Qass E" 3S-^ 
 
 Book JA_ 
 
A BOOK 
 
 ADDRESSEDTOTHE ^ ^ o" 
 
 PEOPLE OF SUFFOLK COUNTY, 
 
 UPON SOME 
 
 IMPORTANT POINTS 
 
 r 
 
 OF 
 
 NATIONAL POLICY. 
 
 BY IVILLIAHI JAGGAR. T^g,^^^ 
 
 C^Ffel.NTED FOR THE Al'THOK. 
 
 ^ 1836. 
 

to THU 
 
 PEOPLE OF SUFFOLK COUNTY* 
 
 Permit me to address you, and call your attention to the 
 affairs of our government. It is well known that I take a 
 great interest in these affairs, a subject I never have until with- 
 in two years, scarce taken any interest in. It appears strange 
 to the people that I should quit my business for the sake of 
 becoming a politician. It is quite as strange to me as it is to 
 them. It is what I never thought would happen to me. I 
 have taken so little interest that I never even attended a polit- 
 ical meeting. 
 
 I will state the cause of my becoming a politician. One 
 of our best and most learned gentlemen told me that if the af- 
 fairs, of our government did not soon alter we should have 
 another form of government that would not be a republican 
 government. The Hon. gentleman who told me this was 
 Hull Osborne, Esq. (since then deceased.) He was well 
 known to the people of Suffolk County as a learned, wise, and 
 good man. He told me, the leaders of the administration 
 party did not regard the Constitution, but violated it to suit 
 their own selfish purposes. This wise and good man felt 
 much for the good of his County, and the Constitution. What 
 he said to me made a strong impression upon my mind, and I 
 quit my business with a determination to know how our affairs 
 were situated, and I have not spared any labor in finding 
 out. And I can say to you, they are in a much worse state 
 than I had any idea of. If the leaders do not regard the con- 
 
 ■-it 
 
stitufion nor what Gen. Jacksofi recommends to be done for 
 the p-eople, but act to the reverse, as J kuotc f^et/ hare done in 
 a most important CAse, are we to expect they will regard us ? 
 I know we have been most dreadfully deceived within eight 
 years past, by those who pretend to be our friends. I will 
 prove to you that we have been most dread/ nli^ deceived 
 and prove that the leaders have not regarded what General 
 Jackson recommended to be done for the srood of the people, 
 but they have tried to act to the reverse, and greatly to the 
 injury of the people. They tried last winter to pass a law that 
 would injure us, and take from ns Hundreds c^' Millions oC 
 our property. This I know they tried to do. It appears 
 tlieir object for this was to get ^lartin in as president. Are 
 you not willing under these circumstances to become person- 
 ally acquainted with the aflairs of our government and no lon- 
 ger snifer yourselves to be led by blind and partially deranged 
 office holders and oiBce seekers ? I hope the reader will en- 
 deavor to understand me. for I can assure him that h^ has acs 
 EULch interest in the subject as I have, and has as much to ex- 
 pect from any party as I do. It will not make any difference 
 to me who we have for officers if they are honest and capable 
 men. I do not want any favors from them that others do not 
 'want. 
 
 I do not want an office from any party, and I here promise 
 that I never will hold an office to receive any thing {or mjr 
 services ; no one will hardly believe Hiat I want an offite to- 
 serve the people for nothing. 
 
 I will now prove that we have been most dreadfully decei- 
 ved and wronged out of our money within eight years. 
 
 Before Goi. Jacksen was president, and while Mr. Adams 
 "«:as president we were told that he (3/;-. Adams) spent out 
 money wrongfully ; that is, spent it for purposes that he ougliat 
 not to have spent it for, and spent mixrh more thaa he should 
 have done. We were told that he spent forty thousand dollars 
 to furnish the east room of the President's house as it is called — 
 we were also told that if Gen. Jackson was president he would 
 not spend so much of our money, but would save it for us. 
 This they repeatedly told us, and now let us see how much, 
 truth there was in these charges against Mi\ AdamSy and see 
 
if this administratfon has saved our money ag they promtseJ, 
 and have actually spent less than Mr. Adams. 
 
 I went to Washington for the purpose of finding out the 
 truth of a number of charges, and how our affairs were mana- 
 ged. And I stayed near six months there for this purpose 
 and to hear what was going on. I was told by a number of 
 gentlemen that Mr. Adams did not furnish that particular east 
 room. I spent a number of evenings with Mr. Adams, and he- 
 told me he did not furnish the room that he was charged with 
 furnishing. He said he did not lay out one dollar to furnish 
 said east room. But since Gen. Jackson has been president 
 this room has been furnished, and it cost, as I am credibly 
 informed, forty thousand dollars. You may depend that thi» 
 charge against Mr. Adams for spending forty thousand dollars 
 to furnish that particular room, is as false as it would be 
 for you to say you had not this paper in your hand. Are wc 
 to put up with such charges that are made for no other purpose 
 but to deceive us and to injure- an honest president? Will we 
 suffer a public officerto be treated in this way,and ourselvesde- 
 ceived, and pass it off with scarce any notice ? I hope it will be 
 long remembered by all persons. If any person dare dispute 
 me or does not believe what I have stated, if said person will 
 give me three hundred dollars, if I can prove it to the sati^ac^ 
 tionof Abraham Gardner, Esq. (Merchant of Sag-Harbor) and 
 Col. Benjamin Case (Merchant of Southold)that Mr. Adams 
 did not lurnish said east room, I will give said persons one 
 thousand if I cannot prove it to their satisfaction that Mr. 
 Adam,s did not furnish the said room. 
 
 The above gentlemen must go to Washington and hear 
 what can be proved concerning this case. This is a fair offer 
 and these gentlemen are both administration men. 
 
 As it respects Mr. Adams^ spending our money for other 
 purposes, wrongfully, and spending more than he ought to 
 have done, I believe is as false as the charge of his furnishing 
 that particular room. He told me he did not spend any more 
 than it was necessary. 
 
 You may judge from what Gen. Jackson's administration 
 has spent, whether Mr. Adams did spend and squander our 
 
money away. As it respects Gen. Jackson^s spending less 
 than Mr. Adams, it is false. 
 
 A plain statement of the e.vpejises of the present administration 
 as compared with those oj former administrations. 
 
 I here present you with the expenses of the Government for 
 twelve years. This is for two years of President. Monroe ; 
 four years of President Adams, and siS years of President 
 Jackson. I presume it is correct. I employed a competent 
 person to assist me and I instructed him to spare no pains to 
 have it correct, and I attended to it myself also. President 
 Monroe and President Adams spent in six years, sixty nine 
 millions two hundred and seventy-eight thousand five hun- 
 dred and seventy-one dollars and sixty-nine cents. This is 
 exclusive of what they paid on account of public debt and 
 what they paid on account of awards under former treaties 
 which is the same as a public debt. They paid on account of 
 public debt in six years, sixty-seven millions four hundred and 
 one thousand nine hundred and forty-three dollars and sixty 
 cents. They paid on account of awards under former treaties, 
 (which is the same as a public debt) six millions three hundred 
 and thirty-six thousand six hundred and forty dollars and 
 ninety-two cents. These two sums make seventy-three mill- 
 ions seven hundred and thirty-eight thousand five hundred and 
 eighty -four dollars and fifty-two cents. There was spent un- 
 der president Jackson's administration in six years, ninety-six 
 millions seven hundred and twenty-one thousand four hundred 
 and forty-seven dollars and seventy-nine cents. This is ex- 
 clusive of payments on account of public debt and money 
 paid on account of awards under former treaties. There was 
 paid in six years under president Jackson's administration on 
 account of public debt, sixty-five millions four hundred and 
 seventy-four thousand three hundred and forty-five dollars. 
 There was paid on account of awards under former treaties, 
 seven hundred and fourteen thousand nine hundred and thirty- 
 
 *- 
 
tme dollars. These two sums make sixty-six millions one 
 hundred and eighty-nine thousand two hundred and seventy- 
 six dollars. You will observe by this statement that there 
 was spent in six years imder President Jackson's administra- 
 tion twenty-seven millions four hundred and forty-two thou* 
 sand eight hundred and seventy-six dollars more than was 
 spent in two years of President Monroe and four years of 
 President Adams. Is this fulfilling the promise that Presi- 
 den Jackson would spend less of our money than John 
 Q. Adams had done? Is it not as ialse as the charge of 
 his having furnished that east room ? Presidents Monroe, 
 and Adams paid on account of Public Debt and on account of 
 awards under former treaties seven millions five hundred and 
 forty-eight thousand three hundred and seven dollars and thir- 
 ty-six cents more than was paid under President Jackson's 
 administration in the same time — six years. This must ap- 
 pear strange to all persons who did not well understand this 
 before. How often have we heard and been told that President 
 Jackson was paying off our Public Debt. One would really 
 conclude that it was a fact that President Jackson was 
 paying off our Public Debt, while the other Presidents paid 
 but a small sum compared with what Gen. Jackson was actu- 
 ally paying. Why were we often told about President Jack- 
 son's paying off the Public Debt ? We heard scarce any thing 
 of any other President's paying off the Public Debt. This 
 was told to flatter and deceive us — to convey the idea that 
 President Jackson was actually doing more for us than any 
 other President had done. Is it possible that there is a person 
 in this County who wishes to be called a man of information 
 and veracity that will support leaders that result to such mean 
 acts to deceive us ; for no man of information and candor can 
 deny that the people have been not willfully deceived by the 
 leaders of the administration party, while those opposed to them 
 have dealt honestly with the people. I say honestly, for I 
 cannot find an instance where they have not dealt honestly. 
 Strange as it must appear it is no more strange than true, 
 that, after we had been told that president Jackson would sa^^e 
 our money he has, as appears, spent and squandered away 
 piore in six years, than was spent in six years previous, which, 
 
8 
 
 if it had been saved and divided equally among the people, if 
 Ave allow twelve millions and a half in the United States, then 
 allow thirty thousand for this County, it would give to this 
 County sixty-five thousand eight hundred and fifty dollars. 
 This sum would about pay all your taxes, and pay for school- 
 ing all your children for four years. This sum has been spent 
 and squandered from us and no one has seemed to know it. 
 
 Turn your attention now for a moment, to what we were 
 told about the United States Bank spending our money,— this 
 was rung over and over again in our ears. They say the 
 Bank spent forty thousand dollars. One fifth of this sum be- 
 longed to the people. That would be eight thousand dollars; 
 this sum divided Avould give this county about twenty dollars. 
 You see the difference yet you heard much of the twenty dol- 
 lars being spent and but little of sixty-five tlwusand eight hun^ 
 dred and fifty dollars. Who can be so blinded as not to see 
 their deception their object being to keep up an excitement to 
 blind us. Who can be so deceived as to hold up those who 
 are trying to pull all the people down. I observe in a public 
 Journal that was printed at Washington that they have taken 
 pains to show us what will be expended for the support of 
 our Government for sixteen years. This is for four years of 
 President Monroe, four years of President Adams, and eight 
 years of President Jackson's administration. If they spend 
 this year all that is acti.ally appropriated for this year inclu- 
 ding^the unexpended balances, as officially reported by the 
 ^cretary of the Treasury, that was appropriated a year or 
 two ago — if this money that is actually appropriated is all spent 
 ibis year, there will be a difference between the eight years of 
 Monroe and Adams, and the eight years of Jackson, according 
 to tiieir account, of seventy-two millions four hundred and 
 fifty-five thousand five hundred and fifty dollars and twenty- 
 six cents. If this enormous sum is spent this year it will be 
 spending for each person five dollars seventy-nine cents. 
 What a tax this would be for us to pay ! Suffolk County would 
 have to pay one hundred and seventy-three thousand seven 
 hundred dollars. If Old Suffolk had to raise that sum in eight 
 years by a tax, we all should feel the burden to be very great, 
 i believe this is a greater sum than Suffolk County has paid 
 
9 
 
 In ten years for schooling and taxes. This is enougii to atari 
 any man from his eight years of slumber. I would not have 
 believed that it was possible for a few political aspirants to 
 keep up such an excitement among the people, until they 
 could spend and squander one quarter of that sum. It shocks 
 me to know what wicked men and knaves can do. If you 
 will not look to your interest I shall feel that I have done my 
 duty. If you are sufficiently awake to your interest to come 
 out boldly and fearlessly for GEN. HARRISON for your pres- 
 ident^ your money will be divided among the States and your 
 land will not be sold at one half that it is now selling for. An 
 honest man will not wrong you, and you should not hesitate 
 to place confidence in him. 
 
 I have not the least doubt but this account is correct, as 
 twelve years of their account agrees with mine, they present 
 each year separately. The appropriations for this year are 
 very large and I cannot believe they can spend it this year as 
 large as it is. It is not near as large as the leaders of the ad- 
 ministration party tried for near six months to have it. They 
 do not appear to have any bounds for appropriations, for the 
 great leader of the party Col. ThoiMA-s H. Benton tried to have 
 all the surplus set aside for fortifications. 
 
 If this administration spends this year all that is actually 
 appropriated, it will spend lacking seventeen millions throe 
 hundred and eight thousand seven hundred and sixteen dollars, 
 as much again as Mr, Monroe and Mr. Adams spent in eight 
 years previous. Are we to pass this off unnoticed ? surely 
 not. It is high time the people began to look to their interest 
 themselves, and not trust office holders and office seekers, for 
 I am surprised to see how deaf and how blind an office makes 
 a person ; it appears to be all self with a part of them, regard- 
 less of the interest of the people. Are we to be told that Mr. 
 Adams injured us by spending our money wrongfully ? are 
 we to be told that such a person would save our money when 
 in fact he has spent almost double ? Gentlemen, do not let 
 this pass unnoticed — do not read the above and lay it aside but 
 a few days before you read it again. 1 feel a great interest in 
 the people's becoming acquainted with the acts of leaders of 
 this party. As to my statement of their expenses, I am willing 
 
 2 
 
la 
 
 to pay the expenses of any competent person whom the peo^ 
 pie will put confidence in if he will go to Washington and 
 investigate the expenses of the government for the last sixteen 
 years. I will recommend him to a competent person who 
 will prepare the books and assist him if required. This person: 
 must be an administration man. 
 
