•>;S*Kf<$>!aaKS%S3%?55S%SS^^^ T H E POP U L A R H I STO RiCAL ■ SZm E.B- . • i^lMow*— P—P**!***— *«»— ii i n i u iiiii rn i fniim ii joui i , n i ii ilp)iww^i n i , i n i 4 i nn iii «j r » F 'V^' -, ;, ■*-«./rw\#f'^^'^"f• iMi '/%■. .<^' ><.^^- %,^^^^.,^^ '^^^; ^v. ■^^-'-^ k.V if xO .^ s^"^ x^^' % ^.^ . . -* v\ \ ''^A <^ ^ ^> \ ^^A V^ > .0-' ,0o \"' '^ .6?- 55 . -^^ -^^ ^V .,-. V' , .V k#.-^ ^v* *<=■ '->.?%<* •^^■' "^^^^ '» 's « -5:- S^ 'U V^-To'' ^c- vV r- ^^. .,x^^ .-^ ♦^ . '<>. 'V- V 00^ \. ,C^' M -%. o -O m^^ ,H -/. V \L- 'Kr. * ^V ,. •X^^" cd.-H^d.o CONTENTS. CHAPTER. PAGE. I. Geographical Distribution 13 II. The Ancient Mexicans 25 III. The Chichimecs 44 IV. The Aztecs, or Mexicans 48 V. The Rival Powers of Anahuac 65 VI. The Triple Kingdom . 76 VII. Nezahualcoyotl, King of Tezcoco .... 89 VIII. Mexico in her Glory . 97 IX. Last Years of the Mexican Empire .... 109 X. The Beginning of the End 125 XL A Glance at the Aztec at Home 142 XII. Religion. Gods and Goddesses 155 XIII. The Discovery of Mexico 186 XIV. Voyage of Hernando Cortez 197 XV. From Tabasco to Cempoalla 209 XVI. Destruction of the Ships and March Inland . 226 XVII. Tlascala, Cholula, and Mexico 245 XVIII. In the Aztec Stronghold 259 XIX. Montezuma a Captive 274 XX. The Disastrous Retreat from Mexico . . . 284 XXI. The Siege of Mexico 297 XXII. The Destruction of the City 311 XXIII. After the Overthrow 325 XXIV. The Reign of the Viceroys 340 viii List of Illustrations. PAGE Aztec Idol 165 Men Flying 173 Vapor Baths 177 Making Bread 181 Urn 185 Yucatan Ruins 187 Map of Yucatan 189 Cortez 198 Vera Cruz 221 Ruins of Papantla 229 Map — Route of Cortez 234 View in Tierra Caliente 243 Cholula . 248 Volcanoes as seen from Mexico 253 Map — Valley of Mexico 257 Cortez and Montezuma 261 Alvarado 282 Tree of La Noche Triste ....*.... 293 Sandoval 307 Christoval de Olid 310 Bust of Guatemotzin 326 Ruins of Mitla 332 "Church in Mexico , 334 Aztec Hut 341 New Mexican Pueblo 345 Palenque Cross . 353 Governor's House 357 Tower of Palenque 3^° House of Nuns, Chichen 3^3 Bas-Relief of Tigers 3^7 Philip of Spain 375 Cathedral of Guadalajara 377 Mission at Monterey 3^3 Mines 387 At the Fountain ... 394 Termination of Aqueduct 39° Virgin of Guadalupe 397 Fagade of Casa de las Monjas 4^7 A Hacienda 4^5 Scene in Texas 4^3 Portrait of Zachary Taylor 43^ Battle of Monterey 435 Table-land of Mexico 44® List of Illustrations, ix PAGE Portrait of General Scott 442 Map showing Seat of War A.i Map of Mexican Valley . . . aa>j Gate of St. Antonio ^ei Volcanoes, from Tacubaya 457 Chapultepec , 450 Mexico at Peace 461 Sagrario, or Parish Church of Mexico .471 Mexican Priests of the Past , . . 475 Portrait of Juarez . " 478 Portrait of Maximilian 402 Portrait of Car lota 45 ■7 Portrait of Romero . . . 498 Queretaro 499 Execution of Maximilian 502 Street Scene in Mexico ' . , 505 Portrait of Lerdo de Tejada 508 Mexican Saw-Mill 509 Scene in the Tierra Templada 512 Portrait of Diaz 519 Market Scene, city of Mexico. 525 Canal of La Viga, city of Mexico 531 Indian Peon 534 HISTORY OF MEXICO. MEXICO. CHAPTER I. GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION. South of the United States, stretching away towards Cen- tral America, hes the country of Mexico. It has a large extent of territory, being fifteen hundred miles in length, and quite eight hundred miles in width in its broadest part. It has a coast line of nearly five thousand five hundred miles, and lies between the Gulf of Mexico and the Pacific Ocean. Being so much farther to the south than the United States, its climate w^ould naturally be much hotter, yet such is not the case all over Mexico. Though it ex- tends into the tropics more than six degrees, yet the greater 'portion of its territory enjoys a temperate climate. This is due to the fact that it is a mountainous country. We know that in going up a high mountain the temperature gets lower, or colder, the higher we ascend. So it is that Mexico, though extending far down into the torrid zone, has the cool climate of the temperate zone, except along its coasts and in the far south. We might say that the backbone of Mexico is a long mountain-ridge, with ribs of hills spreading away on either side to the Gulf of Mexico and the Pacific, or that the mountain system of the Andes stretches along its entire length. In speaking of the Andes we naturallv think of 14 Mexico. South America and its ranges of volcanoes ; but if we take a map and trace this vast system up through Central Amer- ica, we shall see that it rises into great prominence in Mexico, and even in the United States, where it is known as the Rocky Mountains. We shall see that it spreads itself into two great chains ; one approaching the eastern and the other the western coast, and running northward parallel to them. These are the Cordilleras — or chains — of the Andes. They enclose between them a vast plain, or plateau, not always level, but broken by hills and dotted with other mountains or volcanoes. This plateau, the Mexican table- land, is several hundred miles in length, and from one to three hundred miles in breadth. It is this table-land that possesses the temperate climate and produces the plants of our own zone, while the plains that lie between the bases of the mountains and the coast are hot, and have a tropical vegetation. To complete this broad sketch of Mexico, take your map again, and note the shape of the country. Does it not resemble a cornucopia, a horn of plenty .'' That is what it is, a veritable horn of plenty, with its hills and mountains containing great stores of silver, and its lowlands filled with forests of valuable woods. You will see that the throat of this horn of plenty is the most mountainous, and that great plains spread out in the north towards the United States, and a low, flat peninsula terminates its eastern por- tion — the peninsula of Yucatan. This much for a broad, general view of the physical features of the country whose history we purpose to read. You will see that it is no small portion of this North American continent that we shall examine. It is a very important portion, lying, as it does, — as the great Hum- boldt has expressed it — in the highway of commerce be- tween the two hemispheres. Geographical Description. 