<* ♦/TVS* .0^ ^ *••<>• A <» *'TVT* .o v "o, 'o.»« ^ov* *?dV* f- «w ©he ©reat jpJar &ecvetav}£. q£F* ^* ^^* gleao before ®hc (Dhio (JDommanoeru of ©he gotjai Region, Qesetnbev 1, 1909, Companion (J^bitmrb *£*„ Jerome* i_ ,S^3 Edwin McMasters Stanton, The Great War Secretary. BY EDWARD SPARROW JEROME. The year 1869 was marked by several events of prime interest and importance, both at home and abroad. It witnessed the inauguration at Washington of the hero of the Civil War, Ulysses S. Grant, as President of these United States. It witnessed the induction into office of that other hero, Charles W. Eliot, whose career as president of Harvard has been as striking, as brilliant and as successful in peace as Grant's was in war. It witnessed the great engineering feat of binding the East and the West together forever by means of iron bands, the completion of the first transcontinental railway being formally con- cluded by the driving of the last spike, a golden one, near Ogden, Utah. Abroad, the larger East was as firmly bound to the larger West by the opening of the Suez Canal; and Africa ceased to be a Dark Continent. These great events were peaceful; constructive; and added to the happiness, the prosperity, the progress not only of our own people but of the world at large. But alas! other events took place. Death as well as Life was busy. // is not constructive; it can never be aught but destructive! It claimed the Father of Philanthropy, George Peabody; another victim was John Bell, one of Lincoln's rivals in '60 for the presidency; ex-President Pierce was laid with his fathers; William Pitt Fessenden, thought by Blaine to have been the ablest senator ever chosen by the Republican party, passed away; and last — not least but the greatest of these, Edwin M. Stanton, the Great War Secretary, was mustered out at the early age of fifty-five! Great war secretaries, or ministers, like angels' visits, are few and far between! In all her modern history, with its innumerable wars, England has had but one — William Pitt the Elder, — Cromwell was his own minister; France but two — Louvois and Niel, for Napoleon like Cromwell was his own servant; Prussia only one, Von Roon. Our revolutionary struggle was carried on without a real head or war secretary, hence Washington's endless troubles and sorrows. Knox was an able lieutenant, but scarcely an executive force. The war of 1812 was fought under Madison, a civilian who grew more and more timid as the war progressed. Monroe and others were in the war office, but there was little leadership and co-operation; and we actually suffered the humiliation of seeing a British force occupy Washington and burn the White House! Taylor and Scott fought the war with Mexico, though Secretary Marcy's conduct of his office was energetic and efficient. But it remained for our civil war to bring forward and develop a truly great war minister, one of heroic mold worthy to rank with the greatest men of his time, of all time! There were giants in those days and he easily measured up to them. Lincoln, Seward, Chase and Stanton were giants in the Cabinet, even as Grant, Sherman, Sheridan and Thomas were giants in the field. Farragut, Porter, Foote and Dupont ruled the wave, even as Sumner and Fessenden did the Senate; as Stevens and Colfax did the House. We Ohioans take a natural pride, a peculiar pleasure in recalling that Stanton was born upon our soil. Let us glance briefly at his early life here and elsewhere, and see how he came to be called at the eleventh hour into Buchanan's cabinet to assist in preserving the union; how he became Lincoln's great servant and right hand man; and how he initiated, carried forward and completed measures which crushed the rebellion and brought peace to our distracted country! Stanton, like Grant, Sherman and Sheridan, first saw the light of day in the Buckeye state. On Monday, December 19, 1814, "a day turbulent, chilly and full of driving snow," he was born at Steuben- ville, the first child of Dr. David and Lucy Norman Stanton. Samuel J. Tilden came into the world earlier in the year; Henry Ward Beecher, General Fremont and Stephen A. Douglas the year before. 3 Their's was the only decade in one hundred and thirty years, 1731 to 1861, which produced no president! Stanton's birth atoned for this omission. He was a small and puny babe and so continued for three years; at four he became more rugged and was fairly so throughout his life, though with a decided tendency to asthma. He was a pre- cocious child, a student from the beginning; had a religious turn and was very earnest and honest. He joined the Methodist Church when barely twelve years of age. Says one, "He was frank and manly and impressed all as being sincere. He did not hang his head and hesi- tate, but rose promptly to give his confession." Says another, "He was always a man, always aimed at something high and never spent an idle moment. Was a good