,-.^^ s^ ,xr '^/>- ^, <^ ':/- "^j- ' -^^ ^ ■..v'^^ '■■ ,^^^^ -C/. ' ff I -^ ' \N ■0' A'"^^ <^^^ . . .^^' ^ ^ ^^ s- ^ ^. ..V .0 O, <• V. '\' *■' -^o ^ ..O^^' 0^ .--Js v\^ ^:. v^^ x^^^. .-, \ ' 15 V^^ '^^ •n^ ^^: "• '-.'■^'^^' ^S.^''- ' ^ cO-' ^ y ,, ? ^' ^-^y- V^ ^^... ■r-> x^ °^ ^"/ ', -^ \- * 9 .^^" - "^^x. .sx"*' ; If '^ ^c,^ /^-^ /■ ,/. \\ ^ '/^ -i <5- 4 ^ *s lis ^^ , . 'r' ESSAYS AND (^ LEAVES FROM A NOTE-BOOK x\ BY GEORGE ELIOT NEW YORK HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE ^^^' 4^ ^ n x'^^ •?••*<■' PREFACE. Wishes have often been expressed that the articles known to have been written by George Eliot in the Westminster Review before she had become famous under that pseudonym, should be republished. Those wishes are now gratified — as far, at any rate, as it is possible to gratify them. For it was not George Eliot's desire that the whole of those articles should be rescued from oblivion. And in order that there might be no doubt on the subject, she made, some time before her death, a collection of such of her fugitive writings as she considered deserving of a permanent form ; care- fully revised them for the press ; and left them, in the order in which they here appear, with written injunc- tions that no other pieces written by her, of date prior to 1857, should be republished. It will thus be seen that the present collection of Essays has the weight of her sanction, and has had, moreover, the advantage of such corrections and alter- ations as a revision long subsequent to the period of writing may have suggested to her. The opportunity afforded by this republication seemed iv PREFACE. a suitable one for giving to the world some •* notes," as George Eliot simply called them, which belong to a much later period, and which have not been previously published. The exact date of their -writing cannot be fixed with any certainty, but it must have been some time between the appearance of " Middleraarch " and that of " Theophrastus Such." They were probably written without any distinct view to publication — some of them for the satisfaction of her own mind ; others perhaps as memoranda, and with an idea of working them out more fully at some later time. It may be of interest to know that, besides the "notes" here given, the note-book contains four which appeared in " The- ophrastus Such," three of them practically as they there stand ; and it is not impossible that some of those in the present volume might also have been so utilized had they not happened to fall outside the general scope of the work. The marginal titles are George Eliot's own, but for the general title, " Leaves from a Note-book," I am responsible. I need only add that, in publishing these notes, I have the complete concurrence of my friend, Mr. Cross. Chaeles Lee Lewes. HiGHGATE, December^ 1883. TABLE OF CONTENTS. ESSAYS. PASS I. WOBLDLINESS AND GTHER-WOKLDLIlSrESS : THE POET YOUNG 3 (Westminster Review, 1857.) n. GERMAN wit: HEINRICH HEINE 65 (Westminster Review, 1856.) m. EVANGELICAL TEACHING! DR. GUMMING 115 (Westminster Review, 1855.) IV. THE INFLUENCE OF RATIONALISM: LECKY'S HISTORY . . 157 (Fortnightly Review, 1865.) V. THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE: RIEHL . . .179 (Westminster Review, 1856.) VI. THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR 226 (Eraser's Magazine, 1855.) VII. ADDRESS TO WORKING MEN, BY FELIX HOLT 251 (Blackwood's Magazine, 1868.) LEAVES FKOM A NOTE-BOOK. AUTHORSHIP ^ 275 JUDGMENTS ON AUTHORS 281 STORY-TELLING 284 VI CONTENTS. PAGK HISTORIC IMAGINATION 288 VALUE IN ORIGINALITY 290 TO THE PROSAIC ALL THINGS ARE PROSAIC 290 "DEAR RELIGIOUS LOVE " 291 WE MAKE OUR OWN PRECEDENTS 291 BIRTH OF TOLERANCE 292 FELIX QUI NON POTUIT , . . . 292 DWINE GRACE A REAL EMANATION 293 "A FINE EXCESSo" FEELING IS ENERGY . . 293 ESSAYS ¥OELDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLmESS: THE POET YOUNG. The study of men, as they have appeared in different ages, and under various social conditions, may be con- sidered as the natural history of the race. Let us, then, for a moment imagine ourselves, as students of tliis natural history, " dredging " the first half of the eigh- teenth century in search of specimens. About the year 1730 we have hauled up a remarkable individual of the species divine — a surprising name, considering the nat- ure of the animal before us ; but we are used to un- suitable names in natural history. Let us examine this individual at our leisure. He is on the verge of fifty, and has recently undergone his metamorphosis into the clerical form. Rather a paradoxical specimen, if you observe him narrowly ; a sort of cross between a syco- phant and a psahnist; a poet whose imagination is al- ternately fired by the " Last Day " and by a creation of peers, who fluctuates between rhapsodic applause of King George and rhapsodic applause of Jehovah. After spending " a foolish youth, the sport of peers and poets," after being a hanger-on of the profligate Duke of Wharton, after aiming in vain at a parliamentary career, and angling for pensions and preferment with fulsome dedications and fustian odes, he is a little dis- 4 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS .' giisted with his imperfect success, and has determined to retire from the general mendicancy business to a particular branch ; in other words, he has determined on that renunciation of the world implied in "taking orders," with the prospect of a good living and an ad- vantageous matrimonial connection. And he personifies the nicest balance of temporalities and spiritualities. He is equally impressed with the moraentousuess of death and of burial fees ; he languishes at once for immortal life and for " livings f' he has a fervid attachment to patrons in general, but, on the whole, prefers the Al- mighty. He will teach, with something more than of- ficial conviction, the nothingness of earthly things ; and he will feel something more than private disgust if his meritorious efforts in directing men's attention to an- other world are not rewarded by substantial preferment in this. His secular man believes in cambric bands and silk stockings as characteristic attire for " an orna- ment of religion and virtue;" hopes courtiers will never forget to copy Sir Robert Walpole ; and writes begging- letters to the King's mistress. His spiritual man recog- nizes no motives more familiar than Golgotha and " the skies;" it walks in graveyards, or it soars among the stars. His religion exhausts itself in ejaculations and rebukes, and knows no medium between the ecstatic and the sententious. If it were not for the prospect of immortality, he considers, it would be wise and agree- able to be indecent, or to murder one's father ; and, heaven apart, it would be extremely irrational in any man not to be a knave. Man, he thinks, is a compound of the angel and the brute: the brute is to be humbled by being reminded of its " relation to the stalls," and 1 Tightened into moderation by the contemplation of THE POET YOUNG. fng] deathbeds and skulls ; the angel is to be developed by vituperating this world and exalting the next ; and by this double process you get the Christian — " the highest style of man." With all this, our new-made divine is an unmistakable poet. To a clay compounded chiefly of the worldling and the rhetorician, there is added a real spark of Promethean fire. He will one day clothe his apostrophes and objurgations, his astronomical re- ligion and his charnelhouse morality, in lasting verse, which will stand, like a Juggernaut made of gold and jewels, at once magnificent and repulsive : for this divine is Edward Young, the future author of the " Night Thoughts." Judging from Young's works, one might imagine that the preacher had been organized in him by hereditary transmission through a long line of clerical forefathers, — that the diamonds of the "Night Thoughts" had been slowly condensed from the charcoal of ancestral sermons. Yet it was not so. His grandfather, ap- parently, wrote himself gentleman^ not clerk ; and there is no evidence that preaching had run in the family blood before it took that turn in the person of the poet's father, who was quadruply clerical, being at once rec- tor, prebendary, court chaplain, and dean. Young was born at his father's rectory of Upham, in 1681. In due time the boy went to Winchester College, and subse- quently, though not till he was twenty-two, to Oxford, where, for his father's sake, he was befriended by the wardens of two colleges, and in 1708, three years after his father's death, nominated by Archbishop Tenison to a law fellowship at All Souls. Of Young's life at Ox- 6 WOKLDLINESS AND OTHER- W0RLDLINES8 '. ford, in these years, hardly anything is known. His biographer, Croft, has nothing to tell us but the vague report that, when " Young found himself independent and his own master at All Souls, he was not the orna- ment to religion and morality that he afterwards be- came," and the perhaps apocryphal anecdote, that Tin- dal, the atheist, confessed himself embarrassed by the originality of Young's arguments. Both the report and the anecdote, however, are borne out by indirect evi- dence. As to the latter, Young has left us sufficient proof that he was fond of arguing on the theological side, and that he had his own way of treating old sub- jects. As to the former, we learn that Pope, after say- ing other things which we know to be true of Young, added, that he passed "a foolish youth, the sport of peers and poets;" and, from all the indications we pos- sess of his career till he was nearly fifty, we are inclined to think that Pope's statement only errs by defect, and that he should rather have said, "a foolish youth and middle ageP It is not likely that Young was a very hard student, for he impressed Johnson, who saw him in his old age, as " not a great scholar," and as surpris- ingly ignorant of what Johnson thought "quite common maxims" in literature; and there is no evidence that he filled either his leisure or his purse by taking pupils. His career as an author did not begin till he was nearly thirty, even dating from the publication of a portion of the "Last Day," in the Tatler ; so that he could hardly have been absorbed in composition. But where the fully developed insect is parasitic, we believe the larva is usually parasitic also, and we shall probably not be far wrong in supposing that Young at Oxford, as else- THE POET YOUNG. 7 where, spent a good deal of his time in hanging about possible and actual patrons, and accommodating himself to their habits with considerable flexibility of conscience and of tongue ; being none the less ready, upon occa- sion, to present himself as the champion of theology, and to rhapsodize at convenient moments in the com- pany of the skies or of skulls. That brilliant profligate, the Duke of Wharton, to whom Young afterwards clung as his chief patron, was at this time a mere boy ; and, though it is probable that their intimacy had already begun, since the Duke's father and mother were friends of the old Dean, that intimacy ought not to aggravate any unfavorable inference as to Young's Oxford life. It is less likely that he fell into any exceptional vice, than that lie differed from the men around him chiefly in his episodes of theological advocacy and rhapsodic solemnity. He probably sowed his wild oats after the coarse fashion of his times, for he has left us sufficient evidence that his moral sense was not delicate; but his companions, who were occupied in sowing their own oats, perhaps took it as a matter of course that he should be a rake, and were only struck with the exceptional circumstance that he was a pious and moralizing rake. There is some irony in the fact that the two first poet- ical productions of Young, published in the same year, were his " Epistle to Lord Lansdowne," celebrating the recent creation of peers — Lord Lansdowne's creation, in particular — and the " Last Day." Other poets, be- sides Young, found the device for obtaining a Tory majority by turning twelve insignificant commoners into insignificant lords, an irresistible stimulus to verse; but no other poet showed so versatile an enthusiasm, 8 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER- WORLDLINESS : SO nearly equal an ardor for the honor of the new baron and the honor of the Deity. But the twofold nature of the sycophant and the psalmist is not more strikingly shown in the contrasted themes of the two poems, than in the transitions from bombast about monarchs to bom- bast about the resurrection, in the " Last Day " itself. The dedication of this poem to Queen Anne, Young afterwards suppressed, for he was always ashamed of having flattered a dead patron. In this dedication, Croft tells us, " he gives her Majesty praise indeed for her victories, but says that the author is more pleased to see her rise from this lower world, soaring above the clouds, passing the first and second heavens, and leaving the fixed stars behind her; nor will he lose her there, he says, but keep her still in view through the bound- less spaces on the other side of creation, in her journey towards eternal bliss, till he behold the heaven of heavens open, and angels receiving and conveying her still onward from the stretch of his imagination, which tires in her pursuit, and falls back again to earth." The self-criticism which prompted the suppression of the dedication did not, however, lead him to improve either the rhyme or the reason of the unfortunate coup- let: " When other Bourbons reign in other lands, And, if men's sins forbid not, other Annes." In the "Epistle to Lord Lansdowne" Young indi- cates his taste for the drama ; and there is evidence that his tragedy of " Busiris " was " in the theatre " as early as this very year, 1713, though it was not brought on the stage till nearly six years later ; so that Young was fiow very decidedly bent on authorship, for which his THE POET YOUNG. 9 degree of B.C.L., taken in this year, was doubtless a magical equipment. Another poem, "The Force of Religion ; or, Yanquished Love," founded on the execu- tion of Lady Jane Grey and her husband, quickly fol- lowed, showing fertility in feeble and tasteless verse; and on the Queen's death, in 1714, Young lost no time in making a poetical lament for a departed patron a vehicle for extravagant laudation of the new monarch. No further literary production of his appeared until 1716, when a Latin oration which he delivered, on the foundation of the Codrington Library at All Souls, gave him a new opportunity for displaying his alacrity in in- flated panegyric. In 1717 it is probable that Young accompanied the Duke of Wharton to Ireland, though so slender are the materials for his biography, that the chief basis for this supposition is a passage in his " Conjectures on Origi- nal Composition," written when he was nearly eighty, in which he intimates that he had once been in that coun- try. But there are many facts surviving to indicate that for the next eight or nine years Young was a sort of attache of Wharton's. In 1719, according to legal records, the Duke granted him an annuity, in consider ation of his having relinquished the office of tutor to Lord Burleigh, with a life annuity of £100 a year, on his Grace's assurances that he would provide for him in a much more ample manner. And again, from the same evidence, it appears that in 1721 Young received from Wharton a bond for £600, in compensation of ex- penses incurred in standing for Parliament at the Duke's desire, and as an earnest of greater services which his Grace had promised him on his refraining 10 WOELDLINESS AND OTHER- WOliLDLINESS I from the spiritual and temporal advantages of taking orders with a certainty of two livings in the gift of hia college. It is clear, therefore, that lay advancement, as lono- as there was any chance of it, had more attractions for Young than clerical preferment ; and that at this time he accepted the Duke of Wharton as the pilot of his career. A more creditable relation of Young's was his friend- ship with Tickell, with whom he was in the habit of in- terchanging criticisms, and to whom, in 1719 — the same year, let us note, in which he took his doctor's degree — he addressed his "Lines on the Death of Addison." Close upon these followed his " Paraphrase of Part of the Book of Job," with a dedication to Parker, recently made Lord Chancellor, showing that the possession of Wliarton's patronage did not prevent Young from fish- ing in other waters. He knew nothing of Parker, but that did not prevent him from magnifying the new Chancellor's merits; on the other hand, he did know Wharton, but this again did not prevent him from pre- fixing to his tragedy, " The Revenge," which appeared in 1721, a dedication attributing to the Duke all virtues, as well as all accomplishments. In the concluding sen- tence of this dedication. Young naively indicates that a considerable ingredient in his gratitude was a lively sense of anticipated favors. " My present fortune is his bounty, and my future his care ; which I will venture to say will always be remembered to his honor ; since he, I know, intended his generosity as an encourage- ment to merit, though, through his very pardonable par- tiality to one who bears him so sincere a duty and re- spect, I happen to receive the benefit of it." Young ; THE POET YOUNG. li was economical with his ideas and images; he was vare- \j satisfied with using a clever thing once, and this bit of ingenious humility was afterwards made to do duty in the " Instalment," a poem addressed to Walpole : " Be this thy jiartial smile, from censure free, 'Twas meaut for merit, though it fell on me." It was probably " The Kevenge '' that Young was writing when, as we learn from Spence's anecdotes, the Duke of Wharton gave him a skull witli a candle fixed in it, as the most appropriate lamp by which to write tragedy. According to Young's dedication, the Duke was " accessory " to the scenes of this tragedy in a more important way, " not only by suggesting the most beau- tiful incident in them, but by making all possible pro- vision for the success of the whole." A statement which is credible, not indeed on the ground of Young's dedicatory assertion, but from the known ability of the Duke, who, as Pope tells us, possessed "each gift of Nature and of Art, And wanted nothing but an honest heart." The year 1722 seems to have been the period of a visit to Mr. Dodington, at Eastbury, in Dorsetshire — the " pure Dorsetian downs " celebrated by Thomson — in which Young made the acquaintance of Voltaire ; for in the subsequent dedication of his "Sea Piece" to "Mr. Yoltaire," he recalls their meeting on Dorset Downs ; and it was in this year that Christopher Pitt, a gentleman-poet of those days, addressed an "Epistle to Dr. Edward Young, at Eastbury, in Dorsetshire," which has at least the merit of this biographical couplet : " While with your Dodington retired you sit, Charm'd with his flowing Burgundy and wit." J 2 WORLDLINESS AND OTHEK-WOflLDLINESS : Dodington, apparently, was clianned in his turn, for he told Dr. Warton tliat Young was "far superior to the French poet in the variety and novelty of his ton-mots and repartees." Unfortunately, the only specimen of Young's wit on this occasion that has been preserved to US is the epigram represented as an extempore retort (spoken aside, surely) to Yoltaire's criticism of Milton's episode of Sin and Death : "Thou art so witty, profligate, and thin, At ouce we think thee Milton, Death, and Sin ;" — an epigram which, in the absence of " flowing Burgun- dy," does not strike us as remarkably brilliant. Let us give Young the benefit of the doubt thrown on the gen- uineness of this epigram by his own poetical dedication, in which he represents hilnself as having "soothed" Yoltaire's " rage " against Milton " with gentle rhymes ;" though in other respects that dedication is anything but favorable to a high estimate of Young's wit. Other ev- idence apart, we should not be eager for the after-din- nQv conversation of the man who wrote, "Thine is the Drama, how reuown'd ! Thine Epic's k)ftier trnrap to sound ; — But let Arion^s sea-strung harp he mine: But ivhere's his dolphin ? Enoiv'st thou where f May that lye found in thee, Voltaire!" The " Satires " appeared in 1725 and 1726, each, of course, with its laudatory dedication and its compli- ments insinuated among the rhymes. The seventh and last is dedicated to Sir Robert Walpole, is very short, and contains nothing in particular except lunatic flattery of George I. and his prime minister, attributing that monarch's late escape from a storm at ^ea to the mirac- THE POET YOUNG. 13 ulcus influence of his grand and virtuous soul— foss George, he sajs, rivals the angels : " George, who iu foes can soft affections raise, And charm envenomed satire into praise. Nor human rage alone his pow'r perceives, But the mad winds and the tumultuous waves. Ev'n storms (Death's fiercest ministers!) forbear, And iu their own wild empire learn to spare. Thus, Nature's self, supporting Man's decree, Styles Britain's sovereign, sovereign of the sea." As for Walpole, what lie felt at this tremendous crisis "No powers of language, but his own, can tell, — His own, which Nature and the Graces form, At will, to raise, or hush, the civil storm." It is a coincidence worth noticing, that this seventh Satire was publislied in 1726, and tliat the warrant of George I., granting Young a pension of £200 a-year from Lady-dav, lT25,*is dated May 3, 1726. The grati- tude exhibited in tliis Satire may have been chiefly prospective, bnt the " Instalment " — a poem inspired by the thrilling event of Walpole's installation as Knight of the Garter — was clearly written with the double ardor of a man who has got a pension, and hopes for something more. His emotion about Walpole is precisely at the same pitch as his subsequent emotion about the Second Advent. In the "Instalment" he says: " With invocations some their hearts inflame ; I need no muse, a Walpole is my theme" And of God coming to judgment, he says, in the " Night Thoughts -:' 14 WOELDLINESS AND OTHER- WOELDLINESS : " I jQnfl my inspiration in my theme ; The grandeur of my subject is my muse." 'Nothing can be feebler than this " Instalment," except in the strength of impudence with which the writer professes to scorn the prostitution of fair fame, the " profanation of celestial fire." Herbert Croft tells us that Young made more than three thousand pounds by his " Satires " — a surprising statement, taken in connection with the reasonable doubt he throws on the story related in Spence's "Anec- dotes," that the Duke of Wharton gave Young £2000 for this work. Young, however, seems to have been tolerably fortunate in the pecuniary results of his pub- lications ; and with his literary profits, his annuity from Wharton, his fellowship, and his pension, not to men- tion other bounties which may be inferred from the high merits he discovers in many men of wealth and posi- tion, we may fairly suppose that he now laid the founda- tion of the considerable fortune he left at his death. It is probable that the Duke of Wharton's final depart- ure for the Continent and disgrace at Court in 1726, and the consequent cessation of Young's reliance on his pat- ronage, tended not only to heighten the temperature of his poetical enthusiasm for Sir Robert Walpole, but also to turn his thoughts towards the Church again, as the second-best means of rising in the world. On the acces- sion of George II., Young found the same transcendent merits in him as in his predecessor, and celebrated them in a style of poetry previously unattempted by him — the Pindaric ode, a poetic form which helped him to surpass himself in furious bombast. " Ocean, an Ode : concluding with a Wish," was the title of this piece. THE POET YOUNG. 15 He afterwards pruned it, and cut off, among other things, the concluding Wish, expressing the yearning for humble retirement, which, of course, had prompted him to the effusion ; but we may judge of the rejected stan- zas by the quality of those he has allowed to remain. For example, calling on Britain's dead mariners to rise and meet their "country's full-blown glory " in the per- son of the new King, he says : " What powerful charm Can death disarm ? " Your long, your iron slumbers break f By Jove, hy Fame, By Georges 7iame Awake! awake! awake! awake !" Soon after this notable production, which was writ- ten with the ripe folly of forty-seven, Young took or- ders, and was presently appointed chapjain to the King. " The Brothers," his third and last tragedy, which was already in rehearsal, he now withdrew from the stage, and sought reputation in a way more accordant with the decorum of his new profession, by turning prose-writer. But after publishing " A True Estimate of Human Life," with a dedication to the Queen, as one of the " most shining representatives" of God on earth, and a sermon, entitled " An Apology for Princes ; or, the Rev- erence due to Government," preached before the House of Commons, his Pindaric ambition again seized him, and he matched his former ode by another, called " Im- perium Pelagi ; a Kaval Lyric, written in Imitation of Pindar's Spirit, occasioned by his Majesty's Return from Hanover, 1729, and the succeeding Peace." Since be afterwards suppressed this second ode, we must suj> IC WORLDLINESS AND OTHER- WORLDLINESS : pose that it was rather worse than the first. Next came his two "Epistles to Pope, concerning the Authors of the Age," remarkable for nothing but the audacity of affectation with which the most servile of poets pro- fesses to despise servility. In 1730, Young was presented by his college with the rectory of Welwyn,in Hertfordshire; and in the fol- lowing year, when he was jnst fifty, he married Lady Elizabeth Lee, a widow with two children, who seems to have been in favor with Queen Caroline, and who- prob- ably had an income — two attractions which doubtless enhanced the power of her other charms. Pastoral du- ties and domesticity probably cured Young of some bad habits; but, unhappily, they did not cure him either of flattery or of fustian. Three more odes followed, quite as bad as those of his bachelorhood, except that in the third he announced the wise resolution of never writing another. It must have been about this time, since Young was now " turned of fifty," that he wrote the letter to Mrs. Howard (afterwards Lady Suffolk), George II.'s mistress, which proves that he used other engines, besides the Pindaric, in " besieging Court favor." The letter is too characteristic to be omitted : ^'^ Monday Morning.. ^'' Madam, — I know his majesty's goodness to bis servants, and his love of justice in general, so well, that I am confident, if his majes- ty knew my case, I should not have any cause to despair of his gracious favor to me. for his majesty. '' Abilities. Want. Good Manners. Sufferings Service. and Age. Zeal THE POET YOUNG. 17 These, madam, are the proper points of consideration in the person that humbly hopes his majesty's favor. " As to Abilities, all I can presume to say is, I have done the best I could to improve them. " As to Good Manners, I desire no favor, if any just objection lies agaiust them. " As for Service, I have been near seven years in his majesty's, and never omitted any duty in it, which few can say. " As for Age, I am turned of fifty. " As for Want, I have no mauner of preferment. " As for Sufferings, I have lost £300 per auu. by being in his majes- ty's seryice ; as I have shown in a Representation which his majesty has been so good as to read and consider. "As for Zeal, I have written nothing without showing my duty to their majesties, and some pieces are dedicated to them. " This, madam, is the short and true state of my case. They that make their court to the ministers, and not their majesties, suc- ceed better. If my case deserves some consideration, and you can serve me in it, I humbly hope and believe you will : I shall, there- fore, trouble you no farther ; but beg leave to subscribe myself, with truest respect and grjititude, yours, etc., Edward Young. "P. S. — I have some hope that my Lord Townshend is my friend ; if therefore soon, and before he leaves the court, you had an opportunity of mentioning me, with that favor you have been so good to show, I think it would not fail of success ; and, if not, I shall owe you more than any." — Suffolk Letters, vol. i. p. 285. Young's wife died in 1741, leaving him one son, born in 1733. That he had attached himself strongly to her two daughters by her former marriage, there is better evidence in the report, mentioned by Mrs. Montagu, of his practical kindness and liberality to the younger, than in his lamentations over the elder as the "Narcissa " of tlie " Night Thoughts." " Narcissa " had died in 1735, shortly after marriage to Mr. Temple, the son of Lord 18 WORLDLINESS AOTD OTHER- WORLDLINESS I Palmerston; and Mr. Temple himself, after a second marriage, died in 1740, a year before Lady Elizabeth Young. These, then, are the three deaths supposed to have inspired " The Complaint," which forms the three first books of the " Night Thoughts :" " Insatiate archer, could not one suffice ? Thy shaft flew thrice ; and thrice my peace was slain ; And thrice, ere thrice yon moon had filled her horn." Since we find Young departing from the truth of dates, in order to heighten the effect of his calamity, or at least of his climax, we need not be surprised that he allowed his imagination great freedom in other matters besides chronology, and that the character of " Philan- der " can, by no process, be made to fit Mr. Temple. The supposition that the much-lectured " Lorenzo " of the " Night Thoughts" was Young's own son is hardly ren- dered more absurd by the fact that the poem was written when that son was a boy, than by the obvious artificiality of the characters Young introduces as targets for his arguments and rebukes. Among all the trivial efforts of conjectural criticism, there can hardly be one more futile than the attempt to discover the original of those piti- able lay-figures, the " Lorenzos " and " Altamonts " of Young's didactic prose and poetry. His muse never stood face to face with a genuine, living human being ; she would have been as much startled by such an en- counter as a stage necromancer whose incantations and blue fire had actually conjured up a demon. The " Night Thoughts " appeared between 1741 and 1745. Although he declares in them that he has chosen God for his " patron " henceforth, this is not at all to the prejudice of some half-dozen lords, duchesses, and THE POET YOUNG. 19 right honorables, who have the privilege of sharing fine- ly turned compliments with their co-patron. The line which closed the Second Night in tlie earlier editions : "Wits spare not Heaven, O Wilmington ! — nor thee" — is an intense specimen of that perilous juxtaposition of ideas by which Young, in his incessant search after point and novelty, unconsciously converts his compli- ments into sarcasms ; and his apostrophe to the moon, as more likely to be favorable to his song if he calls her " fair Portland of the skies," is worthy even of his Pin- daric ravings. His ostentatious renunciation of world- ly schemes, and especially of his twenty years' siege of Court favor, are in the tone of one who retains some hope, in the midst of his querulousness. He descended from the astronomical rhapsodies of his Ninth Night, published in 1745, to more terrestrial strains, in his " Peiiections on the Public Situation of the Kingdom," dedicated to the Duke of Newcastle ; but in this critical year we get a glimpse of him through a more prosaic and less refracting medium. He spent a part of the year at Tunbridge Wells ; and Mrs. Montagu, who was there too, gives a very lively picture of the " divine Doctor " in her letters to the Duchess of Port- land, on whom Young had bestowed the superlative bombast to which we have just referred. We shall bor- row the quotations from Dr. Doran, in spite of their length, because, to our mind, they present the most agreeable portrait we possess of Young : " ' I have great joy in Dr. Young, whom I disturbed in a revery. At first he started, then bowed, then fell back into a surprise ; then begau a speech, relapsed into his astonishment two or three times, forgot what he had been saying ; begau a new subject, and so weut 20 WOELDLINESS AND OTHER WORLDLINESS : ou. I told him your grace desired he would write longer letters; to which he cried " Ha !" most emphatically, and I leave you to in- terpret what it meant. He has made a friendship with one person here, whom I believe you would not imagine to have been made for his bosom friend. You would, perhaps, suppose it was a bishop or dean, a prebend, a pious preacher, a clergyman of exemplary life, or, if a layman, of most virtuous conversation, one that had para- phrased St. Matthew, or wrote comments on St. Paul. . . . You would not guess that this associate of the doctor's was — old Gibber! Certainly, in their religious, moral, and civil character, there is no relation ; but in their dramatic capacity there is some.' Mrs. Montagu was not aware that Gibber, whom Young had named not disparagingly in his Satires, was the brother of his old schoolfellow ; but to return to our hero. ' The waters,' says Mrs. Montagu, ' have raised his spirits to a fine x)itcli, as your grace will imagine, when I tell you how sublime an answer he made to a very vulgar question. I asked him how long he stayed at the Wells : he said, As long as my rival stayed ; — as long as the sun did.' Among the visitors at the Wells were Lady Sunderland (wife of Sir Robert Sutton) and her sister, Mrs. Tichborne. ' He did an ad- mirable thing to Lady Sunderland : on her mentioning Sir Robert Sutton, he asked her where Sir Robert's lady was ; on which we all laughed very heartily, and I brought him off, half ashamed, to my lodgings, where, during breakfast, he assured me he had asked after Lady Sunderland because he had a great honor for her ; and that, having a respect for her sister, he designed to have inquired after her, if w^e had not put it out of his head by laughing at him. You must know, Mrs. Tichborne sat next to Lady Sunderland. It would have been admirable to have had him finish his compliment in that manner.' . . . ' His expressions all bear the stamp of novelty, and his thoughts of sterling sense. He practises a kind of philosoph- ical abstinence. . . . He carried Mrs. Rolt and myself to Tun- bridge, five miles from hence, where we were to see some fine old ruins . . . First rode the doctor on a tall steed, decently capari- soned in dark gray ; next, ambled Mrs. Rolt on a hackney horse ; . . . then followed your humble servant on a milk - white pal- frey. I rode on in safety, and at leisure to observe the company, THE rOET YOUNG. 21 especially the two figures that brought up the rear. The first was my servant, valiantly armed with two uncharged pistols ; the last wa« the doctor's man, whose uncombed hair so resembled the mane of the horse he rode, one could not help imagining they were of kin, and wishing, for the honor of the family, that they had had one comb betwixt them. On his head was a velvet cap, much resem- bling a black saucepan, and on his side hung a little basket. At last we arrived at the King's Head, where the loyalty of the doctor induced him to alight ; and then, knight-errant-like, he took his damsels from off their palfreys, and courteously handed us into the inn.' . . . The party returned to the Wells; and Hhe silver Cyn- thia held up her lamp in the heavens ' the while. ' The night silenced*all but our divine doctor, who sometimes uttered things fit to be spoken in a season when all nature seems to be hushed and hearkening. I followed, gathering wisdom as I went, till I found, by my horse's stumbling, that I was in a bad road, and that the blind was leading the blind. So I placed my servant between the doctor and myself; which he not perceiving, went on in a most philosophical strain, to the great admiration of my poor clown of a servant, who, not being wrought up to any pitch of enthusiasm, nor making any answer to all the fine things he heard, the doctor, wondering I was dumb, and grieving I was so stupid, looked round aud declared his surprise.' " Young's oddity and absence of mind are gathered from other sources besides these stories of Mrs. Monta- gu's, and gave rise to the report that he was the original of Fielding's " Parson Adams ;" but this Croft denies, and mentions another Young, who really sat for the portrait, and who, we imagine, had both more Greek and more genuine simplicity than the poet. His love of chatting with Colley Gibber was an indication that tlie old predilection for the stage survived, in spite of his contempt for " all joys but joys that never can ex- pire ;" and the production of " The Brothers" at Drury Lane in 1753, after a suppression of hfteen years, was 22 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS ; perhaps not entirely due to the expressed desire to give the proceeds to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. The author's profits were not more than £400 — in those days a disappointing sum ; and Young, as we learn from his friend Richardson, did not make this the limit of his donation, but gave a thousand guineas to the Society. " I had some talk with him," says Richardson, in one of his letters, ''about this great action. 