15 It has other considerations, also, than " those of "a com- mercial character, to entitle it to our closest attention. The wisest of our learned men have looked upon this region as MEXICAN CACTI. the seat of American civilization, — that is, that here the wild Indian first forsook his habits of savagery and settled down to a peaceful life. Here he becam.e civilized^ in fact, 1 6 Mexico. built cities and cultivated land, instead of always fighting and wandering about from country to country. We shall come to those wonderful cities they built by and by, for their ruins fill the forests of the southern portion of Mexico and Yucatan. It is difficult to choose whether to follow first the history of these most ancient of people, or to commence with those that have filled a more prominent place in more recent times. Let us go up into that vast table- land and seek out the abiding-place of the nation that ruled Mexico when first this country was discovered by Europeans, by white men. We shall find ourselves in the valley of Mexico, enclosed on all sides by spurs of mountains from that mighty chain that strides the whole length of the continent. We shall find a valley sixty miles in length and thirty in breadth, surrounded by a mountain wall two hundred miles in cir- cumference. We shall find it a delightful region of lakes and valleys and wooded hills, bathed in tropic sunshine, yet with the pure atmosphere of the temperate zone. For it is the centre of that region lying in the tropics, yet at an altitude so high as to remove it from tropic heat. In the distance you may see the glittering domes of two great snow- crowned volcanoes. The valley itself is over seven thousand feet above the sea, while the volcanoes are more than seven- teen thousand ! If we could occupy some commanding position, we should not fail to note the numerous lakes that stretch along this beautiful valley and form a glistening chain its entire length. It is they that have given it its Indian name, Afid/iuac* or by the water side, since the eailier towns and cities were built near their margins, or upon the islands in them. And when were these first cities built ? * " Anakuac, qujere decir cerca del agua.'''' — Clavigero. First Settlement. \7 Rather, let us ask, when was this valley first populated ? We are not the first who have asked this question ; we are not the last who will ask it. Constantly, to the inquiring mind that searches into the history of our country, this question arises : " Whence came these people, and when ? " Even yet, with all the light shed by science, we go groping about in the dark, asking of ourselves and of one another : " When and whence ? " The origin of the American people is enveloped in mystery ; but our knowledge of that portion that resided in Mexico extends farther into the past than of any other, for they were more civilized when discovered than any others They had records extending back hundreds of years. They had cities and white-walled temples and palaces, even so long ago as when Columbus sailed into this New World ; yes, even when the Northmen coasted our northern shores, eight hundred years ago. You may add yet another thousand years to those eight hundred, and yet not reach the period in which those cities were built and to which their records carry us. Nobody knows whence came the first populators of Mexico. Some historians think that they came from a region in the north ; others believe that they originated in the south; others say they came from the west, and yet others that they came from the east. From the north might have come the Jews, the lost tribes of Israel, by the way of Behring's Straits to the northwest coast of America, and thence, gradually moving southward, have reached finally Mexico. They might have come this way, and at that remote time the islands between Asia and America may have been nearer together, or the sea may have been frozen over and have given them a safe passage. They may have brought with them their flocks and herds, and also all those strange i8 Mexico. birds and beasts that we find to-day peculiar to Mexico and South America. Those historians who believe this have found many things in support of their theory ; they have found Jewish manners and customs among the Indian tribes A PUEBLO. in the north, and have even found some tribes speaking the dialect. From the west may have appeared the Japanese, the Malays, or the Chinese. It would, indeed, seem easier for Early Civilization. 19 these people, any or all of them, to cross to the western shore of our continent by sea than by land. There is a great " river in the sea " called the Kuro Siwo, or Black Stream, similar to our Gulf Stream, that crosses the Pacific Ocean from Japan to our northwest coast, and sweeps southward along the western shores. By means of this ocean river, with its steady current, Japanese junks have been drifted across the Pacific to the coast of California. One writer, who has given the subject great attention, says that a drifting wreck would be carried eastward by the Kuro Siwo at the rate of ten miles a day. Cast upon our coast, the Japanese sailors may have exerted some influence upon the civilization of the Indians already there, but they could not have come in this way in sufficient numbers to people the country. The Malays were bold navigators, and may have vis- ited the west coast, but it is a question if any of them stayed. Looking east, how would it be possible for any people to cross the wide expanse of ocean that Columbus first crossed in modern times ? It would seem difficult, yet it does not seem so to those who believe that from this direction Amer- ica first received her people. Did you ever hear the story of Atlantis ? Atlantis was a great island that is said to have existed in the Atlantic ocean ages and ages ago. According to some ancient historians it was fertile and beautiful, with exten- sive forests and rivers, hills, mountains, valleys — in short, a good-sized continent. It was peopled by an intelli- gent and warlike race, who even invaded the neighboring coast of Africa and perhaps passed into Spain. Some Phcenecian navigators claimed to have sailed beyond the Pillars of Hercules — the Strait of Gibraltar — and to have discovered it. It was claim.ed that this was more than an 20 Mexico. island — - that it was a continent — and was an extension of Central America away out into the Atlantic and over towards Africa. The peninsula of Yucatan is considered, by the people who hold this theory, as part of that continent which sank at some remote age of the world, and left the West Ind^a islands as mountains, sticking up above the sea to remind us of its former existence. This continent, or great island, Atlantis, is said to have PHCENECIAN VESSEL. had just such temples and palaces of stone as we find in Yucatan to-day lying in ruins in the wilderness. Did the Phcenecians visit this country by coasting the shores of Atlantis, or did part of the Atlantides themselves escape to Central America and there build the cities buried in the vast forest there now ? It has not been proven that they did, any more than that the Jews came from the north, or the Malays and the Japanese from the west. And what has been proven by all our study of the ruins and the records of this people ? I PHCENECIAN ARCHITECTURE. Various Theories. 