talker and from boxes and barrels in his father's stable displayed his eloquence to his playmates." When Edwin was thirteen his father died, suddenly, leaving a small estate and making it necessary for the mother to open a general store. The boy continued his studies, assisting her the while. Securing a place in a book-store and publishing house, the only fault found with him was his inordinate love of reading thereby causing customers to wait! At seventeen he entered Kenyon College, having decided upon a profession. Associate Justice David Davis was a fellow student. Kenyon was known as The Star in the West, and under the personal direction of Bishop Chase, Stanton thus came to know the Episcopal Church, which in later years he joined. His college life was severe and primitive — the buildings stood in an unbroken forest; but he studied hard and attained high rank. He combated with vehemence the doctrine of nullification in the debating society, anticipating by thirty years his conduct in the war office. But few college pranks were laid at his door, the worst being the unauthorized use at night of the good Bishop's horse. Unfortunately his funds gave out and he was forced to leave college in a year and a half without graduating; but he always had a warm spot in his heart for Kenyon and sent his son thither. Having decided upon the law, he pursued his studies with energy, "but giving no time to hunting, fishing nor recreation." Life was indeed real and earnest to him. He was admitted to the bar when slightly under age and .sprang into active practice at once. Thenceforward his course was upward and onward. His reputation as a lawyer widened until fame came to him; the legislature elected him supreme court reporter; he won good fees and prosperity was his; he had made a happy marriage and his home life was ideal. About this time he began to take an active part in politics on the Democratic side. He was a delegate to several of their state conven- tions and served on committees; and was even a delegate to their national convention held in Baltimore in 1840. His law partner, Senator Tappan, was prominent in the party and a personal friend of Van Buren's; hence Stanton put forth mighty efforts to carry Ohio for him. The defeat of Van Buren in that campaign and in convention four years later, coupled with the death of his adored wife, caused Stanton to bury himself the more deeply in the law, his other mis- tress. His success in the case of McNulty, in which he made his first appearance in Washington, established his reputation as a master jurist at the early age of thirty-one! Although favoring the Mexican war and presenting resolutions at a mass meeting pledging support to Polk's administration in its prose- cution, Stanton was bitterly hostile to slavery. Not only had he been brought up in an "atmosphere of religious kindness and generous hos- pitality," but of abolitionism as well. His father had been the early teacher and friend of Benjamin Lundy, strongly supporting him with funds and sympathy. Lundy, many years the senior of Garrison, was the first to establish anti-slavery periodicals and to deliver anti-slavery lectures. Doctor Stanton's strongest trait, next to the love of his profession, was hatred of slavery. It is easy, therefore, to believe that the father made the boy swear eternal hostility to it, even as Hamilcar made his son Hannibal vow deathless warfare against Rome! Stanton's growing law practice called him East a great deal; he therefore opened an office in Pittsburg the better to care for it in 1847. For nearly ten years it was his headquarters, and busy years they were. He again appeared in Van Buren's interest in 1848, supporting him as a Free Soil candidate against Cass, the regular Democratic nominee. If he had not the pleasure of seeing the former triumph, he had the satisfaction of seeing the latter defeated. The editor of the Pittsburg Post, the Democratic organ, a life long friend, said he never took seri- ous stock in Stanton's democracy. "He was more of a student than a politician; and after his professional reputation became strong took no interest in partisan controversies except as they involved his friends or clients. Law, law, law, was his god, his mistress, and there he never ceased to worship. He always was opposed to slavery extension and to slavery itself." We have in these words the key to Stanton's life, private and public; they sum up his character and explain his astound- ing success in the war department! His practice in Pittsburg, where he was already well known, was large and lucrative. He was retained in nearly every great case, one of which The State of Pennsylvania vs. The Wheeling and Belmont Bridge Company gave him lasting fame. The question was one of the obstruction of the Ohio River and, necessarily, of interstate commerce regulation. Stanton brought suit to abate the bridge as a public nuisance, as an