of 
 winter, that this most astonishing project was undertaken; 
 which season added new horror to a scene already crowded, 
 by nature, with objects of dismay. The prodigious height, and 
 tremendous steepness of the mountains capped with snow ; the 
 people, barbarous and fierce, dressed in skins with long and 
 rugged hair, presented a picture which impressed the beholders 
 with astonishment and terror. But nothing could subdue the 
 courage of the Carthaginian general: at the end of fifteen days, 
 spent in crossing the Alps, he found himself in the plains of 
 Italy. But only half his army remained ; the rest having died 
 by cold, or having been cut off by the natives. 
 
 As soon as it was known by the Romans, that Hannibal, at 
 the head of an immense army, was crossing the Alps in order 
 to invade their dominions, the senate sent Scipio to oppose 
 him. He, however, was obliged to retreat, with considerable 
 loss. In the mean time, /Hie victorious Hannibal took the 
 most prudent precautions to increase his army. He gave orders 
 always to spare the possessions of the Gauls, but permission 
 to plunder those of Rome; which so pleased that simple peo- 
 ple, that they declared for him in great numbers, and flocked 
 to his standard with alacrity. ^ 
 
 The second battle was fought upon the banks of the river 
 Trebia. The Carthaginian general, having been apprized of 
 the Roman impetuosity, (of which he availed himself in almost 
 every engagement,) had sent across the river a body of a 
 thousand horsemen, each with a foot soldier behind, to ravage 
 the territory of the Romans, and provoke them to engage. 
 This force quickly retired before the Romans: and, seeming to 
 be defeated, plunged into the river, eagerly pursued by Sem* 
 pronius, the consul. It was not, howevef, until his army ar- 
 rived on the opposite bank, that he perceived himself already 
 almost conquered ; his men being fatigued w ith wading up to 
 the arm-pits, and quite benumbed by the intense coldness of 
 the water. A total rout ensued ; twenty-six thousand of the 
 Romans were destroyed; being killed by the enemy, or drown- 
 ed in attempting to repass the river. Ten-thousand men were 
 all that survived; wha, finding themselves enclosed on every 
 side, broke desperately thrQg|fc|the enemy's ranks, and fougjit 
 retreating, until they found^MRer in the city of Placentia. 
 
 The third defeat the Romans sustained, was at die lake of 
 Thiiisymenus, Near tliis, was a chain of mounftins; and 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 75 
 
 between these and the lake, a narrow passage leading to a 
 valley, embosomed in hills. It was upon these hills, that 
 Hannibal disposed his best troops ; and it was into this valley 
 chat Flaminius, the Roman general, led his men to attack him. 
 A disposition every way so favourable for the Carthaginians, 
 was also assisted by accident: a mist rising from the lake 
 prevented the Romans from seeing their enemies ; whilst the 
 army upon the mountains, bemg above its influence, saw the 
 whole arrangement of their opponents. The fortune of the day 
 was such as might have been expected, from the conduct of 
 the two generals ; the Romans were broken and slaughtered, 
 almost before they could perceive the enemy that destroyed 
 them. About fifteen-thousand Romans, together with Flami- 
 nius himself, fell in the valley, and six-thousand more wei»e 
 obUged to surrender, prisoners of war. 
 
 Upon the news of this defeat reaching Rome, when the 
 general consternation was allayed, the senate, after mature de- 
 liberation, resolved to elect a commander, with absolute autho- 
 rity, in whom they might repose their last and greatest confi- 
 dence. Their choice fell upon Fabius Maximus, a man of 
 great courage, but with a happy mixture of caution. He 'was 
 of opinion, that the Carthaginians, at so great a distance from 
 home, would be much more easily humbled by his harassing, 
 than his fighting them. For this purpose, he always encamped 
 upon the highest grounds, inaccessible to the enemy's cavalry. 
 VVhenever they moved, he moved, watched their motions, 
 straitened their quarters, and cut off their provisions. 
 
 By these arts, Fabius had at one time enclosed Hannibal 
 amongst mountains, where it was impossible for him to winter, 
 and yet from which it was almost impracticable to extricate his 
 army, without imminent danger. In this exigence, nothing 
 but one of those stratagems of war, which fall to the lot only 
 of great abilities, to invent, could save him : he ordered a num- 
 ber of small fagots, and lighted torches, to be tied to the horns 
 of two-thousand oxen, and that they should be driven towards 
 the enemy. These, tossing their heads, and running up the 
 sides of the mountains, seemed to fill the whole neighbouring 
 forests with fire ; whilst the centinels, placed to guard the ap- 
 proaches, seeing so great a number of flames advancing to- 
 wards their posts, fled in consternation, supposing the whole 
 body of the enemy was in arms to overwhelm them. By this 
 stratagem, Hannibal drew off* his army, and escaped through 
 the defiles which led beneath the hills ; though with considerable 
 damage to his rear 
 
76 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Soon afterwards, his time having expired, Fabius was obligea 
 to lay down his office, and Terentius Varro was appointed to 
 succeed him. This Varro was a man sprung from the dregs 
 of the people, with nothing but his confidence and riches to 
 recommend him. With him, was joined -S^milius Paulus^ of a 
 disposition entirely opposite ; experienced in the field, cautious 
 in action, and impressed with a thorough contempt of the 
 abilities of his plebeian colleague. 
 
 The Romans, finding themselves enabled to bring a compe* 
 tent force into the field, (being almost ninety-thousand strong,) 
 now again resolved to meet Hannibal, who was encamped near 
 the village of Cannge, with a wind, that, for a certain season, 
 blows always one way, in his rear ; which raising clouds of dust 
 from the parched plains behind, he knew must greatly distress 
 an approaching enemy. In this situation, he awaited the arrival 
 of the Romans, having an army of forty-thousand foot, and 
 half that number of cavalry. 
 
 According to his wish, the two consuls soon appeared, hav- 
 mg divided their forces into two parts, and agreed to take the 
 command alternately, each for a day. 
 
 The first day of their arrival being that on which ^milius 
 was to act, he was entirely averse to engaging. The next day^ 
 however, it being Varro's turn to command, he, without con- 
 sulting his colleague, gave the signal for battle ; and passing 
 the river Aufidus, which lay between both armies, put his forces 
 in array. The engagement began with the light armed in- 
 fantry: the horse came in contact soon afterwards; but the 
 Roman cavalry being unable to stand against that of Numidia, 
 the legions came up to its assistance. The conflict then be- 
 came general. The Roman soldiers, for a long time endea- 
 voured, but in vain, to penetrate the centre, where the Gauls 
 Hnd Spaniards fought; which', Hannibal observing, he ordered 
 part of those troops to give way, and permit the Romans to 
 embosom themselves within a chosen body of his Africans, 
 whom he had placed on their wings, so as to surround them : 
 a dreadful slaughter now ensued, of the Romans, fatigued with 
 repeated attacks from the Africans, who were fresh and vigor- 
 ous. At last, the rout became general, in every part of the 
 Roman army: the boastings of Varro were now no longer I 
 heard, whilst -^milius, who had been severely wounded in the " 
 very beginning of the action, still feebly led on his body of 
 cavalry, and did all that was possible, to withstand the enemy; 
 however, being unable to sit on horseback, he was obliged to 
 dismount. It was in this deplorable situation of affairs, that I 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 77 
 
 tribune, named Lentulus, as he was flying from the enemy, 
 which at some distance pursued him, perceived JiLmiHus, cover- 
 ed over with wounds and blood, sitting on a stone, and waiting 
 for the arrival of the pursuers. " ^mihus," cried the generous 
 tribune, **you, at least, are guiltless of this day's slaughter: 
 take my horse, and fly." " I thank thee, Lentulus," cried the 
 dying consul, *' all is over; my part is chosen: go, I command 
 thee, and tell the senate, from me, to fortify Rome against the 
 approach of the conqueror. Telk Fabius, also, that -^mihus, 
 whilst living, always remembered his advice, and now, dying, 
 approves it." Whilst he was yet speaking, the enemy ap- 
 proached; and Lentulus, when at no great distance, saw the 
 consul expire, feebly fighting in the midst of hundreds. In this 
 battle, the Romans lost fifty-thousand men; amongst whom, 
 were so many knights, that it is said, Haiinibal sent to Car- 
 thage, three bushels of gold rings, which those of that order 
 had worn upon their fingers. 
 
 When the first consternation had abated at Rome after thus 
 dreadful blow, the senate came to a general resolution to create 
 a dictator, in order to give strength to their government. A 
 short time afterwards, Yarro arrived, having left behind him 
 the wretched remains of his army; and, as he had been the 
 principal cause of the late calamity, it was natural to suppose, 
 that the senate would severely reprimand the rashness of his 
 conduct. But, far otherwise ! The Romans went out in mul- 
 titudes to meet him ; and the senate returned him thanks that 
 he did not despair of the safety of Rome. Fabius, who was 
 considered as the shield, and Marcellus as the sword of Rome^ 
 were appointed to lead the armies ; and, though Hannibal once 
 more offered them peace, they refused it, except on condition 
 that he would leave Italy,-— terms similar to those which they 
 had formerly dictated to Pyrrhus. 
 
 In the mean time, Hannibal, either finding it impracticable 
 to march directly to Rome, or wishing to give his forces rest 
 after so signal a victory, led them to Capua; where he re- 
 solved to winter. This city had long been considered as the 
 nurse of luxury, and the corrupter o*' all mihtary virtue • here, 
 tlierefore, a new scene of pleasure opened to his barbaiian 
 troops; and they at once gave themselves up to the mtoxi- 
 cation, until from being hardy veterans, they became infirm 
 rioters. 
 
 Hitherto, we have seen this great man successful ; but now 
 we are to reverse the picture, and behold him struggling with 
 accumulating misfortunes, and at last sinking beneath them* 
 
 G 2 
 
78 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 His first loss was at the siege of Nola, where Marcellus, the 
 prsetor, made a successful sally. Some time afterwards, he 
 attempted to raise the lege of Capua, and attacked the Ro- 
 mans in their trenchei^; -oat he was repulsed with considerahle \ 
 loss. He then made a feint of going to besiege Rome ; but, 
 finding a superior army ready to receive him, he was obliged to 
 ■jy p retire. For several years afterwards, he fought with 
 
 * * various success; Marcellus, his opponent, sometimes 
 gaining, and sometinies losing the advantage, but com- 
 ing to no decisive engagement. 
 
 The senate of Carthage at length came to a resolution of 
 sending his brother Asdrubal to his assistance, with a body of 
 forces drawn out of Spain. AsdrubaPs march being made 
 known to the consuls, Livius and Nero, they went against him 
 with great expedition; and, surrounding him in a place, into 
 which he had been led by the treachery of his guides, they cut 
 his whole army to pieces. Hannibal had long expected these 
 succours with impatience, but the very night on which he had 
 been assured of their arrival, Nero ordered AsdrubaPs head to 
 be cut off, and thrown into his brother's camp. The Cartha- 
 ginian general now began to foresee the downfal of his country, 
 and could not avoid with a sigh observing, that fortune seeme i 
 fatigued with granting her favours. 
 
 In the mean time, she favoured the Roman arms in othei 
 parts: Marcellus took the city of Syracuse, in Sicily, which 
 w^as defended by the machines and the fires of Archimedes, the 
 mathematician. 
 
 The inhabitants ^ere put to the sword ; and, amongst the 
 number, Archimedeir himself, who was found by a Roman sol- 
 dier, meditating in his study. A taste for literature beginning, 
 at that time, to prevail amongst the higher ranks at Rome, 
 Marcellus, the general, n^s greatly afflicted at his death. He 
 therefore ordered his body to be honourably inten-ed, and a 
 tomb to be erected to his rremory; which monument his own 
 works have long survived. 
 
 Though their affairs in Spain for a while assumed an unfa- 
 vourable aspect, two of the Scipios being slain, and Claudius 
 Nero, the governor of that province, appearing much an under- 
 match for the cunning of the Carthaginian general ; yet they 
 soon recovered their complexion under the conduct of Scipio 
 Africanus, who sued for the office of pro-consul to that king- 
 dom, at a time when every one else seemed willing to decline 
 it. Scipio, who was now but twenty-four years old, had all the 
 qualifications requisite for forming an accomplished general 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 79 
 
 and a good man; he united the greatest courage with the 
 greatest tenderness ; superior to Hannibal in the arts of peace, 
 and almost his equal in those of war. His father had been 
 killed in Spain ; so that he seemed to have an hereditary claim 
 to attack that country. He therefore appeared irresistible, 
 obtaining many great victories, yet subduing still more by his 
 generosity, mildness, and benevolent disposition, than by the 
 force of his arms. 
 
 He shortly afterwards returned, with an army, from the con- 
 quest of Spain; and was made consul, at the age of twenty- 
 nine. It was at first supposed, that he intended meeting 
 Hannibal in Italy, and *hat he would attempt driving him 
 thence ; but he had already formed a wiser plan, which was to 
 carry the war into Africa, and whilst the Carthaginians kept 
 an army near Rome, to make them tremble for their own 
 capital. 
 
 Scipio was not long in Africa without employment: in a 
 short time, Hanno opposed him ; but he was defeated and slain. 
 Syphax, the usurper of Numidia, led up a large army against 
 him. The Roman general, for a while, declined fighting; but, 
 finding an opportunity, he set fire to the enemy's tents, and, 
 attacking them in the midst of the confusion, killed forty-thou- 
 sand men, and took six-thousand prisoners. 
 
 The Carthaginians, now beginning to be terrified by their 
 repeated defeats, and the fame of Scipio's successes, determined 
 to recal Hannibal, their great champion, out of Italy, in order 
 to oppose the Romans at home. Deputies were accordingly 
 despatched, with positive instructions that he should return, 
 and meet the Roman general, who threatened Carthage with a 
 siege. Nothing could exceed the regret and disappointment 
 of Hannibal, upon receiving this order. However, he obeyed 
 the commands of his infatuated country, with the same submis- 
 sion that the humblest soldier would have done; and took 
 leave of Italy, with tears in his eyes, after having kept posses- 
 sion of the most beautiful parts above fifteen years. 
 
 Having arrived at Leptis, in Africa, he next marched to 
 Adrumetum, and at length approached Zama, a city within five 
 days journey of Carthage. 
 
 Scipio, in the mean time, joined by Masinissa, with six- 
 thousand horse, led out his army to meet him; and, to show 
 his rival in the field, how little he feared his approach, he al- 
 lowed the spies, sent to explore his camp, to return, (having 
 previously poiJited out the whole,) with directions to inform 
 Hannibal of what he had seen. 
 
80 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 The Carthaginian general, conscious of his inferiority, en 
 deavoured to conclude the war by negotiation, and requested 
 a meeting with Scipio, to confer upon terms of peace; to 
 which negotiation, the Roman general assented. But, after a 
 long conference, unsatisfactory on both sides, they returned to 
 their camps, to prepare for deciding the controversy by the 
 sword. Never was a more memorable battle fought; whether 
 we regard the generals, the armies, the two states that con- 
 tended, or the empire in dispute. The disposition made by 
 Hannibal of his men, is said, by the skilful in the art of war, 
 to have been superior to any, even of his former arrangements. 
 On the side of the Carthaginians, the battle began with the 
 elephants ; which, being terrified by the cries of the Romans, 
 and wounded by the slingers and archers, turned upon their 
 drivers, and caused much confusion in both wings of their 
 army, in which the cavalry was placed. Thus deprived of the 
 assistance of the horse, in which lay their greatest strength, 
 the heavy infantry joined, on both sides ; but the Romans being 
 of greater bodily power, the Carthaginians were obhged to re- 
 tire. In the mean time, Masinissa, who had been in pursuit 
 of their cavalry, returning and attacking them in the rear, com- 
 pleted their defeat. A total rout ensued ; twenty- thousand men 
 were killed in the battle, and as many were taken piisoners. 
 Hannibal, who had done all that a great general and an un- 
 daunted soldier could perform, fled, with a small body of horse, 
 to Adrumetum; fortune seeming to dehght in confounding his 
 ability, his valour, and experience. 
 
 This victory was followed by a peace. The Carthaginians, 
 by Hannibal's advice, subscribed to conditions dictated by the 
 Romans ; not as rivals, but as sovereigns. By this treaty, the 
 Carthaginians were obliged to quit Spain, and all the islands in 
 the Mediterranean sea. They were bound to pay ten-thousand 
 talents, in fifty years ; to give hostages for the deUvery of their 
 ships and their elephants ; to restore Masinissa all the territories 
 of which he had been deprived, and not to make war in Africa 
 but by the permission of the Romans. Thus ended the second 
 Punic war, after having continued for seventeen years. 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 81 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 From the end of the second Punic war, to the end of the third, 
 which terminated in the destruction of Carthage. 
 
 Whilst the Romans were engaged with Hannibal, they 
 carried on also a vigorous war against Philip, king of Mace- 
 donia. The principal incitement to the contest, was the urgent 
 entreaty of the Athenians, who from once controlling even the 
 power of Persia, were now unable to defend themselves. The 
 Rhodians, with Attains, king of Pergamus, also entered into 
 the confederacy against PhiHp. He was frequently defeated 
 by Galba, the consul, and his attempt to besiege Athens was 
 rendered abortive ; the Romans obliging him to withdraw. He 
 endeavoured to take possession of the straits of Thermopylae^ 
 but was driven from them, with great slaughter, by Quintus 
 Fiaminius. He then wished to take refuge in Thessaly, where 
 he was again defeated, with considerable loss, and obhged to 
 6ue for peace ; which was granted, on condition of his paying 
 a thousand talents, one half then, and the other in ten years. 
 The peace with Philip gave the Romans an opportunity of 
 showing their generosity, by restoring liberty to Greece. 
 
 Antiochus, king of Syria, was next brought to submit to the 
 Roman arms. Several embassies having mutually taken 
 place,' a war was declareili against him, five years after the 
 conclusion of that with Macedonia. 
 
 After a succession of errors, he attempted to obtain a peace, 
 by offering to evacuate all his European possessions, and those 
 also in Asia, which professed alliance to Rome. But it was 
 now too late : Scipio, perceiving his own superiority, resolved 
 to avail himself of it. Antiochus, thus driven to resistance, 
 for some time retreated before the enemy , until, being pressed 
 hard, near the city of Magnesia, he was compelled to draw 
 out his men, amounting to seventy-thousand foot, and twelve- 
 thousand horse. Scipio opposed him with forces, as much in- 
 ferior in number, as they were superior in courage and disci 
 pline. Antiochus, therefore, was in a short time entirely de- 
 feated; his own chariots, armed with scythes, being driven 
 back upon his men, and contributing much to his overthrow. 
 Thus reduced to the last extremity, he was glad to procure 
 peace from the Romans, on their own terms ; which were, that 
 he should pay fifteen-thousand talents towards the expenses of 
 <he war; quit all his possessions in Europe, and those in Asi? 
 
52 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 on that side of Mount Taurus ; give twenty hostages as pledges 
 of his performance, and deliver up Hannibal, the inveterate 
 enemy of Rome. 
 
 Hannibal, whose destruction was one of the articles of this 
 extorted treaty, endeavoured to avoid the threatened ruin. 
 This consummate general had been long a wanderer and an 
 exile from his ungrateful country. He had taken refuge at the 
 court of Antiochus, who, at first, gave him a sincere welcome, 
 and made him admiral of his fleet; in which station, he dis- 
 played his usual skill in stratagem. But he soon sunk in the 
 Syrian's esteem, by having advised measures, which that mon- 
 narch had neither genius to understand, nor abilities to execute. 
 Conscious, therefore, that both safety and protection would be 
 denied him, he departed secretly ; and, after wandering a con- 
 siderable time amongst petty states, which had neither power 
 nor generosity to befriend him, he took refuge at the court of 
 Prusias, king of Bithynia. In the mean time, the Romans, 
 with a vindictive spirit utterly unworthy of them, sent ^milius, 
 one of their most celebrated generals, to demand him of this 
 king; who, fearing the resentment of Rome, and willing to con- 
 ''iliate their friendship by this breach of hospitahty, ordered a 
 guard to be placed upon Hannibal, with an mtention of deliver- 
 ing him up. The poor old general, thus implacably persecuted 
 from one country to another, and finding all means of safety 
 cut off*, determined to die. He therefore desired one of his 
 followers to bring him poison, which he had ready for this exi- 
 gence ; and having drunk it, he expired. 
 
 yr p A second Macedonian war was soon afterwards pro- 
 p,* * claimed, against Perseus, the son of Philip, whom we 
 have already seen obliged to beg peace of the Romans. 
 Perseus, in order to secure the crown, had barbarously murder- 
 ed his brother Demetrius ! and, upon the death of his father, 
 pleased with the hopes of expected triumphs, made war against 
 Rome. During the course of these hostilities, (which con- 
 tinued about three years,) many opportunities were offered him 
 of cutting off* the Roman army ; but, not knowing how to take 
 advantage of their rashness, he spent the time in empty over- 
 tures for peace. At length, iEmilius gave him a decisive over- 
 throw, near the river Enipeus. He attempted to procure safety 
 by flying into Crete; but, being abandoned by all. he was 
 obhged to surrender himself, and to grace the splendid triumph 
 of the Roman general. 
 
 About this time, Masinissa, the Numidian, having made 
 some incursions into a territory claimed by the Carthaginian « 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 83 
 
 they attempted to repel the invasion. This produced a war 
 between the parties ; and the Romans, who pretended to con- 
 sider this conduct on the part of Carthage, an infraction of the 
 treaty, sent to remonstrate. The ambassadors who were em- 
 ployed upon this occasion, finding the city very rich and flour- 
 ishing from the uninterrupted peace which it had now enjoyed 
 for nearly fifty years, either from motives of avarice to possess 
 its plunder, or alarmed at its growing prosperity, insisted 
 strongly on the necessity of a war. Hostihties were soon after 
 proclaimed, and the consuls set out, fully determined on the 
 destruction of Carthage. 
 
 The wretched Carthaginians, finding that the conquerors 
 would not desist from making demands, whilst they had any 
 tiling remaining, attempted to soften the victors by submission; 
 but they ordered them to leave their city; which was to be 
 leveled with the ground. This severe command they received 
 with all the concern.and distress of a despairing people ; they 
 begged a respite from so hard a sentence : they used tears and 
 lamentations ; but, finding the consuls inexorable, they departed 
 with a gloomy resolution, prepared to suffer the utmost ex- 
 tremities, and to fight, to the last, for the seat of their empire. 
 
 Those vessels, therefore, of gold and silver, which had 
 hitherto adorned their luxurious banquets, were now converted 
 into arms. The women also parted with their ornaments, and 
 even cut off their hair, to be made into bow-strings. Asdrubal, 
 who had lately been condemned for opposing the Romans, was 
 now taken from prison, to head the army; and, so great were 
 the preparations, that, when the consuls came before the city, 
 which they expected to find an easy conquest, they met a re- 
 sistance which quite dispirited their forces, and shook their 
 resolution. Several engagements took place before the walls, 
 with disadvantage to the assailants ; so that the siege would 
 have been discontinued, had not Scipio -^milianus, (the adopted"^ 
 son of Africanus,) who was now appointed to superintend it, 
 shown as much skill to save bis forces after a defeat, as to in- 
 spire them with fresh hopes of victory. But all his arts would 
 have failed, had he not found means to seduce Pharneas, the 
 master of the Carthaginian horse, who came over to his side. 
 The unhappy townsmen soon saw the enemy make nearer ap- 
 proaches : the wall which led to the haven was quickly de- 
 molished; soon afterwards, the forum itself was taken, dis- 
 playing to the conquerors a deplorable spectacle, of houses 
 tumbhng, heaps of men lying dead, hundreds of the wounded 
 struggling to emerge from the surrounding carnage, and de- 
 
S4 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 ploring their ©wn, and their country's ruin. The citadel soon 
 after surrendered at discretion. All but the temple was now 
 subdued, and that was defended by deserters from the Roman 
 army, and those who had been most forward to undertake the 
 war. They, however, expecting no mercy, and finding their 
 situation desperate, set fire to the building, and voluntarily 
 perished in the flames. This was the end of one of the most 
 renowned cities in the world, for arts, opulence, and extent of 
 dominion. It had rivaled Rome for above a hundred years, 
 and, at one time, was thought to have the superiority. 
 
 The destruction of Carthage was succeeded by conquests 
 over many other states. Corinth, one of the noblest cities of 
 Greece, in the same year sustained a similar fate ; being entered 
 by Mummius, the consul, and leveled with the ground. Scipio 
 also having laid siege to Numantia, the strongest city of Spain, 
 the wretched inhabitants, to avoid falling into the hands of the 
 enemy, set it on fire; and all, without exception, expired in the 
 flames. 
 
 Thus, Spain fell under the dominion of Rome, and was gov- 
 erned thenceforward by two praetors annually appointed. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 From the destruction of Carthage, to the end of the sedition oj 
 the Gracchi. 
 
 jj p The Romans being now left without a rival, the 
 ^* * triumphs and the spoils of Asia introduced a taste for 
 extravagance, which was succeeded by avarice and in- 
 verted ambition. The two Gracchi, the first who perceived 
 this corruption amongst the great, resolved to repress it, by 
 renewing the Licinian law, which had enacted, that no person 
 in the sta*e should possess above five-hundred acres of land. 
 Tiberii^s Gracchus, the elder of the two, was a man very con- 
 spicuous, both for the beauty of his person, and the quaUties of 
 his mind. A'ery different from Scipio, of whom he was a 
 grandson, he seemed more ambitious of power, than desirous 
 of glory : his sympathy for the oppressed was equal to his ani- 
 mosity against tne oppressors; but, unhappily, his passions, 
 rather than his reason, operated, even in his pursuits of virtue ; 
 and these always h^^rried him beyond the line of duty. Such 
 was the disposition <)f the elder Gracchus, who found the lower 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 85 
 
 orders ready to second all his proposals. This Licinian law, 
 though at first used with proper moderation, greatly disgusted 
 the rich, who endeavoured to persuade the people, that the 
 proposer aimed only at disturbing the government, and putting 
 all things in confusion. But Gracchus, who was a man of the 
 greatest eloquence of his time, easily erased these impressions 
 from their minds, already irritated by injuries ; and the law was 
 at length passed. 
 
 The death of Attains, king of Pergamus, furnished Tiberius 
 Gracchus with a new opportunity of gratifying the poor, at the 
 expense of the rich. This king had, by his will, appointed the 
 Romans his heirs ; and it was now proposed that the money, 
 so left, should be divided amongst the poor, in order to furnish 
 them with proper utensils for cultivating the lands, which be- 
 came theirs by the late law of partition. This caused still 
 greater disturbances than before. The senate assembled upon 
 this occasion, to determine upon the most efficient measures 
 of securing for themselves those riches, which they now valued 
 above the safety of the commonwealth. They had numerous 
 dependants, who were willing to exchange their liberty, for ease 
 and plenty : these, therefore, were ordered to be in readiness 
 to intimidate the people, who expected no such opposition, and 
 who were now attending to the harangues of Tiberius Gracchus, 
 in the capitol. Here, as a clamour was raised, by the clients 
 of the great, on one side, and the favourers of the law on the 
 other, Tiberius found his speech entirely interrupted, and beg- 
 ged, in vain, to be heard : at last, raising his hand to his head, 
 to intimate that his life was in danger, the partisans of the 
 senate exclaimed, that he wanted a diadem. In consequence 
 of this, there ensued a universal uproar. The corrupt part of 
 the senate were of opinion, that the consul should defend the 
 commonwealth, by force of arms; but this pmdent magistrate 
 declining such violence, Scipio Na: ica, kinsman to Gracchus, 
 immediately rose, and, preparing himself for the contest, de- 
 sired that all, who would defend the dignity and authority of 
 the laws, should follow him. Then, attended by a large body of 
 senators, and cHents armed with clubs, he went directly to the 
 capitol, striking down all who ventured to resist. Tiberius, 
 perceiving by the tumult that his hfe was in danger, endeavour- 
 ed to fly; and, throwing aside his robe to expedite his escape, 
 attempted to press through the throng ; but, happening to fail 
 over a person already on the ground, Saturnius, one of his col- 
 leagues in the tribuneship, who was of the opposite faction, 
 struck him dead with a piece of a seat, and not less than threo- 
 
 H 
 
86 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 hundred of his hearers were killed in the tumult. Nor did the 
 Tengeance of the senate stop here. It extended to numbers 
 of those who seemed to espouse his caus€ : many were put to 
 death, many were banished ; and nothing was omitted to in- 
 spire the people with an abhorrence of his imputed crimes. 
 
 Caius Gracchus was only twenty-one, upon the death of 
 his brother Tiberius ; and, as he was too young to be much 
 dreaded by the great, so he was at first unwilling to incur their 
 resentment, by aims beyond his reach : he therefore lived in 
 retirement, unseen, and almost forgotten. But, whilst he thus 
 seemed desirous to shun popularity, he was employing his soli- 
 tude in a way which was the readiest to obtain it — the study 
 of eloquence. At length, when he thought himself qualified to 
 serve his country, he oftered himself a candidate for the praetor- 
 ship, to the army in Sardinia; which he readily obtained. Hrs 
 valour, afiability, and temperance in this office, were remarked 
 by all. The king of Numidia, sending a present of corn to the 
 Romans, ordered his ambassadors to say, that it was entirely 
 as a tribute to the virtues of Caius Gracchus. This, the senate 
 treated with scorn : they commanded the ambassadors to be 
 dismissed, as ignorant barbarians ; which so inflamed the re- 
 sentment of young Gracchus, that he immediately came from 
 the army, to complain of the indignity thrown upon his reputa- 
 tion, and to offer himself for the tribuneship of the people. It 
 was then, that the great found in this youth, hitherto neglected 
 on account of his age, a more formidable antagonist, than even 
 his brother had been. Notwithstanding the warmest opposition 
 from the senate, he was declared tribune, by a large majority; 
 and he now prepared to run the same career, in which his 
 brother had been before so conspicuous. 
 
 His first eflTort was to have Popilius, one of the most invete- 
 rate of his brother's enemies, cited before the people ; but he, 
 rather than stand the event of a trial, went into voluntary ban- 
 ishment. He next procured an edict, grantmg the freedom of 
 the city to the inhabitants of Latium ; and, soon afterwards, to 
 all the people on that side of the Alps. He afterwards fixed 
 the price of corn at a moderate standard, and procured a 
 monthly distribution of it amongst the people. He then pro- 
 ceeded to an inspection into the late corruptions of the senate ; 
 the whole body of whiclvbeing convicted of bribery, extortion, 
 and the sale of offices, (for at that time a total degeneracy 
 seemed to have taken place,) a law was passed, transferring 
 from the senate to the knights the power of judging corrupt 
 magistrates, which made a great change in the constitution. 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 87 
 
 Gracchus, by these means, having grown not only very pop- 
 ular, but very powerful in the state, became an object at which 
 the senate aimed all their resentment. But he soon found tha 
 populace a faithless and unsteady support : they began to with- 
 draw all their confidence from him, and to place it in Drusus, 
 a man insidiously set up against him by the senate. It was in 
 vain that he revived the Licinian law in their favour, and called 
 up several of the inhabitants of the different Italian towns, to 
 his support; the senate ordered them all to depart from Rome, 
 and even sent one stranger to prison, whom Gracchus had in- 
 vited to dine with him, and honoured with his table and friend- 
 ship. To this indignity, was shortly after added a disgrace, of 
 a more fatal tendency: standing for the tribuneship a third 
 time, he was unsuccessful ; it being supposed that the officers, 
 whose duty it was to make the return, were bribed to reject 
 him, though fairly chosen. 
 
 It was now evident that the fate of Gracchus was determined. 
 Opimius, the consul, was not contented with the protection of 
 all the senate and the knights, with a numerous retinue of 
 slaves and clients, but ordered a body of Candians, that were 
 mercenaries in the Roman service, to follow and attend him. 
 Thus guarded, and conscious of the superiority of his forces, 
 he insulted Gracchus wherever he met him ; doing all he could 
 to excite a quarrel, that he might have a pretence of despatching 
 his enemy in the fray. Gracchus avoided all recrimination; 
 and, as if apprized of the consul's designs, would not even wear 
 any kind of arms for his defence. His friend Flaccus, how- 
 ever, a zealous tribune, was not so remiss, but resolved to^op- 
 pose party against party ; and, for this purpose, brought up to 
 Rome several countrymen, who came under pretence of want- 
 ing employment. When the day for determining the contro- 
 versies arrived, the two parties, early in the morning, attended 
 at the capitol; where, whilst the consul was sacrificing accord- 
 ing to custom, one of the hctors, taking up the entrails of the 
 beast that was slain, in order to remove them, could not for- 
 bear crying out, to Fulvius and his party, " You, ye factious 
 citizens, make way for honest men." This insult so provoked 
 those to whom it was addressed, that they instantly fell upon 
 him, and pierced him to death with the instruments they used 
 in writing, which they then happened to have in their hands. 
 This murder caused a great disturbance in the assembly: 
 Gracchus, in particular, who saw the consequences that were 
 likely to ensue, reprimanded his party for giving his enemies 
 fip great an advantage over him, and now prepared to lead his 
 
88 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 followers to mount Aventine. Here, he learned that proclama- 
 tion had been made by the consuls, that whoever would bring 
 either his head or tha^t of Flaccus, should receive as a reward, 
 its weight in gold. It w^as to no purpose that he sent the 
 youngest son of Flaccus, who was yet a child, with proposals 
 for an accommodation. The senate and the consuls, sensible 
 of their superiority, rejected all his offers, and resolved to punish 
 his offence with nothing less than death ; but, at the same time 
 they offered pardon to all who should immediately abando 
 him. This produced the desired effect; the people deserted 
 him by degrees, and left him with very inferior forces. In the 
 mean time, Opimius, the consul, thirsting for slaughter, led his 
 forces up to mount Aventine, and fell in amongst the crowd with 
 ungovernable fury : a terrible slaughter of the scarcely resisting 
 multitude ensued, and not less than three-thousand citizens 
 were slain upon the spot. Flaccus attempted to find shelter 
 in a deserted cottage; but, being discovered, he was killed, 
 with his eldest son. Gracchus, at first* retired to the temple 
 of Diana, where he resolved to die by his own hand, but was 
 prevented by two of his faithful friends and followers, Pompo- 
 nius and Licinius, who forced him to seek safety by flight. 
 He then endeavoured to reach a bridge which led from the 
 city, still attended by his two generous friends, and a Grecian 
 slave, whose name w?.s Philocrates. But his pursuers pressed 
 closely upon him, and when arrived at the foot of the bridge he 
 was obliged to turn and face the enemy. His two friends were 
 soon slain, defending him against the crowd; and he, with his 
 Grecian, was forced to take refuge beyond the Tyber, in a 
 grove which had long been dedicated to the Furies. Here, 
 finding himself surrounded on every side, and no way left of 
 escaping, he prevailed upon his slave to despatch him; who 
 immediately afterwards killed himself, and fell down upon the 
 body of his beloved master. The pursuers, soon coming up, 
 cut off the head of Gracchus, and placed it, for a while, as a 
 trophy, upon a spear; and one Septimuleius, having carried it 
 home, and secretly taken out the brain, filled it with lead, in 
 I order to increase its weight; by which artifice, he received 
 from the consul, as a recompense, seventeen pounds of gold. 
 
 Thus died, Caius Gracchus, about ten years after his brother 
 Tiberius, and six after he began to be active in the common- 
 wealth. He is usually impeached by historians, as guilty of 
 sedition; but, from what we see of his character, the disturbing 
 of the public tranquillity was owing rather to his opposers than 
 to him, so that instead of calling the tumults of that time the 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 89 
 
 sedition of the Gracchi, we should rather call them the sedition 
 of the senate against the Gracchi ; since the efforts of the latter 
 were made in vindication of a law to which the senate had as- 
 sented, and as the designs of the former were supported by an 
 extraneous armed power from the country, which had never 
 before interfered m the business of the legislation, and whose 
 introduction gave an irrevocable blow to the constitution. 
 Whether the Gracchi were actuated by motives of ambition, 
 or of patriotism, in the promulgation of these laws, it is impos- 
 sible to determine ; but certain it is, from what appears, that 
 all justice was on their side, and all injury on that of the senate 
 This body was now quito changed, from that venerable as- 
 sembly which we have seen overthrow ing Pyrrhus and Han- 
 nibal, as much by their virtues, as by their arms. They were 
 now to be distinguished from the rest of the people, only by 
 their superior luxury; and ruled the commonwealth by the 
 weight of that authority, which is gained from riches and a 
 number of mercenary dependants. All the venal and* the base 
 were attached to them, from motives of self interest ; and they 
 who still ventured to be independent, were borne down and en- 
 tirely lost, in the infamous majority. The empire at this period 
 came under the government of a hateful aristocracy : the tri- 
 bunes, who were formerly accounted protectors of the people, 
 becoming rich themselves, and having no longer opposite in- 
 terests from those of the senate, concurred in their oppressions; 
 since, as it has been said, the struggle was not now between 
 patricians and plebeians, who only nominally differed, but be- 
 tween the rich and the poor. The lower orders of the state, 
 being, by these means, reduced to a degree of hopeless subju- 
 gation, instead of looking after liberty, sought only for a leader; 
 whilst the rich, with all the suspicions of tyrants, and terrified 
 at the slightest appearance of opposition, intrusted men with 
 uncontrollable power, from whom they had not strength to 
 withdraw it, when the danger was over. Thus, both parties of 
 the state concurred in giving up their freedom : the fears of the 
 senate first made a dictator, and the hatred of the people kept 
 him in office. Nothing can be more dreadful, to a reflecting 
 mind, than the government of Rome, from this period, until it 
 found refuge under the protection of Augustus. 
 
 H 2 
 
90 HISTORY OF ROIVTE. 
 
 CHAPTER XVm. 
 
 From the sedition of the Gracchi^ to the 'perpetual dictatorship 
 of Sylla, which ivas the first step towards the ruin of the 
 commonwealth. 
 
 Whilst the Romans were in this state of deplorable cor- 
 ruption at home, they nevertheless were very successful in their 
 transactions abroad, 
 
 • Jugurtha was a grandson of the famous Masinissa, who 
 fought against Hannibal, on the side of Rome. He was edu- 
 cated with the two young princes, who were left to inherit the 
 kingdom, to both of whom he was superior in abilities, and 
 was also greatly in favour with the people. He murdered 
 Hiempsal, the eldest son, and attempted the life of xldherbal, 
 the younger, who made his escape, a,nd fled to the Romans, for 
 succour.# Jugurtha, sensible how much avarice and injustice 
 had crept into the senate, sent his ambassadors to Rome, with 
 large presents ; which so successfully prevailed, that the senate 
 decreed him half the kingdom, which he had thus acquired by 
 murder and usurpation, and sent ten commissioners to divide it 
 betv/een him and Adherbal. The commissioners, of whom 
 Opimius, the murderer of Gracchus, was one, willing to follow 
 the example which had been set them by the senate, were also 
 bribed to bestow the richest and most populous part of the king- 
 dom upon the usurper; who, notwithstanding, was resolved to 
 take possession of the whole. But, wishing to give a colour 
 to his ambition, he, in the beginning, only made incursions upon 
 his colleafiue's territories, in order to provoke reprisals; which 
 he knew how to convert into seeming aggressions, in case an 
 appeal were made to the senate. This faiUng, he resolved to 
 throw orf the mask'; and, besieging Adherbal in Cirta, his cap- 
 ital, at length got him into his power, and murdered him. The 
 people of Rome, who had still some generosity remaining^, 
 unanimously complained of this treachery, and procured a de- 
 cree that Jugurtha should be summoned, in person, before 
 them, to give an account of all those who had accepted bribes. 
 Jugurtha made no great difficulty in throwing himself upon the 
 clemency of Rome ; but, giving the people no satisfaction, he 
 was ordered to depart from the city, and in the mean time an 
 army was despatched to follow him, under the command of 
 Albanus, the consul. He having given up the command to 
 Aulas, his brother, a person every way unqualified for the sit- 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 91 
 
 uation, the Romans were compelled to hazard a battle upon 
 disadvantageous terms, and the whole army, to avoid being 
 cut to pieces, were obliged to pass under the yoke. 
 
 In this condition, Metellus, the succeeding consul, found af- 
 fairs, on his arrival in Numidia; officers without confidence; 
 an army without discipline, and an enemy always watchful and 
 intriguing. However, by his great attention to business, and 
 by an integrity that shuddered at corruption, he soon began to 
 retrieve the affairs of Rome, and the credit of the army. In the 
 space of two years, Jugurtha was overthrown in several battles, 
 forced out of his own dominions, and constrained to beg a 
 peace. Thus, all things promised Metellus a certain and an 
 easy victory ; but he was frustrated in his expectations by the 
 intrigues of Caius Marius, his lieutenant ; who came in to reap 
 the harvest of that glory, which the other's industry had sown. 
 Marius was born in a village near Arpinium, of poor parents, 
 who gained their living by their labour. As he had been bred 
 up in a participation of their toils, his manners were as rude as 
 his countenance was frightful. He was a man of extraordinary 
 stature, incomparable strength, and undaunted bravery. When 
 Metellus, as already related, v/as obliged to solicit at Rome for 
 a continuance of his command, Marius, whose ambition knew 
 no bounds, resolved to obtain it for himself; and thus gain all 
 the glory of terminating the war. To that end, he privately 
 inveighed against Metellus, by his emissaries ; and, having ex- 
 cited a spirit of discontent against him, he obtained leave to 
 go to Rome, to stand, hiniself, for the consulship ; which, con- 
 trary to the expectation and interest of the nobles, he obtained. 
 Marius, thus invested with the supreme power of managing the 
 ^\i^r*. showed himself every way fit for the commission. His 
 vigilance was equal to his valour; and he quickly made him- 
 self master of the cities which Jugurtha had yet remaining in 
 Njumidia. Tjis unfortunate prince, finding himself unauie to 
 make opposition singly, was obliged to have recourse to Boc- 
 chus, king of Mauritania, to whose daughter he was married. 
 A battle ensued ; in which, the Numidians surprised the Ro- 
 man camp, by night, and gained a temporary advantage. But 
 Marius, soon afterwards, overthrew them in two signal engage- 
 ments, in one of which not less than ninety-thousand of the 
 African army were killed. Bocchus, now finding the Romans 
 too powerful to be resisted, did not think it expedient to hazard 
 his crown, Xo protect that of his ally : he therefore determined 
 to make peace, on any conditions that might be obtained ; and 
 accordingly sent to Rome, imploring protection. The senate 
 
92 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 received the ambassadors with their usual haughtiness; and, 
 without complying with their req^iest, granted the suppliant, not 
 their friendship, but their pardon. However, after some time, 
 he was informed, that the delivering of Jugurtha to the Ro- 
 mans, would, in some measure, conciliate their favour, and 
 soften their resentment. At first, the pride of Bocchus strug- 
 gled against such a proposal; but a few interviews with Sylla, 
 who was quaestor to Marius, reconciled him to this treacherous 
 measure. At length, therefore, Jugurtha was given up ; having 
 been drawn into an ambuscade by the specious pretences of his 
 ally, who had deluded him by desiring a conference. He was 
 then carried by Marius to Rome, loaded with chains ; a de- 
 plorable instance of blasted ambition. He did not long sur- 
 vive his overthrow ; being condemned by the senate, a short 
 time after he had adorned the triumph of the conqueror, to b« 
 starved to death in prison. Marius, by this, and two succeed- 
 ing victories over the Gauls, having grown very formidable to 
 distant nations in war, became, soon afterwards, much more 
 dangerous to his fellow citizens, in peace. 
 
 The strength which he had given the popular party, every 
 day grew more conspicuous ; and the Italians being frustrated 
 in their aims of gaining the freedom of Rome by the intrigues 
 of the senate, resolved upon obtaining by force, what was re- 
 fused them as a favour. This gave rise to the Social War ; in 
 which, most of the states of Italy entered into a confederacy 
 against Rome, in order to obtain a redress of this, and every 
 other grievance. 
 
 After a lapse of two years, this war having continued to rage 
 with doubtful success, the senate began to reflect, that whether 
 conquered or conquerors, the power of the Romans was in 
 danger of being totally destroyed. In order, therefore, that 
 they might comply with their wishes by degrees, they began- 
 by giving the freedom of the city to those Italian states which^^- 
 had not revolted. They then offered it to those who would 
 first lay down their arms. This unexpected bounty had the 
 desired effect; the allies, with mutual distrust, offering each a 
 separate treaty. The senate then took them, one by one, into 
 favour ; but gave the freedom of the city in such a manner, that 
 not being empowered to vote until all the other tribes had given 
 their suffrages, they had very little weight in the constitution. 
 In this mannrjr, they were made free; all but the Samnites and 
 Lucanians, m ho seemed excluded from the general compromise, 
 as if to leave Sylla, who commanded against them, the glory 
 of putting ai » end to the war : which he performed with great 
 
 1 
 

 HISTORY OF ROME. 93 
 
 ability ; storming their camps ; overthrowing them in several 
 battles, and obliging them to submit to such terms as the senate 
 was pleased to impose. 
 
 This destructive war being concluded, which, as Paterculus 
 says, consumed above three hundred-thousand of the flower 
 of Italy, the senate now began to think of turning their arms 
 against Mithridates, the most powerful monarch of the east. 
 
 For this enterprise, Marius had long been preparing; but 
 Sylla, who now began to make a figure in the commonweahh, 
 had interest enough to get that general set aside, and himself 
 appointed to the expedition. Marius, however, tried all his arts 
 with the people, to have this appointment reversed; and, at 
 length, a law was enacted, by which the command of the army 
 designed to oppose Mithridates, was to be transferred from 
 Sylla to himself. 
 
 # In consequence of this, Marius immediately sent down of- 
 ficers from Rome, to take the command, in his name. But, 
 instead of obeying his orders, the soldiers slew the officers, 
 and then entreated Sylla that he would lead them directly to 
 take signal vengeance upon all his enemies at Rome. 
 
 Accordingly, they entered the city, sword-in-hand, as a place 
 ^taken by storm. ^ Marius and Sulpitius, at the head of a tu- 
 multuary body of their partisans, attempted to oppose their 
 entrancei^ian^.tjorc citizens themselves, who feared the sacking 
 of the place/itbmM^ down stones and tiles, from the tops of the 
 houses, upon ^ife intruders. So unequal a conflict lasted longer 
 than could have been expected: at length, Marius and his 
 party were obliged to seek safety by flight ; after having, in vain, 
 offered freedom to all the slaves who would assist them. 
 
 Sylla, now tinding himself master of the city, began by 
 
 odeling the laws, so as to favour his outrages; whilst Marius, 
 driven out of Rome, and declared a public enemy, at the age 
 of seventy^ v/as^bliged to save himself, unattended and on foot, 
 fiin the num^us pursuits of those v/ho sought his life. Afteif 
 haviiig wandgj^ea for some time in this deplorable condition, he 
 found his cfangers every day increase, and his pursuers gaining 
 ground upon him. In this distress, he was obliged to conceal 
 hi mself i n the marshes of Minturnse, where he spent the night, 
 up flThis chin in a quagmire. At break of day, he left this 
 dismal place, and made towards the sea-side, in hopes of find* 
 ing a ship to facilitate his escape : bij^, being known and dis» 
 covered by some of the inhabita|r!S, he was conducted to a 
 neighbouring town, and with a halter round his neck, without 
 clothes, and covered over with mud, was sent to prison. The 
 
94 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 gcrvernor of the place, willing to conform to the orders of the 
 senate, soon afterwards sent a Cimbrian slave to despatch 
 him. But the barbarian, as soon as he entered the dungeon 
 for this purpose, stopped short; intimidated by the dreadful 
 visage and awful voice of the fallen general, who sternly de- 
 manded, " Have you the presumption to kill Caius Mariusi" 
 The slave, unable to reply, threw down his sword ; and, rush- 
 ing back from the prison, cried out, that he found it impossible 
 to kill him ! The governor, considering the fear of the slave as 
 an omen in the unhappy exile's favour, gave him, once more, 
 his freedom ; and, commending him to his fortune, provided 
 him with a ship, to convey him from Italy. He thence pro- 
 ceeded to the Island of ^Enaria; and, sailing onward, was forced 
 by a tempest on the coast of Sicily. A Roman quaestor, who 
 happened to be at the same place, resolved to seize him ; by 
 which, he lost sixteen of his crew, who were killed in their ertS 
 deavours to cover his retreat from the ship. He afterwards 
 landed in Africa, near Carthage ; and went, in a melancholy 
 manner, to place himself amongst the ruins of that desolated 
 place. He soon, however, received orders from the praetor 
 who governed there, to retire. Marius, who remembered his 
 having once served this very man when in ne^ssity, could not 
 suppress his sorrow, at finding ingratitude in every part of the 
 world; and, preparing to obey, desired the messenger to in- 
 form his master, that he had seen Marius sitting amongst the 
 ruins of Carthage: intimating the greatness of his own fall, by 
 the desolation that surrounded him. He then embarked once 
 more : and not knowing where to land without encountering an 
 enemy, spent the winter at sea ; expecting, every hour, the re- 
 turn of a messenger from his son, whom he had sent to soIicitT'^ 
 protection from an African prince, whose name was Man- 
 drastal. After long expectation, instead of the messenger, his 
 son himself arrived: having escaped from the inhosp" 
 
 court of that monarch, where he had been detained 
 
 friend, but as a prisoner; and he returned just timnenough to 
 prevent his father from sharing the same fate. Iiwas in this 
 situation they were informed, that Cinna, one of their party 
 who remained at Rome, had restored their affairs ; ' and that he 
 then headed a large army of the Italian states in his cause. 
 