 7%e Public Lands and the interest which every member of 
 comnuinity and every man in Suffolk County has in themf 
 
 It is high time tliat all persons became acquainted with the 
 affairs of our government. If they could but see the millions 
 of our money that has been squandered; and see, and under- 
 stand, those who are trying to destroy our Constitution, and 
 our Republican Government, for the purpose of building up- 
 on the ruins,, a government that would' deprive us- of our liberty, 
 a proper view of this would rouse them up. As our money 
 is spent and cannot be got back we must bear it. I now wish 
 to call your attention to your interest in your land : you have- 
 a great interest in land, that is, if you are a man of a family^ 
 According to a report of the Committee on Public lands made 
 to the Senate there were one billion six hundred and ninety 
 million eight hundred and seventy-one thousand seven hun- 
 dred and fifty-three acres of land that were unsold, and that 
 belongs to the people. 
 
 There are about twelve millions five hunulred thousand peo- 
 ple in the United States exclusive of Indians and colored peo- 
 ple. This includes old and young. Now this land divided 
 among the people gives to each person eighty seven acres.- 
 This gives to each person who has a wife and three children' 
 four hundred and thirty-five acres — you see this is making all 
 persons rich in lands. Tliere is about thirty thousand people 
 in this County, and the right which this County owns in thefr 
 lands is two millions six hundred and ten thousand acres.. 
 There is in this County about seven hundred and sixty-eight 
 thousand acres of land which is not one third as much as we 
 own in common with all the people. This land sold at the 
 
11 
 
 price we are now selling it at, which is c«ie dollar twenty-five 
 cents per acre, amounts to the enormous sum of three millions 
 two hundred and sixty-two thousand dollars. There was 
 «old of our lands last year, (as Mr. Ewing, Senator, gave me 
 the account,) fifteen miUions eight hundred and sixteen thou- 
 sand dollars worth. This sum divided among the people 
 would give to this County thirty-seven thousand nine hun- 
 dred and fifty-eight dollars. This sum is about twice as much 
 as the people of this County pay for schooling and for taxes. 
 Is it not worthy of your notice to receive as much as you now 
 Jiave to pay for schooling and taxes ? This is your due and 
 you can have it, if you will but look to your interest. 
 
 If there is no more lands sold than for this County tolhave 
 thirty thousaitd dollars a year for its shai-e, it would take one 
 hundred and eighty years w sell all our lands. You see you 
 iiave a great interest in lands. This you ought to know so 
 that you may know how to prize them. Your title for this 
 land is just as good as your title is for your hat or any other 
 larticle you possess. This land might be divided among the 
 States, and Counties, and people. Suppose they were, and 
 leach person had his own share set off" to him, and he knew 
 where to find it, he could theii know how to prize it ; and he 
 would prii^e it high, for much of it is of the best quality. It is 
 perhaps better that the land is all together, for now it is offered 
 for sale at a very small price, and in small parcels, so that a 
 poor man that has fifty dollars can purchase forty acres of 
 good land, and we all know that a man that cannot raise fifty 
 (dollars had better not own a farm, for he would be too lazy to 
 work on it, and can do better to work by the day or month, 
 if our land was set oft' to us, we would not sell it perhaps for 
 five times as much as it is selling for now. As part of it is 
 poor land, then of course the poor people would have to take 
 part of the poor land for their share; and they could not sell 
 it nor could they buy the good land as the price would be so 
 high that they could not pay for it; as we do own the land it 
 eannot make any odds to us whether we pay for it when we 
 want land for a farm, or whether it was set off to us ; if we 
 pay for it then, of course, if we should five to see the land ali 
 iiold, then we receive the money the land sells for, which is tije 
 
19 
 
 same as to have our land set off to us. This you must, I be- 
 heve, see and understand. Any person that wants land can 
 buy at the small price of one dollar and twenty-five cents per 
 acre. This price is so low that it will cause speculators to 
 buy almost all the land, then the poor man must buy of them 
 at their price. As there is so much land to sell, the speculators 
 cannot buy all of it at the price it is now selling for; if the 
 price was low enough, then of course they could buy it all. 
 You see then, to sell it for a less price would put into rich 
 men's hands the most of the lands, and no man can complain 
 of the price now. You know that land has risen very much 
 within a few years ; this makes our land appear low as it re- 
 ally is. Our public lands sell now for the same price they 
 have for about twenty years. You must see plainly that to 
 sell this land for any less price would injure the poor and help 
 the rich, as the rich would buy almost all the land and the 
 poor must pay their price. 
 
 Can any one make you believe, under these circumstances, 
 that it is best to sell our land for just half the price that it is 
 selling for now, and where Suffolk County can receive thirty 
 thousand dollars a year that it is not best to receive but fifteen 
 thousand 1 No man it appears to me can be of the opinion 
 that it is better to sell our land for half it is selling for. The 
 land cannot be settled any faster for it, unless we Irave our 
 land and business here, or it is settled by foreigners, (which 
 it would be) and it appears to me that foreigners are coming 
 here fast enough without any other inducements being held 
 out to them. 
 
 At any rate whether you can see any reason for selling our 
 land for half the price in is selling for or not, I will assure you 
 that a number of the members of Congress have been trying 
 to reduce ihe price of our land, and last winter the Committee 
 on Public Lands did actually bring in a bill that it might be- 
 come a law, that our lands should be sold for just one half they 
 are selling for at this time and have been for twenty years. 
 These lands appear very low from the great sale last year. 
 There was more of our land sold last year than has been sold 
 for many years before. This is a proof that they are low 
 ftnd that they were bought mostly by speculators, y?t ft» 
 
13 
 
 strange as it may appear the Committee on Public lands ac- 
 tually brought in a bill for the purpose that it might become a 
 law to graduate the price of our lands to just one half the pre- 
 sent price. That was not all — but to give away a great part 
 of our lands ! What right have our public Servants to give 
 away our lands? They have no such right. Under these 
 circumstances had this bill became a law our land would have 
 been sold after the fourth of July past for one dollar per acre, 
 for one year ; next year for seventy-five cents per acre ; the 
 next year for fifty cents per acre ; the next for twenty-five 
 cents per acre ; and what did not sell for that price in one year 
 were to be given to the States that the lands are in. As there 
 is so much land for sale there would of course be much that 
 would not sell even at the small price of twenty-five cents per 
 acre, and this we should lose. You wish to know why some 
 of the members wanted to sell our lands at this rate? it is 
 strange I admit, — not very strange neither if understood. I 
 believe it was done to hold out a great inducement for the 
 people of the new states to support Martin Van Buren and 
 his party, who were trying to give our land to them ; you see 
 it would not only give them much land, but it would give 
 them a great opportunity to buy our land for half price. I 
 found this idea of selling our lands for half price and giving 
 away the remainder much pleased the people from the new 
 States. I found they would support Martin, when they 
 would not have done it had it not been for the sake of getting 
 our land in this way. This I know is the case for I have 
 seen a number of persons from the new states, and in conver- 
 sing with them I found they did not like Martin, but for the 
 sake oj the land they would support him, for they well knew 
 no honest man would let them have our land for half price if 
 he could help it. It is strange to tell, but it is true ; the lea- 
 ders well know that those in office in this State will support 
 Martin let what will become of our land. The next object 
 was to get all the people of the new States or rather a major- 
 ity of them ; they then thought of course they could get in 
 Martin, and I found it operated well for him. They may pos- 
 sibly get in Van Buren but I am not the least afraid of their 
 getting our land if you will only look to your interest 
 
11 
 
 ill your land. For our members dare as well die as 
 to give our lands away after the people find out we have them, 
 or to reduce the price when they know it is low already. 
 You can see by this how little these leaders care for you, or 
 to what party you belong. It is strange how mean an office 
 will make soaie people appear, yet they do not regard it if they 
 can get the office. It appears to me you must be convinced 
 that it was not on account of the interest of the people that 
 they tried to reduce the price of our lands nor to help the poor. 
 You must it appears tome, believe as I do, that it was to get 
 the new States to help Martin. This is a most deplorable 
 case and hard to believe, that there is a few leaders that will 
 resort to any measures if it will but help them to an office, 
 but you may depend it is the case, and there is a few persons 
 in the County of Suffolk that in my opinion would be willing 
 for the people to lose all their interest in these lands if they 
 could but have an office. This is saying much I admit, and 
 is a hard charge, but I am afraid they will prove it true to 
 your satisfaction and to their disgrace for if they will do all 
 they can to support those who are trying to reduce the price 
 of our land one half to help Martin, they of course would give 
 the other half, if necessary, for there is as much reason for giv- 
 ing all our land away as one half; for if it takes half to buy 
 the new States, if necessary, they would of course give the 
 other half with it, 
 
 I cannot conceive what plainer and stronger proof we want 
 to convince us that our officers have become most dreadfully 
 corrupt than this attempt to reduce the price of our land one 
 halfat this time when the great sales prove that our land is 
 very low, and general information proves it also. If we left 
 property to sell with a person, and after he had made some 
 great sales if he should fill half on our property we could say 
 he was in company with the person to whom he sold our pro- 
 perty, and by that means had robed us of half of our property. 
 I have charged them with trying to pass a law to reduce 
 the price of our land one half, and when you are convinced 
 that the charge is a true one. then you, I believe, will agree 
 with me, that they did try to take from us hundreds of millions 
 of our property. 
 
15 
 
 You will be convinced, if not already, that the land i^ 
 low at the price it is now selling for ; do you call persons hon^ 
 est that would sell your property for half price, for the sake 
 of having Martin Van Buren President? I do not call that an 
 honest act, for the great sales of our land prove it is low, and 
 we all know the money is not wanted. Then there is no ex- 
 cuse for the act. I said they did not regard the President, but 
 tried to defeat what he recommended to be done for the people. 
 Gen. Jackson in his message of 1829 and 1830 recommended 
 the distribution of the Surplus Revenue among the States. 
 The leaders of the administration party have tried all winter 
 to prevent the money from being distributed. In his message 
 in 1829 he said, " it is not probable that any adjustment of the 
 tariff, upon principles satisfactory to the people of the union 
 will, until a remote period, if ever, leave the government with- 
 out a considerable surplus in the Treasury, beyond what may 
 be required for its current service." 
 
 Do observe and remember that Gen. Jackson says, it is not 
 probable that the adjustment of the tariff will, until a remote 
 period, if ever, leave the government without a considerable 
 surplus in the Treasury. You understand he says it is not 
 probable that the time will ever be, when the tariff will be so 
 small that it will take all the money to support the government. 
 Now observe what he says appears to him to be best to do 
 with this Surplus Revenue. He says, " it appears to me that 
 the most safe, just, and federal disposition which could be 
 made of the Surplus Revenue, would be its apportionment 
 among the states according to their ratio of representation." 
 
 What can the President do more, than to recommend it to 
 Congress, and this you see he has done to your satisfaction. 
 Now observe what he says in his message to Congress the 
 year following, concerning the distribution of the Surplus Rev- 
 enue, and you will see he is of the same opinion, that there 
 will be a Surplus Revenue, and it niust be distributed. "He 
 says, ^' In my first message, I staled it to be my opinion that 
 it is not probable that any adjustment of the tariff upon princi- 
 ples satisfactory to the people of the union, will until a remote 
 period, if ever, leave the government without a considerable 
 surplus in the Treasury, beyond what may be required fear 
 
16 
 
 its current service." He further says, " I have had no cause 
 to change that opinion, but much to confirm it." You here 
 have the opinion of the President in tv^^o of his official mes- 
 sages to Congress, that it will not be best, or it is not likely 
 that the tariff will ever be so small but what it will bring more 
 money into the Treasury than will be wanted for the support 
 of the government. Do not forget that the President is of the 
 opinion that the tariff will not very soon if ever be so small 
 but what it will more than support the government. 
 
 And of the Surplus Revenue, he says it is his opinion that 
 it is best to divide it among the several States ; after all this, 
 the leaders of the party came out and opposed distributing our 
 money, regardless of the opinion of the President. Who could 
 suppose they would dare to have done it? They pretend to 
 be the friends of the President and the People, yet regardless of 
 them both they are guilty of the charge. I have found them 
 out, and I know they have not dealt honestly with us, and I 
 believe I can prove it to your satisfaction. I am often told 
 that it is not best to collect money by a tariff to distribute 
 among the people. You see the President speaks in almost as 
 strong language, as to say it cannot be avoided. I hope the 
 reader will reflect on what Gen. Jackson has said. Think of 
 this, and think of what you have said or what you have heard 
 others say to try to justify Col. Thomas H. Benton, Isaac 
 Hill, Silas Wright and the great Buchanan, senators, in trying 
 <o prevent us from having our money. Is it not strange that 
 the leaders would (contrary to the will of the President and 
 what they knew was right,) try so hard for near six months, 
 to prevent a law being passed for the purpose of distributing our 
 money? they knew it could not half of it be used to our ad- 
 vantage. We shall have about seventy millions of dollars in 
 these pet banks this year. Why keep our money from us, 
 and not pay us any interest for it? we ought to have had the 
 money this year. They pretended to want to do wonders, in 
 building fortifications this year ; if it was necessary to do so 
 much this year, was it not as necessary that as much should 
 have been done last year, when we were afraid that we should 
 have war with France? all honest men must admitthat it was 
 as necessary. Why did they not come out then, and talk of for- 
 
17 
 
 tifications ? it was quite the reverse with them. They could 
 defeat a bill that was to appropriate money for fortifications, 
 and they did it, and by that means, there was not one dollar 
 appropriated for fortifications last year. Gen. Jackson in his 
 message to Congress complained about the loss of the bill. He 
 said much loss and inconvenience have been experienced in 
 consequence of the failure of the bill. What do they care? 
 This session they spent much time to get all our money, set 
 aside for fortifications. What do you think of such conduct 
 among our public servants? one year contrive and manage 
 so as to defeat a hill ; and next year, pretend it is very neces- 
 sary to set aside all our money that is not wanted for the sup- 
 port of the government for fortifications, and try for near six 
 months, to get five times as much as could be used to advan- 
 tage. This I know they did try to do, fori was present with 
 them for near six months. This is not all the leaders have 
 done to defeat Gen. Jackson ; you know he is for having spe- 
 cie currency, and is opposed to banks ; he has been ti'ying to 
 stop the banks, and the leaders pretend to be trying to stop the 
 banks, at the same time it is not half the trouble, to get a bank 
 at this time, that it was before the leaders came out, and pre- 
 tended to want to stop the banks, and have gold and silver in- 
 stead of paper. 
 