obstruction to free commerce between the states and a damage to the general welfare. He was admitted to practice before the United States Supreme Court on the motion of Attorney General Johnson, and argued the case before the full bench. It dragged on for several years, the court finally deciding in favor of Stanton with costs. The fact that Congress came to the relief of the bridge com- pany in no way impaired Stanton's reputation. He had contended for the right of Congress to regulate interstate commerce in every pos- sible form; and the theories he then advanced are now cardinal prin- ciples and fully embodied in the law of the country. Appearing before Judge Black in a railroad case his definition of the rights and limitations of public corporations and the undeveloped or reserved powers for their control caused the Judge to describe him as the great- est lawyer of the time. But the most celebrated case with which Mr. Stanton was ever associated was that of the McCormick reaper. Suit was brought here in Cincinnati in 1855 against John H. Manny for an infringement of that patent, Stanton, Abraham Lincoln and others appearing for the defendant. It was the first meeting of these remarkable men and Stanton is said to have been very rude to the future president. Nevertheless, his argument captivated Lincoln who declared that he was "going home to study law." In this case as in nearly all in which he appeared Stanton was successful. His second marriage, his removal to Washington and the election of James Buchanan, a personal friend, to the presidency all occurred in 1856. His close alliance with the administration through Attorney General Black brought him business and renewed his interest in the Democratic party. At Black's request he went to California as special counsel of the United States to investigate various land claims arising 6 out of our war with Mexico. He was instructed "to do his utmost to protect the interests of the Government" — an injunction wholly unnec- essary. He was absent nearly a year and his success, as usual, was complete; "for he prevented a stupendous robbery of the Government and of San Francisco; settled the land titles of California, and changed the character of Pacific Coast civilization." In his own words: "For the last few years a set of Mexicans have been plundering the United States at the rate of a million a year without any questions being asked. Having determined to throw a brick at them, I shall stay to see where it hits." During Stanton's absence on the Coast, Lincoln met Douglas in joint debate and overcame him, thereby making him- self a national figure and a candidate for the presidency. Whether Stanton at his distant post heard tidings of his future chief we are not informed. He had scarcely returned from California before being called upon to defend Daniel E. Sickles upon the charge of murder. His client had shot Philip Barton Key upon the streets of Washington because of an unholy alliance with Mrs. Sickles. This case which Stanton fought to a successful conclusion not only gave scope for his marvel- ous legal and oratorical powers, but set a precedent for what is com- monly know now-a-days as the unwritten law. Stanton justified the shooting "on the firmest principles of self-defense;" and the jury so held. We have thus far considered Mr. Stanton in the light of a lawyer, a politician if you please; he now comes upon the stage as a statesman, an active worker in behalf of the union and a leader among public men. In the campaign of '60 while personally friendly to Breckinridge, he believed him to be a sectional candidate, and therefore not entitled to election; of Lincoln he knew but little, but feared his radical abolition supporters; he therefore hoped for the election of Douglas as a golden mean. He frequently expressed the opinion, however, that Lincoln would be victorious by a narrow margin and become a minority president. In a letter of July 2nd to his Pittsburg partner he said: "The Democrats are so entirely divided that none of their candidates can win, in my opinion. The Western railsplitter will be technically elected, and we shall see great dissension." Verily, he was a true prophet in all three particulars! Lincoln was elected; South Carolina took immediate steps toward secession, and other states were threatening to join her. Buchanan's cabinet with its southern majority was fatally divided as to the policy to be pursued. Early in December Gen. Cass resigned as Secretary of State because the President would not reinforce Maj. Anderson in Charleston Harbor. Black was transferred from the law to the state department. Stanton while absent on government business was informed that the President wished to nominate him as attorney general. His hour had come; henceforth he moved upon a higher plane, within a larger sphere! His deepest thought, his entire self-sacrifice and devotion to the public weal are shown