 Nor was it long before they joined their forces, and presented 
 themselves at the gates of Rome. Sylla was at that time ab- 
 sent, in his command against Mithridates, whilst Cinna marched 
 into the city, accompanied by his guards ; but Marius stopped, 
 and refused to enter, allegmg, that having been banished by a 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 95 
 
 public decree, it was necessary to have another, to authorize 
 his return. It was thus, that he intended to give his meditated 
 cruelties the appearance of justice ; and whilst he planned the ^ 
 destruction of thousands, to assume an implicit veneration for % 
 the laws. In pursuance of his desire, an assembly of the peo- 
 ple being called, they began to annul the sentence oti||^s ban- 
 ishment: but they had scarcely gone through three of the 
 tribes, when, incapable of containing his desire of revenge, he 
 entered the«city, at the head of his guards ; and massacred all 
 that had ever been obnoxious to him, without pity or remorse. 
 Numbers who sought to avert the tyrant's rage, were murdered 
 by his command, and in his presence ; many, even of those 
 who had never offended him, were put to death ; and, at last, 
 even his own officers never approached him but with terror* 
 #Having in this manner punished his enemies, he next abrogated 
 all the laws made by his rival ; and then associated himself in 
 the consulship with Cinna. Thus gratified in his two favourite 
 passions, vengeance and ambition: having once saved his 
 country, and now deluged it with blood; at last, as if willing to 
 crown with his own body, the j^le of slaughter which he had 
 made, he died the month afterwards ; not without suspicion of 
 aving hastened his end. ^"^ ^^ 
 
 I the mean time, these accounts were brought to Sylla, wh^^^ 
 was sent to oppose Mithridates, and was performing many sig- 
 nal services against him ; but, concluding a peace with that 
 monarch, he resolved to return, to take revenge of his enemies 
 at Rome. i 
 
 Nothing, however, could intimidate CTina from making pre- 
 parations to repel his opponent. Being joined by Carbo, now 
 elected in the room of Valerius, wholfed been slain; together 
 with younfg Marius, who inhetfted all the abilities and the am- 
 bition of his fatheij^e determined upon sending over part of 
 the forces which he had raised in Dalmatia, to oppose Sylla 
 before he should enter Italy. Some troops were accordingly 
 embarked ; but, being dispersed by a storm, the rest who had 
 not yet put to sea, absolutely refused to go. Upon this, Cinna, 
 quite furious at^ their disobedience, rushed forward to compel 
 them to their duty ; and one of the most mutinous of the sol- 
 diers, being struck by an officer, rettirned the blow, and was 
 apprehended for the crime. This ill-timed severity increased 
 the tumult and the mutiny; aml^liwfailst Cinna did all he could 
 to appease it, he was pierced th^%h the body by one of the 
 crowd. 
 
 Scipio, the consul, who commanded against Sylla, was soon 
 
96 HISTORY OF ROME.* 
 
 afterwards allured by proposals for a treaty ; and a suspension 
 of arms being agreed on, Sylla's soldiers went into tbe opposite 
 camp, displaying the riches which they had acquired in their 
 expeditions, and offering to participate with their fellow citizens, 
 in case they would change their party. Accordingly, the whole 
 arnij d49*ired for Sylla; and Scipio scarcely knew that he wag ( 
 forsaken and deposed, until he was informed of it by a party 
 of^e enemy, who, entering his tent, made him and his son 
 their prisoners. ^ 
 
 In this manner, both factions, exasperated to the highest tie-' 
 gree, and expecting no mercy on either part, gave vent to their 
 fury in several engagements. The forces on the side of young 
 Marius, who now succeeded his father in command, were the 
 most numerous; but those of Sylla better united, and more 
 under subordination. ♦Carbo, who conai^ahded an army in the 
 field for Marius, sent eight legions to Prseneste, to relieve his 
 colleague; but they were met in a defile by Pompey, (afterwards 
 surnamed the Great,) who kill<^ many of them and dispersed 
 the rest. Carbo, joined by ^^rbanus, soon afterwards engaged 
 Metellus ; but was overcome, wifh the loss of ten-thousand men 
 slain, and six- thousand taken^pr^oners. ,In consequence of 
 ^l^is defeat, Urbanus killed himself, and4(Barbo fled to Afric||||| 
 ^^here, after wandering a long time, he Was at last dehverW^ 
 up to Pompey, who, to please Sylla, ordered him to be be- 
 headed. 
 
 Sylla now became undisputed master of his country, and 
 entered Rome at the head of his army. Happy, had he^ sup- 
 ported in peace, the glofJ^vHlch hte acquired in war, or, had he 
 ceased to live, when he c^sed to*conquer. 
 
 Eight-thousand men, who hadescape'd" the general carnage, 
 oflTered themselves to the contffiH^or^ He ordered them to be 
 put into the Yilla Publica, a large houSe in thPCampus Martius, 
 and at the same time convokS^d the senate. He spoke with 
 great fluency, and in a manner no way discomposed, of his own 
 exploits ; and in the mean time gave private directions, that all 
 those wretches whom he had confined, should be put to death. 
 Amazed at the horrid outcries of the sufferers, the senate at 
 first thought that the city was given up to plunder ; but Sylla, 
 with an unembarrassed air, informed them, that the noise pro- 
 ceeded from some^criminals who were punished by his order, 
 and that they needed not tojaave been uneasy about their fate. 
 The day afterwards, he proscribed forty senators, and sixteen^ 
 hundred knights ; and, after an intermission of two days, forty 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. . 97 
 
 senators more, with an iiifinite number of the richest citizens 
 of Rome. 
 
 He next resolved to invest himself with the dictatorship, and 
 that for a perpetuity; and thus, uniting in his own pcjrspa 
 power, ciw as well as military, he was confid^t he mij 
 thence dH|an air of justice to every oppression. ^ , 
 
 In tSPrnatiher, he continued to govern with capricii^ 
 tyrann^ none daring to resist his power; until, contrary to We 
 expectations of all mankind, he laid down the dictatorship, hav-# 
 ing held it not quite three years. 
 
 After this, he retilred into the country; as if to enjoy the 
 pleasure^f tranquill% and social happiness ! But he did not 
 iorg sui^fe his abdication: he died of that disease, called 
 morbus ^^mtularis ; a loathsome and mortifying object, forcibly 
 displayih^lie futility of human ambition. 
 
 N 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 
 From . the perpetual dictatorship of Sylla^ to the triumvirate 
 of Caesar, Pompeu. and Crassus. 
 
 yj p Upon the death of Sylla, the jealousies of Pompey 
 fiftO * (p^'op^J'Jy called Pompeius) and Crassus, ihe two most 
 powerful men in the empire, began to excite fresh dis- 
 sensions. Pompey was the post beloved general ; and Crassus, 
 the richest man in ROme. 
 
 The first opportunity of discovering their mutual jealousy, 
 was upon the c^jlsbandiniMMfc the troops, wtth which they had 
 conquered. Neither j^B»e "toH5)egin ; so that the most fatal 
 consequences threatened : but at length Crassus, stifling his 
 resentment, laid dmvn t^is command ; and the other followed 
 his example immediately afterwards. 
 
 The next trial between them, was, who should be foremost 
 in obtaining the favour of the people. Crassus entertained the 
 populace at a thousand different tables, distributed corn to the 
 families of the poor, and fed the greater part of the citizens, for 
 nearly three months. Pompey, on the' other hand, laboured to 
 abrogate the laws made against the peopl^Mteithority by Sylla : 
 he restored to the knights, the p ower M^ ffdging, which had 
 been fornierly granted them by G^^lnus; and gave back t » 
 the tribunes of the people, aH;^their former privileges. It was 
 
 I 
 
98 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 thus that each gave his private aims a puhlic appearance; so 
 that what in fact was ambition in both, took with one the nanue 
 of hberaHty — with the other, that of freedom. 
 
 An expedition, in which Pompey cleared the !ft^diterranean 
 of pirates, having added greatly to bis reputation,^be tribunes 
 of the people hoped it would be easy to advance their ^vourite 
 still higher; wherefore, Manlius,' one of the number, proposed 
 a law, that all the armies of the empire, the government of all 
 Asia, together with the management of the war, which^as re- 
 newed against Mithridates, shpuld be committed to Pompey 
 alone. The law passed with Uttle opposition, and the decree 
 was confirmed by all the tribes of the people. 
 
 Thus appointed to the command in that important war, he 
 immediately departed for Asia; having made the p'ecessary 
 preparations towards forwarding the campaign. Mithridates 
 had been obliged, by LucuUus, to take refuge in Lfesser Arme- 
 nia; and thither the latter was preparing -jto follow him, when 
 his whole army abandoned him ; so that it remained for Pompey 
 to terminate the war, which he effected witU great ease and 
 expedition ; adding a large ^t^fit of dominion to the Roman 
 empire, and returning to Rome, in triumph, at the head of his 
 conquering army. 
 
 But all the victories of Pompey served rather to heighten the 
 glory, than increase the power of Rome : they only made it a 
 more glaring object of ambition, and exposed its liberties to 
 greater danger. 
 
 Those liberties, indeed, seemed aevoted to ruin, on every 
 side. Even whilst Pompey was pursuing nis conquests abroad, 
 Rome was in imminent clanger, from a conspiracy at home. 
 This conspiracy Tv^as projected ataj canied on by Sergius 
 Catilina, (famiharly called Catiline,) a patrician by birth; who 
 resolved to build his own power upon the ruin of his country. 
 He was singularly adapted, both by rmture^^and art, to conduct* 
 a conspiracy: he was possessed of courage equal to the most w 
 desperate attempts, and eloquence to give a colour to his am- 
 bition: ruined in his fortune, profligate in his manners, and 
 vigilant in pursuing his aims, he was insatiable after wealth, 
 only with a view to lavish it on his guilty pleasures. 
 
 Having contracted many debts by the looseness of his ill 
 spentJife, he resok^ to extricate himself from them, by any 
 meansJ, however uffWj^ful. Accordingly, he assembled about 
 thirty of his debauched a^|fciates, and informed them of his 
 aims, his hopes, and his plan of operations. It was determined 
 amongst them, that a general insurrection should be raised 
 
HISTORY OF HOME. 99 
 
 throughout Italy ; the different parts of which we-re assigned to 
 the different leaders. Rome was to be fired in several places 
 at once, and Catiline, at the head of an army raised in Etruria, 
 was, in the general confusion, to take possession of the city, 
 and massacre all the senators. Lentulus, one of his profligate 
 assistants, who had been praetor or judge in the city, was to 
 preside in their general councils: Cethegus, a man who sacri- 
 ficed the possession of present power, to the hopes of gratify- 
 ing his revenge against Cicero, was to direct the massacre 
 through the city ; and Csesius was to conduct those who fired 
 it. But the vigilance of Cicero being a chief obstacle to their 
 designs, Catiline was desirous to see him despatched before 
 he left Rome : upon which, two knights of the company un- 
 dertook to kill him the next morning, in his bed, during an 
 early visit, on pretence of business. But the meeting was no 
 sooner over, than Cicero had information of all that had passed. 
 By the intrigues of a woman, named Fulvia, he had gained 
 over Curius, her lover, one of the conspirators, to send him an 
 immediate account of their deliberations. Having observed tlie 
 necessary precautions to guard himself against the designs of 
 his morning visitors, who were punctual to their appointment, 
 he next took care to provide for the defence of the city ; and, 
 assembling the senate, consulted what was best to be done, in 
 this time of danger. The first step, was to offer considerable 
 rewards for further discoveries : the next, to prepare for the 
 protection of the state. Catihne, to show how well he 6ould 
 dissemble or justify any ciime, v^ent boldly to the senate, de- 
 claring his innocence ; but, when confronted by the eloquence 
 of Cicero, he hastily withdrew, announcing aloud, that, since 
 he was denied a vindication of himself and driven headlong by 
 his enemies, he would extinguish the flame which was raised 
 about him, in universal ruin. Accordingly, after a short coiw 
 ference with Lentulus and Cethegus, he left Rome by night, 
 with a small retinue ; directing his way Id Etruria, where Man- 
 lius, one of the conspirators, was rais^ing an army to support 
 him. In the nnean time, Cicero secured all the conspirators 
 who remained in Rome. Lentulus, Cethegus, Csesius, and 
 several others, were put in confinement ; and soon afterwards, 
 by the command of the senate, being dehvered over to the 
 executioners, were strangled in prison. 
 
 Whilst his associates were put to death in the city, Catiline 
 had raised an army of twelve-thousand men ; of whom, only a 
 fourth part were completely armed ; the rest being furnished 
 with what chance afforded — darts, lances, and clubs. Trusting 
 
100 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 to the sole strength of the conspiracy, he refused, at first, to 
 enhst slaves, who had flocked to him in great numbers; but, 
 on the approach of the consul who was sent against him, and 
 tiie arrival of the news that his confederates were put to death 
 in Rome, the face of his affairs was entirely changed. His first 
 attempt was, therefore, by long marches, to make his escape, 
 over the Appenines, into Gaul; but in this, his hopes were 
 disappointed, all the passes being strictly guarded by an army 
 under Metellus, superior to his own. Thus hemmed in on 
 every side, and seeing all things desperate, with nothing left 
 him but either to conquer or die, he determined to make one 
 vigorous effort against that army which pursued him. Antonius, 
 the consul, being himself sick, the command devolved upon his 
 lieutenant, Petreius ; who, after a fierce and sanguinary action, 
 in which he lost a considerable part of his best troops, put 
 Catihne's forces to the rout, and destroyed his whole army, 
 which fought desperately to the last man. 
 
 The extinction of this conspiracy seemed only to leave an 
 open theatre, in which the ambition of the great might display 
 itself. Pompey now returned in triumph from conquering the 
 East, as he had before been victorious in Europe and Africa^ 
 Crassus, as it has been already observed^ was the richest man 
 in Rome, and next to him possessed of the greatest authority: 
 his party in the senate was stronger than even that of Pompey, 
 his rival; and the envy excited against him was less. They 
 had been long disunited by an opposition of interests and of 
 character; however, it was from a continuance of their mutual 
 jealousies, that the state was in some measure to expect its 
 future safety. 
 
 It was in this situation of things, that JuHus Ccesar, who had 
 lately gone prcetor into Spain, and had returned with great 
 riches and glory, resolved to convert this opposition to his own 
 advE^ntage. This celebrated man was nephew to Marius, by 
 the female line, and descended from one of the most illustrioua 
 families in Rome ; he had already mounted by the regular gra- 
 dations of office, having been qusestor, sedile, grand pontiff*, 
 and praetor in Spain. Being descended from popular ancestors, 
 he warmly espoused the side of the people ; and, shortly after 
 the death of Sylia, procured those whom he had banished to 
 be recalled. He invariably declared for the populace against 
 the senate, and, by this, b^camQ their most favourite magistrate. 
 This consummate statesman began by first offering his services 
 to Pompey, promising his aid in having all his acts passed, 
 notwithstanding the opposition of the senate. Pompey, pleased 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. , 101 
 
 at the acquisition of a person of so much merit, readily granted 
 nini his confidence and protection. He next applied to Crassus, 
 who, from former connexions, was disposed to become still 
 more nearly his friend. At length, finding neither of them 
 averse to a union of interests, he took an opportunity of bring- 
 ing them together; and, remonstrating on the advantage, as 
 well as the necessity, of a reconciliation, he had address suf- 
 ficient, to persuade them to forget their animosities. A com- 
 bination was thus formed, by which the three agreed that 
 nothing should be done in the commonwealth, but what had re- 
 ceived their mutual concurrence and approbation. This was 
 called the First Triumvirate; by which, we find the constitution 
 weakened by a new interest, very different from that either of 
 the senate or the people, and yet dependent upon both. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 From the beginning of the First Triumvirate^ to the death of 
 
 Pompey. 
 
 jj p The first thing Csesar did upon the formation of the 
 ' ' triumvirate, was to avail himself of the inte-st of his 
 confederates, to obtain the consulship. The senate 
 had still some influence left; and though they were obliged to 
 concur in the election, yet they gave him for a collesTgue x>ne 
 Bibulus, whom they supposed would be a check upon his, 
 power: but the opposition was too strong even for superior 
 abilities to resist ; so that Bibulus, after a slight attempt in fa- 
 vour of the senate, remained inactive. Csesar began his 
 schemes for empire, by ingratiating himself with the people ; 
 he procured a law for dividing certain lands in Campania 
 amongst such of the poor citizens as had at least three chil- 
 dren. This proposal was jusi enough in itself, and criminal 
 only from the views of the proposer. 
 
 Having thus strengthened himself at home, he next delibe- 
 
 ated with his confederates about sharing the foreign provinces 
 amongst them. The partition was soon made ; Pompey chose 
 Spain: — fatigued with conquest, and satiated with military 
 fame, he wished to be convenient to the pleasures aff'orded in 
 Rome. Crassus fixed upon Syria, for his part of the empire; 
 which province, as it had hitherto enriched the generals who 
 had subdued it, would, he hoped, gratify him in his most fa- 
 
 I 2 
 
102 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 vourite pursuit. To Ccesar, was left the province of Gaul, 
 inhabited by many fierce and powerful nations, most of them 
 unsubdued, and the rest only professing a nominal subjection. 
 Wherefore, as it was appointing him rather to conquer, than 
 command, this government was granted him for five years ; as 
 if, by its continuance, to compensate for its danger. 
 
 It woulii be impossible, in this narrow compass, to enume- 
 rate all the battles that Caesar fought, and the states that he 
 subdued, in his expeditions into Gaul and Britain; which con- 
 tinued eight years. The Helvetians were the first brought 
 into subjection, with the loss of nearly two-hundred-thousand 
 men. Those who remained after the carnage, were sent by 
 Caijsar into the forests from which they had issued. The Ger- 
 mans, commanded by Ariovistus, were next cut off; their 
 monarch himself narrowly escaping, in a little boat, across the 
 Rhine. The Belgse sufix;red so severely, that marshes and 
 deep rivers were rendered passable from the heaps of slain. 
 The Nervians, who were the most warlike of those barbarous 
 nations, opposed for a short time.^ and fell upon the Romans 
 with such fufy, that their army was in danger of being utterly 
 routed; but Caesar himself, hastily seizing a buckler, rushed 
 through his army into the midst of the enemy; by which means, 
 he so turned the fate of the day, that the barbarians were all 
 cut oWj t^ a man. The Celtic Gauls, who were powerful at 
 sea, wert> next brought under subjection; and after them, the 
 8u.,i, the Menapii, and all the nations from the Mediterranean 
 to the British sea. Unsatiated, as yet, with conquest, he 
 crossed over to Britain, under pretence that the natives had 
 furnished his enemies with supplies. On approaching the 
 coast, he found it covered with men, to oppose his landing; 
 and his forces were in danger of being driven back, until the 
 standard bearer of the tenth legion boldly leapQd ashore, and 
 being well assisted by Caesar, the natives were put to flight. 
 The Britaiiis, being terrified at Csesar's power, sent to request 
 a peace; which was granted them, and some hostages were 
 delivered. A storm, however, soon afterwards, destroying a 
 great part of his fleet, they resolved to take advantage of the 
 disasvor, and marched against him with a powerful army. But 
 what could a naked, undisciplined people, do, against forces 
 exercised under the greatest genertils, and hardeiied by the con- 
 quest of the greater part of the known world? Being over- 
 thrown, they were obliged, once more, to sue for peace ; which 
 Coesar granted them, and then returned to the continent. 
 
 Thus, ill less than nine years, ha/'csenquered, together witi 
 
HISTORY OF KOME. 103 
 
 Britain, (the conquest of which was rather nominal than real,) 
 all that country which extends from the Mediterranean to the 
 German sea. 
 
 Whilst Ca3sar was thus increasing his reputation and his 
 riches abroad, Pompey, who remained all the time in Rome, 
 steadily co-operated with his ambition; and advanced the in- 
 terest of his rival, whilst he vainly supposed he was forwarding' 
 his own. By his means, Ctesar was continued five years longer 
 in Gaul ; nor was he roused from his lethargy, until the fame 
 of that great commander's valour, riches, and humanity, began 
 secretly to give him pain, and make him fear that Csesar's 
 glory would eclipse his own ; because, being more recent, his 
 achievements were more the subject of discourse. He now, 
 therefore, used the utmost exertions to diminish his reputation; 
 obliging the magistrates not to publish any letters received 
 from him, until he had diminished their credit, by spreading 
 disadvantageous reports. One or two accidents also helped 
 to widen the separation; — the death of Julia, Pompey's wife, 
 who had n-ot a little contributed to improve the harmony that 
 had subsisted between them ; also the destruction of Crassus, 
 who had conducted the war against the Parthians with so little 
 prudejlti^e, that he suffered the enemy to gain the advantage 
 over him, in almost every skirmish ; and, incapable of extri- 
 cating himself from the difficulties in v/hich he was involved, 
 had fallen a sact^^^^ to his own rashness; being killed, bravely 
 defending himself to the last. 
 
 CsDsar, now sensible of the jealousies of Pompey, took oc- 
 casion to solicit for the consulship, together with a prolongation 
 of his government in Gaul; desirous of trying whether his rival 
 would thwart or promote his pretensions. In this, Pompey 
 seemed to be quite inactive; but, at the same time, he pri- 
 vately employed two of his creatures, who alleged, in the senate, 
 that the laws did not permit a person who was absent, tj» offer 
 himself as a candidate for that high office. Pompey's view 
 in this, was to allure Ctesar from his government, in order 
 to stand for the consulship in person. Caesar, however, per- 
 ceiving his artifice, chose to remain in his province ; convinced 
 that whilst he headed such an army as was then devoted to his 
 interest, he could, at any time, give laws, as well as magistrates, 
 to his country. 
 
 The senate, who were now devoted to Pompey, because he 
 had for some time Mtempted to defend them from the en-^ 
 croachments of the people, ordered home the two legions at 
 that time in Caesar's army, belonging to Pompey ; under pre-^ 
 
104 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 tence of opposing the Parthians, but in reality to diminish 
 I Caesar's power. He easily saw their motive ; but, as his plans 
 ^ were not yet ready for execution, he sent them home, in pur- 
 ^k suance of the orders of the senate ; having previously attached, 
 ^^ by his liberality, both officers and privates, to his interest. The 
 ^m next step taken by the senate, was to recall him from his gov- 
 ^V ernment; his time having now nearly expired. But Curio> 
 W his friend in the senate, proposed, that Caesar should not leave 
 ■ his army until Pompey had set him the example. This for a 
 r while perplexed the latter : however, during the debate, one of 
 f the senate declaring that Caesar had passed the Alps, and that 
 i he was marching, with his whole army, directly towards Rome, 
 the consul, immediately quitting the senate, proceeded, with 
 his colleague, to a house without the city, where Pompey at 
 that time resided. He there presented him with a sword ; com- 
 manding him to march against Caesar, and fight in defence of 
 the commonwealth. Pompey declared that he was ready to 
 obey; but, with an air of pretended moderation, added, that it 
 was only in case more gentle expedients could not be employed 
 with success. Caesar, though still in Gaul, was instructed, by 
 his partisans at Rome, in all that passed ; and, being anxious 
 to give his proceedings every appearance of justice, offered to 
 resign his employment, when Pompey would do the same. But 
 the senate rejected all his propositions; blindly confident of 
 their own power, and relying on the assurances of Pompey. 
 Caesar, still unwilling to come to an open rupture with the state, 
 I proposed for the government of Illyria, with only two legions : 
 I but this also was refused hhn. Now, therefore, finding all 
 hopes of an accommodation fruitless, and conscious, if not of 
 the goodness of his cause, at least of the goodness of his troops, 
 he began to draw them down towards the confines of Italy. 
 Then, passing the Alps, with his third legion, he stopped at 
 Ravenna, a city of Cisalpine Gaul; and once more wrote a 
 letter to the consuls, declaring that he was ready to resign all 
 command, in case Pompey would follow his example. On the 
 other hand, the senate decreed that Caesar should lay down his 
 government, and disband his forces, within a limited time ; and, 
 if he refused obedience, that he should be declared an enemy 
 to the commonwealth. 
 
 Caesar, however, seemed no way disturbed at these violent 
 
 proceedings : the night before his intended expedition into Italy, 
 
 ^j^ he sat down to table, cheerfully conversing with his friends on 
 
 subjects of philosophy and literature, and apparently disengaged 
 
 from every ambitious concern. After some time, rising up, he 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 105 
 
 desired the company to make themselves happy in his absence ; 
 and said that he would be with them in a moment: in the mean 
 time, having ordered his chariot to be prepared, he immediately 
 set out, attended by a few friends, for Arminium, a city upon 
 the confines of Italy, to which place he had despatched a part 
 of his army the morning before. This journey, by night, which 
 was very fatiguing, he performed with great diligence, some- 
 times on foot, and some'^^imes on horseback. At the break of 
 day, he came up with his army, which consisted of about five- 
 thousand men, near the Rubicon, a little river which separates 
 Italy from Gaul, and was the limit of his command. 
 
 The Romans had always been taught to consider this river 
 as the sacred boundary of their domestic empire: Csesar, 
 therefore, when he advanced at the head of his army to the 
 side of the river, stopped short upon the banks, as if impressed 
 with terror at the greatness of his enterprise ; he pondered for 
 some time in fixed melancholy, looking upon the river, and de^ 
 bating with himself, whether he should venture in: — " If I pass 
 this river," says he, to one of his generals who stood by him^ 
 " what miseries shall I bring upon my country! and, if I now 
 stop short, I am undone." Thus saying,, .and resuming all his 
 former alacrity, *he plunged in; crying out, that the die was 
 cast, and all was now over. His soldiers followed him with 
 equal promptitude; and, quickly arriving at Arminium, made 
 themselves masters of the place, without meeting any resist- 
 ance. 
 
 This unexpected movement excited the utmost terror in 
 Rome; every one imagining that Caesar was leading his army 
 to lay the city in ruins. At the same time,were to be seen, the 
 citizens flying into the country for safety, and the inhabitants 
 of the country seeking shelter in Rome. In this universal 
 confusion, Pompey felt all that repentance and self condemna- 
 tion, which must necessarily arise from the remembrance of 
 having advanced his rival to his present pitch of power ; wher- 
 ever he appeared, many of his former friends were ready to tax 
 him with his supineness, and sarcastically to reproach his ill- 
 grounded presumption. " Where is, now," cried Favonius, a 
 ridiculous senator of his party, '' the army that is to rise at 
 vour command? Let us see if it will appear by stamping." 
 Cato reminded him of the many warnings he had given him ; 
 to which, however, as he was continually boding nottung- but 
 calamities, Pompey might very justly be excused attending. 
 But, at length, wearied with these reproaches, which were of- 
 fered under colour of advice, he did all that lay in his powef t 
 
106 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 encourage and confirm his followers : he told them that they 
 should not want an army, for that he would be their leader. 
 He confessed, indeed, that he had invariably mistaken Cgesar's 
 aims, judging of them only by what they ought to be ; however, 
 if his friends were still inspired with the love of freedom, they 
 might yet enjoy it, in any place to which their necessities should 
 happen to conduct them. He informed them, that their affairs 
 were in a very promising situation ; that his two lieutenants were 
 at the head of a very considerable army in Spain, composed of 
 veteran troops, who had made the conquest of the East: besides 
 these, there were infinite resources, both in Asia and Africa, to- 
 gether with the succours which they were sure of receiving from 
 all the kingdoms in alliance with Rome. This speech served, 
 in some measure, to revive the hopes of the confederacy: the 
 greater part of the senate, his own private friends and depend- 
 ants, together with all those who expected to make their fortunes 
 in his cause, agreed to follow him. Being incapable of resist- 
 ing his opponent at home, he resolved to lead his forces to 
 Capua, where he commanded the two legions which served 
 under Csesar in Gaul. 
 
 Caesar, in the mean time, after having in vain attempted to 
 bring Pompey to an accommodation, determined to pursue him 
 into Capua, before he could collect his army. Accordingly, 
 he marched on, to take possession of the cities that lay between 
 him and his rival ; not regarding Rome, which he knew would 
 fall, of course, to the conqueror. 
 
 Corsinum was the first city that attempted to stop the rapid- 
 ity of his march. It was defended by Domitius, who had been 
 appointed by the senate to succeed him in Gaul, and was gar- 
 risoned by twenty cohorts, levied in the countries adjacent. 
 Ca3sar, however, quickly invested it ; and, though Domitius sent 
 frequently to Pompey, exhorting him to come and raise the siege, 
 he was at last obliged to attempt making his escape privately. 
 His intentions happening to be divulged, the garrison resolved to 
 consult their own safety, by delivering him up to the besiegers. 
 Caesar readily accepted their offers, but restrained his men 
 from immediately entering the town. After some time, Len- 
 tulus, the consul, who was one of the besieged, came out, to 
 implore forgiveness for himself and the rest of the confederates : 
 putting Caesar in mind of their former friendship, and ac- 
 know|^ging the many favours he had received at his hands. 
 To this, Caesar, who would not wait the conclusion of his 
 speech, generously answered, that he came into Italy, not to 
 injure the liberties of Rome, but to restore them, and to pro 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 107 
 
 tect its citizens. This humane reply being quickly carried into 
 the city, the senators and the knights, with their children, and 
 some officers of the garrison, came out to claim the conqueror's 
 protection ; who, just glancing at their ingratitude, gave t^iem 
 their liberty, with permission to go wherever they should think 
 proper. However, whilst he dismissed the leaders, he, upon 
 this, as upon all similar occasions, took care to attach the com- 
 mon soldiers to his own interest ; sensible that he might stand 
 in need of an army, but that whilst he lived, his army coula 
 never stand in need of a commander. 
 
 Pompey, who was unable to continue in Capua, having in- 
 telligence of what passed on this occasion, immediately re- 
 treated to Brundusium, where he resolved on standing a siege, 
 to retard the enemy, until the forces of the empire should be 
 united to oppose him. His aim, in this, succeeded to his wish; 
 and, after^having employed Caesar for some time in a fruitless 
 attack, he privately passed his forces over to Dyrrachium, 
 where the consul had levied a body of forces for his assistance. 
 However, though he effected his escape, he was compelled to 
 leave the whole kingdom of Italy at the mercy of his rival ; 
 without either a town or an army that had strength to oppose 
 his progress.. 
 
 Ca3sar, finding that he could not follow Pompey, having no 
 shipping, went back to Rome, to take possession of the public 
 treasures; which, his opponent, by a most unaccountable over- 
 eight, had neglected to carry with him. However, upon his 
 advancing as far as the door of the treasury, Metellus, the tri- 
 bune who guarded it, refused to let him pass : but Csesar, with 
 more than usual emotion, laying his hand upon his sword, 
 threatened to strike him dead; *' And know, young man," 
 cried he, " that it is easier to do this, than to say it." This 
 menace had the desired effect; Metellus retired, and Csesar 
 took out of the treasury three-thousand pounds weight of gold, 
 besides an immense quantity of silver. 
 
 Having thus provided for continuing the war, he departed 
 from Rome; resolved to subdue Pompey's lieutenants, Afranius 
 and Petreius, who had been long in Spain at the head of a 
 veteran army, composed of the choicest legions of the empire, 
 and which had been invariably victorious, under all its com- 
 manders. Csesar, however, who knew the abilities of its two- 
 present generals, jocosely said, as he was preparing to go 
 thither, that he was going to fight an army without sC^ei^iml 
 and, upon conquering it, would return to fight a general 
 out an army. 
 
 witM||i 
 
108 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 The first conflict with Afranius and Petreius, was rather un- 
 favourable. It was fought near the city of Herda; and both 
 sides claimed the honour of the victory. But, by various 
 stratagems, he reduced them at last to such extremity of 
 drought and hunger, that they were obliged to yield at dis- 
 cretion. Clemency was his favourite virtue: he dismissed 
 them all with the kindest professions, and sent them home 
 laden with shame and obligations, to publish his virtues, and 
 confirm the affections of his adherents. Thus, in the space of 
 about forty days," he became master of all Spain, and returned 
 again victorious to Rome. The citizens on this occasion re- 
 ceived him with fresh demonstrations of joy, and created him 
 dictator and consul; but the first of these offices he laid down, 
 after he had held it eleven days. , 
 
 Whilst Csesar was thus employed, Pompey was eqtially as- 
 siduous in making preparations in Epirus and Greece^to oppose 
 him. All the monarchs of the east had declared in his /avour, 
 and sent very large supplies. He was master of nine effective 
 Italian legions, and had a fleet of five-hundred large ships,' 
 under the conduct of Bibulus, an active and experienced com- 
 mander. Added to these, he was supplied with large sums of 
 money, and all the necessaries for an army, from the tributary 
 provinces around him. He had attacked Antony (properly 
 called Marcus Antonius) and Dolabella, who commanded for 
 Caesar in that part of the empire, with so great success, that 
 the former was obliged to fly, and the latter taken prisoner. 
 Crowds of distinguished citizens and nobles from Rome, came 
 every day, to join him. He had, at one time, in his camp, 
 above two-hundred senators ; amongst whom, were Cicero and 
 Cato, whose approbation alone was equivalent to an army. 
 
 Notwithstanding these preparations, Caesar shipped off hvB 
 of his twelve legions at Brundusium, and, weighing anchor, 
 fortunately steered through the midst of his enemies ; timing it 
 so well, that he made his passage in one day. Still, however, 
 convinced that the proper juncture for making proposals for 
 a peace, was after having gained an advantage, he sent one 
 Rufus, whom he had taken prisoner, to effect an accommoda- 
 tion with Pompey ; offering to refer all to the senate and people 
 of Rome : but he once more rejected the overture, maintain- 
 ing that the people were too much in Caesar's interest, to be 
 relied on. ^^% :. :^*^' \^ 
 
 mfjffy had been raising suppUes^in Macedonia, when firsi 
 
 Srmed of Caesar's landing upon the coast of Epirus : he now 
 
 erefore resolved to march immediately to Dyrrachiiim, in 
 
 .^^^raforri 
 ^^^^erel 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 109 
 
 order to cover that place from Caesar's attempts; as all his 
 ammunition and provisions were deposited there. The two 
 armies first came in sight of each other on the opposite banks 
 of the river Apsus: and, as both were commanded by the 
 two greatest generals then in the world, the one renowned for 
 his conquest of the East, the other for his victories in the West, 
 a battle was eagerly desired, by the soldiers on each side: but 
 neither of the generals was willing to hazard it, on this oc- 
 casion: Pompey could not rely upon his new levies, and 
 Cassar would not venture^an engagement, until joined by the 
 rest of his forces. ^ 
 
 Ceesar had now waited soipe time, with extreme impatience, 
 for the arrival of the remainder of his army ; and even ventur- 
 ed out alone, in an open fishing boat, to hasten its arrival; but 
 was driven back by a storm. However, his disappointment 
 was soon relieved, by information of the landing of the troops 
 he had long expected, at Appolonia; from which place, they 
 were marching to join him, under thg, conduct of Antony and 
 Calinus. He therefore decqjMped, in order to meet them, and 
 prevent Pofnpey from engagmg them on their march; as he 
 lay on that sid^ of the river, where the reinforcements had 
 been obliged to land. 
 
 Pompey, bemg compelled to retreat, led his forces to Aspa- 
 ragus, near Ii^rachium, where he was certain of being sup- 
 plied with every thing necessary for his army, by the numerous 
 fleets employed by him along the coasts of Epirus. There, he 
 pitched his camp upon a tongue of land (as mariners express 
 it) which jutted into the sea, where also was a small harbour 
 for ships, in which but few winds could annoy them. Being , ^ 
 most advantageously situated, he immediately began to in-"^ 
 trench his camp. Csesar, perceiving this, and supposing that 
 he was not likely soon to quit so desirable a post, began also 
 ' to entrench, behind him ; and, as all beyond Pompey's camp, 
 towards the land side, was hilly and steep, he built redoubts 
 upon the heights, stretching round from shore to shore, and 
 then caused lines of communication to be drawn from hill to 
 hill; by which, he blocked up the camp of the enemy. He 
 hoped, by this blockade, to force his opponent to a battle; 
 which he ardently desired, and which the other with equal in- 
 dustry, declined. Thus, both sides continued, for some time, 
 employed in stratagems ; the one, to annoy, the other, to de- 
 fend. Caesar's men daily carried on their works, to straiten 
 the enemy : those of Pompey did the same, to enlarge them- 
 selves, having the advantage of numbers ; and severely galled 
 V K 
 
110 _ HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 the adversary, by their slingers and archers. Csesar, however, 
 was indefatigable ; he procured Winds or mantelets, made of 
 skins, to cover his men whilst at work ; and cut off all the 
 water that supplied the enemy's camp, and the forage from his 
 horses. But Pompey, at last, resolved to break through his 
 lines, and gain some other part of the country, more convenient 
 for encampment. Accordingly, having received inforaiation 
 of the state of CsBsar's fortifications, from some deserters who 
 came over to him, he ordered hi^ light infantry and archers on 
 bo£Ad the ships ; with orders to attack the enemy's entrench- 
 ments by sea, where they werft^fflBBb^efended. This was 
 done so effectually, that, thougj^^^^^^kd his officers used 
 their utmost endeavours to cou^^^^^Hppey's designs, yet 
 the latter at length gained his pu^H|Jil^^extricstting his army 
 from his former station, and encajsoping in another pljELce, by the 
 sea, where he had the convenience both of forage rUid of ship- 
 ping. Caesar, thus frustrated in his views of blqpking up the 
 enemy, resolved at last to force" Pompey to a bat1jl)a<(^o«gh 
 upon disadvantageous ift-ms. A skirmish topk Dicie,te*^at- 
 tempting to cut off a legion postea in a wood; ^nd™s fought 
 on a general engagement. Jhe conflict -^faS} for "i^ome time 
 carried on with great ardour, and with equal fortune; but 
 Caesar's men, being entangled in the in trench n^its of the old 
 camp, bpgan to fall into disorder; upon vvhichWompey press- 
 ing his advantage, they at kist'fled with great precipitation. 
 Vast numbers perished in the trenches, and on the banks of the 
 rivers, or were pressed to death by their followers. Pompey 
 pursuedftis successes to the v€ry canip'oF"C8esar; but, either 
 surprised by the suddenness of his victory, or fearful of an am- 
 buscade, he drew off his troops within his own Unes, and thus 
 lost an opportunity of securing his victory. 
 
 After this defeat, which was by no means decisive, Caesar 
 marched with all his forces, in.one body, dirgctly to Gomphi, 
 a town in the province of Thessaly. BuyjKe news of his de- 
 feat at Dyrrachium, had reached this plade before him: the in- 
 habitants, therefore, who had promised. him obedience, no^ 
 changed their minds ; and, with a degree of baseness equal to 
 their imprudence, shut their gates against him. But Csesar 
 was not to be injured with impunity. Having represented to 
 his soldiers the great advantage of forcing a place so very ricli^ 
 he ordered the machines for scaling to be made ready ; and, 
 causing an assault, proceeded with so much vigour, that, not- 
 withstanding the great height of the walls, the town was taken 
 in a few hours, Csesar left it to be plundered ; and, without 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. Ill 
 
 delaying his march, went forward to Metropolis, another town 
 of the same province, which yielded at his approach. By these 
 means, he soon became possessed of all Thessaly, except 
 Larissa; which was garrisoned by Scipio, who commanded for 
 Pompey, and had his own legion under him. During this in- 
 terval, Pompey's officers were continually soliciting him to 
 come to a battle, and inc^^antly teasing him with their impor- 
 tunities; he ther^ore resc^^d to renounce his own judgment, 
 in comphance with those about him, and to give up all schemes 
 of prudence, for thos e dilu ted by avarice and passion. Where- 
 fore, advancing intcyjjj^Raly, within a few days after the tak- 
 ing of Gomphi, he dlHBndcd into the plains of Pharsalia, where 
 he was joined by Scipio, his lieutenant, with the troops under 
 his command. There, he waited the arrival of Caesar; de- 
 termined upon engaging, and deciding the fate of the empire, 
 at a single battle. 
 
 Cdesar had employed all his art, for some time, in discover- 
 ing the inclination of his men; and, finding his army once more 
 resolute and vigorous, he caused them to advance towards the 
 plains of Pharsalia, where Pompey was then encamped, and 
 prepared to oppose him. 
 
 The approach of these two great armies, composed of the 
 best and bravest troops in the world, together with the great- 
 ness of the prize for which they contended, filled all minds 
 with anxiety, though with different expectations. Pompey's 
 army, being the more numerous, turned all their thoughts to the 
 enjoyment of the victory; Caesar's, very prudently, considered 
 only the means of obtaining it: Pompey's army depended on 
 their numbers, and their many generals ; Caesar's upon their 
 own discipline, and the conduct of their single commander: 
 Pompey's partisans hoped much from the justice of their 
 cause; Cassar alleged the frequent proposals which he had 
 made for peace, without effect. Thus, the views, hopes, and * 
 motives, of each, seemed different; but their hatre'^ and an>- 
 bition were the same. Caesar, who was always foremost in 
 offering battle, led out his army, in array^ to meet the enemy ; 
 but Pompey, either suspecting his troops, or dreading the 
 event, for some time held his advantageous situation : he drew, 
 indeed, occasionally out of his camp, but always remained under 
 his. trenches, at the foot of the hill, near which he was posted. 
 Caesar, unwilling to attack him at a disadvantage, resolved to' 
 decamp the next day ; hoping to harass out bis antagonist, who 
 ivas not a match for him in sustaining the fatigues of duty,^ 
 

 112 HISTORY OF KOME. 
 
 Accordingly, the order for marching was given, and the tents 
 struck, when information was brought him, that Pompey's army 
 bad left their intrenchments, and advanced farther than usual 
 into the plain; so that he might engage them at less disadvan- 
 tage. He therefore ordered his troops to halt; and, with a 
 countenance of joy, informed them, that the happy time was at 
 last arrived, for which they had so^jong wished ; and which 
 was to crown their glory, and terimnate their fatigues. Upon 
 this, he drew up his troops in order, and advanced towards the 
 place of battle. His forces did not number above half those 
 of Pompey ; the army of the one amounting to above fort}c-five- 
 thousand foot, and seven-thousand horsV; that of the other not 
 exceeding twenty-two thousand foot, and about a thousand 
 horse. This disproportion, particularly in the cavalry, had 
 filled Caesar with apprehensions ; wherefore he had some days 
 before selected the strongest and nimblest of his foot-soldiers, 
 and accustomed them to fight between the ranks of his cavalry. 
 By their sssistance, his thousand horse was a match for Pom- 
 pey's seven-thousand; and had actually prevailed, in a skir- 
 mish, some days before. 
 
 Pompey, on the other hand, had strong expectations of suc- 
 cess : he boasted that he could put Caesar's legions to flight, 
 without striking a single blow ; presuming, that as soon as the 
 armies should be formed, his cavalry, on which he placed his 
 greatest expectations, would outflank and surround the enemy. 
 Labienus commended this scheme of Pompey; alleging also, 
 that the troops, of which Caesar's army was at present composed, 
 were but the shadow of those old legions which had fought in 
 Britain and Gaul: that all the veterans were worn out, and 
 replaced by new levies, made in Cisalpine Gaul. To increase 
 the confidence of the army still more, he took an oath, in which 
 the rest followed him, never to return to the camp, but with 
 victory. In this disposition, and under these advantages, 
 Pompey ^ed out his troops. 
 
 His order of battle was good and well judged. In the centre 
 and on the two flanks, he placed all the veterans, and distributed 
 his newly raised troops between the wings and the main body. 
 The Syrian legions were placed in the centre, under the com- 
 mand of Scipio: the Spaniards, on whom he greatly relied, 
 were put on the right, under Domitius Jillnobarbus ; and on the 
 left, were stationed the two legions which Caesar had restored 
 in the beginning of the war, led on by Pompey himself; be- 
 cause, from that wing he intended to maHe the attack which 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 113 
 
 was to gain the day ; and, for the same reason, he had there 
 assembled all his horse, slingers, and archers, of which his 
 right wing had no need, being covered by the river Enipeus. 
 
 Caesar, likewise, divided his army into three bodies : Domi- 
 tius Calvinus commanded in the centre, and Mark Antony on 
 the left; whilst he himself led on the right wing, which was to 
 oppose the left, under the command of Pompey. It is re- 
 markable, that Pompey chose to put himself at the head of 
 those troops which werd^ disciplined by Caesar; an incontest- 
 ible proof how much he valued them, above any of the rest of 
 his army. Cajsar, on the contrary, placed himself at the head 
 of his tenth legion, which was indebted for all its merit and 
 fame to his own training. As he observed the enemy's nume- 
 rous cavalry to be all drawn to one spot, he anticipated Pom- 
 pey's intentions; to resist the effects of which, he made a 
 draught of six cohorts from his rear line ; and, forming them 
 into a separate body, concealed them behind his right wing, 
 with instructions not to throw their javelins on the approach of 
 Pompey's horse, as it was customary, but to keep them in their 
 hands, and push them directly in the faces and the eyes of the 
 horsemen; who, being composed of the yojinger part of the 
 Roman nobility, valued themselves much upon their beauty, 
 and dreaded a scar on the face, more than a wound oti the body. 
 He lastly placed his cavalry so as to cover the right of the 
 tenth legion, ordering his third line not to march, until they had 
 received the signal from him. 
 
 As the armies approached, the two generals went from rank 
 to rank, encouraging their men, warming their hopes, and 
 lessening their apprehensions. Pompey represented that the 
 glorious opportunity which they had so long desired, was now 
 before them: ** And indeed," cried he, "what advantage could 
 you wish over an enemy, that you are not now possessed off? 
 Your numbers, your vigour, your late victory, all assure a 
 speedy and an easy conquest of those harassed and broken 
 troops, composed of men worn out with age, and impressed 
 with the terrors of a recent defeat: but, there is still a stronger 
 bulwark for our protection, than our superiority — the justice 
 of our cause. You are engaged in the defence of liberty, and 
 of your country ; you are supported by its laws and followed 
 by its magistrates ; you have the world spectators of your con- 
 duct, and wishing you success : on the contrary, he whom you 
 oppose, is a robber and an oppressor of his country, and almost 
 already sunk by the consciousness of his crimes, as well as the 
 bad success of his arms. Show, then, on this occasion, all 
 
 K2 
 
1 14 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 that ardour, and detestation of tyranny, which should animate 
 Romans ; and do justice to mankind." 
 
 Csesar, on his side, went amongst his men with that steady 
 serenity for which he was so much admired in the midst of 
 danger. He insisted on nothing so strongly to his soldiers, as 
 his frequent and unsuccessful endeavours for peace. He spoke 
 with terror of the blood he was going to shed ; and only plead 
 ed the necessity which urged him. He deplored the many brave 
 men that were to fall, on both sides ; and the wounds of his 
 country, whoever should be victorious. His soldiers answered 
 his speech with looks of ardour and impatience ; which, observ- 
 ing, he gave the signal to begin. The word on Pompey's side 
 was Hercules the invincible — that on Csesar's, Yenus the vic- 
 torious. There was only so much space between both armies, 
 as to give room for fighting; wherefore Pompey ordered his 
 men to receive the first shock without moving out of their 
 places; expecting the enemy's ranks would be put into dis- 
 order by their motion. — Csesar's soldiers were now rushing 
 on with their usual impetuosity, when, perceiving the enemy 
 motionless, they all stopped short, as if by general consent, 
 and halted in the. midst of their career. A terrible pause en- 
 sued ; in which, both armies continued to gaze upon each 
 other, with mutual terror and dreadful serenity. At length, 
 Caesar's men having taken breath, ran furiously upon the 
 enemy; first discharging their javelins, and then drawing their 
 swords. The same method was observed by Pompey 's troops ; 
 who as vigorously sustained the attack. His cavalry also were 
 ordered to charge, at the very onset ; which, with the multitude 
 of archers and slingers, soon obliged Csesar's men to give 
 ground : whereupon Csesar immediately ordered the six cohorts, 
 placed as a reserve, to advance ; with orders to strike at the 
 enemy's faces. This had the desired effect: the cavalry, that 
 were but just now sure of victory, received an immediate 
 check; the unusual method of fighting pursued by the cohorts, 
 their aiming entirely at the visages of their assailants, and the 
 horribly disfiguring wounds they made, all contributed so much 
 to intimidate them, that, instead of defending their persons, 
 their only endeavour was to save their faces. A total rout en- 
 sued, of their whole body ; which fled in great disof der to the 
 neighbouring mountain ; whilst the archers and slingers who 
 were thus abandoned, were cut to pieces. Caesar, now com- 
 manding the cohorts to pursue their success, and advancing 
 himself, charged Pompey's troops upon the flank : a charge, 
 which the enemy withstood for some time, with great bravery. 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 115 
 
 until he brought up his third line, which had not yet engaged. 
 Pompey's infantry, being thus doubly attacked — in front by 
 fresh troops, and in the rear by the victorious cohorts, could 
 no longer resist, but fled to their camp. The flight began 
 amongst the strangers ; though Pompey's right wing still val- 
 iantly maintained its ground. Caesar, however, being convinced 
 that the victory was certain, with his usual clemency, cried out, 
 to pursue the strangers, but to spare the Romans : upon which, 
 they all laid down their arms, and received quarter. The 
 greatest slaughter was amongst the auxiliaries, who fled on all 
 sides, but principally went for safety to the camp. The battle had 
 now lasted from the break of day till noon; the weather being 
 extremely hot : nevertheless, the conquerors did not remit their 
 ardour, being encouraged by the example of their general ; who 
 thought his victory not complete, until he was master of the 
 enemy's camp. Accordingly, marching on foot at their head, 
 he called upon them to follow, and strike the decisive blow. 
 The cohorts for some time made a formidable resistance ; and 
 particularly a large number of Thracians and other barbarians 
 who were left in the camp, for its defence : but nothing could 
 withstand the ardour of Caesar's victorious army: they were at 
 last driven from their trenches, and all fled to the adjacent 
 mountains. 
 
 Csesar, seeing the field and camp strewed with his fallen 
 countrymen, was strongly aflected at so melancholy a spec- 
 tacle ; and could not avoid crying out, to one who stood near 
 him, ^' They would have it so." 
 