23 Only this, that there has long existed in Central America — in which we would embrace Southern Mexico and Yu- catan — an American civilization superior to any other on this continent at the time of its discovery. There remains still one more theory to consider : Was it possible for this civilization to have been developed by the people placed here by the Creator ? Was it possible for the Creator to place men and women here originally, without making them pass over from the other continent ? It was possible, was it probable ? Some there are who think that this was done ; who claim that our continent is oldest, according to its geological for- mation, and that it was as likely that people passed to the eastern hemisphere from the western as that they should have passed to the western from the eastern. It is difficult for those who hold this theory to account in any other way for the many peculiarities in American ar- chitecture, for the totally different aspect of the natives of this country from every other. They hold that it would have been impossible for all the animals of this so-called New World to have originated from the Old World : the tapirs, boa-constrictors, pumas, etc., that seem to belong to the warmer parts of America alone, — that they would have frozen in coming down from the north by way of Behring's Straits, with the Jews, even if they had originally been created in Europe or Asia. Many wise men have at last concluded that our great continent was originally settled by two different peoples. One was an indigenous race, — created here, belonging ex- clusively to this country; and the other came to North America from Asia by way of Behring's Straits, or the Aleutian islands. In support of this they call our attention to the great difference between the northern and the south- 24 Mexico. em Indians. The Indians of Mexico and Central America are totally different from those of the United States, Canada and Labrador, with the exception of the Mound Builders, the Cliff Dwellers and the Pueblo Indians, who belong to the south and have strayed away. They are so unlike, that only this difference of origin seems to explain the reason why it is so. While those Indians now living mainly south of the Mexican border have great similarity amongst them- selves, and have no representatives in the Old World, those of the north seem to have a resemblance to some Indians in Eastern Asia. But these are all speculations, with more or less of proof in favor of the last theory. We will go on to describe the Indians found in Mexico at the coming of the white men, and then the reader may judge whether these people had a foreign origin ; or whether they commenced existence in southern Mexico and founded there a great empire, which will be mentioned in its proper place. The Ancient Mexicans. 25 CHAPTER II. THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. [1000 B. C] Perhaps the principal reason why so many have sought to find a birthplace for this race in a foreign country is because their own traditions are so obscure. Yet great historians tell us that they are no more so than those of many nations of the Old World. They do not ex- tend back so far, that is all. Their earliest traditions reach only to about one thousand years before the coming of Christ. And where the exact line of division occurs between tradition and history it is difficult to determine. But we may say pretty positively that their annals may be accepted as history so far back as the sixth century. [Sixth Century, A. D.] Though the ancient history of Mexico commences with the annals of the Toltecs, it is believed the country was inhabited by a wild people before this race came into prominence. There were the Olmecs and Xicalancas, the Otomies and Tepanecs — we are speak- ing now of the Mexican valley. Then, also, if we may be- lieve the traditions, there were giants in those days. But we may find that the history of every people begins with fables and traditions regarding giants, and a great flood that may have occurred before or after the arrival of the giants upon the earth. We shall see, later on, that all these different tribes living in Mexico preserved traditions of a flood, or deluge, that covered their portion of the world, and destroyed the inhabitants of their country. Now, these . giants may have been fabled monsters, but the early Indians 26 Mexico. believed that they Uvea here in Mexico. They were good- natured men, but very lazy, and when the strangers arrived among them from the south they enslaved them. Tired at last of the disgusting habits of the giants, the Indians turned upon them and slew them, first having put them to sleep by drugging their wine. Thus Mexico was freed from these worthless giants ; but another monster was to stride over the land for many hundred years and make its fair valleys to be desolate more than once, this was the demon war. THE TOLTECS. [596-1050.] Our first certain knowledge is of the race known as the Toltecs, — Toltecas^ artificers, or architects, — who were really quite civilized when they first appeared in the pages of history. They understood and practised agriculture and many arts. Being driven from a country in which they had been long settled, by invading savages, they commenced a journey southward, halting at intervals long enough to plant corn and cotton and gather the crops. [596.] Their annals tell us that they began their migra- tion in the year " i Tecpatl," or 596 of our Christian era. The country they left, supposed to be in the north, they called Huehiie Tlapaltan, or the old Tlapaltan. Here again enters speculation, upon the location of that country of the Toltecs. No one knows certainly where it was, but everything points to its having been in the north. If you are acquainted with the early history of the United States, you will remember that the oldest remains of civili- zation there are those of the Mound Builders. You will recall the descriptions given of the great earthworks lying in the Ohio and Mississippi valleys; works so vast that.it must have taken many generations to complete them, and The Mound Builders, 29 erected so long ago that not even the faintest tradition remains to tell who built them. They were a very civilized race, these Mound Builders, very different from the savages who surrounded them, or who have since swept over the country they once occu- pied. They extended their sway, we know, as far north as Lake Superior, because old shafts have been discovered in the copper mines there, and detached masses of copper ore, with the wedges and chisels they used at their work. This was but an outpost of theirs, for their great works were in the south. Everything seemed to indicate, also, that they came from the south. Besides axes, adzes, lance-heads, knives, etc., found in these mounds, explorers have also unearthed pottery of elegant design, ornaments of silver, bone and mica, and of shell from the Gulf of Mexico. But there have been found there implements of obsidian^ a volcanic product once used by the ancient Mexicans for spear-heads, arrow-heads, and knives. This shows that this people had connection with Mexico, if they had not origin- ally come from there, since this volcanic glass, obsidian, " is found in its natural state nowhere nearer