when he writes to a childhood friend — "After much hesitation and serious reflection I resolved to accept the post to which in my absence I was called in the hope of doing something to save this Government. I am willing to perish if thereby this union may be saved." Stanton, Black, Holt and Dix in Buchanan's reorganized cabinet stood firmly together in foiling the conspirators, in arousing the people and in placing the country in as good a condition as possible for the impending conflict. When the news of Anderson's transfer from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter reached Buchanan, he and several of his cabinet condemned him and threatened to abandon him. Stanton was aroused and exclaimed, "Mr. President, it is my duty as your legal adviser to say that you have no right to give up the property of the Government or abandon its soldiers to its enemies; and the course proposed is treason, and if followed, will involve you and all concerned in it in treason." His resignation was put in writing and had Buchanan insisted, Stanton would have withdrawn on the instant. He objected as stoutly to the President's reception and treatment of the gentlemen claiming to be "commissioners" from South Carolina; and his Memorandum to the President replying to them was well called by Holt "a wonderful paper." Stanton further urged the immediate dispatch of a trusty messenger to Maj. Anderson "to let him know that the Government will not desert him," and that reinforcements should follow immedi- ately. He had the courage to tell Mr. Buchanan that the surrender of Fort Sumter by the Government would be a crime equal to the crime of Arnold, and that all who participated in the act should be hanged! Could Stanton have had his way the seceding senators and representatives in Washington would have been arrested and impris- oned; in particular would he have made every effort to prevent the setting up of the Confederate Government at Montgomery and the inauguration of Davis and Stephens. When Buchanan declared that it was too late and he helpless, Stanton retorted — "It is never too late to save the country. We are not helpless. If we supinely permit some upstart to be elected and inaugurated as president at Montgom- ery, we shall have to permit the same performance here in Washing- ton, if undertaken. . . . Mr. President, there must be no so-called inauguration of another president while you occupy that high office, fiever, never!" The fact that this and other burning appeals fell upon deaf ears was not to /*/$ discredit. With the incoming of Mr. Lincoln's administration on March 4, 1861, Mr. Stanton retired with his chief; but his incumbency of the attorney general's office, brief though it was, had brought him prom- inently before the country. He had displayed high qualities; was recognized as a man of power and resource; and regarded as the back- bone of the administration and the author of its measures to save the Union. During the remainder of this year, — the first of the war, — Mr. Stanton held no office but kept in close touch with public affairs by acting as attorney for both General Scott and Secretary Cameron, and as confidential counsel for Gen. Dix, commanding in Baltimore. He also carried on an exhaustive correspondence with Mr. Buchanan in which he hesitated not to criticise Mr. Ljncoln and the administra- tion frankly and fully. With the failure of the administration to initiate a bold, warlike policy he became as greatly disgusted as he had been with Buchanan's. He spoke of the Bull Run disaster as follows: "The imbecility of this administration has culminated in that catastrophe, and irretrievable misfortune and national disgrace are to be added to the ruin of all peaceful pursuits and national bank- ruptcy as the result of Lincoln's running the machine for five months." In speaking of possible cabinet changes he says that beyond the War and Navy Departments none will take place "until Jefferson Davis turns out the whole concern." These and many other like statements seem harsh, unkind, disloyal even; Stanton has been as severely criticised for their use as these strictures are severe upon others. But we must remember that he spoke from the standpoint of a thoroughly loyal citizen, who had been behind the scenes, had met the secessionists and known their power; who accurately gauged the ter- rible struggle upon which the country had embarked; and who longed 9 with an inexpressible longing that the Government should arise in its might and crush secession. Events followed one another in rapid succession, even as disaster piled upon disaster. Mr. Cameron's continuance in the War office became impossible because of a radical difference with Mr. Lincoln in the treatment of the slavery question; and the President not knowing that Stanton was even more advanced in his views called him to head that department. Joseph Holt, of Kentucky, who had done good