'I al- ways,' said he, ' intended to do something handsome for the Society. Had I deferred it to my demise, I should have given away my son's money. All the world are inclined to pleasure ; could I have given myself a great- er by disposing of the sum to a different use, I should have done it.' " His next work was " The Centaur not Fabulous ; in Six Letters to a Friend, on the Life in Yogue," which reads very much like the most objurgatory parts of the " Night Thoughts " reduced to prose. It is preceded by a preface which, though addressed to a lady, is in its denunciations of vice as grossly indecent and almost as flippant as the epilogues written by " friends," which he allowed to be reprinted after his tragedies in the latest edition of his works. We like, much better than " The Centaur," " Conjectures on Original Composi- tion," written in 1759, for the sake, he says, of commu- nicating to the world the well-known anecdote about Addison's deathbed, and, with the exception of his poem on Resignation, the last thing he ever published. The estrangement from his son, which must have em- bittered the later years of his life, appears to have begun not many years after the mother's death. On the mar- riage of her second daughter, who had previously pre- THE POET YOUNG. 23 sided over YouDg's household, a Mrs. Hallows, under- stood to be a woman of discreet age, and the daughter (or widow) of a clergyman who was an old friend of Young's, became housekeeper at Welwyn. Opinions about ladies are apt to differ. " Mrs. Hallows was a woman of piety, improved by reading," says one witness. " She was a very coarse woman," says Dr. Johnson ; and we shall presently find some indirect evidence that her temper was perhaps not quite so much improved as her piety. Servants, it seems, were not fond of remaining long in the house with her; a satirical curate, named Kidgell, hints at " drops of juniper" taken as a cordial (but perhaps he was spiteful, and a teetotaler) ; and Young's son is said to have told his father that " an old man should not resign himself to the management of any- body." The result was, that the son was banished from home for the rest of his father's lifetime, though Young seems never to have thought of disinheriting him. Our latest glimpses* of the aged poet are derived from certain letters of Mr. Jones, his curate — letters preserved in the British Museum, and, happily, made accessible to common mortals in Nichols's " Anecdotes." Mr. Jones was a man of some literary activity and ambition — a collector of interesting documents, and one of those con- cerned in the " Free and Candid Disquisitions," the de- sign of which was " to point out such things in our ecclesiastical establishment as want to be reviewed and amended." On these and kindred subjects he corre- sponded with Dr. Birch, occasionally troubling him with queries and manuscripts. We have a respect for Mr. Jones. Unlike most persons who trouble others i^n'th queries or manuscripts, he mitigates the infliction by 24 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER- WORLDLINESS *. such gifts as " a fat pullet," wishing he " had anything better to send; but this depauperizing vicarage (of Al- conbury) too often checks the freedom and forwardness of my mind." Another day comes a " pound canister of tea ;" another, a ^' young fatted goose." Mr. Jones's first letter from Welwyn is dated June, 1759, not quite six years before Young's death. In June, 1762, he ex- presses a wish to go to London " this summer. But," he continues, " My time and pains are almost continually taken up here, and ... I have been (I now find) a considerable loser, upon the whole, by coutiuuiug here so long. The consideration of this, and the in- convenience I sustained, and do still experience, from my late ill- ness, obliged me at last to acquaint the Doctor (Young) with my case, and to assure him that I plainly perceived the duty and con- finement here to be too much for me; for which reason I must (I said) beg to be at liberty to resigu my charge at Michaelmas. I be- gan to give him these notices in February, when I was very ill ; aud now I perceive, by what he told me the other day, that he is in some difficulty ; for which reason he is at last (he says) resolved to advertise, and even {which is much wondered at) to raise the salary considerably higher. (What he allowed my predecessors was £20 per annum ; and now he proposes £50, as he tells me.) I never asked him to raise it for me, though I well knew it was not equal to the duty ; nor did I say a word about myself when he lately suggested to me his intentions upon this subject." In a postscript to this letter he says : " I may mention to you farther, as a friend that may be trusted, that, in all likelihood, the poor old gentleman will not find it a very easy matter, unless by dint of money, and force upon himself, to procure a man that he can like for his next curate, nor one that will stay ivith him so long as I have done. Then, his great age will recur to people's thoughts ; and if he has any foibles, either in temper or conduct, they will be sure not to be forgotten on this occasion by THE POET YOUNG. 25 tbose who know him ; and those who do not will probably be on their guard. On these and the like considerations, it is by no meaus an eligible office to be seeking out for a curate for him, as he has several times wished me to do ; and would, if he knew that I am now writing to you, wish your assistance also. But my best friends here, who ivell foresee the provable consequences, and wish me well, earnestly dissuade me from complying ; and I will decline the of- fice with as much decency as I can ; but high salary will, I suppose^ fetch in somebody or other, soon." In the following July he writes : "The old gentleman here (I may venture to tell you freely) seems to me to be in at pretty odd way of late — moping, dejected, self- willed, and as if surrounded with some perplexing circumstances. Though I visit him pretty frequently for short intervals, I say very little to his affairs, not choosing to be a party concerned, especially in cases of so critical and tender a nature. There is much mystery in almost all his temporal affairs, as well as in many of his specula- tive theories. Whoever lives in this neighborhood to see his exit, will probably see and hear some very strange things. Time will show ; I am afraid, not greatly to his credit. There is thought to be ati irremovahle obstruction to his happiness ivithin his tvalls, as well as anothei' without them ; but the former is the more powerful, and like to continue so. He has this day been trying anew to engage me to stay with him. No lucrative views can tempt me to sacrifice my liberty or my health to such measures as are proposed here. Nor do I like to have to do unth persons ivhose word and honor cannot he depended on. So much for this very odd and unhappy topic." In August, Mr. Jones's tone is slightly modified. Earnest entreaties, not lucrativ^e considerations, have in- duced him to cheer the Doctor's dejected heart by re- maining at Welwyn some time longer. The Doctor is, " In various respects, a very unhappy man," and few know so mucli of these "respects" as Mr. Jones. In September he recurs to the subject : 2 26 WORLDLINESS AND OTHEK-WOELDLINESS J " My ancient gentleman here is still full of trouble : which morea my concern, though it moves only the secret laughter of many, and some untoward surmises in disfavor of him and his household. The loss of a very large sum of money (about £200) is talked of; where- of this vill and neighborhood is full. Some disbelieve j others say, *' It is no wonder, where about eighteen or more servants are sometimes taken and dismissed in the course of a year J The gentleman himself is allowed by all to be far more harmless and easy in his family than some one else who hath too much the lead in it. This, among others, was one reason for my late motion to quit." No other mention of Young's affairs occurs until April 2, 1765, when he says that Dr. Young is very ill, attended by two physicians : " Having mentioned this young gentleman (Dr. Young's son), I would acquaint you next, that he came hither this morning, having been sent for, as I am told, by the direction of Mrs. Hallows. In- deed, she intimated to me as much herself. And if this be so, I must say that it is one of the most prudent acts she ever did, or could have done, in such a case as this ; as it may prove a means of preventing much confusion after the death of the Doctor. I have had some little discourse with the sou : he seems much affected, and I believe really is so. He earnestly wishes his father might be pleased to ask after him ; for you must know he has not yet done this, nor is, in my opinion, like to do it. And it has been said farther, that upon a late application made to him on the behalf of his son, he desired that no more might be said to him about it. How true this may be, I cannot as yet be certain ; all I shall say is, it seems not improbable. ... 1 heartily wish the ancient man's heart may prove tender towards his son ; though, knowing him so well, I can scarce hope to hear such desirable news." Eleven days later, he writes : " I have now the pleasure to acquaint you, that the late Dr. Young, though he had for many years kept his sou at a distance from him, yet has now at last left him all his possessions, after the THE POET YOUNG. 27 payment of certain legacies ; so that the young gentleman (who bears a fair character, and behaves well, as far as I can hear or see) will, I hope, soon eujoy and make a prudent use of a handsome fortune. The father, on his deathbed, and since my return from London, was applied to in the tenderest manner, by one of his physicians, and by another person, to admit the son into his pres- ence, to make submission, entreat forgiveness, and obtain his bless- ing. As to an iuterview with his son, he iutimated that he chose to decline it, as his spirits were then low and his nerves weak. With regard to the next particular, he said, ' I heartily forgive him;' aud upon mention of this last, he gently lifted up his hand, and let- ting it gently fall,prouounced these words/ God bless him ." . . . I know it will give you pleasure to be farther informed that he was pleased to make respectful mention of me in his will ; expressing his satis- faction in my care of his parish, bequeathing to me a handsome legacy, and appointing me to be one of his executors." So far Mr. Jcnes, in his confidential correspondence with a "friend who may be trusted." In a letter com- municated, apparently by him, to the Gentleman's Magazine seventeen jears later — namely, in 1782 — on the appearance of Croft's biography of Young, we find liim speaking of "the ancient gentleman" in a tone of reverential eulogy, quite at variance with the free com- ments we have just quoted. But the Kev. John Jones was probably of opinion, with Mrs. Montagu, whose con- temporary and retrospective letters are also set in a dif- ferent key, that "the interests of religion were connected with the character of a man so distinguished for piety as Dr. Young." At all events, a subsequent quasi of- ficial statement weighs nothing as evidence against con- temporary, spontaneous, and confidential hints. To Mrs. Hallows Young left a legacy of £1000, with the request that she would destroy all his manuscripts. This final request, from some unknown cause, was not 28 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER- WOKLDLINESS I complied with, and among the papers he left behind him was the following letter from Archbishop Seeker, which probably marks the date of his latest effort after ^preferment : " Deanery of St. Paul's, July 8, 1758. " Good Dr. Young, — I have long wondered that more suitable notice of your great merit hath not been taken by persons in power. But how to remedy the omission I see not. No encouragement hath ever been given me to mention things of this nature to his Majesty. And therefore, in all likelihood, the only consequence of doing it would be weakening the little influence which else I may possibly have on some other occasions. Tour fortune and your refutation set you above the need of advancement ; and your sentiments above that con- cern for it on your own account, which, on that of the public, is sin- cerely felt by Your loving Brother, " Tho., Cant." The loving brother's irony is severe ! Perhaps the least questionable testimony to the better side of Young's character is that of Bishop Hildesley, who, as the vicar of a parish near Welwyn, had been Young's neighbor for upwards of twenty years. The affection of tlie clergy for each other, we have observed, is, like that of the fair sex, not at all of a blind and in- fatuated kind ; and we may therefore the rather believe them when they give each other any extra-official praise. Bishop Hildesley, then, writing of Young to Eichard- son, says : " The impertinence of my frequent visits to him was amply re- warded ; forasmuch as, I can truly say, he never received me Out with agreeable open complacency ; and I never left him but with profitable pleasure and improvement. He was one or other, the most modest, the most patient of contradiction, and the most in- forming and entertaining I ever conversed with — at least, of an^ man who had so just pretensions to pertinacity and reserve." THE POET YOUNG. 29 Mr. Langton, however, who was also a frequent visitor of Young's, informed Boswell, " That there was an air of benevolence in his manner ; but that he could obtain from him less information than he had hoped to receive from one who had lived so much in intercourse with the brightest men of what had been called the Augustan age of England ; and that he showed a degree of eager curiosity concerning the common occurrences that were then passing, which appeared somewhat re- markable in a man of such intellectual stores, of such an advanced age, and who had retired from life with declared disappointment in his expectations." The same substance, we know, will exhibit different qualities under different tests; and, after all, imperfect reports of individual impressions, whether immediate or traditional, are a very frail basis on which to build our opinion of a man. One's character may be very indif- ferently mirrored in the mind of the most intimate neighbor; it all depends on the quality of that gentle- man's reflecting surface. But, discarding any inferences from such uncertain evidence, the outline of Young's character is too distinct- ly traceable in the well-attested facts of his life, and yet more in the self-betrayal that runs through all his works, for us to fear that our general estimate of him may be false. For, while no poet seems less easy and spontane- ous than Young, no poet discloses himself more com- pletely. Men's minds have no hiding-place out of tliemselves — their affectations do but betray another phase of their nature. And if, in the present view of Young, we seem to be more intent on laying bare un- favorable facts than on shrouding them in charitable speeches, it is not because we have any irreverential 30 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER- WORLDLINESS : pleasure in turning men's characters the seamy side without, but because we see no great advantage in con- sidering a man as he was not. Young's biographers and critics have usually set out from the position that he was a great religious teacher, and that his poetry is moral- ly sublime ; and they have toned down his failings into harmony with their conception of the divine and the poet. For our own part, we set out from precisely the opposite conviction — namely, that the religious and moral spirit of Young's poetry is low and false; and we think it of some importance to show that the '^ Night Thoughts" are the reflex of a mind in which the higher human sympathies were inactive. This judgment is entirely opposed to our youthful predilections and en- thusiasm. The sweet garden-breath of early enjoyment lingers about many a page of the ^' Night Thoughts," and even of the " Last Day," giving an extrinsic charm to passages of stilted rhetoric and false sentiment ; but the sober and repeated reading of maturer years has convinced us that it would hardly be possible to find a more typical instance than Young's poetry of the mis*- take which substitutes interested obedience for sympa- thetic emotion, and baptizes egoism as religion. Pope said of Young that he had " much of a sublime genius without common-sense." The deficiency Pope meant to indicate was, we imagine, moral rather than in- tellectual : it was the want of that fine sense of what is fitting in speech and action which is often eminently possessed by men and women whose intellect is of a very common order, but who have the sincerity and dignity which can never coexist with the selfish preoc' THE POET YOUNG. 61 cnpations of vanity or interest. This was the " common- sense " in which Yonng was conspicuously deficient ; and it was partly owing to this deficiency that his genius, waiting to be determined by the highest prizes, fluttered uncertainly from effort to effort, until, when he was more than sixty, it suddenly spread its broad wing, and soared so as to arrest the gaze of other generations be- sides his own. For he had no versatility of faculty to mislead him. The " Night Thoughts " only differ from his previous works in the degree and not in the kind of power they manifest. Whether he writes prose or poetry, rhyme or blank verse, dramas, satires, odes, or meditations, we see everywhere the same Young — the same narrow circle of thoughts, the same love of ab- stractions, the same telescopic view of human things, the same appetency towards antithetic apothegm and rhap- sodic climax. The passages that arrest us in his trag- edies are those in which he anticipates some fine passage in the " Night Thoughts," and where his characters are only transparent shadows through which we see the be- wigged embonpoint of the didactic poet, excogitating epigrams or ecstatic soliloquies by the light of a candlo fixed in a skuU. Thus, in "The Revenge," Alonzo, in the conflict of jealousy and love that at once urges and forbids him to murder his wife, says : " This vast and solid earth, that blazing sun, Those sk|es, through which it rolls, must all have end. What then is man ? The smallest part of nothing. Day buries day ; month, month ; and year the year! Our life is but a chain of many deaths. Can then Death's self be feared ? Our life much rather •• Life is the desert^ life the solitude; Death joins us to the great majority : 32 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS I 'Tis to be born to Plato and to CsBsar ; 'Tis to be great forever ; 'Tis pleasure, 'tis ambition, then, to die." His prose writings all read like the " Night Thoughts," either diluted into prose, or not yet crystallized into poetry. For example, in his " Thoughts for Age," he says : " Though we stand on its awful brink, such our leaden bias to the world, we turn our faces the wrong way ; we are still looking on our old acquaintance, Time; though now so wasted and reduced, that we can see little more of him than his wings and his scythe : our age enlarges his wings to our imagination ; and our fear of death, his scythe ; as Time himself grows less. His consumption is deep ; his annihilation is at hand." This is a dilution of the magnificent image : "Time in advance "behind him hides his wings, And seems to creep decrepit with his age. Behold him when past by ! What then is seen But his proud pinions, swifter than the winds?" Again : " A requesting Omnipotence ? What can stun and confound thy reason more ? What more can ravish and exalt thy heart ? It cannot but ravish and exalt ; it cannot but gloriously disturb and perplex thee, to take in all that thought suggests. Thou child of the dust ! thou speck of misery and sin ! how abject thy weakness ! how great is thy power ! Thou crawler on earth, and possible (I was about to say) controller of the skies ! weigh, and weigh well, the wondrous truths I have in view : which cannot be weighed too much ; which the more they are weighed, amaze the more ; which to have supposed, before they were revealed, would have been as great madness, and to have presumed on as great sin, as it is now madness and sin not to believe." Even in his Pindaric odes, in which he made the most THE POET YOUNG. 33 violent effort against nature, lie is still neither more nor less than the Young of the " Last Day," emptied and swept of his genius, and possessed by seven demons of fustian and bad rhyme. Even here, his ^' Ercles' vein " alternates with his moral platitudes, and we have the perpetual text of the " Night Thoughts *." " Gold pleasure buys ; But pleasure dies, For soon the gross fruition cloys j Though raptures court, The sense is short ; But virtue kindles living joys; Joys felt alone ! Joys asked of none ! Which Time's and Fortune's arrows miss : Joys that subsist, Though fates resist, An unprecarious, endless bliss ! Unhappy they ! And falsely gay ! Who bask forever in success ; A constant feast Quite p^l|s the taste, And long enjoyment is distress." In the "Last Day," again, which is the earliest thing he wrote, we have~^ "to^atiticipation of all his greatest faults and merits. Conspicuous among the faults is that attempt to exalt our conceptions of Deity by vul- gar images and comparisons, which is so offensive in the later " Night Thoughts." In a burst of prayer and homage to God, called forth by the contemplation of Christ coming to judgment, he asks. Who brings the change of the seasons? and answers: 4 2* 34r WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS I "Not the great Ottoman, or greater Czar; ?» Not Europe's arbitress of peace and war ! Conceive the soul, in its most solemn moments, assur- ing God that it does not place His power below that of Louis Napoleon or Queen Victoria ! But in the midst of uneasy rhymes, inappropriate im- agery, vaulting sublimity that o'erleaps itself, and vulgar emotions, we have in this poem an occasional flash of genius, a touch of simple grandeur, which promises as much as Young ever achieved. Describing the on- coming of the dissolution of all things, he says : " No sun in radiant glory shines on high ; No light hut from the terrors of the sky." And again, speaking of great armies : " Whose rear lay wrapt in night, while breaking dawn Eous'd the broad front, and call'd the battle on." And this wail of the lost soul is fine : "And this for sin? Could I oifend if I had never been ? But still increas'd the senseless, happy mass, Flow'd in the stream, or shivered in the grass? Father of mercies ! why from silent earth Didst Thou awake and curse me into birth ? Tear me from quiet, ravish me from night, And make a thankless present of thy light ? Push into being a reverse of Thee, And animate a clod with misery f" But it is seldom in Young's rhymed poems that tiie effect of a felicitous thought or image is not counter- acted by our sense of the constraint he suffered from the necessities of rhyme, that " Gothic demon," as he THE POET YOUNG. 35 afterwards called it, " which, modern poetry tasting, be- came mortal." In relation to his own power, no one will question the truth of his dictum, that " blank verse is verse unfallen, uncurst ; verse reclaimed, re-enthroned in the true language of the gods ; who never thundered nor suffered their Homer to thunder in rhyme." His want of mastery in rh^^me is especially a drawback on the effect of his Satires ; for epigrams and witticisms are peculiarly susceptible to the intrusion of a super- fluous word, or to an inversion which implies constraint. Here, even more than elsewhere, the art tliat conceals art is an absolute requisite, and to have a witticism pre- sented to us in limping or cumbrous rhythm is as coun- teractive to any electrifying effect as to see the tenta- tive grimaces by which a comedian prepares a grotesque countenance. We discern the process, instead of being startled by the result. This is one reason why the Satires, read seriatim-, have a flatness to us, which, when we afterwards read picked passages, we are inclined to disbelieve in, and to attribute to some deficiency in our own mood. But there are deeper reasons for that dissatisfaction. Young is not a satirist of a high order. His satire has neither the ter- rible vigor, the lacerating energy, of genuine indigna- tion, nor the humor which owns loving fellowship with the poor human nature it laughs at; nor yet the per- sonal bitterness which, as in Pope's characters of Sporus and Atticus, insures those living touches by virtue of which the'individual and particular in art becomes the universal and immortal. Young could never describe a real complex human being; but what he could do M'ith eminent success was to describe with neat and n > o) WORLDLINESS AND OTIIER-WOELDLINESS ! finished point obvious types of manners rather than of character, to write cold and clever epigrams on personi- fied vices and absurdities. There is no more emotion in his satire than if he were turning witty verses on a waxen image of Cupid, or a lady's glove. He has none of those felicitous epithets, none of those pregnant lines, l)y which Pope's Satires have enriched the ordinary speech of educated men. Young's wit will be found in almost every instance to consist in that antithetic com- bination of ideas which, of all the forms of wit, is most within reach of clever effort. In his gravest arguments, as well as in his lightest satire, one might imagine that he had set himself to work out the problem how much antithesis might be got out of a given subject. And there he completely succeeds. His neatest portraits are all wrought on this plan. Narcissus, for example, who — ^' Omits no duty ; nor cau Envy say He miss'd, these many years, the Church or Play : He makes no noise in Parliament, 'tis true; But pays his debts and visit when 'tis due; His character and gloves are ever clean. And then he can out-bow the bowing Dean; A smile eternal on his lip he wears, Which equally the wise and worthless shares; In gay fatigues, this most undaunted chief, Patient of idleness beyond belief, Most charitably lends the town his face For ornament in every public phxce ; As sure as cards he to th' assembly comes. And is the furniture of drawing-rooms: When Ombre calls, his hand and heart are free, And, joined to two, he fails not — to make threes Narcissus is the glory of his race ; For who does nothing with a better grace ? THE POET YOUNG. 6l To deck my list by nature were designed Such shining expletives of human kind, Who want, while through blank life they dream along, Sense to be right and passion to be wrong." It is but seldom that we find a touch of that easy sly- ness which gives an additional zest to surprise ; but here is an instance : " See Tityrus, with merriment possest, Is burst with laughter ere he hears the jest. What need he stay ? for when the joke is o'er, His teeth will be no whiter than before." Like Pope, whom he imitated, he sets out with a psychological mistake as the basis of his satire, attribut- ing all forms of folly to one passion — the love of fame, or vanity — a much grosser mistake, indeed, than Pope's exaggeration of the extent to which the " ruling pas- sion" determines conduct in the individual. Not that Young is consistent in his mistake. He sometimes im- plies no more than what is the truth — that the love of fame is the cause, not of all follies, but of many. Young's satires on women are superior to Pope's, which is only saying that they are superior to Pope's greatest failure. We can more frequently pick out a couplet as successful than an entire sketch. Of the too- emphatic Syren a, he says : " Her judgment just, her sentence is too strong ; Because she's right, she's ever in the wrong." Of the diplomatic Julia : " For lier own breakfast she'll project a scheme, Nor take her tea without a stratagem." 38 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER- W0RLDLINE8S '. Of Ljce, the old painted coquette : " In vain the cock has summoned sprites away ; She walks at noon and blasts the bloom of day." Of the njmph who, " gratis, clears religious mysteries :" " 'Tis hard, too, she who makes no use but chat Of her religion, should be barr'd in that." The description of the literary helle^ Daphne, well prefaces that of Stella, admired by Johnson : ''With legs toss'd high, on her sophee she sits, Vouchsafing audience to contending wits : Of each performance she's the final test ; One act read o'er, she prophesies the rest ; And then, pronounciug with decisive air, Fully conviuces all the town — she^s fair. Had lovely Daphne Hecatessa's face, How would her elegance of taste decrease ! Some ladies' judgment in their features lies. And all their genius sparkles in their eyes. But hold, she cries, lampooner ! have a care : Must I want common-sense because I'm fair? O no; see Stella: her eyes shine as bright As if her tongue was never in the right ; And yet what real learning, judgment, fire! She seems inspir'd, and can herself inspire. How then (if malice ruled not all the fair) Could Daphne puhlish, and could she forhear f" After all, when we have gone through Young's seven Satires, we seem to have made bat an indifferent meal. They are a sort of fricassee, with little solid meat in them, and yet the flavor is not always piquant. It is curious to find him, when he pauses a moment from his satiric sketching, recurring to his old platitudes: THE POET YOUNG. 39 "Can gold calm passion, or make reason shine? Can we dig peace or wisdom from the mine ? Wisdom to gold prefer ;" — platitudes which he seems inevitably to fall into, for the same reason that some men are constantly asserting their contempt for criticism — because he felt the oppo- site so keenly. The outburst of genius in the earlier books of the "Night Thoughts" is the more remarkable, that in the interval between them and the Satires he had produced nothing but his Pindaric odes, in which he fell far be- low the level of his previous works. Two sources of this sudden strength were the freedom of blank verse and the presence of a genuine emotion. Most persons, in speaking of the "Night Thoughts," have in their minds only the two or three first Nights, the majority of readers rarely getting beyond these, unless, as Wilson says, they " have but few books, are poor, and live in the country." And in these earlier Nights there is enough genuine sublimity and genuine sadness to bribe us into too favorable a judgment of them as a whole. Young had only a very few things to say or sing — such as that life is vain, that death is imminent, that man is immortal, that virtue is wisdom, that friendship is sweet, and that the source of virtue is the contemplation of death and immortality — and even in his two first Nights he had said almost all he had to say in his finest man- ner. Through these first outpourings of "complaint" we feel that the poet is really sad, that the bird is sing- ing over a rifled nest, and we bear with his morbid pict- ure of the world and of life, as the Job-like lament of a man whom " the hand of God hath touched." Death 40 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS : has carried away his best-beloved, and that " silent land " whither they are gone has more reality for the desolate one than this world which is empty of their love: " This is the desert, this the solitude ; How populous, how vital is the grave!" Joy died with the loved one : "The disenchanted earth Lost all her lustre. Where her glitt'ring towers ? Her golden mountains, where ? All darken'd down To naked waste ; a dreary vale of tears : Tlie great magiciari's dead /" Under the pang of parting, it seems to the bereaved man as if love were only a nerve to suffer with, and he sickens at the thought of every joy of which he must one day say, " it was.^'* In its unreasoning anguish, the soul rushes to the idea of perpetuity as the one element of bliss : " O ye blest scenes of permanent delight ! Could ye, so rich in rapture, fear an end — That ghastly thought would drink up all your joy, And quite unparadise the realms of light." In a man under the immediate pressure of a great sorrow, we tolerate morbid exaggerations ; we are pre- pared to see him turn away a weary eye from sunlight and flowers and sweet human faces, as if this rich and glorious life had no significance but as a preliminary of death ; we do not criticise his views, we compassionate his feelings. And so it is with Young in tliese earlier Nights. There is ah'eady some artificiality even in his grief, and feeling often slides into rhetoric, but through THE POET YOUNG. 41 it all we are thrilled with the unmistakable cry of pain, which makes us tolerant of egoism and hyperbole : " In every varied posture, place, and hour, How w'idow'd ev'ry thought of ev'ry joy ! Thought, busy thought ! too busy for my peace? Through the dark postern of time long elapsed Led softly, by the stillness of the night — Led like a murderer (and such it proves!) Strays (wretched rover!) o'er the pleasing past — In quest of wretchedness, perversely strays ; And finds all desert now ; and meets the ghosts Of my departed joys." But when he becomes didactic, rather than complain- ing — when he ceases to sing his sorrows, and begins to insist on his opinions — when that distaste for life which we pity as a transient feeling is thrust upon us as a the- ory, we become perfectly cool and critical, and are not in the least inclined to be indulgent to false views and selfish sentiments. Seeing that we are about to be severe on Young's failings and failures^ we ought, if a reviewer's space were elastic, to dwell also on his merits — on the start- ling vigor of his imagery, on the occasional grandeur of his thought, on the piquant force of that grave satire into which his meditations continually run. Bur, since our " limits " are rigorous, we must content ourselves with the less agreeable half of the critic's duty ; and we may the rather do so, because it would be difficult to say anything new of Young in the way of a^'/miratioDj while we think there are many salutary le??ons remain* ing to be drawn from his faults. One of the most striking characteristics of Young is 4* 42 WOELDLINESS AND OTHER- W0RLDLINES9 '. his radical insincerity as a jpoetic artist. This, added to the thin and artificial texture of his wit, is the true explanation of the paradox, that a poet who is often inopportunely witty has the opposite vice of bombastic absurdity. The source of all grandiloquence is the want of taking for a criterion the true qualities of the object described or the emotion expressed. The gran- diloquent man is never bent on saying what he feels or what he sees, but on producing a certain effect on his audience; hence he may float away into utter inanity without meeting any criterion to arrest him. Here lies the distinction between grandiloquence and genuine fancy or bold imaginativeness. The fantastic or the boldly imaginative poet may be as sincere as the most realistic; he is true to his own sensibilities or inward vision, and in his wildest flights he never breaks loose from his criterion — the truth of his own mental state. Now, this disruption of language from genuine thought and feeling is w^hat we are constantly detecting in Young; and his insincerity is the more likely to be- tray him into absurdity, because he habitually treats of abstractions, and not of concrete objects or specific emotions. He descants perpetually on virtue, religion, '' the good man," life, death, immortality, eternity — subjects which are apt to give a factitious grandeur to empty worldliness. When a poet floats in the empy- rean, and only takes a bird's-eye view of the earth, some people accept the mere fact of his soaring for sublim- ity, and mistake his dim vision of earth for proximity to heaven. Thus : " His hand tLe good man fixes on the skies, And bids earth roll, nor feels her idle whirl," THE POET YOUNG. 43 'may perhaps pass for sublime with some readers. But pause a moment to realize the image, and the mon- strous absurdity of a man's grasping the skies, and hang- ing habitually suspended there, while he contemptuously bids the earth roll, warns you that no genuine feeling could have suggested so unnatural a conception. Examples of such vicious imagery, resulting from in- sincerity, may be found, perhaps, in almost every page of the " Night Thoughts." But simple assertions or aspirations, undisguised by imagery, are often equally false. No writer whose rhetoric was checked by the slightest truthful intentions could have said : " An eye of awe and wonder let me roll, And roll forever." Abstracting the more poetical associations with the eye, this is hardly less absurd than if he had wished to stand forever with his mouth open. 'Again : " Far beneath A soul immortal is a mortal joy." Happily for human nature, we are sure no man really believes that. Which of us has the impiety not to feel that our souls are only too narrow for the joy of look- ing into the trusting eyes of our children, of reposing on the love of a husband or wife — nay, of listening to the divine voice of music, or watching the calm bright- ness of autumn afternoons? But Young could utter this falsity without detecting it, because, when he spoke of " mortal joys," he rarely had in his mind any object to which he could attach sacredness. He was thinking of bishoprics and benefices, of smiling monarchs, pat- 4:4 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER- WORLDLINESS : ronizing prime-ministers, and a " much indebted muse." Of anything between these and eternal bliss he was but rarely and moderately conscious. Often, indeed, he sinks very much below even the bishopric, and seems to have no notion of earthly pleasure but such as breathes gaslight and the fumes of wine. His picture of life is precisely such as you would expect from a man who lias risen from his bed at two o'clock in the afternoon with a headache, and a dim remembrance that he has added to his " debts of honor :" " What wretched repetition cloys us here ! What periodic potions for the sick, Distemper'd bodies, and distemper'd minds !" And then he flies off to his usual antithesis : " In an eternity what scenes shall strike ! Adventures thicken, novelties surprise !" "Earth" means lords and levees, duchesses and Deli- lahs, South-Sea dreams and illegal percentage ; and the only things distinctly preferable to these are, eternity and the stars. Deprive Young of this antithesis, and more than half his eloquence would be shrivelled up. Place him on a breezy common, where the furze is in its golden bloom, where children are playing, and horses are standing in the sunshine with fondling necks, and he would have nothing to say. Here are neither depths of guilt nor heights of glory ; and we doubt whether, in such a scene, he would be able to pay his usual compli- ment to the Creator : " Where'er I turn, what claim on all applause !" It is true that he sometimes — not often — speaks of THE POET YOUNG. 