 Look back to the time when there was not one bank on 
 Long Island, and call to your recollection how long they tried 
 and what they said they would do. They oftercd to dig a 
 canal, on the south side of Long Island, to connect the bays to- 
 gether. They were for years trying to get a bank before 
 they got one. Last winter you see, they got one without 
 much trouble, a year or two ago they got one without much 
 trouble. All this time, the leaders tell you gold and silver is 
 best, and it is not best to have paper. They say it is nothing 
 but rags and trash. Who can avoid seeing the deception that 
 is practiced upon us. I know the leaders do not regard the 
 people, neither did they last session of Congress do as their 
 own judgment and reason taught them they ought to have 
 done for the people. If they had, they would not have turned 
 and twisted as they did, to try to prevent us from having our 
 money for our land. 
 
 3 
 
18 
 
 In conversation with Gen. Jackson, concerning our pubtfc 
 land and money now on band, I told him I wanted my past 
 of the money that our land had sold for, as it was not needed 
 for the use of the government. I also told him the great sales 
 of our land was proof that it was low, and I did not want my 
 part sold for any less price. If I have not satisfied you that 
 the leaders of the administration party, do not regard the peo- 
 ple or Gen. Jacksou, I cannot conceive what proof would sat- 
 isfy you. 
 
 After telling us they would save our money, they have ex- 
 pended millions and millions more than was necessary. And 
 not satisfied with that, they have tried to reduce the price of 
 our land one half, which is low at the present price ; and they 
 have done their best to prevent our money, which was not 
 wanted for the use of the government, from being distributed. 
 You see it is the opinion of Gen. Jackson that the money our 
 government will receive by the tariff will be more than enough 
 to support the government for years to come, if not forever. 
 Now I wish to know in the name of common sense, what did 
 the leaders wish or expect to do with not only the money from 
 the tariff which Gen. Jackson recommended for us to have 
 and with our money that is in the United States Bank togeth- 
 er with the fifteen million eight hundred and sixteen thousaad 
 dollars that our land sold for last year. And it will no doubt 
 sell for as much this year. We received from our revenue 
 last year, thirty-five millions two hundred and sixty-one thou- 
 sand dollars. We shall no doubt i-eceive as much this year. 
 That sum is more than twice as much as is necessary to be 
 expended for the expenses of the government. I want the 
 people to know this — it is their money, and their duty to see 
 to it. You know they have said much against banks, but you 
 see it is not half the trouble to get one, at the present time, as 
 formerly. They have tried, by a false charge, to set the peo- 
 ple against the senate, that was in the case of Col. Benton's 
 charging the senate with the loss of the Fortification Bill, 
 which charge Avas proved by the journals to have been false. 
 I have the journals of Congress for the sessions of 1834 and 
 1835, and by these journals I can prove to the satisfaction of 
 any reasonable person, tiiat Col. Benton made a false charge 
 
19 
 
 tigainst the senate. Isaac Hill also said, the hill was lost in 
 the Senate. They both knew the charge was a false one, as 
 they were senators at the time the bill was lost. 
 
 I will relate a story that will apply to some of the leaders 
 of the administration party. There was a Miller that was 
 so noted for his honesty that he was not suspected of taking 
 too much toll, and he became so bold, that he at last took all 
 the grist and ground the toll, and when the farmers came again 
 he took the toll and swore them out of their bags. They then 
 made a great discovery, they found out their Miller had not 
 been honest for a number of years. And if you become well 
 acquainted with the acts of the administration you will find 
 that they have not been honest with you for a number of 
 vears. 
 
 A sketch of ike character of Martin Van Bitren. 
 
 As we are soon to make choice of a person for President it 
 is our duty to select one that will do justice towards us. I 
 have taken much pains to investigate the character and prin- 
 ciples of the candidates for president. I have become acquain- 
 ted with a number of persons who are well acquainted with 
 the candidates, and a number who live near Gen. Harrison 
 and who know him well — also, a number who have known 
 Martin Van Buren from a school boy. 
 
 I will give you a short account of Van Buren: — Much of 
 his time has been spent in office, or endeavoring to obtain an 
 office ; whether this or that measure will be the most popular, 
 or what man will run best for a candidate, without any refer- 
 ence to the interest of the people. It is difficult to find which 
 side of the question he is upon. He does not speak out like 
 other men, for which has been given to him the title of wo/t 
 cojnmiltal. Let his friends deny this. I will mention one of 
 the acts of Martin Van Buren that will convince many people 
 and prove to all persons that he is not fit to have the charge of 
 our government, or any thing except his own business, as he 
 
20 
 
 is regardless of the interest of the people. The act of his that 
 I have reference to is his making the treaty with England to 
 regulate our trade with her West India Islands. It is said 
 Solomon built the temple ; we mean it was built by his in- 
 struction ; the treaty I speak of was made in compliance with 
 the instructions of Martin Van Buren. Mr. Adams was 
 charged with spoiling our trade at those Islands. It was the 
 treaty that was made to restore that trade I have reference 
 to that Martin made. As so much was said about Mr. Adams 
 spoiling the trade with the British West India Isles. I desire 
 you would understand it ; I shall state the case in so plain a 
 way that all persons can understand it if ihey have a mind to. 
 That all persons may understand me, I shall give you a gen- 
 eral idea how we manage to regulate trade with another na- 
 tion. I'heir is a principle that our government has treated up- 
 on ever since it was a government, and president Washington 
 supported tlie principle. It is just and honorable as respects 
 regulating the ti-ade with another nation. You must under- 
 stand that on almost all the foreign goods brought to this coun- 
 try there is something to pay before they can be sold here. 
 This is called duties ; and the money goes for the support of 
 our government and to pay our debts. Suppose the duties on 
 molasses were three cents a gallon, this would be about one 
 dollar on a barrel. A ship that brings 1500 barrels you see 
 would pay ^1,500 duties. This sum must be paid on all the 
 molasses that is brought to our ports in our ships. Now sup- 
 pose our government pass a law that all the molasses brought 
 in foreign ships should pay twelve cents on a gallon, then the 
 foreign ship owners must pay $4 a ban-el on every ship load, 
 which would amount to $;6,O0O. This he must pay or he can- 
 not sell it here; You must see at once that the difference of the 
 freight is great. Our ship owner pays ^1 ,500 and the foreign 
 ship owner ^^56,000 — that is ^4,500 more than our ship pays. 
 Our ship would be sure to make $4,500 more on her freight 
 than the foreign ship. This great difference in the duties would 
 often prevent foreign ships from coming to our ports. If we 
 charged such a great diflerence on a foreign ship, when they 
 come to our port, foreign nations would charge that difference 
 on goods that our ships brought into their ports. 
 
21 
 
 Now to avoid all this trouble, our government sends a 
 Minister to France to inform them that their ships may bring 
 molasses here and sell it and Ihey need not pay any more than 
 three cents on a gallon, or no more than our ship owners pay 
 — that is, if Congress charges three cents per gallon on our 
 ships, then they will not charge any more than three cents, if 
 brought in French ships. This you see gives both ships an 
 equal chance, as they both pay equal duties, not only on mo- 
 lasses but on every thing that is brought here from France. 
 She agrees to that, but observe, Congress sends word also, 
 that if goods brought here in French ships do not pay any more 
 duty than if brought in an American ship, they must not charge 
 any more duties on goods that are carried to France in an 
 American ship, than if it was brought there in a French ship. 
 France also agrees to that. Then a treaty is made with France 
 on these terms. This makes the trade reciprocal between 
 America and France. This is the way that our government 
 has made treaties with most all the nations of Europe ; on this 
 principle a treaty was made between this country and Eng- 
 land in the year 1817, that when we carry goods to England 
 in our ships we pay no more duty on them than if carried in 
 an English ship, and it is the same with a British vessel that 
 brings goods here from England, they pay no more duty on 
 the article than if it was brought in our own ship. This gives 
 all persons an equal chance, and is right, just and honorable. 
 Observe — England did not mclude in the treaty that we made, 
 her West India Islands, and it is the trade with those Islands 
 that has caused all the trouble. The people at these islands 
 were so situated that they could not get along without our 
 goods, or suffering a great inconvenience. They could not 
 sell' their molasses at any other market and do as well as they 
 could to sell it to us. They of course wanted our trade very 
 much. And one would naturally suppose that England would 
 have been willing to make a treaty on the same principle that 
 we make treaties with other nations, and had made it so with 
 her, with the exception of our trading with her West India 
 Islands. This could not be done, and England has passed a 
 number of laws to regulate our trade with those West India 
 Islands. 
 
22 
 
 Our government also passed a law to meet it. England 
 turned and twisted, but she could not better herself; then she 
 would repeal her law. England wanted to make a treaty to 
 regulate the trade with her West India Islands. In this way 
 she said she would not charge any more duties on goods that 
 were brought in our ships, than in their ships, if they both 
 started from an American port. That is if an English ship 
 came here and bought goods to carry to the West Indies, and 
 the ship went direci from our port to the West Indies, without 
 first going to an English port before she went to the West In- 
 dies — in all such cases then, our ships might carry goods and 
 pay no more duties than their ships paid that went direct from 
 here. But in all cases where their ships cleared from one of 
 their ports then they wanted the riqht to charge less duties 
 than we paid, when our ships carried the same goods there. 
 Their plan to charge no more when their ships and our ships 
 both went from our port, was all done to blind and deceive us ; 
 for if they came here and loaded their ships, then before they 
 went to the West Indies, if they went to one of their ports, 
 which is about two days sail from our eastern ports where 
 they want to come after our goods, they evade the duty. 
 
 Observe — England then wanted the privilege of making us 
 pay more duties than that ship paid which had actually bought 
 our goods and only had to sail two days to a British port, then 
 it would be the same as if the goods were put on board at that 
 British port. The British saw that if they could make a trea- 
 ty like that, they could get ourgoods and the carrying of them 
 in their own ships, then lay so much duty on our goods that 
 were carried in our ships that it would spoil our freights. 
 This plan they could not work out until Martin had the man- 
 agement of making a treaty with them which enabled them to 
 accomplish their plan and destroy our trade. 
 
 I hope you now understand the principle and plan on which 
 we make treaties. Now observe. 
 
 While Mr. Adams was president, England made a law that 
 stopped our ships from going to her West India Islands, then 
 Mr. Adams stopped their ships from coming from her West 
 Indies to our port. Now you observe, as we cannot go there 
 nor they come here, the trade is spoiled. As I have said, 
 
S8 
 
 England wants our goods, and wishes to sell us hers. It was 
 the carrying of those goods that made all the trouble. As 
 they wanted our trade, one would suppose that an honorable 
 treaty, such as we had made with other nations, and with her 
 to go from here to England, would have been made with her, 
 to regulate the trade with her West India Islands. This 
 could not be done at this time. As strange as it may appear, 
 we perhaps had as many of their goods and they of ours as 
 we had when we went direct from our ports to their Islands, 
 and they perhaps had as many of our goods as they had when 
 ' they came direct from their West India Islands to our ports. 
 Now observe how the trade was carried on, for us to get their 
 goods, and they ours, at that time. The Danes have Islands 
 lying about two days sail fi'om the British West India Islands, 
 and it is about the same distance from here to the Danes 
 West India Islands as it is to the British, and it takes about 
 eighteen days to go from here to those Islands. We traded at 
 the Danes West India Islands, and at that time we carried 
 our goods and sold to the Danes and bought their molasses, 
 sugar, coifee, &c. And the English went to the same Danish 
 Islands that we went to and carried their molasses, sugar, 
 coflee, &c., and sold it to the Danes. And of the Danes they 
 bought the very same goods that we carried there. It would 
 often happen that English ships and our ships would meet 
 there, and the goods were shifted from our ships to theirs and 
 from theirs to ours, that is the way the trade was carried on. 
 The Danes Islands, answered for a place to ship the goods, 
 and that is all that I can see can be made out of it. Now if 
 you can see any difference that it made as it respects our trade 
 I should be glad to know it and understand it. The distance 
 was about the same from here to the Danes Islands where we 
 carried and sold our goods, and bought the same goods that 
 the English had carried there and sold, as it was to the Brit- 
 ish Islands, where we had been to buy and sell goods, and 
 now (-ould not go. As the distance was about the same, the 
 freight was of course about the same. If the reader under- 
 stands me I believe he will take the same view of it that I do. 
 As the English ships could not come here from her Islands 
 we had the carryuig of all our goods there and the bringing of 
 
24 
 
 all their goods here, and in this way we had most all the 
 trade. As there is a great amount of goods wanted to supply 
 us, and the English, tlie trade was of great advantage to us, us 
 it must have given employment to a large number of ships. 
 Thousands of hogsheads of molasses, rum, together with the 
 sugar, coffee, &c., was brought from there here. Our freights 
 were also great in Horses, mules, cattle, candles, butter, 
 cheese, pork, beef, iish, soap, flour, pitch, timber, boards and 
 staves, for all those articles were wanted. Taking all these 
 together you must know the freight was of great importance 
 to us at that time. Mr. Adams was charged with spoiling 
 the trade. It was by the noble act of Mr. Adams that actu- 
 ally gave us most all the trade. It was his act. Congress 
 left it with Mr. Adams to do as he thought best ; and after the 
 English stopped our ships from going to their West India 
 Islands, then Mr. Adams stopped their ships from coming here 
 from those Islands. This was doing just as you would have 
 him to do. And the English by their bad management actu- 
 ally put almost all the trade into our hands ; they had not 
 much more to do with the freight of the goods than to carry 
 their goods to the Danes, and to bring ours from there to their 
 Islands. This was about two days sail from the one place to 
 the other, and it took our ships to go from here there, about 
 eighteen days ; this made quite a voyage for our ships. And 
 this was the way that the trade was carried on when General 
 Jackson came into office. I have endeavored to give you a 
 fair conception of this whole story of Mr. Adams' spoiling our 
 trade. I have satisfied myself that Mr. Adams done as he 
 ought to have done, and no blame, of course, should have 
 been inflicted on him, if the act of his stopping the English 
 ships from coming from their Islands to our ports had spoiled 
 the trade. They are guilty of two crimes, one for blaming a 
 public servant for doing his duty, and the other for making a 
 faise charge, which was, to say that Mr. Adains had spoiled 
 our trade. You must, it appears to me, see that Mr. Adams 
 did not spoil our trade but actually improved it. Can we ex- 
 pect that honest men will consent to become our public ser- 
 vants if they are to have their characters tarnished by false 
 charges, and when they do a just and honorable act, that they 
 
ft^usi be charged with doiiig an unjust act. I aiti iufd thd 
 fobbers of our characters are guilty of a greater crime than 
 he that robs us of our nioney, and why not be made to sufFet" 
 more. What is the hfe of an honest man worth who has been 
 fobbed of his character 7 General Jackson soon had a treaty 
 made, and Martin Van Buren had the management of the bu* 
 siness, and ought to be held responsible for his acts, and if the 
 treaty be a good one the credit and merits belong to him, and 
 if it was badly managed, he ou'ght to have the disgrace at-* 
 tached to his acts. 
 