 On entering the enemy's camp, every object presented fresh 
 instances of the blind presumption and madness of his adver- 
 saries : on all sides, were to be seen, tents adorned with ivy 
 and branches of myrtle, couches covered with purple, and 
 sideboards loaded with plate. Eveiy thing indicated the high.- 
 est luxury ; and seemed rather the preparations for a banquet, 
 the rejoicings for a victory, than the dispositions for a battle. 
 A camp, so richly furnished, might have engaged the attention 
 of any troops, except Caesar's ; but there was still something 
 to be done ; and he would not permit them to pursue any other 
 object than their enemies, until they were entirely subdued. 
 A considerable body of these having retired to the adjacent 
 hills, he prevailed on his soldiers to join him in the pursuit, in 
 order to oblige them to surrender. He began by enclosing 
 them with a line drawn at the foot of the mountain ; but they 
 quickly aliandoned a post that was not tenable for want of 
 water, aLd endeavoured to reach the city of Larissa. Caesar 
 
I 
 
 116 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 led a division of his army by a shorter way, and intercepted j 
 their retreat ; drawdng up in order of battle between them and | 
 the city. However, these unhappy fugitives once more found I 
 protection from a mountain ; at the foot of which ran a rivulet, \ 
 which supplied them with water. Now, night approaching, ^ 
 Csesar's men were almost spent, and ready to faint with their ^™] 
 incessant toil since morning ; yet he prevailed upon them once^^H 
 more to renew their labours, and to cut off the rivulet which 
 supphed the defendants. The fugitives, thus deprived of att 
 hopes of succour or subsistence, sent deputies to the conqueror, 
 offering to surrender at discretion. During this interval of ne- 
 gotiation, a few senators who were amongst them, took advan* 
 tage of the night to escape : the rest, next morning, gave up 
 their arms, and experienced the conqueror's clemency. He 
 addressed them with great gentleness, and forbade his soldiers 
 to offer them any violence, or to take any thing from them. ^ 
 
 Thus, Csesar, by his conduct, gained the most complete vic- 
 tory that had ever been acquired; and, by his clemency after 
 the battle, seems to have deserved it. His loss was only two- 
 hundred men; that of Pompey, fifteen-thousand, Romans and 
 auxiliaries : twenty-four-thousand men surrendered themselves 
 prisoners of war ; the greater part of whom entered into Csesar's 
 army. The senators and Roman knights who fell into his 
 hands, he generously allowed to retire, wherever they thought 
 pr©per: and the letters received by Pompey from the several 
 persons who wished to be thought neutral, he burned, without 
 reading; as Pompey had done, on a former occasion. Thus, 
 having performed ail the duties of a general and a statesman, 
 he sent for the legions which had passed the night in the camp, 
 to relieve those which had accompanied him in the pursuit; 
 and arrived the same day at Larissa. 
 
 Pompey, who had formerly displayed so great courage and 
 abihty, when he saw his cavalry routed, on which he had placed 
 his whole dependence, seemed to have lost his reason. Instead 
 of endeavouring to remedy this disorder, by rallying those 
 troops that fled, or by opposing fresh forces to stop the pro- 
 gress of the conquerors, being totally amazed at his first blow, 
 he returned to the camp, and in his tent waited the issue of an 
 affair, which it was his duty to direct, not to follow. There, 
 he remained for some moments without speaking; till being 
 told that the camp was attacked, " What," says he, " are 
 we pursued to our very intrenchmentsi" and, immediately 
 changing his armour for a habit more suitable to his circum- 
 fctance^, he fled on horseback to Larissa ; then, seeing that he 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 117 
 
 was not pursued, he slackened his pace ; giving way to all the 
 agonizing reflections which his deplorable condition must 
 naturally have suggested. In this melancholy manner, he 
 passed along the vale of Tempe ; and pursuing the river Pe- 
 neus, at last arrived at a fisherman's hut, in which he spent the 
 night. Thence, he went on board a httle vessel ; and, keeping 
 along the sea-shore, he descried a ship of some burthen, which 
 seemed preparing to sail, in which he embarked; the master 
 of the vessel still paying him the homage due to his former sta- 
 tion. From the mouth of the river Peneus, he sailed to A m- 
 phipolis; where, finding his affairs desperate, he steered to 
 Lesbos, to take in his wife Cornelia, whom he had left there, 
 at a distance from the dangers and hurry of the war. She, 
 who had long flattered herself with the hopes of victory, felt 
 the reverse of fortune in an agony of distress. The messenger, 
 whose tears, more than words,, proclaimed the greatness of her 
 misfortunes, desired her to hasten, if she expected to see 
 Pompey with even one ship, and that not his own. Her grief 
 which before was violent, became now insupportable; she 
 fainted, and lay a considerable time without any signs of life. 
 At length, recovering, and reflecting that it was then no time 
 for vain lamentations, she r^ quite through the city, to the sea- 
 side. Pompey silently embraced her, and for some time sup- 
 ported her in his arms, in fixed despair. 
 
 Accompanied by Cornelia, he now continued his course, 
 steering to the south-east; and, stopping at the ports which 
 occurred in his passage no longer than was necessary to take 
 in provisions. He was at last prevailed on to apply to Ptole- 
 ma3us (usually called Ptolemy,) king of Egypt; to whose father, 
 Pompey had been a considerable benefactor. Ptolemy, who 
 was yet a minor, bed not the government in his own hands ; 
 he and his kingdom being under the direction of Photinus, a 
 eunuch, and Theodotus, a professor of eloquence. They ad-^ 
 vised that Pompey should be invited on shore, and assassinated; 
 and accordingly, Achillas, the commander of the forces, and 
 Septimius, by birth a Roman, who had formerly been a cen- 
 turion in Pompey's army, were appointed to carry their designs 
 into execution. Attended by three or four assistants, they 
 went into a little bark, and rowed off* from the land, towards 
 Pompey's ship, which lay about a mile from the shore. Pom- 
 pey, aftei having taken leave of Cornelia, and repeated two 
 verses from Sophocles, signifying, that he who trusts his free- 
 dom to a tyrant, firom that moment becomes £^ sl^^ve, steppecj 
 
1 1 8 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 into the bark, with only two attendants of his own. They 
 had now rowed some distance from the ship ; during which 
 time, they had all observed a profound silence : Pompey, there- 
 fore, wishing to begin the discourse, accosted Septimius, whose 
 face he recollected. " Methinks, friend," cried he, " you and I 
 were once fellow soldiers together." Septimius gave only a 
 nod with his head, without uttering a word, or showing the 
 least civility. Pompey then took out a paper on which he 
 had minuted a speech he intended to make to the king; and 
 began reading it. In this manner, they approached the shore ; 
 and Cornelia, whose concern had never suffered her to lose 
 sight of her husband, began to entertain hope when she saw 
 the people crowding down along the coasts, as if willing to 
 receive him : but her hopes were soon destroyed — that instant, 
 as Pompey rose, supporting himself upon his freedman's arm, 
 Septimius stabbed him in the back, and was inskmtly seconded 
 by Achillas. Pompey, perceiving his death inevitable, only 
 disposed himself to meet it with decency; and, covering his 
 face with his robe, without uttering a word, with a sigh resign- 
 ed himself to his fate. At this horrid sight, Cornelia shrieked 
 so loud, as to be heard upon the shore; but the danger she 
 herself was in, did not allow the mariners time to look on ; 
 they immediately set sail, and the wind proving favourable, for- 
 tunately they escaped the pursuit of the Egyptian galleys. 
 
 In the meantime, Pompey's murderers, having cut off his 
 head, caused it to be embalmed, the better to preserve the 
 features ; designing it for a present to Csesar. The body was 
 then thrown upon the strand, exposed to the curiosity of the 
 multitude. However, his faithful freedraan, Philip, still remain- 
 ed near it; and, when the ciowd had dispersed, he washed it 
 in the sea ; then looking around for materials to burn it, he per- 
 ceived the wreck of a fishing boat, with which he made a pile. 
 Whilst he was thus piously employed, he was accosted by an 
 old Roman soldier, who had served under Pompev; in his youth : 
 " Who art thou," said he, " that art making these humble pre- 
 parations for Pompey's funeral?" Philip having answered that 
 he was one of his freedmen: *' Alas," replied the soldier, 
 ** permit me to share in this honour also : amidst all the miseries 
 of my exile, it will be my last sad comfort, that I have been 
 able to assist at the funeral of my old commander, and touch 
 the body of the bravest general that ever Rome produced." 
 Both joined in giving his remains the last sad rites : after this^ 
 they collected his ashes, and buried them under a little rising 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 119 
 
 earth, scraped together with their hands ; over which, was after- 
 wards placed the following inscription: He whose merits de^ 
 serve a temple, can now scarcely find a tomb. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 From the destruction of the Commonwealth^ to the establishment 
 of the first Emperor, Augustus. 
 
 jy p C^SAR has been much celebrated for his fortune, 
 J^^ ' and yet his abilities seem equal to his highest success. 
 He possessed many shining qualities, without the mix- 
 ture of any defect, except ambition. His talents were such, as 
 would have rendered him victorious, at the head of any army 
 he commanded ; and he would have governed, in any republic 
 that had given him birth. Having now gained a complete vic- 
 tory, his success seemed only to increase his activity, and in- 
 spire him with fresh resolution to face new dangers. He re- 
 solved, therefore, to pursue his last advantage, and follow 
 Pompey, to whatever country he should retire; convinced, that 
 during his life, though he might gain new triumphs, he never 
 could enjoy security. 
 
 Accordingly, losing no time, he set sail for Egypt, and ar- 
 rived at Alexandria, with about four thousand men; a very in- 
 considerable force, to keep so powerful a kingdom in subjection. 
 On landing, the first accounts he received were of Pompey's 
 miserable end; and, soon afterwards, one of the murderers 
 came, with his head and ring, as a most grateful present to the 
 conqueror. But Caesar had too much humanity, to be pleased 
 with so horrid a spectacle : he turned away from it, with dis- 
 gust, and, after a short pause, gave vent to his pity, in a flood 
 of tears. Not long afterwards, he ordered a magnificent tomb 
 to be erected to his memory, on the spot where he was mur- 
 dered ; and a temple near the place, to Nemesis, the heathen 
 goddess who punished those who were cruel to men in adversity. 
 It ^tppears that the Egyptians had now some hopes of shaking 
 oiF the Roman alliance, which they considered, as in fact it 
 was, but a specious subjection. They first began to take of- 
 fence at Caesar's carrying before him the ensigns of Roman 
 power, as he entered the city. Photinus, also, treated him 
 with great disrespect, and even attempted his life. Caesar, 
 however* concealed his resentment, until he had a force sufli- 
 
I 
 
 l!30 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 cient to punish his treachery ; and, sending privately for the 
 legions which had formerly been enrolled for Pompey's service, 
 as being the nearest to Egypt, he in the mean time pretended to 
 repose entire confidence in the king's minister; making great 
 entertainments, and assisting at the conferences of the philoso-, 
 phers, who were very numerous at Alexandria. However, 
 when he found himself in no danger from the minister's at- 
 tempts, he soon changed his manner, and declared, that being 
 Roman consul, it was his duty to settle the succession to the 
 Egyptian crown. 
 
 There were, at that time, two pretenders to the throne of 
 Egypt: Ptolemy, the acknowledged king, and the celebrated 
 Cleopatra, his sister; to whom, by a custom of the country, at 
 variance with the Divine law, he was married, and, by their 
 father's will, she shared jointly in the succession. Not con- 
 tented with a bare participation of power, Cleopatra aimed at 
 governing alone; but, being opposed by the Roman senate, 
 who confirmed her brother's title to the crown, she was banish- 
 ed into Syria, with Arsinoe, her younger sister. Csesar gave 
 her new hopes of obtaining the kingdom, and summoned both 
 her and her brother to plead their cause before him. Photinus, 
 the young king's guardian, disdained to accept this proposal, 
 and maintained his rejection by sending an army of twenty- 
 thousand men, to besiege him in Alexandria. Caesar, for some 
 time, bravely repulsed the enemy; but, finding the city of too 
 great extent to be defended by so small an army as he then 
 had, he retired to the palace, which commanded the harbour; 
 where he proposed to make his stand. Achillas, who headed 
 the Egyptians, attacked him there with great vigour; and still 
 aimed at obtuining the fleet which lay before the palace. 
 Csesar, however, too well knew the value of these ships, in the 
 hands of an enemy ; and therefore burned them all, in defiance 
 of every attempt to prevent him. He next took possession of 
 the isle of Pharos, the key to the Alexandrian port; by which 
 he was enabled to receive the supplies sent him from every side; 
 and in this situation he determined to withstand the united force 
 of all the Egyptians. 
 
 In the mean time, Cleopatra, having heard of the present 
 change in her favour, resolved to depend for success rather on 
 the assistance of Csesar, than her own forces. But no arts, as 
 she justly conceived, were so likely to influence him, as the 
 charms of her person ; which, though not faultless, were ex- 
 tremely fascinating. She was now in the bloom of youth, and 
 everv feature borrowed grace from the lively turn of her tern 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 121 
 
 per. To the most enchanting address, she joined the most 
 harmonious voice. With all these accomphshments, she pos- 
 sessed a great share of the learning of the times, and could 
 give audience to the ambassadors of seven different nations, 
 without an interpreter. The difficulty was, how to obtain an 
 interview with Csesar ; as her enemies were in possession of all 
 the avenues that led to the palace. For this purpose, she went 
 on board a small vessel, and in the evening landed near the 
 palace ; then, being wrapped up in a coverlet, she ^vas carried 
 by one Aspolodorus, into the very chamber of Caesar. Her 
 address at first pleased him : her wit and understanding still 
 fanned the flame; but her caresses, which proceeded beyond 
 the bounds of innocence, entirely brought him over to espouse 
 her claims. 
 
 Whilst Cleopatra was thus employed in forwarding her own 
 views, her sister Arsinoe was also strenuously engaged in the 
 camp, in pursuing a separate interest. She had found means, 
 by the assistance of one Ganymede, her confidant, to make a 
 considerable division in the Egyptian army, in her favour; and, 
 soon afterwards, by one of those sudden revolutions, which are 
 common in barbarian camps to this day, she caused Achillas to 
 be murdered, and Ganymede to take the command in his stead; 
 by whom, the siege was carried on with greater vigour than 
 before. 
 
 Ganymede's principal effort was by letting in the sea upon 
 those canals which supplied the palace with fresh water; but 
 Csssar remedied this inconvenience by digging a great number 
 of wells. His next endeavour was, to prevent the junction of 
 Caesar's twenty-fourth legion; which he twice attempted in 
 vain. He soon afterwards made himself master of a bridge 
 which joined the Isle of Pharos to the continent; from which 
 post, Coesar resolved to dislodge him. In the heat of the action, 
 some mariners, partly through curiosity, partly through am- 
 bition, came and joined the combatants ; but, being seized with 
 a panic, they instantly fled, and produced a general terror 
 through the army. All the endeavours of Caesar to rally his 
 forces, were fruitless : the confusion was past remedy, and 
 numbers were drowned or put to the sword, in attempting to 
 escape. Now, therefore, seeing the irreparable disorder of his 
 troops, he retired to a ship, in order to reach the palace that 
 was just opposite. However, he was no sooner on board, 
 than great crowds entered the vessel; upon which, apprehen- 
 sive of her sinking, he leaped into the sea, and swam two-hun- 
 dred paces to the fleet which lay before the palace ; all tAe 
 
 L 
 
122 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 time holding his Commentaries in his left hand, above water, 
 and his coat of mail in his teeth. 
 
 The Alexandrians, finding their exertions to take the place 
 ineffectual, endeavoured at least to get their king out of Caesar's 
 power ; as he had secured his person in the beginning of their 
 disputes. For this purpose, they practised their customary 
 dissimulation ; professing the utmost desire of peace, and wish- 
 mg the presence of their lawful prince, only to give a sanction 
 to the treaty. Caesar, though sensible of their perfidy, con- 
 cealed his suspicions, and gave them their king; being under 
 no apprehensions from the abilities of a boy. Ptolemy, how- 
 ever, the instant he was set at liberty, instead of promoting 
 peace, made every effort to give vigour to hostilities. 
 
 In this manner, Csesar was hemmed in, for some time, by his 
 artful and insidious enemy, with every difficulty to encounter; 
 but he was at last relieved from this mortifying situation, by 
 Mithridates Pergamenus, on^ of his most faithful partisans, 
 who came with an army to his assistance. This general, hav- 
 ing collected a powerful force in Syria, marched into Egypt, 
 took the city of Pelusium, repulsed the Egyptian army with 
 loss, and at last joining with Csesar, attacked their camp; 
 making great slaughter of the enemy. Ptolemy himself, at- 
 tempting to escape on board a vessel then sailing down tho 
 river, was drowned by the ship's sinking; and Csesar thus be- 
 came master of all Egypt, without any further opposition. He 
 therefore appointed Cleopatra, and her younger brother, then 
 an infant, as joint governors, and drove out Arsinoe, with 
 Ganymede, into banishment. 
 
 Having thus given away kingdoms, he now for a while seem- 
 ed to relax from the usual activity of his conduct ; captivated 
 by the charms of Cleopatra. Instead of quitting Egypt for the 
 purpose of terminating the opposition of Pompey's party, he 
 there abandoned himself to his pleasures; passing his time 
 with the young queen ia feasting and all the excesses of high 
 wrought luxury. He even resolved to attend her up the Nile, 
 to -^Ethiopia; but the brave veterans, who had long followed 
 his fortune, boldly censured his conduct, and refused to be 
 partners in so infamous an expedition. Thus, at length, roused 
 from his lethargy, he determined to prefer the call of ambition 
 to that of love ; and to leave Cleopatra, (by whom he had a 
 son, afterwards called Caesario,) in order to oppose Pharnaces, 
 the king of Bosphorus, who had made some inroads upon the 
 dominions of Rome. 
 
 This prince, who was the son of the great Mithridates, being 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 123 
 
 ambitious of recovering his father's dominions, seized upon 
 Armenia and Colchis, and overcame Domitius, who had been 
 sent against him. Upon Caesar's march to oppose him, Phar- 
 naces, who was as much terrified at the name of the general, 
 as at the strength of his army, laboured, by all the arts of ne- 
 gotiation, to avert the impending danger. Caesar, exasperated 
 at his crimes and ingratitude, at first dissembled with the am- 
 bassadors; and, using all expedition, fell unexpectedly upon 
 the enemy, over whom, in a few hours, he obtained a complete 
 victory. Pharnaces attempted to take refuge in his capital, 
 but was killed by one of his own commanders : a just punish- 
 ment, for his former parricide. Caesar overthrew him with so 
 much ease, that in writing to a friend in Rome, he expressed 
 the rapidity of his victor}^ in three words — ^' Veni, Vidi, Vici,^^ 
 (I came, I saw, I conquered.) A man so accustomed to sus- 
 cess, thought a sUght battle scarcely deserved a longer letter. 
 
 Caesar, having settled affairs in this part of the empire, as 
 well as time would permit, embarked for Italy; where he ar- 
 rived sooner than his enemies expected, but not before the 
 situation of things absolutely required. During; his absence, 
 he had been elected consul for ^wq years, dictator for one year, 
 and tribuae of the people for life. But Antony, who in the 
 mean time governed for him, in Rome, had filled the city with 
 riot and debauchery; and many commotions ensued, which 
 nothing but the arrival of Caesar, so opportunely, could ap- 
 pease. However, by his mod::ration and humanity, he soon 
 restored tranquillity to the city ; scarcely making any distinction 
 between those of his own and the opposite party. Having, by 
 gentle means, regained his authority at home, he prepared to 
 march into Africa, where Pompey's party had found time to 
 rally under Scipio and Cato, assisted by Juba, king of Mauri- 
 tania; and, with his usual diligence, landed with a small party 
 in Africa, being followed by the rest of his army. Scipio, soon 
 afterwards coming to a battle, received a complete and final 
 overthrow; in consequence of which, Juba and Petreius, his 
 generals, killed each other, in despair. Attempting to escape 
 by sea into Spain, Scipio fell in amongst the enemy, who put 
 him to death ; so that, of all the generals of that unfortunate 
 party, Cato was now the only one that remained. 
 
 This extraordinary man, whom no prosperity could elate, 
 
 nor any misfortune depress, having retired into Africa aftei the 
 
 battle of Pharsalia, had led the wretched remains of that defeat 
 
 ^ through burni-ng tracts and deserts, infested with serpents of 
 
 various malignity, and w^s now in the city of Utica, which hv 
 
124 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 had been left to defend. Still, however, in love with even the 
 show of Roman government, he had formed the principal citi- 
 zens into a senate, and conceived the resolution of defending 
 the town. But the enthusiasm of liberty subsiding amongst 
 his followers, he resolved no longer to force men to be free, 
 who seemed naturally prone to slavery. He now therefore 
 desired some of his companions to save themselves by sea, 
 and bade others rely upon the clemency of Csesar; observing, 
 that, as to himself, he was at last victorious. After supping 
 cheerfully with his friends, he retired to his apartment ; where 
 he behaved with unusual tenderness to his son, and to all around 
 him. When he had come into his bed-chamber, he lay down, 
 and began to read Plato's dialogue on the immortality of the 
 soul; and, after some time^ happening to cast his eyes to the 
 head of his bed, he was much surprised not to find his sword 
 there, which had been removed by order of his son, whilst 
 they were at supper. Upon this, calling one of his domestics, 
 to know what was become of it, and receiving no answer, he 
 resumed his studies ; but, some time after, asking again for his 
 sword, and perceiving that no one obeyed him, he called his 
 servants, one after the other, and, with a peremptory air, de- 
 manded it once more. His son soon afterwards came in, and 
 with tea^s besought him, in the most humble manner, to change 
 his resolution; but, receiving a stern reprimand, he desisted 
 from his persuasions. His sword being at length brought him, 
 he seemed satisfied; and cried out, " Now, again, I am master 
 of myself." He then took up his book, which he read twice 
 over, and fell into a sound sleep. Upon awaking, he called to 
 one of his freedmen to know if his friends had embarked, or if 
 any thing yet remained that could be done to serve them. The 
 freedman, assuring him that all was quiet, was again ordered 
 to leave the room ; and Cato Was no sooner alone, than he 
 stabbed himself through the breast, but not with the force he 
 intended ; for, the wound not despatching him, he fell upon his 
 bed, and at the same time overturned a table, on which he had 
 been drawing some geometrical figures. At the noise he 
 made in his fall, the servants gave a shriek, and his son and 
 friends immediately entered the room. They found him welter- 
 ing in his blood, and his bowels gushed out through the w^ound. 
 The physician who attended his family, finding that his intes- 
 tines were uninjured, would have replaced them; but when 
 Cato recovered his senses, and understood their intention to 
 preserve his life, he pushed the physician from him, and, with 
 a fierce resolution, tore out his bowels, and expired* 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 125 
 
 Upon the death of Cato, the war in Africa having terminated, 
 Caesar returned in triumph to Rome. The citizens were as- 
 tonished at the magnificence of the procession, and the num- 
 ber of the countries he had subdued : it seemed as if he had 
 abridged all his former triumphs, to increase the splendour ot 
 this. It continued four days. The first was for Gaul; the 
 second for Egypt ; the third, for his victories in Asia ; and the 
 fourth, for the conquest of Juba, in Africa. His veteran sol- 
 diers, all scarred with wounds, and now laid up for life, follow- 
 ed their triumphant general, crowned with laurels, and con- 
 ducted him to the capitoL To every one of these, he gave a 
 sum equal to about one hundred and fifty pounds sterling; 
 double that sum to the centurions, and four times as much to 
 the superior officers. The citizens also shared his bounty ; to 
 each of whom, he distributed ten bushels of corn, ten pounds 
 of oil, and a sum of money equal to about forty shiUings. 
 After this, he entertained the people at twenty-thousand tables, 
 treated them with a combat of gladiators, and filled Rome with 
 a concourse of spectators from every part of Italy. 
 
 The people, intoxicated by these allurements of pleasure, 
 thought their freedom too small a return for such benefits: 
 they seemed eager only to find out new modes of homage, and 
 unusual epithets of adulation for their great enslaver. He was 
 appointed, by a new title, JVLagister JVForum, or master of the 
 morals of the people : he received the appellation of emperor, 
 father of his country : his person was declared sacred ; and, in 
 short, upon him alone devolved, for life, all the great dignities 
 of the state. It must, however, be acknowledged, that so 
 much power could not h£fve*been intrusted to better keeping. 
 He began his empire by immediately repressing vice, and re- 
 warding virtue. He committed the courts of judicature to the 
 senators and the knights alone ; by many sumptuary laws, re- 
 strained the scandalous luxuries of the rich, and used the most 
 prudent methods of repeopling the city, which had been ex-^ 
 hausted in the late commotions. 
 
 Having thus restored prosperity to Rome, he again found 
 himself under a necessity of going into Spain, to oppose an 
 army raised there under the two sons of Pompey, and also 
 Labienus, his former general. He proceeded in this expedition 
 with his usual celerity; and arrived before the enemy thought 
 him yet departed from^Rome. Cneius and Sextus, Pompey's 
 sons, profiting by the example of their unhappy father, resolved, 
 fts much as possible, to protract the war; so that the first ope-^ 
 rations of the two armies weimspent in sieges, and fiuitless 
 
126 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 attempts to surprise each other. At length, Csesar, after taking 
 many cities from the enemy, and pursuing Pompey with un- 
 wearied perseverance, compelled him to engage in hattle,upon 
 the plains of Munda. At break of day, Pompey drew up his 
 men, with great order and precision, on the declivity of a hill. 
 Caesar marshalled his forces on the plain below; and, after 
 moving a little way from his trenches, he ordered them to halt; 
 expecting the enemy would shortly descend the hill. This 
 delay caused murmuring amongst his soldiers, whilst Pompey's 
 with full vigour poured down upon them ; and a dreadful con- 
 flict ensued. The first shock was so tremendous, that Caesar's 
 men, who had been hitherto used to conquer, now began to 
 waver. Caesar was never before in so much danger : he threw 
 himself several times into the very throng of battle. " What," 
 cried he, " are you going to give up your general, who is grown 
 grey in fighting at your head, to a parcel of boys 1" Upon this, his 
 tenth legion exerted themselves with more than former bravery; 
 and a party of horse being detached from the camp of Pom- 
 pey, by Labienus, in pursuit of a body of Numidian cavalry, 
 Caesar cried aloud, that they were flying. This cry instantly 
 spread itself through both armies, exciting the one, as much as 
 it depressed the other. Now, therefore, the tenth legion press- 
 ed forward, and a total rout ensued. Thirty- thousand men were 
 killed on Pompey's side, amongst whom was Labienus, whom 
 Caesar ordered to be buried with the funeral honours of a gen- 
 eral officer. Cneius Pompey escaped with a few horsemen to 
 the sea-side, but, finding his passage intercepted, he waa 
 obliged to seek for a retreat in rni obscure cavern. He waa 
 quickly discovered by some of Caesar's troops, who cut off* his 
 head, and carried it to the conqueror. His brother Sextus^ 
 however, concealed himself so well, that he escaped all pursuit, 
 and afterwards became very formidable .to the people of Rome, 
 on account of his piracies. n^ 
 
 Cajsar, by this last blow, subdued all his avowed enemies ; 
 and the rest of his life was employed for the advantage of the 
 state. He adorned the city with magnificent buildings : he re- 
 built Carthage and Corinth, sending colonies to both places : 
 he undertook to level several mountains in Italy ; to drain the 
 Pontine Marshes,^near Rome, and intended to cut through the 
 Isthmus of Pel^onnesus. Thus, with a min^ that could nevei 
 remain inactive,Tie pondered mighty projects, beyond the hmita 
 of the longest life. But the greatest of all, was his intended 
 expedition^gainst the Parthians. By this, he designed to re- 
 venge the death of Crassus j|^^|p, hiaiviDg gpnetrated too far 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 127 
 
 into their country, was overthrown, taken prisoner, and put to 
 a cruel death, by having melted gold poured down his throat, 
 as a punishment for his former avarice. Thence, Csesar in- 
 tended to pass through Hyrcania, and enter Scythia, along the 
 shores of the Caspian Sea, then, to open himself a way through 
 the immeasurable forests of Germany, into Gaul, and so return 
 to Rome. These were the aims of ambition : the jealousy of 
 a few individuals put an end to them all. 
 
 Having been made perpetual dictator, and received from the 
 senate accumulated honours, it began to be rumoured that he 
 intended to make hin^elf king; and though in fact, he was 
 possessed of the power, the people, who had an utter aversion 
 to the name, could not bear his using the title. Whether he 
 really designed to assume that empty honour, must, to us, for 
 ever remain a secret; but certain it is, the unsuspecting open- 
 ness of his conduct, displayed something like a confidence in 
 the mnocence of his intentions. When informed by those about 
 him, of the jealousies of many persons who envied his power, 
 he was heard to say, that ha would rather die once by treason, 
 than live continually in apprehension. W^hen advised to be- 
 ware of Brutus, in whom he had for some time reposed the 
 greatest confidence, he opened his breast, all scarred with 
 wounds, saying, " Can you think Brutus cares for such poor 
 pillage as* this]" And being one night at supper, as his friends 
 disputed amongst themselves what death was_easiest, he replied, 
 " That which is most sudden, and least foreseen." But, to 
 convince the world how little he had to apprehend from ene- 
 mies, he disbanded the company of Spanish guards; which 
 measure facilitated the design upon his life. ^ 
 
 A deep conspiracy was therefore laid against hina», composed 
 of no less than sixty senators. They were still ufe m©re for- 
 midable, as the majority were of his own party, who, having 
 6een raised above other citizens, felt more strongly the weight , 
 of a single superior. At the head of this conspiracy, were, 
 Bi^tus, whose life Ca3sar had spared at the battle of Pharsalia, 
 an^ Cassius, who was soon afterwards pardoned; both praetors 
 for»^he present year. The former made it his chief glory that 
 he ->yas descended from that Brutus who first gave liberty to 
 Roihe; and the passion for freedom seemed to have been trans- 
 mitted, with the blood of his ancestors, down to him. But, 
 though he detested tyranny, yet he could not forbear loving the 
 tyrant, from whom he had received the most signal benefits. 
 
 The conspirators, to give a colour of justice to their pro- 
 
128 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 ceedings, deferred the execution of their design until the *ide3 
 of March, the day on which Caesar was to be offered the crown. 
 The augurs had foretold that this day would be fatal to him ; 
 and the night preceding, he heard his wife Calpurnia lamenting 
 in her sleep: when, being awakened, she confessed to him 
 that she had dreamed of his being assassinated in her arms. 
 These omens began to change his intentions of going to the 
 senate, then, as he had determined : but, one of the conspirators, 
 coming in, prevailed upon him to change his resolution ; telling 
 him of the reproach that would attend his staying at home, till 
 his wife had lucky dreams, and of the preparations made for 
 his appearance. As he proceeded to the senate, a slave, who 
 hastened to him with information of the conspiracy, attempted 
 to come near him, but could not for the crowd. Artemidorus, 
 a Greek philosopher, who had discovered the whole plot, de- 
 livered him a memorial, containing the heads of the informa- 
 tion ; but Csesar gave it, with other papers, to one of his secre- 
 taries, without reading, as it was usual in things of this nature. 
 Having at length entered the senate-house, where his enemies 
 were prepared to receive him, he met one Spurina, an augur, 
 who had foretold his danger; to whom, he said, smiling: 
 *^ Well, Spurina, the ides of March are come." " Yes," re- 
 plied the augur, '' but they are not yet over." 
 
 As soon as Caesar had taken his place, the conspirators ap- 
 proached, under pretence of saluting him; and Cimber, who 
 was one of them, advanced in a suppliant posture, pretending 
 to sue for the pardon of his brother, who had been banished 
 by Caesar's order. All the rest of the party seconded him, with 
 great earnestness; and Cimber, seeming to sue with still 
 greater submission, took hold of the extremity of his robe, 
 holding him\o as to prevent his rising. This was the signal 
 agreed on. Casca, who was behind, stabbed him, though 
 sUghtly, in the shoulder. Caesar instantly turned round, and 
 with the steel of his stablet wounded him in the arm. How- 
 ever, all the conspirators were now in motion; and, enclosing 
 him around, he received a second stab, from an unknown hand, 
 in the breast, whilst Cassius wounded him in the* face. He 
 still defended himself with great vigour, rushing amongst 
 them, and throwing down all who opposed him, until he saw 
 Brutus amongst the number of the conspirators ; who, coming 
 up, struck his dagger into his thigh. From that moment, 
 
 * Ides, or Idus^ a term anciently used amongst the Romans; the 13th of each 
 month, except in March, May, July, and October, in which, it is the 15th. 
 
HISTORY or ROMlii. 1;29 
 
 Caesar thought no more of defending himself; but, looking on 
 Brutus, cried out: " And you too, my son!" Then, covering 
 his head, and spreading his robe before him, m order to fall 
 with greater decency, he sunk down at the base of Pompey's 
 statue, after receiving twenty-three wounds, from hands which 
 he vainly supposed he had disarmed by his liberality. 
 jj p Csesar was killed in the fifty-sixth year of his age,^ 
 ^' ^ * and about fourteen years after he began the conquest 
 of the world. If we examine his history, we shall be 
 at a loss which most to admire, his great abilities, or his won- 
 derful fortune. To pretend to say, that, from the beginning, 
 he planned the subjection of his native country, is doing no 
 great credit to his well known penetration ; as a thousand ob- 
 stacles lay in his way, which fortune, rather than conduct, was 
 to surmount. No man, therefore, of his sagacity, would have 
 begun a scheme, in which the chances of succeeding were so 
 many against him : it is more probable, that, like all very suc- 
 cessful men, he only made the best of every occurrence ; and, 
 his ambition rising with his good fortune, from at first being 
 contented with less extensive views, he at last began to think 
 of governing the world, when he found scarcely any obstacle 
 to oppose his designs. Such is the disposition of man; whose 
 cravings after power are always most insatiable when he enjoys 
 the greatest share. 
 
 As soon as the conspirators had despatched Csesar, they all 
 retired to the Capitol, and guarded its accesses by a body of 
 gladiators, which Brutus had in pay. 
 
 The friends of the late dictator perceived that this was the 
 time for coming into greater power than before, and for satiating 
 their ambition under the veil of promoting justice. Of this 
 number, was Antony, whom we have already seen acting as 
 heutenant under Caesar, and governing Rome in his absence. 
 He was a man of moderate abilities, and excessive vices : am- 
 bitious of power, only because it gave to his pleasures a wider 
 range ; but skilled in war, to which he had been trained from 
 his youth. He held the office of consul for this year ; and re- 
 solved, with Lepidus, who, hke himself, was fond of commo- 
 tions, to seize this opportunity of gaining that power which 
 Caesar had died for usurping. His colleague, therefore, took 
 possession of the forum, with a band of soldiers; and Antony, 
 being consul, was permitted to command them. His first step 
 was to secure all Caesar's money and papers, and the next to 
 convoke the senate. Never, had this august assembly been 
 convened upon so delicate an occasion: it was to determine 
 
130 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 whether Csesar had b^en a legal magistrate, or a tyrannical 
 usurper; and whether those who killed him merited rewards or 
 punishments. There were many of these who had received 
 all their promotions from Csesar, and had acquired large fortunes 
 in consequence of his appointment: to vote him a usurpei, 
 therefore, would be to endanger their property, and yet to de- 
 clare him innocent, might endanger the state. In this dilemma, 
 they seemed wilHng to reconcile extremes ; wherefore, they ap- 
 proved all the acts of Csesar, and yet granted a general pardon 
 to all the conspirators. 
 
 This decree was very far from giving satisfaction to Antony; 
 as it exempted a number of men who were the avowed enemies 
 of tyranny, and who would be foremost in opposing his schemes 
 of restoring absolute power. As, therefore, the senate had rati- 
 fied all the acts of Csesar, without distinction, he formed a 
 scheme of making him rule when dead, as imperiously as he 
 had done when living. Being in possession of Csesar's books 
 of office, he so far gained upon his secretary, as to make him* 
 insert whatever he thought proper. By this means, great sums 
 of money, which Csesar would never have given, were there 
 distributed amongst the people; and every man who had any 
 seditious designs against the government, was sure of finding 
 a gratuity. Things being in this situation, Antony demanded 
 of the senate, that Csesar's funeral obsequies should be per- 
 formed; which they could not decently forbid, as they had 
 never declared him a tyrant. Accordingly, his body was 
 brought forth with the utmost solemnity, into the forum ; and 
 Antony, who charged himself vidth these last duties of friend- 
 ship, began his operations upon the passions of the people, by 
 the ruling motives of private interest. He first read them 
 Csesar's will, in which he had left Octavius, his sister's grand- 
 son, his heir, permitting him to take the name of Csesar, and 
 three parts of his private fortune: Brutus was to inherit in 
 case of his death. To the Roman people, were left, the gar- 
 dens which he had on the other side of the Tyber; and every 
 citizen, in particular, was to receive three hundred sesterces. 
 Then, unfolding Csesar's bloody robe, in view of the multitude, 
 he took care that they should observe the number of stabs in 
 it; and next, he displayed an image, which to them appeared 
 the body of Csesar, all covered with wounds. They could no 
 longer contain their indignation, but unanimously cried out for 
 revenge, and ran with flaming brands from the pile, to set fire 
 to the conspirators' houses. In this rage of resentment, meet» 
 ing with one Cinna, whom they mistook for another of the same 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 131 
 
 name, who was in the conspiracy, they tore him to pieces. 
 Those, however, who were concerned in Caesar's murder, 
 being well guarded, easily repulsed the multitude; but, per- 
 ceiving their violence, they thought it prudent, soon afterwards, 
 to retire from the city. 
 
 In the mean time, Antony, who had excited this flame, re- 
 solved to profit by the occasion. But, an obstacle to his am- 
 bition^seemed to arise from a quarter in which he least expect- 
 ed it; from Oct^vius Caesar, afterwards called Augustus, who 
 was the grand pephew and adopted son of Julius Caesar. A 
 third competitof also for power appeared in Lepidus, a man of 
 great riches, and some authority in Rome. At first, the am- 
 bition of these three menaced fatal consequences to each 
 other ; but, soon afterwards uniting in the common cause, they 
 resolved to revenge the death of Caesar, and, dividing all power 
 amongst themselves, formed what is called the Second Trium- 
 virate. 
 
 The meeting of these three usurpers of their country's free- 
 dom, was near Mutina, on a little island of the river Panarus. 
 Their mutual suspicions were the cause of their convemlig in 
 a place where they could not fear any treachery ; for, even in 
 their union, they always retained a diffidence of each other. 
 Lepidus first entered; and finding all things safe, made the 
 signal for the others to approach. Upon their first meeting 
 they embraced ; and Augustus began the conference, by thank- 
 ing Antony for his zeal in putting Decimus Brutus to death; 
 who, abandoned by his army, was taken as he designed to es- 
 cape into Macedonia, and beheaded by Antony's command. 
 They then entered upon the business that lay before them, 
 without any retrospection of the past. Their conference lasted 
 for three days ; and in this period they fixed a division of gov- 
 ernment, and determined upon the fate of thousands. The 
 result was, that the supreme authority should be lodged in their 
 hands, under the title of the triumvirate, for the space of five 
 years ; that Antony should have Gaul ; Lepidus, Spain ; and 
 Augustus, Africa and the Mediterranean islands. As for 
 Italy, and the eastern provinces, they were to remain in com- 
 mon, until their general enemy was entirely subdued; and, 
 amongst other articles of union, it was agreed, that all whom 
 they suspected should be destroyed; of which, each presented 
 a list. In these, were comprised, not only the enemies, but 
 the friends, of the triumvirate ; as the partisans of one were 
 often found amongst the opposers of another. Thus, Lepidus 
 gave up his brother Paulus to the vengeance of his colleague; 
 
132 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Antony permitted the proscription of his uncle I^ucius ; and 
 Augustus delivered up the great Cicero, who was, by Antony's 
 command, shortly afterwards assassinated ! 
 
 In the mean time, Brutus and Cassius, the principal conspi- 
 rators against Caesar, being compelled to leave the city, went 
 into Greece, where they persuaded the ,P»cn||^ students at 
 Athens to declare in the cause of freedom. Then, parting, 
 the former raised a powerful army in Mac^onia and the> adja- 
 cent countries, whilst the latter went into Sj^a, where he soon 
 
 became master oftwelve legions, and redflrced his opponent 
 Dolabella to so great extremity, thatlae kille(Aimself. Both 
 armies soon afterwards joined at Smyrna. The sight of a force 
 so formidable, began to revive the declining spirits of the party^^^ 
 and to unite still more closely the two generals, between whom 
 there had been, some time before, a slight misunderstanding. 
 Having quitted Italy lilie distressed exiles, without a single sol- 
 dier or town that acknowledged their command, they now found 
 themselves at the head of a flourishing army, fuii^ished with all 
 the necessaries of war, and in a condition to support a contest, 
 on the event of which depended the empire of the world. This 
 success in raising levies, was entirely owing to the justice, 
 moderation, and humanity of Brutus ; who, in every instance, 
 seemed studious of the happiness of his country, in preference 
 to his own. 
 
 In this flourishing state of their affairs, they formed a reso- 
 lution of going against Cleopatra, who had made great prepara- 
 tions to assist their opponents. However, they were diverted 
 from this purpose, by information that Augustus and Antony 
 were then upon their march, with forty legions, to attack them, 
 Brutus, therefore, proposed that their army should pass over 
 into Greece and Macedonia, and there meet the enemy : but 
 Cassius so far prevailed, as to have the Rhodians and Lycians 
 first reduced ; they having refused their usual contributions. 
 This determination was immediately put in execution, and ex- 
 traordinary supplies were by that means raised ; the Rhodians 
 having scarcely any thing left them but their lives. The Ly- 
 cians suffered still more severely. Having shut themselves up 
 in the city of Xanthus, they defended the place against Brutus, 
 with such obstinacy, that neither his arts nor entreaties could 
 prevail upon them to surrender. At length, the town being 
 set on fire by their attempting to burn the works of the Ro- 
 mans, Brutus, instead of laying hold of this opportunity to 
 storm the place, made every eflTort to preserve it, entreating his 
 soldiers to try all means of extinguishing the fire ; but the des- 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 133 
 
 perate frenzy of the citizens, was not to be restrained. Far 
 from being obliged to their generous enemy, for the efforts 
 which were made to save them, they resolved to perish in the 
 flames; and, instead of extinguishing, they did all in their power 
 to augment, the fire, by throwing in dry reeds, wood, and all 
 kinds of fuel. Nothing could exceed the distress of Brutus, 
 on seeing the townsmen thus resolutely bent upon destroying 
 themselves; he rode about th^ fortifications, stretching out his 
 hands to the Xanthians, and conjuring them to have pity on 
 themselves, and their city; but, insensible to his expostulations, 
 they rushed into the flames with desperate obstinacy, and the 
 whole soon became a heap of undistinguishable ruin. At this 
 horrid spectacle, Brutus melted into tears ; offering a reward 
 to every soldier who should bring him a Lycian alive ; but the 
 aumber of those whom it was possible to save from their own 
 fury, amounted to no more than one-hundred-and-fifty. 
 
 Brutus and Cassius met once more at Sardis ; where, after 
 ihe usual ceremonies had passed, they resolved to have a pri- 
 vate conference. They therefore shut themselves up in the 
 first convenient house, with express orders to their servants to 
 suffer no interruption. Brutus began, by reprimanding Cassius 
 for having disposed of offices, which should always be the re- 
 ward of merit; and for having overtaxed the tributary states. 
 Cassius retorted the imputation of avarice, with the more bit- 
 terness, as he knew the charge to be groundless. The debate 
 grew warm, till, from loud speaking, they burst into tears. Their 
 friends, who were standing at the door, overheard the increas- 
 ing vehemence of their voices, and began to dread the conse- 
 quences; when Favonius, who valued himself upon a cynical 
 boldness which knew no restraint, entered the room with a jest, 
 and calmed their mutual animosity. Cassius readily restrained 
 his anger. He wias a man of great abilities, though of uneven 
 disposition; not averse to pleasure in private company, and 
 on the whole, not very strict in his morals. But the conduct 
 of Brutus was always perfectly steady. An even gentleness, 
 a noble elevation of sentiment ; a strength of mind, over which 
 neither vice nor pleasure could have any influence ; an inflexible 
 firmness in the defence of justice, composed the character of 
 this great man.* After their conference, night coming on^ 
 
 ♦ Such, is the opinion entertained of him hy cotemporary historians ;^ bU^ 
 in reference to his assisting in the murder of his friend, or indeed aiding in the 
 assassination of Caesar, considered as a magistrate, or even as a private ind^ 
 vidual, his conduct will not bear the test of this age, enlightened by the puro 
 principles of Christianity and Justice. — Editor, 
 
 M 
 
134 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Cassius invited Brutus and his friends to an entertainment; 
 where freedom and cheerfulness for a while took place of 
 political anxiety, and softened the severity of wisdom. 
 
 On returning home, Brutus, as Plutarch tells the story, saw 
 a spectre in his tent. He naturally slept but little, and had in- 
 creased this state of watchfulness by habit and great sobriety. 
 He never allowed himself to sleep in the day time, as was then 
 common in Rome ; and only gave so much of the nisrht to re- 
 pose, as could barely renew the natural functions. But espe- 
 cially now, when oppressed with so many cares, he devoted a 
 very short time, after his evening repast, to rest; and, awaking 
 about midnight, generally read or studied until morning. It 
 Was in the dead of night, when the whole camp was perfectly 
 quiet, that Brutus was thus employed in reading, by a lamp, 
 that was just expiring. On a sudden, he thought he heard a 
 noise, as if somebody entered; and, looking towards the door, 
 perceived it open. A gigantic figure, with a frightful aspect, 
 stood before him, and continued to gaze upon him with silent 
 severity. At last, Brutus had courage to speak to it: '' Art 
 thou a demon or a mortal man? and why comest thou to me?" 
 " Brutus," replied the phantom, ** I am thy evil genius: thou 
 shalt meet me again at Philippi." " Well, then," ar>swered 
 Brutus, " we shall meet again." Upon this, the phantom van- 
 ished ; and Brutus, calling to his servants, asked if they had 
 seen any thing; to which, being answered in the negative, he 
 resumed his studies. But as he was struck with so strange an 
 occurrence, he mentioned it the next day to Cassius; who, 
 being an epicurean, ascribed it to the effect of an imagination 
 too much exercised by vigilance and anxiety ; in which opinion, 
 he was correct. Brutus appeared satisfied with this solution 
 of his late terrors; and as Antony and Augustus were now ad- 
 vancing towards Macedonia, he and his colleague passed over 
 into Thrace, and drew near to the city of Phihppi, where the 
 forces of the triumviri were posted to receive them. 
 
 AH mankind now regarded the approaching armies with soli- 
 citude and terror. The empire of the world depended on the 
 fate of a battle ; as, from victory, on the one side, they had to 
 expect freedom, but on the other, a sovereign with absolute 
 oommand. Brutus was the only man who looked upon these 
 great events with calmness and tranquillity. Indifferent as to 
 success, and satisfied by having done his duty, he said to one 
 of his friends: " If I gain the victory, I shall restore liberty to 
 my country; if I lose it, by dying, I shall be dehvered from 
 •laveiry myself; my condition is fixed, and I run no hazard." 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 135 
 
 The republican army consisted of eighty-thodsand foot and 
 twenty-thousand horse. That of the triumviri, of one-hundred 
 thousand foot, and thirteen-thousand horse. Thus complete 
 on both sides, they met and encamped near each other upon^ 
 the plains of Philippi, a city on the confines of Thrace. This 
 town was situated upon a mountain, towards the west of which 
 a plain extended, by a gentle declivity, almost fifteen leagues, 
 to the banks of the river Strymon. On this plain, about two 
 miles from Philippi, were two little hills, about a mile distant 
 from each other, defended on one side by mountains, on the 
 other by a marsh, which communicated with the sea. It was 
 on these two hills, that Brutus and Cassius fixed their camps : 
 the former, on the hill towards the north; the latter, on that 
 towards the south ; and, in the intermediate space the} threw 
 up lines and a parapet, from one hill to the other. Thus, they 
 preserved a firm communication between the two camps, which 
 afforded mutual defence. In this commodious situation, they 
 could act as they thoxight proper; and give battle only when it 
 was thought to their advantage to engage. Behind them, was 
 the sea, which furnished them with all kinds of provisions; 
 and, at twelve miles distance, the island of Thasos, which 
 served them for a Sfeneral maoazine. The triumviri were en- 
 camped on the plain below, and were obliged to bring their 
 supplies from a place fifteen leagues distant; so that their in- 
 terest was to bring on a battle as soon as they possibly could. 
 This they offered several times ; drawing out their men from 
 the camp, and provoking the enemy to engage. On the con- 
 trary, the latter contented themselves with drawing up their 
 troops at the head of their camps, but without descending into 
 the plain. This resolution of postponing the battle was their 
 only resource ; and Cassius, who was aware of his advantage, 
 resolved to harass the enemy rather than engage them. But 
 Brutus began to suspect the fidelity of some of his officers ; 
 and used all his influence to persuade Cassius to change his 
 resolution. " I am impatient," said he, " to put an end to the 
 miseries of mankind ; and, in that, I have hopes of succeeding, 
 whether I fall or conquer." His wishes were soon gratified ; 
 for, Antony's soldiers, having with great labour made a road 
 through the marsh which lay to the left of Cassius' camp, by 
 that means opened a communication with the island of Thasos, 
 situated behind them. Both sides, in attempting to take pos- 
 session of this road, resolved at length to come to a general 
 engagement. This, however, was contrary to the advice of 
 Cassius, who declar§(l that he was forced, as Pompey had for- 
 
136 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 merly been, to expose the liberty of Rome to the hazard of a 
 single battle. 
 