the Missis- sippi valley than the Mexican mountains of Cerro Gordo." There are evidences, likewise, that they possessed the art of spinning and weaving, which was unknown to the Indians of the north, but practised years ago by those of the south — of the West Indies and Mexico. Now, it would seem that these great Mound Builders, when they were driven from this country, took a southerly direction, and at last arrived in Mexico. It is much pleasanter to think this than that they were crushed out of existence entirely ; and there is a great deal to prove that this was actually the case, and that they were identical with those Toltecs who came down into Mexico twelve hundred and fifty years ago. 30 Mexico. In doing this, in performing this migration southward, they were, it is said, only returning to their old homes, from which their ancestors had strayed, it may be, in the first years of the world's history. [700.] Well, the Toltecs came into Mexico; suddenly appearing from the darkness that had enveloped their past, and settled finally at Tollantzingo, in the year 700, where, twenty years later, they founded the city of Tollan, or Tula. It is said by some that Tula already existed, under the name of Man-he-mi., and was merely rebuilt and re-named by the Toltecs. Be this as it may, the ruins of this capital city of the Toltecs now remain on the northern edge of the Mexican valley, to point out to the visitor the site of an an- cient empire. The writer of this history has seen them — a scattered line of earthen-walled houses and temples, occupy- ing a ridge of hills overlooking a lovely valley. On the face of a cliff is sculptured one of their heroes, and in the market-place of the present town of Tula may be seen sculptured pillars and great stones, taken from the ancient city of Tollantzingo. The Toltec monarchy commenced in the year 607 of the Christian era, and lasted till about the year 1000, each monarch reigning fifty-two years ; or if he died before this period was completed, his successor was not appointed until its completion. They were more given to the arts of peace than those of war, and their civilization was, perhaps, of a higher grade than that of any Indian nation that has succeeded them. They invented, or reformed, that wonderful calendar system which was used by all the people of the valley, and which required great knowledge of astronomy in its construction. * In about the year 660 they assembled all their wise men,, prophets and astrologers, and painted a famous book, which they called Teoamoxtli, or Divine Book. In this sacred * Clavigero ; year 8 1 2-820, ace. to Bancroft The Toltecs. 31 book was represented the origin of the Indians and (according to Span- ish writers) tlie confu- sion of tongues at the building of the tower of Babel, the ecUpse of the sun that occurred at the death of Christ, as well as prophecies concerning the future of the empire. [1000.] Eight sov- ereigns had reigned in Tula before the empire began to weaken. It was during the reign of the emperor Topiltzin, some time in the tenth century, that this hap- pened. And it is said to have come about by means of the love of the king for strong drink, and for a woman he had no right to love. The legend runs somewhat in this wise : One of the Toltec nobles (who had such a long name that it would be difficult for us even to MEXICAN SYMBOLS. 32 Mexico. pronounce it) had a lovely daughter called Xochitl. One day this noble suc- ceeded in preparing a delicious kind of a drink — supposed to be the pulque^ made from the maguey plant, and now so much drank in Mexico. Charmed with his success, he sent some as a pres- ent to his sov- ereign by the hand of the beautiful Xochitl' — pro- nounced Hocheetl, and signifying the flower of Tollan. The emperor was so delighted with the pulque that he or- dered a large sup- ply, and he was so enamored of Xochitl that he kept her a prisoner in his pal- ace for many years and would not let her return to her people. Things came to such a pass after a while that his subjects began to murmur and many rose in rebellion. ^ *qf *^ l^^'^i Most Aitcient Ruins. 35 [A. D. 1050.] And so it happened that, what with civil wars, famine and pestilence, there was but little of the great Toltec empire left by the middle of the eleventh century, and it perished from the earth. The famished and plague- stricken people scattered over a wide expanse of territory to the southward, leaving their capital city because they thought it accursed of their gods. But it was only as a nation that the Toltecs disappeared, for many of them continued to live in the country, and exerted an important influence upon the tribes that afterward invaded the valley of Anahuac. It is with a feeling of deep regret that we see this cultured race swept into oblivion, and the land they occupied once more given over to savages. RUINS IN ANAHUAC. There are many ruined structures in the valley of Mexico that arc attributed to the Toltecs, and were either built by them or by the people who preceded them, the Olmecs, or the Totonacs. The oldest of these ruins, apparently — older even than those of Tula, or Tollan — are those of Teotihuacan, — the. " City of the Gods," situated in the valley of Anahuac, about twenty-five miles from the present, city of Mexico. There are two great pyramids here, called the " Pyramid of the Moon " and the " Pyramid of the Sun ; " and, besides these, there are long rows, some miles in length, of mounds and smaller pyramids. The pyramid of the moon measures 426 feet long on one side at the base, by 511 feet on another, and is 137 feet high. There is a gallery leading in to a deep well in the centre of the pyramid, which is thought to contain treasure. About 2700 feet from the pyramid of the moon is that of the sun, larger than the former, being about 735 feet square at the base and 203 feet high. It was called by the 36 Mexico. ancients, Tonatiuh Itzacual, or " house of the sun." Both pyramids are built in terraces and have broad platforms at their summits, upon one of which was borne a statue of the sun and upon the other that of the moon, both covered with gold and glistening in the sun so that worshipers com- ing to this valley could see them many miles away. It is thought that the Spanish soldiers stripped off the golden coverings of the idols, and the statues themselves have long since disappeared ; though there are yet some large carved blocks of stone to be found at the base of one of the pyramids. It is said that this was the site of a great city, a holy place, where the priests of the people resided. The most perplexing and peculiar feature of these ruins is the broad avenue, lined on either side with mounds, two hundred and fifty feet wide, called in the native traditions, Micaotli, or " path of the dead." Many traditions refer to this place as a holy city, and not only the dwelling-place of the gods and priests, but that to which the kings of the different people came