service in Buchanan's cabinet in that very office was his first choice, but Seward and other influential persons turned the scale in Stanton's favor. When consulted upon the subject Stanton's reply was — "Tell the President I will accept if no other pledge than to throttle treason shall be exacted." From the day in which he took hold of the War office things changed, moved, improved; new life was infused into every department; the railway and telegraph lines, those invaluable aids, were made to serve the Government and to cease aiding the rebellion; those in civil or military life whose loyalty was doubtful were watched or dismissed; supplies were purchased at home and not abroad and gold ceased to be exported; the financial reports from New York and the leading monetary journals announced a "marked upward turn and advanced strength" in government securities "owing to the change in the War department and the energetic character of the new incumbent." Who can follow him through the succeeding three years? His identity was sunk in the cause; his history becomes largely that of the civil war. He was here, there, everywhere, touching everything and everybody "as with a rod of fire" — writing, speaking, telegraph- ing, advising, suggesting, planning, commanding — working always, day and night. No one excepting Lincoln himself worked as hard and carried as heavy a burden. The recruiting, examining, enlisting, clothing, drilling, arming, transporting, feeding, paying a million men — who can conceive of the amount of work involved? "I believe," says one who knew him well, "his executive ability was beyond any limit the ordinary mind can fix." All records were broken during our civil war — as to sums of money expended and number of men engaged. It was a mighty trio indeed that Lincoln had about him to carry on this stupendous work: Seward kept all foreign hands off dur- ing this battle of giants and saw to it that fair play was accorded each 10 combatant; Chase raised the immense sums necessary for its prosecu- tion; while Stanton wielded with fearful effect on a clear field the death-dealing instrument provided. This being a paper upon him and not a history of the war, a detailed statement of military movements and operations, of defeats and victories, has no place here; nor is it mine to defend Stanton when wrong or to claim infallibility for him. I hold no brief on his behalf; we are engaged in a study of his life and work and are honestly trying to get at the whole truth without fear or favor, partiality or hypocrisy. Mr. Stanton as a lawyer and Democrat of the Jackson school might have been supposed to treat the question of slavery rather gingerly and to decline the help of the blacks until necessity obliged such a step. But had he been disposed to adopt such a course, events would have forced him to change it. Mr. Lincoln though hating slavery was at first decidedly opposed to the use of slaves in the army, and overruled both officials and generals who favored their enlistment. But Blaine well says that even if the Government desired the question of slavery kept out of the war, the war would not let the question rest. From the outset, at first Bull Run, blacks were busily engaged on the Confederate side as teamsters, cooks and laborers in throwing up entrenchments. If serviceable to them, why not to us? Lincoln, Stanton and all others were agreed that before the war, under the Constitution, there was no power in the Executive nor in Congress to interfere with slavery in the states; but war changes everything: it legislates. Slaves, while technically "persons" under the law were in reality "property." As such Stanton claimed the right to seize and use them, even as he would have turned against the South cap- tured guns, cannon and ammunition. All feeling and passion have long since died away upon this subject; so men of all classes, sections and parties now hold with Stanton that the Government had the lawful right and it was its bounden duty to use every means obtainable for self-preservation. No one in Cabinet, Congress or the Army urged the employment of blacks or the emancipation of slaves as war meas- ures more heartily than Stanton; and when the President's proclama- tions were issued he rejoiced and felt that "no blunder and no dis- aster could avert the ultimate triumph of our arms." The war went on; torrents of blood were poured forth by brave men on both sides; awful was the slaughter; desperate were the con- 11 ditions. Denounced daily in Congress, on the stump and in the press, Stanton, he who was aver}' fury among his fellows yet an angel in his family and to the weak and poor, and who "completely melted in the presence of children," — held steadily on his course, holding up the hands of the President, furnishing the men in the field with abundant supplies of every description, enforcing the draft however unpopular, allowing nothing to interfere