 In the instructions he gave Mr. McLane, the minister who 
 made the treaty, he tells him that our government had done 
 wrong in not a-ccepting the terms that England had offered ; 
 and he instructed him (Mr. McLane) to make the treaty on 
 the terms that they had offered, and the treaty was made on 
 those terms. And the principle that our government had ac- 
 ted on for almost fifty years was actually given up by Van 
 Buren and that treaty was made on such terms that it almost 
 spoiled our trade. Our ship owners must pay about twenty 
 per cent more on the goods they carry to the British West 
 India Islands in our ships than if carried in the English ships. 
 We must pay two dollars and eighty-eight cents more on a 
 barrel of pork than if carried in the British ships. If our ships 
 carry 1500 barrels of pork the owner must pay ^4,320 more 
 duties on that cargo than if the cargo Avas brought there in 
 their own ships. 
 
 This great difference in the duties spoils our freights and 
 of course spoils our trade, and the English ships have almost 
 all the trade. Now they come from their Islands and bring a 
 load of their goods here, and then take a load of our goods, 
 sail about two days to one of their eastern ports, then from 
 these they go to their West India Islands, they get a freight 
 both ways, and the duties being so high on goods that we car- 
 ry that it spoils our freight as we cannnot have a fi'eight 
 there. If we must go without a freight, they having one both 
 ways, they can do well when we cannot do any business 
 worth having. The cause of the English ships that have 
 our goods on board first going to an English port hear by 
 here lo this, if they went direct from our port to the West In- 
 
 4 
 
96 
 
 4ies they must pay the same duties that we have to pay if 
 carried from here in our ships, but if they take our goods into 
 their ships and go to one of their ports, which is only about 
 two days sail from our port, then they do not have to pay any 
 duties ; it is the same as if tlie goods were put on board at an 
 English port. 
 
 This information Mr. Adams gave to me ; and a number of 
 merchants in New York who are well acquainted in the trade 
 inform me that our trade was good at the time Mr. Adams 
 was charged with spoiling it. Carried on in the way above 
 stated they say it is now spoiled and it was spoiled in conse- 
 quence of Martin Van Buren's treaty. I have endeavored to 
 make a plain and fair statement of this case. I hope the rea- 
 der will have the goodness to read it over till he understands it. 
 It certainly ought to be understood by all persons, and every 
 public servant ought to he exposed when his acts prove that 
 he is not acting for the good of the people, but totally regard- 
 less of their interest. He is acting for himself. It cannot be 
 concealed or denied but that Yan Buren must have known that 
 such a treaty would have spoiled our trade. England had of- 
 fered to make just such a treaty before. Our government saw 
 the effect of it, and they would not make such a treaty, We 
 know that Martin Van Buren is a public man, and of course 
 paust have known this. He knew it, and in his instructions 
 to our minister he states that our government have done 
 wrong by not accepting the terms that England had offered, 
 Are we to have our privileges and our rights bartered away 
 by our servants ? Gentlemen, this will not do. I know that 
 this act of Van Buren's making the treaty as he did, has not 
 heen looked into but by a few persons. It has not been un- 
 derstood by only a few of the country people. To be plain I 
 never knew till last winter, and I never heard any person 
 fairly explain it to me before last winter. Van Buren would 
 not have been a candidate for president had this case been fairr 
 ly understood. 
 
 In my opinion of this case Van Buren deserves to be tried 
 for this act as much as Gen. Hull did for giving up the army 
 and fort. I go further, he ought to be punished as well as im- 
 peached. I feel for those merchants and traders for they are 
 
2f 
 
 iiiortified to see British ships often coming here with thei* 
 goods, then take ours and carry back while our trader cannot 
 do any business scarce worth having. Let Van Buren's 
 friends in New York deny this. Let us follow Van Buren a 
 little further. We know there is a person who appears to be 
 at the head of all meetings, companys, &c. We know Gen. 
 Jackson recommended for us to have the surplus revenue* 
 Who is it at the head of those who have endeavored so hard 
 for almost six months to prevent us from having our surplus 
 tevenue 1 The interest on our money for this year is worth 
 fifteen hundred thousand dollars ; this we might have had if 
 the Van Buren men had been willing for us to have had our 
 money as Gen. Jackson did recommend. Wlio is that person 
 who believed if Van Buren had desired that we should have 
 had our money, that those persons would oppose it so long ? 
 There is a letter in the newspapers written by Van Buren to 
 Mr. Williams, a gentleman in Kentucky. In this letter Van 
 Buren opposes our money being distributed among the States. 
 The letter is positive proof that Van Buren is opposed to our 
 having our money as Gen. Jackson recommended. Who is 
 at the head of those who wish to reduce the price of our land 
 one half? Who is to be benefitted by if? Van Buren. He is 
 in hopes to be president by this act. I believe him at the head 
 of this attempt to sell our land at half price. What kind of 
 management is this that has gi'^en Van Buren the name of 
 non committal. Is it any other? Alter finding out the opinion 
 of the majority of those who are to vote upon the question, he 
 is then sure to be in the majority. What meaner act can a 
 person do than to squirm round and get the opinion of others 
 and keep his own from them. What greater proof do you 
 want than an act like this to prove the meanness of a person ? 
 If he has not practiced it, how came he by the name df nori 
 committal. I have seen similar kinds of management. This 
 is a great discovery. You have nothing to do after finding 
 out how the question is to be decided, but to come out and 
 make more noise among the people than any other person, 
 and you will be at the head of those who have done all the 
 fighting and labor. Observe gentlemen, he that would enrich 
 himself at the expense of another, or appropriate to himself 
 
ak)rie the treasures of bis country, i>a» forfeited his dlgnii- 
 tyand sunk beneath the level of the brute. So much for 
 management and intrigue. 
 
 We know Van Buren Jias held quite a number of offices, 
 and I know many offices are often obtained through intrigue. 
 I give him no credit for holding so many. 
 
 We know Gen. Jackson says he is opposed to having so 
 many banks. Who is at the head of those who can get a bank 
 in half the time they could a few years past? I call them Van 
 Buren's banks, for they seem to be conducted in rather an un^ 
 derhanded way. I must say, I am afraid of them. I fear I 
 shall find them what the leaders have told us, that paper 
 money is nothing but rags. If we do they can turn about 
 and say they told us so, and we ought to have minded them, and 
 not took rag money. If they do all this it will be no mean- 
 er than for them to oppose banks, and charter two with less 
 trouble than one could be had before they came out so zeal- 
 ous to oppose banks. 
 
 Permit me to call your attention to a subject that we do not 
 understand as well as we know how to calculate about land 
 and money. It may be a little interesting to you. You know 
 the bull dog has a thick head, a cur dog's head is not so iHrck, 
 and the hound's head is not as thick as the r"r cJog's head. I 
 mean to measure th»-ough their head from ear to ear.. Yoh 
 know the bull dog will fight harder than the cur dog ; you also 
 know that the cur dog will fight harder than the hound. Yoa 
 know the cat and owl have thick heads. The hound, sheepy 
 rabbit, and goose all have thin heads ; these you see do not 
 fight and tear flesh to pieces but little. The bull dog, cat and 
 owl all have thick heads, and they all will fight hard and tear 
 flesh to pieces ; the fox's head is very broad on the top, you 
 know he is a cunning, sly creature ; you must watch your fowls 
 and lands if the fox is near them. Some people believe they 
 can tell all about a person by his head. Can tell whether he 
 is honest or dishonest ; whether he loves to do good or evil, 
 &c. I am well aware that a person can appear a saint when 
 he is a bad person. I have been a number of times close U> 
 Martin Van Buren. 1 have closely examined him ; his head 
 is broader on the top than any person that I ever saw or noti- 
 
?9 
 
 ced. He does not look out of his eyes like other men, lie rath- 
 er peeps up under his eye-lashes, appears to see ^'■ou when 
 you would hardly notice him, I have heard a number of 
 persons who understood this science of telling the character 
 of a person by his head, speak of Martin Van Buren's head; 
 They said his head denoted a sly, cunning person, similar to 
 the fox ; a person may be sly and cunning and not have much 
 good sense. 
 
 It appears to me that if any one would reflect on the case 
 of Van Buren's opposing our money being distributed among 
 the people must put him down as a person not possesing a 
 good share of common sense. It appears to me that it would 
 he impossible for a set of officers to keep our money from us ; 
 an attempt to do it must rouse every person who understands 
 that we have that great sum that cannot be used by the go- 
 vernment. If the people had not Gen. Jackson on their side 
 they would not submit. As they have Gen. Jackson on their 
 side, I feel that it would be as much impossible to quiet the 
 people, and keep their money from them, as it would be for a 
 person to keep a horse still among a number of bee-hives and 
 the horse half covered with bees. I have seen a number of 
 gentlemen in New York, and I am authorized to say that they 
 will petition our legislature to have a large sum of our money 
 distributed in every county, and to be put into the hands of the ■ 
 supervisors of the county, for the use of the people. One gen- 
 tleman named the sum of fifty thousand dollars to a county. 
 I presume that there will be money enough in the Treasury 
 this year, over and above paying all the government expenses, 
 for this county to have seventy thousand dollars. If we re- 
 ceive fifty, it will be twice as much as to pay all our taxes and 
 school bills. We can use the other part on our roads, or as 
 we please to use it. It is supposed that Van Buren will try 
 to get the Legislature of this State, and all the other states, 
 not to receive the money. If they will not receive the money 
 then we shall not have the money. The plan will be for eve- 
 ry county to have a meeting, or for every town to have a mee- 
 ting, and petition the Legislature to receive our money ; and 
 all those members who are to be voted for this fall, the people 
 must know that they will vote to receive the money, and to 
 
let the supervisors of each county have the money for the use 
 of the people, to be used as the people wish to use it, or they 
 must not be held up for members. In this way we are as sure 
 to get the money as we are to live till the time comes. Every 
 honest Jackson man will of course assist to carry out this 
 measure of dividing our money among the people as Gen. 
 Jackson recommended. Let Van Buren and his shavers do 
 their best, our money I am sure we shall have if they have not 
 got it into banks that will wrong us out of it. 
 
 A sketch of the character of Gen. Harrison. 
 
 I have given you a short sketch of Van Buren's character. 
 If I say all that I wish to say about Van Buren, the people 
 are prepared to receive it. I do not wish to say any thing but 
 the truth, and hope they will examine to see whether these 
 things are so. It is not the case in reference to Harrison. 
 If I say all 1 wish to say of him, it will not be so readily re- 
 ceived, and examined with that spirit and warm feeling as it 
 will be what I say of Van Buren. The mind must be prepar- 
 ed to receive before it can believe. As it respects these two 
 candidates the people have formed an opinion of them, and 
 what ever I say to strengthen and support their opinion of 
 them will be readily received. If I say something contrary 
 to that opinion it will not be received at first to be true. It is 
 contrary to the opinion they have all readily formed, and 
 they cannot believe it at first. I wish to be understood, and I 
 shall be plain. To illustrate the idea 1 shall state a few cases. 
 When I came from Washington I rode in the stage with Col. 
 Conkling, of Huntington. I stated to him that a number of 
 people told me, and Mr. Adams told me the same, that he 
 did not furnish that east room of the president's house, as he 
 was charged with furnishing. The Col. replied he did not 
 believe that. He believed Mr. Adams did furnish that room. 
 The Col. is an honest man ; he did not doubt but I was in- 
 formed as I had stated. As he had been told Mr. Adams 
 
31 
 
 did furnish that room and he did believe it, how could h« 
 
 change his mind and believe what I said? 
 