45 virtue as capable of sweetening life, as well as of taking the sting from death and winning heaven ; and, lest we should be guilty of any unfairness to him, we will quote the two passages which convey this sentiment the most explicitl3^ In the one, he gives Lorenzo this excellent recipe for obtaining cheerfulness : " Go, fix some weighty truth ; Chain down some ijassion ; do some generous good ; Teach Ignorance to see, or Grief to smile ; Correct thy friend ; befriend thy greatest foe ; Or, with warm heart, and confidence divine, Spring up, and lay strong hold on Him who made thee." The other passage is vague, but beautiful, and its mu- sic has murmured in our minds for many years : " The cuckoo seasons sing The same dull note to such as nothing prize But what those seasons from the teeming earth To doting sense indulge. But nobler minds, Which relish fruit unripen'd by the sun, Make their days various ; various as the dyes On the dove's neck, which wanton in his rays. On minds of dove-like innocence possess'd. On lighten'd minds that bask in Virtue's beams, Nothing hangs tedious, nothing old revolves In that for which they long, for which they live. Their glorious efforts, wing'd with heavenly hopes, Each rising morning sees still higher rise ; Each bounteous dawn its novelty presents To worth maturing, new strength, lustre, fame; While Nature's circle, like a chariot wheel, Rolling beneath their elevated aims, Makes their fair prospect fairer every hour; Advancing virtue in a line to bliss." Even here, where he is in his most a^niable mood, 46 WOELDLINESS AND OTIIEE-WORLDLINESS I you see at what a telescopic distance be stands from mother Earth and simple human joys — "Nature's cir- cle rolls beneath." Indeed, we remember no mind in poetic literature that seems to have absorbed less of the beauty and the healthy breath of the common land- scape than Young's. His images, often grand and finely presented — witness that sublimely sudden leap of thought, " Embryos we must be till we burst the shell, Yo7i ambient azure shell, and spring to life " — lie almost entirely within that circle of observation which would be familiar to a man who lived in town, hung about the theatres, read the newspaper, and went home often by moon and star light. There is no natural object nearer than the moon that seems to have any strong attachment for him, and even to the moon he chiefly appeals for patronage, and "pays his court" to her. It is reckoned among the many deficiencies of Lorenzo, that he "never asked the moon one question" — an omission which Young thinks eminently unbe- coming a rational being. He describes nothing so well as a comet, and is tempted to linger with fond detail over nothing more familiar than the day of judgment and an imaginary journey among the stars. Once on Saturn's ring, he feels at home, and his language be- comes quite easy : "What behold I now? A wilderness of wonders burning round, Where larger suns inhabit higher spheres j Perhaps the villas of descending god» /" It is like a sudden relief from a strained posture when, in the "Night Thoughts," we come on any allu> THE POET YOUNG. 47 eion that carries iis to the lanes, woods, or fields. Such allusions are amazingly rare, and we could almost count them on a single hand. That we may do him no injus- tice, we will quote the three best : " Like blossomed trees overturned by vernal storm Lovely in death the beauteous ruin lay." * # # * * " In tlie same brook none ever bathed him twice : To the same life none ever twice awoke. We call the brook the same — the same we think Our life, though still more rapid in its flow ; Nor mark the much irrevocably lapsed, And mingled with the sea." ***** "The crown of manhood is a winter joy; An evergreen that stands the northern blast, And blossoms in the rigor of our fate." The adherence to abstractions, or to the personifica- tion of abstractions, is closely allied in Young to the want of genuine emotion. He sees Virtue sitting on a mount serene, far above the mists and storms of earth : he sees Religion coming down from the skies, with this world in her left hand and the other world in her right ; but we never find him dwelling on virtue or religion as it really exists — in the emotions of a man dressed in an ordinary coat, and seated by his fireside of an evening, with his hand resting on the head of his little daughter; in courageous effort for unselfish ends, in the internal triumph of justice and pity over personal resentment, in all the sublime self-renunciation and sweet charities which are found in the details of ordinary life. Now, emotion links itself with particulars, and only in a faint and secondary manner with abstractions. An crater 48 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS .' may discourse very eloquently on injustice in general, and leave his audience cold ; but let him state a special case of oppression, and every heart will throb. The most untheoretic persons are aware of this relation be- tween true emotion and particular facts, as opposed to general terms, and implicitly recognize it in the repul- sion they feel towards any one who professes strong feeling about abstractions — in the interjectional "hum- bug!" which immediately rises to their lips. If we except the passages in Philander, l^arcissa, and Lucia, there is hardly a trace of human sympathy, of seif-forgetfulness, in the joy or sorrow of a fellow-being, throughout this long poem, which professes to treat the various phases of man's destiny. And even in the Nar- cissa Night, Young repels us by the low moral tone of his exaggerated lament. This married step-daughter died at Lyons, and, being a Protestant, was denied bur- ial, so that her friends had to bury her in secret— one of the many miserable results of superstition, but not a fact to throw an educated, still less a Christian, man into a fury of hatred and vengeance in contemplating it after the lapse of five years. Young, however, takes great pains to simulate a bad feeling : " Of grief And iudignation rival bursts I poiir'd, Half execration mingled with my pray'r; Kindled at mau, while I his God ador'd ; Sore grudg'd the savage laud her sacred dust ; Stamp'd the cursed soil ; and with humanity {Denied Narcissa) ivish^d them all a grave." The odiously bad taste of this last clause makes us hope that it is simply a platitude, and not intended as a wit- THE POET YOUNG. 4i> ticisin, until be removes the possibility of this favorable doubt by immediately asking, " Flows my resentment into guilt f When, by an after-thought, he attempts something like sympathy, he only betrays more clearly his want of it. Thus, in the first Night, when he turns from his private griefs to depict earth as a hideous abode of misery for all mankind, and asks, "What then am I, who sorrow for myself?" he falls at once into calculating the benefit of sorrowing for others : " More generous sorrow, while it sinks, exalts ; And conscious virtue mitigates the pang. Nor virtue, more than prudence, bids me give Swollen thought a second channel." This remarkable negation of sympathy is in perfect consistency with Young's theory of ethics : " Virtue is a crime, A crime to reason, if it costs us pain Unpaid." If there is no immortality for man, " Sense ! take the rein ; blind Passion, drive us on ; And Iguorauce ! befriend us on our way. . . . Yes ; give the pulse full empire ; live the Brute, Since as the brute we die. The sum of man, Of godlike man, to revel and to rot." " If this life's gain invites him to the deed, Why not his country sold, his father slain ?" " Ambition, avarice, by the wise disdain'd, Is perfect wisdom, while mankind are fools, And think a turf or tombstone covers all." 3 60 WORLDLINESS AND OTHEE-WOELDLINESS : » * * * # " Die for tliy country; thou romantic fool I Seize, seize the plank thyself, and let her sink.'^ ->#*■»» ** As in the dying parent dies the child, Virtue with Immortality expires. Who tells me he denies his soul immortal, Whatever Ms hoast, Jias told me he's a Jcnave. His duty His to love himself alone, Nor care though mankind jperish, if he smiles." We can imagine the man who " denies his soul immor- tal " replying, " It is quite possible that you would be a knave, and love yourself alone, if it were not for your belief in immortality ; but you are not to force upon me what would result from your own utter want of moral emotion. I am just and honest, not because I expect to live in another world, but because, having felt the pain of injustice and dishonesty towards myself, I have a fellow-feeling with other men, who would suf- fer the same pain if I were unjust or dishonest tow- ards them. Why should I give my neighbor short weight in this world, because there is not another world in which I should have nothing to weigh out to him ? I am honest, because I don't like to inflict evil on others in this life, not because I'm afraid of evil to myself in another. The fact is, I do not love myself alone, what- ever logical necessity there may be for that conclusion in your mind. I have a tender love for my wife and children and friends, and through that love I sympa- thize with like affections in other men. It is a pang to me to witness the suflPering of a fellow-being, and I feel his suffering the more acutely because he is mortal — be' THE POET YOUNG. 61 cause his life is so short, and I would have it, if possible, filled with happiness and not misery. Through my union and fellowship with the men and women I have seen, I feel a like, though a fainter, sympathy with those I have not seen ; and I am able so to live in imagina- tion with the generations to come, that their good is not alien to me, and is a stimulus to me to labor for ends which may not benefit myself, but will benefit them. It is possible that you might prefer to ' live the brute,' to sell your country, or to slay your father, if you were not afraid of some disagreeable consequences from the criminal laws of another world ; but even if I could conceive no motive but my own worldly in- terest or the gratification of my animal desires, I have not observed that beastliness, treachery, and parricide are the direct way to happiness and comfort on earth." Thus far the man who "denies himself immortal" might give a warrantable reply to Young's assumption of peculiar loftiness in maintaining that " virtue with immortality expires." We may admit, indeed, that if the better part of virtue consists, as Young appears to think, in contempt for mortal joys, in " meditation of our own decease," and in "applause" of God in the style of a congratulatory address to her majesty — all which has small relation to the well-being of mankind on this earth — the motive to it must be gathered from something that lies quite outside the sphere of human sympathy. But, for certain other elements of virtue, which are of more obvious importance to plain people — a delicate sense of our neighbor's rights, an active par- ticipation in the joys and sorrows of our fellow-men, a 53 WOELDLINESS AND OTHEE-WORLDLINESS *. inagnanimous acceptance of privation or suffering for ourselves when it is the condition of rescue for others — ■ in a word, the widening and strengthening of our sym- pathetic nature — it is surely of some moment to con- tend that they have no more direct dependence on the belief in a future state than the interchange of gases in the lungs on the plurality of w^orlds. Nay, it is con- ceivable that in some minds the deep pathos lying in the thought of human mortality — that we are here for a little while and then vanish away, that this earthly life is all that is given to our loved ones and to our many suffering fellow-men, lies nearer the fountains of moral emotion than the conception of extended existence. And surely it ought to be a w^elcome fact, if the thought of mortality^ as well as of immortality, be favorable to virtue. We can imagine that the proprietors of a pat- ent water-supply may have a dread of common springs; but for those who only share the general need there cannot be too gi'eat a security against a lack of fresh water, or of pure morality. It should be matter of un- mixed rejoicing if this latter necessary of healthful life has its evolution insured in the interaction of human souls as certainly as the evolution of science or of art, with which, indeed, it is but a twin ray, melting into them with undefinable limits. To return to Young. We can often detect a man's deficiencies in what he admires more clearly than in what he contemns, in the sentiments he presents as laud- able rather than in those he decries. And in Young's notion of what is lofty he casts a shadow by which we can measure him without further trouble. For exam« pie, in arguing for human immortality, he says: THE POET YOUNG. 53 " First, what is true ambition ? The pursuit Of glory nothing less than man can share. * * » * # The Visible and Present are for brutes, A slender portion, and a narrow bound ! These Reason, with an energy di\ine O'erleaps, aud claims the Future and Unseen; The vast Unseen, the Future fathomless ! When the great soul buoys np to this high point, Leaving gross Nature's sediments below, Then, and then only, Adam's offspring quits The sage and hero of the fields and woods, • Asserts his rank, and rises into man." So, then, if it were certified that, as some benevolent minds have tried to infer, our dumb fellow-creatures would share a future existence, in which it is to be hoped we should neither beat, starve, nor maim them, our ambition for a future life would cease to be "loftj"! This is a notion of loftiness which may pai-r off with Dr. Whewell's celebrated observation, that Bentham's moral theory is low, because it includes justice and mercy to brutes. But, for a reflection of Young's moral personality on a colossal scale, we must turn to those passages where his rhetoric is at its utmost stretch of inflation — where he addresses the Deity, discourses of the Divine opera- tions, or describes the last judgment. As a compound of vulgar pomp, crawling adulation, and hard selfish- ness, presented under the guise of piety, there are few tilings in literature to surpass the ninth :N'ight, entitled " Consolation," especially in the pages where he de- scribes the last judgment — a subject to which, with naive self-betrayal, he applies phraseology favored by 54 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER- WORLDLINESS ! the exuberant penny-a-liner. Thus, when God de- scends, and the groans of hell are opposed by "shouts of joy," much as cheers and groans contend at a public meeting where the resolutions are not passed unani- mously, the poet completes his climax in this way : " Hence, in one peal of loud, eternal praise, The charmed spectators tliunder their applause." In the same taste, he sings : " Eternity, the various sentence past, Assigns the sever'd throng distinct abodes, Sulphureous or ambrosial." Exquisite delicacy of indication ! He is too nice to be specific as to the interior of the "sulphureous" abode; but when once half the human race are shut up there, hear how he enjoys turning the key on them ! "What ensues? The deed predominant, the deed of deeds ! Which makes a hell of hell, a heaven of heaven ! The goddess, with determin'd aspect, turns Her adamantine key's enormous size Through Destiny's inextricable wards, Deep driving every holt on both their fates. Then, from the crystal battlements of heaven, Dowu, down she hurls it through the dark profound, Ten thousand, thousand fathom ; there to rust And ne'er unlock her resolution more. The deep resounds ; and Hell, through all her glooms, Returns, in groans, the melancholy roar." This is one of the blessings for which Dr. Young thanks God " most " : " For all I bless Thee, most, for the severe ; Her death — my own at hand — the fiery gulf, That flaming hound of wrath omnipotent! It thunders ; hut it thunders to preserve ; THE POET YOUNG. 55 , , o . . . its wholesome dread Averts the dreaded paiu ; its hideous groans Join Heaven'' s sweet Hallelujahs in thy praise^ Great Source of good alone ! How kind in all! In vengeance kind ! Pain, Death, Gehenna, save "... i. e., save me^ Dr. Young, who, in return for that favor, promise to give my divine patron the monopoly of that exuberance in laudatory epithet of which specimens may be seen at any moment in a large number of dedi- cations and odes to kings, queens, prime-ministers, and other persons of distinction. That, in Young's con- ception, is what God delights in. His crowning aim in the ^'' drama" of the ages is to vindicate his own re- nown. The God of the ^* Night Thoughts" is simply Young himself " writ large " — a didactic poet, who " lectures " mankind in the antithetic hyperbole of mortal and immortal joys, earth and the stars, hell and heaven ; and expects the tribute of inexhaustible " ap- plause." Young has no conception of religion as any- thing else than egoism turned heavenward ; and he does not merely imply this, he insists on it. Religion, he tells us, in argumentative passages too long to quote, is " ambition, pleasure, and the love of gain," directed towards the joys of the future life instead of the pres- ent. And his ethics correspond to his religion. He vacillates, indeed, in his ethical theory, and shifts his position in order to suit his immediate purpose in argu- ment; but he never changes his level so as to see be- yond the horizon of mere selfishness. Sometimes he insists, as we have seen, that the belief in a future life is the only basis of morality ; but elsewhere he tells us — " In self-applause is virtue's golden prize." 50 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS : Virtue, with Young, must always squint — must never look straight towards the immediate object of its emotion and effort. Thus, if a man risks perishing in the snow himself rather than forsake a weaker comrade, he must either do this because his hopes and fears are directed to another world, or because he desires to ap- plaud himself afterwards ! Young, if we may believe him, would despise the action as folly unless it had these motives. Let us hope he was not so bad as he pretended to be! The tides of the divine life in man move under the thickest ice of theory. Another indication of Young's deficiency in moral. i. e., in sympathetic emotion, is his unintermitting habit of pedagogic moralizing. On its theoretic and percep- tive side, Morality touches Science ; on its emotional side, poetic Art. Now, the products of poetic Art are great in proportion as they result from the immediate prompting of innate power, and not from labored obe- dience to a theory or rule ; and the presence of genius or innate prompting is directly opposed to the per- petual consciousness of a rule. The action of faculty is imperious, and supersedes the reflection why it should act. In the same way, in proportion as morality is emotional, it will exhibit itself in direct sympathetic feeling and action, and not as the recognition of a rule. Love does not say, " I ought to love " — it loves. Pity does not say, "It is right to be pitiful" — it pities. Justice does not saj^, "I am bound to be just" — it feels justly. It is only where moral emotion is compara- tively weak that the contemplation of a rule or theory habitually mingles with its action ; and, in accordance with this, we think experience, both in literature and THE POET YOUNG. 57 life, has shown that the minds which are predominant!)' didactic are deficient in sympathetic emotion. A man who is perpetually thinking in monitory apothegms, who has an unintermittent flux of rebuke, can have little energy left for simple feeling. And this is the case with Young. In his highest flights of contempla- tion, and his most wailing soliloquies, he interrupts him- self to fling an admonitory parenthesis at Lorenzo, or to hint that " folly's creed " is the reverse of his own. Before his thoughts can flow, he must fix his eye on an imaginary miscreant, who gives unlimited scope for lecturing, and recriminates just enough to keep the spring of admonition and argument going to the ex- tent of nine books. It is curious to see how this peda- gogic habit of mind runs through Young's contempla- tion of Nature. As the tendency to see our own sad- ness reflected in the external world has been called by Mr. Ruskin the "pathetic fallacy," so we may call Young's disposition to see a rebuke or a warning in every natural object the " pedagogic fallacy." To his mind, the heavens are "forever scolding as they shine ;" and the great function of the stars is to be a " lecture to mankind." The conception of the Deity as a didactic author is not merely an implicit point of view with him ; he works it out in elaborate imagery, and at length makes it the occasion of his most extraor- dinary achievement in the " art of sinking," by ex- claiming — a projpos, we need hardly say, of the noc- turnal heavens — " Diviue Instructor ! Thy first Tolurae this For man's perusal ! all in capitals !" It is this pedagogic tendency, this sermonizing atti^ 5 3* 58 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER- WORLDLINESS .* tude of Young's mind, which produces the wearisome monotony of his pauses. After the first two or three Nights, he is rarely singing, rarely pouring forth any continuous melody inspired by the spontaneous flow of thought or feeling. He is rather occupied with argu- mentative insistance, with hammering in the proofs of his propositions by disconnected verses, which he puts down at intervals. The perpetual recurrence of the pause at the end of the line throughout long passages makes them as fatiguing to the ear as a monotonous chant, which consists of the endless repetition of one short musical phrase. For example: " Past hours, If not by guilt, yet wound us by their flight, If folly bound our prospect by the grave, All feeling of futurity be numb'd. All godlike passion for eternals quench'd, All relish of realities expired ; Renounced all correspondence with the skies ; Our freedom chain'd ; quite wingless our desire ; In sense dark-prison'd all that ought to soar ; Prone to the centre ; crawling in the dust ; Dismouuted every great and glorious aim ; Enthralled every faculty divine, Heart-buried in the rubbish of the world." How different from the easy, graceful melody of Cow- per's blank verse ! Indeed, it is hardly possible to criticise Young without being reminded at every step of the contrast presented to him by Cowper. And this contrast urges itself upon us the more from the fact that there is, to a certain extent, a parallelism between the "Night Thoughts" and the "Task." In both poems, the author achieves his greatest in virtue of the new THE POET YOUNG. 59 freedom conferred by blank verse; both poems are professedly didactic, and mingle much satire with their graver meditations ; both poems are the productions of men whose estimate of this life was formed by the light of a belief in immortality, and who were in- tensely attached to Christianity. On some grounds, we might have anticipated a more morbid view of things from Cowper than from Young. Cowper's religion was dogmatically the more gloomy, for he was a Calvin- ist ; while Young was a " low " Arminian, believing th^t Christ died for all, and that the only obstacle to any man's salvation lay in his will, which he could change if he chose. There was deep and unusual sad- ness involved in Cowper's personal lot ; while Young, apart from his ambitious and greedy discontent, seems to have had no exceptional sorrow. Yet see how a lovely, sympathetic nature manifests itself in spite of creed and circumstance ! Where is the poem that surpasses the " Task " in the genuine love it breathes, at once towards inanimate and animate exist- ence — in truthfulness of perception and sincerity of presentation — in the calm gladness that springs from a delight in objects for their own sake, without self-refer- ence — in divine sympathy with the lowliest pleasures, with the most short-lived capacity for pain ? Here is no railing at the earth's " melancholy map," but the hap- piest lingering over her simplest scenes with all the fond minuteness of attention that belongs to love ; no pompous rhetoric about the inferiority of the " brutes," but a warm plea on their behalf against man's inconsid- erateness and cruelty, and a sense of enlarged happiness from their companionship in enjoyment ; no vague rant 60 WOELDLINESS AND OTHEE-WORLDLINESS : about linman misery and human virtue, but that close and vivid presentation of particular sorrows and priva- tions, of particular deeds and misdeeds, which is the di- rect road to the emotions. How Cowper's exquisite mind falls with the mild warmth of morning sunlight on the commonest objects, at once disclosing every de- tail and investing every detail with beauty ! No object is too small to prompt his song — not the sooty film on the bars, or the spoutless teapot holding a bit of mign- onette that serves to cheer the dingy town-lodging with a ''hint that ^N^ature lives;" and yet his song is never trivial, for he is alive to small objects, not because his mind is narrow, but because his glance is clear and his heart is large. Instead of trying to edify us by supercilious allusions to the " brutes " and the " stalls," he interests us in that tragedy of the hen-roost when the thief has wrenched the door — ^' Where Chanticleer amidst his harem sleeps In unsiispeeting pomp ;" in the patient cattle, that on the winter's morning " Mourn in corners where the fence Screens them, and seem half petrified to sleep In unrecumhent sadness ;" in the little squirrel, that, surprised by him in his wood- land walk, " At once, swift as a bird, Ascends the neighboring beech ; there whisks his brush. And perks his ears, and stamps, and cries aloud, With all the prettiuess of feigned alarm And anger insignificantly fierce." And then he passes into reflection, not with curt apo- THE POET YOUNG. CI thegm and snappish reproof, but with that melodious flow of utterance which belongs to thought when it is carried in a stream of feeling : " The lieart is hard in nature, and unfit For human fellowship, as being void Of sympathy, and therefore dead alike To love and friendship both, that is not pleased With sight of animals enjoying life, Nor feels their happiness augment his own." His large and tender heart embraces the most everj-day forms of human life ; the carter driving his team through the' wintry storm ; the cottager's wife who, painfully nursing the embers on her hearth, while her infants " sit cowering o'er the sparks," " Retires, content to quake, so they be warmed ;" or the villager, with her little ones, going out to pick " A cheap but wholesome salad from the brook ;" and he compels our colder natures to follow his in its manifold sympathies, not by exhortations, not by telling ns to meditate at midnight, to "indulge" the thought of death, or to ask ourselves how we shall "weather an eternal night," hut hy ^presenting to us the object of his compassion truthfully and lovingly. And when he handles greater themes, when he takes a wider survey, and considers the men or the deeds which have a direct influence on the welfare of communities and nations, there is the same unselfish warmth of feeling, the same scrupulous truthfulness. He is never vague in his re- monstrance or his satire; but puts his finger on some particular vice or folly, which excites his indignation or ^' dissolves his heart in pity," because of some specific injury it does to his fellow-man or to a sacred cause. 62 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WOELDLINESS I And when he is asked why he interests himself about the sorrows and wrongs of others, hear what is the rea- son he gives. Not, like Young, that the movements of the planets show a mutual dependence, and that " Tlius man Ms sovereign duty learns in this Material picture of benevolence ;" — or that — "More generous sorrow while it sinks, exalts, And conscious virtue mitigates the pang." "What is Cowper's answer, when he imagines some "sage, erudite, profound," asking him, "What's the world to you ?" — " Much. I was horn of woman, and drew milk As sweet as charity from human breasts. I think, articulate, I laugh and weep, And exercise all functions of a man. How then should I and any man that lives Be strangers to each other ?" Young is astonished that men can make war on each other — that any one can " seize his brother's throat," while " The Planets cry, ' Forbear.' " Cowper weeps because — " There is no flesh iu man's obdurate heart : It does not feel for man." Young applauds Grod as a monarch with an empire and a court quite superior to the English, or as an author who produces " volumes for man's perusal." Cowper sees his Father's love in all the gentle pleasures of the home fireside, in the charms even of the wintry land- scape, and thinks — THE POET YOUNG. 63 *' Happy who walks with him! whom what he finds Of flavor or of scent iii fruit or flower, Or what he views of beautiful or grand In nature, from the broad mtijestic oak To the green blade that twiukles in the sun Prompts ivith remenibrance of a present God." To conclude, for we must arrest ourselves in a con- trast that would lead us beyond our bounds : Young flies for his utmost consolation to the day of judgment, when " Final Ruin fiercely drives Her ploughshare o'er Creation ;" when earth, stars, and suns are swept aside — "And now, all dross removed, Heaven's own pure day Full on the confines of onr ether, flames : While (dreadful contrast !) far (how far !) beneath, Hell, bursting, belches forth her blazing seas. And storms sulphureous ; her voracious jaws Expanding wide, and roaring for her prey," — Dr. Young, and siraihir "ornaments of religion and virtue," passing, of course, with grateful "applause" into the upper region. Cowper finds his highest in- spiration in the Millennium — in the restoration of this our beloved home of earth to perfect holiness and bliss, when the Supreme " Shall visit earth in mercy ; shall descend Propitious in His chariot paved with love ; And what His storms have blasted and defaced For man's revolt, shall with a smile repair." And into what delicious melody his song flows at the thought of that blessedness to be enjoyed by future gen- erations on earth ! — 64 WORLDLINESS AND OTHER- W0RLDLINES9, " The dwellers in the vales and on the rocks Shout to each other, and the mountain-tops From distant mountains catch the flying joy 5 Till, nation after nation taught the strain, Earth rolls the rapturous Hosanna round !" The sura of onr comparison is this : In Young we have the type of that deficient human sympathy, that impiety towards the present and the visible, which flies for its motives, its sanctities, and its religion, to the re- mote, the vague, and the unknown ; in Cowper we have the type of that genuine love which cherishes things in proportion to their nearness, and feels its reverence grow in proportion to the intimacy of its knowledge. GERMAN WIT: HEINRICH HEINE. " IN^OTHiNG," says Goethe, " is more significant of men's character than what they find laughable." The truth of this observation would perhaps have been more apparent if he had said culture instead of character. The last thing in which the cultivated man can have community with the vulgar is their jocularity ; and we can hardly exhibit more strikingly the wide gulf which separates him from them than by comparing the object which shakes the diaphragm of a coal-heaver with tlie highly complex pleasure derived from a real witticism. That any high order of wit is exceedingly complex, anrd demands a ripe and strong mental development, has one evidence in the fact that we do not find it in boys at all in proportion to their manifestation of other powers. Clever boys generally aspire to the heroic and. poetic rather than the comic, and the crudest of all their efforts are their jokes. Many a witty man will remember how, in his school-days, a practical joke, more or less Rabelaisian, was for him the ne jpltis ultra of the ludicrous. It seems to have been the same with the boyhood of mankind. The fun of early races w^as, we fancy, of the after-dinner kind — loud-throated laughter over the wine-cup, taken too little account of in sober moments to enter as an element into their Art, and dif- fering as much from the laughter of a Chamfort or a 6Q GERMAN WIT : Sheridan as the gastronomic enjoyment of an ancient Briton, whose dinner had no other "removes" than from acorns to beech-mast and back again to acorns, differed from the subtile pleasures of the palate expe- rienced by his turtle-eating descendant. It was their lot to live seriously through stages which to later genera- tions were to become comedj^, as those amiable-looking pre-Adamite amphibia which Professor Owen has re- stored for us in effigy at Sydenham doubtless took se- riously the grotesque physiognomies of their kindred. Heavy experience in their case, as in every other, was the base from which the salt of future wit was to be made. Humor is of earlier growth than Wit, and it is in ac- cordance with this earlier growth that it has more affin- ity with the poetic tendencies, while Wit is more near- ly allied to the ratiocinative intellect. Humor draws its materials from situations and characteristics ; Wit seizes on unexpected and complex relations. Humor is chiefly representative and descriptive ; it is diffuse, and flows along without any other law than its own fantas- tic will ; or it flits about like a will-o'-the-wisp, amazing us by its whimsical transitions. Wit is brief and sud- den, and sharply defined as a cr3^stal ; it does not make pictures, it is not fantastic ; but it detects an unsuspect- ed analogy, or suggests a startling or confounding in- ference. Every one who has had the opportunity of making the comparison will remember that the effect produced on him by some witticisms is closely akin to the effect produced on him by subtile reasoning which lays open a fallacy or absurdity ; and there are persons "•se delight in such reasoning always manifests itself IIEINRICn HEINE. 67 iu laughter. This affinity of Wit with ratiocination is the more obvious in proportion as tlie species of wit is higher and deals less with words and with superficialities than with the essential qualities of things. Some of Johnson's most admirable witticisms consist in the sug- gestion of an analogy which immediately exposes the absurdity of an action or proposition ; and it is only their ingenuit}^, condensation, and instantaneousness which lift them from reasoning into Wit — they are rea- soning raised to a higher power. On the other hand, Humor, in its higher forms, and in proportion as it as- sociates itself with the sympathetic emotions, continually passes into poetry : nearly all great modern humorists may be called prose poets. Some confusion as to the nature of humor has been created by the fact that those w^ho have written most eloquently on it have dwelt almost exclusively on its higher forms, and have defined humor in general as the sympathetic presentation of incongruous elements in human nature and life — a definition which only applies to its later development. A great deal of humor may coexist with a great deal of barbarism, as we see in the middle ages; but the strongest flavor of the humor in such cases will come, not from sympathy, but more probably from triumphant egoism or intolerance; at best it will be the love of the ludicrous exhibiting it- self in illustrations of successful cunning and of the lex talionis, as in " Reineke Fuchs," or shaking off in a holiday mood the yoke of a too exacting faith, as in the old Mysteries. Again, it is impossible to deny a high degree of humor to many practical jokes, but no sym- pathetic nature can enjoy them. Strange as the gene- 68 GERMAN wit: alogy may seem, the original parentage of that wonder- ful and delicious mixture of fun, fancy, philosophy, and feeling which constitutes modern humor was probably the cruel mockery of a savage at the writhings of a suffering enemy — such is the tendency of things tow- ards the better and more beautiful ! Probably the rea- son why high culture demands more complete harmony with its moral sympathies in humor than in wit is that humor is in its nature more prolix — that it has not the direct and irresistible force of wit. Wit is an electric shock, which takes us by violence quite independently of our predominant mental disposition ; but humor ap- proaches us more deliberately and leaves us masters of ourselves. Hence it is that, while coarse and cruel humor has almost disappeared from contemporary lit- erature, coarse and cruel wit abounds. Even refined men cannot help laughing at a coarse bon-mot or a lacerating personality, if the " shock " of the witticism is a powerful one ; while mere fun will have no power over them if it jar on their moral taste. Hence, too, it is that, while wit is perennial, humor is liable to become superannuated. As is usual with definitions and classifications, how- ever, this distinction between wit and humor does not exactly represent the actual fact. Like all other spe- cies. Wit and Humor overlap and blend with each oth- er. There are bon-mots, like many of Charles Lamb's, which are a sort of facetious hybrids, we hardly know whether to call them witty or humorous ; there are rather lengthy descriptions or narratives which, like Yoltaire's " Micromegas," would be humorous if they were not so sparkling and antithetic, so pregnant with IIEINRICH HEINE. 