 The ensuing morning, the two generals gave the signal for 
 engaging, and had a short conference before the battle began. 
 Cassius desired to know how Brutus intended to act, in case 
 they were unsuccessful ; to which, the other repUed : " For- 
 merly, in my writings, I condemned the death of Cato, and 
 maintained, that avoiding calamities by suicide was an insolent 
 attempt against Heaven that sent them ; but I have now altered 
 my opinions, and, having given up my life to my country, I think 
 I have a right to my own way of ending it; wherefore, I am 
 resolved to change a miserable being here, for a better here- 
 after, if fortune prove against me." '* Well said, my friend," 
 cried Oassius, embracing him; " now, we may venture to face 
 the enemy; for either we shall be conquerors ourselves, or we 
 shall have no cause to fear those that are so." 
 
 Augustus being sick, the forces of the triumviri were com- 
 manded alone by Antony, who began the engagement by a 
 vigorous attack upon the hues of Cassius. Brutus, on the other 
 side, made a dreadful irruption on those of Augustus, and 
 drove forward with so much intrepidity, that he forced them, 
 at the very first charge. Upon this, he penetrated as far as ther] 
 camp, and cutting in pieces those who were left for its defence,^ 
 his troops immediately began to plunder ; but, in the mean time/j 
 the lines of Cassius were broken, and his cavalry put to flight.- 
 There was no effort that this unfortunate general did not use, t( 
 make his infantry stand; himself stopping those that fled, an^ 
 seizing the colours to rally. But his valour, alone, was not sufl[i' 
 cient to inspire his intimidated army ; wherefore, despairing Oi 
 success, he caused himself to be killed by one of his freedmen 
 Brutus was soon informed of the defeat of Cassius; and shortl 
 after his death, as he drew near the camp, he seemed scarcely 
 able to retain the excess of his grief, for a man whom he called 
 the last of the Romans. 
 
 But his first care, when he became the sole general, was to 
 assemble the dispersed troops of Cassius, and animate them with 
 fresh hopes of victory. As they lost all they had possessed by 
 the plundering of their camp, he promised them two-thousand 
 denarii each man, to make up their losses. This inspired them 
 with new ardour: they admired the liberality of their general, 
 and with loud shouts proclaimed his former intrepidity. Still, 
 however, he had not confidence sufficient to face the enemy, 
 who offered him battle the ensuing day. His aim was to starve 
 bis adversaries, who were in extreme want of provisions ; their 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 137 
 
 fleet having been lately defeated. But his single opinion was 
 overruled by the army, who now grew every day more confident 
 of their strength, and more arrogant to their new general. He 
 was, therefore, at last, after a respite of twenty days, obliged 
 to comply with their solicitations to try the fate of a battle. 
 Both armies behig drawn out, they remained a considerable 
 time opposite each other, without offering to engage. But, it 
 is said that Brutus had lost much of his natural ardour, by hav- 
 ing seen a spectre the night preceding; however, he encour- 
 aged his men as much as possible, and gave the signal for 
 another battle. He had, as usual, the advantage, where he 
 commanded in person; bearing down the enemy at the head 
 of his infantry, and, supported by his cavalry, making very great 
 slaughter. But the troops which had belonged to Cassius, 
 communicating their terror to the rest of the forces, the whole 
 army at last gave way. Brutus, surrounded by the most A^aliant 
 of his forces, fought for a long time, with amazing bravery. 
 The son of Cato fell fighting by his side, as also the brother 
 of Cassius; so that, at length, he was obliged to yield to ne- 
 cessity, and fled. In the mean time, the two triumviri, now 
 assured of victory, expressly ordered that the general should 
 not be suffered to escape, lest he might renew the war. Thus, 
 the whole body of the enemy seemed chiefly intent on Brutus 
 alone, and his capture seemed inevitable. In this deplorable 
 exigence, LuciHus, his friend, resolved, by his own death, to 
 effect his general's delivery. On perceiving a body of Thracian 
 hdrse closely pursuing Brutus, and just on the point of taking 
 him, he boldly threw himself in their way, telling them that he 
 was Brutus. The Thracians, overjoyed with so great a prize, 
 immediately despatched some of their companions to the army, 
 with the news of their suctfess ; and the ardour of the pursuit 
 now abating, Antony marched out to meet his prisoner, and to 
 hasten his death or insult his misfortunes. He was followed 
 by a great number of officers and privates : some silently de- 
 ploring the fate of so virtuous a man; others reproaching that 
 mean desire of life, for which he consented to undergo cap* 
 tivity. Antony, now seeing the Thracians approach, began to 
 repare himself for the interview ; but the faithful Lucilius, ad- 
 vancing with a cheerful air: *' It is not Brutus," said he, " that 
 is taken ; fortune has not yet had the power of committing so 
 great an outrage upon virtue. As for my life, it is well given 
 in preserving his honour ; take it, for I have deceived you." 
 Antony, struck with so much fidelity, pardoned him on the 
 
 M 2 
 
138 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 spot ; and, from that time forward, loaded him with favours, 
 and honoured him with his friendship. 
 
 In the mean time, Brutus, with a small number of friends, 
 passed over a rivulet; and, night coming on, sat down under a 
 rock, which concealed him from the pursuit of the enemy. 
 After taking breath for a httle time, and casting his eyes up to 
 heaven, he repeated a line from Euripides, containing a wish 
 to the gods, " that guilt should not pass, in this life, without 
 punishment;" to which, he added another, from the same poet: 
 " O virtue! thou empty name, I have worshiped thee as a di- 
 vinity; but thou art only the slave of fortune." He then called 
 to mind, with great tenderness, those whom he had seen perish 
 in battle, and sent out one StratiUus, to obtain some information 
 of those that remained ; but he never returned, being killed by 
 a party of the enemy's horse. Brutus, judging very rightly of 
 his fate, now resolved to die likewise, and spoke to those who 
 stood around, to lend him their last sad assistance. None of 
 them, however, would render him so melancholy a service. 
 He therefore called to one of his slaves, to perform what he s6 
 ardently desired: but Strato, his tutor, offered himself; crying 
 out, " That it should never be said, that Brutus, in his last ex- 
 tremity, stood in need of a slave, for want of a friend." Thus 
 saying, and averting his head, he presented the sword's point 
 to Brutus, who threw himself upon it, and instantly expired.* 
 
 From the moment of the death of Brutus, the triumviri began 
 to act as sovereigns, and to divide the Roman dominions 
 amongst them, as theirs, by right of conquest. However, 
 though there were apparently three who participated, yet, in 
 fact, only two were concerned in the administration; since 
 Lepidus was introduced merely to curb the mutual jealousy of 
 Antony and Augustus, and had neither interest in the army, 
 nor authority over the people. Their first care was to punish 
 those whom they formerly marked out for vengeance. Horten- 
 sius, Drusus, and Quintilius Varus, all men of the first rank 
 in the commonwealth, either killed themselves, or were put to 
 death. A senator and his son were ordered to cast lots for 
 tneir lives: the father voluntarily offered himself to the execu- 
 
 * In this manner, did the heathens, when overtaken by adyersity, flj fj om 
 their worldly sorrows, and rush, unconscious of a Judge, into the presence of 
 their Creator! Whei-e was Hope, that balm of life, which sooths us under every 
 bereavement? Where was Fortitude, which shields the aMlicted in the day of 
 trouble ? Ala3 ! these had not, as yet, their proper influence over the human 
 mind. The lignt of true religion has taught us to feel them, and tc view, with 
 appalling terror, the horrid crime of suicide. — Editor^ 
 
HISTORY OF ROME 139 
 
 lioner, and the son stabbed himself before his face. Another 
 begged to have the rites of burial after his death; to which, 
 Augustus rephed : " That he should find a grave in the vultures 
 that devoured him." But chiefly, the people lamented to see 
 the head of Brutus brought to Rome, to be thrown at the foot 
 of Caesar's statue. His ashes, however, were sent to his wife 
 Porcia, Cato's daughter; who, following the example of her 
 husband and her father, killed herself, by swallowing burning 
 coals. 
 
 It is observed. ^Jiat of all those who had a^^hand in the mur- 
 der of Caesar, not one died a natural death. 
 
 The power of the triumviri being thus estiiblished upon the 
 ruin of the commonwealth, they now began to think of enjoying 
 that homage to which they had aspired. Antony went into 
 Greece, to receive the flattery of that refined people, and re- 
 mained some time at Athens, conversing amongst the philoso- 
 phers, and assisting at their disputes, in person. Thence, he 
 passed over into Asia, where all the monarchs of the east, who 
 acknowledged the Roman power, came to pay him their obe- 
 dience ; whilst the fairest princesses strove to gain his favour, 
 by the greatness of their presents, or the allurements of their 
 beauty. In this manner, he proceeded, from kingdom to king- 
 dom, attended by a crowd of sovereigns ; exacting contribu- 
 tions, distributing bounties, and giving away crowns with ca- 
 pricious insolence. He presented the kingdom of Cappadocia 
 to Sysenes, in prejudice of Ariarathes, only because he found 
 pleasure in the beauty of Glaphyra, the mother of the former. 
 He settled Herod (called by the ancients Herodes) in the king- 
 dom of Judea, and supported him against every opposer. But, 
 amongst all the sovereigns of the east who shared his favours, 
 none had so large a part as Cleopatra, the celebrated queen of 
 Egypt. 
 
 It happened, that Serapion, her governor in the island of 
 Cyprus, had formerly furnished some succours to the conspi- 
 rators ; and it was thought proper that she should answer for 
 his conduct on that occasion. Accordingly, having received 
 orders from Antony to appear and exculpate herself, she readily 
 complied ; equally conscious of the goodness of her cause, and 
 the power of her beauty. She was now in her twenty-seventh 
 year ; having by experience improved those allurements, which, 
 in earlier age, are seldom attended to. Her address and wit 
 were still more highly polished ; and, though some women in 
 Rome were her equals in j^eauty, none could rival her in the 
 charms of conversation. 
 
140 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Antony was then in Tarsus, a city of Cilicia, where Cleopatra 
 resolved to attend his court in person. She sailed to meet 
 him, down the river Cydnus (at the mouth of which the city 
 stood,) with the most sumptuous pageantry. Her galley was 
 covered with gold ; the sails were of purple, large and floating 
 in the wind. The oars of silver swept to the sound of flutes 
 and cymbals. She herself lay reclined on a couch, spangled 
 with stars of gold, and with such ornaments as poets and 
 painters had usually ascribed to Venus. On each side, were 
 boys like Cupids, who alternately refreshed her with their fans; 
 whilst the most beautiful nymphs, dressed as Naiads and 
 Graces, were placed at proper distances around her.. On the 
 banks of the river, burned the most exquisite perfumes ; whilst 
 an innumerable crowd gazed upon the scene with delight and 
 admiration. Antony was captivated by her beauty ; and, sacri- 
 ficing business to his passion, shortly afterwards followed her 
 into Egypt. There, he continued, in all that ease and softness, 
 to which his vicious heart was prone, and which that luxurious 
 people were able to supply. 
 
 Whilst he remained thus idle in Egypt, xiugustus, who took 
 upon himself to lead back the veteran troops, and settle them in 
 Italy, was assiduously employed in providing for their subsist- 
 ence. He had promised them lands at home, as a recompense 
 for their past services ; but they could not receive the new 
 grants, without turning out the former inhabitants. In conse- 
 quence of this, multitudes of women, with children in their 
 arms, whose tender years and innocence excited universal com- 
 passion, daily filled the streets and temples with their distresses. 
 Numbers of husbandmen and shepherds came to deprecate the 
 conqueror's intention, or to obtain a habitation in some other 
 part of the world. Amongst this number, was Yirgil, the poet, 
 (to whom mankind owe more than to a thousand conquerors,) 
 who in an humble manner begged permission to retain his patri- 
 monial farm. Virgil (classically named Virgilius Maro) ob- 
 tained his request ; but the rest of his countrymen of Mantua 
 and Cremona, were turned out, without mercy. 
 
 Rome, and all Italy, now felt extreme misery : the insolent 
 soldiers plundered at will, whilst Sextus Pompey, being master 
 of the sea, cut ofi* all foreign communication, and prevented 
 the people from receiving their usual supphes of corn. To 
 these mischiefs, were added, the commencement of another 
 civil war. Fulvia, the wife of Antony, who had been left be- 
 hind him at Rome, had experienced, for sometime^ all the rage 
 of jealousy, and resolved to try every method of bringing back 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 141 
 
 her husband from the arms of Cleopatra. She considered a 
 breach with Augustus, as the only means of rousing him from 
 his lethargy ; and accordingly, with the assistance of Lucius, 
 her brother-in-law, who was consul, and entirely devoted to 
 her interest, she began to sow the seeds of dissension. The 
 pretext was, that Antony should have a share in the distribution 
 of lands, as well as Augustus. This produced negotiations, 
 and the latter offered to make the veterans themselves umpires 
 in the dispute. Lucius refused to acquiesce; and being at the 
 head of more than six legions.^ mostly composed of those who 
 were dispossessed, he resolved to compel Augustus to accept 
 of whatever terms he should offer. Thus, a new war was ex- 
 cited, between Augustus and Antony; or at least the generals 
 of the latter assumed the sanction of his name. Augustus, 
 however, was victorious: Lucius was hemmed in between two 
 armies, and constrained to retreat to Perusia, a city of Etruria, 
 where he was closely besieged by the opposite party. He 
 made many desperate sallies, and Fulvia did all in her power to 
 relieve him; but without success. He was at last, therefore, 
 reduced to so great extremity, by famine, that he came out in 
 person, and delivered himself up to the mercy of the conqueror, 
 who received him very honourably, and generously pardoned 
 bun and all his followers. 
 
 Antony, having heard of his brother's overthrow, and his 
 wife's being compelled to leave Italy, determined to oppose 
 Augustus without delay. He accordingly sailed, at the head 
 of a considerable fleet, from Alexandria to Tyre, and thence to 
 Cyprus and Rhodes ; and had an interview with Fulvia, at 
 Athens. He blamed her much, for occasioning the late dis- 
 orders, testified the utmost contempt for her person, and, leaving 
 her upon her death bed, at Sycion, hastened into Italy, to fight 
 Augustus. They both met at Brundusiurb, and it was thought 
 that the flames of civil war were going to blaze out again. The 
 forces of Antony were numerous, but mostly inexperienced; 
 however, he was assisted by Sextus Pompeius, who, in these 
 oppositions of interest, was daily coming into power. Augustus 
 was at the head of those veterans, who had always been irre- 
 sistible, but who seemed no way disposed to fight against 
 Antony, their former general. A negotiation was therefore 
 proposed; and, by the activity of Cocceius, a friend to both, a 
 reconciliation was effected. All offences were mutually for- 
 given; and, to cement the union, a marriage was concluded be- 
 tween Antony and Octavia, the sister of Augustus. Anew 
 division of the Roman empire was made : Augustus was to 
 
 I 
 
142 HISTORY OF ROME 
 
 have the command of the west, Antony of the east, whilst 
 Lepidus was obUged to content himself with the provinces in 
 Africa. Sextus Pompeius was permitted to retain all those 
 islands of which he was already in possession, together with 
 Peloponnesus : he was also granted the privilege of demand- 
 ing the consulship in his absence, and of discharging the 
 duties of that office by any of his friends. It was likewise 
 stipulated to leave the sea open, and to pay the people what 
 corn was due out of Sicily. Thus, a general peace was con- 
 cluded, to the great satisfaction of the people, who expected a 
 cessation from ail their calamities. 
 
 This calm had continued for some time, when Antony led 
 his forces against the Parthians, over whom his lieutenant 
 Yentidius had gained several advantages ; Augustus drew the 
 greater part of his army into Gaul, where there were some dis- 
 turbances ; and Pompey went to secure his newly ceded pro- 
 vinces to his interest. It was in this quarter that fresh motives 
 were given for recommencing the war. Antony, who was 
 obliged by treaty to quit Peloponnesus, refused to evacuate it, 
 until Pompey would satisfy him for those debts which were due 
 to him by the inhabitants. With this, he would by no means 
 comply, but immediately fitted out another fleet, and again be- 
 gan his enterprises, by cutting off all the corn and provisions 
 that were consigned to Italy. Thus, the grievances of the 
 poor we»"e again renewed, and the people began to complain, 
 that instead of three tyrants, they were then oppressed by four. 
 
 In this exigence, Augustus, who had long meditated on the 
 best means of diminishing the number, determined to begin by 
 getting rid of Pompey, who kept the state in continual alarm. 
 He was master of two fleets ; one, which he had caused to be 
 built at Ravenna, and another, which Mendorus, who revolted 
 from Pompey, brought to his aid. His first attempt was to in^ 
 vade Sicily; brjt, being overpowered in his passage by Pompey, 
 and afterwards shattered in a storm, he was obliged to defer 
 his designs, until the ensuing year. During this interval, he 
 was reinforced by a noble fleet of one-hundred-and- twenty 
 ships, given him by Antony, with which he resolved once more 
 to invade Sicily, on three several quarters. But fortune seem- 
 ed still determined to oppose him : he was a second time dis- 
 abled by a storm ; which so raised the vanity of Pompey, that 
 he began to style himself the son of Neptune. However, 
 Augustus was not to be intimidated, by any disasters : having 
 quickly refitted his navy, and recruited his forces, he gave the 
 command of both to Agrippa, his faithful friend snid associate 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 143 
 
 in war. Agrippa proved himself worthy of the trust reposed 
 in him: he began his operations by a victory over Pompey; 
 and, though he was shortly afterwards worsted himself, he soon 
 gave his adversary a complete and final overthrow. Thus un- 
 done, Pompey resolved to fly to Antony, from whom he ex- 
 pected shelter, as he had formerly obliged that triumvir by 
 giving protection to his mother. However, a gleam of hope 
 appearing, he tried once more, at the head of a small body of 
 men, to make himself independent, and even surprised Antony's 
 lieutenants, who had been sent to accept of his submission. 
 Nevertheless, he was at last abandoned by his soldiers, and 
 delivered up to Titus, Antony's lieutenant, who shortly after 
 wards caused him to be slain. 
 
 The death of this general removed one very powerful ob- 
 stacle to the ambition of Augustus; and he determined to take 
 the earliest opportunity to get rid of the rest of his associates. 
 
 An offence, soon after this, was furnished by Lepidus, which 
 served as a sufficient pretext to Augustus, for depriving him of 
 his share in the triumvirate. Being at the head of twenty-two 
 legions, with a strong body of cavalry, he idly supposed that 
 his present power was more than an equivalent to the popularity 
 of Augustus. He therefore resolved upon adding Sicily, where 
 he then was, to his province ; pretending a right, as he had first 
 invaded it. Augustus sent to expostulate upon these proceed- 
 ings ; but the other fiercely replied, that he was determined to 
 have a share in the administration, and would no longer sub- 
 mit to let one alone possess all the authority. Augustus was 
 previously informed of the disposition of Lepidus' soldiers, for 
 he had, by his intrigues and largesses, entirely attached them to 
 himself. Wherefore, without further delay, he with great bold- 
 ness went unattended to the camp of Lepidus, and with no 
 other assistance than his private bounties, and the respect he 
 had gained by his former victories, deposed his rival Lepidus 
 was deprived of all his authority, and banished to Circseum, 
 where he continued the rest of his life, despised by 1 is friends, 
 and, to all, a melancholy object of blasted ambition. 
 
 There now remained only one obstruction in his w^y, which 
 was Antony, whom he resolved to remove ; and for that pur- 
 pose began to render his character as contemptible as he pos- 
 sibly could, at Rome. Antony's conduct did not a little con- 
 tribute to promote the endeavours of his ambitious partner. 
 Having marched against the Parthians, with a very powerful 
 army, he was forced to return, with the loss of a fourth part, 
 and all his baggage. However, Antony seemed quite regard- 
 
144 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 less of contempt : alive only to pleasure, and totally neglecting 
 the business of the state, he spent whole days and nights in the 
 company of Cleopatra, who studied every means to increase 
 his passion, and vary his entertainments. Few women have 
 been so much celebrated, for the art of giving novelty to plea- 
 sure, and making trifles important : still ingenious in filling up' 
 the languid pauses of sensual delight, with some new mode of 
 refinement, she was at one time a queen, then a bacchanal, and 
 sometimes a huntress. She formed a society, call the In- 
 imitable ; and those of the court who made the most sumptuous 
 entertainments, carried away the prize. Not contented with 
 sharing in her compaay all the delights which Egypt could af- 
 ford, Antony determined to enlarge his sphere of luxury, by 
 granting her many of those kingdoms which belonged to the 
 Roman empire. He gave her all Phoenicia, Coelo Syria, and 
 Cyprus, with a great part of Cilicia, Arabia, and Judea; gifts 
 which he had no right to bestow, but which he pretended to 
 grant in imitation of Hercules. This complication of vice and 
 folly, at last totally exasperated the Romans; and Augustus, 
 willing to take the advantage of their resentment, took care to 
 exaggerate all his defects. At length, when he found the people 
 sufficiently irritated against him, he sent Octavia, who was then 
 at Rome, to Antony, ostensively with a view of reclaiming her 
 husband; but, in fact, to furnish a reasonable pretext for de- 
 claring war against him, as he knew she would be dismissed 
 with contempt. 
 
 Antony was then at the city of Leucopolis, revelling mth his 
 insidious paramour, when he heard that Octavia w^as at Athens, 
 upon her journey to visit him. This was very unwelcome 
 news, as well to him as Cleopatra; who, fearing the charms 
 of her rival, endeavoured to convince Antony of the strength 
 of her passion, by her sighs, languishing looks, and well feigned 
 melancholy. He frequently caught her in tears, which she 
 seemed anxious to conceal ; and often entreated her to tell him 
 the cause, which she seemed as if willing to suppress. These 
 artifices, together with the ceaseless flattery and importunity 
 of her creatures, prevailed so much over Antony's weakness, 
 that he commanded Octavia to return home, without seeing 
 her; and, still more to exasperate the people of Rome, he re- 
 solved to repudiate her, and take Cleopatra as his wife. He 
 accordingly assembled the people of Alexandria, in the public 
 theatre, where was raised an alcove of silver, under which were 
 placed two thrones of gold; one for himself, the other for 
 Cleopatra. There, he seated himself, dressed as BacchuSi 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 145 
 
 whilst Cleopatra sat beside him, clothed in the ornaments 
 and attributes of Isis, the principal deity of the Egyptians. 
 On that occasion, he declared her queen of all the countries 
 which he had already given her; and associated Csesario, her 
 son by Caesar, as her partner in the government. To each of 
 her two children, of which he was the father, he gave the title 
 of king of kings, with very extensive dominions ; and, to crown 
 his absurdities, he next sent a minute account of his proceed- 
 ings to the two consuls at Rome. ^jr^A /M 
 
 In the mean time, Augustus had a sufficient pretext for de^ j 
 daring war, and informed the senate of his intentions. How- 
 ever, he deferred the execution of his design for a while, being 
 then employed in quelling an insurrection of the Illyrians^''''''i 
 The following year was chiefly taken up in preparations against ^ 
 Antony; who, perceiving his design, remonstrated to the senate. '■' 
 He stated that he had many causes of complaint against his 
 colleague, who had seized upon Sicily without affording him a 
 share, dispossessed Lepidus, and retained to himself the pro- 
 vince he had commanded : that he had divided all Italy amongst 
 his own soldiers, leaving nothing to recompense those in Asia. 
 To this complaint, Augustus was contented to make a sarcastic 
 answer ; implying, that it was absurd to complain of his distri- 
 bution of a few trifling districts in Italy, when Antony, having 
 conquered Parthia, might now reward his soldiers with cities 
 and provinces. This sarcasm provoked him to send his army, 
 without" intefinission, into Europe, to meet Augustus; whilst 
 he and CI^i|)atra followed to Samos, in order to prepare for 
 carrying ^n th<e war with vigour. When arrived there, it was 
 extremely ridiculous, to behold the odd mixture of preparations 
 for pleasute and for war. On one side, all the kings and 
 princes, from Egypt to the Euxine sea, had orders to send him 
 supplies of men, provisions, and arms: on the other, all the 
 comedians, dancers, buffoons, and musicians of Greece, wer« 
 ordered to attend him. 
 
 These delays, first at Samos, and afterwards at Athens, 
 whither he carried Cleopatra, to receive new honours, were ex- 
 tremely favourable to the arms of Augustus, who was at first 
 scarcely in a disposition to oppose him, had he gone into Italy. 
 But he soon found time to put himself in a condition for carry- 
 ing on the war, and shortly afterwards declared it against him j, 
 in form. At length, both sides found themselves in readiness I 
 to take the field, and their armies were commensurate with the 
 empire for which they contended. The one was followed by 
 all the forces of the east; the other drew all the strength of 
 
146 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 the west to support his pretensions. Antony's forces composed 
 a body of one-hundred-thoiisand foot, and twelve-thousand 
 horse, whilst his fleet amounted to five-hundred ships of war* 
 The army of Augustus mustered only eighty-thousand foot, but 
 equalled his adversary's in the number of cavalry : his fleet was 
 but half as numerous as Antony's ; however, his ships were 
 more firmly built, and manned with better soldiers. 
 
 The great naval engagement, which proved decisive, was 
 fought near Actium, a city of Epirus, at the entrance of the 
 Gulf of Ambracia. Antony ranged his forces at the month of 
 the Gulf, and Augustus drew up his fleet in opposition. 
 Neithei of the generals assumed any fixed station to command 
 in, but went about from ship to ship, wherever the presence of 
 either was required. In the mean time, the two land armies 
 on opposite sides of the Gulf, were drawn up merely as specta- 
 tors, and, by their shouts, encouraged the fleet to engage* 
 The battle began, on both sides, with great ardour, and after a 
 manner not practised on former occasions. The prows of their 
 vessels were armed with brazen points; and with these they 
 drove vehemently against each other. They fought for some 
 time with great fury ; nor was there any advantage, on either 
 side, except a small appearance of disorder in the centre of 
 Antony's fleet. But all at once Cleopatra- determined the for- 
 tune of the day. She was seen flying from the engagement, 
 attended by sixty sail; struck perhaps with the terrors natural 
 to hei sex: but what increased the general amazea[ient was, to 
 behold Antony himself soon following. His fleet, after an in- 
 effectual struggle, submitted to the conquerors ; and the army 
 on land in a short time imitated the example. 
 
 When Cleopatra fled, Antony pursued her in a five-oar'd 
 galley, and, coming along side of her ship, entered it; neither 
 of them seeing the other. 
 
 She was in the stern, and he went to the prow, where he re- 
 mained for some time silent, holding his head between his 
 hands. In this manner, he continued for three whole days ; 
 during which, either through shame or indignation, he neither 
 saw nor spoke to Cleopatra. At last, when arrived at the pro- 
 montory of Tenarus, the queen's female attendants reconciled 
 them, and every thing went on as before. Still, however, he 
 had the consolation to suppose that his soldiers continued faith- 
 ful to him, and accordingly despatched orders to his lieutenant, 
 Canidius, to conduct them into Asia. However, he was soon 
 undeceived, when he arrived in Africa, where he was informed 
 of their submission to hie rival. This account so transported 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 147 
 
 him with rage, that it was with difficulty he was prevented from 
 killing himself; but at length, by the entreaties of his friends, 
 he returned to Alexandria. Cleopatra, however, seemed to 
 retain in her misfortunes, that strength of mind, which had ut- 
 terly abandoned her admirer. Having, by means of confisca- 
 tion and other acts of violence, amassed considerable riches, 
 she formed a very extraordinary and unparalleled project; this 
 was to convey her whole fleet over the Isthmus of Suez, into 
 the Red Sea; and thereby save herself, with all her treasures, 
 in another region, beyond the reach of Rome. Some of her 
 vessels were actually transported thither, pursuant to her or- 
 ders; but the Arabians having burned them, and Antony dis- 
 suading her from the design, she abandoned it, for a more dif- 
 ficult scheme — that of defending Egypt against the conqueror. 
 She omitted nothing in her power to put this determination in 
 practice, and made the necessary preparations for war ; hoping 
 thereby to obtain at least better terms from Augustus. She had 
 always admired Antony's fortunes, rathci than his person; and, 
 if she could have devised any method of saving herself, though 
 at his expense, there is no doubt that she would have gladly 
 embraced it. Even yet, she had some hopes from the power 
 of her charms, though arrived almost at the age of forty ; and 
 was desirous of trying upon Augustus those arts which had 
 been successful with the greatest men of Rome. Thus, in 
 three embassies, which were sent, one after another, from 
 Antony, to Augustus, in Asia, the queen had always her secret 
 agents charged with particular proposals in her name. Antony 
 desired no more than that his life might be spared, and that he 
 might have leave to pass the remainder of his days in obscurity. 
 -To these requests, Augustus made no reply. Cleopatra sent him 
 also public proposals in favour of her children; but at the same 
 time privately resigned him her crown, with all the ensigns of 
 royalty. To the queen's public offers, no answer was given r 
 to the other he replied, by giving her assurance of his favour 
 in case she sent away Antony, or put him to death. These 
 negotiations, however, came to the knowledge of Antony, whose 
 jealousy and rage every occurrence now contributed to 
 heighten. He built a small solitary house, upon a mole in the 
 sea, and shut himself up, a prey to all those passions that are 
 the tormentors of unsuccessful tyranny. There he passed his 
 time, shunning all commerce with mankind, and professing to 
 imitate Timon, the man-hater. However, his furious jealousy 
 drove him, even from this retreat, into society: hearing that 
 Cleopatra had manj^ secret conferences with one Thyrsus, an 
 
148 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 emissary of Augustus, he seized him, and, after having him 
 cruelly scourged, sent him back to his patron. At the same 
 time, he forwarded letters, importing that he had chastised 
 Thyrsus, for insulting a m.an in misfortune; but he gave 
 Augustus permission to revenge himself, by punishing Hip- 
 parchus, Antony's freedman, in the same manner. The re- 
 venge in this case would have been highly pleasing to Antony, 
 as Hipparchus had left him, to join the fortunes of his mor 
 successful rival. 
 
 Meanwhile, the operations of the war were carried vigorously 
 forward, and Egypt soon afterwards became again the theatre 
 of the contending armies of Rome. Gallus, the lieutenant of 
 Augustus, took Paretonium, which opened the whole country 
 to his incursions. On the other side, Antony, who had still 
 considerable forces by sea and land, endeavoured to retake that 
 important place from the enemy. He therefore marched to- 
 wards it, flattering himself, that as soon as he should be seen 
 by the legions which he had once command'^d, the affection 
 for their ancient general would revive. He approached, there- 
 fore, and exhorted them to remember their former vows of 
 fidelity to him. Gallus, however, ordered all the trumpets to 
 sound, to prevent Antony from being heard ; so that he was 
 obliged to retire. 
 
 Augustus himself was then marching, with another army, to 
 attack Pelusium, which, by its strong situation, might have re- 
 tarded his progress for some time. But the governor, either 
 wanting courage to defend it, or previously instructed by Cle- 
 opatra to give it up, permitted him to take possession of the 
 place; so that Augustus had now no obstacle in his way to 
 Alexandria, whither he marched, with all expedition. An- 
 tony, on his arrival, sallied out to oppose him, fighting with 
 great desperation, and putting the enemy's cavalry to flight 
 This trifling advantage once more revived his declining hopes ; 
 and, being naturally vain, he re-entered Alexandria in triumph. 
 Then going, armed as he was, to the palace, he embraced 
 Cleopatra, and introduced to her a soldier who had distinguish- 
 ed himself in the last engagement. The queen rewarded him 
 very magnificently, presenting him with a head-piece and 
 breastplate of gold. With these, however, the soldier went 
 off* the next night, to the other army ; intending to secure his 
 riches, by keeping on the strongest side. Antony could not 
 bear this defection without fresh indignation: he determined, 
 therefore, to make a bold expiring effort, by sea and land ; but 
 previously oflTered to fight his adversary in single combat 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 1 .9 
 
 Augustus too well appreciated the inequality of their siiua- 
 tions, to comply with this forlorn proposal ; he only therefore, 
 coolly replied, that Antony had ways enough to die, besides by 
 single combat. 
 
 The day afterwards, he posted the few troops which he had 
 yet remaining, upon a rising ground near the city; from which, 
 he sent orders to his galleys to engage the enemy. There, he 
 waited to be a spectator of the combat; and at first, he had tha 
 satisfaction to see his vessels advance in good order; but his 
 approbation was soon turned into rage, when he saw them only 
 saluting those of Augustus, and both fleets uniting and sailing 
 back into the harbour. At the very same time, his cavalry de- 
 serted him. He tried, however, to lead on his infantry, which 
 were easily vanquished ; and he himself was compelled to re- 
 turn into the town. His anger was now ungovernable. He 
 could not avoid crying out, as he passed, that he was betrayed 
 by Cleopatra, and delivered by her to those, who, for her sake 
 alone, were his enemiog. In these suspicions, he was per- 
 fectly correct ; for it v, as by secret orders from the queen, that 
 the fleet had gone over to the enemy. 
 
 Cleopatra had, for a long while, dreaded the effects of 
 Antony's jealousy; and, some time before, had prepared a 
 method of obviating any sudden sallies it might produce. Near 
 the temple of Isis she had erected a building, seemingly de- 
 signed for a sepulchre. Thither, she removed all her treasures 
 and most valuable effects; covering them over with torches,, 
 fagots, and other combustible matter. This sepulchre she de- 
 signed to answer a double purpose; as well to screen her from 
 the sudden resentments of Antony, as to make Augustus believe 
 that she would burn all her treasures, in case he refused her 
 proper terms of capitulation. Here, therefore, she retired from 
 Antony's present fury ; shutting the gates, which were fortified 
 with bolts and bars of iron. In the mean time, she gave orders 
 that a report should be spread of her death ; which news soon 
 reached Antony, and recalled all his former tenderness and 
 love. This poor wretch was now subject to the gust of every 
 passion, and each of them in an extreme : he now lamented 
 her death, with the same violence he had but a few minutes be- 
 fore seemed to desire it. " Wretched man," cried he to him- 
 self, " what is there now worth hving for, since all that could 
 soothe or soften my cares is departed? Cleopatra!" con^ 
 tinned he, " our separation does not so much afflict me, as the 
 disgrace I suffer, in permitting a woman to instruct me in the 
 ways of dying." Being now in his chamber;^ he called one of 
 
 N 2 
 
150 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 his freedmen, named Eros, whom he had engaged, by oath, to 
 kill him, whenever fortune should drive him to this sad ex- 
 tremity. Eros being commanded to perform his promise, this 
 faithful follower drew the sword, as if going to execute his 
 orders; but, averting his face, he plunged it into his own bosom, 
 and died at his master's feet. Antony for a while hung ovei 
 his servant, and commending his fidelity, took up the sword, 
 with which stabbing himself in the body, he fell backwards 
 upon a couch. Though the wound was mortal, yet, the blood 
 stopping, he recovered his spirits, and earnestly conjured those 
 who came into the room, to put an end to his life ; but they all 
 fled, being seized with affright and horror. He therefore con- 
 tinued in this manner for some time, still crying out and writh- 
 ing with pain, until he was informed, by one of the queen's 
 secretaries, that his mistress was still alive. He then eagerly 
 desired to be carried to the place where she was. They ac- 
 cordingly brought him to the gate of the sepulchre ; but Cleo- 
 patra, who would not permit it to be opened, appeared at the 
 window, and threw down cords, by which, with some difficulty, 
 they pulled him up. He was gently laid upon a couch ; she 
 giving way to her sorrow, by tearing her clothes, beating hoi 
 breast, and kissing the wound of which he was dying. Antony 
 entreated her to moderate the transports of her grief, asked for 
 wine, and exhorted her not to lament for his misfortunes, but 
 to congratulate him upon his former felicity : to consider him 
 as one who had lived the most powerful of men, and at last 
 died by the hand of a Roman. Just as he had done speakings 
 he expired ; and Proculus made his appearance, by command 
 of Augustus, who had been informed of Antony's desperate 
 conduct. He was sent to try all means of getting Cleopatra 
 into his power; Augustus having a double motive for his soli- 
 citude on this occasion: one, to prevent her destroying the 
 treasures she had taken with her into the tomb ; the other, to 
 preserve her person to grace l^is triumph. Cleopatra, however, 
 was upon her guard, and would not confer with Proculus, ex- 
 cept through the gate, which was very well secured. In the 
 mean time, Gallus, one of Augustus' soldiers, entered, with 
 two more, by the window at which Antony had been drawn up, 
 upon which, Cleopatra, perceiving what happened, drew a 
 poignard, and attempted to stab herself, but was prevented. 
 
 Augustus was extremely pleased, at finding her in his power: 
 he sent Epaphroditus, to bring her to his palace, with di- 
 rections to watch her with the utmost circumspection. He was 
 likewise ordered to treat her in every respect with that def» 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 151 
 
 ^rence and submission, which were due to her rank ; and to do 
 every thing in his power to lessen the tediousness of captivity. 
 She was permitted to have the honour of granting Antony the 
 rites of burial, and furnished with every thing she desired that 
 was becoming his dignity to receive, or her love to offer. Yei 
 still she languished under her new confinement : her excessive 
 sorrow, her many losses, and the blows she had given her 
 bosom, produced a fever, which she seemed willing to increase. 
 She determined to abstain from nourishment, under pretence 
 of a regimen necessary for her disorder; but Augustus, being 
 informed by her physician of her real motive, began to threaten 
 her with regard to her children, in case she persisted. 
 
 In the mean time, Augustus made his entry into Alexandria ; 
 taking care to mitigate the fears of the inhabitants, by con^ 
 versing familiarly, as he went along, with Areus, a philosopher 
 and native of the place. The citizens, however, trembled at his 
 approach ; and when he placed himself upon the tribunal, they 
 prostrated themselves before him, with their faces to the 
 ground, as criminals who waited the sentence of their execu- 
 tion. Augustus presently ordered them to rise, telling them 
 that three motives induced him to pardon them : his respect for 
 Alexander, the founder of the city ; his admiration of its beauty, 
 and his friendship for Areus, their fellow-citizen. Two only 
 of particular note were put to death upon this occasion — An- 
 tony's eldest son, Antyllus; and Csesario, the son of Julius 
 Caesar ; both betrayed into his hands by their respective tutors, 
 who themselves suffered for their perfidy, shortly afterwards. 
 He treated the rest of Cleopatra's chiWren with great gentle- 
 ness ; leaving them to the care of those entrusted with their edu- 
 cation; who had orders to provide them with every thing suitable 
 to their birth. As for the queen, when she had recovered 
 from her late indisposition, he went in person, to visit her. She 
 received him, reclining, in a careless manner, on a couch ; and, 
 when he had entered the apartment, she rose up, to prostrate 
 herself before him. She was dressed in nothing but a loose 
 robe : her misfortunes had given an air of severity to her fea- 
 tures ; her hair was dishevelled, her voice trembling, her com*, 
 plexion pale, and her eyes red with weeping : — yet still her 
 natural beauty seemed to beam through the distress that sur- 
 rounded her; and the graces of her motion, and the alluring 
 softness of her looks, still bore testimony to her former charms. 
 Augustus raised her, with his usual complaisance ; and desiring 
 her to sit, placed himself beside her. Cleopatra had been pre- 
 pared for this interview, and made use of every method she 
 
152 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 could devise, to propitiate the conqueror. She began by at-* 
 tempting. to justify her conduct: she tried apologies and allure- 
 ments, to obtain his favour and soften his resentment; but, 
 when both art and skill failed against manifest proof, she turn- 
 ed her defence into supplications. She talked of Caesar's hi** 
 manity to those in distress; she read some of his letters to her, 
 full of tenderness, and enlarged upon the long intimacy which 
 had subsisted between them. *' But, of what service," she 
 cried, *' are now all his benefits to me! — Why, could I not die 
 with him ! — Yet he still lives ; methinks I see him still before 
 me! — he revives in you." Augustus was no stranger to this 
 method of address ; but he remained firm against every attack; 
 answering always with a cold indifference, which obliged her 
 to give her attempts some other turn. She now addressed his- 
 avarice ; presenting him with an inventory of her treasures and 
 jewels. This gave occasion to a very singular scene, which 
 shows that the little decorums of breeding were then by no 
 means so carefully attended to, as at present. One of her 
 stewards having alleged that the inventory was incomplete, and 
 that she had secreted part of her effects, she fell into a violent 
 passion, started up, and seizing him by the hair, gave him 
 several blows in the face. Augustus smiled at her indigna- 
 tion; and, leading her back to the couch, desired her to be 
 pacified. To this, she replied, t!;fca|rshe could not bear to be 
 insulted in the presence of one whom she so highly esteemed. 
 " And supposing," cried she, " that I have secreted a few 
 trifles; am I to blame^ when they are reserved not for myself, 
 but for Xivia and Octavia, whom I hope to make my inter- 
 cessors with you?" This excuse, which intimated a desire of 
 living, w^as not disagreeable to Augustus; who politely assured 
 her, that she was at liberty to keep whatever she had reserved, 
 and that in every thing she should be indulged to the height of 
 her expectations. He then took leave, and departed ; imagining 
 he had reconciled her to life, and to the indignity of being 
 j^own in the intended triumph which he was preparing for his 
 return to Rome : but in this he was deceived. Cleopatra, all this 
 time, had kept up a correspondence with Dolabella^ a young 
 Roman of high birth, iii the camp of Augustus: who, from 
 compassion, or perhaps trom stronger motives, was interested 
 in her misfortunes. By him, she was secretly informed, that 
 Augustus determined to send her off, in three days, together 
 with her children, to Rome, to grace his triumphal entry. She 
 now, therefore, made up her mind to die: she threw herself 
 upon Antony's coffin, bewailed ho/captivity, and renewed her 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 153 
 
 protestations not to survive him. Having bathed, and ordered 
 a sumptuous banquet, she attired herself in the most splendid 
 manner. She then feasted as usual, and soon afterwards re- 
 quested all but her attendants, Charmione and Iras, to leave 
 the room. Then, having previously ordered an asp to be se- 
 cretly conveyed to her, in a basket of fruit, she sent a letter to 
 Augustus, informing him of her fatal purpose, and desiring to 
 be buried in the same tomb with Antony. 4"gustus, upon re- 
 ceiving the letter, instantly despatched messengers to prevent 
 her design ; but they arrived too late. On entering the cham- 
 ber, they beheld Cleopatra lying dead upon a gilded couch, ar- 
 rayed in her royal robes. Iras, one of h<^r faithful attendants, 
 was stretched lifeless at the feet of her mistress; and Char- 
 mione herself, almost expiring, was settling the diadem upon 
 Cleopatra's head. "Alas!" cried one of the messengers, 
 "was this well done, Charmione?" "Yes," replied she, "it 
 was well done ; suc^ . a death becomes a glorious queen, de- 
 scended from a race of noble ancestors." On pronouncing 
 these words, she fell down and died near her beloved mistress. 
 
 TER XXII. 
 
 From the beginning of tWtmgn of Augustus, to the death of 
 Domitianythe last of the tioelve Ccesars. 
 
 By the death of Antony, Augustus became master of the 
 empire. He soon afterwards returned to Rome, in triumph ; 
 where, by sumptuous feasts and magnificent shows, he began 
 to obliterate the impressions of his former cruelty, and, thence- 
 forward, resolved to secure by his clemency, a throne, the 
 foundation of which was laid in ^^^d. He was now at the 
 head of the most extensive empire^WKt-mgiikind had ever con- 
 curred in obeying. The former spirit of the Romans, and those 
 characteristic marks which distinguishe*d them from ot|^rs, 
 were totally lost. However, it is remarkable, that during tlMSe 
 long contentions'^'amongst themselves, ^nd those Mbrrid devas- 
 tations by civil war, the state was daily growing more power- 
 ful, and completed the destruction of all the kings who pre- 
 sumed to oppose it. 
 
 His first care was to assure himself of the friends of Antony: 
 to which end, he publicly reported that he had burned all An- 
 tony's letters and papers, without reading them; convinced, 
 
 ^ 
 
154 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 - ^. 
 
 tJ%.whilst any thought themselves suspected, they would be 
 fearful of even offering him their friendship. 
 
 Having gained the kingdom by his army, he determined to 
 govern it by the senate. This body, though greatly fallen 
 from their ancient splendour, he knew to be the most orderly, 
 and most capable of exercising wisdom and justice. To them, 
 therefore, he gave the chief power in the administration of his 
 government, whilst he still kept the people and the army sted^- 
 fast to him, by his largesses and acts of favour. By these 
 means, all the odium of justice fell upon the senate, and all the 
 popularity of pardon was solely his own. Thus restoring to 
 the senate their former magnificence, and discountenancing all 
 corruption, he pretended to reserve to himself a very moderate 
 share of authority, which none could refuse him; namely, an 
 absolute power to compel all ranks of the state to do their duty. 
 This, in fact, was retaining unlimited dominion in his own 
 hands ; but the misguided people began tofjook upon his mod- 
 eration with astonishment: they considered themselves as. re- 
 stored to their accustomed freedom, except in the capacity of 
 promoting sedition ; and the senate supposed their power re- 
 established in all things, but the means of .committing injustice. 
 It was even said, that the Romans, by such a government, lost 
 nothing of the happiness which libertigttuld produce, and were 
 exempt from all the misfortunes^^^^Bma occasion. This ob- 
 
 is^^fl^Bma < 
 
 u^Wnder 
 
 servation might have some trutHWmder such a monarch as 
 Augustus now seemed to be; but they were taught to change 
 their sentiments under his successors, when they found them- 
 selves afflicted with all the punishment that tyranny cTTuld in- 
 flict, or sedition make necessary. 
 
 After having estabhshed this admirable order, Augustus 
 found himself agitated by different inclinations ; and consider- 
 ed a long time whether he should retain the Imperial authority, 
 or restore the people to their ancient liberty. But he adopted 
 the advice of Mecaenas, who desired him to continue in power; 
 and was afterwards swayed by him, not only in this instance, 
 bu^ji every othef cession. By the influence of that minister, 
 hd^ecame gentle, affable, and humane. By his advice, it was, 
 that he encouraged men of learning, and gave them much of 
 his time and friendship. They, in return, amused his most 
 anxious hours, and circulated his praise throughout the empire. 
 
 Thus, having given peace and happiness, and being con- 
 vinced of the attachment of all orders of the state to his person, 
 he resoWed on impressmg the people with a high idea of hia 
 naagnaniniity. This was nothing less than making a show of 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 155 
 
 resigning his authority ; wherefore, having previously instructed 
 his creatures in the senate, how to act, he addressed them ia 
 a studied speech, importing the difficulty of governing so ex 
 tensive an empire ; a task, he said, to which none but the im 
 mortal gods were equal. He modestly urged his own inability, 
 though impelled by every motive to undertake it; and thei>, 
 with a degree of seeming generosity, freely gave up all that 
 power, which, as he observed, his arms had gained, and th^ 
 senate had confirmed. This power, he repeatedly offered to 
 restore, giving them to understand, that the true spirit of the 
 Romans was not lost in him. This speech operated variously 
 upon the senate, as they were more or less in the secret; 
 many believed the sincerity of his professions, and therefore re- 
 garded his conduct as an act of heroism, unparalleled by any 
 thing that had hitherto appeared in Rome ; others, equally ig- 
 norant of his motives, distrusted his designs. Some there were, 
 who, having suffered greatly during the late popular commo- 
 tions, were fearful of their being renewed: but the majority, 
 who were entirely devoted to his interest, and instructed by 
 his ministers, frequently attempted to interrupt him while 
 speaking, and received his proposal with pretended indignation. 
 These unanimously besought him not to resign the administra- 
 tion; but, upon his continuing to decline their request, they in 
 a manner compelled him to comply. However, that his person 
 might be in greater security, they immediately decreed the pay 
 of his guard to be doubled. On the other hand, that he might 
 seem to make some concessions on his side, he permitted the 
 senate to govern the weak internal divisions of the empire, 
 whilst the most powerftd provinces, and those which required 
 the greatest armies for their defence, were taken entirely under 
 his own command. Over these, he assumed the government 
 only for ten years ; leaving the people still in hopes of regain- 
 ing their ancient freedom; but^t the same time, he concerted 
 •his measures so well, that his government would be renewed 
 every ten years, until his death. 
 
 This show of resignation, only served to confirm him in the 
 empire, and in the hearts of the people. New honours were 
 Ke^ed upon him. He was then first called Augustus, (from 
 hi^mtuSy a Latin word, signifying imperial^ majestic, (a name 
 I have hitherto used, as that by which he is best known in his- 
 tory. A laurel was ordered to be planted at his gates. His 
 house was called the palace, to distinguish it from that of an 
 ordinary citizen. He was confirmed in the title of father of 
 his country, and his person declared sacred and inviolable. In 
 
i 
 
 15(J HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Bhort, flattery seemed on the rack to find out new modes of 
 pleasing him ; but though he despised the arts of the senate, he 
 permitted their homage ; well knowing, that, amongst mankind, 
 titles produce a respect which enforces authority. 
 
 Upon entering into his tenth consulship, the senate by oath 
 approved of all his acts, smd set him wholly above the power 
 of the laws. They some time afterwards offered to swear, not 
 only to all the laws which he had made, but such as he should 
 make for the future. It was then customary with fathers, on 
 their death bed, to command their children to carry oblations 
 to the capitol, with an inscription to this- effect : that at the day 
 of their death they left Augustus in health. It was determined 
 that no man should be put to death on any day upon which the 
 emperor entered the city. Upon a dearth of provisions, the 
 people, in a body, entreated him to accent of the dictatorship : 
 but, though he undertook to be procurator of the provisions, he 
 would by no means accept of the title of dictator, which had 
 been abolished by a law, made when Antony was consul. 
 