 Had I told an other honest man, who was of the opinion 
 that Mr. Adams did not furnish that east room, he would have 
 replied, I never did believe Mr. Adams did furnish that room ; 
 I always did believe it was false. These two persons, both 
 honest men, had made up their opinion on what they had 
 heard before. They both answered according to their estab- 
 lished opinion, and what I could say, or what Mr. Adams 
 and all the people at Washington could say, could not change 
 their opinion, till a proper process had taken place in their 
 mind. A person who stood high in ihe estimation of an other 
 person had done a most disgraceful act — it became generally 
 known and believed. This person who had this good opin- 
 ion, had heard what the other said to convict the person of 
 the crime ; the witness was not doubted by this person. 
 After all this, the person says to me, I cannot believe it ; I 
 know this person was honest. The opinion was so good, and 
 the impression so strong it appeared almost impossible to 
 change that opinion. For instance, take a Roman Catholic, 
 a Mahometan, a Mormonite, a Swedenborgian, tell one of 
 these their leader was an impostor ; they will not believe you. 
 Their opinion has become a species of their nature, and it is 
 natural for them to believe as they do. The understanding 
 must be convinced before they can change their opinion. I 
 shall not blame others who differ with me in opinion if they 
 are honest in such opinion. Col. Conkling is an honest man. 
 He believed Mr. Adams furnished that room. If no person 
 dare to take the fair offer I have made, Col. Conkling will 
 change his opinion after a while. It must have time. I hope 
 I am understood. People have formed an opinion of Harri- 
 son and Van Buren. What can I expect to effect? Can I 
 expect to change their minds ? If I can cause the people to 
 reflect, they will change their minds after a while. That is 
 if the witnesses that I bring cannot be disputed, and that is 
 ail I expect to do. I had one year ago formed an opinion of 
 Harrison and Van Buren. Since that time I have taken 
 much pains to know whether that opinion I had formed was 
 ,^orrect. This opinion was formed from' common report, it 
 
39 
 
 was not from reading. My opinion of Van Buren was, that 
 he was a learned man ; but, from the circumstance that he 
 Was called a non-committal, I thought him a dishonest man. I 
 am acquainted with similar characters, though they are not so 
 far advanced as to have the title of non-committal. A gentle- 
 man told me that such a person told him that he was a 
 Jackson man. I i-cplied, I did not know that before, he is a 
 learned man and a great reader, and I observed that he did 
 not commit himself on either side. I heard him say he could 
 not tell how the election was going. Just before the election 
 came on, in the state of New York, he came out a warm 
 Adams man, and appeared to do all he could for the support 
 of Mr. Adams. A few n}onths before he had told this gentle- 
 man that he was a Jackson man. So much I state to you and 
 much more I might state, from my own knowledge of the 
 non-committals. The generally conceived idea of a person 
 that has the character of non-committal is this. It is a person 
 that squirms round others, gets their opinions, keeps his own 
 from them till he finds out how the questions are to be decided, 
 then comes out on the strongest side. Then if he can make 
 more noise than any other person he is at the head, though 
 he came from the meanest place that can be found. Such 
 was the conceived opinion I had of Van Bnren. And I be- 
 lieve all reflecting men had that opinion of him. No person 
 can be called honest who is guilty of such conduct. If Van 
 Buren had not practiced on that principle, he would not like- 
 ly have had that character. If I say he is an open and fair 
 person, people would not believe me. And the people having 
 formed that opinion of him, that he is rather sly find slippery, 
 I cannot change their opinion, by coming out and saying 
 that he is an open fair man, ready to give his opinion at al- 
 most any time. If I state I can prove he is not an honest 
 man, the people would say, I did not expect him hardly hon- 
 est, their minds are prepared to receive that. If I say he is a 
 learned man, they will say, I believe that. If I say he is not 
 a learned man they would say, I do not believe that, and so 
 I am placed in regard to Gen. Harrison. If I say he (Gen.H.) 
 is a learned and wise man the people cannot believe it. If I 
 say he is one of the' best Generals that ever was in America, 
 
33 
 
 they will not believe it. If I say he is a farmer and a mid- 
 dling smart man, with a smali education, not hardly enough 
 to fill the office of a president, they would believe me. If I 
 say he has a good common education, not w^hat we call a col- 
 lege education, I do not mean, he might possibly do to teach a 
 common school, and a pretty good General, nothing very ex- 
 traordinary. He beat the British, or rather his good soldiers 
 did. I know in this way I could get along ; for this is the 
 generally received opinion of Gen. Harrison. I mean among 
 those who do not read much. A number of persons who are 
 opposed to this administration, I have conversed with about 
 Gen. Harrison. One spoke ui this way ; He said, they say 
 he has not much learning. He may have as much as Gen, 
 Jackson. This person being opposed to Gen. Jackson was 
 of the opinion that he had not much learning. I said to a 
 person a friend to Harrison, how can people who supported 
 Gen. Jackson for services he had done his country by fighting 
 for it, support Van Buren, when Gen. Harrison has fought for 
 his country more than Gen. Jackson. He said they say 
 Van Buren was a statesman and a learned man ; he knows a 
 great deal. Harrison had fought for his country but has not 
 much learning. And I suppose they support Van Buren for 
 his learning. It would certainly be bad policy to support a 
 person for president, who was not qualified, because he had 
 fought a number of battles for his country. We could honor 
 him some other way. It could not be any honor to a. person 
 to put him in an office that he was not capable of filling. If it 
 is the opinion of Harrison's friends that he has not much lear- 
 ning and hardly fit for the office of president, which certainly 
 is the opinion of many who have not taken much pains to in- 
 form themselves, what is the honest opinion of those who 
 are opposed to him and have not taken pains to inform them- 
 selves. They honestly believe him uneducated and not fit for 
 the office, and this opinion thousands have of Gen. HarrisoH. 
 These persons are not to be blamed for such an opinion. The 
 people generally feel as if they could not spend time to read 
 for themselves, and they put confidence in others, and believe 
 as they tell them. As deception is practiced by a number of 
 leaders, they by that means deceive the people, amd it appears 
 
fiardio do justice fo any person when a few bad men are d'^- 
 termined that justice shall not be done to them. I am awar© 
 of all this. It appears to be strange how these impressions 
 are made upon our minds, and we not sensible of it. It is 
 done by bad persons, who make it a part of their business, to 
 speak against those whom they wish to injure. 
 
 One newspaper speaks of Gen. Harrison and admits that 
 he has been a county clerk, or something like it. Another pa- 
 per states that we have turned inside out and searched every 
 corner of fifty papers to see what were the objections raised 
 against the democratic candidate for president. And this is 
 absolutely all. And what is this all do you suppose ? One 
 charges Van Buren of leading the President; and another 
 charges him of being led by the president, and others that he 
 is determined to emancipate all the negroes as soon as be 
 comes into power, another speaks of his English carriage and 
 horses, another charges him of being worth a million, another 
 print brings forward an old letter written by Samuel McKean 
 of Pennsylvania. After making his short comments on this, 
 he says, if we exchange Mr. Van Buren for Mr. Harrison we 
 shall gain nothing in this respect, and set aside a very able for 
 a very imbecile old man. I wonder he had not said an 
 old imbecile man. He states with regard to Mr. Mc. Kean's 
 opinion of Mr. Van Buren, it is evident that it was not very 
 favorable. After some comment on this letter he states, ii 
 any of Mr. Van Buren's friends can be induced to fall off from 
 his support, because one print says he is worth a million of 
 dollars, and because Mr. McKean was against him in 1832, 
 they are not the men we took them for. We need not wonder 
 that false impressions are made on the minds of the people, if 
 we will only examine the public newspapers. It is from the 
 public newspapers that the people expect to get the true char- 
 acter of our public officers. I am sure that the people aye 
 not to blame because they believe Harrison has hardly learn- 
 ing enough to fill the office of president, or that he is not much 
 of a man. When one paper admits he has been a county clerk, 
 or something like that, another calls Harrison a very ira^ 
 becile man. Webster's dictionary of the definition of the 
 word imbecile, as it applies to a person, is feeble, unforti- 
 
S5 
 
 fled, inconclusive, languid, weak, faint, dull, wanting com* 
 ■'petent power. Now this description of Harrison- is as 
 false as it can be. It does not apply to Gen. Harrison any 
 n?iore than it does to Gen. Jackson. The other paper admits 
 he has been a county clerk, or something like that. I have not 
 that paper and cannot say precisely whai it says, something 
 similar though it read. I have the paper that calls him a very 
 imbecile man. 1 cannot conceive what the paper could have 
 said that would be further from the truth, or more false than 
 to call Gen. Harrison a very imbecile man. I am of the 
 opinion that it is as false as to say that there is no such a man 
 as Gen. Harrison, nor never was. I hope the reader will par- 
 don me on his part for being so severe, as he cannot feel as 
 I do. I have been living near six months at Washington 
 city where I olten saw gentlemen who were neighbors to 
 Gen. Harrison ; as it were, and. they gave me a history of his 
 acts. His political opponents did not pretend to deny what 
 they said in reference to Gen. Harrison. I hope I shall be 
 able to satisfy the reader that there is no more truth in the 
 saying that Gen. Harrison is a very imbecile man, than there 
 was in the charge that was made against Mr. Adams for 
 spending $40,000 to furnish the east room of the president's 
 house, as it is called, when he did not spend one dollar to fur- 
 nish said room. 
 
 I inquired particularly of a number of gentlemen, if Gen. 
 Harrison was an honest man 7 they said he was and they fur- 
 ther stated that it was not said by any person that he was 
 not an honest man. I was with his political opponents and 
 they did not pretend to say that he was not an honest man. 
 They also stated that he was a very active, spirited man, and 
 a very feeling, good man. The Indians liked him, as they had 
 found him honest. He was liked by the people generally, 
 and was as brave a General as could be found. One gentle- 
 man presented me a book that contains the life of Gen. Har- 
 rison. It contains 464 pages, and I dare vouch for the truth 
 of it. It has a number of letters that were written by 
 officers who were engaged in the battles with Gen. Harrison. 
 I shall present part of a number of letters ; you can then 
 judge whether the charge is false or true to call Gen. Harri- 
 
36 
 
 son a very imbecile man. Ttiis book was written by Moses 
 Dawson of Cincinnati. You will find that those officers do not 
 call Gen. Harrison a very imbecile man. Do not forget what 
 the newspapers call Gen. Harrison ; you can compare the 
 opinions of the officers with the newspapers. You will agree 
 with me in part that the newspapers darken the under- 
 standing and deceive us. Was I not able to lay before you 
 the opinions of a number of officers who were in the army 
 and in the battles that were fought by Gen. Harrison, I could 
 not expect to counteract that strong impression that has been 
 mad« by the leaders of the Van Buren party. As I can lay 
 these opinions before you, I am in hopes to be able to coun- 
 teract these false impressions and opinions yon have of Gen. 
 Harrison. 
 
 I never was more disappointed in the character of any per- 
 son, or any thing, that I had formed an opinion of, than I was in 
 the character of Gen. Harrison. I could not seem to believe 
 what they told me, aB it was not disputed by those who Averc 
 opposed to him in politics, I had to believe it and to change 
 my opinion I had formed of Harrison. It really seems to ap- 
 pear that the Van Buren men have a great faculty to come 
 round the people and to establish any thing as they wish to 
 have it. I cannot see how they do it. They certainly are 
 much more zealous than those opposed to them. Some of the 
 principal leaders of the Van iiurcn party do not regard the 
 ^ruth at all. They are prepared any time to say that which 
 |s calculated to help their party. In this way they, I believe, 
 come round us. If they could lower the character of Gen. 
 Harrison in the minds of the people it would raise Van Buren. 
 This they have completely effected. Harrison's friends in 
 Suffolk do not it appears to me think one half as much of him 
 as they would if they really knew wliat he was. There are 
 some people vile enough to try to erase from our minds what 
 little respect we have for him. 
 
 I shall only give you a short sketch of Gen. Harrison, to- 
 gether with the principal i)art of the offices he has held; then 
 I sliall present to you extracts from a number of letters from 
 the book ; then you can know who Gen. Harrison is, and how 
 he stands in the opinion of his officers ; then you can judge 
 
37 
 
 •whether a person could probably fill all those offices, unless 
 he was a learned and wise man. General William Henry 
 Harrison was born of respectable parents, on the 9th Februa- 
 ry 1773, at a place called Berkely, on the bank of the James 
 River, about 25 miles from Richmond, in the State of Virginia. 
 His father, Mr. Benjamin Harrison, descended from one ot 
 Cromwell's Generals, of that name. He represented the 
 State of Virginia in Congress in the years 1774, 1775,1776. 
 He was chairinaii of the committee of the whole House, when 
 the celebrated Declaration of Independence was agreed to, 
 and was one of those illustrious patriots who signed that im- 
 portant instrument. In the year '77 he was chosen Speaker 
 of the House of Delegates in the State Legislature, which of- 
 fice he continued to fill till the year 1782, when he succeeded 
 Governor Nelson as Governor of Virginia. I only give a 
 short sketch of his father to show you that he was one of the 
 fathers of our liberty and independence. I hope that we will 
 do justice to his son, for his father's sake ; for we know they 
 suffered much for us, and from their suffering we became free 
 and independent men. I do not wish to work on your pas- 
 sions only enough to raise you to a sense of justice, that you 
 may doyour duty to one who has serv-ed his country more 
 than any other person who is now living in America. Did I 
 not believe I could prove it to you that he has served his 
 country more than any other person, I should not say it. You 
 must weigh well the witnesses I produce to prove that he 
 has served his country more than any other man that is living 
 in America. Gen. William H. Harrison was educated at 
 Hampden Sydney College; and by the advice of his friends 
 turned his attention to. the study of medicine. But about the 
 period when he had completed his education, the increased 
 and barbarous hostilities of the Indians on our northwestern 
 borders, began to excite a feehng of indignation throughout 
 the whole country. In this general excitement our young 
 student participated so warmly, that he resolved to relinquish 
 his professional pursuits and join the army destined to the de- 
 fence of the Ohio frontier. He received the commission of an 
 ensign in the United States artillery in the autumn of the year 
 1791, when only eighteen years of age — this does not look 
 
3S 
 
 like a very imbecile young man, to quit his study, join an armyj 
 receive an ofiice at 18 years of age. His bosom swelled then 
 at that age with love of liberty and patriotism. He was then 
 promoted to the oflice of Lieutenant, then selected by Gen. 
 Wayne as one of his aid-de-camps, at the age of nineteen. 
 The army soon marched into the Indian country and fought 
 the bloody and desperate battle of the Miami ; in which the 
 confederated Indians, with their allies, were totally defeated. 
 Gen. Wayne after the battle, in a letter to the Secretary says, 
 my faithful and gallant aid-de-camps, Capt. DeButts and T. 
 Lewis, and Lieut. Harrison, with the Adjutant General, Major 
 Mills, rendered the most essential service, by communicating 
 my orders in every direction, and by their conduct and brave- 
 ry exciting the troops to press for victory. Observe, the 
 Gen. does not call Harrison a very imbecile man. This des- 
 perate and bloody battle was fought 42 years ago last Au- 
 gust. 
 