to be crowned. One historian relates what is said to have happened here once, towards the destruction *of the Toltec empire. "The gods were very angry with the Toltecs, and to avert their wrath, a meeting of .all the wise men, priests and nobles, was called at Teotihuacan, where the gods from most ancient times had been wont to hear the prayers of men. " In the midst of the feasts and sacrifices an enormous demon with long bony arms and fingers, appeared dancing in the court where the people were assembled. Whirling through the crowd in every direction he seized upon the Toltecs that came in his way and dashed them at his teet. He appeared a second time, and the people perished by hundreds in his clutches. At his next appearance the demon assumed the form of a white and beautiful child, sitting on a rock and gazing at the holy city from a neighbor- The God of the Air. 39 ing hill-top. As the people rushed in crowds to examine this strange creation, it was discovered that the child's head was a mass of corruption, the stench from which smote with death all who approached it. Finally the devil, or the god, appeared again and warned the Toltecs that their fate was sealed as a nation, and that they could only escape destruction by flight." The visitor to this city of the gods to-day will find, scattered all over the surface of the pyramids and mounds, along the road of the dead and in the adjacent fields, numerous heads of clay, or terra cotta. They are grotesque in feature and singular in design. It is not known what use was made of them, why they were made in such quantities, nor why only heads are found, instead of entire figures having a body as well. It is thought by some that these idols were given by the priests, or holy men, to the crowds of worshipers who used to resort to this city of sanctuaries in these early times. Whether those pyramids are Toltec, Olmec, or Totonac, it is very certain that they were built by a people who inhabited Anahuac long before the Aztecs arrived in it. QUETZALCOATL, GOD OF THE AIR. Before passing on to the people that succeeded the Toltecs in the valley of Mexico, let us glance at another pyramid of the past, belonging to this epoch, and at a great hero mentioned in Toltec traditions. We have seen that Tula was their capital and that there they lived in peace for many years. It was some time during their residence there that Quetzalcoatl, the " Feathered Serpent," appeared amongst them. He was a beneficent deity, who seemed to have taken the shape of a man in order to improve the con- dition of the people of earth. His name is constructed from two words. Quetzal^ a bird of beautiful plumage found 40 Mexico. in the forests of southern Mexico, and Coatl^ a serpent, also found there — Quetzalcoatl, the "Plumed Serpent."' The traditions, or legends, paint him as a tall, white man with a large beard, in complexion and general appearance very different from the Indians, among whom he lived, in Tula, as " God of the Air." Everything prospered exceedingly during his stay, and the people wanted for nothing. He created large and beautiful palaces of silver, precious stones, and even of feathers. In his time corn grew so strong that a single ear was a load for a man, gourds were as long as a man's body, pumpkins were a fathom in circumference, while cot- ton grew on its stalks of all colors, red, yellow, scarlet, blue, and green. He taught the people all their wonderful arts : how to cut the precious green stone, the chalchiuite, and the casting of metals. He also had an incredible number of beautiful and sweet-singing birds, the like of which has not been seen in the country since his time. But all this prosperity was to come to an end. There came amongst the people an evil-minded god called Tezcatlipoca, who wished to drive Quetzalcoatl from the country. So he appeared to him in the form of an old man, and told him that it was the will of the gods that he should be taken to Tlapalla. After drinking a beverage the old man offered him, the Plumed Serpent felt so strongly inclined to go that he set out at once, accompanied by many of his subjects. Near a city yet pointed out in the valley of Mexico, that of Quauhtitlan, he felled a tree with stones, which remained fixed in the trunk ; and near Halnepantla he laid his hand on a stone and left an impression which the Mexicans showed the Spaniards after the conquest. Finally, on his way to the coast, he passed through the valley of Cholula, where the inhabitants detained him and made him ruler over their city. The Pyramid of Cholula. 4 1 He did not approve of the sacrifice of human beings, which some of the tribes performed in their worship, but he was a mild and benevolent being, and ordered that they offer to the gods only flowers and fruits. After twenty years, he continued his journey, though the sorrowing Cholulans would have detained him longer. Taking with him four noble and virtuous youths, he set out for the province of Coatzcoalcos, on the Gulf of Mexico. Here he dismissed his attendants and launched upon the waters of the gulf alone, while they returned and ruled over Cholula for many years. It is said that Quetzalcoatl appeared upon the coast of Yucatan, where he was wor- shiped under the name of Kukulcan ; and his image may be seen to-day, cut in the wall of one of the vast ruined edifices of Yucatan. He promised his followers of Tula and of Cholula that he would some time return, and bring back to them the prosperity that had attended his coming. For everything changed when he left, and even the sweet-singing birds he sent before him to that mysterious kingdom in the east, the land of Tlapallan. Now, this is but a tale of the priests, a legend of those early Mexicans, yet their descendants firmly believed in it, and looked for the promised return of the Feathered Ser- pent for hundreds of years. We shall find, farther on in this history, that the Aztecs believed in his coming and at first took the cruel Spaniards to be messengers from the mild and beneficent Quetzalcoatl. They thought they were messengers of life, these fierce and bloodthirsty de- mons of death ! THE PYRAMID OF CHOLULA. Even at the arrival of the Spaniards, the city of Cholula was considered a holy place, the residence of the priests. 42 Mexico^ Its inhabitants raised here an immense mound in honor of Quetzalcoatl, with a temple on its summit dedicated to his worship. It was more than a mound, it was 2i pyramid^ the largest in America, with a broader base even than any of those of Egypt. It covers a surface of more than forty PYRAMID OF CHOLULA. acres, is 1440 feet "square at its base, and rises to a height of nearly two hundred feet. Though some ignorant writers have called this Pyramid of Cholula merely a natural hill, it has been proven to be wholly af-fificial. It is constructed of adobe^ or sun-baked bricks, and is built in terraces with a broad platform at the top about two hundred feet square. It The Hill of Shouting. 