 This accumulation of titles and employments, did not in the 
 least diminish his assiduity in filling the duties of each. 
 Several very wholesome edicts were passed by his command, 
 tending to suppress corruption in the senate, and licentiousness 
 in the people. He ordered that none should exhibit a show of 
 gladiators, without leave from the senate, and then no oftener 
 than twice a year ; nor with more thin one-hundred-and-twenty 
 at a time. This law was extremely necessary, at so licentious 
 a period of the empire, when whole armies of those unfortunate 
 men were brought at once upon the stage, and compelled to 
 fight often until half of them were slain. It had been usual 
 also with the knights, and some women of the first distinction^ 
 to exhibit themselves as dancers upon the theatre : he ordered 
 that not only they, but also their children and grand-children, 
 should be restrained from such exercises for the future. He 
 fined many who had refused to marry at a certain age ; and re- 
 warded those who had many children; but he ordered that fe- 
 males should not be married until twelve years of age. He enact- 
 ed that the senators should always be held in great reverence ; 
 adding to their authority what he had taken from their power. 
 He made a law that no man should have the freedom of the 
 city, without a previous examination into his merit and chai>, 
 acter. He appointed new rules and limits respecting the 
 manumission of slaves, and was himself very strict in their ob- 
 «ervance. With regard to players, of whom he was very fond, 
 be severely examined mto their morals ; not allowing the lea^l 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 157 
 
 degree of indecency in their conduct, either in society or on 
 •the stage. Though he encouraged the athletic exercises, yet 
 he would not permit women to be present; holding it unbe^ 
 coming the modesty of the s*ex, to be spectators of those sports 
 which were performed by men entirely divested of their dress. 
 In order to prevent bribery in suing for offices, he took coi>- 
 siderable sums of money from the candidates, by way of pledge ; 
 which, if any indirect practices were proved against them, they 
 were, obliged to forfeit. Slaves had ife en \ hitherto disaibwed 
 to confess any thing against their own masteVs; but he abWish- 
 ed the practice, and first sold the slave to another; which 
 transfer altering' the property, his examination became freeu 
 :' These, and many other laws, all tending to reform vice or de- 
 ter from crimes, gave the manners of the people another com- 
 plexion; so that the rough character of the Roman was now 
 Boftened into that of the refined citizen. 
 
 Indeed, his own (example a good deal tended to humanize 
 his fellow-citizens. Being placed above all equality, he had 
 nothing to fear from condescension ; wherefore he was familiar 
 with all, and suffered himself to be reprimanded with the most 
 Datient humility. Though, by the single authority of his sta- 
 ^Slion, he was capable of condemning or acquitting at discretion, 
 yet he gave the laws their proper course, and even sometimes 
 pleaded for those he desired to protect. Thus, Primus, the 
 governor of Macedonia, being brought to trial, for having made 
 war on the Odrisii, a neighbouring people, as he said by com- 
 mand of Augustus, the latter denied the charge; upon which, 
 the advocate of Primus, with an insolent air, desired to know 
 what brotight Augustus into court, or who had sent for him. 
 To this, the empeior submissively replied: ^^ The common- 
 wealth;" an answer which greatly pleased the people. On 
 another occasion, one of his veteran soldiers entreated his pro- 
 tection in a certain cause; but Augustus, taking little notice 
 of his request, desired him to apply to an advocate. ** Ah," 
 replied the soldier, '^ it was not by proxy that I served you at 
 the battle of Actium." This reply pleased Augustus so much, 
 that he pleaded his cause in person, and gained it for him. 
 He was extremely affable, atid returned the salutation of the 
 poorest individual. One day, a person presented him a peti- 
 tion, but with so much awe, that Augustus was displeased with 
 his meanness. " What, friend," cried he, " you seem as if 
 you were offering something to an elephant, and not to a mans, 
 be bolder." Another day, as he was sitting on the tribunal in 
 judgment, Mecaenas, perceiving, by his temper, that he was u^* 
 
158 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 dined to be severe, attempted to speak to him : but not being 
 able to get up to the tribunal, for the crowd, he threw a papei* 
 mto his lap, on which was written, " arise executioner." Au- 
 gustus read it without any displeasure ; and, immediately rising, 
 pardoned those whom he was before disposed to condemn* 
 But what most of all showed a total change in his disposition, 
 was his treatment of Cornelius Cinna, Pompey's grandson. 
 This nobleman had entered into a very dangerous conspiracy 
 against him; but the plot was discovered, before it was ripe for 
 execution. Augustus for some time debated with himself how 
 to act; but at last his clemency prevailed: he therefore sent 
 for those who were guilty^ and, after reprimanding them, dis- 
 missed them all. But he resolved to mortify Cinna, by the 
 greatness of his generosity: addressin|^ him in particular, ** I 
 have twice," said he, " given you your life; first, as an enemy 
 — now, as-a conspirator: I now give you the consulship; let 
 us therefore be friends for the future ; and let us only contend ' 
 in showing whether my confidence or your fidelity shall be vic- 
 torious." This rp«(^namniity, which the emperor very happily 
 timed, had so good an effect, that from that instant, all con- 
 spiracies^ against him ceased. 
 
 .-Jk^he'jpractilie^crf such virtues as these, he passed a lorf||^ 
 reign of above forty years, in which the happiness of the people 
 seeiiied to conspire with his own; however, there were wars 
 in the distant provinces of the empire, during almost his whole 
 reigu: but they arose rather from the queUing of insurrection, than 
 the extending of dominion ; for he had made it a rule to carry 
 on no operations, in which ambition, find not the safety of the 
 state, was concerned. He seemed the firs^i^floman who aimed 
 at gaining a character by the arts of peace alone ; and who, 
 without any military talents, secured the affections of his sol- 
 diers. Nevertheless, the Roman arms, under his lieutenants, 
 were c/owned with success. The Canta;brians, in Spain, who 
 had refolted, were more than once (JueUed, by Tiberius, his 
 step-son. Agrippa, his son-in-law, and -3Elius Lamia, who foU 
 lowed t«iem into their almost inaccessible mountains, there block- 
 ed theru up, and compelled them, by famine, to surrender at 
 discretion. The Germans also gave some uneasiness by their 
 repeated incursions into the territories of Gaul; but were re- 
 pressed hy Lollius. The Rhetians were conquered by Drusus, 
 the brotlier of Tiberius. The Bessi and Sialatse, barbarous 
 nations, making an irruption into Thrace, were overthrown by 
 Piso, governjor of Pamphilia, who gained triumphal honours. 
 The Dacians were repressed, with more than one defeat; the 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 159 
 
 Arminians also were brought into due subjection, by Caius, his 
 grandson. The GetuUans, in Africa, took up arms ; but were 
 subdued by the consul, Caius Cossus, who thence received the 
 surname of GetuUcus. A dangerous war was carried on also 
 against the Dalmatians and Pantonians ; who, having acquired 
 great strength by a long continued peace, accumulated an 
 army of two-hundred-thousand foot and nine-thousand horse, 
 threatening Rome herself with destruction. Levies were 
 therefore made in Italy, with the utmost expedition ; the veteran 
 troops were recalled from all parts, and Augustus went to Ar^ 
 minia, for the greater convenience of giving his directions. 
 Indee^, though personal valour was by no means his shining 
 ornament, yet no man could give wiser orders, upon every 
 emergency, or go with greater despatch into all parts of his 
 dominions. This war continued nearly three years; being 
 principally managed by Tiberius and Germanicus, the latter of 
 whom gained reputation during the hostilities with these fierce 
 and barbarous multitudes. Upon their reduction, Batto, their 
 leader, being summoned before the ©tribunal of Tiberius, and 
 questioned how he could offer to revolt against the power of 
 Rome, the bold barbarian replied, that the Romansf and not he, 
 were the aggressors ; since they had sent, instead of dogs and 
 shepherds to secure their flocks, only wolves and bears, to de- 
 vour them. 
 
 jT p The war which was the most fatal to the Roman 
 ^Ig ' interest, during this reign, was that which was con- 
 ducted by Quintihus Yarus. This general, invading 
 the territories of the Germans, was induced to follow the 
 enemy amongst their forests and marshes, with his army in 
 separate bodies; but being attacked by night, he and his whole 
 army were entirely cut off. These were the very best legions 
 of the whole empire, for valour, discipline, and experience. 
 The affliction caused by this defeat, seemed to make a lasting 
 impression on the mind of Augustus. He was often -heard k) 
 cry out, in a tone of anguish: '^ Quintilius Yarus, restore me 
 niy legions ;" and some historians pretend to say^ that he never 
 afterwards recovered the former serenity of his temper. 
 
 But he had some uneasiness, of a domestic nature, which 
 contributed to distress him. With the consent of her husband, 
 he had married Livia, the wife of Tiberiuff^Nero, an imperious 
 woman ; who, conscious of his affection, controlled bun ever 
 afterwards at her pleasure. She had two sons, by her former 
 husband; Tiberius, the elder, whom she greatly loved, and 
 Prusus, who was boFP three months after she had been ma|:- 
 
\ 
 
 160 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 ried to Augustus, and who was thought to be his own son. 
 Tiberius, whom he afterwards adopted, and who succeeded 
 him in the empire, was a good general, but of a suspicious and 
 o'bstinate temper; so that though he was serviceable to Au- 
 gustus in his foreign wars, yet he gave him httle quiet at home. 
 He was at last obliged to go into exile for five years, to the 
 island of Rhodes, where he spent his time chiefly in a retired 
 manner, conversing with the Greeks, and addicting himself to 
 literature ; of which, howe^ er, he made afterwards a bad use. 
 Drusus, died in his return from an expedition against the Ger- 
 mans; leaving Augustus inconsolable for his loss. But his 
 greatest affliction proceeded from the conduct of Julia, his 
 daughter by Scribonia, his former wife. This woman, whom 
 he maiTi^d to his general, Agrippa, and after his death, to Ti- 
 berius, set no bountis to her lewdness. Augustus for a long 
 time would not believe the accounts he daily heard, of her con- 
 duct; but at last could not avoid observing them. ' He found 
 ^e had arrived at So great an excess of wantonness and prodi- 
 gality, that she . had-^'her moctufnal appointments in the most 
 public parts of the city; the very court, where her father pre- 
 sided, not Ifting exempt from her debaucheries. He at first 
 had thoughts of putting her to death ; but, after some consider- 
 ation, he banished her to Pandataria; forbidding her the use 
 of wine, and all such delicacies as could inflame her vicious 
 inclinations : he ordered also that no person should go near 
 her, withoul; his ovv^n permission; and sent her mother Scribo- 
 nia with her, as a companion. Afterwards, when any one at- 
 tempted to intercede for Julia, his answer was, that fire and 
 water should sooner unite, than he with her. When some 
 persons were one dayTnore than usually urgent with him in her 
 favour, he was driven mto so violent a passion, as to wish that 
 each might have such a daughter. How^ever, she had two sons 
 by Agrippa, named Caius and Lucius, of whom great expecta- 
 tions were formed: but they died when scarcely arrived at 
 man's estate ; Lucius, about five years after his father, at 
 Marseilles; and Caius, in two years from the death of his 
 brother. Augustus having now in a great measure survived all 
 his early associates and friends, at length, in the seventy-fourth 
 year of his age, began to think of retiring from the fatigues of 
 state, and partially of continuing Tiberius, his son-in-law, his 
 successor in his usual employments. He desired the senate 
 to salute him no longer at the palace, according to custom; 
 and not to be displeased, if, for the future, he could not con- 
 verse with them as formerly. From that time, Tiberius was 
 
HISTORY OF ROME- 161 
 
 joined with him in the government of the provinces, and in- 
 vested with almost the same authority. However, Augustus 
 could not entirely forsake the administration of the state, which 
 habit had associated with his satisfactions ; he still continued 
 a watchful guardian of its interests, and showed himself, to the 
 last, a lover of his people. Finding it now, therefore, very in- 
 convenient to go to the senate, by reason of his age, he desire^ 
 to have twenty privy counsellors assigned him, for a year; ana 
 it was decreed that whatever was determined upon by them, 
 together with the consuls, should have entirely the force of a 
 law. He seemed in some measure apprehensive of his ap- 
 proaching end; for he made his will, and delivered it to the. 
 vestal virgins. He then solemnized the census, or numbering 
 of the people, whom he found to amount to four-millions one- 
 hundred- and-thirty-seven- thousand: which shows Rome to 
 have been equal to four of the greatest cities of modern times.* 
 Whilst these ceremonies were performing by a mighty con- 
 course of people, it is said that an eagle flew several times 
 around the emperor; and, directing his flight to a neighbouring 
 temple, perched over the name of Agrippa; which was, by the 
 augurs, conceived to portend the emperor's death. Shortly 
 afterwards, having accompanied Tiberius, in his march into 
 Illyria, as far as Beneventum, he was there taken ill of a 
 diarrhoea. Returning, therefore, he came to Nola, near Capua, 
 and there finding himself dangerously ill, he sent for Tiberius, 
 with the rest of his most intimate friends and acquaintances. 
 A few hours before his death, he ordered that a looking-glass 
 should be brought, and his hair adjusted with more than usual 
 care. He then addressed his friends, whom he beheld sur- 
 rounding his bed, and desired to know whether he had properly 
 played his part in life ; to which, being answered in the affirm- 
 ative, he cried out, with his last breath: "Then, give me your 
 applause;" and thus, in the seventy-sixth year of his age, after 
 reigning forty-one, he expired, in the arms of Livia ; bidding 
 her remember their marriage, and taking a farewell. 
 
 The death of Augustus, when known, caused inexpressible 
 grief, throughout the whole Roman empire ; it was even sup- 
 posed that his wife Livia had assisted in hastening it, wishing 
 to procure the succession more speedily for her son. How- 
 ever, she took care to keep it for some time concealed, having 
 
 * If Dr. Goldsmith, by the above comparison, had London in his view, which 
 is highly probable, he might with greater propriety have said — which shows 
 Rome to have been four times as large as London., one of the greatest cities of 
 modem times. — Editor, 
 
 O 2 
 
162 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 guarded all the approaches to the palace; somethnes giving 
 out that he had recovered, and then pretending a relapse. At 
 length, having settled the succession as she wished, she pub- 
 lished the emperor's death, and at the same time the adoption 
 of Tiberius to the empire. 
 
 The funeral of Augustus v^as performed with great magnifi- 
 cence. The senators being in their places, Tiberius, on whom 
 the care was devolved, began a consolatory oration to them, 
 but suddenly stopped in the beginning of his speech, as if unable 
 to restrain the violence of his sorrow; and, instead of con- 
 tinuing, gave his notes to Drusus, his son, who read them to* 
 the senate. After this, one of the late emperor's freedmen 
 publiciy read his will in the senate-house ; by which, he made 
 Tiberius and Livia his heirs, and adopted the latter into the 
 Julian family : being honoured by the name of Augusta. Be- 
 sides his will, four other writings were produced. One, in 
 which he had left instructions concerning his funeral : another, 
 containing an enumeration of his several exploits: a third, 
 comprising an account of the provinces, forces, and revenues, 
 of the empire ; and a fourth, giving a schedule of directions to 
 Tiberius for governing the empire. Amongst these, it was 
 found to have been his opinion, that no man, however great his 
 reputation, should be intrusted with too much authority, lest it 
 should induce him to turn tyrant. Another maxim was, that 
 none should desire to enlarge the empire, which was already 
 preserved with difficulty. Thus, he seemed studious of serv- 
 ing his country to the very last, and the sorrow of the people 
 seemed equal to his assiduity. It was decreed that all the 
 women should mourn for h^m a whole year. Temples were 
 erected to him; divine honours were allowed him; and one 
 Numerius Atticus, a senator, willing to convert the adulation 
 of the times to his own benefit, received a large sum of money 
 for swearing that he saw him ascending to heaven : so that no 
 doubt remained among the people, concerning his divinity. 
 
 Such, were the honours paid to Augustus, whose power began 
 in the slaughter, and terminated in the happiness, of his sub- 
 jects; so that it was said of him: '' It had been good for man- 
 kind if he had never been born, or if he had never died." Il 
 is very probable that the cruelties exercised in his triumvirate, 
 were suggested by his colleagues ; or, perhaps, he thought, in 
 the case of Caesar's death, that revenge was virtue. There is 
 no doubt, however, that these severities were in some measure 
 necessary, to restore public tranquillity ; and Aug'istus might 
 have supposed that until the Roman spirit was entirely eradi- 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 163 
 
 (Jated, no monarchy could be secure. He gave the govern*- 
 ment an air suited to the disposition of the times ; he indulged 
 his subjects in the pride of seeing the appearance of a republic, 
 whilst he made them really happy in the effects of a most ab- 
 solute monarchy, guided by the most consummate prudence. 
 In this last virtue, he seems to have excelled almost every 
 other monarch ; and, indeed, could we separate Octavius from 
 Augustus, he would be one of the most estimable princes in 
 history. 
 
 yy p Tiberius was fifly-six years old when he took upon 
 
 w' ^ * him the government of the Roman efnpire. He had 
 . -p. * K lived a considerable time in a profound state of dis- 
 * simulation, under Augustus ; and was not yet hardy 
 enough to show himself in his real character. In the beginning 
 of his reign, nothing appeared but prudence, generosity, and 
 clemency. But the success of Germanicus, his nephew, over 
 the Germans, first brought his natural disposition to light, and 
 discovered the malignity of his mind without disguise. He soon 
 began to -consult on the most specious means of humbling 
 the popularity of Germanicus, and removing the object af his 
 suspicions. For this purpose, he despatched to his nephew, 
 Piso, who was a person of furious and headstrong temper, and 
 in every respect fit to execute those fatal purposes for which 
 he was employed. His instructions were, to oppose Germanic 
 cus upon every occasion ; to excite all the hatred against him 
 which he could without suspicion ; and even to procure his 
 death, if an opportunity should offer. This agent succeeded: 
 Germanicus died soon afterwards ; as it was universally be- 
 lieved, by poison. 
 
 Having now no object of jealousy to keep him in awe, he 
 began to throw off the mask, and appear more in his natural 
 character, than before. In the beginning of his cruelties he 
 took into his confidence, Sejanus, a Roman knight; who found 
 out the method of ingratiating himself with his patron, by the 
 most refined degree of dissimulation; being an overmatch for 
 Aiis master, in his own arts. It is not well known whether he 
 was the adviser of all the cruelties that ensued ; but certain it 
 4s, that from the beginning of his ministry, Tiberius seemed to 
 become more fatally suspicious. 
 
 Sejanus began by using all his address to persuade Tiberius 
 to retire to some agreeable retreat, remote from Rome. By 
 this, he expected many advantages ; since there could be no 
 access to the emperor, except through him. The emperor, 
 either prevailed upon by his persuasions, or pursuing the natural 
 
164 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 turn of his temper, which led to indolence and debauchery, ft 
 the twelfth year of his reign left Rome, and went into Cam^ 
 pania; under pretence of dedicating temples to Jupiter and 
 Augustus. Still growing weary of places where mankind might 
 follow him with their complaints and distresses, he withdrew 
 into that most deHghtful island, Caprea, three miles from the 
 continent, and opposite to Naples ; and buried in this retreat, 
 he gave himself up to his abandoned pleasures, quite regard- 
 less of the miseries of his subjects. 
 
 In fact, it would have been happy for mankind, had he given 
 up his suspicions when he declined the fatigues of reigning; 
 and resigned the will to do harm, when he divested himself of 
 the power of doing good. But, from the time of his retreat he 
 became more cruel, and Sejanus always endeavoured to in- 
 ci'ease his mahgnity. Spies and informers were placed in all 
 parts of the city, who converted the most harmless actions into 
 subjects of offence. 
 
 In consequence, Nero and Drusus, the children of Germani- 
 cus, were declared enemies to the state, and afterwards starved 
 to death in prison; whilst Agrippina, their mother, was sent 
 into banishment. Sabinus, Assinius Gallus, and Syriacus, 
 were, upon slight pretences, condemned and executed. In 
 this manner, Sejanus proceeded, removing all who stood be- 
 tween him and the empire, and every day increasing in confi 
 dence with Tiberius, and in power with the senate. The nuni 
 ber of his statues exceeded those of the emperor: people swore 
 by his fortune, in the same manner as they would have done 
 even had he been upon the throne ; and he was more dreaded 
 than the tyrant who actually possessed the empire. But the 
 rapidity of his rise seemed only preparatory to the greatness oi 
 his downfal. All we know of his first disgrace with the em- 
 peror, is, that Sarins Secundus was the man who had the bold- 
 ness to accuse him of treason; and Antonia, the mother of 
 Germanicus, seconded the accusation. The senate, who had 
 long been jealous of his power, and dreaded his cruelty, imme- 
 diately took the opportunity of going beyond the orders of Ti 
 berius; and, instead of sentencing him to imprisonment, they 
 directed his execution. As he was conducting to his fate, the 
 people loaded him with insuh and execration. He was pur- 
 sued with sarcastic reproaches; his statues were instantly 
 thrown down, and he himself shortly afterwards strangled by 
 the executioner. 
 
 His death only inflamed the emperor^s rage for increasing 
 the executions. Plancina, the wife of Piso, Sextus Yestiliu§, 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 165 
 
 Vescularius Atticus, and Julius Marinus, suffered death, by his 
 command, for being attached to Sejanus. He began to grow 
 weary of particular executions, and gave orders that all the 
 accused should be put to death together, without further ex- 
 amination. The whole city was filled with slaughter and 
 mourning. When one Carnulius had killed himself, to avoid 
 the torture: "Ah," cried Tiberius, "how has that man been 
 able to escape me !" When a prisoner earnestly entreated that 
 he would not defer his death : " No," cried the tyrant, " I am 
 not sufficiently your friend, to shorten your torments." 
 
 In this manner, he lived, odious to all the world, and trouble- 
 some to himself; an enemy to the lives of others, and a tor- 
 mentor of his own. At length, in the twenty-second year of 
 his reign, he began to feel the approaches of his dissolution, 
 and all his appetites totally to forsake him. He now, therefore, 
 found it was time to think of a successor, and shortly after- 
 wards fixed upon Caligula: (son of Germanicus, by Agrippina, 
 and grandson of Tiberius:) anxious, perhaps, by the enormity 
 of Cal'gula's conduct, to cover the memory of his own. 
 
 Still, however, he 'seemed willing to avoid his end; and 
 strove, by change of place, to divert the inquietude of his own 
 reflections. He lefl his favourite island, and went upon the 
 continent ; and at last stopped on the promontory of Misenum, 
 in a house which formerly belonged to Lucullus. Here, hap- 
 pening to fall into fits, extremely violent, all believed they were 
 fatal. Caligula, supposing him actually dead, caused himself 
 to be acknowledged by the prcetorian soldiers, and went forth 
 from the emperor's apartment, amidst the applauses of the muU 
 titude ; — but suddenly he was informed that the emperor had 
 recovered, that he had begun to speak, and desired to eat. This 
 unexpected account filled the whole court with terror and 
 amazement — every one who before had been earnest in testi- 
 fying his joy, now re-assumed his pretended sorrow, and 
 left the new emperorthrough a feigned soliicitude for the fat© 
 of the old. Caligula seemed thunderstruck: he preserved a 
 gloomy silence, expecting nothing but death, instead of the 
 empire at which he aspired. Macro, however, who was harden- 
 
 yr p ed in crimes, ordered that the dying emperor should 
 
 7qo * ^^ despatched, by smothering him with pillows, or, a^ 
 A 11 ^Q ^^^^^^ ^i^^ have it, by poison. In this manner, Ti- 
 ' berius died, in the seventy-eighth year of his age, 
 after having reigned twenty-two. 
 
 It was in the eighteenth year of this monarch's reign, that 
 Christ was crucified. Shortly after his death, Pilate wrote to 
 
166 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Tiberius an account of his passion, resurrection, and miracles ; 
 upon which, the emperor made a report of the whole to the 
 senate, desiring that Christ might be accounted a god by the 
 Romans. But the senate, displeased that the proposal had not 
 come first from themselves, refused to allow his apotheosis; 
 alleging an ancient law, which gave them the superintendence 
 in all matters of religion. They even went so far, as .by an 
 edict, to command that all christians should leave the city : 
 but Tiberias, by another act, threatened death to any who 
 should accuse them ; by which means, they continued unmo- 
 lested, during the rest of his life. 
 
 All the enormities of Cahgula were concealed in the begin- 
 ning of his reign. But it would have been happy for himself 
 and for the empire, had such a commencement been as strenu- 
 ously maintained. In less than eight months, all appearance 
 of moderation and clemency vanished ; whilst furious passions, 
 unexampled avarice, and capricious cruelty, began to take 
 their turn in his mind. Pride, impiety, lust, avarice, and all in 
 the extreme, were every moment displayed. V 
 
 His pride first began by assuming to himself the appellation 
 of Ruler, which was granted only to kings. He would ^o 
 have taken the crown and diadem, had he not been advise(WB^ 
 he was already superior to all the monarchs in the worla 
 Not long afterwards, he assumed divine honours, and gave 
 himself the name of such divinities as he thought agreeable to 
 his nature. For this purpose, he caused the heads of the 
 statues of Jupiter, and some other gods, to be struck ofi*, and 
 the image of his own head to be put in the place of each. He 
 frequently seated himself between Castor and Pollux, and or- 
 dered that all who came to their temple, to worship, should pay 
 their 'Stdor^tiorisuDnly to him. However, such was the extrava- 
 gant inconstancy of this unaccountable ideot, that he changed 
 his divinity as often as he changed his clothes — being at one 
 time a male deity,'* at "Another -a female,; sometimes, Jupiter or 
 Mars, and not unfrequently Yenus or Diana. He even built 
 ^d dedicated a temple to his own divinity ; in which, his statue 
 of gold was every day dressed in similar robes to those which 
 he himself wore, .and was worshipped by crowds of adorers. 
 His priests were numerous: the sacrifices made to him were 
 of the most exquisite delicacies that could be procured, and 
 the dignity of the priesthood was sought by the most opulent 
 men of the city. However, he admitted his wife and his 
 horse to that honour; and to give a finishing stroke to his ab- 
 surdities, he became a priest to himself. His method of as 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 167 
 
 suming the manners of a deity, was not less ridiculous; he 
 often went out during the full moon, and courted it in the style 
 of a lover. He employed many inventions to imitate thunder, 
 and would frequently defy Jupiter ; <;^in^-* ^i> ^ ^ speech of 
 Homer, " Do you conquer me, or^^j will Conquer you." He 
 frequently pretended to converse in whispers with the ^tatue of 
 Jupiter, and usually seemed angry at its r^^s;,;thi:eatening 
 to send it packing into Greece. Some^^Wi however, he 
 would assume a better temper, and appeSc^t^fltp^^ted that 
 both should dwell together in amity. 
 
 t #^ 
 
 Of all his vices, his prodigality was the mpst rem^rkable^ 
 and that which in some measure gave rise to the rest. The 
 luxuries of former emperors were sifnplicity itself, when com- 
 pared to those which he practised. He contrived new ways 
 of bathing, when the richest oils and most precious perfumes 
 were exhausted, with the utmost profusion. He invented 
 dishes, made at an immense expense ; and had even jewels, as 
 we are told, dissolved amongst his sauces. 'Instead of meat, 
 he" sometimes had^ervices of pure gold presented before his 
 guests ; observing tb^t a man should be an economist or an 
 emperor. 
 
 Tlie expensive manner in which he maintained his horse, 
 will give some idea of his domestic economy. He built for 
 l^^^it^Je of marble, with a manger c^ ivory. Whenever 
 this animal, which he called Incitaius, was to run, he placed 
 centinels near the stable, the night preceding, to prevent his 
 slumbers being broken. He appointed him a house, furniture, 
 and kitchen, to treat all his visitors with proper respect. The 
 emperor sometimes invited Incitatus to his own table, and pre- 
 sented him gilt oats, and wine in a gold cup. He often swore 
 by the safety of his horse; and it is said he would have ap- 
 pointed him to the consulship, had not his death prevented. 
 
 His impiety was but subordinate to his cruelties. He slew 
 many of the senate, and afterwards cited them to appear as if 
 they had killed themselves. He cast great numbers of old, 
 infirm, and decrepid persons, to wild beasts, to free the state 
 from such unserviceable citizens. He usually fed his wild^ 
 beasts with the bodies of those wretches whom he had con- 
 demned ; and every tenth day sent off many of them t© be thus 
 devoured, which he jocosely called clearing his accounts. One 
 of these who was thus exposed, crying out that he was inno- 
 cent, he ordered his tongue to be cut out. He took delight in 
 killing men by slow tortures, that, as he expressed it, they might 
 feel themselves dying; being himself always present at such 
 
1 68 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 executions, directing the duration of the pmti^hment, and miti- 
 gating the tortures, merely to prolong them. In fact, he valued 
 himself for* no qualitjMiiore than this unrelenting temper and 
 inflexible se\j^lhjji^'?^^fc; he, maintained while presiding at an 
 execution. Mt^ tmfej being incensed at the citizens of 
 Rome, he wished that all the Roman people had but one neck, 
 
 «'|:jl»;that he might despatch them at a blow. 
 TcSife Such insuppdrtjhle and capricious cruelties, produced many 
 conspiracies against him ; but they were for a while deferred 
 on account of his intended expedition against the Germans and 
 Britains, which he undertook in the third year of his reign. 
 For this purpose, he caused numerous levies to be made, in all 
 yy p parts of the empire, and talked with so much resolu* 
 '' tion, that it was universally believed he would con- 
 A "ri a\ ^^^^ ^11 before him. His march perfectly indicated 
 * the inequality of his temper: sometimes it was so 
 rapid that the cohorts were obliged to leave their standards be- 
 hind them ; at other times, so slow, that it more resembled a 
 pompous procession, than a mihtary expecSipn. TNiheQ in this 
 humour, he would cause himself to be ||irried on eight . men's 
 shoulders, and order all the neighbouring cities to have their 
 streets well swept and watered, to defend him from the dust. 
 However, all these mighty preparations ended in nothing. 
 Instead of conquering Britain, he only gave refuge to one 
 of its banished princes; and this-, in his letter to the ^senate, 
 he described as taking possession of the whole island. In- 
 stead of conquering Germany, he only led his army to the sea- 
 shore in Batavia. There, disposing his engines and warlike 
 machines with great solemnity, and draw;ing his men up in or- 
 der of battle, he went on board his galley ; with which, coast- 
 ing along, he commanded his trumpets to sound, and the sig- 
 nal to be given, as if for an engagement. Upon this, his men, 
 having had previous orders, immediately began to gathef the 
 shells which lay upon the sea-shore, into their helmets ; term- 
 ing them the spoils of the conquered ocean, worthy of the 
 palace and the capitol. After this doughty exp^ition, calling 
 his army together, as a general after victory, he harangued 
 them, in a pompous manner, and highly extolled their achieve- 
 ments ; then, distributing money amongst them, he dismissed 
 them, with orders to be joyful, and congratulated them upon 
 their riches. But, that such exploits should not pass without 
 a memorial, he caused a lofty tower to be erected, by the sea- 
 side ; and ordered the galleys in which he had put to sea, to be 
 I conveyed to Rome, in a great measure by land. 
 
1 ^-t 
 
 ^ HlSi',:JRY OF ROME. ^ ^ 16^ 
 
 Cassius Cherea, tribune of the prsetorianbands, was the per- 
 son who at last freed the world of Jjij^jijlfcnt. Besides the 
 ' motives in common to him withy^thlf men, he had received r 
 • rpeated insults from Caligula, \^o took all occasions of turning 
 y^ni into ridicule and impeachifl| him of cowardice, merely be- 
 "''cause he had an effeminate voice. Whenever Cherea came, 
 according/to custom, to d^and the watch-word from the em- 
 peror, ht| always gave .^m Venus — Adonis — or some othef^j 
 name of similar import, implying effeminacy and softni^ss. He 
 therefore secretly imparted his designs to several senators and 
 knights, whom he knew to have received personal injuries frornL 
 Caligula: amongst them, was Valerius Asiaticus,«whose wif^ 
 the emperor had dishonoured. Annius Vincianus, also, was 
 desirous of engaging in the first design that offered; together 
 with Clemens, the prsefect, and Calistus, whose "ftehe^n:iade 
 him subject to the tyrant's resentment. 
 
 Whilst these were deliberating Qifl^e most certain and speedy 
 method of destroying him, an unexpected incident gave new 
 strength to the conspiracy. Pf»mpedius, a senator of distinc- 
 tion, being accused before the emperor of haviiig spoken of 
 him with disrespect, the emperor cited one Qaintilia, an actress, 
 j to confirm the charge. Quintiha, however, possessed a degree 
 I of fortitude not always found in the other sex: she denied the 
 I V fact, with obstinacy; and, at the informer's request, being put 
 to the torture, she bore the severest torments of the rack with 
 unshaken constancy. But what seems most remarkable of her 
 resolution, is, that she was acquainted with all the particulars 
 of the conspiracy ; and, although Cherea was the person ap- 
 pointed to preside at her torture, she revealed nothing : on the 
 contrary, when she was led to the rack, she trod on the toe of 
 one of the conspirators ; intim.ating at once her knowledge of 
 the confederacy, and her own resolution not to divulge it. In this 
 manner she suffered, until all 1^'r hmbs were dislocated ; and in 
 tk^tdeplorable state, was presented to the emperor, who or- 
 derecNn gratuity by way of compensation for her sufferings. 
 Cherea could no longer contain his indignation, at being thus 
 made the instrument of a tyrant's cruelty. After several de- 
 liberations with the c9nspirators, it was at last agreed to attack 
 him at the Palati^ games, which lasted four days ; and to 
 strike the blow vdren the guards should have the least oppor- 
 tunity to defend him. ^The first three days, however, passed 
 without affording an opportunity. Cherea now, therefore, be- 
 gan to apprehend, that deferring the time of the conspiracy 
 might be a means of divulging it: he even feared that the kill- 
 
170 V, HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 #"' 
 ing of the tyrant might fall to the lot of some other perscn> 
 
 more bold than lai[g|j|df;^ wherefore, he at last determined to 
 defer the execution of hfs plot no longer than the day follow- 
 ing, when Caligula should pdks through a private gallery, to 
 some baths, not far dfstant frJR the palace. 
 
 Theilast day of the games was more splendid than the rest> 
 and Gl^^iila seemed more sprigM^ and condesceijding than 
 usual. iRe took great amusement in^eing the people scramble 
 for the fruit and other rarities, thrown by his order amongst 
 them; and seemed no way apprehensive of the plot formed foT 
 his destruction. In the mean time, the conspiracy began . to 
 ^ranspireyand had he aiiy friends left, it could not have failed 
 of bein|rdiscovered. A senator who was present, asking one 
 of hisyfcquaintances if he had heard any thing new, the other 
 replying in* the negative, '' Then you must know," says he, 
 *^ that this day will be represented the death of a tyrant." The 
 other immediately understp<i^ him, but desired him to be more 
 cautious how he divulged- a secret of so much importance. 
 The conspirators waited a great part of the day, in extreme 
 anxiety ; and at one time, Caligula seemed determined to spend 
 the whole d^ without any refreshment. This unexpected de- 
 lay entirely exasperated Cherea; and had he not been restrain- 
 ed, he would have gone and perpetrated his design in the midst 
 of all the people. Just at that instant, whilst he was yet hesi- 
 tating what he should do, Aspi*enas, one of the conspirators, pei 
 suaded Caligula to go to the bath, and take so'ne slight refresh- 
 ment, in order to enjoy the rest of the entertainment with greater 
 relish. The emperor, therefore, rising up, the confederates 
 used every precaution to keep off the throng; surrounding 
 him, under pretence of greater assiduity. Upon his entering 
 into a vaulted gallery which led from the theatre to the bath, 
 they resolved to despatch him. Cherea first struck him to the 
 ground with his dagger, crying out:.** Tyrant, think upon 
 this," Immediately afterwards, the other conspirators rushed 
 in ; and, whilst the*©mperor continued to resist,^xclaimiiig that 
 he was not yet dead, they despatched him with thirty wounds. 
 Such was the death of Caius Cahgula, in the twenty -ninth 
 year of his age, after a short reign of three years, ten months, 
 and eight days. It is unnecessary to add any thing more to 
 his character, than what Seneca says of him: — that nature 
 seemed to have brought him forth, to show what was possible 
 to be produced from the greatest vice, supported by the greateal 
 authority. 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 1711 
 
 ft n -^s soon as the death Q^IGs 
 
 704. * ^^ produced the greatest — ^" 
 A T) 42 ^^^^' '^^^ conspirato ~ 
 
 ' stroying a tyrant, *wu^^^^^^^^Blo a successor! 
 all sought safety, by retiring tPpn^^^^^^^Ff^oine soldiers/ 
 happening to runabout the pftlace^^ " " 
 
 gula's uncle, lurking in a secret pla( 
 self through fear. Of ^is personag 
 despised for his imbeciity, they deterB 
 peror ; and, accordingly;* carried him \^ 
 the camp, where they proclaimed 
 nothing but death; and the senate confirmed their cf 
 
 Claudius was fifty years old when he began to reign. The 
 complicated diseases of his infancy had in some measure af-^ 
 fected the powers both of his body and mind. He was con- 
 tinued in a state of pupilage much longer than was usual at 
 that time; and seemed in every Agurt of life incapabite of con-^ 
 ducting himself. ^^ 
 
 - ^I^e commencement of his rejgn, as with all the bac|| em- 
 perors, gave the most promising htifees of 'a(|iappy contia»finee. 
 He began by passing an act of ob|i|Mh with respect tcTalJ for- 
 mer words and actions, and annuUea^tel, the cruel edicts of 
 Caligula, lie showed himself more moderate than his prede- 
 cessors, with regard to titles and honours. He forbade all 
 persons, under severe penalties, to sacrifice to him, as they 
 had done to Caligula. He was assiduous in hearing and eX- - 
 amining complaints, and frequently administered justice in per- 
 son; tempering, by his mildness, the severity of the law. # 
 
 To his solicitude for the internal advantages of the state, ho 
 added a watchful guardianship over the provinces. He re- 
 stored Judea to Herod Agrippa, which Caligula had taken from 
 Herod Antipas, his uncle, the man who had put to death John 
 the Baptist, and who was banished by order of the present en>- 
 peror. Claudius reinstated in their kingdoms, those princes 
 als% who had been unjustly dethroned by his predecessors, but 
 deprived the Lycians and Rhodians of their liberty, for having 
 promoted insurrection, and crucified some citiz^s of Rome* 
 
 He even undertook to gratify the people by foreign conquest. 
 The Britains, who had for nearly one-hundred years been lefl 
 in sole possession of their own island, began to seek the medi^ ^ 
 ation of Rome, to quell their intestine commotions. The 
 principal man who desired to subject his native country to the 
 Roman dominion, was one Bericus, who, by many argumenis, 
 persuaded the emperor to make a descent upon the island; 
 
.;;7^^^ HISTORY OF ROME, 
 
 magnifying the advantages^ which would attend the conquest* 
 In pursuance of his advice, therefore, Plautius, the praetor, was 
 ordered to pass over ^o Gaul, and make preparations for this 
 great expedition. At first, in^ed, the soldiers seemed back- 
 ward to embark; declaring thai they were unwilling to make 
 war beyond the limits of the world — for so they judged Britain 
 to be. However, they were at last persuaded to go; and the 
 Britains. under the conduct of their king Cynobelinus, wer 
 several times overtlirown. 
 
 A D 46 These successes soon afterwards induced Claudius 
 himself to go into Britian, on pretence that the na- 
 tives were still seditious, and that they had not delivered up 
 some Roman fugitives, who had taken shelter amongst them. 
 This expedition seemed calculated rather for show, than ser- 
 vice: the time he continued in Britain, about sixteen days, 
 was more taken up in receiving homage, than extending his 
 conquests. However, great rejoicings were made, upon his 
 return to Rome. The senate decreed him a splendid triumph: 
 triun>phal arches were erected to his honour, and annual games 
 mstilSg^d, to commemorate ^is victories. In the mean time^ 
 war was vigorously proseciited by Plautius, and his lieutenant 
 Vespasian; who, accqj^ffl^ to Suetonius, fought thirty battles 
 with the enemy, and by that means reduced a part of the island 
 into the form of a Roman province. However, this war broke 
 A n f^i ^^^ afresh, under the government of Ostorius, who 
 succeeded Plautius. The Britains, either despising 
 bis inexperience, or hoping to gain advantage over a person 
 newly invested with command, rose up in arms, and disclaimed 
 the Roman power. The Iceni, the Cangi, and the Brigantes, 
 made a powerful resistance, though they were at length over- 
 come; but the Silures, or inhabitants of South Wales, under 
 their king Caractacus, were the most formidable opponents that 
 the Roman prenerals had ever yet encountered. This bravo 
 barbarian not only made a gallant defence, but often seemed 
 to claim a doubtful victory. He removed the seat of war into 
 the least accessible parts of the country, and for nine years 
 kept the Romans in continual alarm. 
 
 This gep<^ral, however, upon the approach of Ostorius, find- 
 ing himself obliged to come to a decisive er^agement, addressed 
 his countrymen with calm resolution; telling them, that this bat- 
 tle would either establish their liberty, or confirm their servitude 
 — thai they ought to remember the bravery of their ancestors, 
 by whose valour they were delivered from taxes and tributes, 
 mid thskt tlus was the time to show themselves equal to their 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 173 
 
 progenitors. Nothing, however, that undisciplined valour was 
 able to perform^ could avail against the Roman legions. After 
 an obstinate fight, the Britons were entirely, routed. The wife- 
 and daughter of Caractacus were tak^n prisoners; and hehiuir- 
 self, seeking refuge with Cartismandua, queen of tlieBrigaute^, 
 was treacherously given up to the conqueroi^^ ^Mieu he was 
 brought to Rome, nothing could e^^ed the 'i^jwiosity o^" the 
 people to behold a man who had for so many >^ears braved \\w 
 power of the empire. On his part, he testified ny mark of base 
 dejection; but, as he was led through the streets, happcuinor 
 to observe the splendour of every object arounl['*hi'm, " Alas." 
 cried he, '' how is it possible, that people possessed of such 
 magnificence at home, could think of envpug Caractacus an 
 humble cottage in Britain!" When he was brought before thS^ 
 emperor, whilst the other captives begged for pity with the most 
 abject lamentations, Caractacus stood before the tribunal with 
 an intrepid air, and seemed rather willing to accept a pardon, 
 than meanly solicitous of suing for it. '^ If," cried he, to- 
 wards the end of his speech, " I had yielded immediately, and 
 without opposition, neither my fortune would have been re- 
 markable, nor my glory memorable ; — you would have ceased 
 to be victorious, and I should have been forgotten. If now, 
 therefore, you spare my life, I shall continue a perpetual ex- 
 ample of your clemency." Claudius had the generosity to par- 
 don him, and Ostorius was decreed a triumph ; which, how- 
 ever, he did not long live to enjoy. 
 
 In the beginning of liis reign, Claudius gave the highest 
 hopes of a happy continuance ; but he soon began to lessen his 
 care for the public, and to commit to his favourites all the con- 
 cerns of the empire. This weak prince, from his infancy, had 
 been in a state of pupilage; and now, when called to goveriv, 
 was unable to act but under the direction of others. The chief 
 of his instructors was his wife Messelina, whose name has al- 
 most become a common appellation for women of abandoned 
 character. 
 
 By her, was Claudius urged on to commit cruelties which 
 he considered only as wholesome severities, whilst her de- 
 baucheries became every day more notorious, and her lewd- 
 ness exceeded any thing that had ever been seen in Rome. 
 Her crimes and enormities, however, being at length discover- 
 ed, she, together with her paramour, Caius Silius, sufiered that 
 death which they had so justly deserved. 
 
 Claudius took for his second wife, Agrippina, the daughter 
 of his brother Germanicus; a woman of cruel and ambitious 
 
 P 2 
 
1 
 
 174 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 i spirit, whose whole aim being to procure the succession fbf 
 ■^ Nero, her son by a former marriage, she treated Claudius with 
 such haughtiness, that he was heard to declare, when heated 
 with wine, that it was his fate to suffer the disorders of his 
 wives, and to be thefr executioner. This expression sunk 
 deep in her mind, and engaged all her faculties, to prevent the 
 blow. She therefore resolved not to defer a crime meditated 
 by her a long while before ; which was, to poison him. She 
 for some time, however, debated within herself^ in what mari- 
 ner she should administer the poison ; fearing that too strong 
 a dose would discover her treachery, and that one too weak 
 might fail in its effect. At length, she fixed on a drug of sin- 
 gular Efficacy, to destroy his intellect^ and yet not suddenly to 
 terminate his life. As she had been long conversant in this 
 horrid practice, she applied to a woman, called Locusta, noto- 
 rious for assisting on such occasions* The poison was ad- 
 ministered amongst mushrooms ; a dish of which he was par- 
 ticularly fond. Shortly after having eaten, he dropped down 
 insensible ; &ut this caused no alarm, as it was usual for him 
 to sit indulging, until he had stupified all his faculties, and it 
 became necessary to carry him off to his bed. However, his 
 constitution seemed to overcome the effects of the poison; and 
 Agrippina therefore ordered a wretched physician, who was 
 her creature, to thrust a poisoned feather down his throaty 
 under pretence of an emetic ; which despatched him. 
 
 jj p Nero, though only seventeen years of age, begaui 
 
 «,* ' his reign with the general approbation of mankind. 
 
 , -p. * He appeared just, liberal, and humane: when a war- 
 
 ' rant for the execution of a criminal was brought hire 
 
 to be signed, he was heard to cry out, with apparent concerns 
 
 ^' Would to heaven, that I had never learned to write!" 
 
 But, as he increased in years, his crimes seemed to increase 
 in equal proportion. The execution of his own mother Agrip- 
 -pina, was the first alarming instance of his cruelty. Failing in. 
 an attempt to have her drowned at sea, he ordered that she 
 should be put to death in her palace ; and going himself to gaze 
 upon the dead body, was heard to say, that he never thought 
 his mother had been so handsome. 
 
 All the bonds of virtue being thus broken through,. Nera 
 BOW gave a loose to his appetites^ which were not only sordid 
 but inhuman. There seemed an odd contrast in his disposi- 
 tion ; for, while he practised cruelties sufficient to make the 
 mind shudder with horror, he was fond of those amusing arts 
 v:hich softea and lefitie the heart. He was particularly ad* 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. IT& 
 
 dieted, even from his childhood, to music, and not totally igno- 
 rant of poetry: but chariot driving was his favourite pursuit; 
 and all these he w^ls frequently seen to exhibit in public. 
 
 It would have been happy for mankind, had he confine(S? 
 himself to these ; and, satisfied with being contemptible, sought 
 not also to become formidable. His cruelties outdid even all 
 his other extravagancies. He seemed also studious of finding 
 out pleasures, as well as crimes, against nature. Being attired 
 in the habit of a woman, and covered with a yellow veil, like a 
 bride, he was wedded to one of his abominable companions, 
 called Pythagoras, and again to his freedman Doriphorus. A 
 great part of the city of Rome was consumed by fire, in hi& 
 time ; and most historians ascribe the conflagration to him. It 
 is said that he stood upon a high tower, during the continuance 
 of the flames, enjoying the sight, and repeating, in a player's 
 habit, and in a theatrical manner, some verses upon the de- 
 struction of Troy. As a proof of his guilt upon this occasion, 
 no assistance was permitted towards extinguishing the flames ; 
 and several persons were seen setting fire to the houses, 
 alleging that they had orders. However this was, the emperor 
 used every eflbrt to throw the odium of so detestable an action 
 upon the Christians, who were at that time gaining ground in 
 Rome. Nothing could be more dreadful than the persecution, 
 raised against them, upon this fatal occasion. Some were 
 covered with- the skins of wild beasts, and in that figure de- 
 voured by dogs. Some were crucified, and others burned 
 alive. *' When the day was not sufficient for their tortures,'* 
 says Tacitus, " the flames in which they perished served to il- 
 luminate the night; whilst Nero, dressed in the habit of a 
 charioteer, regaled himself with their torments, from his gar- 
 dens, and entertained the people at one time with their suff*er- 
 ings, at another with the games of the circus." In this perse- 
 cution, St. Paul was beheaded, and St. Peter crucified with hia 
 head downwards; which manner of death he chose, as being 
 more dishonourable than that of his Master. 
 
 A conspiracy formed against Nero, by Piso, a man of great 
 power and integrity, which was prematurely discovered, opened 
 a new train of suspicion that destroyed many of the principal 
 families in Rome. The two most remarkable personages wha 
 fell on this occasion, were Seneca the philosopher, and Lucan 
 the poet, who was his nephew. Nero, either having real testi- 
 mony against him, or hating him for his virtues, sent a tribune 
 to Seneca, informing him that he was suspected as an accom- 
 plice. The tribune found the philosopher at table with. Pait- 
 

 176 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 lina, bis wife; and, informing him of his business, Seneca, 
 without any emotion, replied: that his welfare depended upon 
 no man; that he had never been accustomed to mdulge the 
 errors of the emperor, and would not do so now. When this 
 answer was brought to Nero, he demanded whether Seneca 
 seemed afraid of death. The tribune replying that he did not 
 appear in the least terrified: ''Then go to him again," said the 
 emperor, '' and give him 'my orders to die." Accordingly, he 
 fsent a centurion to Seneca, signifying that it was the en>- 
 peror's pleasure that he should die. Seneca seemed no way 
 discomposed. He endeavoured to console his wife, for his 
 loss, and exhorted her to a life of persevering virtue. But she 
 seemed determined on not surviving him, and pressed her re- 
 quest to die with him, so earnestly, that Seneca, who had long 
 looked upon death as a benefit, at last gave his consent; and 
 the veins of both their arms were opened at the same time. As 
 Seneca was old, and much enfeebled by the austerities of his 
 life, the blood flowed but slowly; so that he caused the veins 
 of his legs and thighs also to be opened. His pains were long 
 and violent; but they were not capable of repressing his forti- 
 tude, or his eloquence. He dictated a discourse to two secre- 
 taries, which was read with great avidity after his death, by 
 the people; but it has since perished in the wreck of time* 
 His agonies being now drawn out to a great length, he at last 
 demanded poison from his physician: but this also failed in 
 its effect; his body being already exhausted, and incapable of 
 exciting its operation. He was then carried into a warm bath, 
 which served only to prolong his sufferings : at length, there* 
 fore, he was put into a stove, the vapour of which quickly des- 
 patched him. At this time, his wife Paulina, having fallen into 
 d swoon, from the loss of blood, had her arms bound up by her 
 domestics; by which means, she survived her husband for 
 some years, and by her conduct during the rest of her life, 
 seemed always mindful of her own love, and his example. 
 