 Soon after this battle, Lieutenant Harrison received the 
 commission of a Captain, and was placed in command of Fort 
 Washington the most important station on the western fron- 
 tier. He remained in the army, imtil the close of the year 1797, 
 when he resigned his commission. This was about six years 
 after he had first joined the army, and received an office. He 
 was almost immediately appointed Secretary, and ex-officio 
 Lieut. Governor of the northwestern territory, which then 
 embraced the whole extent of our country, lying northwest 
 of the Ohio river ; thus receiving his first civil appointment 
 in that part of our country, which he had perilled his life to 
 defend. He was almost unanimously elected delegate to Con- 
 gress. Harrison was at this time about twenty-six years of 
 age ; at that time no person could buy any less land than 4000 
 acres, unless it was a remnant. Harrison got a law passed to 
 sell as small a piece as 320 acres of land ; this you see must 
 have been of great advantage to the poor people. He then 
 was appointed Governor of Indiana. The people were so 
 fond of him that for thirteen years, at every successive expi- 
 ration of his term of office, he was appointed Governor. Who 
 is that man that has been Governor for thirteen years, besides 
 Gen. Harrison 1 No person can have any conception of the 
 
3§ 
 
 trouble that he had with the Indians. He had to go artioitg 
 them, and often at the risk of his Hfe. 
 
 At last war broke out between the Indians and the whites* 
 Harrison with an army marched into their country, and when 
 wilhin a few miles of their town, he sent a flag of truce 
 to endeavor to open an amicable negociation with the hostile 
 Indians. To this overture the prophet returned a reply, and 
 agreed to meet Harrison the next day, in council with his 
 chiefs, to settle the terms of peace. Harrison carefully select- 
 ed for his encampment the best place, and ordered his troops 
 to lie upon their arms all night, that they might be in readi- 
 ness at a moment's warning to repel any sudden attack of the 
 enemy. Two hours before day-liglit a sentinel at one of the 
 outposts discovered an Indian creeping towards the camp. 
 He immediately gave the alarm, and almost at the same in- 
 stant a strong body of the enemy rushed towards the encamp- 
 ment with the most savage yells. They made a furious 
 charge on the left of the camp. The battle raged with great 
 fury till the dawn of day, when a simultaneous charge was 
 made upon the enemy on either flank, and diey were spee- 
 dily put to flight, with great loss, and the battle terminated. 
 Every man in this battle encountered his share of danger, but 
 no man was in more personal peril than Gen. Harrison. He 
 was well known to many of the Indians, and they of course 
 would kill him if they could. This was a dreadfully hard 
 fought and bloody battle, in which was killed and wounded 
 188 of the whites. This was fought November, 1811. 
 
 War was declared against Great Britain, in June 1812 — 
 this was more than twenty years after Harrison's first com- 
 mission. Gen. Hull was sent with an army into Canada. He 
 soon marched his army out into our country ; the English 
 army followed him, and the British General ordered him to 
 surrender his army and the fort he was in, and Gen. Hull 
 did so. This act did much disgrace us ; it was felt by 
 every person to be very mortifying. Gen. Harrison soon after 
 had the command of our army, and after a number of days 
 spent in fighting, he beat the British and drove them out of 
 our country. He followed them into Canada — there he fought 
 them, and beat them, and took most all their army, excepting 
 
40 
 
 the Indian army, together with all the baggage of the enemy 
 and their valuable military stores, together with the official 
 papers of Proctor, and several pieces of brass cannon, which 
 had been taken from the British in our revolutionary victories^ 
 but which Hull had shamefully surrendered at Detroit, and 
 were thus a second time captured from our ancient foe. After 
 the war there was a resolution otrered in Congress giving Gen. 
 Harrison a gold medal, and the thanks of Congress. It was 
 passed with but one dissenting voice in both Houses of Con- 
 gress. What more could Congress do to show their good 
 feeling towards Gen. Harrison than to give him their thanks? 
 This they all did with the exception of one man. Gen. Wash- 
 ington could not have had but one more vote. At the battle 
 I spoke of last, that Avas fought in Canada, the Indian chief 
 Tecumthe was killed, and the British gave his wife a 
 pension. Shall it be said old Suffolk will not shew by her 
 votes that she thanks Gen. Harrison for his services? shall it 
 be said she does not respect him as much as the British did 
 the Indian chief's wife? Their votes will tell whether they 
 respect or thank him who has fought their enemies at the peril 
 of his life. 
 
 After the war, Gen. Harrison was elected by a large major- 
 ity, a member of the House of Representatives in Con- 
 gress from Ohio. When, on the expiration of his term 
 of service, he was chosen to the Senate ef the State Le- 
 gislature. In 1824, he was elected a Senator of the United 
 States from Ohio. In 1828, he was appointed by Mr. Adams 
 Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the 
 Republic of Colombia. He accepted this appointment, and 
 repaired without delay to the scene of his duties. 
 
 Gen. Harrison remained in Columbia but a short time, hav- 
 ing been recalled by the present administration, soon after it 
 came into power. He has made thirteen treaties with the 
 Indians. I have not given an account of all the offices he has 
 held, and only a sketch of the war. That you may see at 
 one glance the most of the offices Gen. Harrison has held, I 
 will here put them together. He was Ensign in the United 
 States artillery, in the year 1791, when only eighteen years 
 of age. He was then Lieutenant. He was then selected by 
 
41 
 
 Geni Wayne for one of his aid-de-camps at the age of nine- 
 teen. He was Captain, and was placed in command of Fort 
 Washington. He was Lieutenant Governor of the northwes- 
 tern Territory. He was Representative in Congress. He 
 was Governor of Indiana for thirteen years. He was Rep- 
 resentative in Congress. He was a Senator of the State Le- 
 gislature. He was a United States Senator. He was Min- 
 ister to Columbia. He has made thirteen treaties with the 
 Indians. He was elected by the people, one of the Electors 
 of President and Vice President, and gave his vote for James 
 Monroe and Daniel D. Tompkins. 
 
 Who has held as many offices ? I would scarcely have be- 
 lieved that a person could have held so many offices, and been 
 able to have acquitted himself so honorably, that his political 
 enemies could not find a number of miscalculations, and rather 
 bad management. We see they cannot do it, and they find 
 they must become so cruel as to deceive us by misrepresenta- 
 tion, and call Gen. Harrison a very i'lnbecile man. Every 
 American and patriot ought to feel himself insulted, for the 
 abuse offered to our well tried General. 
 
 Do you believe that Gen. Harrison is not a learned and 
 wise man I If he was not it would not have been possible for 
 him to have done justice in all his diflferent stations. It appears 
 that every office he held did seem to raise him in the estima- 
 tion of the people ; that they were ready to give him another. 
 What do we see in one of our officers, that we are ready to 
 put him in again ? Do they do any thing that excites us to 
 keep them in office \ How many persons has Suffialk County 
 sent to Congress or to the Legislature that the people ever 
 heard from until they got home ? Their friends hear from 
 them by letters and that is most all. Harrison's people often 
 read his speeches, and those of his own production. No man 
 writes his speeches ! It is about 45 years since Gen. Harri- 
 son I'eceived his first commission. He is now 64 years of age 
 and is an active smart man. 
 
 I am now about to present you with witnesses to support 
 what I have said of Gen. Harrison. I first ofter an extract 
 from a speech made last winter in Congress by Mr. Storer of 
 Ohio — he made a number of extracts from the book that was 
 
 6 
 
42 
 
 written by Moses Dawson — to prove to you that the writer of 
 the life of Gen. Harrison, appeared to doit from an honest 
 principle, that the people might know what Gen. Harrison is. 
 He appears to be the warm friend of those who came forward 
 to serve their country, without any reference to party. He 
 was a warm supporter of Gen. Jackson. He appears always 
 ready to defend the character of the brave man. I mentjon 
 this to prove that the life of Gen. Harrison was not written by 
 Harrison's political friend, but by an honest man, as he says 
 he did it to preserve many documents thai would otherwise 
 be lost. It appears he has not spared any pains to collect 
 such witnesses in support of Gen. Harrison that must put 
 down every person that does speak against him. We know 
 that there are a few persons who have no regard for the truth, 
 they will slander a person let his character be what it may. 
 There are a few unprincipled persons to be found to slander 
 Gen. Harrison. I only give short extracts, you will observe, 
 of letters, and affidavits, and opinions, that have been given, 
 in reference to Harrison's character. I do not extract from 
 near all of them. The writer was so zealous that he meant 
 to place Harrison so high, in point of proof, if there could be 
 found any so vile as would injure him, that they could only 
 point at him as we can at the sun, but could not touch him. 
 Clouds pass between us and the sun and hide it from us for a 
 moment, it appears to shine brighter after they pass away. 
 " United States Schooner Ariel, Sept. 15, 1813. 
 
 ugiR ; — The very great assistance, in the action of the 10th 
 inst., derived from those men you were pleased to send on 
 board the squadron, renders it a duty to return to you my 
 sincere thanks for so timely a reinforcement. In fact, I may 
 say, sir, without these men, the victory could not have been 
 achieved ; and equally to assure you that they behaved as be- 
 came good soldiers and seamen. Those who were under my 
 immediate observation evinced great ardor and bravery.* 
 Very respectfully, OLIVER H. PERRY. 
 
 Maj. Gen. W. H. Harrison." 
 
 " On the 4th of July, 1818, Colonel Richard M. Johnson ad- 
 
 ♦ 5 Niks Register, 263. 
 
43 
 
 dressed a letter to General Harrison, from "which I ask th« 
 committee to permit me to read an extract : 
 
 " Two great objects induced us to come : First, to be at the 
 regaining of our own Territory, and Detroit, and at the taking 
 of Maiden ; and, secondly, to serve under an officer in whom 
 we have confidence. We would not have engaged in the ser- 
 vice without such a prospect — we did not want to serve un- 
 der cowards nor traitors, but under one who had proved him- 
 self to be wise^ lirudent^ and braveP 
 
 Sir, I have found these testimonials in the life of Gen. Har- 
 rison, published in 1824, by Moses Dawson, Esq,, who is, on 
 this subject, a most disinterested and competent witness. He, 
 sir, is now, and always has been, an ardent, a consistent sup- 
 porter of the present administration ; he came not into the 
 party at the eleventh hour, but, acting upon his original prin- 
 ciples, he has ever defended the fame of the brave man, whose 
 military services he has so faithfully recorded." 
 
 Col, Richard M. Johnson'' s opinio7t of Gen. Harrison. 
 
 " Who is GEN. HARRISON ? The son of one of the sign- 
 ers of the Declaration of Independence, who spent the greater 
 part of his large fortune, in redeeming the pledge he then 
 gave, of his ' fortune, life, and sacred honor,' to secure the 
 liberties of his country. 
 
 " Of the career of Gen. Harrison I need not speak — the 
 History of the west, is his history. For forty years he has 
 been identified with its interests, its perils, and its hopes. 
 Universally beloved in the walks of peace, and distinguished 
 by his ability in the councils of his country, he has been yet 
 more illustriously distinguished in the field. 
 
 " During the late war, he was longer in active service than 
 any other General Officer ,• he was perhaps oftener in action 
 than any one of them, and never sustained a defeat." 
 
 Col. Johnson^ s speech in Congress. 
 
 " In December, ihe month after the battle, the legislature 
 of Kentucky, on the motion of J. H. Hawkins, Esq., went 
 into mourning for the loss of Colonels Daveiss, Owen, and 
 others, who had fallen at Tippecanoe ; and in the same ses- 
 sion, while this battle was the subject of much discussion, the 
 
44 
 
 following resolution, moved by J. J. Crittenden, Esq., was 
 adopted with two or three dissenting votes — " Resolved^ S^c. 
 That in the late campaign against the Indians on the Wabash, 
 Governor W. H. Harrison has, in the opinion of this legisla- 
 ture, behaved lilce a hero, a patriot, and a general ; and that 
 for his cool, deliberate, skilful, and gallant conduct in the bat- 
 tle of Tippecanoe, he well deserves the warm thanks of the 
 nation." 
 
 " The veteran soldier, governor Charles Scott, approved 
 this resolution, which at once gave tone to the popularity of 
 Harrison, effectually turning the tide in his favor, and redu- 
 cing the clamor of his enemies to private murmurs." 
 
 " The battle of Tippecanoe having terminated a campaign 
 which led us to glory and honor, it is with pain we behold as- 
 persions in the public prints aiming to destroy the confidence 
 of our country in our late commander-in-chief. 
 
 " Governor Harrison having relinquished the command of 
 the army lately employed against the Indians, and probably as 
 an officer left us forever, the present statement cannot be at- 
 tributed to servile flattery, but to the true and honest expres- 
 sion of our real sentiments, in favor of a general whose talents, 
 military science, and patriotism, entitle him to a high rank a- 
 mong the worthies of the union ; and whom we consider in- 
 jured by the gross misrepresentations of the ignorant or de- 
 signing, who are alike inimical to the best of governments 
 and the best of men. 
 
 " We therefore deem it our duty to state as mcontestible 
 facts, that the commander-in-chief throughout the campaign, 
 and in the hour of battle, proved himself the soldier and the 
 general ; that on the night of the action, by his order, we slept 
 on our arms, and rose on our posts ; that notwithstanding the 
 darkness of the night, and the most consummate savage cun- 
 ning of the enemy in eluding our sentries, and rapidity in 
 Tushing through the guards, we wei-e not found unprepared : 
 that few of them were able to enter our camp, and those few 
 doomed never to return ; that in pursuance of his orders, which 
 were adapted to every emergency, the enemy were defeated 
 with a slaughter almost unparallelled among savages. In- 
 deed, one sentiment of confidence, respect, and affection to- 
 
46 
 
 x^rards the commander-in-chief pervaded the whole liiie of the 
 army, which any attempt to destroy we shall consider as an 
 insult to our understandings, and an injury to eur feelings. 
 
 " Should our country again require our services to oppose 
 a civilized or savage foe, we should march under the com- 
 mand of Governor Harrison, with the most perfect confidence 
 of victory and fame. 
 
 Joel Cook, capt. fourth infy. 
 
 JosiAH Smelling, capt. 4th U. S. infy. 
 
 R. O. Barton, capt. 4th infy. 
 
 O. G. Burton, lieut. 4th infy. 
 
 Nath. F. Adams, lieut. 4th regt. infy. 
 