69 suggestion and satire that we are obliged to call them witty. We rarely find wit untempered by humor, or humor without a spice of wit ; and sometimes we find them both united in the highest degree in the same mind, as in Shakespeare and Moliere. A happy con- junction this, for wit is apt to be cold, and thin-lipped, and Mephistophelean in men who have no relish for humor, whose lungs do never crow like Chanticleer at fun and drollery; and broad-faced rollicking humor needs the refining influence of wit. Indeed, it may be said that there is no really fine writing in which wit has not implicit, if not an explicit, action. The wit may never rise to the surface, it may never flame out into a witticism ; but it helps to give brightness and transparency, it warns off from flights and exaggera- tions which verge on the ridiculous — in every genre of writing it preserves a man from sinking into the genre ennuyeux. And it is eminently needed for this ofiice in humorous writing; for, as humor has no limits im- posed on it by its material, no law but its own exuber- ance, it is apt to become preposterous and wearisome unless checked by wit, which is the enemy of all mo- notony, of all lengthiness, of all exaggeration. Perhaps the nearest approach Nature lias given us to a complete analysis, in which wit is as thoroughly ex- hausted of humor as possible, and humor as bare as pos- sible of wit, is in the typical Frenchman and the typi- cal German. Yoltaire, the intensest example of pure wit, fails in most of his fictions from his lack of humor. " Micromegas " is a perfect tale, because, as it deals chiefly with philosophic ideas and does not touch the marrow of human feeling and life, the writer's vv'it and 70 GERMAN wit: wisdom were all-sufficient for his purpose. Not so with " Candide." Here Yoltaire had to give pictures of life as well as to convey philosophic truth and satire, and here we feel the want of humor. The sense of the ludicrous is continually defeated by disgust, and the scenes, instead of presenting us with an amusing or agreeable picture, are only the frame for a witticism. On the other hand, German humor generally shows no sense of measure, no instinctive tact ; it is either floun- dering and clumsy as the antics of a leviathan, or labo- rious and interminable as a Lapland day, in which one loses all hope that the stars and quiet will ever come. For this reason Jean Paul, the greatest of German humorists, is unendurable to many readers, and fre- quently tiresome to all. Here, as elsewhere, the Ger- man shows the absence of that delicate perception, that sensibility to gradation, which is the essence of tact and taste, and the necessary concomitant of wit. All his subtilty is reserved for the region of metaphysics. For Idenijitdt^ in the abstract, no one can have an acuter vision ; but in the concrete he is satisfied with a very loose approximation. He has the finest nose for Etyi- pirismus in philosophical doctrine, but the presence of more or less tobacco-smoke in the air lie breathes is im- perceptible to him. To the typical German - — Yetter Michel — it is indifferent whether his door-lock will catch ; whether his teacup be more or less than an inch thick ; whether or not his book have every other leaf unstitched; whether his neighbor's conversation be more or less of a shout ; whether he pronounce h or p, t or d ; whether or not his adored one's teeth be few and far between. He has the same sort of insensibility HEINEICH HEINE. 71 to gradations in time. A German comedy is like a German sentence : you see no reason in its structure why it should ever come to an end, and you accept the conclusion as an arrangement of Providence rather than of the author. We have heard Germans use the word Ijangeweile, the equivalent for ennui, and we have se- cretly wondered vjhat it can be that produces ennui in a German. Not the longest of long tragedies, for we have known him to pronounce that hochst fesselnd j not the heaviest of heavy books, for he delights in that 2i^'gTundlich j not the slowest of journeys in a Post- wagen, for the slower the horses the more cigars he can smoke before he reaches his journey's end. German ennui must be something as superlative as Barclay's treble X, which, we suppose, implies an extremely un- known quantity of stupefaction. It is easy to see that this national deficiency in nicety of perception must have its effect on the national ap- p'reciation and exhibition of Humor. You find in Ger- many ardent admirers of Shakespeare, who tell you that what they think most admirable in him is his Wortspiel, his verbal quibbles ; and it is a remarkable fact that, among the five great races concerned in mod- ern civilization, the German race is the only one which, up to the present century, had contributed nothing classic to the common stock of European wit and humor; unless "Reineke Fuchs" can be fairly claimed as a peculiarly Teutonic product. Italy was the birth- place of Pantomime and the immortal Pulcinello ; Spain had produced Cervantes; France had produced Kabelais and Moli^re, and classic wits innumerable ; England had yielded Shakespeare and a host of humor- 72 GERMAN wit: ists. But Germany had borne no great comic drama- tist, no great satirist, and she has not jet repaired the omission ; she had not even produced any humorist of a high order. Among her great writers, Lessing is the one who is tlie most specifically witty. We feel the implicit influence of wit — the "flavor of mind" — throughout his writings ; and it is often concentrated into pungent satire, as every reader of the " Hamburg- ische Dramaturgic " remembers. Still, Lessing's name has not become European through his wit, and his charming comedy, "Minna von Barnhelm," has won no place on a foreign stage. Of course, we do not pretend to an exhaustive acquaintance with German literature ; we not only admit — we are sure — that it includes much comic writing of which we know nothing. We simply state the fact, that no German production of that kind, before the present century, ranked as European — a fact which does not, indeed, determine the amount of the national facetiousness, but which is quite decisive as to its quality. Whatever may be the stock of fun which Germany yields for home consumption, she has pro- vided little for the palate of other lands. All honor to her for the still greater things she has done for us! She has fought the hardest fight for freedom of thought, has produced the grandest inventions, has made magnificent contributions to science, has given us some of the divinest poetry, and quite the divinest music, in the world. We revere and treasure the prod- ucts of the German mind. To say that that mind is not fertile in wit, is only like saying that excellent wheat-land is not rich pasture ; to say that we do not enjoy German facetiousness, is no more than to say HEINRICH HEINE. 13 that though the horse is the finest of quadrupeds, we do not like him to hiy his hoof playfully on our shoul- der. Still, as we have noticed that the pointless puns and stupid jocularity of the boy may ultimately be developed into the epigrammatic brilliancy and pol- ished playfulness of the man ; as we believe that racy wit and chastened delicate humor are inevitably the results of invigorated and refined mental activity, we can also believe that Germany will one day yield a crop of wits and humorists. Perhaps there is already an earnest of that future crop in the existence of Heinrich Heine, a German born with the present century, who, to Teutonic imagination, sensibility, and humor, adds an amount of esprit that would make him brilliant among the most brilliant of Frenchmen. True, this unique German wit is half a Hebrew ; but he and his ancestors spent their youth in German air, and were reared on Wicrst and Sauerkraut, so that he is as much a German as a pheasant is an Eng- lish bird, or a potato an Irish vegetable. But whatever else he may be, Heine is one of the most remarkable men of this age ; no echo, but a real voice, and there- fore, like all genuine things in this world, worth study- ing ; a surpassing lyric poet, who has uttered our feel- ings for us in delicious song ; a humorist, who touches leaden folly with the magic wand of his fancy, and transmutes it into the fine gold of art — who sheds his sunny smile on human tears, and makes them a beaute- ous rainbow on the cloudy background of life; a wit, who holds in his mighty hand the most scorching light- nings of satire ; an artist in prose literature, who has shown even more completely than Goethe the possi* 4 74: GEKMAI>r WIT . bilities of German prose ; and — in spite of all charges against him, true as well as false — a lover of freedom, who has spoken wise and brave words on behalf of his fellow-men. He is, moreover, a suffering man, who, with all the highly wrought sensibility of genius, has to en- dure terrible physical ills ; and as such he calls forth more than an intellectual interest. It is true, alas I that there is a heavy weight in the other scale — that Heine's magnificent powers have often served only to give elec- tric force to the expression of debased feeling, so that his works are no Phidian statue of gold, and ivory, and gems, but have not a little brass, and iron, and miry clay mingled with the precious metal. The audacity of his occasional coarseness and personality is unpar- alleled in contemporary literature, and has hardly been exceeded by the license of former days. Hence, before his volumes are put within the reach of immature minds, there is need of a friendly penknife to exercise a strict censorship. Yet, when all coarseness, all scurrility, all Mephistophelean contempt for the reverent feelings of other men is removed, there will be a plenteous remain- der of exquisite poetry, of wit, humor, and just thought. It is apparently too often a congenial task to write se- vere words about the transgressions committed by men of genius, especially when the censor has the advantage of being himself a man of no genius, so that those trans- gressions seem to him quite gratuitous ; he, forsooth, never lacerated any one by his w^it, or gave irresistible piquancy to a coarse allusion, and his indignation is not mitigated by any knowledge of the temptation that lies in transcendent power. We are also apt to measure what a gifted man has done by our arbitrary conception HEINRICH HEINE. 75 of what he might have done, rather than bj a compari- son of his actual doings with our own or those of other ordinary men. We make ourselves over-zealous agents of Heaven, and demand that our brother should bring usurious interest for his five talents, forgetting that it is less easy to manage five talents than two. Whatever benefit there may be in denouncing the evil, it is after all more edifying, and certainly more cheering, to ap- preciate the good. Hence, in endeavoring to give our readers some account of Heine and his works, we shall not dwell lengthily on his failings ; we shall not hold the candle up to dusty, vermin -haunted corners, but let the light fall as much as possible on the nobler and more attractive details. Our sketch of Heine's life, which has been drawn from various sources, will be free from everything like intrusive gossip, and will derive its coloring chiefly from the autobiographical hints and descriptions scattered through his own writings. Those of our readers who happen to know nothing of Heine will in this way be making their acquaintance with the writer while they are learning the outline of his ca- reer. We have said that Heine was born with the present century ; but this statement is not precise, for we learn that, according to his certificate of baptism, he was born December 12, 1799. However, as he himself says, the important point is, that he was born, and born on the banks of the Khine, at Diisseldorf, where his father was a merchant. In his " Reisebilder" he gives us some recollections, in his wild poetic way, of the dear old town where he spent his childhood, and of his school- boy troubles there. We shall quote from these in but- 76 GERMAN wit: terflj fashion, sipping a little nectar here and there, without regard to an j strict order : " I first saw the light on the banks of that lovely stream, where Folly grows on the green hills, and in autumn is plucked, pressed, poured into casks, and sent into foreign lands. Believe me, I yes- terday heard some one utter folly which, in anno 1811, lay in a bunch of grapes I then saw growing on the Johannisberg. . . . Mou Dieu ! if I had only such faith in me that I could remove moun- tains, the Johannisberg would be the very mountain I should send for wherever I might be ; but as my faith is not so strong, im- agination must help me, and it transports me at once to the lovely Rhine. ... I am again a child, and playing with other children on the Schlossplatz, at DUsseldorf on the Rhine. Yes, madam, there was I born ; and I note this expressly, in case, after my death, seven cities — Schilda, Kriihwinkel, Polkwitz, Bockum, Diilken, Gottingeu, and Schoppeustadt — should contend for the honor of being my birthplace. DUsseldorf is a town on the Rhine ; sixteen thousand men live there, and many hundred thousand men besides lie buried there. . . . Among them, many of whom my mother says that it would be better if they were still living; for example, my grand- father and my uncle, the old Herr Von Geldern and the young Herr Von Geldern, both such celebrated doctors, who saved so many men from death, and yet must die themselves. And the pious Ursula, who carried me in her arms when I was a child, also lies buried there, and a rose-bush grows on her grave ; she loved the sceut of roses so well in life, and her heart was pure rose-incense and good- ness. The knowing old Canon, too, lies buried there. Heavens, what an object he looked when I last saw him ! He was made np of nothing but mind and plasters, and nevertheless studied day and night, as if he were alarmed lest the worms should find an idea too little in his head. And the little William lies there, and for this I am to blame. We were schoolfellows in the Franciscan monastery, and were playing on that side of it where the DUssel flows between etone walls, and I said, "■ William, fetch out the kitten that has just fallen in," and merrily he went down on to the plank which lay across the brook, snatched the kitten out of the water, but fell HEINEICH HEINE. 77 iu himself, aud was dragged out dripping and dead. The kitten lived to a good old age. . . . Princes iu that day were not the tornieuteass of men, in what is 160 THE INFLUENCE OF RATIONALISM J called civilized society, get their beliefs gradually mod- ified: "If we ask why it is that the world has rejected what was ouce so universally and so intensely believed, why a narrative of an old woman \Yho had been seen riding on a broomstick, or who was proved to have transformed herself into a wolf, and to have de- voured the flocks of her neighbors, is deemed so entirely incredible, most persons would probably be unable to give a very definite an- swer to the question. It is not because we have exanuned the evi- dence and found it insufficient, for the disbelief always precedes, when it does not prevent, examination. It is rather because the idea of absurdity is so strongly attached to such narratives, that it is difficult even to consider them with gravity. Yet at one time no such improbability was felt, and hundreds of persons have been burued simply on the two grounds I have mentioned. "When so complete a change takes place in public opinion, it may be ascribed to one or other of two causes. It may be the re- sult of a controversy which has conclusively settled the question, establishing to the satisfaction of all parties a clear preponderance of argument or fact in favor of one opinion, and making that opin- ion a truism which is accepted by all enlightened men, even though they have not themselves examined the evidence on which it rests. Thus, if any one in a company of ordinarily educated persons were to deny the motion of the earth, or the circulation of the blood, hi« statement would be received with derision, though it is probable that some of his audience would be unable to demonstrate the first truth, and that very few of them could give sufficient reasons for the second. They may not themselves be able to defend their position ; but they are aware that, at certain known periods of his- tory, controversies on those subjects took place, and that known writers then brought forward some definite arguments or experi- ments, which were ultimately accepted by the whole learned world as rigid and conclusive demonstrations. It is possible, also, for as complete a change to be effected by what is called the spirit of the age. The general intellectual tendencies pervading the literature of a century profoundly modify the character of the public mind, lecky's history. 161 They form a new tone and habit of thought. They alter the meas- ure of probability. They create new attractions and new antipa- thies, and they eventually cause as absolute a rejection of certain old opinions as could be produced by the most cogent and definite arguments." Mr. Leckj proceeds to some questionable views con- cerning the evidences of witclicraft, which seem to be irreconcilable even with his own remarks later on ; bnt thej lead him to the statement, thoroughly made out by his historical survey, that "the movement was mainly silent, unargumentative, and insensible; that men came gradually to disbelieve in witchcraft, because they came gradually to look upon it as absurd; and that this new tone of thought appeared, first of all, in tliose who were least subject to theological influences, and soon spread through the educated laity, and, last of all, took possession of the clergy." We have rather painful proof that this "second class of influences " with a vast number go hardly deeper than fashion, and that witchcraft to many of us is absurd only on the same ground that our grandfathers' gigs are absurd. It is felt preposterous to think of spiritual agencies in connection with ragged beldames soaring on broomsticks, in an age when it is known that mediums of communication with the invisible world are usually unctuous personages dressed in excellent broadcloth, who soar above the curtain-poles without any broom- stick, and who are not given to unprofitable intrigues. The enlightened imagination rejects the figure of a witch with her profile in dark relief against the moon and her broomstick cutting a constellation. I^o undis- covered natural laws, no names of "respectable" wit- 9* 162 THE INFLUENCE OF RATIONALISM! nesses, are invoked to make us feel our presumption in questioning the diabolic intimacies of that obsolete old woman, for it is known now that the undiscovered laws, and the witnesses qualified by the payment of income- tax, are all in favor of a different conception — the image of a heavy gentleman in boots and black coat-tails fore- shortened against the cornice. Yet no less a person than Sir Thomas Browne once wrote that those who denied there were witches, inasmuch as they thereby denied spirits also, were " obliquely and upon conse- quence a sort, not of infidels, but of atheists." At pres- ent, doubtless, in certain circles, unbelievers in heavy gentlemen who float in the air by means of undiscov- ered laws are also taxed with atheism ; illiberal as it is not to admit that mere weakness of understanding may prevent one from seeing how that phenomenon is neces- sarily involved in the divine origin of things. With still more remarkable parallelism, Sir Thomas Browme goes on : " Those that, to refute their incredulity, desire to see apparitions, shall questionless never behold any, nor have the power to be so much as wdtches. The devil hath made them already in a heresy as capital as witchcraft, and to ap;pear to them were hut to convert themP It would be difficult to see what has been changed here but the mere drapery of circumstance, if it were not for this prominent difference between our own days and the days of witchcraft, that instead of torturing, drowning, or burning the innocent, we give hospitality and large pay to — the highly distinguished medium. At least we are safely rid of certain horrors; but if the multitude — that " farraginous concurrence of all conditions, tempers, sexes, and ages " — do not roll lecky's histoey. 163 back even to a superstition that carries cruelty in its train, it is not because they possess a cultivated reason, but because they are pressed upon and held up by what we may call an external reason — the sum of con- ditions resulting from the laws of material growth, from changes produced by great historical collisions shatter- ing the structures of ages and making new highways for events and ideas, and from the activities of higher minds no longer existing merely as opinions and teach- ing, but as institutions and organizations with which the interests, the affections, and the habits of the multi- tude are inextricably interwoven. No undiscovered laws accounting for small phenomena going forward under drawing-room tables are likely to affect the tre- mendous facts of the increase of population, the rejec- tion of convicts by our colonies, the exhaustion of the soil by cotton plantations, which urge even upon the foolish certain questions, certain claims, certain views concerning the scheme of the world, that can never again be silenced. If right reason is a right representa- tion of the coexistences and sequences of things, here are coexistences and sequences that do not wait to be discovered, but press themselves upon us like bars of iron. No seances at a guinea a head for the sake of being pinched by " Mary Jane " can annihilate rail- ways, steamships, and electric telegraphs, which are de- monstrating the interdependence of all human interests, and making self-interest a duct for sympathy. These things are part of the external reason to which internal silliness has inevitably to accommodate itself. Three points in the history of magic and witchcraft are well brought out by Mr. Lecky. First, that the 164 THE INFLUENCE OF RATIONALISM: cruelties connected with it did not begin until men's minds had ceased to I'epose implicitly in a sacramental system which made them feel well armed against evil spirits — that is, until the eleventh century, when there came a sort of morning dream of doubt and heresy, bringing on the one side the terror of timid consciences, and on the other the terrorism of authority or zeal bent on checking the rising struggle. In that time of com- parative mental repose, says Mr. Lecky — " All those conceptions of diabolical presence ; all that predis- position towards the miraculous, which acted so fearfully upon the imaginations of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, existed j but the implicit faith, the boundless and triumphant credulity with which the virtue of ecclesiastical rites was accepted, rendered them comparatively innocuous. If men had been a little less su- perstitious, the effects of their superstition would have been much more terrible. It was firmly believed that any one who deviated from the strict line of orthodoxy must soon succumb beneath the power of Satan ; but as there was no spirit of rebellion or doubt, this persuasion did not produce any extraordinary terrorism." The Church was disposed to confound heretical opin- ion with sorcery ; false doctrine was especially the devil's work, and it was a ready conclusion that a denier or innovator had held consultation with the father of lies. It is a saying of a zealous Catholic in the sixteenth century, quoted by Maury in his excellent work, " De la Magie" — '^Crescit eimi niagia hcBresis, cum hoeresi magia.'''' Even those who doubted were terrified at their doubts, for trust is more easily under« rained than terror. Fear is earlier born than hope, lays a stronger grasp on man's system than any other pas- sion, and remains master of a larger group of involuU' lecky's history. 165 tary actions. A chief aspect of man's moral develop- ment is the slow subduing of fear by the gradual growth of intelligence, and its suppression as a motive by the presence of impulses less animally sellish ; so that in relation to invisible Power, fear at last ceases to exist, save in that interfusion with higher faculties which we call awe. Secondly, Mr. Lecky shows clearly that dogmatic Prot- estantism, holding the vivid belief in Satanic agency to be an essential of piety, would have felt it shame to be a whit behind Catholicism in severity against the devil's servants. Luther's sentiment was that he would not suffer a witch to live (he was not much more merciful to Jews) ; and, in spite of his fondness for children, believing a certain child to have been begotten by the devil, he recommended the parents to throw it into the river. The torch must be turned on the worst errors of heroic minds — not in irreverent ingratitude, but for the sake of measuring our vast and various debt to all the influences which have concurred, in the intervening ages, to make us recognize as detestable errors the honest convictions of men who, in mere in- dividual capacity and moral force, were very much above us. Again, the Scotch Puritans, during the com- paratively short period of their ascendency, surpassed all Christians before them in the elaborate ingenuity of the tortures they applied for the discovery of witch- craft and sorcery, and did their utmost to prove that if Scotch Calvinism was the true religion, the chief '' note " of the true religion was cruelty. It is hardly an endurable task to read the story of their doings; thoroughly to imagine them as a past reality is already 166 THE INFLUENCE OF RATIONALISM : a sort of torture. One detail is enough, and it is a comparatively mild one. It was the regular profession of men called " prickers " to thrust long pins into the body of a suspected witch in order to detect the insen- sible spot which was the infallible sign of her guilt. On a superficial view one would be in danger of saying that the main difference between the teachers who sanc- tioned these things and the much - despised ancestors who offered human victims inside a huge wicker idol was that they arrived at a more elaborate barbarity by a longer series of dependent propositions. I do not share Mr. Buckle's opinion that a Scotch minister's groans were a part of his deliberate plan for keeping the people in a state of terrified subjection ; the minis- ters themselves held the belief they taught, and might well groan over it. What a blessing has a little false logic been to the world ! Seeing that men are so slow to question their premises, they must have made each other much more miserable, if pity had not sometimes drawn tender conclusion not warranted by Major and Minor; if there had not been people with an amiable imbecility of reasoning which enabled them at once to cling to hideous beliefs, and to be conscientiously incon- sistent with them in their conduct. There is nothing like acute deductive reasoning for keeping a man in the dark : it might be called the technique of the intellect, and the concentration of the mind upon it corresponds to that predominance of technical skill in art which ends in degradation of the artist's function, unless new inspiration and invention come to guide it. And of this there is some good illustration furnished by that third node in the history of witchcraft, the be- lecky's history. 167 ginning of its end, which is treated in an interesting manner by Mr. Lecky. It is worth noticing, that the most important defences of the belief in witchcraft, against the growing scepticism in the latter part of the sixteenth century and in the seventeenth, were the pro- ductions of men who in some departments were among the foremost thinkers of their time. One of them was Jean Bodin, the famous writer on government and juris- prudence, whose " Republic," Hallam thinks, had an im- portant influence in England, and furnished " a store of arguments and examples that were not lost on the thoughtful minds of our countrymen." In some of his views he was original and bold ; for example, he antici- pated Montesquieu in attempting to appreciate the rela- tions of government and climate. Hallam inclines to the opinion that he was a Jew, and attached divine au- thority only to the Old Testament. But this was enough to furnish him with his chief data for the existence of witches and for their capital punishment ; and in the account of his " Republic " given by Hallam, there is enough evidence that the sagacity which often enabled him to make fine use of his learning was also often en- tangled in it, to temper our surprise at finding a writer on political science of whom it could be said that, along with Montesquieu, he was " the most philosophical of those who had read so deeply, the most learned of those who had thought so much," in the van of the forlorn hope to maintain the reality of witchcraft. It should be said that he was equally confident of the unreality of the Copernican hypothesis, on the ground that it was contrary to the tenets of the theologians and philoso- phers and to common-sense, and therefore subversive 168 THE INFLUENCE OF RATIONALISM: ot tlie foundations of every science. Of his work on witchcraft, Mr. Lecky says : ''The 'D^raouomanie des Sorciers' is chiefly an appeal to authority, which the author deemed on this subject so unanimous and so con- clusive that it was scarcely possible for any sane man to resist it. He appealed to the popular belief in all countries, in all ages, and in all religious. He cited the opinions of an immense multitude of the greatest writers of pagan antiquity, and of the most illustrious of the Fathers. He showed how the laws of all nations recognized the existence of witchcraft ; and he collected hundreds of cases which had been investigated before the tribunals of his own or of other couutries. He relates with the most minute and circum- stantial detail, and with the most imfaltering confidence, all the proceedings at the witches' Sabbath, the methods which the witches employed iu transporting themselves through the air, their trans- formations, their carnal intercourse with the Devil, their various means of injuring their enemies, the signs that lead to their detec- tion, their confessions when condemned, and their demeanor at the stake." Something must be allowed for a lawyer's affection towards a belief which had furnished so many " cases." Bodin's work had been immediately prompted by the treatise " De Prestigiis Dsemonum," written by John Wier, a German physician — a treatise which is worth notice as an example of a transitional form of opinion for wliich many analogies may be found in the history both of religion and science. Wier believed in demons, and in possession by demons, but his practice as a physi- cian had convinced him that the so-called witches were patients and victims, that the devil took advantage of their diseased condition to delude them, and that there was no consent of an evil will on the part of the women. lie argued that the word in Leviticus translated " witch " meant " poisoner," and besought the princes of Europe lecky's history. 169 to hinder the further spilling of innocent blood. These heresies of Wier threw Bodin into such a state of amazed indignation, that if he had been an ancient Jew instead of a modern economical one, he would have rent his garment. "No one had ever heard of pardon being accorded to sorcerers ;" and probably the reason why Charles IX. died young was because he had pardoned the sorcerer Trois Echelles ! We must remember that this was in 1581, when the great scientific movement of the Renaissance had hardly begun — when Galileo was a youth of seventeen, and Kepler a boy of ten. But directly afterwards, on the other side, came Mon- taigne, whose sceptical acuteness could arrive at nega- tives without any apparatus of method. A certain keen narrowness of nature will secure a man from many ab- surd beliefs which the larger soul, vibrating to more manifold influences, would have a long struggle to part w^ith. And so we find the charming, chatty Montaigne — in one of the brightest of his essays, " Des Boiteux," where he declares that, from his own observation of witches and sorcerers, he should have recommended them to be treated with curative hellebore — stating in his own way a pregnant doctrine, since taught more gravely. It seems to him much less of a prodigy that men should lie, or that their imaginations should deceive them, than that a human body should be carried through the air on a broomstick, or up a chimney by some unknown spirit. He thinks it a sad business to persuade one's self that the test of truth lies in the multitude of believers — " en une presse oil les fols surpassent de tant les sages en nombre." Ordinarily, he has observed, when men nave something stated to them as a fact, they are more ready 8 170 THE mFLUENCE OF KATIONALISM J to explain it than to inquire whether it is real: "lis passent par-dessus les propositions^ mais ils examinfent les consequences ; ils laissent lea choses, et eourent aux causes,'''' There is a sort of strong and generous igno- rance which is as honorable and courageous as science— " ignorance pour laquelle concevoir il n'j a pas moins de science qu'a concevoir la science." And d jpropos of the immense traditional evidence which weighed with such men as Bodin, he says : "As for the proofs and arguments founded on experience and facts, I do not pretend to unravel these. What end of a thread is there to lay hold of % I often cut them as Alexander did his knot. Ajpres tout, c^est mettre ses conjectures d Men hautpriXy que d^ en f aire cuire un homme tout vifP Writing like this, when it finds eager readers, is a sign that the weather is changing ; yet much later, namely, after 1665, when the Royal Society had been founded, our own Glanvil, the author of the " Scepsis Scientifica," a work that was a remarkable advance towards a true definition of the limits of inquiry, and that won him his election as fellow of the society, published an energetic vindication of the belief in witchcraft, of which Mr. Lecky gives the following sketch : "The ' Sadducisraus Triumphatus/ which is probably the ablest book ever published in defence of the superstition, opens with a strikiug picture of the rapid progress of the scepticism in England. Everywhere^ a disbelief in witchcraft was becoming fashionable in the upper classes ; but it was a disbelief that arose entirely from a strong sense of its antecedent improbability. All who were oj)- posed to the orthodox faith united in discrediting witchcraft. They Jaugbed at it, as palpably absurd, as involving the most grotesque and ludicrous conceptions, as so essentially incredible that it would be a waste of time to examine it. This spirit had arisen since the lecky's histoey. 171 Restoration, although the laws were still in force, and although little or no direct reasoning had been brought to bear upon the subject. In order to combat it, Glanvil proceeded to examine the general question of the credibility of the miraculous. He saw that the reason why witchcraft was ridiculed was, because it was a phase of the miraculous and the work of the Devil ; that the scepticism was chiefly due to those who disbelieved in miracles and the Devil ; and that the instances of witchcraft, or possession, in the Bible were invariably placed on a level with those that were tried in the law courts of England. That the evidence of the belief was overwhelm- ing, he firmly believed — and this, indeed, was scarcely disputed ; but, until the sense of a priori improbability was removed, no pos- sible accumulation of facts would cause men to believe it. To that task he accordingly addressed himself. Anticipating the idea and almost the words of modern controversialists, he urged that there was such a thing as a credulity of unbelief; and that those who believed so strange a concurrence of delusions, as was necessary on the supposition of the unreality of witchcraft, were far more credu- lous than those who accepted the belief. He made his very scep- ticism his principal weapon ; and, analyzing with much acuteness the a priori objections, he showed that they rested upon an unwar- rantable confidence in our knowledge of the laws of the spirit world ; that they implied the existence of some strict analogy be- tween the faculties of men and of spirits ; and that, as such analogy most probably did not exist, no reasoniug based on the supposition could dispense men from examining the evidence. He concluded with a large collection of cases, the evidence of which was, as he thought, incontestable." We have quoted this sketch because Glanvil's argu- ment against the d priori objection of absurdity is fa- tiguingly urged in relation to other alleged marvels which, to busy people seriously occupied with the diffi- culties of affairs, of science, or of art, seem as little wor- thy of examination as aeronautic broomsticks. And also because we here see Glanvil, in combating an incredulity 172 THE INFLUENCE OF RATIONALISM: that does not happen to be his own, wielding that very amnment of traditional evidence which he had made the subject of vigorous attack in his " Scepsis Scientifica." But perhaps large minds have been peculiarly liable to this fluctuation concerning the sphere of tradition, be- cause, while they have attacked its misapplications, they have been the more solicited by the vague sense that tradition is really the basis of our best life. Our senti- ments may be called organized traditions; and a large part of our actions gather all their justification, all their attraction and aroma, from the memory of the life lived, of the actions done, before we were born. In the ab- sence of any profound research into psychological func- tions or into the mysteries of inheritance, in the absence of any comprehensive view of man's historical develop- ment and the dependence of one age on another, a mind at all rich in sensibilities must always have had an in- definite uneasiness in an undistinguishing attack on the coercive influence of tradition. And this may be the apology for the apparent inconsistency of Glanvil's acute criticism on the one side, and his indignation at the "looser gentry," who laughed at the evidences for witchcraft, on the other. We have alreadj^ taken up too much space with this subject of witchcraft, else we should be tempted to dwell on Sir Thomas Browne, who far surpassed Glanvil in magnificent incongruity of opinion, and whose works are the most remarkable com- bination existing of witty sarcasm against ancient non- sense and modern obsequiousness, with indications of a capacious credulity. After all, we may be sharing what seems to us the hardness of these men, who sat in their studies and argued at their ease about a belief that would / lecky's history. 