43 is said that the bricks used in its construction came from Tlamanalco, several leagues distant, and were passed from hand to hand, along a; long line of men. This statement, however, may well be questioned. But that it is built of bricks, any one who has seen it can testify. The writer of this history has himself examined it, and wondered at the evidence here shown of past labor, skill and patience. He has climbed its terraced sides and has looked over the plain that once held the city of the priests, across the fer- tile fields to the great volcanoes that reach the clouds with their crests of snow. When Quetzalcoatl was alive — when^ indeed — he issued his orders to the inhabitants of Tula by means of a crier, who ascended a mountain near by, called the " hill of shouting," and proclaimed the high priest's orders. The hill was so high, or the crier could shout so loud, that his voice could be heard for one hundred leagues around. It was very convenient for Quetzalcoatl to have such a crier as that, in those old days before the invention of telephones and railroads. It is possible that he took this same great shouter with him to Cholula, and that he sent his marvelous voice far and wide over the valley, even to the crests of the surround- ing mountains. We have diverged from our description of the different tribes, or nations, that invaded Anahuac, in order to describe these pyramids, these monuments of those most ancient of Mexican people, because they were the work, probably, of their hands. We will now take leave of the Toltecs and glance at the next tribe that occupied the valley. 44 Mexico. CHAPTER III. THE CHICHIMECS. [A. D. iioo.] Nearly an age, or cycle (fifty-two years), passed after the scattering of the Toltecs before their ter- ritory was invaded by another tribe. Then came the Chichimecs into Anahuac. They were said by some histo- rians to be the oldest nation in Mexico ; but this is not so, though they had long existed there. Chichimec was a term also applied to all the unknown savage tribes, hence the confusion. At one time they were a barbarous people, and wandered about half-naked in the mountains, living in miserable huts. They took possession of all territory which they discovered unoccupied, became more civilized in the course of time, and established a monarchy which counted fourteen kings, and which lasted from 1120 to the coming of the Spaniards in 1520 — four hundred years. Let us see how this powerful monarchy commenced. It was not long after those disasters that had overtaken the Toltecs, before the Chichimecs, living around the borders of that empire, found out that something had happened. They no longer saw the Toltecs on expeditions, nor met them in battles and skirmishes. Then they sent scouts into their territory, who returned with the astonishing tidings of the destruction of the nation and the abandonment of Tula. A little later they prepared to invade the land of their once powerful foes, who had ranked so high above them in the arts of civilization. They advanced cautiously, but wherever they settled they had come to stay, and so The Chichimecs. 45 they progressed until they reached the great valley of Ana- huac. It belonged to them. They did not even have to conquer it, only to march in and possess themselves of it. The few Toltec families and bands of Toltecs they encoun- tered they strove to incorporate into their society, and thus gained their good-will and the great advantage of their supe- rior knowledge. [12th Century.] Finally they established themselves on the eastern shore of Lake Tezcoco, the largest in the val- ley, and here commenced their capital city, under their leader, Xolotl (Holotl), whom they recognized as their king. They intermarried with the Toltecs, and thus grad- ually became more and more refined, learning from these unfortunate people the advantages to be derived from agri- culture and mining, and the art of casting and working metals, spinning, weaving, and many other things, by which they improved their means of living, their clothing, their habitations and their manners. Not many years had elapsed before another powerful tribe came into the valley, from a region not far distant from the original home of the Chichimecs. They were princes of the Acolhua nation, with a great army. Though their coming created much disturbance at first, King Xolotl received them kindly, and assigned them land on the west- ern side of the lake. He also married two of the princes to his two daughters, and gave to the third a lady born of noble parents. So it came about, in the end, that the more refined of the Chichimecs dropped their old name, and came to be known as Acolhuas, and their kingdom as Acolhuacan. Those only were called Chichimecs who still pursued a savage life, and preferred the wandering life of a hunter to that of the peaceful agriculturist. They gradually strayed away, joining the barbarous Otomies, and formed those wild bands that worried the Spaniards for many years after they had conquered the others. 46 Mexico. [13th Century.] After reigning about forty years, Xolotl died, and his son, Nopaltzin, occupied the throne ; and he, after a period of disturbance, was succeeded by his son Holtzin. The most conspicuous of these Chichimec mon- archs of that age was the next, the fourth. King Quinantzin. Until his time the court had not been held at Tezcoco entirely, but divided between that city and Tenayuca, on the other side of the lake. Now it was transferred to Tez- coco, and the king was borne on the shoulders of four of the principal lords of his kingdom, in a litter. He was the first to introduce such style and ceremony, and was much hated for it in consequence. He had a stormy reign, but at the last his kingdom was united and powerful. When King Quinantzin died his body was embalmed, clothed in royal raiment, and placed in a chair, with bow and arrow in his hand, an image of an eagle at his feet and a tiger at his back, to signify his bravery, and exposed in this state to the people for forty days, after which he was burnt, and his ashes deposited in a cave in the moun- tains back of Tezcoco. This Chichimec, or Tezcocan, dynasty really lasted for over four hundred years, and only ended in 1520, when the Spaniards invaded Mexico. Eleven chosen kings and two usurpers occupied the throne, including among them at least three so famous in the annals of Mexico as to deserve especial mention. These will be named in their proper place. Meanwhile, we must interrupt the chrono- logical sequence, as relates to the kingdom of Tezcoco, to notice the arrival in the valley of Anahuac of other tribes destined to play important parts in the working out of the destiny of the Mexicans as a nation. The Acolhuas (of whom mention has been made, and who were incorporated into the Chichimec confederacy) were followed by several other tribes, or nations, who were The Nahuatl Tribes. 