 Charles Fuller, lieut. 4th regt. 
 
 A. Hawkins, lieut. 4th infy. 
 
 George Gooding, 2d lieut. 4th infy. 
 
 H. BuRCHSTEAD, ensigu 4th regt. U. S. infy. 
 
 JosiAH D. Foster, surgeon 4th infy. 
 
 HosEA Blood, act. assist, surg. 4th infy." 
 " For this latter work we are indebted to the politeness of 
 that distinguished officer, Gen. James Miller. From the 31st 
 page of this book we extract the following, which closes Mr. 
 Walker's account of the battle. 
 
 " General Harrison received a shot through the rim of his 
 hat. In the heat of the action his voice was frequently heard, 
 and easily distinguished, giving his orders in the same calm, 
 cool, and collected manner with which we had been used to 
 receive them on a drill or parade. The confidence of the 
 troops in the General was unlimited, and his measures were 
 well calculated to gain their particular esteem. 
 
 "That reproach is often dealt out with a liberal hand 
 where praise is due, 1 have lived long enough in the world to 
 witness ; and perhaps in no case ia justice less likely to be 
 done, than one which respects the conduct of a commander in 
 battle. For every one conceives himself a perfect judge of 
 what ought to have been done, and rests secure from contra- 
 diction, because no one can say with certainty, how it might 
 have resulted. 
 
 " That you have done credit to yourself, and rendered, at a 
 moment like this, important service to your count'-y, will be 
 
46 
 
 acknowledged by her true friends, and by none with more 
 pleasure than your friend, sincerely, 
 
 CHARLES SCOTT. 
 "His Excellency, Governor VV. H. Harrison." 
 
 "A faithful narrative, founded on authentic'documents, has 
 thus been given of Mr. Harrison's conduct from the day on 
 which he became completely a public character, as Governor 
 of the Territory of Indiana, till the battle of Tippecanoe. We 
 shall conclude this part of the subject with a few reflections. 
 
 By what has been said it must appear to every candid and 
 dispassionate reader that the policy pursued by the govern- 
 ment of the United States towards the Indians was dictated by 
 the purest principles of morality and good faith, that its wis- 
 dom was only equalled by its humanity, and that it was im- 
 possible for that government to have chosen an agent for car- 
 rying into effect the object in view, whose principles, and 
 whose conduct could be more in unison with that policy, hu- 
 mane and enlightened as it was, than Governor Harrison. 
 
 It must, in fact, be evident to the most fastidious reader, 
 that the negociations and communications of the Governor 
 with the Indians were conducted with patience, forbearance, 
 conciliation, and benevolence, unparalleled in the history of 
 diplomacy under the guidance of any other government, or 
 any other administration of our government that ever pre- 
 ceeded it." 
 
 " Head Qtia7'fers, camp Miami Rapids, Feb. 20, 1813. 
 
 " Sir — The service of the troops under our respective com- 
 mands, in many cases having expired, and in all being about 
 to close, it becomes necessary that we should shortly retire 
 from the field. Permit us, Sir, (the general and field officers 
 from the state of Ohio,) to address you at a moment in which 
 the eyes of the whole people of the United States are direct- 
 ed toward your movements ; at a time the inhabitants of the 
 state of Ohio have every thing to hope from your success, and 
 everything to dread from unfortunate events, should such at- 
 tend your operations. 
 
 Sir, we are happy in assuring you of our fullest confidence, 
 and that of our respective commands, in the measures you 
 
47 
 
 have taken ; they have been cautious, skilful, and guarded, 
 such as would at this time have carried our arms to the walls 
 of Maiden, had not the unhappy occurrence at the river Raisin 
 checked your progress, and for a short time thwarted your 
 plans of operation. That you may soon teach the enemy the 
 distinction between an honorable and savage warfare, by 
 planting our standard in the heart of their country, and regain 
 the honor and territory we have lost, and as a just tribute to 
 valor, toils, and suffering, receive the gratefid thanks of a gen- 
 erous and free people, is among the first, the warmest wishes 
 of our hearts. 
 
 Edward W. Tupper, Brigadier General. 
 Simon Perkins, Brigadier General. 
 Charles Miller, Colonel. 
 John Andrews, Lieut, Colonel. 
 William Raven, Colonel. 
 Robert Safford, Lt.Col. 5d rgt. Ohio quota. 
 N. Beasley, Major. 
 James Galloway, Major. 
 Solomon Bentlev, Major. 
 George Darrow, Major. 
 W. W. Cotgreave, Major. 
 Jacob Frederick, Major. 
 '• His Excellency William Henry Harrison, Commander' 
 in -chief of the North Western Army ." 
 " Every moment of the General was occupied in directing 
 the works. He addressed the men in the most masterly and 
 eloquent manner on the situation in which the fortune of war 
 had placed them, and of the importance of every man's beino' 
 vigilant at his post. This address converted every man into 
 a hero : it inspired them with a zeal, courage, and patriotism 
 never surpassed. 
 
 *' On the 28th the enemy commenced a very brisk fire of 
 small arms. 
 
 "On the 29th the seige began in earnest, all communica- 
 tion with the other post was cut off. The firing was kept up 
 the whole day. 
 
 "April 30 — The besieged kept up a well directed fire-a- 
 gainst the enemy's batteries and considerably impeded their 
 
4d 
 
 progress. Boats filled with men were seen to parss to the 
 Fort Meigs side of the river ; this induced the General to be- 
 lieve that their intention was to draw his attention to their 
 batteries, and to surprise and storm the camp in the rear. 
 
 May 1 — The enemy fired 256 times Irom their gun batte- 
 ries. Their twenty-four pound shots passed through the 
 pickets without cutting them down. Our gunners silenced 
 one of their pieces several times. 
 
 '* On the 2d of May both parties commenced firing very 
 early with bombs and balls, and continued very briskly all 
 day. 
 
 " The next day commenced with a very brisk and fierce 
 firing of bombs and cannon balls, and continued at intervals 
 all day. They opened two batteries upon the fort. 
 
 " It rained very hard on the 4th, which retarded the fire of 
 the besiegers. — A new battery was discovered erected on 
 this side of the river." 
 
 You here see the British were six days trying to take the 
 fort and Gen. Harrison and army. It could not be done. 
 The British General had ordered Gen. Harrison to surrender, 
 you see the words sent back. 
 
 " Gen. Han-ison. — I believe I have a very correct idea ot 
 general Proctor's force ; it is not such as to create the least 
 apprehension for the result of the contest, Avhatever shape he 
 may be pleased hereafter to give to it. Assure the general, 
 however, that he will never have this post surrende7'ed to him 
 upon any terms. Should it fall into his hands, it will be in a 
 manner calculated to do him more honor, and to give him 
 larger claims upon the gratitude of his government, than any 
 capitulation could possibly do." 
 
 Lower Seneca Toicn, Aicgtisi 29, 1813. 
 " The undersigned, being the general, field, and staff" ofli- 
 cers, with that portion of the northwestern army under the 
 immediate command of Gen. Harrison, have observed with 
 regret and surprise, that charges as improper in the form, as 
 in the substance, have been made against the conduct of 
 General Harrison during the recent investment of Lower 
 Sandusky. 
 
49 
 
 "Oh a review of the course then adopted, we are decided- 
 ly of the opinion, that it was such as was dictated by miUtary 
 wisdom, and by a due regard to our own circumstances and 
 to the situation of the enemy. The reasons for tliis opinion it 
 is evidently improper now to give, but Ave hold ourselves 
 ready at a future period, and when other circumstances shall 
 have mtervened, to satisfy every man of its correctness who 
 is anxious to investigate and willing to receive the truth. 
 And with a ready acquisescence, beyond the mere claims of 
 military duty, we are prepared to obey a General, whose 
 measures meet our most deliberate approbation, and merit 
 
 that of his country. 
 
 Lewis Cass, Brig. Gen. U. S. A. 
 
 Sajiuel Wells, Col. 17th R. U. S. I. 
 
 Tiios. D. OwiNGs, Col. 28th R. U. S I. 
 
 George Paull, Col 17th R. U. S. I. 
 
 J. C. Bartlett, Col. Q. M. G. 
 
 James V. Ball, Lieut. Col. 
 
 Robert Morrison, Lieut. Col. 
 
 George Todd, Maj. 19ih R. U. S. L 
 
 William Trigg, Maj. 2Sth R. U. S. I. 
 
 James Smiley, Maj. 28th R. U. S. I. 
 
 Rd. Graham, Maj. 17th R. U. S. L 
 
 Geo. Croghan, Maj. 17th R. U. S. L 
 
 L. HuKiLL, Maj. & Ass. Insp. Gen. 
 
 E. D. Wood, Maj. Engineers.'' 
 " During the whole of this long and arduous pursuit, no 
 man could make greater exeriions or use more vigilance than 
 you did to overtake Proctor, whilst the skill and promptitude 
 with which you arranged the troops for battle, and the distin- 
 guished zeal and bravery you evinced during its continuance, 
 merited and received my highest approbation. 
 
 " In short, sir, from the time I jomed you to the moment of 
 our separation, I believe that no commander ever did or could 
 make greater exertions than you did to effect the great objects 
 of the campaign. I admired your plans, and thought them ex- 
 ecuted with great energy ; particularly your order of battle, 
 and arrangraents for landing on the Canada shore were cal- 
 culated to inspire every officer and man with a confidence 
 
 7 
 
50 
 
 that we could not be defeated by any thing like our owil 
 number. 
 
 •' Until after I had served the campaign of 1813, I was not 
 aware of the difhculties which }ou had to encounter as com- 
 mander of tJie north western army. I iiavesince ol'ten said, and 
 still do believe, that tlie duties assigned to you on that occa- 
 sion were more arduous and difficult to accomplish than any 
 I had ever known confided to any commander ; and with re- 
 spect to the zeal and fidelity with which you executed that 
 high and important trust, there are thousands in Kentucky, 
 as well as myself, who believed it could not have been com- 
 mitted to better hands. 
 
 '■ With sentiments of the most sincere regard and esteem, I 
 have the honor to be, with great rcspeoit, your obedient ser* 
 vant, ISAAC SHELBY." 
 
 *^ Major General Wdlicnn Heiwy Horrison.'^ 
 
 "My Dear Sir, Although I hav^e little or no pretensions 
 to military knowledge as relates to an army, still I may be 
 allawed to bear testimony to your zeal and activity in the 
 pursuit of the British army under general Proctor, and to say, 
 the prompt change made by you in the order of battle on dis- 
 covering the position of the enemy always has appeared to 
 me to have evinced a high degree of military talent. I concur 
 most sincerely with the venerable Governor Shelby in his gen- 
 eral approbation of your conduct, (as far as it came under my 
 observation) in tliat campaign. With great regard, I am, my 
 dear sir, your friend, O. H.PERRY," 
 
 " Major General W. H. Harrison." 
 
 Extract from the deposition of Colonel Todd. 
 
 " During the whole period that I had the pleasure to be as- 
 sociated with General Harrison, with various opportunities of 
 observing his conduct and appreciating his motives, I do most 
 unequivocally declare my conviction, that the unremitted zeal, 
 the unskaken firmness, the spotless integrity, and the con- 
 summate ability with which he conducted the north western 
 army to complete victory amidst innumerable difficulties^ 
 (correctly estimated by those only who participated in them) 
 secured my entire approbation, and give him jjist claims to 
 the eternal gratitude oi his country. C'. S. TODDt" 
 
SI 
 
 Extract fro'in the deposit Ion of Major Chambers. 
 " Daring the whole pursuit, and indeed from the time I first 
 joined General Harrison, he evinced in his whole conversa/- 
 tion and conduct the most ardent disposition to push the cam- 
 paign into the enemy's country, and to meet general Proctor 
 in the field, at the same time that he evidenced a devotion to 
 his duties which I had never seen equalled in any station. 
 
 JOHN CHAMBERS." 
 
 " You are at liberty to make what use you please of this 
 statement; and that you may finally obtain that reward from 
 your country which your incessant labors and toils so justly 
 entitle you to, while commander of the Nonh western Army, 
 is the sincere wish of, my dear sir, your truly affectionate 
 friend and humble servant, ISAAC SHELBY." 
 
 Major Gen. AV". H. Harrison. 
 
 tState of Kentucky, Franklin county. 
 
 " Samuel Shannon, late chaplain to the 1st regiment of Ken- 
 tucky detached militia, under the command of colonel John 
 M. Scott, states, on oath, that he was, in the year 1812, at the 
 commencement of the war, and has been ever since, a regular 
 ordained minister of the Presbyterian church, in the state of 
 Kentucky ; that in the month of July or August, 1812, he was 
 commissioned chaplain to the said regiment by the then go- 
 vernor Charles Scott, and marched with the first detatchment 
 of the Kentucky quota. 
 
 " He further states, that he was an officer under General 
 Washington during a great part of the revolutionary war ; 
 and he has thought and frequently said, that the zeal, activity 
 and military talents of Gen. Harrison resembled Gen. Wash- 
 ington's more than any other officer he had ever known. 
 
 SAMUEL SHANNON." 
 
 Commonwealth of Kentucky, Franklin county, ss., 
 '■ Personally appeared, this day, before the subscriber, one 
 of the Justices of the peace for said County, the Rev. Samuel 
 Shannon, who made oath to the above statement, as witness 
 my hand this 31st October, 1817, at Frankfort, Ky. 
 
 C. S. TODD, J. P. F. C." 
 
52 
 
 "He further adds, that from his knowledge of General 
 Harrison's services in the campaign led by General Wayne, 
 us well as in the operations carried on by him in the north 
 west, during the late war, he then, and does now, entertain 
 the highest confidence in his patriotism, his integrity, and his 
 eminent military talents. JOHN ARNOLD." 
 
 Franklin county, ss. 
 
 Personally appeared before the subscriber, one of the justi- 
 ces of the peace for said county, major John Arnold, who 
 made oath to the preceding statement, as witness my hand, 
 this 3d November, 1817. C. S. TODD, J. P. 
 
 November 10, 1817. 
 