173 be reckoned to have caused more misery and bloodshed than any other superstition, if there had been no such thing as persecution on the ground of religious opinion. On this subject of Persecution, Mr. Lecky writes his best : with clearness of conception, with calm justice, bent on appreciating the necessary tendency of ideas, and with an appropriateness of illustration that could be supplied only by extensive and intelligent readinp Persecution, he shows, is not in any sense peculiar to the Catholic Church ; it is a direct sequence of the doctrines that salvation is to be had only within the Church, and that erroneous belief is damnatory — doctrines held as fully by Protestant sects as by the Catholics ; and, in proportion to its power. Protestantism has been as per- secuting as Catholicism. He maintains, in opposition to the favorite modern notion of persecution defeating its own object, that the Church, holding the dogma of exclusive salvation, was perfectly consequent, and really achieved its end of spreading one belief and quenching another by calling in the aid of the civil arm. Who will say that governments, by their power over institu- tions and patronage, as well as over punishment, have not power also over the interests aud inclinations of men, and over most of those external conditions into which subjects are born, and whicli make them adopt the prevalent belief as a second nature ? Hence, to a sincere believer in the doctrine of exclusive salvation, governments had it in their power to save men from perdition ; and wherever the clergy were at the elbow of the civil arm, no matter whether they were Catholic or Protestant, persecution was the result. "Compel them to come in " was a rule that seemed sanctioned by 174 THE INFLUENCE OF RATIONALISM I mercy, and the horrible sufferings it led men to inflict seemed small to minds accustomed to contemplate, as a perpetual source of motive, the eternal unmitigated mis- eries of a hell that was the inevitable destination of a majority among mankind. It is a significant fact, noted by Mr. Lecky, that the only two leaders of the Reformation who advocated tol- erance were Zuinglius and Socinus, both of them disbe- lievers in exclusive salvation. And in corroboration of other evidence that the chief triumphs of the Reforma- tion were due to coercion, he commends to the special attention of his readers the following quotation from a work attributed without question to the famous Protes- tant theologian, Jurieu, who had himself been hindered, as a Protestant, from exercising his professional func- tions in France, and was settled as pastor at Rotterdam. It should be remembered that Jurieu's labors fell in the latter part of the seventeenth century and in the begin- ning of the eighteenth, and that he was the contempo- rary of Bayle, with whom he was in bitter controversial hostility. He wrote, then, at the time when there was warm debate on the question of Toleration ; and it was his great object to vindicate himself and his French fellow-Protestants from all laxity on this point : " Pent-ou nier que le paganisme est tomb6 daus le monde par Fautorit^ des empereurs Romaius ? On peut assurer sans teraeritd que le paganisme seroit eucore debout, et que les trois quarts de I'Europe seroient encore payens si Constantin et ses successeurs u'avaieut employ^ leur autorit^ pour I'abolir. Mais, je vous prie, de quelles voies Dieu s'est-il servi dans ces deruiers siecles pour r6- tablir la veritable religion dans I'Occident? Les rois de Suede, ceux de Danemarck^ ceux W Angleterre^ les magistrats souvet'aina de Suisse, LECKY^S HISTORY, 175 ies Pais Bas, des vill^ libres d'Ailemagne, les princes electeurSj et au- tres princes souverains de I'empiref n'ont-iU pas emploid leur autoritd pour abbattre h Papisme f" Indeed, wherever the tremendous alternative of ever- lasting torments is believed in — believed in so that it becomes a motive determining the life — not only perse- cution, but every other form of severity and gloom are the legitimate consequences. There is much ready dec- lamation in these days against the spirit of asceticism and against the zeal of doctrinal conversion ; but surely the macerated form of a Saint Francis, the fierce denun- ciations of a Saint Dominic, the groans and prayerful wrestlings of the Puritan who seasoned his bread with tears and made all pleasurable sensation sin, are more in keeping with the contemplation of unending anguish as the destiny of a vast multitude whose nature we share, than the rubicund cheerfulness of some modern divines, who profess to unite a smiling liberalism with a well- bred and tacit but unshaken confidence in the reality of the bottomless pit. But in fact, as Mr. Lecky maintains, that awful image, with its group of associated dogmas concerning the inherited curse, and the damnation of un- baptized infants, of heathens, and of heretics, has passed away from what he is fond of calling " the realizations'* of Christendom. These things are no longer the objects of practical belief. They may be mourned for in en- cyclical letters ; bishops may regret them ; doctors of divinity may sign testimonials to the excellent character of these decayed beliefs ; but for the mass of Christians they are no more influential than unrepealed but forgot- ten statutes. And with these dogmas has melted away the strong basis for the defence of persecution. Iso 176 THE INFLUENCE OF RATIONALISM: man now writes eager vindications of himself and Ms colleagues from the suspicion of adhering to the princi- ple of toleration. And this momentous change, it is Mr. Lecky's object to show, is due to that concurrence of conditions which he has chosen to call " the advance of the Spirit of Rationalism." In other parts of his work, where he attempts to trace the action of the same conditions on the acceptance of miracles and on other chief phases of our historical de- velopment, Mr. Lecky has laid himself open to consider- able criticism. The chapters on the Miracles of the Church, the aesthetic, scientific, and moral Development of Rationalism, the Secularization of Politics, and the Industrial History of Rationalism, embrace a wide range of diligently gathered facts ; but they are nowhere illu- minated by a sufficiently clear conception and statement of the agencies at work, or the mode of their action, in the gradual modification of opinion and of life. The writer frequently impresses us as being in a state of hesitation concerning his own standing-point, which may form a desirable stage in private meditation, but not in published exposition. Certain epochs in theo- retic conception, certain considerations, which should be fundamental to his survey, are introduced quite inci- dentally in a sentence or two, or in a note which seems to be an after-thought. Great writers and their ideas are touched upon too slightly and with too little dis- crimination, and important theories are sometimes characterized with a rashness which conscientious revis- ion will correct. There is a fatiguing use of vague or shifting phrases, such as '^ modern civilization," '' spirit of the age," "tone of thought," "intellectual type of lecky's history. 177 the age." " bias of the imagination," '^ habits of religions thought/' unbalanced by any precise definition ; and the spirit of rationalism is sometimes treated of as if it lay outside the specific mental activities of which it is a gen- eralized expression. Mr. Curdle's famous definition of the dramatic unities as "a sort of a general oneness" is not totally false ; but such luminousness as it has could only be perceived by those who already knew what the unities were. Mr. Lecky has the advantage of being strongly impressed wuth the great part played by the emotions in the formation of opinion, and with the high complexity of the causes at work in social evolution ; but he frequently writes as if he had never yet distin- guished between the complexity of the conditions that produce prevalent states of mind, and the inability of particular minds to give distinct reasons for the prefer- ences or persuasions produced by those states. In brief, he does not discriminate, or does not help his reader to discriminate, between objective complexity and subjec- tive confusion. But the most muddle-headed gentle- man who represents the spirit of the age by observing, as he settles his collar, that the development-theory is quite " the thing," is a result of definite processes, if we could only trace them. "Mental attitudes "and " pre- dispositions," however vague in consciousness, have not vague causes, any more than the " blind motions of the spring" in plants and animals. The word "Rationalism" has the misfortune, shared by most words in this gi'ay world, of being somewhat equivocal. This evil may be nearly overcome by care- ful preliminary definition ; but Mr. Lecky does not sup- ply this, and the original specific application of the word 10 8* 178 THE INFLUENCE OF RATIONALISM: LECKy's HISTORY. to a particular phrase of Biblical interpretation seems to have clung about his use of it with a misleading effect. Through some parts of his book he appears to regard the grand characteristic of modern thought and civili- zation, compared with ancient, as a radiation in the first instance from a change in religious conceptions. The supremely important fact, that the gradual reduction of all phenomena within the sphere of established law, which carries as a consequence the rejection of the mi- raculous, has its determining current in the development of physical science, seems to have engaged comparative- ly little of his attention ; at least, he gives it no promi- nence. The great conception of universal regular se- quence, without partiality and without caprice — the con- ception which is the most potent force at work in the modification of our faith, and of the practical form gi'j- en to our sentiments — could only grow out of that pa- tient watching of external fact, and that silencing of preconceived notions, which are urged upon the mind by the problems of physical science. THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE: RIEHL It is an interesting branch of psychological observa- tion to note the images that are habitually associated with abstract or collective terms — what may be called the picture-writing of the mind, which it carries on con- currently with the more subtile symbolism of language. Perhaps the fixity or variety of these associated images would furnish a tolerably fair test of the amount of concrete knowledge and experience which a given word represents, in the minds of two persons who use it with equal familiarity. The word railways, for e^rample, will probably call up, in the mind of a man who is not liighly locomotive, the image either of a " Bradshaw," or of the station with which he is most familiar, or of an indefinite length of tram-road; he will alternate between these tliree images, which represent his stock of concrete acquaintance with railways. But suppose a man to have had successively the experience of a " navvy," an engineer, a traveller, a railway director and shareholder, and a landed proprietor in treaty with a railway company, and it is probable that the range of images which would by turns present themselves to his mind at the mention of the woi'd "railways" would in- clude all the essential facts in the existence and rela- tions of the thing. Now it is possible for the first-men- tioned personage to entertain very expanded views as 180 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE: to the multiplication of railways in the abstract, and their ultitiiate function in civilization, lie may talk of a vast network of railways stretching over the globe, of future "lines" in Madagascar, and elegant refreshment- rooms in the Sandwich Islands, with none the less glib- iiess because his distinct conceptions on the subject do not extend beyond his one station and his indefinite length of tram-road. But it is evident that if we w^ant a railway to be made, or its affairs to be managed, this man of wide views and narrow observation will not serve onr purpose. Probably, if we could ascertain the images called up by the terms " the people," " the masses," " tlie prole- tariat," " the peasantry," by many who theorize on those bodies with eloquence, or who legislate for them with- out eloquence, we should find that they indicate almost as small an amount of concrete knowledge — tlmt they are as far from completely representing the complex facts summed up in the collective term, as the railway imasres of our non-locomotive o^entleman. How little the real characteristics of the working-classes are known to those who are outside them, how little their natural history has been studied, is sufficiently disclosed by our art as well as by our political and social theories. Where, in our picture exhibitions, shall we find a group of true peasantry? What English artist even attempts to rival in truthfulness such studies of popular life as the pict- ures of Teniers or the ragged boys of Murillo ? Even one of the greatest painters of the pre-eminently real- istic school, while, in his picture of " The Hireling Shep- herd," he gave us a landscape of marvellous truthful- ness, placed a pair of peasants in the foreground who RIEHL. 181 were not much more real than the idyllic swains and damsels of our chimney ornaments. Only a total ab- sence of acquaintance and sympathy with our peasantry could give a moment's popularity to such a picture as " Cross Purposes," where we have a peasant girl who looks as if she knew L. E. L.'s poems by heart, and Eng- lish rustics, whose costume seems to indicate that they are meant for ploughmen, with exotic features that re- mind us of a handsome primo tenore. Rather than such Cockney sentimentality as this, as an education for the taste and sympathies, we prefer the most crapulous group of boors that Teniers ever painted. But even those among our painters who aim at giving the rustic type of features, who are far above the effeminate fee- bleness of the " Keepsake " style, treat their subjects under the influence of traditions and prepossessions rather than of direct observation. The notion that peas- ants are joyous, that the typical moment to represent a man in a smock-frock is when he is cracking a joke and showing a row of sound teeth, that cottage matrons are usually buxom, and village children necessarily rosy and merry, are prejudices difficult to dislodge from the ar- tistic mind, which looks for its subjects into literature instead of life. The painter is still under the influence of idyllic literature, which has always expressed the im- agination of the cultivated and townbred, rather than tlie truth of rustic life. Idyllic ploughmen are jocund when they drive their team afield ; idyllic shepherds make bashful love under hawthorn-bushes ; idyllic vil- lagers dance in the chequered shade and refresh them- selves, not immoderately, with spicy nut-brown ale. But lio one who has seen much of actual ploughmen thinks 182 NATURAL HISTOET OF GERMAN LIFE I them jocund ; no one who is well acquainted with the English peasantry can pronounce them merry. The slow gaze, in which no sense of beauty beams, no humor twinkles, the slow utterance, and the heavy, slouching walk, remind one rather of that melancholy animal the camel, than of the sturdy countryman, with striped stockings, red waistcoat, and hat aside, who represents the traditional English peasant. Observe a company of haymakers. When you see them at a distance, tossing up the forkfuls of hay in the golden light, while the wagon creeps slowly wdth its increasing burden over the meadow, and the bright green space which tells of work done gets larger and larger, you pronounce the scene " smiling," and you think these companions in labor must be as bright and cheerful as the picture to which they give animation. Approach nearer, and you will certainly find that haymaking -time is a time for joking, especially if there are women among the labor- ers ; but the coarse laugh that bursts out every now and then, and expresses the triumphant taunt, is as far as possible from your conception of idyllic merriment. That delicious effervescence of the mind which we call fun, has no equivalent for the northern peasant, except tipsy revelry ; the only realm of fancy and imagination for the English clown exists at the bottom of the third quart-pot. The conventional countr3^man of the stage, who picks up pocket-books and never looks into them, and who is too simple even to know that honesty has its opposite, represents the still lingering mistake that an unintel- ligible dialect is a guarantee for ingenuousness, and that slouching shoulders indicate an upright disposition. It RIEHL. 183 is quite true that a thresher is likely to be innocent of any adroit arithmetical cheating, but he is not the less likely to carry home his master's corn in his shoes and pocket ; a reaper is not given to writing begging-let- ters, but he is quite capable of cajoling the dairymaid into filling his small-beer bottle with ale. The selfish instincts are not subdued by the sight of buttercups, nor is integrity in the least established by that classic rural occupation, sheep- washing. To make men moral, something more is requisite than to turn them out to grass. Opera peasants, whose unreality excites Mr. Ruskin's indignation, are surely too frank an idealization to be misleading ; and since popular chorus is one of the most effective elements of the opera, we can hardly object to lyric rustics in elegant laced bodices and picturesque motley, unless we are prepared to advocate a chorus of colliers in their pit costume, or a ballet of charwomen and stocking-weavers. But our social novels profess to represent the people as they are, and the unreality of their representations is a grave evil. The greatest bene- fit we owe to the artist, whether painter, poet, or novel- ist, is the extension of our sympathies. Appeals founded on generalizations and statistics require a s^^mpathy ready-made, a moral sentiment already in activity ; but a picture of human life such as a great artist can give, surprises even the trivial and the selfish into that atten- tion to w^hat is apart from themselves, which may be called the raw material of moral sentiment. When Scott takes us into Luckie Mucklebackit's cottage, or tells the story of " The Two Drovers," when Wordsworth sings to us the revery of " Poor Susan," when Kingsley 184 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE! shows US Alton Locke gazing yearningly over the gate which leads from the highway into the first wood he ever saw, when Hornnng paints a group of chimney- sweepers — more is done towards linking the higher classes with the lower, towards obliterating the vulgar- ity of exclusiveness, than by hundreds of sermons and philosophical dissertations. Art is the nearest thing to life; it is a mode of amplifying experience and extend- ing our contact with our fellow-men beyond the bounds of our personal lot. All the more sacred is the task of the artist when he undertakes to paint the life of the People. Falsification here is far more pernicious than in the more artificial aspects of life. It is not so very serious that we should have false ideas about evanescent fashions — about the manners and conversation of beaux and duchesses; but it is serious that our sympathy with the perennial joys and struggles, the toil, the tragedy, and the humor in the life of our more heavily laden fellow-men, should be perverted, and turned towards a false object instead of the true one. This perversion is not the less fatal because the mis- representation which gives rise to it has what the artist considers a moral end. The thing for mankind to know is, not what are the motives and infinences which the moralist thinks oright to act on the laborer or the artisan, but what are the motives and influences which do act on him. We want to be taught to feel, not for the heroic artisan or the sentimental peasant, but for the peasant in all his coarse apathy, and the artisan in all his suspicious selfishness. We have one great novelist who is gifted with the Utnjost power of rendering the external traits of our RIEHL. 185 town population ; and if he could give us their psycho- logical character — their conceptions of life, and their emotions — with the same truth as their idiom and man- ners, his books w^ould be the greatest contribution art has ever made to the awakening of social sympathies. But while he can copy Mrs. Plornish's colloquial style with the delicate accuracy of a sun-picture, while there is the same startling inspiration in his description of the gestures and phrases of " Boots," as in the speeches of Shakespeare's mobs or numskulls, he scarcely ever passes from the humorous and external to the emotional and tragic, without becoming as transcendent in his un- reality as he was a moment before in his artistic truth- fulness. But for the precious salt of his humor, which compels him to reproduce external traits that serve, in some degree, as a corrective to his frequently false psy- chology, his preternaturally virtuous poor children and artisans, his melodramatic boatmen and courtesans, would be as noxious as Eugene Sue's idealized proletaires in encouraging the miserable fallacy that high morality and refined sentiment can grow out of harsh social re- lations, ignorance, and want ; or that the working-classes are in a condition to enter at once into a millennial state of altruism^ wherein every one is caring for every one else, and no one for himself. If we need a true conception of the popular character to guide our sympathies rightly, we need it equally to check our theories, and direct us in their application. The tendency created by the splendid conquests of mod- ern generalization, to believe that all social questions are merged in economical science, and tha^ the relations of men to their neighbors may be settled bv algebraic 186 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE! equations, the dream that the nhe«lt'ured classes are prepared for a condition which appeals principally to their moral sensibilities ; the aristocratic dilettanteism which attempts to restore the " good old times " by a sort of idyllic masquerading, and to grow feudal fidelity and veneration as we grow prize turnips, by an artificial system of culture, none of these . diverging mistakes can coexist with a real knowledge of the people, with a thorough study of their habits, their ideas, their motives. The landholder, the clergyman, the mill-owner, the min- ing-agent, have each an opportunity for making precious observations on different sections of the working-classes ; but unfortunately their experience is too often not reg- istered at all, or its results are too scattered to be avail- able as a source of information and stimulus to the pub- lic mind generally. If any man of sufficient moral and intellectual breadth, whose observations would not be vitiated by a foregone conclusion, or by a professional point of view, would devote himself to studying the natural history of our social classes, especially of the small shopkeepers, artisans, and peasantry, the degree in which they are infiuenced by local conditions, their maxims and habits, the points of view from which they regard their religious teachers, and the degree in which they are influenced by religious doctrines, the interac- tion of the various classes on each other, and what are the tendencies in their position towards disintegration or towards development ; and if, after all this study, he would give us the result of his observations in a book well nourished with specific facts, his work would be a valuable aid to the social and political reformer. What we are desiring for ourselves has been in some EIEHL. 187 degree done for the Germans by Eielil, the author of the very remarkable books the titles of which are placed at the bottom of this page ;* and we wish to make these books known to our readers, not only for the sake of the interesting matter they contain and the important re- flections the}^ suggest, but also as a model for some fut- ure or actual student of our own people. By way of introducing Kiehl to those who are unacquainted with his writings, we will give a rapid sketch from his pict- ure of the German Peasantry, and perhaps this indica- tion of the mode in which he treats a particular branch of his subject may prepare them to follow us with more interest when we enter on the general purpose and con- tents of his works. In England, at present, when we speak of the peasant- ry, we mean scarcely more than the class of farm-ser- vants and farm-laborers ; and it is only in the most primitive districts — as in Wales, for example — that farm- ers are included under the term. In order to appre- ciate what Riehl says of the German peasantry, we must remember what the tenant-farmers and small proprietors were in England half a century ago, when the master helped to milk his own cows, and the daughters got up at one o'clock in the morning to brew ; when the family dined in the kitchen with the servants, and sat with them round the kitchen fire in the evening. In those days, the quarried parlor was innocent of a carpet, and its only specimens of art were a framed sampler and the best tea-board ; the daughters even of substantial farm- * '• Die Burgerliche Gesellschaft," von W. H. Riehl. Dritte Au- flage, 1855. ''Land und Leute," vou W. H. Riehl. Dritte Auflage, 1856. 188 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE: ers liad often no greater accomplishment in writing and spelling than they could procure at a dame-school ; and, instead of carrying on sentimental correspondence, they were spinning their future table-linen, and looking after every saving in butter and eggs that might enable them to add to the little stock of plate and china which they were laying in against their marriage. In our own day, setting aside the superior order of farmers, whose style of living and mental culture are often equal to that of the professional class in provincial towns, we can hardly enter the least imposing farm-house without find- ing a bad piano in the " drawing-room," and some old annuals, disposed with a symmetrical imitation of negli- gence, on the table ; though the daughters may still drop their A's, their vowels are studiously narrow ; and it is only in very primitive regions that they will con- sent to sit in a covered vehicle without springs, which was once thought an advance in luxury on the pillion. The condition of the tenant-farmers and small pro- prietors in Germany is, w^e imagine, about on a par — not, certainly, in material prosperity, but in mental culture and habits — with that of the old English farmers who were beginning to be thought old-fashioned nearly fifty years ago ; and if we add to these the farm servants and laborers, we shall have a class approximating in its char- acteristics to the Bauernthuin^ or peasantry, described by Eiehl. In Germany, perhaps more than in any other country, it is among the peasantry that we must look for the his- torical type of the Y\^i\ox\2^. physique. In the towns this type has become so modified to express the personality of the individual, that even "family likeness" is often but EIEHL. 189 faintly marked. But the peasants may still be distin- guished into groups by their physical peculiarities. In one part of the country we find a longer-legged, in another a broader-shouldered race, which has inherited these peculiarities for centuries. For example, in cer- tain districts of Hesse are seen long faces, with high foreheads, long, straight noses, and small eyes with arched eyebrows and large eyelids. On comparing these phys- iognomies with the sculptures in the church of St. Elizabeth, at Marburg, executed in the thirteenth cen- tury, it will be found that the same old Hessian type of face has subsisted unchanged, with this distinction only, that the sculptures represent princes and nobles, whose features then bore the stamp of their race, while that stamp is now to be found only among the peasants. A painter who wants to draw mediaeval characters with historic truth must seek his models among the peasant- ry. This explains why the old German painters gave the heads of their subjects a greater uniformity of type than the painters of our day ; the race had not attained to a high degree of individualization in features and ex- pression. It indicates, too, that the cultured man acts more as an individual ; the peasant, more as one of a group. Hans drives the plough, lives, and thinks just as Kunz does; and it is this fact, that many thousands of men are as like each other in thoughts and habits as so many sheep or oysters, which constitutes the weight of the peasantry in the social and political scale. In the cultivated world each individual has his style of speaking and writing. But among the peasantry it is the race, tlie district, the province, that has its styde — namely, its dialect, its phraseology, its proverbs, and 190 NATUKAL HISTORY OF GEEMAN LIFE : its songs, which belong alike to the entire body of the people. This provincial style of the peasant is again, like \\m pJiysique, a remnant of history to which he clings with the utmost tenacity. In certain parts of Hungary there are still descendants of German colonists of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, who go about the coun- try as reapers, retaining their old Saxon songs and man- ners, while the more cultivated German emigrants in a very short time forget their own language, and speak Hungarian. Another remarkable case of the same kind is that of the Wends, a Sclavonic race settled in Lusa- tia, whose numbers amount to 200,000, living either scattered among the German population or in separate parishes. They have their own schools and churches, and are taught in the Sclavonic tongue. The Catholics among them are rigid adherents of the Pope ; the Prot- estants not less rigid adherents of Luther, or Doctor Luther, as they are particular in calling him — a custom which, a hundred years ago, was universal in Protestant Germany. The Wend clings tenaciously to the usages of his Church, and perhaps this may contribute not a little to the purity in which he maintains the specific characteristics of his race. German education, German law and government, service in the standing army, and many other agencies, are in antagonism to his natural exclusiveness ; but the loives and tnothers here, as else- where, are a conservative influence, and the habits tem- porarily laid aside in the outer world are recovered by the fireside. The Wends form several stout regiments in the Saxon army ; they are sought far and wide as diligent and honest servants ; and many a weakly Dres- den or Leipzig child becomes thriving under the care of RIEHL. 191 a Wundlsh nurse. In their villages they have the i.li^ and habits of genuine, sturdy peasants, and all their cus- toms indicate that they have been, from the first, an agricultural people. For example, they have traditional modes of treating their domestic animals. Each cow has its own name, generally chosen carefully, so as to express the special qualities of the animal ; and all im- portant family events are narrated to the hees — a custom which is found also in Westphalia. Whether by the help of the bees or not, the Wend farming is especially prosperous; and when a poor Bohemian peasant has a son born to him, he binds him to the end of a long pole and turns his face towards Lusatia, that he may be as lucky as the Wends who live there. The peculiarity of the peasant's language consists chiefly in his retention of historical peculiarities, which gradually disappear under the friction of cultivated cir- cles. He prefers any proper name that may be given to a day in the calendar rather than the abstract date, by which he very rarely reckons. In the baptismal names of his children he is guided by the old custom of the country, not at all by whim and fancy. Many old baptismal names, formerly common in Germany, would have become extinct but for their pi'eservation among the peasantry, especially in North Germany ; and so ' firmly have they adhered to local tradition in this raat- I ter that it would be possible to give a sort of topo- I graphical statistics of proper names, and distinguish a j district by its rustic names as we do by its flora and fauna. The continuous inheritance of certain favorite proper names in a family, in some districts, forces the peasant to adopt the princely custom of attaching a 192 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE". numeral to the name, and saying, when three genera- tions are living at once, Hans I., II., and III. ; or, in the more antique fashion, Hans the elder, the middle, and the younger. In some of our English counties there is a similar adherence to a narrow range of proper names ; and as a mode of distinguishing collateral branches in the same family, you will hear of Jonathan's Bess, Thomas's Bess, and Samuel's Bess — the three Bossies being cousins. The peasant's adherence to the traditional has much greater inconvenience than that entailed by a paucity of proper names. In the Black Forest and in Hutten- berg you will see him in the dog-days wearing a thick fur cap, because it is an historical fur cap — a cap worn by his grandfather. In the Wetterau, that peasant girl is considered the handsomest who wears the most petti- coats. To go to field-labor in seven petticoats can be anything but convenient or agreeable, but it is the tra- ditionally correct thing ; and a German peasant girl would think herself as unfavorably conspicuous in an untraditional costume as an English servant girl would now think herself in a "linsey-woolsey" apron or a thick muslin cap. In many districts no medical advice would induce the rustic to renounce the tight leather belt with which he injures his digestive functions ; you could more easily persuade him to smile on a new com- munal system than on the unhistorical invention of braces. In the eighteenth century, in spite of the phil- atithropic preachers of potatoes, the peasant for years threw his potatoes to the pigs and the dogs, before he could be persuaded to put them on his own table. However, the unwillingness of the peasant to adopt in- RIEHL. 193 Dovations has a not unreasonable foundation in the fact that for him experiments are practical, not theoretical, and must be made with expense of money instead of brains — a fact that is not, perhaps, sufficiently taken into account by agricultural theorists, who complain of the farmer's obstinacy. The peasant has the smallest possible faith in theoretic knowledge ; he thinks it rath- er dangerous than otherwise, as is well indicated by a Lower Rhenish proverb : *' One is never too old to learn, said an old woman ; so she learned to be a witch." Between many villages an historical feud — once, per- haps, the occasion of much bloodshed — is still kept up under the milder form of an occasional round of cud- gelling, and the launching of traditional nicknames. An historical feud of this kind still exists, for example, among many villages on the Rhine and more inland places in the neighborhood. Rheinschnacke (of which the equivalent is, perhaps, "water-snake") is the stand- ing term of ignominy for the inhabitant of the Rhine village, who repays it in kind by the epithet ^'''karsV (mattock) or " kiikuh " (cuckoo), according as the ob- ject of his hereditary hatred belongs to the field or the forest. If any Romeo among the " mattocks " were to marry a Juliet among the " water-snakes," there would be no lack of Tybalts and Mercutios to carry the con- flict from words to blows, though neither side knows a reason for the enmity. A droll instance of peasant conservatism is told of a village on the Taunus, whose inhabitants from time im- memorial had been famous for impromptu cudgelling. For this historical offence the magistrates of the district had always inflicted the equally historical punishment 9 194 NATURAL HISTOKY OF GEliMAN LIFE". of shutting up the most incorrigible offenders, not in prison, but in their own pig-sty. In recent times, how- ever, the government, wishing to correct the rudeness of these peasants, appointed an " enlightened " man as magistrate, who at once abolished the original penalty above mentioned. But this relaxation of punishment was so far from being welcome to the villagers that they presented a petition praying that a more energetic man might be given them as a magistrate, who would have the courage to punish according to law and jus- tice, "as had been beforetime." And the magistrate who abolished incarceration in the pig-sty could never obtain the respect of the neighborhood. This hap- pened no longer ago than the beginning of the present century. But it must not be supposed that the historical piety of the German peasant extends to anything not imme- diately connected with himself. He has the warmest piety towards the old tumble-down house which his grandfather built, and which nothing will induce him to improve ; but towards the venerable ruins of the old castle that overlooks his village he has no piety at all, and carries off its stones to make a fence for his garden, or tears down the Gothic carving of the old monastic church, which is " nothing to him," to mark off a foot- path through his field. It is the same with historical traditions. The peasant has them fresh in his memory, so far as they relate to himself. In districts where the peasantry are unadulterated, you discern the remnants of the feudal relations in innumerable customs and phrases, but you will ask in vain for historical tra- ditions concerning the empire, or even concerning the RIEHL. 