47 assigned by the king at Tezcoco various places of resi- dence about the great lake. Of the Otomies, Xicalancas, and Tepanecs, we have already spoken. If we should go beyond the limits of the great Mexican valley, we should find that there were yet other peoples. There was the powerful nation of Michoa- can, which, though the period of its , foundation is not exactly known, is thought to have been contemporary with that of Anahuac. The people of this kingdom were the Tarascos, who were in no way less refined than the Acol- huans. Away down in Southern Mexico dwelt several other civilized nations : the Zapotecs, the Miztecs, the Chiapans, and the Mayas of Yucatan, whose history will be dwelt upon at length as we reach them in the course of events. If we confine ourselves to mentioning only the most powerful, and those which figured prominently in the subsequent wars with the Spaniards, it will be sufficient, without confusing the memory with a multitude of long Indian names of comparatively insignificant peoples. At various times during the twelfth and thirteenth centu- ries, different tribes came straggling into the valley of Ana- huac. The most powerful of these belonged (it is thought) to one great nation, and spoke the same language. They were called Nahuatlacas^ and came from the land of Aztlan. There were seven tribes : the Sochimilcas, the Chalchese, Tepanecas, Colhuas, Tlahuicas, Tlascallans, nad Mexicans. 48 Mexico. CHAPTER IV. THE AZTECS, OR MEXICANS. [A. D. 1 1 60.] Where was the land of Aztlan? the "country of herons," from which the seven tribes invaded Anahuac ? We know not ; various writers have assigned it as various positions, ranging all the way from the Gulf of California to the Gulf of Mexico. The preponderance of opinion, however, seems to be in favor of locating it in the north. Not that this was the original country of the Nahu- atlacas, for it is believed, with great reason, that this — the birthplace of the race — was in the south ! Migrating northward, they reached a point somewhere in Southern California, and thence they went no farther northward ; they may have dwelt there for ages, until this great impulse came over them to return to the south, to the birthplace of these " children of the sun." But so much of their tradi- tion as has been accepted as history, tells us only of Aztlan as their place of residence when the great migration com- menced which was to re-populate the country deserted of the Toltecs. [A. D. 1 160.] Among the Aztecs, who dwelt in Aztlan, was a person of authority named Huitziton, who was desir- ous that his people should leave that country and seek another. One day, sitting beneath a tree, he heard — or pretended he heard — a little bird, constantly repeating in the Azcec tongue, '' tihui, tihui — let us go! let us go!" Now, Huitziton took this to be a message from the gods, directing him and his companions to change their place of The Aztecs, or Mexicans. 51 residence. In those days people must have paid more atten- tion to the voices of the birds than now, or must have given their utterances more significance. Who of us cannot recall some bird of our own land that would give us a similar message, if we would but construe it so ? The singular thing about these bird-voices is, that they always speak in the language of the people they dwell amongst, and seem not to have an universal language of their own ! Well, this was enough for Huitziton and the deluded people who listened to him, and so they packed up what few things comprised their household effects, and began to travel. It is thought that all the seven tribes started together, or about the same time, but all had got into the valley of Mexico and comfortably settled before the Aztecs finally reached it. It is thought that they crossed the river Colorado near the head of the Gulf of California, and thence went southeastwardly. There are in that part of Mexico the ruins of great stone buildings, called the casas gra?ides, or great houses, which it is believed the Aztecs built in the halts during this migration. They were con- structed on the same plan as those of New Mexico, where the Pueblo people live, with terraces, each floor, or story, reached only by ladders. They still kept marching south- ward in an aimless sort of way, impelled by an irresistible instinct, and we next hear of them at Chicomoztoc, or the Place of Seven Caves, which one writer thinks was near the present city of Zacatecas, where there are the remains of ancient buildings. Here six of the tribes separated from the Mexicans and went off independently, though they all subsequently met again in the Mexican valley. Here, or at some previous stopping-place, the Mexicans had made them- selves a god of wood, which they called Huitzilopochtli. naming him probably from their leader, Huitziton, who was now dead. Four crafty men appointed themselves priests, 52 Mexico. and gave out that it was by the orders of Huitziton, who they said was now an immortal god, that they had made the idol. They called themselves Teo7nana, or god-bearers, and ever after bore this senseless image on their shoulders. Particular attention should be paid to these events, because from this time dated three important things : the change of the name of the people from Aztec to Mexican ; the manufacture of that image of the god Huitzilopochtli^ whose worship afterwards called for the sacrifice of mil- hons of human beings ; and the establishment of the priest- hood — that curse to Mexico from that day to this ! The priests were not at all behind the Romish priests of the present day in craft and cunning, and had a com.muni- cation ready from their god whenever the interest of their deluded subjects seemed to flag. It must have been hard work for those god-bearers, this carrying of that heavy image (some writers think it was of stone, even at that time), but they were well rewarded for their pains in the respect and devotion of their followers. They had a message from Huitzilopochtli right away, to the effect that he had selected them as his own and only people, for whom he destined a glorious future — provided they always minded the priests, who delivered this message; and he ordered them to abandon the name of Aztec and adopt that of Mexican, and to wear upon their foreheads and ears a patch of gum and feathers as marks of their distinction. They were then presented with a net and bunch of arrows as insignia. About this time, the legend runs, there mysteriously appeared two small bundles in the Mexican camp, which were the cause of the tribe being divided into two parties. One party secured in their bundle a very precious stone, and they thought they had the best of it when it was found that the bundle of the other party only contained Aztec Migration, 53 two sticks. From these two sticks, however, they obtained fire, which was far more useful to them than the gem, and which the other party would gladly have bargained their precious stone to obtain. This story the