 The death of Lucan (classically Lucanus) was not less re- 
 markable. The veins of his arms being opened, after he had 
 lost a great quantity of blood, perceiving his hands and legs 
 already dead, whilst the vital parts still continued warm and 
 vigorous, he called to mind a dv^scription in his own poem, the 
 Pharsalia, of a person dying in similar circumstances ; and ex 
 pired whilst he was repeating that beautiful passage : 
 
 " Nee sicut vulnere sanguis 
 
 " Emicuit lentus. Ruptis cadit undique venis 
 
 " Pars ultima trunci. 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 177 
 
 * Tradidit in lethum vacuos, vitalibus artus, 
 "At tumidos qua pulmo jacet, qua viscera fervent 
 **Haiserunt ibi fata diu; Luctataque multum 
 " Hac cum parte, viri vix omnia membra tulerunt," 
 
 yy p The death of Petronius about this time, is too re- 
 
 j^*^ * markable to be passed over in silence. This person, 
 A T> fifi whom many modern historians suppose to be the 
 * author of a work of no great merit, entitled Satyricon, 
 which is still remaining, was an epicurean, both in principle 
 and practice. Even in so luxurious a court as that of Nero, 
 he was particularly noted for his refinement in luxury. He 
 was accused of being acquainted with Piso's conspiracy, and 
 committed to prison. Petronius could not endure the anxiety 
 of suspense, wherefore he resolved upon putting himself to 
 death ; which he performed in a manner corresponding with the 
 way in which he had lived. He opened his veins, and then 
 closed them — then opened them again, as his feelings prompted, 
 with the utmost cheerfulness and tranquillity. He conversed 
 with his friends, not on maxims of philosophy, or grave sub- 
 jects, but upon such topics as had amused his gayest revels. 
 He listened whilst they recited the lightest poems, and by no 
 action, no word nor circumstance, betrayed the perplexity of a 
 dying person. Shortly after him, Numicius Thermus was put 
 to death, as likewise Barea Soranus, and Psetus Thraseas, 
 The destroying of the two last, Tacitus calls an attack upon 
 virtue itself. Thraseas died in the midst of his friends and 
 philosophers, conversing and reasoning on the nature of the 
 soul. His wife, who was the daughter of the celebrated Arria, 
 was desirous of following her mother's example ; but he dis- 
 suaded her from it. The death of the valiant Corbulo, who 
 had gained Nero so many advantages over the Parthians, fol- 
 lowed next. Nor did the empress Poppea herself escape. 
 At length, human nature grew weary of being her own perse- 
 cutor, and the whole world seemed to rouse, as if by common 
 consent, to rid the earth of a monster. 
 
 Sergius Galba, at that time governor of Spain, was equally 
 remarkable for his wisdom in peace, and his courage in war ; 
 bui, as all talents under corrupt princes are dangerous, he, for 
 some years, had seemed willing to court obscurity, giving him- 
 self up to an inactive life, and avoiding every opportunity of 
 signalizing his valour. 
 
 But, anxious to free his country of a disgrace to human na- 
 ture, he accepted the invitation of Vindex, to march with an 
 army towards Rome. The reputation of that general was suchj^ 
 
178 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 that from the moment he declared against Nero, the tyrant 
 considered himself as at an end. He received the account 
 when at supper; and, instantly struck with terror, overturned 
 the table with his foot, breaking two crystal vases of immense 
 value. He then fell into a swoon ; from which, when he re- 
 covered, he tore his clothes, and struck his head, crying out, 
 T that he was utterly undone. He now, therefore, called for 
 I Locusta to furnish him with poison ; and thus prepared for the 
 worst in this life, he retired to the Servilian gardens, with a re- 
 solution of flying into Egypt. Being prevented in this, and the 
 revolt becoming general, he went from house to house, but 
 every door was shut against him, and none found to answer his 
 enquiries. Now reduced to a state of desperation, he desired 
 that one of his favourite gladiators might come to despatch 
 him ; but even in this request there was none who would obey. 
 "Alas!" cried he, "have I neither friend nor enemy !" and 
 then, running desperately forth, seemed resolved to plung head- 
 long into the Tyber. But just then, his courage beginning to 
 fail him, he made a sudden stop, as if willing to recall his 
 reason, and asked for some secret place, where he might re- 
 assume his courage, and meet death with becoming fortitude. 
 In this distress, Phaon, one of his freedmen, offered him his 
 country-house, about four miles distant, where he might for 
 some time remain concealed. Nero accepted his offer; and, 
 half dressed as he was, with his head covered, and hiding his 
 face with his handkerchief, he mounted on horseback, attend- 
 ed by two of his domestics, of whom the wretched Sporus was 
 one. His journey, though short, was crowded with adventures. 
 An earthquake gave him the first alarm. The lightning from 
 heaven next flashed in his face. Around him, he heard nothing 
 but confused noises from the camp, and the cries of the soldiers, 
 imprecating a thousand evils on his head. A passenger meet- 
 ing him on the way, cried : " There go men, in pursuit of 
 Nero." Another asked him was there any news of Nero in 
 the city. His horse taking fright at a dead body which lay 
 on the road, he dropped his handkerchief; and a soldier who 
 was near, addressed him by name. He now, therefore, quitted 
 his horse, and forsaking the high road, entered a thicket that 
 led towards the back part of Phaon's house, through which he 
 crept, making the best of his way amongst the reeds and 
 brambles with which the place was overgrewn. 
 
 During this interval, the senate, finding the praetorian guards 
 had taken part with Galba, declared him emperor, and con- 
 demned Nero to die, ^^more majorum;^^ that is, according to 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 179 
 
 (he rigour of the ancient laws. When told of the resolution 
 of the senate, he asked the messenger what was meant by being 
 punished according to the rigour of the ancient laws. He ai> 
 swored, that the criminal was to be stripped naked, his head to 
 be fixed in a pillory, and in that posture he was to be scourged 
 to death. Nero was so terrified at this, that he seized two 
 poignards which he had brought with him; but, having ex- 
 amined their points, he returned them into their shield ; pre- 
 tending that the fatal moment had not yet arrived. He then 
 desired Sporus to begin the lamentations which were made at 
 funerals : he next entreated that some of his attendants would 
 die, to give him courage by their example ; and afterwards be- 
 gan to reproach his ov/n cowardice ; crying out : " Does this 
 become Nero? Is this trifling weH timed? No, no; let me be 
 courageous." There was no time indeed, to spare: the sol- 
 diers who had been sent in pursuit of him, were just then 
 approaching the house: wherefore, hearing the sound of the 
 horses' feet, he put a dagger to his throat, with which, by the 
 assistance of Epaphroditus, his freedman and secretary, he 
 gave himself a mortal wound. However, he was not yet quite 
 dead, when one of the centurions entering the room, and pre- 
 tending to come to his relief, attempted to stop the blood with 
 his cloak. But Nero, regarding him with a stern countenance, 
 said: "It is now too late. Is this your fidelity?" Upon 
 which, with his eyes fixed, and frightfully staring, he expired; 
 even in death a ghastly spectacle of innoxious tyranny. 
 
 He reigned thirteen years, seven months, and twenty-eight 
 days, and died in the thirty-second year of his age. 
 yj p Galba was seventy-two years old, when he was de- 
 
 Q* * Glared emperor, and was then in Spain with his lo- 
 A T) fiQ S^^^S' However, he soon found that his elevation 
 ' to the throne was but an inlet to new disquietudes. 
 He seemed to have three objects in view: to curb the inso- 
 lence of the soldiers: to punish those vices which had arrived 
 at an enormous height in the last reign ; and to replenish the 
 exchequer, which had been quite drained, by the prodigality of 
 his predecessors. But permitting himself to be governed by 
 favourites, he at one time showed himself severe and frugal, at 
 another remiss and prodigal; condemning some illustrious 
 persons without a hearing, and pardoning others, though guilty. 
 In consequence of this, many seditions were kindled, and 
 several factions promoted in different parts of the empire, but 
 particularly in Germany. 
 
180 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Galba, being informed of these commotions, was sensible 
 that besides his age, he was less respected for not having an 
 heir. He determined, therefore, to put what he had formerly 
 designed in execution, and to adopt some person whose virtues 
 might deserve such advancement, and protect his declining 
 age. His favourites, understanding his intention, instantly re- 
 solved on giving him an heir of their own choosing; so tha* 
 upon this occasion, there arose a great contention amongst 
 them. Otho made warm application for himself; alleging the 
 great services he had done the emperor, as being the first man 
 of note who came to his assistance, when he had declared 
 against Nero. However, Galba, being fully resolved to con- 
 sult the public good, only, rejected his suit; and, on a day ap- 
 pointed, ordered Piso Lucinianus to attend him. The character 
 given of Piso, by historians, is, that he was every way worthy 
 of the honour designed him. He was no way related to Galba, 
 and had no other interest than merit, to recommend him to his 
 favour. Taking this youth, therefore, by the hand, in the 
 presence of his friends, he adopted him to succeed in the em- 
 pire ; giving him the most wholesome lessons for guiding his 
 future conduct. Piso's behaviour showed that he was highly 
 deserving this distinction : in all his deportment, there appeared 
 that modesty, firmness, and evenness of mind, which bespoke 
 him rather capable of discharging the duties of his present dig- 
 nity, than ambitious of obtaining it. But the army and the 
 senate did not seem equally uninterested upon this occasion : 
 they had been so long used to bribery and corruption, that 
 they could now bear no emperor who was not in a capacity of 
 satisfying their avarice. The adoption, therefore, of Piso was 
 but coldly received; for his virtues were no recommendation 
 to a people of universal dspravity. 
 
 Otho, who had been a great favourite of Galba, and hoped 
 to be adopted his successor in the empire, finding his expecta- 
 tions disappointed, and still further stimulated by an immense 
 load of debts, which he had contracted by his riotous way of 
 living, determined on obtaining by force, what he could not by 
 peaceable succession. Having corrupted the fidelity of the 
 army, he stole secretly fro^ i the emperor, whilst he was sacri- 
 ficing ; and, assembling f e soldiers, in a short speech urged 
 the cruelties and avarice uf Galba. Finding the invectives re- 
 ceived with universal s outs of approbation, he entirely threw 
 off the mask, and avc ,/ed his intentions of dethroning him. 
 The soldiers, being rij.. for sedition, immediately seconded his 
 
 1 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 181 ] 
 
 views: wherefore, taking Otho on their shoulders, they de- 
 clared him emperor; and, to strike the citizens with terror, 
 carried him, with their swords drawn, into the camp. 
 
 Soon afterwards, finding Galba in some measure deserted 
 by his adherents, the soldiers rushed in upon him; trampling 
 under foot the crowd which then filled the forum. The em- 
 peror, seeing them approach, appeared to recollect all his for- 
 mer fortitude ; and, bending his head forward, bid the assassins 
 strike it off, if it were for the good of .he people. This was 
 quickly performed : and his head, being set upon the point of 
 a lance, was presented to Otho, who ordered it to be con- 
 temptuously carried round the camp ; his body remaining in 
 the street, unburied, until interred by one of his slaves. 
 A n fiQ Cralba died in the seventy-third year of his age, 
 after a short reign of seven months ; illustrious by 
 his virtues, and uncontaminated by the vices of those favourites 
 who shared m his downfal. 
 
 Otho, who was now elected emperor, began his reign by a 
 signal instance of clemency, in pardoning Marius Celsus, who 
 had been highly favoured by Galba; and, not contented with 
 barely forgiving, he advanced him to the highest honours ; as- 
 serting, that *' fidelity deserved every reward." 
 
 During these transactions, the legions in lower Germany, 
 having been purchased by the profuse bounties 4nd specious 
 promises of Vitellius, their general, were at length induced to 
 proclaim him enxperor ; and, regardless of the senate, they de- 
 clared that they had an equal right with the cohorts of Rome, 
 to appoint to that high station. 
 
 Otho departed from the city, in ail haste, to give Yitellius 
 battle. The army of the latter, which consisted of seventy- 
 thousand men, was commanded by his generals, Valens and 
 Cecinna; he himself remaining in Gaul, in order to bring up 
 the rest of his forces. Both sides advanced to meet each 
 other, with so much animosity and precipitation, that three 
 considerable battles were fought in as many days : one, near 
 Placentia; another, near Cremona; and a third, at a place 
 called Castor: in all of which, Otho and the Romans had the 
 advantage. But these successes were of short continuance. 
 Valens and Cecinna, who had hitherto acted separately, having 
 joined their forces, and recruited their armies with fresh sup- 
 plies, resolved to come to a general engagement. In this, 
 Otho's forces were totally overthrown, and he killed himself 
 shortly afterwards; having reigned three months and five davs.; 
 
 Q 
 
182 HISTORY OF ROIVIE. 
 
 A D 70 Vitellius was immediately declared emperor, by 
 the senate, and received those marks of distinction 
 which were now accustomed to follow the appointments of the 
 strongest side. 
 
 On his arrival at Rome, he entered the city, not as a place 
 which he came to govern with justice, but as a town which had 
 become his own, by the laws of conquest. 
 
 He soon gave himself up to ail kinds of luxury and profuse- 
 ness : but gluttony wat his favourite vice. His entertainments, 
 though seldom at his own cost, were enormously expensive: 
 he frequently invited himself to the tables of his subjects; 
 breakfasting with one, dining with another, and supping with a 
 third, all in the same day. 
 
 By the continuance of such vices, added to tne most atro- 
 cious cruelties, he became not only a burthen to himself, but 
 odious to all mankind. Having thus become insupportable to 
 the inhabitants of Rome, the legions of the East, who had at 
 first acquiesced in his dominion, began to revolt, and, shortly 
 afterwards, unanimously determined to make Vespasian em- 
 peror. 
 
 During the preparations against him, Vitellius, though buried 
 in luxury and sloth, resolved to make an effort to defend the 
 empire; wherefore, his chief commanders, Valens and Cecinna, 
 were rrdered to make all po^'sible preparations to resist the in- 
 vaders. The first army that entered Italy with a hostile in- 
 tention, was under the command of Antonius Primus, who was 
 met by Cecinna near Cremona. A battle was expected; but, 
 a negotiation taking place, Cecinna was prevailed on to change 
 sides, and declare for Vespasian. His army, however, quickly 
 repented of what they had done ; and, imprisoning their general, 
 attacked Antonius, though without a leader. The engagement 
 continued during the whole night ; and, in the morning, aftei 
 a short repast, both armies encountered, a second time ; when 
 the soldiers of Antonius, saluting the rising sun, according to 
 custom, the Vitelhans, supposing that they had received new 
 reinforcements, betook themselves to flight, after a loss of 
 hi rty- thousand men. 
 
 Vitellius, who was wallowing in all kinds of luxury and ex- > 
 cess, now made offers to Vespasian, of resigning the empire, 
 provided his life were spared, and a sufficient revenue allotted 
 for his support. In order to enforce the terms of this request, 
 he issued from his palace in deep mourning, with aU his do- 
 Haestics weeping around him. He then went to offer the sword 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 183„ 
 
 of justice to Cecilius, the consul ; which he refusing, the abject 
 emperor prepared to lay down the ensigns of the empire, in the 
 temple of Concord : but, being interrupted by some person, 
 who cried out that he himself was Concord, he resolved, upon 
 so weak an encouragement, still to maintain his power, and im- 
 mediately prepared for his defence. 
 
 In this fluctuation of counsels, one Sabinus, wlw had advised 
 Vitellius to resign, perceiving his ,^esperate siti^atfott, resol^ed^* 
 by a bold step, to obHge Yespasian ; and accordingly, seized-"- 
 upon the capitol. But he was premature in his attempt: the i 
 soldiers of YitelUus attacked him with great fury ; and, prevail- 
 ing by their numbers, soon laid that beautiful building in ashes. 
 During this dreadful conflagration, Yitellius was feasting in the 
 palace of Tiberius, and beholding, with great satisfaction, all^ 
 the horrors of the assault. Sabinus was taken prisoner, and, 
 shortly afterwards, executed, by the emperor's command. 
 Young Domitian, his nephew, who was afterwards emperor, 
 escaped by flight, in the habit of a priest ; and all the rest, who 
 survived the Are, were put to the sword. 
 
 But Antonius, Vespasian's commander, having arrived be- 
 fore the walls of the city, the forces of Yitellius resolved upon 
 defending it to thr^ utmost extremity. It was attacked on three 
 sides with the greatest fury ; whilst the army within, sallying 
 upon the besiegers, defended it with equal obstinacy. The 
 battle lasted a whole day ; until, at last, the besieged were 
 driven into the city, and a dreadful slaughter made of them in 
 all the streets, which they in vain attempted to defend. 
 
 The wretched emperor was soon found concealed in an ob- 
 scure corner; from which he was taken, by a party of the con- 
 quering soldiers. Still, however, willing to add a few hours 
 more to his miserable existence, he begged to be kept in prison 
 till the arrival of Yespasian at Rome ; pretending that he had 
 secrets of importance to discover. But his entreaties were in 
 vain : the soldiers, binding his hands behind him, and throwing 
 a halter round his neck, led him along, half naked, into the 
 public forum; upbraiding him, as they proceeded, with all those 
 bitter reproaches, which their malice could suggest, or his 
 own cruelty had deserved. At length, having reached the 
 place of punishment, they killed him, with many blows ; and 
 then, dragging the dead body through the streets, by a hook, 
 they threw it, with all possible ignominy, into the Tyber. 
 A T) 70 Vespasian, (properly Yespasianus,) was now 
 declared emperor, by the unanimous consent both 
 of the senate and the army, and dignified with all those titles 
 
184 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 which now followed, rather the power, than the merit, of those 
 who were appointed to govern. 
 
 Having continued some months at Alexandria, in Egypt, he 
 set out for Rome ; giving his son Titus the command of the 
 army that was to lay siege to Jerusalem. He was met, many 
 miles from Rome, by all the senate, and nearly half the inhabit- 
 ants ; who gave the sincerest testimonies of their joy, in having 
 an emperor of so great and experienced virtues. Nor did he, 
 in the least, disappoint their expectations : being equally assid- 
 . uous in rewarding merit and pardoning his adversaries ; in re- 
 forming the manners of the citizens, and setting them the best 
 example in his own. 
 
 In the mean time, Titus carried on the war against the Jews, 
 with vigour. This obstinate and infatuated people had long 
 determined to resist the Roman power; vainly hoping to find 
 protection from Heaven, which their impieties had offended. 
 Their own historian, represents them as arrived at the highest 
 pitch of iniquity. Nor was it sufficient that heaven and earth 
 seemed combined against them : they had the most bitter dis- 
 sensions amongst themselves, and were split into two partiea 
 which robbed and destroyed each other with impunity; still 
 pillaging, and, at the same time, boasting th<*ir zeal for the re- 
 ligion of their ancestors. 
 
 At the head of one of those parties, was an incendiary, 
 named John. This fanatic affected sovereign power, and dis- 
 tressed the whole city of Jerusalem, and all the towns around, 
 by tumult and pillage. In a short time, a new faction arose, 
 headed by one Simon; who, gathering multitudes of robbers 
 and murderers, that had fled to the mountains, attacked many 
 cities and towns, and reduced all Idumea under his authority. 
 Jerusalem, at length, became the theatre in which these two 
 demagogues began to exercise their mutual animosity. John 
 had possession of the temple, and Simon was admitted into the 
 city : both equally enraged against each other ; while slaughter 
 and devastation followed their pretensions. Thus, did a city, 
 formerly celebrated for unity and peace, become the seat of tu- 
 mult and confusion. 
 
 It was in this miserable situation, when Titus began his ope- 
 rations, within about six furlongs of Jerusalem, during the feast 
 of the Passover; the place being filled with an infinite multi- 
 tude of people, who had come to celebrate that great solemnity. 
 The approach of the Romans produced a temporary recon- 
 ciliation between the contending factions within the city; so 
 that they unanimously determined to oppose the common enemv 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 185 ;^ 
 
 first, and decide their domestic quarrels at a more conveniettt 
 season. 
 
 Their first sally, which was made with much fury and reso- 
 lution, threw the besiegers into great disorder, and obliged 
 them to abandon their camp, and fly to the mountains. How- 
 ever, rallying immediately afterwards, the Jews were forced 
 back into the city, while Titus, in person, showed surprising 
 instances of valour and abiUty. 
 
 These advantages over the Romans, only renewed in the 
 besieged the desire of private revenge. A tumult ensued in 
 the temple, in which several of both parties were slain ; and in 
 this manner, upon every remission on the part of those with^ 
 out, the factions of John and Simon violently raged against 
 each other within ; agreeing only in their resolution to defend 
 the city against the Romans. 
 
 Jerusalem was strongly fortified, by three walls, on every 
 side ; except where it was protected by deep valleys. Titus 
 began by battering down the outward wall ; the destruction of 
 which, after much fatigue and danger, he effected ; all the time 
 displaying great clemency to the Jews, and offering them re- 
 peated assurances of pardon. Five days after the commence- 
 ment of the siege, he broke through the second wall; and, 
 though driven back by the defendants, he recovered his ground, 
 and made preparations for battering the third wall, which was 
 their last defence. But first he sent Josephus, their country 
 man, into the city, to exhort them to yield ; who, using all his 
 eloquence to persuade them, was only reviled with scoffs and 
 reproaches. The siege was consequently continued with greater 
 vigour than before : several batteries for engines were raised, 
 which were no sooner erected, than destroyed by the enemy. 
 At length, it was resolved, in council, to surround the whole 
 city with a trench; and thus prevent all succour from abroad. 
 This, which was quickly executed, seemed no way to intimi- 
 date the Jews. Though famine, and pestilence, its usual at- 
 tendant, began to make the most horrid ravages amongst them, 
 yet this desperate people still determined to hold out. Titus 
 now cut down all the woods to a considerable distance from 
 the city, and causing more batteries to be raised, he at length 
 made an effectual breach ; and in five days entered the citadel 
 by force. The Jews, however, continued to deceive them- 
 selves with absurd and erroneous expectations, whilst many 
 false prophets deluded the multitude; declaring they should 
 soon have assistance from God. The heat of the battle now 
 raged around the inner wall of the temple, while the defend- 
 
186 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 ants des»perately combated from the top. Titus was anxious 
 to save this beautiful structure ; but a soldier casting a brand 
 into some adjacent buildings, the fire communicated to the 
 temple; and, notwithstanding the utmost endeavours on both 
 sides, the edifice was quickly consumed. The sight of their 
 temple in ruins, effectually served to damp the ardour of the 
 Jews. They now began to perceive that heaven had forsaken 
 them, while their cries and lamentations echoed from the 
 neighbouring mountains. Even those who were expiring, lifted 
 up their dying eyes to bewail the loss of that temple, which 
 they valued more than life itself. The most resolute, however, 
 still endeavoured to defend the upper and stronger part of the 
 city, named Sion ; but Titus, with his battering engines, soon 
 made himself master of the place. John and Simon were 
 taken from the vaults, where they had concealed themselves : 
 the former was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, and the 
 latter reserved to grace the conqueror's triumph. The greater 
 part of the populace were put to the sword, and the city, after 
 a six month's siege, was entirely razed, by the plough; so 
 that, according to our Saviour's prophecy, not one stone re- 
 mained upon another. The number of those who perished in 
 this siege, according to Josephus, amounted to above a million, 
 and the captives to almost one-hundred-thousand. 
 
 Upon the taking of Jerusalem, the soldiers would have 
 crowned Titus as a conqueror, but he modestly refused the 
 honour; alleging that he was only an instrument in the hand 
 of Heaven, which manifestly declared its wrath against the 
 Jews. At Rome, however, every voice proclaimed the victor's 
 praise ; who had not only showed himself an excellent general, 
 but a courageous combatant: when returning therefore in tri^i 
 umph, accompanied by his father, his entry was marked by all 
 the magnificence and joy in the power of men to express. All 
 things that were esteemed valuable or beautiful amongst men, 
 were brought to adorn this great occasion. Amongst the rich 
 spoils, were exposed vast quantities of gold, taken out of the 
 temple; but the Book of the Holy Law was not the least re- 
 markable of the magnificent profusion. This was the first 
 time that Rome had seen the father and the son triumph to- 
 gether. A triumphal arch was erected on this occasion, on 
 which were described all the victories of Titus over the Jews ; 
 which remains almost entire to this day. Vespasian likewise 
 built a temple to Peace, wherein were deposited most of the 
 Jewish spoils; and having now calmed all commotions in every 
 part of the empire, he shut up the temple of Janus, which had 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 187 
 
 been x)pen about five or six years. Yespasian, having reigned 
 ten years, beloved by his subjects, and deserving their afTection, 
 was surprised by an indisposition at Campania, which, from the 
 beginning, he declared would be fatal; and, perceiving his end 
 approaching, as he was just going to breathe his last, he cried 
 out, that an emperor ought to die standing : wherefore, raising 
 himself upon his feet, he died in the hands of those that sus- 
 tained him. 
 
 Few emperors have received a better character from histo- 
 rians ; yet all his numerous acts of generosity and magnificence 
 could not protect him from the imputation of rapacity and 
 avarice ; as he descended to the laying of imposts, which, in 
 some instances, were not only unusual but dishonourable. 
 * T) 70 Titus, being joyfully received as emperor, began 
 to reign with the practice of every virtue that be- 
 came a sovereign and a man. During the life of his father, 
 there were many charges against him, of cruelty, lust, and 
 prodigality ; but, upon his exaltation to the throne, he seemed 
 entirely to abandon his former vices, and became an example 
 of the greatest moderation and humanity. His first step to- 
 wards gaining the affection of his subjects, was, his moderating 
 his passions, and bridling his inclinations. He had long loved 
 Berenice, the sister of Agrippa, king of Judea; a woman of 
 the greatest beauty, and the most refined allurements. But, 
 knowing that the connexion with her was entirely disagreeable 
 to the people of Rome, he gained a victory over his affections, 
 and sent her away, notwithstanding their mutual attachment, 
 and the many arts she used to induce him to change his reso- 
 lution. He next discarded all those who had been the usual 
 ministers of his pleasures, and forbore to countenance the com- 
 panions of his looser recreations, though he had formerly taken 
 great pains in the selection. 
 
 This moderation, added to his justice and generosity, pro- 
 cured him the esteem of all good men, and the appellation of 
 " The delight of mankind," which all his actions seemed cal- 
 culated to ensure. 
 
 Titus took particular care to punish all informers, false wit- 
 nesses, and promoters of dissension. Those wretches, who 
 had their rise in the hcentiousness and impurity of former 
 reigns, had become so numerous, that their crimes called loudly 
 for punishment. Of these, therefore, he daily made public ex- 
 amples : condemning them to be scourged in the public streets; 
 next, to be dragged through the theatre, and then to be banish- 
 ed into the uninhabited parts of the empire, or sold as slaves 
 
188 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 His courtesy, and readiness to do good, hai^e been celebrated 
 even by Christian writers ; his principal rule being, never to 
 send away any petitioner dissatisfied. One night, recollecting 
 that he had done nothing beneficial to mankind, the day pre 
 ceding, he cried out, amongst his friends: " I have lost a day!'' 
 — a sentence, too remarkable, not to be universally known. 
 
 Hearing that two noblemen had conspired against him, he 
 readily forgave them ; and, the following day, placing them 
 next himself in the theatre, he put into their hands the swords 
 with which the gladiators fought; demanding their judgment 
 and approbation, whether they were of sufficient length. 
 
 In this reign, an eruption of Mount Vesuvius caused con- 
 siderable damage ; overwhelming many towns, and throwing 
 the ashes into countries more than a hundred miles distant. 
 Upon this memorable occasion, Pliny, the naturalist, lost hia 
 life. Impelled by too eager a curiosity to observe the eruption, 
 he was suffocated in the flames. There happened, also, about 
 this time, a fire at Rome, which continued three days and 
 nights; to which, succeeded a plague, that caused the burial 
 of ten thousand men in a day. The emperor, however, did all 
 that lay in his power to repair the damages -sustained by the 
 public ; and, with respect to the city, declared that he would 
 take the whole loss upon himself. 
 
 These disasters were, in some measure, counterbalanced 
 by the successes gained by Agricola, in Britain. That excel- 
 lent general, having been sent into this country towards the 
 latter end of Yespasian's reign, showed himself equally expert 
 in quelling the refractory, and civihzing those who had formerly 
 submitted to the Roman power. The Ordovices, inhabitants 
 of North Wales, were the first that were subdued. He then 
 made a descent upon Mona, (the island of Anglesea,) which 
 surrendered at discretion. Having thus made himself master 
 of the whole country, he used every method to restore disci- 
 pline to his own army, and introduce some degree of politeness 
 amongst the conquered. He exhorted them, both by advice 
 and example, to build tempics, theatres, and stately houses. 
 He caused the sons of their nobility to be instructed in the 
 liberal arts : he had them taught the Latin language ; and in- 
 duced therA to imitate the Roman mode of dress and living. 
 Thus, by degrees, this barbarous people began to assume the 
 luxurious manners of their conquerors, and, in some measure, 
 to outdo them in all the refinements of sensual pleasures. On 
 account of these successes in Britain, Titus was saluted /m- 
 peratovj the fifteenth time : but he did not long survive thjj 
 
 ;1 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 189 
 
 honour; being surprised, at a little distance from Rome, by 
 a fever. He expired shortly afterwards ; but his brother Do- 
 mitian, who had long wished to govern, was not entirely free 
 from the imputation of treachery, on this occasion. His death 
 was in the forty- first year of his age ; having reigned two years, 
 two months, and twenty days. 
 A D Q-- Domitian, (properly called Domitianus,) com- 
 menced his reign with the universal satisfaction 
 of the people ; as he appeared equally remarkable for his clem- 
 ency, liberality, and justice. 
 
 But he soon began to show the natural deformity of his 
 mind. Instead of cultivating literature, as his father and his 
 brother had done, he neglected all kinds of study ; addicting 
 himself wholly to other pursuits, particularly archery, and the 
 mean practice of gaming. He was so very expert in archery, 
 that he would frequently cause one of his slaves to stand at a 
 considerable distance, with his hands spread, as a mark, and 
 w^ould shoot his arrows with so great exactness, as to stick 
 them all between his fingers. He instituted three sorts of 
 contests, to be observed every ^\e years ; in music, horseman- 
 ship, and wrestling; but, at the same time, he banished all 
 philosophers and mathematicians from Rome. No emperor, 
 before him, entertained the people with so great a variety of 
 expensive exhibitions. During these diversions, he distributed 
 large rewards; sitting as president himself, adorned with a 
 purple robe and crown, with the priests of Jupiter, and the col- 
 lege of Flavian priests about him. The meanness of his oc- 
 cupations, in solitude, was a strong contrast to his exhibitions 
 of public ostentation. He usually spent his hours of retirement 
 in catching flies, and sticking them through with a bodkin; so 
 that one of his servants being asked if the emperor was alone, 
 answered — that he had not so much as a fly to bear him com- 
 pany. 
 
 His vices seemed every day to increase with the duration of 
 his reign. His ungrateful treatment of Agricola discovered 
 the first symptom of his natural malevolence. Domitian was 
 always particularly fond of obtaining a military reputation ; and 
 therefore jealous of it in others. He had marched, some time 
 before, into Gaul, upon a pretended expedition against the 
 Catti, a people of Germany ; and, without ever seeing the ene- 
 my, he resolved to have the honour of a triumph, upon his re- 
 turn to Rome. For that purpose, he purchased a number of 
 slaves, whom he dressed in German habits, and, at the head 
 of this miserable procession, entered the city, amidst the ap 
 
 i 
 
190 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 parent applause, but concealed contempt, of all his subjects. 
 The successes, therefore, of Agricola, in Britain, affected him 
 with an extreme degree of envy. This admirable general pur- 
 sued the advantages which he had already obtained. He con- 
 quered the Caledonians, and overcame Galgacus, the British 
 chief, at the head of thirty thousand men; and afterwards, send 
 ing out a fleet to scour the coast, he first ascertained that 
 Britain was an island. He likewise discovered and subdued 
 the Orkneys, and thus reduced the whole into a civilized prov- 
 ince of the Roman empire. When the account of these suc- 
 cesses was brought to Domitian, he received it with seeming 
 pleasure, but real uneasiness. He thought Agricola's rising 
 reputation a tacit reproach upon his own inactivity; and, in- 
 stead of attempting to emulate, he resolved to suppress, the 
 merit of his services. He ordered him, therefore, external 
 marks of approbation, and took care that triumphal ornaments, 
 statues, and other honours, should be decreed him; but, at 
 the same time, he removed him from his command, under pre- 
 tence of appointing him to the government of Syria. 
 
 By these means, Agricola surrendered up his province to 
 Salustius Lucullus ; but he soon found that Syria was other- 
 wise disposed of. Upon his return to Rome, which was pri- 
 vately and by night, he was coolly received by the emperor ; 
 and dying afterwards in retirement, it was supposed by some 
 that his end was hastened by Domitian's direction. The em- 
 peror, soon after, became sensible of the loss he had sustained, 
 in being deprived of the services of so experienced a com- 
 mander. The barbarous nations that surrounded the empire 
 made frequent irruptions. The Sarmatians in Europe, joined 
 with those of Asia, made a formidable invasion; at once de- 
 stroying a whole legion and a general of the Romans. The 
 Dacians, also, under the conduct of Decebalus, their king, 
 made an inroad, and overthrew them in several engagements. 
 At last, however, the barbarians were driven back, partly by 
 force, and partly by the assistance of money ; which only served 
 as a means of making future invasions with greater advantage. 
 But, in whatever manner the enemy had been repelled, Domi- 
 tian was determined not to lose the honour of a triumph. He 
 returned, in great ostentation, to Rome ; and, not content with 
 thus triumphing twdce, without a victory, he resolved to take the 
 surname of Germanicus, for his conquest over a people with 
 whom he had never contended. 
 
 In proportion as the ridicule increased against him, his pride 
 seemed every day to demand greater homage. He woul4| 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 191 
 
 permit his statues to be made only of gold and silver; he as^ 
 sumed divine honours, and ordered that all men should treat 
 him with the same appellations which they gave to the divinity. 
 His cruelty was equal to his arrogance : he caused numbers 
 of the most illustrious senators and others to be put to death, 
 upon the most trifling pretences. One JElius Lamia was con- 
 demned and executed, merely for jesting, though there was 
 neither novelty nor poignancy in his humour. Cocceanus was 
 murdered, only for celebrating the birth day of Otho. Pom- 
 posianus shared the same fate, because it was foretold by an 
 astrologer that he should be emperor. Salustius Lucullus, his 
 lieutenant in Britain, was destroyed, only for having given his 
 name to a new sort of lances of his own invention ; and Junius 
 Rusticus, for publishing a book, in which he commended 
 Thracea and Priscus, two philosophers who opposed Vespa- 
 sian's elevation to the throne. . 
 
 Lucius Antonius, governor of upper Germany, knowing how 
 much the emperor was detested at home, resolved upon striking 
 for the throne, and accordingly assumed the ensigns of imperial 
 dignity. As he was at the head of a formidable army, he, for 
 a long time, kept the field, with doubtful success ; but a sudden 
 overflowing of the Rhine dividing his forces, he was attacked 
 at that juncture by Normandus, the emperor's general, and 
 totally routed. 
 
 Domitian's severity was greatly increased by this short-lived 
 success. In order to discover those who were accomplices 
 with the adverse party, he invented new tortures; sometimes 
 cutting off* the hands — at other times thrusting fire into the 
 most delicate parts of those whom he suspected of being his 
 enemies. During these severities, he aggravated his guilt by 
 hypocrisy; never pronouncing sentence wi^'ihout a preamble 
 full of gentleness and mercy. The night before he crucified 
 the comptroller of his household, he seemed to treat him with 
 the most cordial friendship, and ordered him a dish of meat 
 from his own table. He carried Aretinus Clemens with hini in 
 his own litter, the day he had concluded upon his death. He 
 was particularly terrible to the senate and nobility ; the whole 
 body of whom he frequently threatened entirely to extirpate. 
 At one time, he surrounded the senate-house with his troops, 
 to the great consternajtion of the senators. At another, he de- 
 termined to amuse himself with their terrors, in a different man- 
 ner. Having invited them to a pubhc entertainment, he re- 
 ceived them all very formally, at the entrance of his palace, 
 and conducted them into a spacious hall, hung round with 
 
 \ 
 
\ 
 
 192 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 black, and partially lighted by a few melancholy lamps, which 
 served only to show the gloomy horrors of the place. All 
 around were to be seen nothing but coffins, each with a 
 senator's name written on it, together with other objects of 
 terror, and instruments of execution. While the company be- 
 held all these preparations with silent agony, several men, hav- 
 ing their bodies blackened, each with a sword in one hand, and 
 a flaming torch in the other, entered the hall, and danced 
 around them. After some time, when the guests, well know- 
 ing Domitian's wanton cruelty, expected nothing less than in- 
 stant death, the doors were thrown open, and a servant came 
 • to inform them, that the emperor gave all the company leave 
 to withdraw. These cruelties were rendered still more odious 
 by his lust and avarice. Frequently, after presiding at an 
 execution, he would retire with the most abandoned women, 
 and use the same baths which they did. The last part of the 
 tyrant's reign was more insupportable than any of the pre- 
 ceding. Nero had exercised his cruelties without being a 
 spectator; but a principal part of the Roman miseries, during 
 this reign, was to behold the tyrant, with a stern air, and fiery 
 visage, which he had rendered incapable of blushing, by con- 
 tinued intemperance, directing the tortures, and mediciously 
 pleased with adding irritation to every agony.-^ ^ . ^ 
 
 But a period was soon to be put to this monster's cruelties. 
 Amongst the number of those that he at once caressed and 
 suspected, was ilCwife Domitia, whom he had taken from 
 -^lius Lamia, her former husband. It was the tyrant's method 
 to put down the names of all those he intended to destroy, in 
 his tablets, which he kept about him with great circumspection. 
 Domitia, fortunately happening to see them,, was astonished at 
 finding her own name in the catalogue of tho^se doomed to de- 
 struction. She showed the fakil list to Norbanus and Petro- 
 iiius, prsefects of the praetorian bands, who found themselves 
 also set down; and to Stephanus, the comptroller of the house- 
 hold, who came into the conspiracy with alacrity. They fixed 
 upon the eighteenth day of September,'for the completion of 
 th^ir great attempt. When preparin^.to go to the bath, on the 
 morning of that day, Petronius, his chamberlain, came to in- 
 form him, that Stephanus desired to speak to him, upon an 
 affair of ^ the utniost importance. The emperor having given 
 orders that his attendants should retire, Stephanus entered with 
 his hand in ^ scarf, which he had worn thus for some days, the 
 better to c%n.ceal ^ dagger? as no one was permitted to ap- 
 proach the emperor with arms. He began, by giving informal 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 193 
 
 tion of a pretended conspiracy, and exhibited a paper in which 
 the particulars were specified. Whilst Domitian was reading 
 the contents with an eager curiosity, Stephanus drew the dag- 
 ger, and struck him in the body. The wound not being mortal, 
 Domitian caught hold of the assassin, and threw him on the 
 ground; calling out for assistance. But Parthenius, with his 
 freed man, a gladiator, and two subaltern officers, coming in, 
 they all ran furiously upon the emperor, and despatched him 
 with seven wounds. 
 
 It is incredible, what some writers relate, concerning Appoi- 
 lonius Tyaneus, who was then at Ephesus. This person, 
 whom some call a magician, and some a philosopher, but who, 
 more probably, was nothing more than an impostor, was, as 
 they r.ay, just at the minute in which Domitian was slain, lec- 
 turing in one of the public gardens Qf that city. But, suddenly 
 stopping short, he cried out, *' Courage, Stephanus — strike the 
 tyrant." And then, after a pause: " Rejoice, my friends, the 
 tyrant dies this day ; — ^tbi^ day, do I say ! — the very moment 
 in which I kept silenceV he sutfers for his crimes ; he dies ! 
 
 Many more prodigies are said to have portended his death; 
 but the fate of such a monster seemed to produce more preter- 
 natural disturbances, and more predictions, than it deserved. 
 The truth is, that a belief of flitne3|N^d prodigies had again 
 become prevalent; and the people werS'telapsing into pristine 
 barbarity. A country of ignorance is always the proper soil 
 for a harvest of imposture.' 0ttl^ 
 
 V CHAPTER XXm. 
 
 ^e Jive good Emperoy^s of Rome; JYerva, Trajan, Adrian^ 
 
 Antoninus Pius, JMarcus Aurelius, 
 X 
 
 A D 96 When it was publicly known that Domitian was 
 slain, tha senate began to blacken his memory 
 with every reproach. It was> ordered that his statues should 
 be taken down, and a decree was' made, that all his inscriptions 
 should be erased, his. name struck out of the registers of fame, 
 and his funeral omittel^ 'die people, who now took little part 
 in the affairs of goverJHfen^feoktd on his death with indiffer- 
 ence ; the soldiers alone, whom he had loaded with favours^ 
 and enriched by largesses, sincerely regretted their benefactor. 
 The senate, therefore, resolved to provide a successor, be- 
 R 
 
194 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 P 
 
 fore the army could have an opportunity of taking the appoint- 
 ment upon themselves; and Cocceius Nerva was chosen to 
 the empire, the very day on which the tyrant was slain. He 
 was of an illustrious family, as most say, by birth a Spaniard, 
 and above sixty-five years old when he was called to the throae. 
 He was at that time the most remarkable man in Rome, for his 
 virtues, moderation, and respect to the laws; and he owed his 
 exaltation to the blameless conduct of his former life. 
 
 The people, being long accustomed to tyranny, regarded 
 Nerva's gentle reign with rapture; and even gave his im- 
 becihty (for his humanity was carried to,o far for justice) 
 the name of benevolence. Upon ascending the throne, he 
 solemnly swore that no senator of Rome should b^ put to 
 death, by his command, during his reiga, though he gave ever 
 so just a cause. This o^th he so religiously observed, that 
 when two senators hjd^tfSnspired his death, he used no kind 
 
 against "tlTeif majggtri 
 eret^d^Q^hi4-.hpi^d w0Sm converted into money 
 ►^i)ohntian, which hacf been spared by the senate. 
 
 of severity against tnen^ but, sending for them, to show that 
 he was not ignopetnt of ^eir designs, he carried them with him 
 to the public lireatre; a«d, preserving to each a dagger, he de- 
 sired them tp'strike, as^^ was determined not to ward off the 
 blow. During his short reign, he made several good laws. 
 He put mi those slaves to death, who had, during the last reign, 
 informed against "tlTeif m|j§J|rs.3|^e*^l^itt^l[o "Statues to be 
 
 those' of 
 He sold 
 many rich robe^iJind mucb* of the splendid furniture of the 
 palace, and retrenchcd^everal unreasonable expenses at coui^ 
 A^lk^„gaime tim^ ne Mtd so little regard for money, that when 
 Wie of his siiypcts found a large treasure, and wrote to the 
 emperor foi' directions how to dispose of it, he received for an- 
 swer that he might use it; but the finder informing him th^;^ 
 was a fortune too large for a private person, Nerva, admirii^ 
 his honesty, wrote him word, that then he might abuse i^- 
 
 A hfe of such generosity and mildness, was not, however, 
 without enemies. Yigilius Rufus, who had opposed him, was 
 not only pardoned, but made his cs^^0S^e in the consulship. 
 Calpufhius Crassus, also, with some others, formed a con- 
 spiracy to tlestroy him; but h*" rested satisfied with banishing 
 those^who were culpable, though the senate were for inflicting 
 more rigorous punishments. But khe||i|S)st dangerous insur- 
 rection against his interests, was wonWhe praetorian bands; 
 who, headed by Casparius Olianus, insisted upon revenging the 
 late emperor's death, whose memory was still dear to them, 
 from his frequent liberaUties. Nerva, whose kiadness to good 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 195 
 
 men rendered him more obnoxious to the vicious, did all in his 
 power to stop the progress of this insurrection : he presented 
 himself to the mutinous soldiers, and, opening his bosom, de- 
 sired them to strike there, rather than be guilty of so much in- 
 justice. The soldiers, however, paid no regard to his remon- 
 strances, but, seizing upon Petronius and Parthenius, killed 
 them, in the most ignominious manner. Not content with this, 
 they even compelled the emperor to approve of their sedition, 
 and to make a speech to the people, in which he thanked the 
 cohorts for their fidelity. 
 
 So disagreeable a restraint upon the emperor's inclinations, | 
 was, in the end, attended with the most happy effects; as it ^ 
 caused the adoption of Trajan, to succeed him. Perceiving, 
 that, in the present turbulent disposition of the times, he stood 
 in need of an assistant in the empire,' seeing aside all his own 
 relations, he fixed upon XJlpius Trajanus, (famiharly Trajan,) 
 an utter stranger to his family, who was then governor in upper 
 Germany, as his successor. In about three months afterwards, 
 having put himself into a violent passion with one Regulus, a 
 senator, he was seized with a fever, of which he died, after a 
 short reign of one year, four months, and nine days. 
 
 He was the first. foreign emperor that reigned in Rome ; and-^ 
 justly reputed a prince of great gen^osity and moderation. He 
 is also celebrated for his wisdom, though with less reason ; the 
 greatest instance he gave of it during his reign, having been 
 m the choice of his successor. 
 
 yj p Trajan's family was originally of Italy; but he 
 
 * , ' himself was born at Seville, in Spain. On being 
 A n *QQ informed of the death of Nerva, he prepdred to re- 
 turn to Rome, from Germany, where he was gov- 
 ernor; and one of the first lectures he received, upon his ar- 
 rival, was from Plutarch, the philosopher; who had the honour 
 of being his master, and is said to have written him a letter to 
 the following purpose: '' Since your merits, and not your im- 
 portunities, have advanced you to the empire, permit me to | 
 congratulate your virtues, and my own good fovtune. If your 
 future government prove answerable to your former worth, I 
 shall be happy; but, if you become worse for power, yours will 
 be the danger, and mine the ignominy of your conduct. The 
 errors of the pupil will be charged upon the instructor. Seneca 
 is reproached for the enormities of Nero ; and Socrates and 
 Quintilian have not escaped censure, for the misconduct of their 
 respective scholars ; but you have it in your power to make me 
 
196 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 the most honoured of men, by continuing what you are. Pre- 
 serve the command of your passions, and make virtue the scope 
 of all your actions. If you follow these instructions, then will 
 I glory in my having presumed to give them ; if you neglect 
 »i what I offer, then will this letter be my testimony that you have 
 T not erred through the counsel and authority of Plutarch." I 
 have inserted this letter, whether genuine or not, because it 
 seems to me well written,, and a striking picture of ths^t grea 
 philosopher's manner of addressing that best of princes. 
 
 This good monarcli^ri application to business, his moderation 
 to his enemies, his modesty in exaltation, his liberality to the 
 deserving, and his economy in his own expenses, have all been 
 the subjects of panegyric, amongst his cotemporaries ; and 
 they continue to be the admiration of posterity. 
 
 Upon giving the praefect of the prcetorian bands the sword, 
 according to custom,iie made use of this remarkable exp-ession: 
 " Take this sword, and use it: if I have merit, for me; if other- 
 wise, against me." After which, he added, that he who gave 
 laws, was the first who was bound to observe them. 
 
 The first war he w^as engaged in, after his coming to the 
 throne, was w ith the Dacians ; who, during the reign of Domi- 
 tian, had committed innumerable ravages upon the province? 
 of the empire. He therefore raised a powerful army, and with 
 great expedition marched into their barbarous countries; where 
 he was vigorously opposed by Decebalus, the Dacian king, 
 who, for a long time, withstood his boldest eflTorts. At length, 
 however, this monarcji, being constrained to come to a general 
 battle, and no longer able to protract the war, was routed, with 
 great slaughter; though not without a severe loss to the con- 
 querors. The Roman soldiers, upon this occasion, wantiijg 
 linen to bind up their wounds, the emperor tore his own robes, 
 to supply them. This victory compelled the enemy to sue for 
 peace, which they obtained upon very disadvantageous terms ; 
 their king coming into the Roman camp, and acknowledging 
 himself a vassal of the Roman empire. 
 
 Upon Trajan's return, after the usual triumphs and rejoicings 
 upon such an occasion, were over, he was surprised with an 
 account that the Dacians had renewed hostilities. Decebalus 
 their king, was now, therefore, a second time adjudged an 
 enemy to the Roman state, and Trajan invaded his dominions 
 with an army equal to that with which he had before subdued 
 him. But Decebalus, now grown more cautious by his former 
 defeat, used every art to avoid coming to an engagement. He 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 197 
 
 also put various stratagems in practice, to distress his enemy ; 
 and, at one time, Trajan himself was in danger of being killed, 
 or taken. He also took Longinus, one of the Roman generals, 
 prisoner; and threatened to kill him, in case Trajan refused to 
 grant terms of peace. But the emperor repHed, that peace and 
 war had not their dependence upon the safetj of one subject 
 only; wherefore, Longinus, sometime afterwards, destroyed 
 himself, by a voluntary death. The fate of this general seemed 
 to give new vigour to Trajan's operations. In order that he 
 might more easily invade the enemy's territories, at pleasure, 
 he undertook a most stupendous work, which was no less than 
 building a bridge across the Danube. This amazing structure, 
 which was built over a deep, broad, and rapid river, consisted' 
 of more than twenty arches, each one-hundred-and-fifty feet 
 high, and a hundred-and-seventy broad. The ruins of this 
 structure, which remain to this day, show modern architects 
 how far they were surpassed by the ancients, both in the great- 
 ness and boldness of their designs. Upon finishing this work, 
 Trajan continued the war with great vigour, sharing with the 
 meanest of his soldiers the fatigues of the campaign, and con- 
 tinually encouraging them to their duty by his own example. By 
 these means, notwithstanding the country was spacious and un- 
 cultivated, and the inhabitants brave and hardy, he subdued the 
 whole, and added the kingdom of Dacia, as a province, to tae 
 Roman empire. Decebalus made some attempts to escaj^e ; 
 but, being surrounded on every side, he at last slew himself, 
 and his head was sent immediately to Rome, as an evid^rice 
 of his misfortune. These successes seemed to advance the 
 empire to a greater degree of splendour than it had hitherto 
 acquired. Ambassadors came from the interior parts of L-idia, 
 to congratulate Trajan on his sjj^ccess, and bespeak his friend- 
 ship. Upon his return to RcSae, he entered the city in tri- 
 umph ; and the rejoicings for his victories lasted one-hundred- 
 and-twenty days. 
 