195 particular princely house to which the peasant is subject He can tell you what " half people and whole people " mean ; in Hesse you will still hear of "four horses mak- ing a whole peasant," or of " four-day and three-day peasants :" but you will ask in vain about Charlemagne and Frederic Barbarossa. Riehl well observes that the feudal system, which made the peasant the bondman of his lord, was an im- mense benefit in a country the greater part of which had still to be colonized — rescued the peasant from vag- abondage, and laid the foundation of persistency and endurance in future generations. H a free German peasantry belongs only to modern times, it is to his an- cestor, who was a serf, and even, in the earliest times, a slave, that the peasant owes the foundation of his inde- pendence ; namely, his capability of a settled existence — nay, his unreasoning persistency, which has its impor- tant function in the development of the race. Perhaps the very worst result of that unreasoning persistency is the peasant's inveterate habit of litigation. Every one remembers the immortal description of Dan- die Dinmont's importunate application to Lawyer Pley- dell to manage his " bit lawsuit," till at length Pleydell consents to help him ruin himself, on the ground that Dandie may fall into worse hands. It seems this is a scene which has many parallels in Germany. The farmer's lawsuit is his point of honor ; and he will car- ry it through, though he knows from the very first day that he shall get nothing by it. The litigious peasant piques himself, like Mr. Saddletree, on his knowledge of the law, and this vanity is the chief impulse to many a lawsuit. To the mind of the peasant, law presents 196 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE '. itself as the " custom of the country," and it is his pride to be versed in all customs. Custom with him holds the place of sentiment^ of theory, and, in many cases, of affection. Kiehl justly urges the importance of simpli- fying law proceedings, so as to cut off this vanity at its source, and also of encouraging, by every possible means, the practice of arbitration. The peasant never begins his lawsuit in summer, for the same reason that he does not make love and marry in summer — because he has no time for that sort of thing. x\ny thing is easier to him than to move out of his habitual course, and he is attached even to his pri- vations. Some years ago, a peasant youth, out of the poorest and remotest region of the Westerwald, was en- listed as a recruit, at Wielburg in IS"assau. The lad having never in his life slept in a bed, w4ien he had to get into one for the first time began to cry like a child ; and he deserted twice because he could not reconcile himself to sleeping in a bed, and to the " fine " life of the barracks ; he was homesick at the thought of his accustomed poverty and his thatched hut. A strong contrast this with the feeling of the poor in towns, who would be far enouo:h from desertinoj because their con- dition was too much improved ! The genuine peasant is never ashamed of his rank and calling ; he is rather inclined to look down on every one who does not wear a smock-frock, and thinks a man who has the manners of the gentry is likely to be rather windy and unsub- stantial. In some places, even in French districts, this feeling is strongly symbolized by the practice of the peasantry, on certain festival days, to dress the images of the saints in peasant's clothing. History tells us of RIEHL. 197 all kinds of peasant insurrections, the object of which was to obtain relief for the peasants from some of their many oppressions ; but of an effort on their part to step out of their hereditary rank and calling, to become gentry, to leave the plough and carry on the easier bus- iness of capitalists or government functionaries, there is no example. The German novelists who undertake to give pictures of peasant life fall into the same mistake as our Eng- lish novelists; they transfer their own feelings to ploughmen and woodcutters, and give them both joys and sorrows of which they know nothing. The peasant never questions the obligations of family ties — he ques- tions no custom — but tender affection, as it exists among the refined part of mankind, is almost as foreign to him as white hands and filbert-shaped nails. That the aged father who has given up his property to his children on condition of their maintaining him for the remainder of his life is very far from meeting with delicate atten- tions, is indicated by the proverb current among the peasantry — " Don't take your clothes off before you go to bed." * Among rustic moral tales and parables, not one is more universal than the story of the ungrateful children, who made their gray-headed father, dependent on them for a maintenance, eat at a wooden trough be- cause he shook the food out of his trembling hands. Then these same ungrateful children observed one day that their own little boy was making a tiny wooden trough ; and when they asked him what it was for, he answered, that his father and mother might eat out of it when he was a man and had to keep tliem. * This proverb is common amoug the English farmers also. 198 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE: Marriage is a very prudential affair, especially among the peasants who have the largest share of property. Politic marriages are as common among them as among princes; and when a peasant-heiress in Westplialia mar- ries, her husband adopts her name, and places his own after it with the prefix gehorner {7ie). The girls marry young, and the rapidity with which they get old and ngly is one among the many proofs that the early years of marriage are fuller of hardships than of conjugal tenderness. " When our writers of village stories," says Kiehl, " transferred their own emotional life to the peas- ant, tliey obliterated what is precisely his most pre- dominant characteristic ; namely, that with him general custom holds the place of individual feeling." We pay for greater emotional susceptibility too often by nervous diseases of which the peasant knows noth- ing. To him headache is the least of physical evils, because he thinks head-work the easiest and least indis- pensable of all labor. Happily, many of the younger sons in peasant families, by going to seek their living in the towns, carry their hardy nervous system to amal- gamate with the over-wrought nerves of our town pop- ulation, and refresh them with a little rude vigor. And a return to the habits of peasant life is the best remedy for many moral as well as physical diseases induced by perverted civilization. Kiehl points to colonization as presenting the true field for this regenerative process. On the other side of the ocean a man will have the cour- age to begin life again as a peasant, while at home, per- haps, opportunity as well as courage will fail him. A propos of this subject of emigration, he remarks the striking fact that the native shrewdness and mother-wit RIEHL. 199 of the German peasant seem to forsake him entirely when he has to apply them under new circumstances, and on relations foreign to his experience. Hence it is that the German peasant who emigrates so constantly falls a victim to unprincipled adventurers in the pre- liminaries to emigration ; but if once he gets his foot on the American soil, he exhibits all the first-rate quali- ties of an agricultural colonist ; and among all German emigrants the peasant class are the most successful. But many disintegrating forces have been at work on the peasant character, and degeneration is unhappily go- ing on at a greater pace than development. In the wine districts, especially, the inability of the small proprietors to bear up under the vicissitudes of the market, or to insure a high quality of wine by running the risks of a late vintage, and the competition of beer and cider with the inferior wines, have tended to produce that uncer- tainty of gain which, with the peasant, is the inevitable cause of demoralization. The small peasant proprietors are not a new class in Germany, but many of the evils of their position are new. They are more dependent on ready money than formerly ; thus, where a peasant used to get his wood for building and firing from the common forest, he has now to pay for it with hai;d cash ; he used to thatch his own house, with the help, perhaps, of a neighbor, but now he pays a man to do it for him ; he used to pay taxes in kind, he now pays them in money. The chances of the market have to be dis- counted, and the peasant falls into the hands of money- lenders. Here is one of the cases in which social policy clashes with a purely economical policy. Political vicissitudes have added their influence to 200 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMA.N LIFE: that of economical changes in disturbing that dim in- stinct, that reverence for traditional custom, which is the peasant's principle of action. He is in the midst of novelties for which he knows no reason — changes in political geography, changes of the government to which he owes fealty, changes in bureaucratic management and police regulations. He finds himself in a new element before an apparatus for breathing in it is developed in him. His only knowledge of modern history is in some of its results — for instance, that he has to pay heavier taxes from year to year. His chief idea of a govern- ment is of a power that raises his taxes, opposes his harmless customs, and torments him with new formali- ties. The source of all this is the false system of " en- lightening" the peasant, which has been adopted by the bureaucratic governments. A system which disregards the traditions and hereditary attachments of the peasant, and appeals only to a logical understanding which is not yet developed in him, is simply disintegrating and ruin- ous to the peasant character. The interference with the communal regulations has been of this fatal character. Instead of endeavoring to promote to the utmost the healthy life of the commune, as an organism the conditions of which are bound up with the historical characteristics of the peasant, the bureaucratic plan of government is bent on improvement by its patent machinery of state- appointed functionaries, and off-hand regulations in ac- cordance with modern enlightenment. The spirit of com- munal exclusiveness — the resistance to the indiscriminate establisliment of strangers — is an intense traditional feeling in the peasant. "This gallows is for us and our children," is the typical motto of this spirit. But such BIEHL* 201 ^delusiveness is highly irrational and repugnant to liberalism ; therefore a bureaucratic government at once opposes it, and encourages to the utmost the introduc- tion of new inhabitants in the provincial communes. Instead of allowing the peasants to manage their own affairs, and, if they happen to believe that five and four make eleven, to unlearn the prejudice by their own ex- perience in calculation, so that they may gradually un- derstand processes, and not merel}^ see results, bureau- cracy comes with its "Ready Reckoner" and works all thef peasant's sums for him — the surest way of maintain- ing him in his stupidity, however it may shake his prejudice. Another questionable plan for elevating the peasant is the supposed elevation of the clerical character, by Dreventing the clergyman from cultivating more than a trifling part of the land attached to his benefice — that he may be as much as possible of a scientific theologian, and as little as possible of a peasant. In this, Riehl ob- serves, lies one great source of weakness to the Protes- tant Church as compared with the Catholic, which finds the great majority of its priests among the lower orders; and we have had the opportunity of making an analo- gous comparison in England, where many of us can re- member country districts in which the great mass of the people were Christianized by illiterate Methodist and Independent ministers ; while the influence of the parish clergyman among the poor did not extend much beyond a few old w^omen in scarlet cloaks, and a few^ exceptional church-going laborers. Bearing in mind the general characteristics of the German peasant, it is easy to understand his relation to 11 9* 202 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE: the revolutionary ideas and revolntionarj movements of modern times. Tlie peasant in Germany, as else- where, is a born grumbler. He has always plenty of grievances in his pocket, but he does not generalize those grievances; he does not complain of "govern- ment" or "society," probably because he has good rea- son to complain of the burgomaster. When a few sparks from the first Frencli Revolution fell among the German peasantry, and in certain villages of Saxony the country people assembled together to write down their demands, there was no glimpse in their petition of the " univer- sal rights of man," but simply of their own particular affairs as Saxon peasants. Again, after the July revolu- tion of 1830, there were many insignificant peasant in- surrections ; but the object of almost all was the removal of local grievances. Toll-houses were pulled down ; stamped paper was destroyed ; in some places there was a persecution of wild boars, in others of that plentiful tame animal, the German Rath, or councillor who is never called into council. But in 1848 it seemed as if the movements of the peasants had taken a new char- acter ; in the small western states of Germany it seemed as if the whole class of peasantry was in insurrection. But, in fact, the peasant did not know the meaning of the part he was playing. He had heard that everything was being set right in the towns, and that wonderful things were happening there, so he tied up his bundle and set off. Without any distinct object or resolution, the 3ountry people presented themselves on the scene of commotion, and were warmly received by the party leaders. But, seen from the windows of ducal palaces and ministerial hotels, these swarms of peasants had EIEHL. 203 ^juite another aspect, and it was imagined that they had a common plan of co-operation. This, however, the peasants have never had. Systematic co-operation im- plies general conceptions, and a provisional subordina- tion of egoism, to which even the artisans of towns ha^'e rarely shown themselves equal, and which are as foreign to the mind of the peasant as logarithms or the doctrine of chemical proportions. And the revolutionary fervor of the peasant was soon cooled. The old mistrust of the towns was reawakened on the spot. The Tyrolese peasants saw no great good in the freedom of the press and the constitution, because these changes " seemed to please the gentry so much." Peasants who had given their voices stormily for a German parliament asked afterwards, with a doubtful look, whether it were to con- sist of infantry or cavalry. When roj^al domains were declared the property of the state, the peasants in some small principalities rejoiced over this, because they in- terpreted it to mean that every one would have his share in them, after the manner of the old common and forest rights. The very practical views of the peasants, with regard to the demands of the people, were in amusing contrast with the abstract theorizing of the educated townsmen. The peasant continually withheld all state payments un- til he saw how matters would turn out, and was dis- posed to reckon up the solid benefit, in the form of land or money, that might come to him from the changes obtained. While the townsman was heating his brains about representation on the broadest basis, the peasant asked if the relation between tenant and landlord would continue as before, and whether the removal of the 204 NATURAL HISTOKY OF GERMAN LIFE : "feudal obligations" meant that the farmer should be- come owner of the land « It is in the same naive way tliat Communism is in- terpreted by the German peasantry. The wide spread among them of communistic doctrines, the eagerness with which they listened to a plan for the partition of property, seemed to countenance the notion that it was a delusion to suppose the peasant would be secured from this intoxication by his love of secure possession and peaceful earnings. But, in fact, ^,he peasant contem- plated " partition " by the light of an historical reminis- cence rather than of novel theory. Ths golden age, in the imagination of the peasant, was the time when every member of the commune had a right to as much wood from the forest as would enable him to sell some, after using what he wanted in firing, in which the communal possessions were so profitable that, instead of his having to pay rates at the end of the year, each member of the commune was something in pocket. Hence, the peas- ants in general understood by '* partition " that the state lands, especially the forests, would be divided among the communes, and that, by some political leger- demain or other, everybody would have free firewood, free grazing for his cattle, and, over and above that, a piece of gold without working for it. That he should give up a single clod of his own to further the general '' partition " had never entered the mind of the peasant communist : and the perception that this was an essen- tial preliminary to " partition " was often a sufficient cure for his Communism. In villages lying in the neighborhood of large towns, however, where the circumstances of the peasantry are EIEHL. 205 very different, quite another interpretation of Commu- nism is prevalent. Here the peasant is generally sunk to the position of the proletaire, living from hand to mouth : he has nothing to lose, but everything to gain by " par- tition." The coarse nature of the peasant has here been corrupted into bestiality by the disturbance of his instincts, while he is as yet incapable of principles ; and in this type of the degenerate peasant is seen the worst example of ignorance intoxicated by theory. A significant hint as to the interpretation the peas- ants put on revolutionary theories may be drawn from the way they employed the few weeks in which their movements were unchecked. They felled the forest trees and shot the game ; they withheld taxes ; they shook off the imaginary or real burdens imposed on them by their mediatized princes, by presenting their "demands" in a very rough way before the ducal or princely " Schloss ;" they set their faces against the bureaucratic management of the communes, deposed the government functionaries who had been placed over them as burgomasters and magistrates, and abol- ished the whole bureaucratic system of procedure, sim- ply by taking no notice of its regulations, and recurring to some tradition — some old order or disorder of things. In all this it is clear that they were animated not in the least by the spirit of modern revolution, but by a purely narrow and personal impulse towards reaction. The idea of constitutional government lies quite be- yond the range of the German peasant's conceptions. His only notion of representation is that of a represen- tation of ranks — of classes; his only notion of a deputy is of one who takes care, not of the national welfare, but 20G NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE *. of the interests of his own order. Herein lay the great mistake of the democratic party, in couimou with the bureaucratic governments, that they entirely omitted the peculiar character of the peasant from their politi- cal calculations. They talked of the " people," and for- got that the peasants were included in the term. Only a baseless misconception of the peasant's character could induce the supposition that he would feel the slightest enthusiasm about the principles involved in the recon- stitution of the Empire, or even about that reconstitu- tion itself. He has no zeal for a written law, as such, but only so far as it takes the form of living law — a tradition. It w^as the external authority which the revolutionary party had won in Baden that attracted the peasants into a participation in the struggle. Such, Riehl tells us, are the general characteristics of the German peasantry — characteristics which subsist amid a wide variety of circumstances. In Mecklen- burg, Pomerania, and Brandenburg, the peasant lives on extensive estates ; in Westphalia he lives in large iso- lated homesteads ; in the Westerwald and in Sauer- land, in little groups of villages and hamlets ; on the Rhine, land is for the most part parcelled out among small proprietors, who live together in large villages. Then, of course, the diversified physical geography of Germany gives rise to equally diversified methods of land-culture ; and out of tliese various circumstances grow numerous specific differences in manner and character. But the generic character of the German peasant is everywhere the same : in the clean mountain- hamlet and in the dirty fishing-village on the coast; in the plains of North Germany and in the backwoods of RIEHL. 207 America. "Everywhere he has the same historicai character — everywhere custom is his supreme law. Where reh'gion and patriotism are still a na'ive instinct — are still a sacred custom — there begins the class of the German Peasantry." Our readers will perhaps already have gathered from the foregoing portrait of the German peasant that Kiehl is not a man who looks at objects through the spectacles either of the doctrinaire or the dreamer ; and they will be ready to believe what he tells us in his Preface — namely, that years ago he began his wander- ings over the hills and plains of Germany for the sake of obtaining, in immediate intercourse with the people, that completion of his historical, political, and economi- cal studies which he was unable to find in books. He began his investigations with no party prepossessions, and his present views were evolved entirely from his own gradually amassed observations. He was, first of all, a pedestrian, and only in the second place a political author. The views at which he has arrived by this in- ductive process, he sums up in the term — social-jjoliti- cal-conservatism ; but his conservatism is, we conceive, of a thoroughly philosophical kind. He sees in Euro- pean society incarnate history^ and any attempt to dis- engage it from its historical elements must, he believes, be simply destructive of social vitality.* What has grown up historically can only die out historically, by * Throughout this article, in our statement of Eiehl's oi^inions, we must be understood not as quoting Riehl, but as interpreting and illustratinar him. 208 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE: the gradual operation of necessary laws. The external conditions which society has inherited from the past are but the manifestation of inherited conditions in the hu- man beings who compose it ; the internal conditions and the external are related to each other as the organ- ism and its medium, and development can take place only by tlie gradual consentaneous development of both. Take the familiar example of attempts to abolish titles, which liave been about as effective as the process of cutting off poppy-heads in a corn-field. ^^ Jedem Men- 8Ghen^^ says Riehl, " ist sein Zopf angeboren^ warum soil denn der sociale Sprachgehrauch nicht audi seinen Zopf habe7if — wliich we may render, "As long as snob- bism runs in the blood, why should it not run in our speech?" As a necessary preliminary to a purely rational society, you must obtain purely rational men, free from the sweet and bitter prejudices of hereditary affection and antipathy ; which is as easy as to get run- ning streams witliout springs, or the leafy shade of the forest without the secular growth of trunk and branch. The historical conditions of society may be compared with those of language. It must be admitted that the language of cultivated nations is in anything but a rational state; the great sections of the civilized world are only approximatively intelligible to each other, and even that only at the cost of long study ; one word stands for many things, and many words for one thing; the subtile shades of meaning, and still subtiler echoes of association, make language an instrument which scarcely anything short of genius can wield with definiteness and certainty. Suppose, then, that the effort which has been again and again made to construct a universal EIEHL. 209 language on a rational basis has at length succeeded, and that you have a language which has no uncertainty, no whims of idiom, no cumbrous forms, no fitful shim- mer of manj-hned significance, no hoary archaisms " familiar with forgotten years" — a patent deodorized and non-resonant language, which effects the purpose of communication as perfectly and rapidly as algebraic signs. Your language may be a perfect medium of expression to science, but will never express life^ which is a great deal more than science. With the anomalies and* inconveniences of historical language, you will have parted with its music and its passion, with its vital qualities as an expression of individual character, with its subtle capabilities of wit, with everything that gives it power over the imagination ; and the next step in simplification will be the invention of a talking watch, which will achieve the utmost facility and despatch in the communication of ideas by a graduated adjustment of ticks, to be represented in writing by a correspond- ing arrangement of dots. A melancholy " language of the future !" The sensory and motor nerves that run in the same sheath are scarcely bound together by a more necessary and delicate union than that which binds men's affections, imagination, wit, and humor, with the subtile ramifications of historical language. Language must be left to grow in precision, complete- ness, and unity, as minds grow in clearness, comprehen- siveness, and sympathy. And there is an analogous re- lation between the moral tendencies of men and the social conditions they have inherited. The nature of European men has its roots intertwined with the past, and can only be developed by allowing those roots to 11* 210 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE : remain undisturbed while the process of development is going on, until that perfect ripeness of the seed which carries with it a life independent of the root. This vital connection with the past is much more vividly felt on the Continent than in England, where we have to recall it by an effort of memory and reflec- tion ; for though our English life is in its core intensely traditional. Protestantism and commerce have modern- ized the face of the land and the aspects of society in a far greater degree than in any Continental country : "Abroad," says Ruskin, "a building of the eighth or tenth cen- tury stands ruinous in the open street ; the children play around it, the peasants heap their corn in it, the buildings of yesterday nestle about it, and fit their new stones in its rents, and tremble in sympathy as it trembles. No one wonders at it, or thinks of it as separate, and of another time ; we feel the ancient world to be a real thing, and one with the new ; antiquity is no dream ; it is rather the children playing about the old stones that are the dream. But all is continuous, and the words, ' from generation to genera- tion,' understandable here." This conception of European society as incarnate his- tory is the fundamental idea of Riehl's books. After the notable failure of revolutionary attempts conducted from the point of view of abstract democratic and socialistic theories, after the practical demonstration of the evils resulting from a bureaucratic system which governs by an undiscriminating, dead mechanism, Riehl wishes to urge on the consideration of his countrymen a social policy founded on the special study of the peo- ple as they are — on the natural history of the various social ranks. He thinks it wise to pause a little from theorizing, and see what is the material actually present for theory to work upon. It is the glory of the Social- EIEHL. 211 ists — in contrast with the democratic doctrinaires^ who have been too much occupied with the general idea of " the people " to inquire particularly into the actual life of the people — that they have thrown themselves with enthusiastic zeal into the study at least of one social group — namely, the factory operatives ; and here lies the secret of their partial success. But, unfortunately, they have made this special study of a single fragment of society the basis of a theory which quietly substitutes for the small group of Parisian proletaires or English facfory-workers, the society of all Europe — nay, of the whole world. And in this way they have lost the best fruit of their investigations. For, says E,iehl, the more deeply we penetrate into the knowledge of society in its details, the more thoroughly we shall be convinced that a universal social jpolicy has no validity excejpt on paper, and can never be carried into successful practice. Tlie conditions of German society are altogether differ- ent from those of French, of English, or of Italian so- ciety ; and to apply the same social theory to these na- tions indiscriminately, is about as wise a procedure as Triptolemus Yellowley's application of the agricultural directions in Yirgil's " Georgics " to his farm in the Shetland Isles. It is the clear and strong light in which Riehl places this important position that in our opinion constitutes the suggestive value of his books for foreign as well as German readers. It has not been sufficiently insisted on, that in the various branches of Social Science there is an advance from the general to the special, from the simple to the complex, analogous with that which is found in the series of the sciences, from Mathematics to 212 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE: Biology. To the laws of quantity comprised in Mathe- matics and Physics are superadded, in Chemistry, laws of quality ; to these again are added, in Biology, laws of life ; and, lastly, the conditions of life in general branch out into its special conditions, or Natural His- tory, on the one hand, and into its abnormal conditions, or Pathology, on the other. And in this series or rami- fication of the sciences, the more general science will not suffice to solve the problems of the more special. Chemistry embraces phenomena which are not explica- ble by Physics ; Biology embraces phenomena which are not explicable by Chemistry ; and no biological gen- eralization will enable us to predict the infinite special- ties produced by the complexity of vital conditions. So Social Science, while it has departments which in their fundamental generality correspond to mathematics and physics — namely, those grand and simple generalizations which trace out the inevitable mai-ch of the human race as a whole, and, as a ramification of these, the laws of economical science — has also, in the departments of gov- ernment and jurisprudence, which embrace the condi- tions of social life in all their complexity, what may be called its Biology, carrying us on to innumerable special phenomena which outlie the sphere of science, and be- long to Natural History. And just as the most thor- ough acquaintance with physics, or chemistry, or general physiology will not enable you at once to establish the balal^ce of life in your private vivarium, so that your particular society of zoophytes, molluscs, and echino- derms may feel themselves, as the Germans say, at ease in their skin ; so the most complete equipment of theory will not enable a statesman or a political and social re- RIEHL. 213 former to adjust his measures wisel}^, in the absence of a special acquaintance with the section of society for which he legislates, with the peculiar characteristics of the nation, the province, the class whose well-being he has to consult. In other words, a wise social policy must be based not simply on abstract social science, but on the natural history of social bodies. Riehl's books are not dedicated merely to the argu- mentative maintenance of this or of any other position; they are intended chiefly as a contribution to that knowl- edge of the German people on the importance of which he insists. He is less occupied with urging his own conclusions than wnth impressing on his readers the facts which have led him to those conclusions. In the volume entitled "Land und Leute," which, though pub- lislied last, is properly an introduction to the volume entitled " Die Biirgerliche Gesellschaft," he considers the German people in their physical-geographical rela- tions ; he compares the natural divisions of the race, as determined by land and climate, and social traditions, with the artificial divisions which are based on diplo' macy ; and he traces the genesis and influences of what we may call the ecclesiastical geography of German}^ — • its partition between Catholicism and Protestantism. He shows that the ordinary antithesis of North and South Germany represents no real ethnographical dis- tinction, and that the natural divisions of Germany, founded on its physical geographj^ are threefold ; name- ly, the low plains, the middle mountain region, and the high mountain region, or Lower, Middle, and Upper Germany ; and on tliis primary natural division all the other broad ethnographical distinctions of Germany will 214: NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE : be found to rest. The plains of North or Lower Ger many include all the seaboard the nation possesses ; and this, together with the fact that they are traversed to the depth of six hundred miles by navigable rivers, makes them the natural seat of a trading race. Quite differ- ent is the geographical character of Middle Germany. While the northern plains are marked off into great di- visions, by such rivers as the Lower Rhine, the Weser, and the Oder, running almost in parallel lines, this cen- tral region is cut up like a mosaic by the capricious lines of. valleys and rivers. Here is the region in which you find those famous roofs from which the rain-water runs towards two different seas, and the mountain-tops from which you may look into eight ol* ten German states. The abundance of water-power and the presence of ex- tensive coal-mines allow of a very diversified industrial development in Middle Germany. Li Upper Germany, or the high mountain region, we find the same sym* metry in the lines of the rivers as in the north ; almost all the great Alpine streams flow parallel with the Dan- ube. But the majority of these rivers are neither navi- gable nor available for industrial objects, and instead of serving for communication, they shut off one great tract from another. The slow development, the simple peas- ant-life of many districts, is here determined by the mountain and the river. In the southeast, however, in- dustrial activity spreads through Bohemia towards Aus- tria, and forms a sort of balance to the industrial dis- tricts of the Lower Rhine. Of course, the boundaries of these three regions cannot be very strictly defined ,' but an approximation to the limits of Middle Germany may be obtained by regarding it as a triangle, of which RIEHL. 215 one angle lies in Silesia, another in Aix-la-Cliapelle, and a third at Lake Constance. This triple division corresponds with the broad dis- tinctions of climate. In the northern plains the atmos- phere is damp and heavy ; in the southern mountain region it is dry and rare, and there are abrupt changes of temperature, sharp contrasts between the seasons, and devastating storms ; but in both these zones men are hardened by conflict with the roughnesses of the climate. In Middle. Germany, on the contrary, there is little of this struggle ; the seasons are more equable, and the mild, soft air of the valleys tends to make the inhabit- ants luxurious and sensitive to hardships. It is only in exceptional mountain districts that one is here reminded of the rough, bracing air on the heights of Soutliern Germany. It is a curious fact that, as the air becomes gradually lighter and rarer from the North German coast towards Upper Germany, the average of suicides regularly decreases. Mecklenburg has the highest num- ber, then Prussia, while the fewest suicides occur in Bavaria and Austria. Both the nortliern and southern regions have still a large extent of waste lands, downs, morasses, and heaths ; and to these are added, in the south, abundance of snow- fields and naked rock ; while in Middle Germany cult- ure has almost overspread the face of the land, and there are no large tracts of waste. There is the same propor- tion in the distribution of forests. Again, in the north we see a monotonous continuity of wheat-fields, potato- grounds, meadow-lands, and vast heaths ; and there is the same uniformity of culture over large surfaces in the southern table-lands and the Alpine pastures. In 216 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE! Middle Germany, on the contrary, there is a perpetual variety of crops within a short space ; the diversity of land surface and the corresponding variety in tlie spe- cies of plants are an invitation to the splitting-np of estates, and this again encourages to tlie utmost the motley character of the cultivation. According to this threefold division, it appears that there are certain features common to North and South Germany in which they differ from Central Germany, and the nature of this difference Kiehl indicates by dis- tinguishing the former as Centralized Land and the latter as Individualized Land — a distinction which is well symbolized by the fact that North and South Ger- many possess the great lines of railway which are the medium for the traffic of the world, while Middle Ger- many is far richer in lines for local communication, and possesses the greatest length of railway within the smallest space. Disregarding superficialities, the East Frieslanders, the Schleswig- Holsteiners, the Mecklen- burgers, and the Pomeranians are much more nearly al- lied to the old Bavarians, the Tyrolese, and the Styrians, than any of these are allied to the Saxons, the Thurin- gians, or the Rhinelanders. Both in North and South Germany original races are still found in large masses, and popular dialects are spoken ; you still find tliere thoroughly peasant districts, thorough villages, and also, at great intervals, thorough cities; you still find there a sense of rank. In Middle Germany, on the contrary, the original races are fused together or sprinkled hither and thither ; the peculiarities of the popular dialects are worn down or confused ; there is no very strict line of demarcation between the country and the town popula- EIEHL. 