with nor divert him from his duty. It was as if he had taken for his motto the cry, "O Neptune, you may save me if you will; you may sink me if you will; but what- ever happens, I will hold my rudder true." With the full force of an aroused North wielded with terrific power, with such an irresistible body brought against it, the Confederacy must needs collapse. The fall of Richmond, the surrender of Lee and the assassination of the man whom Stanton had so stoutly upheld all came as a sudden, a startling climax. The first filled him with joy as great as the latter brought grief profound. Stanton, this man of iron, watched with falling tears the ebbing of his chieftain's life, and when all was over darkened the windows and said, "He now belongs to the ages." With Stanton's service in the cabinet of Andrew Johnson and sub- sequent disagreement with him over the question of reconstruction we will not deal; they are beyond the war period and are more likely to provoke discusssion and develop differences. But it should be stated that his disbanding of our armies and the return of our soldiers to their homes was as masterly a work as their first creation. Both responded to the wand of the magician! Broken in health, with empty purse and no clients and with opposition from Republican sen- ators to a vote of thanks by Congress, Stanton eagerly accepted President Grant's nomination as an associate justice of the Supreme Court. His mind must have reverted to that day five years before when Mr. Lincoln offered to make him chief of that court, on condition that Stanton would find a man who could be trusted as secretary of war. Stanton knew of no such man and lost the prize. Was there ever such self-abnegation? Grant's offer, alas, came too late; Stanton was worn out. On December 24, 1869 — the month of his birth, his marriage and entry into Buchanan's cabinet — he passed away at his home in Washington, and three days later was buried in Oak Hill Cemetery. "Thus this gigantic patriot after superhuman labors lay down to rest.'" 12 It is altogether true, as charged by his enemies, that he was short, sharp, brusque, autocratic. Let it be frankly admitted — with the remark that his entire devotion to and absorption by his duties was the cause. Lincoln called him "Old Mars" and watched with wonder and admiration his dispatch of business. The bounty-jumper, the dealer in shoddy, the speculator, the man who should have been at the front — all these met short shrift; but for the man behind the gun, the boys in the trenches, nothing was too good, — nor for the officer leading them on to victory. His first general order to the army was a message of thanks and praise for the brilliant victory of Mill Spring; and he was ever ready to suitably reward both officers and men. Of course he made enemies, many, powerful, bitter, unrelenting, both in civil and army life, within his own party as well as in that of the opposition; but "we love him for the enemies he made." "To the nation's trust he was sublimely true," and retained Lincoln's confi- dence and love to the end. Praise from Caesar is praise indeed. Can there be higher? Hamilton had not more initiative nor executive power; Jackson not more fearlessness nor rugged strength. Long before he was clothed with its symbols, "he seemed the embodiment of power," testifies one. William of Orange, Hampden, Washington and Lincoln were not purer patriots. When he wrote that he was willing to perish if the country might be saved, he reached high- water mark of patriotism; and he soon had an opportunity to make good his brave words, and did so. Laying aside the practice of law which some authorities declare was yielding him fifty thousand dollars yearly, he accepted an office paying him less than one sixth of that sum. His burden was that of the Old Man of the Sea — heavy, crush- ing, unceasing. His reputation, political standing, law practice, health, peace, his life — all were lost: he did indeed perish! Stanton has been criticised more severely for his treatment of two generals, McClellan and Stone, than for any other of his numberless official acts. Had little Mac been of an opposing political party, the cry of politics might have been raised; but Stanton as well as the general was a Democrat. There could have been no personal pique nor dislike, because McClellan had been a client of his, a visitor at his residence, — even an inmate of his family. There is absolutely no course left open to the student of history but to state that Stanton and McClellan differed radically as to the conduct of the war; and time has 13 fully vindicated Stanton's action with regard to him. As to Stone whose alleged offence occurred before Stanton became secretary, it is freely admitted that he was long detained in prison without trial. In time of peace this would have been monstrous; in time of war, harsh but necessary. Stanton himself said that individuals