 Having given peace and prosperity to the empire, he con- 
 tinued his reign, loved, honoured, and almost adored, by his 
 subjects. He adorned the city with public buildings ; he freed 
 it from such men as lived by their vices; he entertained pei- 
 sons of merit with the utmost familiarity, and so little feared his 
 enemies, that he could scarcely be induced to suppose he had 
 any. It would have been happy for this great prinpe's memory, 
 if he had shown equal clemency to all his subjects; 'but, about 
 the ninth year of his reign, he was persuaded to look upon the 
 
1 98 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 TT c P"^ ^^ death, as well by popular tumults, as by 
 
 ftfio ' edicts and judicial proceedings. However, the 
 
 A "n 1 07 ^"^P^''^'*> having advice from Pliny, the proconsul 
 
 ' in Bithynia, of the innocence and simplicity of the 
 
 Christians, and of their inoffensive and moral way of living, 
 
 suspended their punishments. 
 
 In this emperor's reign, there was a dreadful insurrection of 
 the Jews, in all parts of the empire. This wretched people, 
 still infatuated, and always expecting some signal deliverance, 
 took the advantage of Trajan's absence in the East, in an ex*^ 
 pedition he had undertaken against the Armenians and Pkr-^ 
 thians, to massacre all the Greeks and Romans whom they got 
 into their power, without reluctance or mercy. This rebellion 
 first began in Cyrene, a Roman province in Africa; thence, 
 the flames extended to Egypt; and next, to the island of Cy- 
 prus. These places, they in a manner depopulated, with un- 
 governable fury. Their barbarities were so enormous, that 
 they eat the flesh of their enemies, wore their skins, sawed them 
 asunder, cast them to wild beasts, made them kill each other, 
 and studied new torments by which to destroy them. How- 
 ever, these cruelties were not of long duration ; the governors 
 of the respective provinces, making head against their tumultu- 
 ous fury, soon treated them with a retaliation of severity, and 
 put them to death, not as human beings, but as outrageous 
 pests to society. As the Jews haci practised these cruelties 
 in Cyprus particularly, a law was publicly enacted, by which it 
 was made capital for any Jew to set foot on the island. 
 
 During tkjse bloody transactions, Trajan was prosecuting 
 his successes in the East, where he carried the Roman arms 
 farther than they had ever been before ; but, resolving to re- 
 turn once more to Rome, he found himself too weak to pro- 
 ceed in his usual manner. He\herefore ordered that he should 
 be carried on shipboard, to the city of Seleucia, where he died 
 
 . -p. of the apoplexy, by which he had been attacked once 
 ' ,y * before, in the sixty-third year of his age,^fte,r a reign 
 of nineteen years, six months and fifteen day?. 
 
 Adrian, (properly Adrianus,) who was nephew to Trajan, 
 was adopted to succeed in the empire, and elected by all orders 
 of the state, though absent from Rome ; being then at Antioch, 
 as general of the forces in the East. 
 
 Upon yB*&ection, he began to pursue a course quite opposite 
 to that of bis predecessor ; taking every method of declining 
 war, and promoting the arts of peace. He was quite satisfied 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 199 
 
 with preserving the ancient hmits of the empire, and seemed 
 no way ambitious of extensive conquests. 
 
 Adrian was one of the most remarkable of the Roman em- 
 perors, for the variety of his endowments. He was highly 
 skilful in all the accomplishments, both of body and mind: he 
 composed with great beauty, both in prose and verse; he 
 pleaded at the bar, an^ was one of the best orators of his time. 
 Nor were his moral virtues inferior to his accomplishments. 
 His moderation and clemency appeared by pardoning the in- 
 juries which he had received when he was yet only a private 
 man. One day, meeting a person who had formerly been his 
 most inveterate enemy, " My good friend," cried he, '* you 
 have escaped, for I am made emperor." He was affable to 
 his friends, and gentle to those of inferior stations : he relieved 
 their wants, and visited them in sickness ; it being his constant 
 maxim, that he was an emperor, not elected for his own good, 
 but for the benefit of mankind. 
 
 These were his virtues, which were contrasted by a strange 
 mixture of vices ; or, to say the truth, he wanted strength of 
 mind, to preserve his general rectitude of character without 
 deviation. 
 
 He was scarcely settled on the throne, when several of the 
 northern barbarians, the Alani, the Sarmatians, and the Dacians, 
 began to make incursions into the empire. These hardy na- 
 tions, who now found the way to conquer, by issuing from their 
 forests, and then retiring on the approach of a superior force, 
 began to be truly formidable to Rome. Adrian proposed to 
 contract the limits of the empi^ej^by giving up some of the 
 most remote and least defensible provinces ; but m this he was 
 over-ruled by his friends, who erroneously imagined, that an 
 extensive frontier would intimida^ an invading enemy. But 
 though he compUed with fheir Remonstrances, he broke down 
 the bridge over the Danube,' which his predecessor had built; 
 sensible that the same passage which was open to him, was 
 equally convenient to the incursions of his barbarous neigh- 
 bours. 
 
 Having remained a short time at Rome, to see that all things 
 were regulated and estabhshed for the safety of the ^ubhc, he 
 prepared to visit and take a view" of his whole empire. It was 
 one of his maxims, that an emperor ought to imitate the sun, 
 which diffuses warmth and vigour over all parts of the earth. 
 He therefore took with him a splendid court, and a considerable 
 force, and entered the province of Gaul ; where he numbered 
 all the inhabitants- From Gaul, he went to Germany, thence 
 
200 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 to Holland, and then passed over to Britain; where he reform- 
 ed many abuses, and reconciled the natives to the Romans. 
 For the better security of the southern parts of the kingdom, 
 he built a wall, of wood and earth, extending from the river 
 Eden, in Cumberland, to the Tyne, in Northumberland, to pre- 
 vent the incursions of the Picts and other barbarous nations of 
 the north. From Britain, returning through Gaul, he directed 
 his journey to Spain, where he was received with great joy; 
 being a native of that country. Residing in the city of Tarra- 
 gona, during the winter, he called a meeting of the deputies 
 from all the provinces, and ordained many things for the benefit 
 I ^ of the nation. From Spain, having returned to Rome, he con- 
 tinued there for some time, in order to prepare for his journey 
 into the East ; which was hastened by a new invasion of the 
 Parthians. His approach compelHng the enemy to peace, he 
 pursued his travels, without molestation. Having arrived in 
 Asia Minor, he turned out of his way, to visit the famous city 
 of Athens. There, making a considerable stay, he was ini- 
 tiated into the Eleusinian mysteries, which v ere accounted the 
 most sacred in the Pagan mythology ; and took upon him the 
 office of archon, or chief magistrate of the place. In this city, 
 also, he remitted the severity of the Christian persecution, at 
 the request of Granianus, the proconsul of Asia, who repre- 
 sented the people of that persuasion as no way culpable. He 
 was even so far reconciled to them, as to think of receiving 
 Christ amongst the number of the gods. After a winter's con- 
 tinuance in Athens, he went over into Sicily, and visited ^tna 
 and the other curiosities o^^ country. Then, returning to 
 Rome, after a short stay, he prepared ships, and crossed over 
 into Africa. Here, he spent much time, in regulating abuses, 
 and reforming the government; in deciding controversies, and 
 erecting magnificent buildingih^ Aijaongst the rest, he ordered 
 Carthage to be rebuilt; cailing'rt jffter his own name, Adriano- 
 polis. Again, having returned to Rome, where he made very 
 little delay, he travelled a second time into Greece, passed 
 over into Asia Minor, thence went into Syria, and gave laws 
 and instructions to all the neighbouring kings; whom he in- 
 vited to CQme and consult with him: he then entered Palestine, 
 Arabia, and Egypt, where he caused Pompey's tomb, which 
 had been long neglected, and almost covered with sand, to be 
 renewed and beautified. He also gave orders for the rebuild* 
 ing of Jerusalem; which was performed with great expedition, 
 by the assistance of the Jews, who now began to conceive 
 hopes of being restored to their long lost kingdom. But these 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 201 
 
 expectations served only to aggravate their calamities. Being 
 incensed at the privileges granted the Pagan worshipers in 
 their new city, they fell upon the Romans and Christians dis- 
 persed throughout Judea, and unmercifully put them all to the 
 sword. Adrian was at Athens, when this dangerous insurrec- 
 tion began ; wherefore, sending against them a powerful body 
 of men, under the command of JuUus Severus, this general ob- 
 tained nmny signal victories over the insurgents. This war 
 was concluded in two years, by the demolition of above a thou- 
 sand of their best towns, and the destruction of nearly six-hun- 
 dred-thousand men in battle. 
 
 He then banished from Judea all those who remained ; and, 
 by a public decree, forbade any to come within view of their 
 native soil. This insurrection was soon afterwards followed 
 by a dangerous irruption of the barbarous nations to the north- 
 ward of the empire ; who, entering Media with great fury, and 
 passing through Armenia, carried their devastations as far as 
 Cappadocia. Adrian, preferring peace, upon any terms, to an 
 unprofitable war, bought them off by large sums of money ; so 
 that they returned peaceably into their native wilds, to enjoy 
 their plunder, and meditate fresh invasions. 
 
 Having spent thirteen years, in travelling through his do- 
 minions, and reforming the abuses of the empire, he at last re- 
 solved to return, and end all his fatigues at Rome. Nothing 
 could be more grateful to the people, than his resolution of 
 coming to reside during the rest of his days, amongst them ; 
 they received him with the loudest demonstrations of joy; and, 
 though he now began to grow old and unwieldy, he remitted 
 not the least of his former assiduity and application to the public 
 welfare. His chief amusement was in conversing with the 
 most celebrated men in ev6ry art and science : he frequently 
 boasted, that he thought no kind of knowledge inconsiderable, 
 or to be neglected, either in his private or public capacity. 
 Adrian was so fond of literary fame, that we are told, he wrote 
 his own life, and afterwards gave it to his servants to publish. 
 But, whatever might have been his weakness, in aiming at uni- 
 versal reputation, he was in no part of his reign remiss in at- 
 tending to the duties of his exalted station. He ordered the 
 knights and senators never to appear in public, unless in the 
 proper habits of their respective orders. He forbade masters 
 to kill their slaves, as had been before allowed ; but ordained 
 that they should be tried by laws enacted against capital of- 
 fences. A law, so just, had he done nothing more, deserved 
 
202 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 to ensure his reputation with posterity, and to have made hiii 
 dear to mankind. 
 
 He still further extended the lenity of the laws to those un- 
 happy men, who had been long thought too mean for justice : 
 if a master was found killed in his house, he would not aUow 
 all his slaves to be put to the torture, as formerly, but only 
 those who might have perceived or prevented the murder. 
 
 In such employments, he consumed the greater part of his 
 time; but at last, finding the duties of his station daily in- 
 creasing, and his own strength proportionally on the decline, 
 he resolved upon adopting a successor. Antoninus, afterwards 
 surnamed the Pious, was the person he considered the most 
 worthy ; but he previously obliged him to adopt two others ; 
 namely, Marcus Aurelius, and Lucius Verus ; all of whom af- 
 terwards succeeded to the empire. 
 
 Whilst he was thus careful in appointing a successor, his 
 bodily infirmities became so insupportable, that he vehemently 
 desired some of his attendants would despatch him. Antoninus, 
 however, would by no means permit any of his domestics to 
 be guilty of so great impiety; but used all the arts in his powei 
 to reconcile the emperor to sustain life. His pains increasing 
 every day, he was frequently heard to cry out: " How misera- 
 ble a thing it is, to seek death, and not to find it!'' In this 
 deplorable exigence, he resolved on going to Baise, where the 
 tortures of his disease increasing, they aflTected his understand- 
 ing. Continuing for some time in these excruciating circum- 
 stances, he was at last determined not to observe any regimen ; 
 often saying, that kings died merely by the number of theii 
 physicians. This conduct served to hasten that death which 
 he seemed so ardently to desire; and it was probably joy upon 
 its approach, which dictated the celebrated stanzas that are 
 so well known, and in repeating which he expired, in the sixty- 
 second year of his age, after a prosperous reign of twenty-one 
 years and eleven months. 
 
 jj p Antoninus, his successor, was born in the city 
 
 e* * of Nismes, in Gaul. His father was a nobleman 
 A T) 1S8 ^^ an ancient family, which had enjoyed the high- 
 * est honours of the state. At the time of his 
 succeeding to the throne, he was about fifty years old; and 
 had passed through many of the most important offices of the 
 state, with great integrity and application. His-Jvirtues in pri- 
 vate life were no way impaired by exaltation ; as he showed 
 himself one of the most excellent princes, for justice, clemencv. 
 
HISTORY OF ROxME. 203 
 
 and moderation. He morals were so pure, that he was usually 
 compared to Numa; and was surnamed the Pious, both for his 
 tenderness to his predecessor Adrian, when dying, and his par- 
 ticular attachment to the religion of his country. 
 
 He was an eminent rewarder of learned men, to whom he 
 gave large pensions and great honours ; drawing them from all 
 parts of the world.. Amongst the rest, he ^e<t for ApoUonius, 
 the famous stoic philosopher, to instruct his adopted son, 
 Marcus Aurelius, whom he had previously married to his 
 daughter. ApoUonius having arrived at Rome, the emperor 
 desired his attendance ; but the other arrogantly answered, that 
 it was the scholar's duty to wait upon the master, and not the 
 master's upon the scholar. To this reply, Antoninus only re- 
 turned, with a smile, " That it was surprising how ApoUonius, 
 who made no difficulty of coming from Greece to Rome, should 
 think it so hard to walk from one part of Rome to another;" 
 and immediately sent Marcus Aurelius to him. Whilst the 
 good emperor was thus employed in making mankind happy, 
 in directing their conduct by his own example, or reproving 
 their follies by the keenness of rebuke, he was seized with a 
 violent fever at Lorium, a pleasure-house at some distance 
 from Rome ; where, finding himself sensibly decaying, he or- 
 dered his friends and principal officers to attend him. In their 
 presence, he confirmed the adoption of Marcus Aurelius, with- 
 out once naming Lucius Verus, who had been joined by Adrian 
 with him in the succession; then, commanding the golden 
 statue of Fortune, which was always in the chambe-r of the em- 
 perors, to be removed to that of his successor, he expired, in 
 the seventy-fifth year of his age, after a prosperous reign of 
 nearly twenty-two years and eight months. 
 TT r Q14 Marcus Aurelius, though left sole successor to 
 ** Ti* ifii* the throne, took Lucius Verus as his associate 
 * and equal in governing the state. Aurelius was 
 the son of Annius Yerus, of an ancient and illustrious family, 
 which claimed its origin from Numa. Lucius Yerus was the 
 son of Commodus, who had been adopted by Adrian, but died 
 before he succeeded to the throne. Aurelius was as remark- 
 able for his virtues and accomplishments, as his partner in the 
 empire for his ungovernable passions and debauched morals. 
 The one was an example of the greatest goodness and wisdom ; 
 the other, orf ignorance, sloth, and extravagance. 
 
 The two emperors had scarcely been settled on the throne, 
 when the empire seemed attacked on every side, by the bar 
 barous nations with which it was surrounded. The Catti in- 
 
204 HISTORY OF ROME 
 
 varied Germany and Rhetia, ravaging all with fire and sword ; 
 but were, after some time, repelled by Victorinus. The Britains 
 likewise revolted, but were repressed by Califurnius. But the 
 Parthians, under their king Vologeses, made an irruption still 
 more dreadful than either of the former: destroying the Roman 
 legions in Armenia, then entering Syria, and driving out the 
 Roman governor, they filled the whole country with terror and 
 confusion. In order to stop the progress of this barbarous in- 
 road, Verus himself went in person; being accompanied, part 
 of the way, by Aurelius. 
 
 Yerus, upon entering Antioch, gave an indulgence to every 
 appetite, without attending to the fatigues of war; rioting in 
 excesses, unknown even to the voluptuous Greeks, and leaving 
 all the glory of the field to his lieutenants, who were sent to 
 repress the enemy. These, however, fought with great suc- 
 cess; Statins Priscus took Artazata; Martins put Yologeses 
 to flight, took Seleucia, plundered and burned Babylon and 
 Ctesiphon, and demolished the magnificent palace of the kings 
 of Parthia. In the course of four years, during which the war 
 continued, the Romans entered far into the Parthian country, 
 and entirely subdued it ; but, upon their return, their army w^as 
 wasted to less than half its former number, by pestilence and 
 famine. However, this was no impediment to the vanity of 
 Yerus, who resolved to enjoy the honours of a triumph, so 
 hardly earned by others. Wherefore, having appointed a king 
 over the Armenians, and finding the Parthians entirely subdued, 
 he assumed the titles of Armenicus and Parthicus, and returned 
 \o Rome, to partake of a triumph with Aurelius; which was 
 accordingly solemnized, with great pomp and splendour. 
 
 During the course of this expedition, which continued for 
 some years, Aurelius was sedulousl^v intent upon distributing 
 justice and happiness to his subjects at home. He first ap- 
 plied himself to the regulation of public affairs, and to the cor- 
 recting of such faults as he found in the laws and policy of the 
 state. In this endeavour, he showed a singular respect for the 
 senate, often permitting them to determine without appeal; so 
 that the commonwealth seemed in a manner once more revived 
 under his equitable administration. Besides, so great was his 
 application to business, that he often employed ten days to- - j 
 gether upon the same subject; maturely considering it on all 
 sides, and seldom departing from the senate-house till night, 
 when the assembly was dismissed by the consul. But, whilst 
 thus gloriously employed, he was daily mortified with accounts 
 of the enormities of his colleague ; being repeatedly assured 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 205 
 
 of his vanity, lewdness, and extravagance. However, feigning 
 himself ignorant of these excesses, he judged marriage to be 
 the best method of reclaiming him ; and therefore sent him his 
 daughter Lucilla, a woman of great beauty, whom Yerus mar- 
 ried at Antioch. But even this was found ineftectual : Lucilla 
 proved of a disposition very unlike her father; and, instead of 
 correcting her husband's extravagancies, only contributed to 
 inflame them. Yet Aurelius still hoped that upon the return 
 of Yerus to Rome, his presence would keep him in awe, and 
 that happiness would at length be restored to the state. But 
 in this, also, he was disappointed. His return only seemed 
 fatal to the empire ; for his army carried back the plague irora 
 Parthia, and disseminated the infection in all the provinces 
 through which it passed. 
 
 Nothing could exceed the miserable state of the empire, 
 shortly after the return of Yerus. In this horrid picture, were 
 represented, an emperor, unawed by example, or the calamities 
 surrounding him, giving way to unprecedented debaucheries:. 
 a raging pestilence spreading terror and desolation, through all 
 parts of the western world ; earthquakes, famines, and inunda- 
 tions, such as had never before happened ; the products of the 
 earth, throughout all Italy, devoured by locusts; all the bar- 
 barous nations surrounding the empire — the Germans, the 
 Sarmatians, the Quadi, and Marcomanni, taking advantage of 
 its various calamities, and making their irruptions even into 
 Italy itself: the priests doing all they could to put a stop to the 
 miseries of the state, by attempting to appease the gods; 
 vowing and offering innumerable sacrifices; celebrating all the 
 sacred rites that had ever been known in Rome ; and exhibit- 
 ing the solemnity called Lectisternia, seven days together. 
 To crown the whole, these enthusiasts, not satisfied with the 
 impending calamities, making new, by ascribing the distresses 
 of the state to the impiety of the Christians alone ; so that a 
 violent persecution was seen reigning in all parts of the empire ; 
 in which Justin Martyr, St. Poiycarp, bishop of Smyrna, and an 
 infinite number of others, suflTered martyrdom. 
 
 In this scene of universal tumult, desolation, and dicitress, 
 there was nothing left but the virtues and the wisdom of one 
 man alone, to restore tranquillity, and bring back happiness to 
 the empire. Aurelius began his endeavours by marching 
 against the Marcomanni and Quadi, taking Yerus with him ; 
 who reluctantly left the sensual delights of Rome, for ti.e 
 fatigues of a camp. They came up with the Marcomanni, 
 near the city of Acquileia, and, after a furious engagement, 
 
 S 
 
206 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 pa» I 
 
 routed their whole army : then, pursuing them across the Alpg, 
 
 they overcame them in several contests, and at last, entirely 
 
 TJ C 922 ^^^^^^^"g them, returned into Italy, without any 
 
 a' d' IfiQ* considerable loss. As the winter was far advanced, 
 
 ' Verus determined upon going from Aquileia to 
 
 Rome; in which journey, he was seized with an apoplexy, 
 
 which put an end to his life: being thirty-nine years old; having 
 
 reigned, in conjunction with Aurelius, nine. 
 
 Aurelius, who had hitherto sustained the fatigues of govern- 
 ing not only an empire, but his colleague, being left to him- 
 self, began to act with greater diligence and more vigour than 
 ever. 
 
 After having subdued the Marcomanni, a barbarous people 
 who had made inroads upon the empire, he returned to Rome; 
 where he continued his endeavours to benefit mankind, by a 
 further reformation of the internal policy of the state. 
 
 But his exertions were soon interrupted, by a renewal of the 
 former wars. In one of the engagements, he is said to have 
 been miraculously relieved, when his army was perishing with 
 thirsi, by the prayers of a Christian legion, which had been 
 levied in his service. At that dreadful juncture, and just as 
 the barbarians were ready to attack them, we are assured, that 
 there fell so heavy a shower of rain, as instantly refreshed the 
 fainting army. The soldiers were seen holding their mouths 
 and their helmets towards heaven, and receiving the water 
 which came so wonderfully to their relief. The clouds which 
 served for their rescue, at the same time discharged so tre- 
 mendous a storm of hail, accompanied with thunder, against 
 the enemy, as to astonish and confound them ; by which unex- 
 pected aid, the Romans recovering strength and courage, once 
 more turned upon their pursuers, and cut thetn in pieces. 
 
 Those are the circumstances of an engagement, acknow- 
 ledged by Pagan, as well as Christian writers ; only with this 
 difference, that the latter ascribed the victory to their own, the 
 former to the prayers of their emperor. However, Aurelius 
 seemed so sensible of miraculous aid, that he immediately re- 
 laxed the persecution against the Christians, and wrote to the 
 senate in favour of their religion. 
 
 This good emperor, having detected one Avidius in a con- 
 spiracy against him, and generously granted him his pardon, 
 some who were near his person, took the liberty to blame his 
 conduct; telling him that Avidius would not have been so 
 generous, had he been emperor; to which, Aurelius replied, in 
 this sublime manner: '^I never served the gods so ill, o) 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 207 
 
 reigned so irregularly, as to fear that Avidius could ever be con- 
 queror." He usually called philosophy his mother, in oppo- 
 sition to the court, which he considered as his step-mother. 
 He was also frequently heard to say: that "the people were 
 happy, whose philosophers were kings, or whose kings were 
 philosophers." He, in fact, was one of the most considerabla 
 men then in being ; and though he had been born in the meanest 
 station, his literary merits, as his works remain to this d^y, 
 would have insured him immortality. 
 
 Having restored prosperity to his subjects, and peace to man- 
 kind, news was brought him, Ihat the Scythians, a barbarous 
 nation of the north, were up in arms, and invading the empire. 
 He once more, therefore, resolved to expose his aged person 
 in defence of his country, and made speedy preparations to op- 
 pose them. He went to the senate, for the first time, and de- 
 sired to have money out of the public treasury. He then 
 spent three whole days in giving the people lectures, by which 
 they might regulate their lives ; and, having finished them, de- 
 parted apon his expedition, followed by the prayers and la- 
 mentations of all his subjects. Upon going to open his third 
 campaign, he was seized with the plague at Vienna; which 
 stopped the progress of his success. Nothing, however, could 
 abate his desire of being useful to mankind: his fears for the 
 youth and unpromising disposition of Commodus, his son and 
 successor, seemed to give him great uneasiness: wherefore, 
 he addressed his friends and principal officers that were gather- 
 ed round his bed, telling them, that as his son was now going to 
 lose a father, he hoped he should find many fathers in them. 
 As he was thus speaking, he was seized with a weakness, 
 which stopped his utterance, and brought him to his end the . 
 day following. He died in the fifty-ninth year of his age, hav 
 ing reigned nineteen years, and some days ; and it seemed as 
 if the whole glory and prosperity of the Roman empire died 
 with this greatest of the Roman emperors. 
 
20S HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIT. 
 
 From Commodus, to the transferring of the seat of empire under ] 
 Constantine, from Rome to Byzantium, 
 
 TT r q^^ The merits of Aurelius procured Commodus 
 \' vi ifto* ^^ ^^^y ^cc^ssion to the throne. He was ac- 
 ' knowledged emperor, first by the army, then by 
 the senate and people, and shortly afterwards by all the prov- 
 inces. 
 
 His whole reign is but a tissue of wantonness and folly, 
 cruelty and injustice, rapacity and corruption. There is so 
 strong a similitude between his conduct and that of Domitian, 
 that a reader might imagine he was going over the same reign. 
 
 He went with his associates to taverns and brothels, spent 
 the day in feasting, and the night in the most abominable lux- 
 uries. He sometimes went about the markets in a frolic, with 
 small wares, as a petty chapman; sometimes, he imitated a 
 horse-courser; and at other times, drove his own chariot, in a 
 slave's habit; while those he promoted, chiefly resembled him- 
 self; being the companions of his pleasures, and the ministers 
 of his cruelty. 
 
 If any person desired to be revenged on an enemy, by bar- 
 gaining with Commodus for a sum of money, he was permitted 
 to destroy him, in any manner that he chose. He commanded 
 a person to be cast to the wild beasts, for reading the hfe of 
 Caligula, in Suetonius; and ordered another to be thrown into 
 a burning furnace, for accidentally over-heating his bath. He 
 would sometimes, when he was in a good humour, cut off men's 
 noses, under a pretence of shaving their beards ; and yet he 
 was himself so jealous of all mankind, that he was obliged to 
 be his own barber. 
 
 At length, at the feast of Janus, resolving to fence naked 
 before the people, as a common gladiator, three of his friends 
 ren^onstrated with him, upon the indecency of such behaviour. 
 These were Lsetus, his general, Electus, his chamberlain, and 
 Marcia, a concubine, of whom he always appeared remarkably 
 fofid. Their advice was attended with no other effect than that • » 
 of incensing him against them, and inciting him to resolve || 
 upon their destruction. It was his method, like that of Domi- 
 tian, to set down the names of all those whom he intended to 
 put to death, in a roll, which he carefully kept by him. How- 
 ever, at this time, happeniqg to lay the roll on his bedj whilst I 
 
 ■J! 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 20*J 
 
 he was bathing in another room, it was taken up by a little 
 boy, whom he passionately loved. The child, after playing 
 with it for some time, brought it to Marcia, who was instantly 
 alarmed at the contents. She immedia' ly discovered her ter- 
 rors to Laetus and Electus; who, perceiving their dangerous 
 situation, instantly determined on the tyrant's death. It was 
 agreed on, to despatch him by poison ; but this not succeeding, 
 Marcia hastily introduced a young man, called Narcissus, and 
 prevailed upon him to assist in strangling the tyrant. Com- 
 TT r Qd^ modus died in the thirty-first year of his age, 
 A ' Tfc* 1 go' Slater an impious reign of twelve years and nine 
 months. 
 
 He was assassinated with so great secrecy and expedition, 
 that few were at that time acquainted with the real , circum- 
 stances of his death. His body was wrapped up as a bale of 
 useless furniture, and carried through the guards; most of 
 whom were either drunk or asleep. '»^^ 
 
 Previous to the assassination, the conspirators had fixed 
 upon a successor. Helvius Pertinax, whose virtues and cou- 
 rage rendered him worthy of tlie most exalted station, and who 
 had passed through many changes of fortune, was appointed to 
 succeed him : when, therefore, the conspirators repaired to his 
 house, to salute him emperor, he considered their arrival as a 
 signal from the emperor Commodus for his death. Upon Lsetus 
 entering his apartment, Pertinax, without any show of fear, 
 cried out, that for many days he had expected to end his life 
 in that manner, and wondered that the emperor had deferred it 
 so long. However, he was not a little surprised, when in- 
 formed of the real cause of their visit ; and, being strongly 
 urged to accept of the empire, he, at last, complied with their 
 offer. 
 
 Being carried to the camp, Pertinax was proclaimed emperor, 
 and soon afterwards, the citizens and senate consented ; their 
 joy at the election of their new sovereign being scarcely equal 
 to that for the death of their tyrant. 
 
 They then pronounced Commodus a parricide; an enemy to 
 the gods, his country, and all mankind, and commanded, that 
 his body should rot upon a dunghill. In the mean time, they 
 saluted Pertinax as emperor and csesar, and cheerfully took 
 the oath of obedience. The provinces soon afler followed the 
 example of Rome ; so that he began his reign with satisfaction 
 to the whole empire, in the sixty-eighth year of his age. 
 
 Nothing could exceed the justice and wisdom of this mon- 
 arch's reign, during the short time it contmued. But the pr«- 
 
 S 2 
 
210 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 torian soldiers, whose manners he had attempted to reform^ 
 having been long corrupted by the indulgence and profusion 
 of their former monarch, began to hate him, for the parsimony 
 and discipUne he had introduced amongst them. They there- 
 fore resolved to dethrone him ; and accordingly, in a tumultuous 
 manner, marched through the streets of Rome, entered his 
 palace without opposition, where a Tungrian soldier struck him 
 dead, with a blow of his lance. From the number of his ad- 
 ventures, he was called the tennis-ball of fortune ; and cer 
 tainly no man ever experienced so great a variety of situations, 
 with so blameless a character. — He reigned only three months. 
 TT r Q4.^ '^^^ soldiers having committed this outrage, 
 A * d' 1 Q9* ^^^^ proclamation, that they would sell the em- 
 * pire to whomsoever would purchase it, at the high- 
 est price. In consequence of this proclamation, two bidders 
 were found; nan ely, Sulpician and Didius; the former, a con- 
 sular person, prsefect of the city, and son-in-law of the late 
 emperor Pertinax ; the latter of consular rank, also, a great 
 lawyer, and the richest man in the city. Sulpician had promises, 
 rather than treasure, to bestow. The offers of Didius, who 
 produced immense sums of ready money, prevailed. He was 
 received into the camp, and the soldiers instantly swore to 
 obey him as emperor. 
 
 Upon being conducted to the senate-house, he addressed the 
 few members who were present, in a very laconic speech: 
 '^ Fathers, you want an emperor, and I am the fittest person 
 you can choose." The election of the soldiers was confirmed 
 by the senate, and Didius was acknowledged emperor, now in 
 the fifty-seventh year of his age. 
 
 It appears by this weak monarch's conduct, when seated on 
 the throne, that he thought the government of an empire 
 rather a pleasure than a toil. Instead of attempting to gain 
 the hearts of his subjects, he gave himself up to ease and inac- 
 tivity, utterly regardless of the duties of his station. He was 
 mild and gentle, indeed, neither injuring any, nor expecting to 
 be injured. But that avarice, by which he became opulent, 
 still followed him in his exaltation; so that the very soldiers 
 who elected him, soon began to detest him for those quahties, 
 so very opposite to a military character. The people, also, 
 against whose consent he had been chosen, were not less his 
 enemies. Whenever he issued from his palace, they openly 
 poured forth their imprecations ; crying out, that he was a thief, 
 and had stolen the empire. Didius, however, in the true spirit 
 of a trader, patiently bore all their indignities; sometimes 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 211 
 
 beckoning them to approach him, and testifying his regard hj 
 every kind of submission. 
 
 Soon afterwards, Severus, an African by birth, being pro- 
 claimed by the army, began by promising to revenge the death 
 of Pertinax. 
 
 Didius, on being informed of his advance towards Rome, ob- 
 tained leave from the senate to send him ambassadors, offering 
 to make him a partner in the empire. But Severus rejected 
 this overture; conscious of his own strength, and of the weak- 
 s of the proposer. The senate appeared of the same opinion, 
 ariSTperceiving the timidity and weakness of their present master, 
 abandoned him. Being called together, as was formerly prac- 
 tised in the times of the commonwealth, by the consuls, they 
 unanimously agreed, that Didius should be deprived of the em- 
 pire, and that Severus should be proclaimed, in his stead 
 They commanded Didius to be slain, and sent messengers for 
 this purpose to the palace ; where they found him disarmed, 
 and despatched him, amongst a few friends who still adhered to 
 his interest. 
 
 Severus having overcome Niger and xllbinus, his competitors 
 for the empire, next undertook the reins of government ; uniting- 
 great vigour with the most refined policy : yet his African cun- 
 ning, (for he was a native of Africa,) was considered as a par- 
 ticular fault. He is celebrated for his wit, learning, and pru- 
 dence ; but equally blamed for perfidy and cruelty. In short, 
 he seemed capable of the greatest acts of virtue, and the most 
 bloody severities. 
 
 Upon his return to Rome, he loaded his soldiers with re- 
 wards and honours ; giving them such privileges as strengthen- 
 ed his own authority, while they destroyed that of the state. 
 The soldiers, who had hitherto showed the strongest inclina- 
 tions to an abuse of power, were now made arbiters of the fate 
 of emperors. 
 
 Being thus secure of his army, he resolved to indulge his 
 natural turn for conquest, and to oppose his arms against the 
 Parthians, who were then invading the frontiers of the empire. 
 Having, therefore, previously given the government of domestic 
 policy, to one Plautian, a particular favourite, to whose daughter 
 he married his son Caracalla, he . set out for the East, and 
 prosecuted the war with his usual expedition and success. He 
 forced submission from the king of Armenia, destroyed several 
 cities in Arabia Felix, landed on the Parthian coasts, took and 
 plundered the famous city of Ctesiphon, marched back through 
 
212 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Palestine and Egypt, and at length returned to Rome in tri 
 umph. 
 
 During this interval, Plautian, who was left to direct the af 
 fairs of Rome, began himself to think of aspiring to the em 
 pire. Upon the emperor's return, he employed a tribune ot 
 the praetorian cohorts, of which he was commander, to assassi- 
 nate him and his son Caracalla. The tribune informed Severus 
 of Plautian's treachery. He at first received it as an improba- 
 ble story, and as the artifice of one who envied his favourite's 
 fortune. However, he was at last persuaded to permit the tri- 
 bune to conduct Plautian to the emperor's apartments, to be 
 a testimony against himself. With this intention, the tribune 
 went and amused him with a pretended account of his killing 
 the emperor and his son ; desiring him, if he thought fit to see 
 them dead, to go with him to the palace. As Plautian ardently 
 desired their deaths, he readily gave credit to his relation; and 
 following the tribune, was conducted at midnight, into the in- 
 nermost recesses. But what must have been his disappoint- 
 ment, when, instead of finding the emperor lying dead, as he 
 expected, he beheld the room lighted with torches, and Severus, 
 surrounded by his friends, prepared in array to receive him! 
 Being asked by the emperor, with a stern countenance, what 
 brought him there, at that unseasonable time, he was at first 
 utterly confounded; and, not knowing what excuse to make, he 
 ingenuously confessed the whole, intreating forgiveness for what 
 he had intended. The emperor seemed inchned to pardon ; 
 but Caracalla, who, from the earliest age, showed a disposition 
 to cruelty, ran him through the body, with his sword. 
 
 After this, he spent some time in visiting some of the cities 
 in Italy ; permitting none of his oflScers to sell the places of 
 trust and dignity, and distributing justice with the strictest im- 
 partiality. He then undertook an expedition into Britain, 
 where the Romans were in danger of being destroyed, or com- 
 pelled to fly from the province. Wherefore, after appointing 
 his two sons, Caracalla and Geta, joint successors in the em- 
 pire, and taking them with him ; he landed in Britain, to the 
 great terror of all those who had incurred his resentment. He 
 stationed Geta in the southern part of the province, whioji had 
 continued in obedience, and marched with Caracalla, against 
 the Caledonians. In this expedition, his army suffered most 
 severe hardships in pursuing the enemy : they were obliged to 
 hew their way through intricate forests^^ to^ drain extensive 
 marshes, and form bridges over rapid rivi^?f5 so that he lost 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 213 
 
 fifty-thousand men by fatigue and sickness. However, he 
 supported all those inconveniences, with unrelenting bravery; 
 and prosecuted his success with such vigour, that he compelled 
 the enemy to beg for peace; which they obtained, not without 
 a surrender of a considerable part of their country. It wag 
 then, that for the better security of the province, he built that 
 famous wall, which still retains his name ; extending from Sol- 
 way Frith, on the west, to the German Ocean on the east. 
 
 He did not long survive these victories, but died at York, in 
 the sixty-sixth year of his age, after an active, though cruel 
 reign of about eighteen years. 
 
 TT r qfi4 Caracalla and Geta, being acknowledged em- 
 A "n* 91 1 * P^'*o*'s> by the army, began to show a mutual hatred, 
 
 * even before their arrival at Rome. But this op- 
 position was of no long continuance ; for, Caracalla having re- 
 solved to govern alone, furiously entered Geta's apartment; 
 and, followed by ruffians, slew him in his mother's arms. 
 
 Being thus sole emperor, he went on to mark his course with 
 blood. .Whatever was done by Domitian or Nero, fell short 
 of this monster's barbarities. His tyrannies, at length, excited 
 the resentment of Iviacrmus, tlie commander of the forces tn 
 Mesopotamia; who employed one Martial, a man of great 
 strength, a centurion of the guards, to despatch him. Accord- 
 ingly, as the emperor was riding out one day near a little city, 
 called Carrse, he happened to withdraw himself privately from 
 fhe road, with only one page to hold his horse. This was the 
 opportunity Martial had so long and ardently desired ; where- 
 fore, running to him hastily, as if he had been called, he stab- 
 bed the emperor in the back, so that he died immediately. 
 Having performed this hardy attempt, he then, unconcernedly, 
 returned to his troop ; and, retiring by insensible degrees, en- 
 deavoured to secure himself by flight. But his companions 
 soon missing him, and the page giving information of what had 
 been done, he was pursued by the German horse, and cut to 
 pieces. 
 
 During the reign of this execrable tyrant, which continued 
 six years, the empire was gradually declining: the soldiers 
 were entirely masters of every election ; and as there were va^ 
 rious armies in different parts, so there were as many interests, 
 all opposite to each other. 
 
 TT r 070 ^^^ soldiers, without an emperor, after a sus- 
 A * d' 917* V^^^^ of two days, fixed upon Macrinus, who took 
 
 * all possible methods to conceal his being privy to 
 Caracalla's murder. The senate, shortly afterwards confirmed 
 
214 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 1 1 
 
 their choice, and likewise that of his son Diadumenus, whom he 
 took as a partner in the empire. Macrinus was fifty-three 
 years old when he ascended the imperial throne. He was of 
 obscure parentage, some say by birth a Moor; and, by the 
 mere rotation of office, having been made first praefect of the 
 prgstorian bands, was now, by treason and accident, called to 
 fill the throne. 
 
 He was opposed by the intrigues of Moesa, and her grand- 
 son, Heliogabalus, and being conquered by some seditious le 
 gions of his own army, he fled to Chalcedon ; where those that 
 were sent in pursuit, overtook and put him to death, together 
 with his son Diadumenus, after a short reign of one year and 
 two months. 
 
 U r Q71 '^^^ senate and citizens of Rome being obliged 
 A* D* 218* ^^ submit as usual to the appointment of the army, 
 * Heliogabalus was declared emperor, at the age of 
 fourteen. His short life is a tissue of effeminacy, lust, and 
 extravagance. He married, in the small space of four years, 
 six wives ; and divorced them all. He was so fond of the fe- 
 male sex, that he carried his mother with him to the senate- 
 hous«5, and demanded that she should always be present when 
 matters of importance were debated. He even went so far as 
 to build a senate-house for women, with suitable orders, habits 
 and distinctions; of which, his mother was made president. 
 They met several times ; but all their debates turned upon the 
 fashions of the day, and the different formalities to be used at 
 giving and receiving visits. To these follies, he added great 
 cruelty, and boundless prodigality: he was heard to say, that 
 such dishes as were cheaply obtained, were not worth eating. 
 It is even said, he strove to foretel what was to happen, by m- 
 specting the entrails of young men, sacrificed; and that he 
 chose the most beautiful youths throughout Italy, to be slain 
 for that horrid purpose. 
 
 However, his soldiers having mutinied, as was now usual 
 with them, they followed him lo his palace ; pursuing him from 
 apartment to apartment, till at last he was found com^aled in 
 a closet — Having dragged him thence through the streets, with 
 the most bitter invectives, and having despatched him, they 
 treated his pampered body with every indignity they could in- 
 vent, and then threw it into the Tyber, with heavy weights, 
 that none might afterwards find it, or give it burial. This was 
 the ignominious death of Heliogabalus, in the eighteenth year 
 of his age, after a detestable reign of four years. 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 216 
 
 TT r 07^ ^^ him, succeeded Alexander, his cousin-ger- 
 A T) 922* "^^"' "whoy without opposition, being declared em- 
 * peror, the senate, with their usual adulation, were 
 for conferring new titles upon him ; but he modestly declined 
 them all. To the most rigid justice, he added the greatest 
 humanity. He loved the good, and was a severe reprover of 
 the lewd and infamous. His acquirements were equal to his 
 virtues : he was skilled in mathematics, geometry and music : 
 he was equally accomplished in painting and sculpture, and, in 
 poetry, few of his time could equal him; in short, such were 
 his talents, and so mature was his judgment, that though but 
 sixteen years of age, he was considered as a wise old man. 
 
 About the thirteenth year of his reign, the upper Germans, 
 and other northern nations, began to pour down immense 
 swarms of people upon the more southern parts of the empire. 
 They passed the Rhine and the Danube, with such fury, that 
 all Italy was thrown into extreme consternation. The em- 
 peror, always ready to expose his person, for the safety of his 
 people, made what levies he could, and went to stem the toif- 
 rent; which he speedily effected. It was in the course of his 
 successes against the enemy, that he was cut off by a mutiny 
 amongst his own soldiers. He died in the twenty-ninth year 
 of his age, after a prosperous reign of thirteen years and nine 
 days. 
 
 TT r QS8 ^^^ tumults occasioned by the death of Alex- 
 A* D* 9^^^* ander, being appeased, Maximinus, usually called 
 ' Maximin, who had been the chief promoter of the 
 sedition, was chosen emperor. This extraordinary man, ^hose 
 character deserves particular attention, was born of very ob- 
 scure parentage ; being the son of a poor herdsman of Thrace. 
 In his early years, he followed his father's humble profession, 
 and exercised his personal courage only against the robbers 
 who infested that part of the country, in which he Hved. How- 
 ever, his ambition increasing, he left his poor employment, en- 
 listed in the Roman army, and soon became remarkable for his 
 great strength, discipline, and courage. This gigantic man 
 was no less than eight feet and a half high ; he had a body and 
 strength corresponding with his size, being no less remarkable 
 for the magnitude, than the symmetry, of his person. His 
 wife's bracelet usually served him for a thumb-ring; and his 
 strength was so great, that he was able to draw a carriage 
 which two oxen could not move. He could strike out a horse's 
 teeth with a blow of his fist, and break his thigh with a kick. 
 His appetite was as extraordinary as the rest ol his endow- 
 
i 
 
 216 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 ments : he generally eat forty pounds weight of flesh, every day, 
 and drank six gallons of wine, without committing any debauch 
 in either. With a frame so athletic, he possessed a mind un- 
 daunted in danger, and neither fearing nor regarding any mai^* 
 The first time he was made known, was to the emperor Seve- 
 rus, who was then celebrating games on the birth-day of his 
 Bon Geta. He outstripped sixteen in running, one after an- 
 other: he then kept up with the emperor on horseback; and, 
 having fatigued him in the course, was opposed to seven of the 
 most active soldiers, and overcame them with the greatest ease. 
 From that time, he was particularly noticed, and taken into the 
 emperor's body guards, and, by the usual gradation of prefer- 
 ment, came to be chief commander ; equally remarkable for 
 his simplicity, discipline, and virtue : but, upon coming to the 
 empne, he was found to be one of the greatest monsters of 
 cruelty that ever disgraced power; and, fearful ot nothing him- 
 eelf, he seemed to sport with the terrors of all mankind. 
 
 However, his barbarities did not retard his military opera- 
 tions, which were carried on with the greatest degree of vig- 
 our. He overthrew the Germans in several battles, wasted all^— 
 their country with fire and sword, for four-hundred miles to-^SH 
 gether; and formed a resolution of subduing all the northern ^^ 
 nations as far as the ocean. In these expeditions, in order to 
 attach the soldiers more firmly to him, he increased their pay; 
 and in every duty of the camp, he himself took as much pains 
 as the lowest centinel in his army ; showing incredible courage 
 and assiduity. In every engagement, wherever the conflict 
 was hottest, Maximin was always seen combating there in per- 
 son, an(3 destroying all before him : for, being bred a barbarian, 
 he considered it a duty to fight as a common soldier, whilst he 
 commanded as a general. 
 
 His enormities had now so alienated the minds of his sub- 
 jects, that several conspiracies were formed against him. 
 None of them, however, succeeded, till at last, his own sol 
 diers being harassed by famine and fatigue, and hearing of re*- 
 volts on every side, resolved to terminate their calamities by 
 the tyrant's death. His great strength, and his being always 
 armed, were, at first, the principal reasons which deterred any 
 from assassinating hhn ; but, at length, having made his guards 
 accomplices in their design, they set upon him, whilst he slept 
 at noon in his tent, and slew both him and his son, whom ho 
 had made his partner in the empire. Thus died tiiis most re. 
 maikable man, after an usurpation of about three years, in tho 
 sixty-fifth yeai* of his age. His assiduity, when in humble 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 217 
 
 station, and his cruelty when in power, served very well to 
 evince, that there are some men whose virtues are fitted for 
 obscurity, as there are others, who only show themselves great, 
 when placed in exalted stations. 
 
 U C 991 '^^^ tyrant being dead, and his body thrown to 
 A* T)* 2SS* dogs and birds of prey, Pupienus and Balbinus con- 
 
 * tinned for some time emperors, without opposition. 
 But, differing between themselves, the praetorian soldiers, 
 
 who were the enemies of both, attacked them, when their guards 
 were amused with seeing the capitoline games ; and, dragging 
 them from the palace towards the camp, killed them both; 
 leaving their dead bodies in the streets, as a dreadful instance 
 of their sedition. 
 
 In the midst of this tun\ult, as the mutineers were proceeding 
 along, they accidentally met Gordianus, the grandson of him 
 that was slain in Africa; whom they declared emperor, on the 
 epot. This prince was but sixteen years old when he began 
 to reign; but his virtues seemed to compensate for his want 
 of experience. His principal aims were, to unite the opposing 
 members of the government, and to reconcile the soldiers and 
 citizens to each other. 
 
 The army, however, began as usual to murmur; and ^heir 
 complaints were artfully fomented by Philippus, an Arabian, 
 who was praetorian prsefect. . Things then proceeding from bad 
 to worse, Philip was at first made equal in the government of 
 the empire ; shortly afterwards he was invested with the sole 
 power, and, at length, having the means of perpetrating his 
 long meditated cruelty, Gordian was, by his advice, slain, in 
 the twenty-second year of his age, after a successful reign of 
 nearly six years. 
 
 TT r 996 Philip, having thus murdered his benefactor, 
 A* T>* 94 V ^^^ immediately acknowledged emperor, by th« 
 
 * army. Upon his exaltation, he associated his son, 
 a boy of six years of age, as his partner in the empire ; and in 
 order to secure his power at home, made peace with the Per- 
 sians, and marched his army towards Rome. However, the 
 army revolting in favour of Decius, his general, and setting 
 violently upon him, one of the centinels,at one blow, clove his 
 head asunder, separating, the under jaw from the upper. He 
 died in the forty-fifth year of his age, after a reign of about five 
 years ; Decius being universally received as his successor* 
 
 TT r 1001 ^^® activity and wisdom of Decius seemed in 
 A D 94ft ^^^^ measure to retard the hastening decline of 
 A. U. 24«. ^j^^ Roman empire. The senate thought so highly 
 
 T 
 
«18 
 
 HISTORY OF ROJVrE. 
 
 of his merits, that they voted him not inferior to Trajan ; and 
 indeed he appeared in every instance to consult their dignity in 
 particular, and the welfare of all inferior ranks of people. 
 
 But no virtues could now prevent the approaching downfal 
 of the state : the obstinate disputes between the Pagans and 
 the Christians within the empire, and the unceasing irruptions 
 of barbarous nations from without, enfeebled it beyond the 
 power of remedy. Decius was killed, in an ambuscade of the 
 enemy, in the fiftieth year of his age, after a short reign of two 
 years and six months. 
 