217 tion, hundreds of small towns and large villages being hardly distinguishable in their characteristics ; and the sense of rank, as part of the organic structure of society, is ahnost extinguished. Again, both in the north and south there is still a strong ecclesiastical spirit in the peo- ple, and the Pomeranian sees Antichrist in the Pope as clearly as the Tyrolesc sees him in Doctor Luther ; while in Middle Germany the confessions are mingled — they exist peaceably side by side in very narrow space, and tolerance or indifference has spread itself widely even in the popular mind. And the analogy, or rather the causal relation, between the physical geography of the three regions and the development of the population goes still further: " For," observes Rielil, " the striking connection which has been pointed ont between the local geological formations in Germany and the revolutionary disposition of the people, has more than a metaphorical significance. Where the primeval physical revolu- tions of the globe have been the wildest in their eflfeets, and the most multiform strata have been tossed together or thrown one npon the other, it is a very intelligible consequence that on a land surface thus broken up, the population should sooner develop itself into small communities, and that the more intense life generated in these smaller communities should become the most favorable nidus for the reception of modern culture, and with this a susceptibility for its revolutionary ideas ; while a people settled in a region where its groups are spread over a large space will persist much more ob- stinately in the retention of its original character. The people of Middle Germany have none of that exclusive one-sidedness whicli determines the j)eculiar genius of great national groups, just as this one-sidedness or uniformity is wanting to the geological and geo- graphical character of their land." ; This ethnographical outline Kiehl fills up with special 10 218 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE' ' and typical descriptions, and then makes it the starting- point for a criticism of the actual political condition of Germany. The volume is full of vivid pictures, as well as penetrating glances into the maladies and tendencies of modern society. It would be fascinating as literature, if it were not important for its facts and philosophy. But we can only commend it to our readers, and pass on to the volume entitled " Die Burgerliche Gesellschaft," from which we have drawn our sketch of the German peasantry. Here Biehl gives us a series of studies in that natural history of the people which he regards as the proper basis of social policy. He liolds that, in Eu- ropean society, there are three natural ranks or estates : the hereditary landed aristocracy, the citizens or com- mercial class, and the peasantry or agricultural class. By natural ranlcs he means ranks which have their roots deep in the historical structure of society, and are still, in the present, showing vitality above ground ; he means those great social groups which are not only distinguished externally by their vocation, but essentially by their mental character, their habits, their mode of life — by the principle they represent in the historical develop- ment of society. In his conception of the "Fourth Es- tate" he differs from the usual interpretation, according to which it is simply equivalent to the Proletariat, or those who are dependent on daily wages, whose only capital is their skill or bodily strength — factory opera- tives, artisans, agricultural laborers, to whom might be added, especially in Germany, the da3^-laborers with the qr.ill, the literary proletariat. This, Riehl observes, is a valid basis of economical classification, but not of social classification. In his view, the Fourth Estate is a stratum RIEHL. 219 produced by the perpetual abrasion of the other great social groups; it is the sign and result of the decompo- sition which is commencing in the organic constitution of society. Its elements are derived alike from the aristocracy, the hourgeoisie, and the peasantry. It as- sembles under its banner the deserters of historical so- ciety, and forms them into a terrible army, which is only just awaking to the consciousness of its corporate power. The tendency of this Fourth Estate, by the very process of its formation, is to do away with the distinctive his- torical character of the other estates, and to resolve their peculiar rank and vocation into a uniform social relation founded on an abstract conception of society. Accord- ing to Riehl's classification, the day-laborers, whom the political economist designates as the Fourth Estate, be- long partly to the peasantry or agricultural class, and partly to the citizens or commercial class. Riehl considers, in the first place, the peasantry and aristocracy as the " Forces of social persistence," and, in the second, the hourgeoisie and the "fourth estate" as the "Forces of social movement." The aristocracy, he observes, is the only one among these four groups which is denied by others besides So- cialists to have any natural basis as a separate rank. It is admitted that there was once an aristocracy which had an intrinsic ground of existence ; but now, it is alleged, this is an historical fossil, an antiquarian relic, venerable because gray with age. In what, it is asked, can consist the peculiar vocation of the aristocracy, since it has no longer the monopoly of the land, of the higher military functions, and of government offices, and since the service of the court has no longer any political im- 220 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE! portance? To this Riehl replies that in great revohi- tionarj crises, the ''men of progress" have more than once " abolished " the aristocracy. But, remarkably enough, the aristocracy has always reappeared. This measure of abolition showed that the nobility were no lonorer regarded as a real class, for to abolish a real class would be an absurdity. It is quite possible to contem- plate a voluntary breaking-up of the peasant or citizen class in the socialistic sense, but no man in his senses would think of straightway "abolishing" citizens and peasants. The aristocracy, then, was regarded as a sort of cancer, or excrescence of society. Nevertheless, not only has it been found impossible to annihilate an hered- itary nobility by decree ; but also, the aristocracy of the eighteenth century outlived even the self -destructive acts of its own perversity. A life which was entirely without object, entirely destitute of functions, would not, says E-iehl, be so persistent. He has an acute criti- cism of those who conduct a polemic against the idea of an hereditary aristocracy while they are proposing an "aristocracy of talent," which, after all, is based on the principle of inheritance. The Socialists are, therefore, only consistent in declaring against an aristocracy of talent. " But when they have turned the world into a great Foundling Hospital, they will still be unable to eradicate the ' privileges of birth.' " We must not fol- low him in his criticism, how^ever ; nor can we afford to do more than mention hastily his interesting sketch of the mediaeval aristocracy, and his admonition to the German aristocracy of the present day, that the vitality of their class is not to be sustained by romantic attempts to revive mediaeval forms and sentiments, but only by RIEHL. 221 the exercise of functions as real and salutary for actual society as those of the mediaeval aristocracy were for the feudal age. "In modern society the divisions of rank indicate division of labor, according to that distribution of functions in the social organism which the historical constitution of society has determined. In this way the Drinciple of differentiation and the principle of unity are identical." The elaborate study of the German hourgeoisie which forms the next division of the volume must be passed over ; but we may pause a moment to note Riehl's defi- nition of the social Philister (Philistine), an epithet for which we have no equivalent — not at all, however, for want of the object it represents. Most people who read a little German know that the epithet Philister origi- nated in the Biirscheii-Leben, or student-life of Germany, and that the antithesis of Bursch and Philister was equivalent to the antithesis of " gown " and " town ;" but since the word has passed into ordinary language, it has assumed several shades of significance which have not yet been merged in a single absolute meaning; and one of the questions which an English visitor in Ger- many will probably take an opportunity of asking is, "What is the strict meaning of the word Philister f* Eiehl's answer is, that the Philister is one who is in- different to all social interests, all public life, as distin- guished from selfish and private interests; he has no sympathy with political and social events except as they affect his own comfort and prosperity, as they offer him material for amusement or opportunity for gratifying his vanity. He has no social or political creed, but is always of the opinion which is most convenient for the 222 NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE*. moment. He is always in the majority, and is the main element of unreason and stupidity in the judgment of a " discerning public." It seems presumptuous in us to dispute Riehl's interpretation of a German word, but we must think that, in literature, the epithet Philister has usually a wider meaning than this — includes his defi- nition and something more. We imagine the Philister is the personification of the spirit which judges every- thing from a lower point of view than the subject de- mands — which judges the affairs of the parish from the egotistic or purely personal point of view ; which judges the affairs of the nation from the parochial point of view, and does not hesitate to measure the merits of the universe from the human point of view. At least, this must surely be the spirit to which Goethe alludes in a passage cited by Riehl himself, where he says that the Germans need not be ashamed of erecting a monument to him as well as to Blucher ; for if Bhicher had freed them from the French, he (Goethe) had freed them from the nets of the Philister: " Ihr mogt mir immer imgescheut Gleich Bliiclierii Denkmal setzen ! Von Franzosen liat er eucli befreit, Ich von Philister-netzen." Goethe could hardly claim to be the apostle of public spirit ; but he is eminently the man who helps us to rise to a lofty point of observation, so that we may see things in their relative proportions. The most interesting chapters in the description of the " Fourth Estate," which concludes the volume, are those on the " Aristocratic Proletariat " and the " Intellec- tual Proletariat." The Fourth Estate in Germany, says RIEHL. 228 Riehl, has its centre of gravity not, as in England and France, in the day-laborers and factory operatives, and still less in the degenerate peasantry. In Germany, the educated j)'^oletariat is the leaven that sets the mass in fermentation ; the dangerous classes there go about, not in blouses, but in frock-coats ; they begin with the im- poverished prince and end in the hungriest litterateur. The custom that all the sons of a nobleman shall inherit their father's title necessarily goes on multiplying that class of aristocrats who are not only without function, but without adequate provision, and who shrink from entering the ranks of the citizens by adopting some honest calling. The younger son of a prince, says Riehl, is usually obliged to remain without any vocation ; and however zealously he may study music, painting, or sci- ence, he can never be a regular musician, painter, or man of science ; his pursuit will be called a " passion," not a " calling," and to the end of his days he remains a dilet- tante. " But the ardent pursuit of a fixed practical call- ing can alone satisfy the active man." Direct legisla- tion cannot remedy this evil. The inheritance of titles by younger sons is the universal custom, and custom is stronger than law. But if all government preference for the " aristocratic proletariat " were withdrawn, the sensible men among them would prefer emigration, or the pursuit of some profession, to the hungry distinc- tion of a title without rents. The intellectual proletaires Kiehl calls the ^' church militant " of the Fourth Estate in Germany. In no oth- er country are they so numerous ; in no other country is the trade in material and industrial capital so far ex- ceeded by the wholesale and retail trade, the trafiic and 22 i NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE". the usury, in the intellectual capital of the nation. Ger- many yields more intellectual produce than it can use and pay for. " This over-production, which is not transient, but permanent, nay, is constantly on the increase, evidences a diseased state of the national industry, a perverted application of industrial powers, and is a far more pungent satire on the national condition than all the poverty of operatives and peasants. . . . Other nations need not envy us the preponderance of the intellectual proletariat over the proletaires of manual labor. For man more easily becomes diseased from over-study than from the labor of the hands ; and it is precisely in the intellectual jjro/etariai that there are the most dangerous seeds of disease. This is the group in which the opposition between earn- ings and wants, between the ideal social position and the real, is the most hopelessly irreconcilable." We must unwillingly leave our readers to make ac- quaintance for themselves with the graphic details with whicli Eiehl follows up this general statement ; but, be- fore quitting these admirable volumes, let us say, lest our inevitable omissions should have left room for a different conclusion, that Eiehl's conservatism is not in the least tinged with the partisanship of a class, with a poetic fanaticism for the past, or with the prejudice of a mind incapable of discerning the grander evohition of things to which all social forms are but temporarily sub- servient. It is the conservatism of a clear-eyed, practi- cal, but withal large-minded man — a little caustic, per- liaps, now and then in his epigrams on democratic doc- trinaires who have their nostrum for all political and social diseases, and on communistic theories which he regards as " the despair of the individual in his own manhood, reduced to a system," but nevertheless able and willing to do justice to the elements of fact and RIEHL. 225 reason in every shade of opinion and every form of ef- fort. He is as far as possible from the folly of suppos- ing that the sun will go backward on the dial because we put the hands of our clock backward ; he only con- tends against the opposite folly of decreeing that it shall be mid-day, while in fact the sun is only just touching the mountain-tops, and all along the valley men are stumoling in the twilight. 12 ^Q* THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. It was between three and four o'clock, on a fine morning in August, that, after a ten hours' journey from Frankfort, I awoke at tlie Weimar station. No tipsiness can be more dead to all appeals than that which comes from fitful draughts of sleep on a railway jour- ney by night. To the disgust of your wakeful compan- ions, you are totally insensible to the existence of your umbrella, and to the fact that your carpet-bag is stowed under your seat, or that you have borrowed books and tucked them behind the cushion. " What's the odds, so long as one can sleep ?" is your philosophic formula, and it is not until you have begun to shiver on the plat- form in the early morning air that you become alive to property and its duties — i. e., to the necessity of keeping a fast grip upon it. Such was my condition when I reached the station at Weim.ar. The ride to the town thoroughly roused me, all the more because the glimpses I caught from the carriage window were in startling contrast with my preconceptions. The lines of houses looked rough and straggling, and were often interrupted by trees peeping out from the gardens behind. At last we stopped before the Erbprinz, an inn of long standing, in the heart of the town, and were ushered along heavj^- looking in-and-out corridors, such as are found only in German inns, into rooms which overlooked a garden THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 227 )ust like one you may see at the back of a farmlionse in many an English village. A walk in the morning in search of lodgings con- firmed the impression that Weimar was more like a market-town than the precinct of a court. " And this is the Atliens of the North !" we said. Materially speak- ing, it is more like Sparta. The blending of rustic and civic life, the indications of a central government in the midst of very primitive-looking objects, has some dis- tant analogy with the condition of old Lacedsemon. The shops are most of them such as you would see in the back streets of an English provincial town, and the commod- ities on sale are often chalked on the doorposts. A loud rumbling of vehicles may indeed be heard now and then ; but the rumbling is loud, not because the vehicles are many, but because the springs are few. The inhabitants seemed to us to have more than the usual heaviness of Germanity ; even their stare was slow, like that of her- bivorous quadrupeds. We set out with the intention of exploring the town, and at every other turn we came into a street which took us out of the town, or else into one that led us back to the market from which we set out. One's first feeling was, How could Goethe live here in this dull, lifeless village ? The reproaches cast on him for his worldliness and attachment to court splendor seemed lu- dicrous enough, and it was inconceivable that the state- ly Jupiter, in a frock-coat, so familiar to us all through Ranch's statuette, could have habitually walked along these rude streets and among these slouching mortals. Not a picturesque bit of building was to be seen ; there was no quaintness, nothing to remind one of historical associations, nothing but the most arid prosaism. 223 THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. This was the impression produced bj a first morn- ing's walk in Weimar — an impression which very im- perfectly represents what Weimar is, but which is worth recording, because it is true as a sort of back view. Our ideas were considerably modified when, in the evening, we found our way to the Belvedere chaussee, a splendid avenue of chestnut-trees, two miles in length, reaching from the town to the summer residence of Belvedere ; when we saw the Schloss, and discovered the labyrinth- ine beauties of the park ; indeed every day opened to us fresh charms in this quiet little valley and its environs. To any one who loves Nature in her gentle aspects, who delights in the chequered shade on a summer morning, and in a walk on the corn-clad upland at sunset, within sight of a little town nestled among the trees below, I say — come to Weimar. And if you are weary of English unrest, of that society of "eels in a jar," where each is trying to get his head above the other, the somewhat stupid well-being of the Weimarians will not be an un- welcome contrast, for a short time at least. If you care nothing about Goethe and Schiller and Herder and Wie- land, why, so much the worse for you — you will miss many interesting thoughts and associations; still, Wei- mar has a charm independent of these great names. First among all its attractions is the Park, which w^ould be remarkably beautiful even among English parks, and it has one advantage over all these — namely, that it is without a fence. It runs up to the houses, and far out into the corn-fields and meadows, as if it uad a "sweet wnll" of its own, like a river or a lake, and had not been planned and planted by human will. Through it fl.ows the Ilm, not a clear stream, it must THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 229 be confessed, but, like all water, as Kovalis saje, " an eye to the landscape." Before we came to Weimar we had had dreams of boating on the Ilm, and we were not a little amused at the difference between this vision of our own and the reality. A few water-fowl are the only navigators of the river, and even they seem to confine themselves to one spot, as if they were there purely in the interest of the picturesque. The real ex- tent of the park is small, but the walks are so ingen- iously arranged, and the trees are so luxuriant and various, that it takes weeks to learn the turnings and windings by heart, so as no longer to have the sense of novelty. In the warm weather our great delight was the walk which follows the course of the Ilm, and is overarched by tall trees with patches of dark moss on their trunks, in rich contrast with the transparent green of the delicate leaves, through which the golden sun- light played, and chequered the walk before us. On one side of this walk the rocky ground rises to the height of twenty feet or more, and is clothed with mosses and rock-plants. On the other side there are, every now and then, openings, breaks in the continuity of shade, which show you a piece of meadow-land, with fine groups of trees; and at every such opening a seat is placed under the rock, where you may sit and chat away tlie sunny hours, or listen to those delicate sounds which one might fancy came from tiny bells worn on the garment of Silence to make us aware of her invis- ible presence. It is along this walk that you come upon a truncated column, with a serpent twined round it, devouring cakes, placed on the column as offerings, a bit of rude sculpture in stone. The inscription — 230 THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. Genio loci — enlightens the learned as to the signifi- cance of this symbol, but the people of Weimar, iinedi- fied by classical allusions, have explained the sculpture by a story which is an excellent example of a mod' ern myth. Once on a time, say they, a huge serpent infested the park, and evaded all attempts to extermi- nate him, until at last a cunning baker made some ap- petizing cakes which contained an effectual poison, and placed them in the serpent's reach, thus meriting a place with Hercules, Theseus, and other monster-slayers. Weimar, in gratitude, erected this column as a memorial of the baker's feat and its own deliverance. A little farther on is the Borkenhaus, where Carl August used to play the hermit for days together, and from which he used to telegraph to Goethe in his Gartenhaus. Sometimes we took our shady walk in the Stern^ the oldest part of the park plantations, on the opposite side of the river, lingering on our way to watch the crystal brook which hurries on, like a foolish young maiden, to wed itself with the muddy Ilm. The Stem (Star), a large circular opening among the trees, with walks radiating from it, has been thought of as the place for the projected statues of Goethe and Schiller. In Ranch's model for these statues the poets are draped in togas, Goethe, who was considerably the shorter of the two, resting his hand on Schiller's shoulder ; but it has been wisely determined to represent them in their " habit as they lived ;" so Rauch's design is rejected. Against classical idealizing in portrait sculpture, Wei- mar has already a sufficient warning in the colossal statue of Goethe, executed after Bettina's design, which the readers of the " Correspondence with a Child " may THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 231 see engraved as a frontispiece to the second volunae. This statue is locked up in an odd structure, standing in the park, and looking like a compromise between a church and a summer-house. (Weimar does not sliine in its buildings !) How little real knowledge of Goethe must the mind have that could wish to see him repre- sented as a naked Apollo, with a Psyche at his knee ! The execution is as feeble as the sentiment is false ; the Apollo-Goethe is a caricature, and the Psyche is simply vulgar. Tlie statue was executed under Bettina's en- couragement, in the hope that it would be bought by the King of Prussia ; but a breach having taken place between her and her royal friend, a purchaser was sought in the Grand Duke of Weimar, who, after trans- porting it at enormous expense from Italj^, wisely shut it up where it is seen only by the curious. As autumn advanced and the sunshine became pre- cious, we preferred the broad walk on the higher grounds of the park, where the masses of trees are fine- ly disposed, leaving wide spaces of meadow which ex- tend on one side to the Belvedere allee with its avenue of chestnut-trees, and on the other to the little cliffs which I have already described as forming a wall by the walk along the Ilm. Exquisitely beautiful were the graceful forms of the plane-trees, thrown in golden relief on a background of dark pines. Here we used to turn and turn again in the autumn afternoons, at first bright and warm, then sombre with low-lying pur- ple clouds, and chill with winds that sent the leaves raining from the branches. The eye here welcomes, as p contrast, the ^\\\iQ facade of a building looking like a Bmall Greek temple, placed on the edge of a cliff, and 232 THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAE. you at once conclude it to be a bit of pure ornament, a device to set off the landscape ; but you presently see a porter seated near the door of the basement story, beguiling the ennui of his sinecure by a book and a pipe, and you learn with surprise that this is another retreat for ducal dignity to unbend and philosophize in. Singularly ill-adapted to such a purpose it seems to beings not ducal. On the other side of the Ilm the park is bordered by the road leading to the little village of Ober Weimar, another sunny walk, which has the special attraction of taking one by Goethe's Garten- liaus, his first residence at Weimar. Inside, this Gar- ten haus is a homely sort of cottage, such as many an English nobleman's gardener lives in ; no furniture is left in it, and the family wish to sell it. Outside, its aspect became to us like that of a dear friend, whose irregular features and rusty clothes have a peculiar charm. It stands, with its bit of garden and orchard, on a pleasant slope, fronting the west ; before it the park stretches one of its meadowy openings to the trees which fringe the Ilm, and between this meadow and the garden hedge lies the said road to Ober Weimar. A grove of weeping birches sometimes tempted us to turn out of this road up to the fields at the top of the slope, on which not only the Gartenhaus, but several other modest villas are placed. From this little height one sees to advantage the plantations of the park in their autumnal coloring ; the town, with its steep-roofed church, and castle clock-tower, painted a gay green ; the bushy line of the Belvedere chaussee, and Belvedere it- self peeping on an eminence from its nest of trees. Here, too, was the place for seeing a lovely sunset, such THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAE. 233 a sunset as September sometimes gives us, when the western horizon is like a rippled sea of gold, sending over the whole hemisphere golden vapors, which, as they near the east, are subdued to a deep rose-color. The Schloss is rather a stately, ducal-looking build- ing, forming three sides of a quadrangle. Strangers are admitted to see a suite of rooms called the Dichter- Zimraer (Poet's Rooms), dedicated to Goethe, Schiller, and Wieland. The idea of these rooms is really a pret- ty one : in each of them there is a bust of the poet who is its presiding genius, and the walls of the Schiller and Goethe rooms are covered with frescoes representing scenes from their works. The Wieland room is much smaller than the other two, and serves as an antecham- ber to them ; it is also decorated more sparingly, but the arabesques on the walls are very tastefully designed, and satisfy one better than the ambitious compositions from Goethe and Schiller. A more interesting place to visitors is the library, which occupies a large building not far from the Schloss. The principal Saal^ surrounded by a broad gallery, is ornamented with some very excellent busts and some very bad portraits. Of the busts, the most remarkable is that of Gliick, by Houdon — a striking specimen of the real in art. The sculptor has given every scar made by the small-pox ; he has left the nose as pug and insignificant, and the mouth as common, as Nature made them ; but then he has done what, doubt- less, Nature also did — he has spread over those coarsely cut features the irradiation of genius. A specimen of the opposite style in art is Trippel's bust of Goethe as the young Apollo, also fine in its way. It was taken 12* 234 THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. when Goethe was in Italy ; and in the " Italianische Reise," mentioning the progress of the bust, he saj^s that he sees little likeness to himself, but is not discon- tented that he should go forth to the world as such a good-looking fellow — hubscher Bursch. This bust, how- ever, is a frank idealization ; when an artist tells us that the ideal of a Greek god divides his attention with his immediate subject, we are warned. But one gets rather irritated with idealization in portrait when, as in Dannecker's bust of Schiller, one has been misled into supposing that Schiller's brow was square and massive, while, in fact, it was receding. We say this partly on the evidence of his skull, a cast of which is kept in the library, so that we could place it in juxtaposition with the bust. The story of this skull is curious. When it was determined to disinter Schiller's remains, that they might repose in company with those of Carl August and Goethe, the question of identification was found to be a difficult one, for his bones were mingled with those of ten insignificant fellow -mortals. When, however, the eleven skulls were placed in juxtaposition, a large number of persons who had known Schiller separately and successively fixed upon the same skull as his, and their evidence was clenched by the discovery that the teeth of this skull corresponded to the statement of Schiller's servant, that his master had lost no teeth, ex- cept one, which he specified. Accordingly it was de- cided that this was Schiller's skull, and the comparative anatomist Loder was sent for from Jena to select the bones which completed the skeleton." The evidence * I tell this story from my recollection of Stahr's account in his "Weimar und Jena," an account which was confirmed to me by THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 235 certainly leaves room for a doubt ; but the receding forehead of the skull agrees with the testimony of per- sons who knew Schiller, tliat he had, as Ranch said to us, a " miserable forehead ;" it agrees, also, with a beau- tiful miniature of Schiller, taken when he was about twenty. This miniature is deeply interesting ; it shows as a youth whose clearly cut features, with the mingled fire and melancholy of their expression, could hardly have been passed with indifference ; it has the laiiger Gdnsehals (long goose-neck) which he gives to his Karl Moor ; but instead of the black, sparkling eyes, and the gloomy, overhanging, bushy eyebrows he chose for his robber hero, it has the fine wavy, auburn locks, and the light-blue eyes whicli belong to our idea of pure Ger- man race. We may be satisfied that we know at least the form of Schiller's features, for in this particular his busts and portraits are in striking accordance ; un- like the busts and portraits of Goethe, which are a proof, if any were wanted, how inevitably subjective art is, even when it professes to be purely imitative — how the most active perception gives us rather a reflex of what we think and feel, than the real sum of objects before us. The Goethe of Ranch or of Schwanthaler is widely different in form, as well as expression, from the Goethe of Stieler ; and Winterberger, the actor, who knew Goethe intimately, told us that to him not one of all the likenesses, sculptured or painted, seemed to have more than a faint resemblance to their original. There is, indeed, one likeness, taken in his old age, and preserved in the library, which is startling from tlie residents in Weimar ; but as I have not the book by me, I cannol test the accuracy of my memory. 