were nothing; that General Stone in Fort Lafayette was doing his share towards saving the union. President Lincoln stated that whether Stone was guilty or innocent "circumstances required, as appears to me, such proceedings to be had against him for the public safety." As McClel- lan gave Stanton the information upon which Stone's arrest was ordered, he shares with the secretary the responsibility. Stanton, burdened with a thousand duties and advised by parties whose testis mony he considered credible, doubtless did a great wrong to a loyal officer; but that he sincerely believed his own course to be the best for the country is unquestionable. This man in the discharge of his duty knew neither friend nor foe, neither stranger nor relative, officer nor private, Republican nor Democrat, Northerner nor Southerner. The Southern Democrat or Whig with slaves but loyal to ihe union was nearer his heart than the Northern Republican who denounced Lincoln, or the abolitionist who inveighed against preserving the union. His eye was single; hence, his whole body was full of light. No maiden wedding her lover, no vestal virgin keeping the sacred fire ever burning in the temple, no nun taking the deathless vows of poverty, chastity and obedience had more complete devotion or made a more entire dedication than this man to the cause of the union. He knew instinctively and instantly what to do and how to do it. If it was true of Henry Clay that he knew the remedy before others discovered the disease, how much more so of Stanton? It was said of Napoleon that he thought quicker and better than other men — it is true of this latter-day Napoleon. But he firmly believed in a higher power than his own; he looked beyond his own strength and leaned upon a stronger arm. Often would he retire within his private office and pray for the country, for the people, for Mr. Lincoln, for himself; and when men like Bishop Simpson of the Methodist Church called upon him, he would ask them to offer prayer for these objects. His writings, public and private, his conversation and speeches, all were full of trust in God and acknowledgments of His gracious favor when victory was vouchsafed to us. 14 In these days of graft and when the use of public office as a private perquisite has become a fine art, it is refreshing to read of one who received nothing but his salary and who declined to use his great office for personal ends. With boundless opportunities for speculation and self-aggrandizement, he absolutely declined to take advantage of them or to profit at his country's expense. His integrity was perfect; his honor, spotless. No Cato was more strict or sternly virtuous; Caesar's wife not more above suspicion. A former law student and partner who hoped to secure a Government contract for a friend while visiting the Secretary was told — "No talk on business here, William; I'll hear you at the Department to-morrow." Surely he had clean hands. Pardon one word of a personal nature. My maternal grand- father, Dr. William Sparrow, was this man's teacher at Kenyon College; received him into the Episcopal Church by the sacrament of baptism; and assisted in his burial service. These form a triple tie, which is enlarged and strengthened by the possession of a father's commission as chaplain in the army bearing that well known signature and constituting a priceless family heirloom. Edwin McMasters Stanton has been gone from the sight of his fellow men for two score years. Practically all of the leaders, civil and military, on both sides are gone. The cry of "On to Richmond" has ceased; Sherman's bummers are no longer "Marching through Georgia;" and "the rebel rides on his raid no more." Many men, however, now living knew Stanton personally; and among them the members of the Loyal Legion would naturally be foremost. Nearly every officer's commission bears his signature as well as that of the martyr President. Who is not proud of that bit of parchment? Who would exchange it for gold? It attests the loyalty and devotion of him whose name it bears upon its face; it preserves for future genera- tions the signatures of the two men most identified with the mighty struggle to preserve the union. If the South in less than half a cen- tury has realized, in spite of her awful losses in men and money, the value of a union preserved, how much more will future generations, both North and South, rise up and call these two blessed, Lincoln the Liberator and Stanton the Great War Secretary. And when the long roll of heroes performing each his part in that terrible civil strife shall have been made up by impartial History, the name of Edwin 15 McMasters Stanton will, like that of his Chief, Abraham Lincoln, appear in the dual light of Hero and Martyr; and History scanning that glorious list will find that lo! with that one exception the name of Stanton leads all the rest. 54 W *» ? ^ ^ 'flR* J* % °yt W ■ & , *j» •" as .« ****