 TT r 1 004 Crallus, who had betrayed the Roman army, had 
 A* T\ 9^1' address enough to get himself declared emperor, 
 
 ' by that part of it which survived the defeat. He 
 was forty-five years old when he began to reign, and was de- 
 scended from an honourable family in Rome. He was the 
 first who bought a disgraceful peace from the enemies of the 
 state ; as he agreed to pay a considerable annual tribute to the 
 Goths, whom it was his duty to repel. He was regardless of 
 every national calamity, and given to debauch and sensuality. 
 The Pagans were allowed a power of persecuting the Chris- 
 tians, through all parts of the state. These calamities were 
 succeeded by a pestilence, which seemed to spread over every 
 part of the earth, and continued raging for several years, in a 
 manner hitherto unequalled ; and all these were followed by a 
 civil war, between Gallus and his general -3Emihanus, who, 
 having gained a victory over the Goths, was proclaimed em-^ 
 peror, by his conquering army. Gallus, hearing this, soon roused 
 from the intoxication of pleasure, and prepared to oppose his 
 dangerous rival; but he and his son were killed by -3Emilianus, 
 in a battle fought in Msesia. His death was merited, arid his 
 vices were such as deserve the detestation of posterity. He 
 died in the forty-seventh year of his age, after an unhappy reign 
 of two years and four months ; in which, the empire suffered 
 inexpressible calamities. 
 
 U C 1006 '^^^ senate refused to acknowledge the claims 
 A D 253* ^^ iEmilianus; and an army stationed near the 
 
 ' Alps, chose Yalerian, their own commander, to 
 succeed to the throne ; who began the reformation of the state, 
 with a spirit that seemed to mark a good mind and unabating 
 vigour. But reformation was then almost impracticable. The 
 Persians, under their king Sapor, invaded Syria ; and, coming 
 into Mesopotamia, took the unfortunate Valerian prisoner, as 
 he was making preparations to oppose them. Nothing can 
 exceed the indignities, as well as the cruelties which were prac- 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 2lb 
 
 tised upon this unhappy monarch, thus fallen into the hancjs of 
 his enemies. Sapor, we are told, always used him as a foot-^ 
 stool for mounting his horse : he added the bitterness of ridi- 
 cule to his insults, and usually observed, that, " an attitude 
 like that to which Valerian was reduced, was the best statue 
 that could be erected in honour of his victory." This horrid 
 life of insult and sufferance continued for seven years; and 
 was at length terminated, by the cruel Persian's commanding 
 his prisoner's eyes to be plucked out, and afterwards causing 
 him to be flayed alive. 
 TT r 1012 When Valerian was taken prisoner, Gallienus, 
 
 A* T) 259* ^^^ ^^^^' promising to revenge the insult, was 
 ' chosen emperor; being then about forty-one years 
 old. However, it was soon discovered, that he sought rather 
 the splendours, than the toils of empire. After having over- 
 thrown Ingenus, a commander in Pannonia, who had assumed 
 the title of emperor, he sat down, as if fatigued with conquest, 
 and gave himself up to ease and luxury. 
 
 It was at this time, that no less than thirty pretenders were 
 disputing with each other for the dominion of the state, and 
 adding the calamities of civil war to the rest of the misfortunes 
 of this devoted empire. These are usually known in history 
 by the name of the Thirty Tyrants. 
 
 In this general calamity, Gallienus, though at first seemingly 
 insensible, was at length obliged, for his own private security, 
 to take the field, and lead an army to besiege the city of Milan, 
 which had been captured by one of the thirty usurping tyrants. 
 He was there killed by one of his own soldiers; Martian, one 
 of his generals, having conspired against him. 
 TT r 1091 Flavins Claudius being nominated to succeed, 
 
 a' "n 9«<s' ^^ ^^^ j^y^'jl^y i*eceived by all orders of the state, 
 * * and his title confirmed by the senate and the peo- 
 ple. We are not sufficiently assured of this emperor's lineage 
 and country. Some affirm he was born in Dalmatia, and de- 
 scended from an ancient family there; others assert that he 
 was a Trojan ; and others, still, that he was a son of the em- 
 peror Gordian. But whatever might have been his descent, 
 his merits were by no means doubtful. He was a man of great 
 valour and ability, having performed most signal services 
 against the Goths, who had long continued to make their ir- 
 ruptions into the empire. But on his march against that bar- 
 barous people, as he approached near the city of Sirmium, in 
 Pannonia, he was seized with a pestilential fever, of which he 
 
220 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 died in a few days ; to the great regret of his subjects, and the 
 irreparable loss of the Roman empire. 
 
 TT r 109*^ Upon the death of Claudius, Aurelianus was 
 \ "n 970 unanimously acknowledged by all the states of the 
 
 * empire, and assumed the command with a greater 
 share of power than his predecessors had enjoyed for some 
 time before. This active monarch was bom of mean and ob- 
 scure parentage, in Dacia, and was about fifty-five years old 
 at the time of his coming to the throne. He had spent the 
 early part of his life in the army, and risen through all the gra- 
 dations of military duty. He was of unshaken courage, and 
 amazing strength : he killed, in one engagement, forty of the 
 enemy, with his own hand ; and above nine-hundred at different 
 times. In short, his valour and expedition were so conspicuous, 
 that he was compared to Julius Csesar ; and in fact, only wanted 
 mildness and clemency, to be every way his equal. Amongst 
 the number of those who were compelled to submit to his 
 power, we may reckon the famous Zenobia, queen of Palmyra. 
 He subdued her country, destroyed her city, and took her 
 prisoner. Longinus, the celebrated critic, who was secretary 
 to the queen, was, by Aurelian's order, put to death. Zenobia 
 was reserved to grace his triumph, and ait^rwards assigned 
 lands and an income, which served to maintain her in almost 
 her former splendour. 
 
 His severities were at last the cause of his destruction : 
 Mnestheus, his principal secretary, having been threatened by 
 h'm, for some fault which he had committed, formed a con- 
 spiracy against him ; and, as the emperor passed with a small 
 guard from Uraclea, in Thrace, towards Byzantium, the con- 
 spirators set upon him at once, and slew him ; meeting with 
 very little resistance. He was killed in the sixtieth, or, as 
 some say, the sixty-third year of his age, afler a very active 
 reign of about five years. 
 
 TT r 1098 Afler some time, the senate made choice of 
 A* T) 275* "^^^^^"^J ^ ^^^ ^^ great merit, and no way am- 
 
 * bitious of the honours that were offered him ; being 
 at* that time seventy-five years old. 
 
 A reign, begun with much moderation and justice, wanted 
 only continuance, to have made the empire happy ; but after 
 enjoying the government about six months, he died of a fever, 
 in his march to oppose the Persians and Scythians, who had 
 invaded the eastern part of the dominions. 
 
 During this short period, the senate seemed to have a large 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 221 
 
 share of authority; and the historians of the times are uni- 
 formly liberal of their praises, to those emperors who were 
 thus wilUng to divide their power. 
 
 Upon the death of Tacitus, the whole array, as if by com- 
 mon consent, cried out that Probus should be emperor. He 
 was forty-four years old, when he ascended the throne; was 
 born of noble parents, at Sirmium, in Pannonia, and bred up a 
 soldier, from his youth. He began early to distinguish him- 
 self, for his discipline and valour; being frequently the first 
 man that, in besieging towns, scaled the walls, or that burst 
 into the enemy's camp. He was equally remarkable for single 
 combats, and saved the lives of many eminent citizens. Nor 
 were his activity and courage, when elected to the empire, less 
 apparent than in his private station. Every year now produced 
 only new calamities; and fresh irruptions, on every side, 
 threatened universal desolation: perhaps at this time, no abili- 
 ties except those of Probus, were capable of opposing these 
 united invasions. However, in the end, his own mutinous 
 soldiers, taking an opportunity, as he was marching into Greece, 
 killed him, after he had reigned six years and four months, with 
 general approbation. 
 
 TT r 1 n.'^r Cams, who had been prsDtorian prsefect to the 
 X T) 9^9* deceased emperor, was chosen by the army to suc- 
 "• ceed him; and he, to strengthen his authority, 
 united with him in command, his two sons, Carinus and Nu- 
 inerian ; the former of whom was as much sullied by his vices, 
 as the latter was remarkable for his virtues, modesty,, and 
 courage. 
 
 Carus was, shortly after his exaltation, struck dead, by Hght- 
 ning, in his tent, with many others that were around him. 
 
 Numerian, the younger son, who accompanied his father in 
 this expedition, was inconsolable for his death, and brought so 
 severe a disorder upon his eyes, by weeping, that he was obliged 
 to be carried along with the army, shut up in a close litter. 
 The pecuharity of his situation, after some time, excited the 
 ambition of Asper, his father-in-law; who supposed that he 
 could now, without any great danger, aim at the empire him- 
 ejf. He therefore hired a mercenary villain to murder the 
 emperor, in his litter; and the better to conceal the fact, gave 
 out that he was still alive, but unable to endure the light. The 
 offensiveness, however, of its smell, at length discovered the 
 treachery, and excited a universal uproar throughout the army. 
 In the midst of these tumults, Dioclesian, one of the most noted 
 
 T 2 
 
222 HISTOKY OF ROME:. 
 
 commanders of his time, was chosen emperor, and, with his 
 own hand, slew Asper ; having thus, as it is said, fulfilled a 
 prophecy, which predicted, that Dioclesian should be emperof 
 after he had slain a Boar.* 
 
 Carinus, the remaining son, did not long survive his father 
 and brother. 
 
 TT r 1 0^7 Dioclesian (classically Diocletianus) was a per- 
 / Ti oQ/i * ^^" ^^ mean birth : supposed, according to some, 
 ' to have been the son of a scrivener; and, accord- 
 ing to others, of a slave. He received his name from Dioclea, 
 the town in which he was born, and Was about forty years old 
 when he was elected to the empire. He owed his exaltation 
 entirely to his merit ; having passed through all the gradations 
 of office, with sagacity, courage, and success. 
 
 At this time, the northern hive, as it was called, poured down 
 their swarms of barbarians upon the Roman empire. Always 
 at war with the Romans, they issued when the armies that 
 were stationed to repress their invasions, were called away; 
 and upon their return, they as suddenly withdrew, into their 
 cold and barren retreats, inaccessible to all but themselves. 
 In this manner, the Scythians, Goths, Sarmatians, Alani, 
 Carsii, and Quadi, came down, in incredible numbers ; whilst 
 every defeat seemed only to increase their strength and per- 
 severance. 
 
 After gaining many victories over these, and in the midst of 
 his triumph, Dioclesian, and Maximian, his partner in the em- 
 pire, surprised the world, by resigning their dignities on the 
 same day ; and both retiring into private stations. In this con- 
 tented manner, Dioclesian remained, until his death was hast- 
 ened, as it is supposed, either by poison or madness. Hia 
 reign continued twenty years, having been active and useful : 
 his authority, which was tinctured with severity, was well 
 adapted to the depraved state of morals at that time. 
 IT r lO^T Upon the resignation of the two emperors, the 
 / n •^04* *^^ csesars whom they had before chosen, were 
 * universally acknowledged as their successors^ 
 These were, Constantius, who was called Chlorus, from the 
 paleness of his complexion; being virtuous, valiant, and mer- 
 ciful; and Galerius, who was brave, but brutal, incontinent, 
 and cruel. As there was so great a disparity in their tempersi, 
 
 * This piece of ancient wit is scarcely tenable, by any fair allowancB 
 of a play on words ; Aper^ in Latin, signifying a BoaVy and Asper 
 rottghy disagreeable* — KdUor^ 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 22S 
 
 they readily agreed, upon coming into full power, to divide the 
 empire; Constantius being appointed to govern the western 
 parts. 
 
 The latter died in Britain; appointing his son Constantino 
 his successor. Galerius was seized with a very extraordinary 
 disorder, which baffled all the skill of his physicians ; and car- 
 ried him off, after he had languished in torments for nearly tlie 
 space of a year. 
 
 U C 1064 Constantino, (properly cal}e<l Constantmus,) af- 
 A* T) qi/t^irwards surnamed the Great, had at first some 
 * competitors for the throne. Amongst the rest^ 
 was Maxentius, who was at that time in possession of Rome, 
 and a steadfast assertor of Paganism. It was in Constantino's 
 march against that usurper, that we are assured he was con- 
 verted to Christianity, by a very extraordinary appearance. 
 One evening, it is pretended, the army being upon its march 
 towards Rome, Constantine was occupied with various con- 
 siderations, upon the fate of sublunary things, and the dangers 
 of his approaching expedition: sensible of his own incapacity 
 to succeed without divine assistance, he employed his medita- 
 tions upon the opinions chiefly agitated amongst mankind, and 
 sent up ejaculations to Heaven, to inspire him with wisdom to 
 choose the path to pursue. It was then, as the sun was de- 
 clining, that there suddenly appeared in the heavens, a pillar 
 of light, in the form of a cross, with an inscription in Greeks 
 signifying. In thisy overcome. So extraordinary an appearance 
 did not fail to create astonishment, both in the emperor and hia 
 whole army; who considered it as their various dispositions 
 led them to believe. Those who were attached to Paganism, 
 prompted by its auspices, pronounced it to be a most unlucky 
 omen, portending the most unfortunate events : but it made n 
 different impression on the emperor's mind ; who, as the ac^ 
 count goes, was further encouraged by visions the same night* 
 He, therefore, the day following, caused a royal standard to be 
 made Hke that which he had seen in the heavens, and com- 
 manded it to be carried before him in his wars, as an ensign of 
 victory and celestial protection. After this, he consulted with 
 several of the principal teachers of Christianity, and made a 
 public avowal of that sacred persuasion. Constantine, having 
 thus attached to his interest, his soldiers, who were mostly of 
 the Christian religion, lost no time in entering Italy, with 
 ninety-thousand foot, and eight-thousand hor^e ; and soon ap- 
 proached almost to the very gates of Rome* Maxentius acj- 
 Taneed from the city, with an army of one-hundred-aftd-sev^aty- 
 
224 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 thousand foot,, and eighteen-thousand horse. Jh^ ^g^ 
 
 Srus was drovined in his flight, by the breaking down of 
 a bridt^e, as he attempted to cross the lyber. 
 
 Constantine, having entered the c.ty, d-clmmed aU 0,e 
 praises which the senate and people y^Ve^vL caused a 
 Lcribina his success to a superior power, .^e «ven causea a 
 rejiesentation of the cross which jt -« -d he ^a - J 
 the heavens, to be placed at the right of all h.s statues, wiin 
 tWs inscrTp on: " Under the influence of this victorious cross 
 ConSSJe delivered the city fior^ the yol^y^ ^^^7^"^ 
 nower and restored the senate and people of Kome to uieir 
 S dent authority." He afterwards ordained that no criuiin 
 should in future suff-er death by the cross; which had formerly 
 been the usual way of punishing slaves -n-cted of cap^ 
 fences. Edicts were soon after issued, declaring that tne 
 cESuans should be eased from all their grievances, and .e- 
 ceived into places of trust and authority. r^^^tantine 
 
 Thinss continued in this state for «o™^ ^'^^^ ' ^°";j^," '"f 
 contributin-x what was in his power to the interest of religion, 
 and he revival of learning, which had long been upon the de- 
 dine aid was almost wholly extinct throughout the Roman 
 dominions. But in the midst of these assiduities the peace of 
 theTmpirewas again disturbed, by the P/^P^'-ations of Max- 
 min who governid in the East; and who, desirous of a tuU 
 ;"aSd ation'of power, marched against L'-'-; J'^ « very 
 Sumerods army. In consequence of this J^P' ^^^'-ja^y "^J^. 
 flicts a general engagement ensued, m which Maximm sune. 
 ed a oti defeat: many of his troops were cut to F^-s, and 
 those that survived submitted to ^he conqueror. Havnghov^ 
 ever escaped the general carnage, he once more put himseU 
 :rthe 3 of anoLr army, resdving to try the fortu- of the 
 field- but his death prevented the design. As he died by a 
 v^ y'ext"io dinary kind of madness, the Christians, of whom 
 he was the declared enemy, did not fail to ascribe his end to a 
 ZZ,nent from Heaven; but this was the age in which false 
 iudgmentstd filse mi;acles, made up the bulk of Un.nstruc- 
 
 '^CoiiSneand Licinius thus remaining -^bPf/X^ 
 ners in the empire, all things promised a peaceable cont nu- 
 ance of friendship and power. However, it was soon found, 
 Et the same ambition which aimed after a part, would be con- 
 tent with nothing less than the whole. Pagan writers ascnho 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 225 
 
 the rupture between these two potentates, to Constantine; 
 whilst the Christians, on the other hand, impute it wholly to 
 Licinius. Both sides exerted all their power to make opposi- 
 tion; and, at the head of very formidable armies, they came 
 to an engagement near Cybalis, in Pannonia. Constantine, 
 previously to the battle, in the midst of his Christian bishops, 
 begged the assistance of Heaven; whilst Licinius, with equal 
 zeal, called upon the Pagan priests to intercede with the gods 
 in his favour. The success was on the side of truth : Con- 
 stantine, after an obstinate resistance, became victorious, took 
 the enemy's camp, and, after some time, compelled Licinius to 
 sue for a truce. But it was not of long continuance; and, soon 
 afterwards, the war breaking out afresh, and the rivals coming 
 once more to a general engagement, it proved decisive. Lici- 
 nius was entirely defeated, and pursued by Constantine into 
 Nicomedia, where he surrendered himself up to the victor, 
 having first obtained an oath that his life should be spared, and 
 that he should be permitted to pass the remainder of his days 
 in retirement. This, however, Constantine shortly afterwards 
 broke ; for, either fearing his designs, or finding him actually 
 engaged in fresh conspiracies, he commanded him to be put 
 to death, together with Martian, his general, who, some time 
 before, had been created ca3sar. 
 
 Constantine, being thus sole monarch of the empire, resolved 
 to establish Christianity on so sure a basis, that no new revolu- 
 tions could shake it. He commanded that in all the provinces 
 of the empire, the orders of the bishops should be exactly 
 obeyed. He called also a general council of these, in order 
 to repress the heresies which had already crept into the church, 
 particularly the. doctrines of A rius. To this convocation, there 
 repaired about three-hundred and eighteen bishops, besides a 
 multitude of presbyters and deacons, together with the emperor 
 himself; all of whom, except about seventeen, concurred in 
 condemning the tenets of Arius; and this heresiarch, with 
 his associates, was banished into a remote part of the do- 
 minions. 
 
 Having thus restored universal tranquillity to the empire, he 
 was not able to ward off calamities of a more domestic nature. 
 As the wretched histories of this period are entirely at variance 
 with each other, it is not easy to discover the motives which 
 induced him to put his wife Fausta and his son Crispus to death. 
 The most plausible account is this. Fausta, the empress, who 
 was a woman of great beauty, but of extravagant desires, had 
 
226 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 long though secretly, loved Crispus, Constantine's son by a 
 foimer wife. She had tried every art to inspire this youth with 
 a mutual passion; and, finding her more distant efforts inef- 
 fectual, had even the confidence to make him an open con- 
 fession of her desires. 
 
 This produced an explanation, which was fatal to both. 
 Crispus received her addresses with detestation, and she, to be 
 revenged, accused him to the emperor. Constantino, fired at 
 once with jealousy and rage, ordered him to die, without any 
 hearing; nor did his innocence appear before it was too late 
 for redress. The only reparation, therefore, that remained, 
 was the putting of Fausta, the wicked instrument of his former 
 cruelty, to death; she was accordingly executed, together with 
 some others who had been accomplices in her treachery and 
 falsehood. 
 
 But it is supposed that all the services which Constantine 
 rendered to the empire, were not equal to recompense the evil 
 which it sustained by his transferring the seat of government 
 from Rome to Byzantium. Whatever might have been the 
 reasons which induced him to this undertaking; whether it was 
 because he felt indignant at some affronts he had received at 
 Rome; that he supposed Byzantium more in the centre of the 
 empire ; or that he thought the eastern parts more required his 
 presence, experience has shown that they were all weak and 
 groundless. The empire had long before been in a most de- 
 clining state ; but this, in a great measure, gave precipitation 
 to i^ downfal. After this, it never resumed its former splen- 
 dour; but, Hke a flower transplanted into a foreign clime, lan- 
 guished by degrees, and at length sunk into nothing. 
 
 His first design was to build a city, which he might make 
 the capital of the world, and for this purpose, he made choice 
 of Chalcedon in Asia Minor; but we are told, that, in laying 
 out the ground plan, an eagle caught up the line, and flew with 
 It over to Byzantium, on the opposite side of the Bosphorus. 
 Here, therefore, it was thought expedient to fix the seat of em- 
 pire ; and, indeed, nature seemed to have formed it with all the 
 conveniences, and all the beauties, which might induce powe! 
 to make it the seat of residence. It was situated on a plain 
 which rose gently from the waters : it commanded the §trait 
 which unites the Mediterranean with the Euxine sea, and was 
 furnished with all the advantages which the most indulgent 
 climate could bestow. This city, therefore, he beautified with 
 the most magnificent edifices: he divided it into fourteen 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 227 
 
 n r 10^4. ^®g^^"S5 built a capitol, an amphitheatre, many 
 A* "n ^SO* ^^^''^h^s, and other public works ; and, having 
 * thus rendered it equal to the magnificence of his 
 idea, he dedicated it, in a very solemn manner, to the God of 
 Martyrs ; and, in about two years afterwards repaired thithei 
 with hi-s whole court. Byzantium then received the name of 
 Constantinopolis, and is now called, by us, Constantinople. 
 
 The removal produced no immediate alteration in the gov- 
 ernment of the empire : the inhabitants of Rome, though^th 
 reluctance, submitted to the change ; nor was there, for two or 
 three years, any disturbance in the state, until, at length, the 
 Goths, finding that the Romans had withdrawn all their gar- 
 risons along the Danube, renewed their inroads, and ravaged 
 the country, with unexampled cruelty. Constantine, however, 
 soon repressed their incursions, and so straitened them, that 
 nearly one-hundred-thousand of their number perished by cold 
 and hunger. 
 
 Another great error ascribed to him is, the dividing of the 
 empire amongst his sons. Constantine, the emperor's eldest 
 son, governed in Gaul, and the western provinces; Constan- 
 tius, his second, in Africa and Illyricum; and Constans, the 
 youngest, in Italy. This division of the empire, still further 
 contributed to its downfal. The united strength of the state 
 being no longer brought to repress invasion, the barbarians 
 fought with superior numbers, and conquered at last, though 
 often defeated. 
 
 Constantine was about sixty years old; and had reigned 
 above thirty, when he found his health began to decline. His 
 disorder, which was an ague, increasing, he went to Nico- 
 media ; where, finding himself without hopes of a recovery, he 
 caused himself to be baptized; and, having soon aflerwards 
 TT r lOQO ^^^^^^^^ t^^ sacrament, he expired, after a 
 A* "n SS7* iwemorable and active reign of almost thirty-two 
 ' years. 
 
j 
 
 2^6 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 CHAPTER XXT. 
 
 Of the destruction of the Roman Empire, after the death of Con' 
 stantine, and the events ichich hastened its catastrophe. 
 
 From this dreary period, the recovery of the empire became 
 desperate ; no wisdom could obviate its decline, no courage 
 oppose the evils which surrounded it, on every side. Were we 
 to enter into a detail concerning the characters of the princes 
 of those times, it should be rather of the conquerors, not the 
 conquered : of those Gothic chiefs, who led a more virtuous, 
 and more courageous people, to the conquest of nations, cor- 
 rupted by vice, and enervated by luxury. 
 
 These barbarians were long unknown to the Romans, and 
 for some time after their appearance, had been only incom- 
 modious to them. But they had now become formidable, and 
 arose in so great numbers, that the earth seemed to produce a 
 new race of mankind, to complete the empire's destruction. 
 They had been increasing in their hideous deserts, amidst 
 regions frightful with eternal snows, and had, for a considerable 
 time, only awaited the opportunity of coming down into a more 
 favourable climate, xigainst such an enemy, no courage could 
 avail, nor abilities be successful ; a victory only cut off numbers 
 without a habitation or a name, soon to be succeeded by others, 
 equally desperate and obscure. 
 
 The emperors who had to contend with this people, were 
 furnished neither with courage nor conduct to oppose them. 
 Their residence in Asia seemed to enervate their manners, and 
 produced a desire to be adored like the monarchs of the east. 
 Sunk in softness, they showed themselves with less frequency 
 to the soldiers : they became more indolent, fonder of domestic 
 pleasures, and more abstracted from the empire. Constantius, 
 who reigned thirty-eight years, was weak, timid, and unsuccess- 
 ful ; governed by liis eunuchs and his wives, and unfit to prop 
 the falling empire. Julian, his successor, surnamed the Apos- 
 tate, upon account of his relapsing into Paganism, was, not- 
 withstanding, a very good and very valiant prince. By his 
 wisdom, conduct, and economy, he chased the barbarians, who 
 had taken fifty towns upon the Rhine, out of their own settle- 
 ments ; and his name was a terror to them during his reign, 
 which lasted only two years. Jovian and Valentinian had 
 virtue and strength sufficient to preserve the empire from inw 
 mediately falling under its enemies. No prince saw the ne* 
 
IHSTORY OF ROME. 229 
 
 eessity of restoring the ancient plan ot tne empire, more than 
 Yalentinian : the former emperors had drained away all their 
 frontier garrisons, merely to strengthen their own power at 
 home ; but his whole life was employed in fortifying the banks 
 of the Rhine, making levies, raising castles, placing troops in 
 proper stations, and furnishing them with subsistence. But an 
 event, which no human prudence could foresee, brought up a 
 new enemy, to assist in the universal destruction. 
 
 That tract of land which hes between the Palus Mseotis, the 
 mountains of Caucasus, and the Caspian Sea, was inhabited 
 by a numerous savage people, known by the name of Huns and 
 Allanes. Their soil was fertile, and the inhabitants fond of 
 robbery and spoil. As they imagined it impracticable to cross 
 the Palus Mccotis, they were altogether unacquainted with the 
 Romans ; and remained confined within the limits which their 
 ignorance had assigned them, whilst the other nations plunder- 
 ed with security. £t has been the opinion of some, that the 
 slime brought down by the current of the Tanais, had, by de- 
 grees, formed a kind of incrustation on the surface of the 
 Cimmasrian Bosphorus, over which those people are supposed 
 to have passed. Others relate, that two young Scythians, 
 being in full pursuit of a heifer, the terrified creature swam 
 over an arm of the sea, and the youths immediately following 
 her, found themselves in a new world, on the opposite shore. 
 On their return, they did not fail to relate the wonders of the 
 strange lands and countries which they had discovered. In 
 consequence of their information, an innumerable body of 
 Huns passed those straits ; and, meeting first with the Goths, 
 made that people fly before them. The Goths in consterna- 
 tion, presented themselves on the banks of the Danube, and 
 with a suppliant air, entreated the Romans to allow them a 
 place of refuge. This they easily obtained, from Yalens ; who 
 assigned them several portions of land,in Thrace, but left them 
 destitute of all needful supphes. Stimulated, therefore, by 
 hunger and resentment, they soon afterwards rose against 
 their protectors ; and, in a dreadful engagement, fought near 
 Adrianople, they destroyed Yalens himself, and the greater 
 part of his army. ^ = 
 
 It was in this manner, the Roman armies grew w^eaRer; so 
 that the emperors, finding it difficult to raise levies in the prov- 
 inces, were at last obliged to hire one body of barbarians to 
 oppose another. This expedient had its use, in cases of imme- 
 diate danger; but, when that was over, the Romans found it 
 as difficult to rid themselves of their new alhes, as of their 
 
 U 
 
230 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 former enemies. Thus, the empire was not ruined by any par- 
 ticular invasion, but sunk graduall}^ under the weight of several 
 attacks, made upon it from every side. When the barbarians 
 had wasted one province, they proceeded to another. Their 
 devastations were at first Hmited to Thrace, Mysia, and Pan- 
 nonia; but, when those countries were ruined, they destroyed 
 Macedonia, Thessaly, and Greece, and afterwards expatriated 
 to Noricum. The empire was in this manner continually 
 shrinking; and Italy, at last, became the frontier of its own 
 dominion. 
 
 The valoiu and conduct of Theodosius, in some measure re- 
 tarded the destruction which had begun in the time of Valens; 
 but, upon his death, the enemy became irresistible. A large 
 body of Goths had been called in, to aid the regular forces of 
 the empire, under the command of Alaric, their king; but th« 
 means used to stop the universal decline, proved the most 
 mortal stab to its security. This Gothic prince, who is repre- 
 sented as brave, impetuous, and enterprising, perceived the 
 weakness of the state, and how little Arcadius and Honorius, 
 the successors of Theodosius, were able to secure it. He 
 was instigated still further, by the artifices of one Rufinus, who 
 had designs upon the throne; and, at the head of his barbarous 
 forces, declared war against his employers, and fought the 
 armies of the empire for some years with various success. 
 However, in proportion as his troops were cut off, he received 
 new supplies, from his native forests; and, at length, putting 
 his mighty designs in execution, he passed the Alps, and pour- 
 ed down, like a torrent, amongst the fruitful valUes of Italy. 
 
 This charming region had long been the seat of indolence 
 and sensual delight: its fields were now turned into gardens 
 of pleasure, which served only to enervate the possessors, from 
 having once been a nursery of military strength, which furnish- 
 ed soldiers for the conquest of mankind. The timid inhabit- 
 ants, therefore, beheld with terror a dreadful enemy ravaging 
 in the midst of their country ; whilst their wretched emperor, 
 Honorius, then at Ravenna, still seemed resolved to keep up 
 his dignity, and to refuse any accommod^ution. But the inhabit- 
 ants of Rome felt the calamities of the times, with double aggra- 
 vation. This great city, which had long sat as mistress of the 
 world, now saw herself besieged by an army of fierce and 
 terrible barbarians ; and, being crowded with inhabitants, she 
 was reduced, by extremities of pestilence and famine, to a 
 most deplorable condition. In this state of misery, the senate 
 despatched their ambassadors to Alaric ; requesting him either 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 231 
 
 to grant them peace upon reasonable terms, or give them leave 
 to fight with him in the open field. To this message, however^ 
 the Gothic monarch only replied, with a burst of laughter, that 
 *' thick grass was more easily cut, than thin ;" implying, that 
 their troops, while cooped up within the narrow compass of tho 
 city, would be more easily overcome, than when drawn out in 
 order of battle. When they came to debate about a peace, he 
 demanded all their riches, and all their slaves. When asked, 
 what then he would leave them, he sternly replied : " Their 
 hves." These were hard conditions, for a city so celebrated, 
 to accept; but, compelled by the necessity of the times, she 
 raised an immense treasure, both by taxation and stripping the 
 heathen temples ; and thus, at length, bought off her fierce in- 
 vaders. 
 
 This was but a temporary removal of the calamity. Alaric, 
 now finding that he might become master of Rome, whenever 
 he thought proper, returned with his army, a short time after- 
 wards ; pressed it more closely than before, and at last took 
 TT r lifi^ ^^' ^^^^ whether by force or stratagem, is not 
 A* D 410* ^S**®^^ amongst historians. Thus, that city, which 
 * for ages had plundered the rest of the world, and 
 enriched herself with the spoils of mankind, now felt, in turn, 
 the sad reverse of fortujie, and suffered all that barbarity could 
 inflict, or patience endure. The soldiers had llbert} to pillage 
 all places, except the Christian churches; and, in the midst of 
 this horrible desolation, so great was the reverence of the bar- 
 barians for our holy religion, that the Pagan Romans found 
 safety in applying to those of the Christian persuasion for pro- 
 tection. This dreadful devastation continued for three days ; 
 and unspeakable were the precious monuments, both of art and 
 learning, which sunk under the fury of the conquerors. How- 
 ever, there still remained innumerable traces of the city's for- 
 mer greatness ; so that this capture seemed rather a correction, 
 than a total overthrow. 
 
 But the Gothic coaquerors of the west, though they had 
 suffered Rome to survive its first capture, now found how easy 
 it was to become masters of it, upon any other occasion. The 
 extent of its walls, had, in fact, made it almost impracticable 
 for the inhabitants to defend them; and, as ii: was situated on 
 a plain, it might be stormed without much difficulty. Besides 
 this, no succours were to be expected from without; for the 
 number of the people was so extremely diminished, that the 
 emperors were obliged to retire to Ravenna, a place so fortified 
 by nature, that they would be safe without the assistance of aa 
 
232 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 army. What Alaric, therefore, had spared, Genserie, king €>f 
 the Vandals, not long afterwards, contributed to destroy ; his 
 merciless soldiers, for fourteen days together, ravaged, with 
 implacable fury, in the midst of that venerable place. Neither 
 private dwellings, nor public buildings ; neither sex, nor age, 
 nor religion, were the least protection, against their lust or 
 avarice. 
 
 The capital of the empire being thus ransacked several 
 times, and Italy over-run by barbarous invaders, under various 
 denominations, from the remotest skirts of Europe, the western 
 emperors, for some time, continued to hold the title, without 
 the power, of royalty. Honorius lived un^il he saw himself 
 stripped of the greater part of his dominions : his capital taken 
 by the Goths, the Huns in possession of Pannonia ; the Alani, 
 Suevi, and Yandals, settled in Spain, and the Burgundians in 
 Gaul; where the Goths eventually established themselves. 
 
 After some time, the inhabitants of Rome also being aban- 
 doned by their princes, feebly attempted to take the supreme 
 power into their own hands. Armorica and Britain being for- 
 saken, began to regulate themselves by their own laws. Thus, 
 the power of the state was entirely broken ; and those who as- 
 sumed the title of emperors, only encountered certain destruc- 
 tion. At length, even the very name of emperor of the west 
 expired, upon the abdication of Augustulus ; and Odoacer, 
 general of the Heruli, assumed the title of king of all Italy. 
 Such, was the end of this great empire; which had conquered 
 mankind by its arms, and instructed the world by its wisdom ; 
 which haa risen by temperance, and fell by luxury ; which had 
 been estabhshed by a spirit of patriotism, and sunk into ruin, 
 when the empire had become so extensive, that a Roman citizen 
 was but an empty name. Its final dissolution happened about 
 five-hundred-and-twenty-two years after the battle of Pharsaha; 
 one-hundred-and-forty-six, after the removal of the imperial 
 seat to Constantinople; and four-hundred-and-seventy-six, after 
 the nativity of our Saviour. 
 
 THE END. 
 
VOCABULARY 
 
 Of Proper Names^ contained in this History, accentuated^ in 
 oi'der to show their right pronunciation. 
 
 A. 
 
 Ac'tium, 
 
 Adrian'' us, > 
 
 A'drian, ) 
 
 Agrigen^tum, 
 
 Agrip^pa, 
 
 Alar^ic, 
 
 -EmiKius, 
 
 Amu^lius, 
 
 Andron^icus, 
 
 -Enemas, 
 
 Antoninus, 
 
 Anto^nius, ) 
 
 An'^tony, / 
 
 Ap'^pius, 
 
 Apu^lia, 
 
 Arde^a, 
 
 A'runs, 
 
 AsMrubal, 
 
 Augus^'tus, 
 
 Aure''lius, 
 
 Aure^lian, > 
 
 Aurelian^us. ) 
 
 B. 
 
 Bru^tus, 
 Byzan^tium 
 
 C. 
 
 Cae^sar, 
 
 Calig^ula, 
 
 Calphur'nia, 
 
 CamiKlus, 
 
 Capre^a, 
 
 Cap^ua, 
 
 CaracaKla, 
 
 Cat^iline, ) 
 
 Catili^'na, ) 
 
 Ca'to, 
 
 Cic^'ero, 
 
 Claud^ius, 
 
 Cleopa^'tra, 
 
 Collati^nus, 
 
 Com^'modas, 
 
 Constanti^fie, 
 
 Constan^tius, 
 
 Cori^'ola^nus, 
 
 Cur^'tius. 
 
 D. 
 
 Deceb^alus, 
 
 Decern^ viri, 
 
 Demos^thenes 
 
 Denta^tus, 
 
 Diocle^sian, 
 
 Dru^sus, 
 
 Duum^viri. 
 
 E. 
 
 Ege^ria, 
 En^'nius. 
 
 Fab^ius, 
 Fabric^ius, 
 Fescenni^na, 
 Flamin^ius, 
 Flav^ius, 
 U 2 
 
( 234 ) 
 
 Fu'rius. 
 
 G. 
 
 GaKba, 
 
 Galiie^nus, 
 
 Gale^rius, 
 
 German^icus, 
 
 Gordian^'us, 
 
 Gracch^'us, 
 
 Gratian^us. 
 
 H. 
 
 Han'nibal, 
 Heliogaba'lus, 
 Iler'cules, 
 Hora^tii. 
 
 I. 
 
 Icil'ius. 
 
 J. 
 
 Jovian^u<#, 
 
 Judse^'a, 
 
 Jugur^tha, 
 
 Julian^us, ) 
 
 Ju^lian, i 
 
 Jn^lius, 
 
 Ju'piter. 
 
 L. 
 
 La3vi'nus, 
 
 liabie^nus, 
 
 Lar^gius, 
 
 Len^tulus, 
 
 Lep'idus, 
 
 Liv'ia, 
 
 IiOcus''ta, 
 
 Ijongi^nus, 
 
 LuciFla, 
 
 Luteins, 
 
 Lucre^tia, 
 
 Lucul'lus, 
 
 Lucu'mon, 
 
 Luta^tius. 
 
 M. 
 
 Macri^nus, 
 
 Mamerti^'ne 
 
 Man^lius, 
 
 Man^tua, 
 
 MarceHus, 
 
 Ma^rius, 
 
 Masinis^'sa, 
 
 Maxen^tius, 
 
 Maxim^ian, 
 
 Maximia^nus, J 
 
 Max^imin, > 
 
 Maximi^nus, ) 
 
 Mecse^nas, 
 
 Mene'^nius, 
 
 MeteMus, 
 
 MessalKna, 
 
 Mithrida^tes, 
 
 Muti^na, 
 
 Mu^tius. 
 
 N. 
 Ne^ro, 
 Ner^va, 
 Nu^ma, 
 Numid'ia, 
 Nu^mitor. 
 
 O. 
 
 Octa'vius, 
 Os^tia. 
 
 P. 
 
 Papyr^ius, 
 
 Pauli^na, 
 
 Peloponne^sus, 
 
 Per^tinax, 
 
 Petro^nius, 
 
 Pharna^ces, 
 
 Pharsa^ia, 
 
 PhilipV, 
 
 Planci^'na, 
 
 Po-sen^na, 
 
( 235 ) 
 
 Ptolemse^us, ) 
 PtoKemy, J 
 Pupie^nus. 
 
 . 9-. 
 
 QuintiHius. 
 
 R. 
 
 Raven^na, 
 
 Reg^'ulus, 
 
 Re^mus, 
 
 Rom''ulus, 
 
 Ru'bicon, 
 
 Ru'tuli. 
 
 Sagun^'tum, 
 
 Sardin^ia, 
 
 Scaevo^'la, 
 
 Scip'^io, 
 
 Seja^nus, 
 
 Seleu^'cia, 
 
 Semprc'nius, 
 
 Sen'' eca, 
 
 ) 
 
 Ser^vius, 
 Sev^erus, 
 Sy^'racuse. 
 
 T. 
 
 Ta^citus, 
 
 Tan^aquil, 
 
 Taren^tum, 
 
 Tarpei^a, 
 
 Tai/quin, 
 
 Tarquin''ius, J 
 
 Teren^tius, 
 
 Tibe^rius, 
 
 Torqua^tus. 
 
 V. 
 
 Valentin^ian, 
 
 Vale^rian, 
 
 Vale^rius, 
 
 Vespa'^sian, 
 
 TiteKlius. 
 
 X. 
 
 Xantip^'pus. 
 
■f 
 
 RECOMMENDATIONS. 
 
 GOLDSMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE, improved by 
 Grimshaw, with a Vocabulary of the Proper Names con- 
 tained in the work, and the Prosodial Accents, in conformity 
 with the Pronunciation of Lempriere — with Questions and 
 a Key, as above. 
 
 Although there are many worthless School Books, there are 
 but few which are equally impure and inaccurate with the ori- 
 ginal editions of Goldsmith's Histories, for the use of Schools. 
 I congratulate both teachers and pupils, upon the appearance 
 of Mr. Grimshaw's edition of the " History of Greece," which 
 has been so completely expurgated, and otherwise corrected, 
 as to give it the character of a new work, admirably adapted to 
 the purpose for which it is intended. 
 
 THOMAS P. JONES, 
 
 Professor of JVTechanics in the Franhlin Institute 
 of the State of Pennsylvania, and late Prin- 
 cipal of the JVorth Carolina Female Academy. 
 Philaddphia, Sept, 5, 1826. 
 
 Mr. John Grigg. 
 
 Dear Sir — Agreeably to your request I have examined, with 
 attention, " Goldsmith's Greece, revised and corrected, and a 
 vocabulary of proper names appended, with prosodial marks, 
 to assist in their pronunciation, by William Grimshaw ;" and I 
 feel a perfect freedom to say, that the correction of numerous 
 grammatical and other errors, by Mr. Grimshaw, together with 
 the rejection of many obscene and indelicate passages im- 
 proper for the perusal of youth, gives this edition, in my 
 opinion, a decided preference over th^ editions of that work 
 heretofore in use. 
 
 The Questions and Key, likewise supplied by Mr. Grim- 
 shaw to accompany this edition, afford a facility for communi- 
 cating instruction, which will be duly appreciated by every 
 judicious teacher. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Yours truly. 
 
 THOMAS T. SMILEY. 
 
3u0t JJublisJetr, antr for Sale 6|i 
 
 JOHN GRIGG3 
 
 No. 9, North Fourth Street ^ Philadelphia, 
 
 AND rOR SALE BY BOOKSELLERS AND COUNTRY MERCHANTS GENERALLY 
 IN THE SOUTHERN AND WESTERN STATES, 
 
 TORREY'S PRIMER, or First Book for Children. 
 
 TORREY'S SPELLING BOOK, or Second Book for Children. 
 
 Those Teachers who are not altogether prejudiced in favour of Webster, will please exarairwi 
 this work ; as numerous Preceptors, who have used it in their Schools, give it the preference 
 over timt and others. 
 
 TORREY'S PLEASING COMPANION FOR LITTLE GIRLS AND BOYS, blending 
 Instruction with Amusement; being a Selection of Interesting Stories, Dialogues, Fables, and 
 Poetry. Designed for the use of Primary Schools and Domestic Nurseries. 
 
 Preferred generally to Murray's Introduction, and works of that class, by Teachers who have 
 given it an examination. 
 
 TORREY'S MORAL INSTRUCTOR, OR GUIDE TO VIRTUE.— Letters of decided 
 approbation, from several of the most eminent statesmen and heads of colleges, academies and 
 schools, might be added in favour of these books: but the compiler, in preference, earnestly 
 requests that teachers, parents, merchants and others, will examine for themselves as soon as 
 practicable ; and in proportion as this is done, he indulges the belief (from experience) that 
 they will be generally introduced into schools and families throughout the United States; and 
 that consequent to this, the intellectual and moral improvement and virtue of the present and 
 future generations will be proportionably advanced. 
 
 This and the preceding works have been generally introduced in schools and academies iii 
 
 Elace of Murray's Reader, and other similar works of domestic and foreign origin. It has 
 een the special endeavour of the compiler, besides adapting the lessons m his books progres- 
 eively to the age and capacities of the learner, to combine entertainment with useful instruc- 
 tion. He has inserted a considerable number of lessons, designed to impress the mind of the 
 rising generation with a just abhorrence of the prevaihng custom of using ardent spirits, which 
 is probably the most destructive and extensive moral and physical evil that ravages our 
 Republic at the present time. 
 
 " Dr. Torrey's works abound with admirable Lessons, in moral and physical knowledge, 
 which the old as well as the young may read, with pleasure and profit. The best feelings of 
 our nature are encouraged' and cultivated, the purest principles of morality are made plain 
 and attractive to the youthful understanding, and every thing is explained with so much 
 simplicity and perspicuity, that every reader may comprehend them." 
 
 SMILEY'S ARITHMETICAL RULES AND TABLES FOR YOUNG BEGINNERS. 
 
 This is the best M'ork of the kind now in print ; but Teachers are particularly requested to 
 examine for themselves. 
 
 SMILEY'S ARITHMETIC, or the New Federal Calculator, in dollars and cents. Th« 
 work contains, among other important improremer.ts, Questions on the Rules and Theory of 
 Arithmetic, which are considered by Teachers generally, very conducive to the improvement 
 of the pupil. 
 
 Although a prejudice exists among some Teachers in favour of the old works on Arithmetic, 
 vet the very liberal patronage which this work has received, must be considered as decisive 
 evidence of the great estimation in which it is held by most of the instructors of youth. 
 Upwards of 50,000 copies have been printed and sold. The sums being altogether in dollars 
 and cents, gives it a decided preference over any other Arithmetic in use. The most distin- 
 guished Teachers of our city pronounce it superior to any other like work ; therefore tho 
 publ<Jiher sincerely hopes this useful improvement will overcome the piejudice that maajt 
 
 1 
 
2 JOHN GRIGG'S SCHOOL BOOKS. 
 
 TeacherB have to introducing new works ; particularly those preceptors who wish to discharge 
 their duty faithfully to parent and child. 
 
 Among the numerous flattering testimonials of its superiority over any other now in use, is 
 the following, from gentlemen who enjoy we]l-n>erited celebrity as instructors of youth in our 
 city, as well as in the New England States. "Philadelphia, Sept. 18, 1829.— We have ex- 
 amined with care and attention the ' ^w Federal Calculator, or Scholar's Assistant,' by 
 Thomas T. Smiley ; and have no hesitation in pronouncing it an excellent Arithmetic. The 
 arrangement is good, and has evidently resulted from the reflections of a practical and judi- 
 cious Teacher ; the definitions and rules are expressed in clear and simple language, well 
 adapted to the capacities of the young ; the questions are convenient for the purpose of ex- ' 
 amination; the examples of a strictly practical character; and the booli on the whole ig 
 admirably calculated for the use of schools and academies. John M. Brewer, John Frost, 
 S. C. Walker." 
 The editors of the New York Telegraph, speaking of Smiley's Arithmetic, observe, " We 
 I do not hesitate to pronounce it an improvement upon every work of that kind previously 
 
 before the public, and as such recommend its adoption in all our schools and academies." 
 
 A KEY TO THE ABOVE ARITHMETIC; in which all the examples necessary for a 
 Learner are wrought at large, and also Solutions given of all the various Rules. Designed 
 principally to facilitate the labour of Teachers, and assist such as have not the opportunity of 
 a Tutor's aid. By T. T. Srailey, Author of the New Federal Calculator, &c. &c. 
 
 SMILEY'S EASY INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF GEOGRAPHY, on an 
 
 improved plan ; compiled for the use of Schools, with a view to render the acquisition of 
 Geographical Science easy and pleasant to the Student : accompanied by an Atlas, engraved 
 under the superintendance of H. S. Tanner, Esq. and T. T. Smiley, improved to the present 
 time; exhibiting the Elevation of Mountains, Length of Rivers, and Population of Cities, &c 
 &c. from the best authorities. 
 
 When we say this is the best Elementary Geography and Atlas in use, we only reiterate i}t& 
 sentiments of many of the most distinguished teachers in our country. The work is particularly 
 adapted for Schools and Academies, and Teachers who are anxious to promote one of the 
 most useful and agreeable studies, will please give it an attentive examination. 
 
 GRIMSHAW'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Also, Questions adapted to the above History; and a Key^ adapted to the duestions, for the 
 use of Teachers, and Private Families. 
 
 GRIMSHAW'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 j Also, Questions Sidapted to the above History; and a Key, adapted to the Q,ue8tions, for the 
 
 ' use of Teachers, and Private Families. 
 
 GRIMSHAW'S IMPROVED EDITION OF GOLDSMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 ! with a Vocabulary of the Proper Names contained in the work, and |;he Prosodial Accents, in 
 
 conformity with the pronunciation of Lempriere. 
 
 Also, Questions adapted to the above History; and a Key, adapted to the Q-uestions, for the 
 use of Teachers, and Private Families. 
 
 GRIMSHAW'S IMPROVED EDITION OF GOLDSMITH'S HISTORY i^ ROME, 
 
 revised and corrected, and a Vocabulary of Proper Names appended, with Prosodial Marks 
 to assist in their pronunciation. 
 
 Also, Questions adapted to the above History; and a Key, adapted to the Questions, for the 
 use of Teachers, and Private Families. 
 
 The Editor of the North American Review, speaking of those Histories observes, that — 
 
 " Among the Elementary Books of American History, we do not remember to have seen 
 any one more deserving approbation, than 'Mr. Grimshaw's Hi* ory of the Unked States,' 
 embracing the period from the first settlement of the Colonies, to the year 1821. It is a smaJ* 
 volume, and a great deal of matter is brought into a narrow space; — but the Author Iia« 
 pucceeded so well in the construction of his periods, and the arrangement of his materials, 
 that perspicuity is rarely sacrificed to brevity. 
 
 "The chain of narrative is skilfully preserved, and the Author's reflections are frequently 
 &uoh as make the facts more impressive, and lead the youthful mind to observe causes aud 
 consequences which might otherwise have been overlooked. As a School Book 'it may 
 justly be recommended. 
 
 " What has been said of this volume ^vill apply generally to his other historical works.— 
 They are each nearly of the same size as the one just noticed, and designed for the same 
 object, that is, the use of Classes in Schools. 
 
 "The ' History of England, is an original composition; bu'f the Grecian and Roman Histo- 
 ries are Goldsmith's, improved by Mr. Grimshaw, in which he has corrected the typegraphical 
 errors, with which the later editions of Goldsmith's Abridgments so much abound ; and 
 removed any grossness in language, which, in some few instances, rendered these valuable 
 compends less useful in the Schools to which Youth of both sexes resort. He has also added 
 1 Jl „rl.L a Vocabularv of proper names accentuated, in order to •how their rightprenunciation, wUidl 
 
 W»lli'' to a valuable' appendage to the History. (J 1 O O 0»-b1 nA 
 
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