 ,Sir : In answer to your request I can state, that I know, of 
 my own knowledge, that the army at fort Wayne was very 
 much dissatisfied when General Harrison was about to sur- 
 render the command to General Winchester, and that Gen. 
 JFfa7r 19071 didjise his exertions and in jiuence to reconcile the 
 Tucn, vnthoiit which it is 7ny opi/iion the army woidd not have 
 submitted to it. The men were much displeased at the change, 
 and spoke to me about it. I let them know it would be better 
 to wait and hear what General Harrison would say to it, 
 and not to think of any measures that would throw the army 
 into confusion; and I can truly say it was my opinion Gener- 
 al Harrison 7vas the means of the men's goittg- on as they did 
 with General Winchester. I could stats much of the conver- 
 ssition that passed in camp, fort Wayne, and Defiance ; but 
 think it unimportant. From your friend 
 
 JAMES SUGGET, 
 Late Chaplain and Adj. to Col. JohnsonH s corps. 
 
 Gen. Wm. H. Harrison. 
 
 " W,e cannot in justice to General Harrison close this nar- 
 rative without giving a few out of the many documents in 
 our possession to show the estimation in \vhich he was held 
 fcy pany of the most distinguished individuals in our country; 
 and first the following extract from a letter of the gallant and 
 lamented Perry in December, 1813, will show at once the 
 warmth of his friendship for Harrison, and his high opinion of 
 his talents as a commander ; 
 
'* You know what has been my opinion as to the future 
 commander-in-chief of the army. I do not pride myself a ht- 
 tle, I assure you, on seeing my predictions so near being veri- 
 fied ; yes, my dear friend, I expect soon to hail you as 
 tlie chief who is to redeem the honor of our arms in the 
 north." 
 
 *• The sentiments expressed in the letter from which the 
 above is quoted reminds us of a circumstance mentioned by 
 the Hon. J. S. Smith, and John Chambers, Esq. in their de- 
 positions relative to the campaign of 1813, in which it will 
 be recollected that these gentlemen served together with Perry 
 as volunteer aids-de-camp to General Harrison. We men- 
 tion this only as another evidence of the friendship of Perry 
 for Harrison, and the great interest he took for his safety. 
 These gentlemen state that Perry expressed to them, and af- 
 terwards to Harrison himself, his disapprobation of the com- 
 manding general exposing his person so much as he did at 
 the attack made by the Indians on the advance of the army 
 at Chatham, and afterwards in the action on the Thames, 
 General Harrison defended hjs conduct by observing that 
 ^'withundiciplined troops, and particularly with volunteers, 
 it was necessary the General should set the example." 
 
 In the debate in the house of representatives in February 
 1614, on the loan bill, Mr. Cheves of South Carolina thus ex- 
 presses himself, " The victory of Harrison was such as would 
 have secured to a Roman General, in the best days of the re^ 
 public, the honors of a triumph. He put an end to the wap 
 iri the uppermost Canada."* 
 
 The influence wliich General Harrison possessed over the 
 minds of the militia and volunteers who served under him, 
 and the zeal with which they performed their duty under the 
 severest deprivations, whilst the same men were ready to mu- 
 tiny under other commanders, has often been spoken of. 
 Upon being asked how he managed to procure that control 
 over them, he answered, "By treating them with affection 
 aijd kindness, by always recollecting that they were my fel- 
 low citizens whose feelings I was bound to respect, and oi] 
 
 * See Supplement to Fifth Volume Niles' Register, page 116. 
 
54 
 
 f^very occasion to shave the Iiardships which they were obliged 
 to undergo. By these means, whenever it became necessary 
 to act with rigor towards ihem. they were convinced that it 
 proceeded from a sense of duty, and not from an arbitrary 
 disposition, or to show my authority over them." 
 
 I'hc following is an extract of a letter from general M' Ar- 
 thur of this state, to General Harrison, dated Albany, Febru- 
 ary 22. 1814 : " You, Sir, stand the highest with the militia 
 of this slate of any general in service, and I am confident that 
 no man can fight them to so great an advantage, and I think 
 their extreme solicitude may be the means of calling you to 
 this frontier." 
 
 The following remarks and anecdotes are taken from the 
 Port Folio of 1815, and are given upon the authority of an 
 officer who had served with General Harrison : 
 
 " It was General Harrison's constant practice to address 
 his troops, personally, believing it to be more effectual than 
 the common mode of general orders. He never omitted an 
 opportunity of setting his troops the example of cheerfully 
 submitting to those numerous and severe privations, incident 
 to the carrying on of military operations, in an almost track- 
 less desert, and in the most inclement seasons." 
 
 " During the campaign on the Wabash, the troops were 
 put upon a half a pound of bread per day. This quantity on- 
 ly was allowed to officers of every rank, and rigidly conform- 
 ed to in the General's own family. The allowance for din- 
 ner was uniformly divided between the company, and not an 
 atom more was permitted. In the severe winter campaign of 
 1812 — 13, he slept under a thinner tent than any other per- 
 son, whether officer or soldier: and it was the general obser- 
 vation of the officers, that his accommodations might gener- 
 ally be known by their being the worst in the army. Upon 
 the expedition up the Thames all his baggage was contained 
 in a valise, while his bedding consisted of a single blanket, 
 fastened over his saddle, and even this he gave to colonel 
 Evans, a British officer who was wounded. His subsistance 
 was exactly that of a common soldier." 
 
 " On the night, after the action upon the Thames, thirty- 
 five British officers supped with him upon fresh beef roasted 
 
before the fire, without either salt or bread, and without ar- 
 dent spirits of any kind. Whether upon the march, or in the 
 camp, the whole army was regularly under arms at day 
 break. Upon no occasion did he fail to be out himself, how- 
 ever severe the weather, and was generally the first officer on 
 horseback of the whole army. Indeed, he made ir a point on 
 every occasion, to set an example of fortitude and patience to 
 his men, and share with them every hardship, difficulty, and 
 danger." 
 
 " Thus have we brought to a conclusion our Historical 
 Narrative, which we presume to hope will be received by a 
 generous and impartial public as a redemption of that pledge 
 which we offered in the outset — to give a faithful and authen- 
 tic detail of important historical facts, which might otherwise 
 have been lost to the world ; and also to place the character 
 and conduct oi' a distinguished and virtuous citizen in their 
 p7'oper light. 
 
 " We cannot, however, lay down the pen without expressing 
 our gratitude to those gentlemen who have so kindly lent their 
 aid in furnishing many of the most important of the docu- 
 ments on which the work is founded. That no defects may 
 be discovered in our work, we have not the vanity to sup- 
 pose ; but this we do confidently assert, that we have not 
 wilfully deviated from the course prescribed to us by truth and 
 candor, as it was from the commencement our firm deter- 
 mination to 
 
 "Nothing extenuate, nor aught set down in malice." 
 
 It appears to me you must be convinced that there are but a 
 few persons who have served the people in peace and war, 
 who have been more zealous to acquit themselves honorably, 
 than Gen. Harrison. You see that he has thought more of 
 of his country and his honor than he has of his life. You have 
 plenty of witnesses who testify that where there was the most 
 danger Harrison's voice was heard. The brave Commodore 
 Perry, you observe, blamed him for exposing himself so 
 much, Harrison excuses himself by saying, that among the 
 volunteers and the militia it was necessary that the comman- 
 der should set the example. We a.ll move with much more 
 
66 
 
 spirit whea our employer takes hold of the work and goes on 
 bravely ahead, and says, come on my brave companions, 
 than we do when om' employer tells us to go on ahead and hei 
 will follow; such are sure not to do much, and their lazy ex-* 
 ample does not cheer us at all. You have the testimony of 
 Colonel Richard M. Johnson to prove that General Harrison 
 never did sustain a defeat ; to the contrary, always beat the 
 enemy. This is proof that he is a brave general. You will 
 observe that man who is at the head of his business, he gets 
 along, while the person who follows on behind his workmen 
 and business does not get along very well- every think seems 
 to be undone and he appears always driven with work. Gen. 
 Harrison was the first man on horseback in the morning, 
 ready and waiting for others to come on. 
 
 When provisions were scarce he had his allowance weigh- 
 ed out to him the same as any other soldier. They knew 
 Avhere he slept by his tent, as it was the poorest. You can 
 see plainly that Harrison put himself on a level, as it were, 
 with his brave soldiers. They saw that he was serving his 
 country, that he was not lifted up with pride, by reason of his 
 office. 
 
 This is not the case with Martin Van Buren ; he is a proud 
 person. I observed that he rode in a very fine carriage with 
 two fine horses and a driver, he did not walk like the mem- 
 bers to the Capitol. I frequently saw him ride there, I do not 
 remember ever seeing him walk there. I have seen him walk 
 from the Capitol, though oftener ride. It is said that he 
 bought his fine carriage in England. Our mechanics could 
 not build one hardly tasty enough for him, it appears. He 
 mustbelieveit was wonderful pretty, and he must look pret- 
 ty in it, or he would not have rode in it so often to the Capitol ; 
 it was no farther than a pleasant walk. 
 
 Their is no doubt but Harrison is one of the best of men. 
 I am most wonderful glad that Providence has so ordered it 
 that there should be living such a man as Gen. Harrison ; 
 and that he should be brought forward a candidate for Presi- 
 dent, and at the same time there should be an other person 
 like Van Buren and he should also be a candidate for Presi- 
 dent. By this we shall all know who are and were the real 
 
157 
 
 friends to Gen. Jackson that so often stated what he had done 
 for his country by fighting the Indians and ihe British. He 
 had done so much in that way that they called him the second 
 Washington. The people in the West do actually call Gen. 
 Harrison the Washington of the West. I do not believe there 
 is a person living in America that has served his country as 
 much in the war with our enemies, the Indians and the Brit- 
 ish, as Gen. Harrison. It is 46 years since he received his 
 first commission, and he has been the most of his time in the 
 service of his country. No man has a better character. 
 
 What is Van Buren's character 7 it is rather slippery. He 
 is the first candidate that ever had the honorable title of non- 
 committal — the discovery of finding out how others are to 
 vote and keeping his opinion from them, is certainly a great 
 discovery, and Van Buren, for the discovery, is worthy of the 
 title. I know that a number of persons did support Gen. 
 Jackson, from a principle that he had fought for his country. 
 As Mr. Rich, of Corum, said '• it was enough for him to know 
 that Gen. Jackson had fought for his conntry'' — he was a 
 warm supporter of Gen. Jackson. These persons were hon- 
 est, and they did as Mr. Rich no doubt did, they Avent and 
 voted to prove their candor and good will for the person that 
 would serve his countr}'. I am of the opinion that Gen. Har- 
 rison has fought twice as much for his country, and has as 
 good learning, and is as well qualified to fill the office of Presi- 
 dent ; and all honest Jackson men who supported Gen. Jack- 
 son on the principle that he had fought for his country, I 
 should certainly suppose they would support Gen. Harrison. 
 If the people are not satisfied that Gen Harrison has fought 
 more for his country, I will prove it to their satisfaction. If 
 there are persons to be found that will make a bet that is aji 
 object — this must be left to three persons to decide — whether 
 he has fought more, and their opinion must settle the question. 
 Those who were not honest when they said they supported 
 Gen. Jackson because he fought for his country, they will turn 
 round and support Van Buren, from the principle that he has^ 
 by dodging, turning, and twisting, done more for his party 
 than any other person. This election will bring these persons 
 out. It must be a mean person that will do a mean dishonest 
 
5S 
 
 act. A person must be a miserably mean person to do a dis- 
 honest act for an office that will starve him half to death, if he 
 had to live by it. I believe it would be doing more justice to 
 give a wood sawyer a title of honor than to give it to a per- 
 son that had done a dishonest act to get an office. We do not 
 want such persons for our officers. What can appear more 
 disgraceful for a person who did often tell me and others that 
 Gen. Jackson had fought for his country and we ought to 
 vote for him. If these persons are mean enough to turn right 
 round and support Van Buren, what will the people think of 
 them. No person need for the sake of employment do a 
 dishonorable act. It is not the particular name of the busi- 
 ness that makes a man respectable, it is his good behavior. 
 Every branch of business that is carried on that tends to make 
 others comfortable is an honorable employment. 
 
 It is no more than justice to state, that I went to Wash- 
 ington from the best of motives, to collect information 
 from public documents, that I might be sure I was correct. 
 The greatest confidence may be placed in this statement. No 
 person can act from better motives, or want less favor than I 
 do from any party. I want the person for president that 
 Avould be best for us. My reason and judgment, I declare 
 to you, upon my word and honor, tells me that Gen. Harrison 
 is more capable to fill the office of President than Van Buren, 
 setting every other consideration aside. You have heard of 
 a learned pig and a learned parrot; did you ever hear of one 
 that had much good sense ? I know of a number of learned 
 and professional men whose work proves them not to have 
 much good sense. Gen. Harrison's acts proves him to have 
 the best of sense. His speeches and other public documents 
 prove him to be a man of learning. I sincerely hope that 
 you will become well acquainted with the treaty Van Buren 
 made, that I have given you an account of. That treaty 
 proves him to be a snnpleton or a great knave. You can in- 
 quire of New York merchants, they will confirm my state- 
 ments ; N. Hubbard &Co., Peck Slip, No. 37. Please have 
 the goodness to inquire concerning the treaty. His being op- 
 posed to our money being distributed, is another simple act, 
 as it was the will of Gen .Tackson that it should be distributed. 
 
• 59 
 
 I hope you will have the goodness to read this book through 
 a number of times, if necessary to understand it. I meant 
 to be so plain that any person with attention could unders- 
 tand me. Do not trust an office seeker or office holder to ex- 
 plain it to you, for I know that part of them do not know the 
 duty of their office as well as the carman's horse knows his 
 duty. Title and office does not give sense and learning. 
 I observe some persons that have not sense enough to manage 
 their own business, trying to get an office; such persons are 
 ready to give you any explanation you want. 
 
 Errata. — On page 10, 16th line from the bottom, instead 
 of " one billion six hundred and ninety million eight hundred 
 and seventy-one thousand seven hundred and fifty-three 
 acres," read one billion niJiety million, (^c. 
 
 ALDEJJ SPOONER & SONS, PRINTERS, BROOKLYN, N. Y,