236 THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR- conviction it produces of close resemblance, and Win- terberger admitted it to be the best he had seen. It is a tinj miniature painted on a small cup, of Dresden china, and is so wonderfully executed that a magnifj- ing-glass exhibits the perfection of its texture as if it were a flower or a butterfly's wing. It is more like Stieler's portrait than any other; the massive neck, unbent though withered, rises out of his dressing-gown, and supports majestically a head from which one might imagine (though, alas ! it never is so in reality) that the discipline of seventy years had purged away all meaner elements than those of the sage and the poet — a head which might serve as a type of sublime old age. Among the collection of toys and trash, mel- ancholy records of the late Grand Duke's eccentricity, which occupy the upper rooms of the library, there are some precious relics hanging together in a glass case, which almost betray one into sympathy with "holy coat" worship. They are — Luther's gown, the coat in which Gustavus Adolphus was shot, and Goethe's court coat and Schlafroch. What a rush of thoughts from the mingled memories of the passionate reformer, the heroic warrior, and the wise singer ! The only one of its great men to whom Weimar has at present erected a statue in the open air is Herder. His statue, erected in 1850, stands in what is called the Herder Platz, with its back to the church in which he preached ; in the right hand is a roll bearing his favor- ite motto — Licht, Liehe^ Leben (Light, Love, Life), and on the pedestal is the inscription — Yon Deutsclien aller Ldnde7' (from Germans of all lands). This statue, which is by Schaller of Munich, is very much admired j THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 237 but, remembering the immortal description in the ^' Dich- tiing und AVahrheit," of Herder's appearance when Goethe saw him for the first time at Strasburg, I was disappointed with the parsonic appeal ance of the statue, as well as of the bust in the library. The part of the town which imprints itself on the memory, next to the Herder Platz, is the Markt, a cheerful square, made smart by a new Rath-haus. Twice a week it is crowded with stalls and country people ; and it is the v^ery pretty custom for the band to play in the balcony of the Rath- haus about twenty minutes every market-day to delight the ears of the peasantry. A head-dress worn by many of the old women, and here and there by a young one, is, I think, peculiar to Thuringia. Let the fair reader imagine half a dozen of her broadest French sashes dyed black, and attached as streamers to the back of a stiff black skull-cap, ornamented in front with a large bow, which stands out like a pair of donkey's ears ; let her fur- ther imagine, mingled with the streamers of ribbon, equal- ly broad pendants of a thick woollen texture, something like the fringe of an urn-rug, and she will have an idea of the head-dress in which I have seen a Thuringian damsel figure on a hot summer's day. Two houses in the Markt are pointed out as those from which Tetzel published his indulgences and Luther thundered against them ; but it is difficult to one's imagination to conjure up scenes of theological controversy in Weimar, where, from princes down to pastry-cooks, rationalism is taken as a matter of course. Passing along the Schiller-strasse, a broad, pleasant street, one is thrilled by the inscription, Hier vjohnte Schiller^ over the door of a small house with casts in its 238 THREE- MONTHS IN WEIMAR. bow-window. Mount up to the second story and you will see Schiller's study very nearly as it was when he worked in it. It is a cheerful room with three windows, two towards the street and one looking on a little gar- den which divides his house from the neighboring one. The writing-table, which he notes as an important pur- chase in one of his letters to Korner, and in one of the drawers of which he used to keep rotten apples for the sake of their scent, stands near the last-named window, 60 that its light would fall on his left hand. On another side of the room is his piano, with his guitar lying npon it; and above these hangs an ugly print of an Ital- ian scene, which has a companion equally ugly on an- other wall. Strange feelings it awakened in me to run my fingers over the keys of the little piano and call forth its tones, now so queer and feeble, like those of an invalided old woman whose voice could once make a heart beat with fond passion or soothe its angry pulses into calm. The bedstead on which Schiller died has been removed into the study, from the small bedroom behind, which is now empty. A little table is placed close to the head of the bed, with his drinking-glass upon it, and on the wall above the bedstead there is a beautiful sketch of him lying dead. He used to occupy the whole of the second floor. It contains, besides the study and bedroom, an antechamber, now furnished with casts and prints on sale, in order to remunerate the custodiers of the house, and a salon tricked out, since his death, with a symbolical cornice, statues, and a carpet worked by the ladies of Weimar. Goethe's house is much more important-looking, but, to English eyes, far from being the palatial residence THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAK. 239 which might be expected, from the descriptions of Ger- man writers. The entrance-hall is indeed rather impos- ing, with its statues in niches, and its broad staircase, but the rest of the house is not proportionately spacious and elegant. The only part of the house open to the public — and this only on a Friday — is the principal suite of rooms which contain his collection of casts, pictures, cameos, etc. This collection is utterly insignificant, ex- cept as having belonged to him ; and one turns away from bad pictures and familiar casts, to linger over the manuscript of the wonderful " Romische Elegein," writ- ten by himself in the Itab'an character. It is to be re- gretted that a large sum offered for this house by the German Diet was refused by the Goethe family, in the hope, it is said, of obtaining a still larger sum from that mythical English Croesus always ready to turn fabulous sums into dead capital, who haunts the imagination of Continental people. One of the most fitting tributes a nation can pay to its great dead is to make their habita- tion, like their works, a public possession, a shrine where affectionate reverence may be inore vividly reminded that the being who has bequeathed to us immortal thoughts or immortal deeds, had to endure the daily struggle with the petty details, perhaps with the sordid cares of this working-day world ; and it is a sad pity that Goethe's study, bedroom, and library, so fitted to call up that kind of sympathy, because they are preserved just as he left them, should be shut out from all but the specially privileged. We were happy enough to be among these, to look through the mist of rising tears at the dull study with its two small windows, and without a single object chosen for the sake of luxury or beauty ; 2J:0 THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. at the dark little bedroom with the bed on which he died, and the arm-chair where he took his morning cof- fee as he read ; at the library with its common deal shelves, and books containing his own paper-marks. In the presence of this hardy simplicity, the contrast sug- gests itself of the study at Abbotsford, with its elegant Gothic fittings, its delicious easy-chair, and its oratory of painted glass. We were very much amused at the privacy with which people keep their shops at Weimar. Some of them have not so much as their names written up; and there is so much indifference of manner towards customers that one might suppose every shopkeeper was a salaried functionary employed by government. The distribu- tion of commodities, too, is carried on according to a pe- culiar Weimarian logic; we bought our lemons at a ropemaker's, and should not have felt ourselves very un- reasonable if we had asked for shoes at a stationer's. As to competition, I should think a clever tradesman or artificer is almost as free from it at Weimar as ^scu- lapius or Vulcan in the days of old Olympus. Here is an illustration. Our landlady's husband was called the ^^sits- ser Rabenhorst," by way of distinguishing him from a brother of his who was the reverse of sweet. This Ra- benhorst, who was not sweet, but who nevertheless dealt in sweets, for he was a confectioner, was so utter a rogue that any transaction with him was avoided almost as much as if he had been the Evil One himself, yet so clever a rogue that he always managed to keep on the windy side of the law. Nevertheless, he had so many dainties in the confectionery line — so viel Siissigkeiten und Lecherhissen — that people bent on giving a fine en^ THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 241 tertainment were at last constrained to saj, " After all, I must go to Rabenhorst ;" and so be got abundant custom, in spite of general detestation. A very fair dinner is to be had at several tables d^Kote in Weimar for ten or twelve groscben (a shilling or fifteen pence). The Germans certainly excel us in their Meldspeise^ or farinaceous puddings, and in their mode of cooking vegetables ; they are bolder and more im- aginative in their combination of sauces, fruits, and vege- tables with animal food, and they are faithful to at least one principle of dietetics — variety. The only thing at table we have any pretext for being supercilious about is the quality and dressing of animal food. The meat at a table cVhote in Thuringia, and even Berlin, except in the very lirst hotels, bears about the same relation to ours as horse-flesh probably bears to German beef and mutton ; and an Englishman with a bandage over his eyes would often be sorely puzzled to guess the kind of flesh he was eating. For example, the only flavor we could ever discern in hare, which is a very frequent dish, was that of the more or less disagreeable fat which predominated in the dressing; and roast meat seems to be considered an extravagance rarely admissible. A melancholy sight is a flock of Weimarian sheep, followed or led by their shepherd. They are as dingy as London sheep, and far more skinny ; indeed, an Englishman who dined with us said the sight of the sheep had set hiu) against mutton. Still, the variety of dishes you get for ten groschen is something marvellous to those who have been accustomed to English charges, and among the six courses it is not a great evil to find a dish or two the reverse of appetizing. I suppose, however, that the liv* 11 242 THKEE MONTHS IN WEIMAR, ing at tables d'hote gives one no correct idea of the mode in which the people live at home. The basis of the national :Jood seems to be_ raw ham and sausage, with a copious superstratum of Blauhraut, Sauerkraut^ and black bread. Sausage seems to be to the German what potatoes were to the Irish — the sine qua non of bodilj sustenance, Goethe asks the Frau von Stein to send liim so eine Wu?'st when he wants to have a make-shift dinner away from home; and in his letters to Kestner he is enthusiastic about the delights of dining on Blau- hraut and Leberwurst (blue cabbage and liver sausage). If Kraut and Wurst may be called the solid prose of Thuringian diet, fish and Ktichen (generally a heavy kind of fruit tart) are the poetry : the German appetite disports itself with these as the English appetite does with ices and whipped creams. At the beginning of August, when we arrived in Weimar, almost every one was away — "at the Baths," of course — except the tradespeople. As birds nidify in the spring, so Germans wash themselves in the sum- mer; their Waschungstrieh acts strongly only at a par- ticular time of the year; during all the rest, apparently, a decanter and a sugar-basin or pie-dish are an ample toilet-service for them. We were quite contented, however, that it was not yet the Weimar " season," fashionably speaking, since it was the very best time for enjoying something far better than Weimar gayeties — the lovely park and environs. It was pleasant, too, to see the good bovine citizens enjoying life in their quiet fashion. Unlike our English people, they take pleasure into their calculations, and seem regularly to set aside part of their time for recreation. It is under THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 243 stood that something is to be done in life besides busi- ness and housewifery : the women take their children and their knitting to the Erholung^ or walk with their husbands to Belvedere, or in some other direction where a cup of coffee is to be had. The Erholung^ by the way, is a pretty garden, with shady walks, abundant seats, an orchestra, a ball-room, and a place for refresh- ments. The higher classes are subscribers and visitors here as well as the bourgeoisie y but there are several resorts of a similar kind frequented by the latter ex- clusively. The reader of Goethe will remember his little poem, " Die Lustigen von Weimar," which still in- dicates the round of amusements in this simple capital : the walk to Belvedere or Tiefurt ; the excursion to Jena, or some other trip, not made expensive by distance ; the round game at cards ; the dance ; the theatre ; and so many other enjoyments to be had by a people not bound to give dinner-parties and " keep up a position." It is charming to see how real an amusement the theatre is to the Weimar people. The greater number of places are occupied by subscribers, and there is no fuss about toilet or escort. The ladies come alone, and slip quietly into their places without need of "pro- tection" — a proof of civilization perhaps more than equivalent to our pre-eminence in patent locks and car- riage springs ; and after the performance is over you may see the same ladies following their servants, with lanterns, through streets innocent of gas, in which an oil-lamp, suspended from a rope slung across from house to house, occasionally reveals to you the shafts of a cart or omnibus, conveniently placed for you to run upon them. 244 THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. A yearly autumn festival at Weimar is the Vogel- schiessen, or Bird-shooting; but the reader must not let his imagination wander at this word into fields and brakes. The bird here concerned is of wood, and the shooters, instead of wandering over breezy down and common, are shut up, day after day, in a room clouded with tobacco-smoke, that they may take their turn at shooting with the rifle from the window of a closet about the size of a sentinel's box. However, this is a mighty enjoyment to the Thuringian yeoman ly, and an occasion of profit to our friend Punch, and other itiner- ant performers ; for while the Yogelschiesseii lasts, a sort of fair is held in the field where the marksmen assemble. Among the quieter every-day pleasures of the Wei- marians, perhaps the most delightful is the stroll on a bright afternoon or evening to the Duke's summer resi- dence of Belvedere, about two miles from Weimar. As I have said, a glorious avenue of chestnut-trees leads all the way from the town to the entrance of the grounds, which are open to all the world as much as to the Duke himself. Close to the palace and its subsidiary build- ings there is an inn, for the accommodation of the good people who come to take dinner or any other meal here, by way of holiday-making. A sort of pavilion stands on a spot commanding a lovely view of Weimar and its valley, and here the Weimarians constantly come on summer and autumn evenings to smoke a cigar or drink a cup of coffee. In one wing of the little palace, which is made smart by wooden cupolas, with gilt pinnacles, there is a saloon, which I recommend to the imitation of tasteful people in their country-houses. It has no decoration but that of natural foliage : ivy is trained at THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAK. 245 regular intervals up the pure white walls, and all round the edge of the ceiling, 'so as to form pilasters and a cornice; ivy again, trained on trellis-work, forms a blind to the window, which looks towards the entrance-court ; and beautiful ferns, arranged in tall baskets, are placed here and there against tlie walls. The furniture is of light cane-work. Another pretty thing here is the Natur-Theater — a theatre constructed with living trees, trimmed into walls and side scenes. We pleased our- selves for a little while with thinking that this was one of the places where Goethe acted in his own dramas, but we afterwards learned that it was not made until his acting days were over. The inexhaustible charm of Belvedere, however, is the grounds, which are laid out with a taste worthy of a first-rate landscape-gardener. The tall and graceful limes, plane-trees, and weeping birches, the little basins of water here and there, with fountains playing in the middle of them, and with a fringe of broad-leaved plants, or other tasteful border- ing round them, the gradual descent towards the river, and the hill clothed with firs and pines on the opposite side, forming a fine dark background for the various and light foliage of the trees that ornament the gardens — all this we went again and again to enjoy, from the time when everything was of a vivid green until the Vir- ginian creepers which festooned the silver stems of the birches were bright scarlet, and the touch of autumn had turned all the green to gold. One of the spots to linger in is at a semicircular seat against an artificial rock, on which are placed large glass globes of different colors. It is wonderful to see with what minute per- fection the scenery around is painted in these globes. 246 THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. Each is like a pre-Raphaelite picture, with every little detail of gravelly walk, mossy bank, and delicately leaved, interlacing boughs presented in accurate minia- ture. In the opposite direction to Belvedere lies Tiefurt, with its small park and tiny chateau, formerly the resi- dence of the Duchess Amalia, the mother of Carl August, and the friend and patroness of Wieland, but now apparently serving as little else than a receptacle for the late Duke Carl Friedrich's rather childish col- lections. In the second story there is a suite of rooms, so small that the largest of them does not take up as much space as a good dining-table, and each of these doll-house rooms is crowded with prints, old china, and all sorts of knick-knacks and rococo wares. The park is a little paradise. The Ilm is seen here to the best advantage: it is clearer than at Weimar, and winds about gracefully between the banks, on one side steep, and curtained with turf and shrubs, or fine trees. It was here, at a point where the bank forms a promontory into the river, that Goethe and his court friends got up the performance of an operetta, "Die Fischerin," by torchlight. On the way to Tiefurt lies the Webicht, a beautiful wood, through which run excellent carriage- roads and grassy footpaths. It was a ricli enjoyment to skirt this wood along the Jena road, and see the sky arching grandly down over the open fields on the other side of us, the evening red flushing the west over the town, and the stars coming out as if to relieve the sun in its watch ; or to take the winding road through the wood, under its tall, overarching trees, now bending their mossy trunks forward, now standing with the THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 247 sfcately erectness of lofty pillars ; or to saunter along the grassy footpaths where the sunlight streamed through the fairy-like foliage of the silvery barked birches. Stout pedestrians who go to Wiemar will do well to make a walking excursion, as we did, to Ettei*sburg, a more distant summer residence of the Grand Duke, in- teresting to us beforehand as the scene of private the- atricals and sprees in the Goethe days. We set out on one of the brightest and hottest mornings that August ever bestowed, and it required some resolution to trudge along the shadeless chaussee, which formed the first two or three miles of our way. One compensating pleasure was the sight of the beautiful mountain-ash-trees in full berry, which, alternately with cherry-trees, border the road for a considerable distance. At last we rested from our broiling walk on the borders of a glorious pine- wood, so extensive that the trees in the distance form a complete wall with their trunks, and so give one a twi- light very welcome on a summer's noon. Under these pines you tread on a carpet of the softest moss, so that you hear no sound of a footstep, and all is as solenm and still as in the crypt of a cathedral. Presently we passed out of the pine-wood into one of limes, beeches, and other trees of transparent and light foliage, and from this again we emerged into the open space of the Ettersburg Park in front of the Schloss, which is finely placed on an eminence commanding a magnificent view of the far-reaching woods. Prince Piickler Muskau has been of service here by recommending openings to be made in the woods, in the taste of the English parks. The Schloss, which is a favorite residence of the Grand Duke, is a house of very moderate size, and no preten* 24:8 THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAK. sion of any kind. Its stuccoed walls, and doors long unacquainted with fresh paint, would look distressingly shabby to the owner of a villa at Richmond or Twicken- ham ; but much beauty is procured here at slight ex- pense, by the tasteful disposition of creepers on the bal- ustrades, and pretty vases full of plants ranged along the steps, or suspended in the little piazza beneath them. A walk through a beech- wood took us to the Mooshutte, in front of which stands the famous beech from whence Goethe denounced Jacobi's " Woldemar." The bark is covered with initials cut by him and his friends. People who only allow themselves to be idle under tlie pretext of hydropathizing, may find all the appara- tus necessary to satisfy their conscience at Bercka, a vil- lage seated in a lovely valley about six miles from Wei- mar. Now and then a Weimar family takes lodgings here for the summer, retiring from the quiet of the capital to the deeper quiet of Bercka ; but generally the place seems not much frequented. It would be difiicult to imagine a more peace-inspiring scene than this little valley. The hanging woods ; the soft coloring and graceful outline of the uplands ; the village, with its roofs and spire of a reddish-violet hue, muffled in luxu- riant trees ; the white Kurhaus glittering on a grassy slope ; the avenue of poplars contrasting its pretty prim- ness with the wild, bushy outline of the wood-covered hill, which rises abruptly from the smooth, green mead- ows; the clear, winding stream, now sparkling in the sun, now hiding itself under soft gray willows — all this makes an enchanting picture. The walk to Bercka and back was a favorite expedition with us and a few Wei- mar friends^ for the road thither is a pleasant one, lead THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 249 iiig at first through open, cultivated fields, dotted here and there with villages, and then through wooded hills — tne outskirts of the Thuringian Forest. We used not to despise the fine plums which hung in tempting abun- dance by the roadside ; but we afterwards found that we had been deceived in supposing ourselves free to pluck them, a? if it were the golden age, and that we w^ere liable to a penalty of ten groschen for our depre- dations. But I must not allow myself to be exhaustive on pleas- ures which seem monotonous when told, though in en- joying them one is as far from wishing them to be more various as from wishing for any change in the sweet sameness of successive summer days. I will only ad- vise the reader who has yet to make excursions in Thu- ringia to visit Jena, less for its traditions than for its fine scenery, which makes it, as Goethe says, a delicious place, in spite of its dull, ugly streets; and exhort him, above all, to brave the discomforts of a Postwagen for the sake of getting to Ilmenau. Here he will find the grandest pine-clad hills, with endless walks under their solemn shades ; beech-woods where every tree is a pict- ure ; an air that he will breathe with as conscious a pleas- ure as if he were taking iced water on a hot day ; baths ad lihituTTi^ with a douche lofty and tremendous enough to invigorate the giant Cormoran ; and, more than all, one of the most interesting relics of Goethe, who had a great love for Ilmenau. This is the small wooden house, on the height called the Kickelhahn, where he often lived in his long retirements here, and where you may see written by his own hand, near the window-frame, those wonderful lines — perhaps the finest expression yet 13 11* 250 THREE MONTHS IX WKIMAR. given to the sense of resignation inspired by tlie sul> lime calm of Nature — " Ueber alien Gipfeln Ist Ruh, In alien Wipfeln Spiirest du Kaum einen Hauch ; Die Vogeleiu schweigen im Waldo Warte uur, balde Buliest du aucb.'' ADDRESS TO WORKING MEN, BY FELIX HOLT. Fellow-wokkmen, I am not going to take up your time by complimenting you. It has been the fashion to compliment kings and other authorities when they have come into power, and to tell them that, under their wise and beneficent rule, happiness would certain- ly overflow the land. But the end has not always cor- responded to that beginning. If it were true that we who work for wages had more of the wisdom and vir- tue necessary to the right use of power than has been shown by the aristocratic and mercantile classes, we should not glory much in that fact, or consider that it carried with it any near approach to infallibility. In my opinion, there has been too much compliment- ing of that sort ; and whenever a speaker, whether he is one of ourselves or not, wastes our time in boasting or flattery, I say, let us hiss him. If we have the be- ginning of wisdom, which is, to know a little truth about ourselves, we know that as a body we are neither very wise nor very virtuous. And to prove this, I will not point specially to our own habits and doings, but to the general state of the country. Any nation that had within It a majority of men — and we are the nwijority — possessed of nmch wisdom and virtue, would not tolerate the bad practices, the commercial lying and swindling, the poi- sonous adulteration of goods, the retail cheating^ and the 252 ADDRESS TO WORKING MEN, political bribery, which are carried on boldly in the midst of US. A majority has the power of creating a public opinion. We could groan and hiss before we had the franchise : if we had groaned and hissed in the right place, if we had discerned better between good and evil, if the' multitude of us artisans, and factory Jiands, and miners, and laborers of all sorts, had been skilful, faithful, well-judging, industrious, sober — and I don't see how there can be wisdom and virtue anywhere without those qualities — we should have made an audi- ence that would have shamed the other classes out of their share in the national vices. We should have had better members of Parliament, better religious teachers, honester tradesmen, fewer foolish demagogues, less im- pudence in infamous and brutal men ; and we should not have had among us the abomination of men calling themselves religious while living in splendor on ill-got- ten gains. I say, it is not possible for any society in which there is a very large body of wise and virtuous men to be as vicious as our society is — to have as low a standard of right and wrong, to have so much belief in falsehood, or to have so degrading, barbarous a- notion of what pleasure is, or of what justly raises a man above his fellows. Therefore, let us have done with this non- sense about our being much better than the rest of our countrymen, or the pretence that that was a reason why we ought to have such an extension of the franchise as has been given to us. The reason for our having the franchise, as I want presently to show, lies somewhere else than in our personal good qualities, and does not in the least lie in any high betting chance that a dele- g.ite is a better man than a duke, or that a Sheffield BY FELIX HOLT. 253 grinder is a better man than any one of the firm he works for. Howevgr, we have got our franchise now. We have been sarcastically called in the House of Commons the future masters of the country ; and if that sarcasm con- tains any truth, it seems to me that the first thing we had better think of is, our heavy responsibility ; that is to say, the terrible risk we run of working mischief and missing good, as others have done before us. Suppose certain men, discontented with the irrigation of a coun- try which depended for all its prosperity on the right direction being given to the waters of a great river, had got the management of the irrigation before they were quite sure how exactly it could be altered for the better, or whether they could command the necessary agency for such an alteration. Those men would have a diffi- cult and dangerous business on their hands ; and the n)ore sense, feeling, and knowledge they had, the more they would be likely to tremble rather than to triumph. Our situation is not altogether unlike theirs. For gen- eral prosperity and well-being is a vast crop, that like the corn in Egypt can be come at, not at all by hurried snatching, but only by a well-judged, patient process; and whether our political power will be any good to us now we have got it, must depend entirely on the means and materials — the knowledge, ability, and hon- esty — we have at command. These three things are the only conditions on which we can get an}^ lasting benefit, as every clever workman among us knows : he knows that for an article to be worth much there must be a good invention or plan to go upon, there must be well-prepared material, and there must be skilful and 251 ADDRESS TO WORKING MEN, honest work in carrying out the plan. And by this test we may try those who want to be our leaders. Have they anything to offer us besides indignant talk ? When they tell us we ought to have this, that, or the other thing, can they explain to us any reasonable, fair, safe way of getting it ? Can they argue in favor of a par- ticular change by showing us pretty closely how the change is likely to work? I don't want to decry a just indignation ; on the contrary, I should like it to be more thorough and general. A wise man, more than two thousand years ago, when he was asked what would most tend to lessen injustice in the world, said, " That every bystander should feel as indignant at a wrong as if he himself were the sufferer." Let us cherish such indignation. But the long -growing evils of a great nation are a tangled business, asking for a good deal more than indignation in order to be got rid of. In- dignation is a fine war-horse, but the war-horse must be ridden by a man ; it must be ridden by rationality, skill, courage, armed with the right weapons, and taking defi- nite aim. We have reason to be discontented with many things, and, looking back either through the history of Eng- land to much earlier generations or to the legislation and administration of later times, we are justified in saying that many of the evils under which our country now suffers are the consequences of folly, ignorance, neglect, or self-seeking in those who, at different times, have wielded the powers of rank, office, and money. But the more bitterly we feel this, the more loudly we utter it, the stronger is the obligation we lay on our- selves to beware lest we also, by a too hasty wresting BY FELIX HOLT. li^J of measures which seem to promise an immediate par- tial relief, make a worse time of it for our own genera- tion, and leave a bad inheritance to our children. The deepest curse of wrong-doing, whether of the foolisli or wicked sort, is that its effects are difficult to be undone. I suppose there is hardly anything more to be shud- dered at than that part of the history of disease which shows how, when a man injures his constitution by a life of vicious excess, his children and grandchildren inherit diseased bodies and minds, and how the effects of that unhappy inheritance continue to spread beyond our cal- culation. This is only one example of the law by \,hich human lives are linked together : another example of what we complain of when we point to our pauperism, to the brutal ignorance of multitudes among our fellow- countrymen, to the weight of taxation laid on us by blamable wars, to the wasteful channels made for the public money, to the expense and trouble of getting justice, and call these the effects of bad rule. This is the law that we all bear the yoke of, the law of no man's making, and which no man can undo. Everybody now sees an example of it in the case of Ireland. We who are living now are sufferers by the wrong-doing of those who lived before us ; we are sufferers by each other's wrong-doing ; and the children who come after us are and will be sufferers from the same causes. Will any man say he doesn't care for that law — it is nothing to him — what he wants is to better himself ? With what face then will he complain of any injury? If he savs that in politics or in any sort of social action he will not care to know what are likely to be the consequences to others besides himself, he is defending tne very 250 ADDRESS TO WORKING MENj worst doings that have brought about his discontent. He might as well say that there is no better rule need- ful for men than that each should tug and rive for what will please him, without caring how that tugging will act on the fine widespread network of society in which he is fast meshed. If any man taught that as a doc- trine, we should know him for a fool. But there are men who act upon it : every scoundrel, for example, whether he is a rich religious scoundrel who lies and cheats on a large scale, and will perhaps come and ask you to send him to Parliament, or a poor pocket-picking scoundrel, who will steal your loose pence while you are listening round the platform. None of us are so ignorant as not to know that a society, a nation, is held together by just the opposite doctrine and action — by the dependence of men on each other and the sense they have of a common interest in preventing injury. And we working men are, I think, of all classes the last that can afford to forget this ; for if we did we should be much like sailors cutting away the timbers of our own ship to warm our grog with. For what else is the meaning of our Trades-unions ? What else is the mean- ing of every Hag we carry, every procession we make, every crowd we collect for the sake of making some protest on behalf of our body as receivers of wages, if not this; that it is our interest to stand by each other, and that this being the common interest, no one of us will try to make a good bargain for himself without considering what will be good for his fellows? And every member of a union believes that the wider he can spread his union, the stronger and surer will be the ef- fect of it. So I think I shall be borne out in saying BY FELIX HOLT. 257 that a working man who can put two and two together, or take three from four and see what will be the re- mainder, can understand that a society, to be well off, must be made up chiefly of men who consider the gen- eral good as well as their own. Well, but taking the world as it is — and this is one way we must take it when we want to find out how it can be improved — no society is made up of a single class : society stands before us like that wonderful piece of life, the human body, with all its various parts de- pending on one another, and with a terrible liability to get wrong because of that delicate dependence. We all know how many diseases the human body is apt to suffer from, and how difficult it is even for the doctors to find out exactly where the seat or beginning of the disorder is. That is because the body is made up of so many various parts, all related to each other, or likely all to feel the effect if any one of them goes wrong. It is somewhat the same with our old nations or societies. No society ever stood long in the world without getting to be composed of different classes. Now, it is all pre- tence to say that there is no such thing as Class Interest. It is clear that if any particular number of men get a particular benefit from any existing institution, they are likely to band together, in order to keep up that benefit and increase it, until it is perceived to be unfair and injurious to another large number, who get knowl- edge and strength enough to set up a resistance. And this, again, has been part of the history of every great society since history began. But the simple reason for this being, that any large body of men is likely to have more of stupidity, narrowness, and greed than of far- 13* 258 ADDRESS TO WORKING MEN, siglitedness and generosity, it is plain that the numbei who resist unfairness and injury are in danger of becom- ing injurious in their turn. And in this way a justifi- able resistance has become a damaging convulsion, mab ing everything worse instead of better. This has been seen so often that we ought to profit a little by the ex- perience. So long as there is selfishness in men ; so long as they have not found out for themselves institu- tions which express and carry into practice the truth that the highest interest of mankind must at last be a common and not a divided interest ; so long as the gradual operation of steady causes has not made that truth a part of every man's knowledge and feeling, just as we now not only know that it is good for our health to be cleanly, but feel that cleanliness is only another word for comfort, which is the under-side or lining of all pleasure ; so long, I say, as men wink at their own knowingness, or hold their heads high, because they have got an advantage over their fellows, so long Class Interest will be in danger of making itself felt injuri- ously. No set of men will get any sort of power with- out being in danger of wanting more than their right share. But, on the other hand, it is just as certain that no set of men will get angry at having less than tlieir right share, and set up a claim on that ground, without falling into just the same danger of exacting too much, and exacting it in wrong ways. It's human nature we have got to work with all round, and nothing else. That seems like saying something very commonplace — nay, obvious ; as if one should say that where there are hands there are mouths. Yet, to hear a good deal of the speechifying and to see a good deal of thv?.r 5t, still more on that which habitually contemplates it. In this we may be said to solicit help from a generalization or abstraction. Wordsworth had this truth in his con- sciousness when he wrote (in the Prelude) : " Nor general truths, which are themselves a sort Of elements and agents, Under-powers, Subordinate helpers of the living mind" — not indeed precisely in the same relation, but with a meaning which involves that wider moral influence. "^ Fine Excess^ Feeling is Energy. One can hardly insist too much, in the present stage 294 LEAVES FROM A NOTE-BOOK. of thinking, on the efficacy of feeling in stimulating to ardent co-operation, quite apart from the conviction that such co-operation is needed for the achievement of the end in view. Just as hatred will vent itself in pri- vate curses no longer believed to have any potency, and joy, in private singing far out among the woods and fields, so sympathetic feeling can only be satisfied by join- ing in the action which expresses it, though the added "Bravo!" the added push, the added penny, is no more than a grain of dust on a rolling mass. When students take the horses out of a political hero's carriage, and draw him home by the force of their own muscle, the struggle in each is simply to draw or push, without con- sideration whether his place would not be as well filled by sonjebody else, or whether his one arm be really needful to the effect. It is under the same inspiration that abundant help rushes towards the scene of a fire, rescuing imperilled lives, and laboring with generous rivalry in carrying buckets. So the old blind King John of Bohemia at the battle of CreQy begged his vas- eals to lead him into the fight that he might stj'ike a good blow, though his own stroke, possibly fatal to himself, could not turn by a hair's-breadth the imperi- ous course of victory. The question, " Of what use is it for me to work towards an end confessedly good ?" comes from that sapiess kind of reasoning which is falsely taken for a sign of supreme mental activity, but is really due to languor, or incapability of that mental grasp which makes objects strongly present, and to a lack of sym- pathetic emotion. In the " Spanish Gypsy " Fedalma says— LEAVES FROM A NOTE-BOOK. . 295 " The grandest death! to die in vain — ^for Love Greater than sways the forces of the world " * — referring to the image of the disciples throwing them- selves, consciously in vain, on the Roman spears. I really believe and mean this — not as a rule of general action, but as a possible grand instance of determining energy in human sympathy, which even in particular cases, where it has only a magnificent futility, is more adorable, or as we say divine, than nnpitying force, or than a prudent calculation of results. Perhaps it is an implicit joy in the resources of our human nature which has stimulated admiration for acts of self-sacri- fice which are vain as to their immediate end. Marcus Curtius was probably not imagined as concluding to himself that he and his horse would so fill up the gap as to make a smooth terra firma. The impulse and act made the heroism, not the correctness of adaptation. No doubt the passionate inspiration which prompts and sustains a course of self-sacrificing labor in the light of soberly estimated results gathers the highest title to our veneration, and makes the supreme heroism. But the generous leap of impulse is needed too, to swell the flood of sympathy in us beholders, that we may not fall completely under the mastery of calculation, which in its turn may fail of ends for want of energy got from ardor. We have need to keep the sluices open for possible influxes of the rarer sort. * V. what Demosthenes says ("De Corongi") ahout Athens pur- euiug the same course, though she had known from the beginning that her heroic resistance would he in vain. VALUABLE AND INTERESTmG WORKS FOR PUBLIC & PRIVATE LIBRARIES, Published by HARPER & BROTHERS, New York. 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