historians regard in the light of a fable, to teach us that the useful is always preferable to the beautiful. It served to account, also, for the division of the Mexicans into two parties, which remained distinct and jealous of one another for many years, held together only by their mutual interest in that worthless wooden god. [A. D. 1 196.] Finally, it is said, they reached the city of Tula, the ruined capital of the Toltecs, which had been abandoned nearly one hundred and fifty years before. During all these years of travel they had moved leisurely ; for, though they may have heard of the famous valley of Mexico, they had no special reason for reaching it at any particular time. It was as if we might set out on a voyage of discovery, looking for a place that suited us in its climate, soil, and appearance, and hngering on our way wherever the fancy struck us. It must also be borne in mind that it was necessary at times to make long halts, in order to plant and gather corn and cotton, and such things as they needed for food and apparel. They stopped at Tula nine years. Here they had at last reached the northern verge of the Mexican valley ; before them lay the promised land they were in future years to govern, where they were to erect an empire, the greatest, perhaps, in the New World, the fall of which was to include millions in its overthrow. [A. D. 1 2 16.] During the first years of the thirteenth century they advanced farther into the valley, which had become the objective point of so many tribes. At the city of Zumpango they were very well received by the lord of that place, Tochpanecatl, who not only entertained them 54 Mexico. well, but married one of their noble virgins to his son, Ilhuicatl. From this union descended those famous kings of Mexico, who inled the valley over a hundred years later. It was during the reign of one of the first Chichimec kings, who, you will remember, entered Anahuac a century earlier, in about the year iioo. The king then in power, either Xolotl, or his son Nopaltzin, let them wander where they liked and settle where they would, having nothing to fear from such a wretched band of savages as the Mexicans were at that time. Ah ! if he could have foreseen the height which those despised Aztecs were to attain, and that even his own kingdom was one day to lie prostrate at their feet, do you not think he would have killed them, then and there ? As it was, however, he afforded them no protection — as, indeed, why should he ? — and they suffered much from the persecutions of petty tribes established in the valley before them. They wandered from point to point about the great Lake Tezcoco, and finally made a stand at Chapultepec, a rocky hill, situated on the western border of the lake. [A. D. 1245.] I^ the annals of the Mexicans, Chapulte- pec is called the "hill of the grasshopper" — r/^^/^/ mean- ing grasshopper, and tepee hill. They gave it this name either because they found grasshoppers there in abundance, or because they were obliged to subsist upon them as their principal food. This place, Chapultepec, became famous in later years as the resort and the burial-place of the Mexican kings, and just about six himdred years later a decisive battle was fought there between the soldiers of two nations that at that time had not been heard of, - the troops of the Repub- lic of Mexico and the United States ! \ MEXICAN WAR-GOD, HUITZILOPOCH XLI. Mexicans in Slavery. 57 Let us try to recall the date of Chapultepec's first ap- pearance in history, when we shall, at a later period, wander beneath its cypress groves, with Montezuma, or heroes of a later generation. [A. D. 1260.] After seventeen years at Chapultepec the Mexicans were driven thence to the southern borders of the lake, Tezcoco, where they existed for fifty years in a state of misery, feeding on fish and insects and reptiles of the marshes. They clothed themselves in garments of leaves, and their huts were made of the reeds and rushes surrounding the lake. They were free, however, and it is thought that they willingly endured these hardships rather than ally themselves with any other tribe. But in the year 13 14, they were made slaves by the Col- huas, who lived near the junction of the fresh-water lake of Chalco, or Xochimilco, with the salt-water lake of Tezcoco. [A. D. 1320.] After they had been slaves some years a war broke out between the Colhuas and the Xochimilcas, both of whom were tribes that had separated from the Mexicans at the Place of the Seven Caves. The Colhuas were very willing the Mexicans should assist them in this war, but they provided them with no arms. Then the Mexicans armed themselves : they provided long poles, hardening their sharpened ends in the fire, knives of itzli^ or obsidian (that volcanic glass peculiar to the country) and shields of reeds woven together; thus armed, they rushed upon the enemy. ~ They had resolved to take no prisoners, as that would waste their time and retard their victory ; but to cut off an ear from every man they captured and then to let him go. The Xochimilcas were terrified at the savage attacks of these fierce Mexicans, for they were fighting for freedom and fought their best^ and they fled to the mountains. When the Colhua soldiers came to show their captives, 58 Mexico. after the battle, they laughed at the Mexicans because they had none. But when these artful savages opened their baskets of rushes and showed the great number of ears they had cut off, and explained that each ear represented a prisoner, and that they had done this in order to assure a more speedy victory, the Colhuas were silenced. They were so terrified at the prospect of having such terrible people among them as slaves, that they gave them their freedom and ordered them out of their country. Perhaps they were all the more ready to do this when they were called upon by the Mexicans to witness a sacrifice in honor of their god, who had given them the victory. They had asked of the Colhuas something to place on the altar as an offering, and they had sent them a filthy bird. The Mexicans said nothing, but placed in its stead a knife and a fragrant herb. Then, after the King of the Colhuas and all his nobility were assembled, they brought out four Xochimilcan prisoners, whom they had concealed, and throwing them upon the altar cut out their hearts and offered them to their god, Hiiitzilopochtli. This event excited such horror that the Mexicans were at once driven forth to seek a new place of abode. This should be noted as the first human sacrifice among them of which there is any record. It was the beginning of that terrible slaughter of men that afterwards drenched the altars of the Mexican god with blood . The Mexicans left the south shore of Lake Tezcoco, and came at last to a point — an island, or a marshy spot — in the lake, not far from the former tarrying-place of Chapul- tepec, which they had left full sixty years before. It must be remembered that we are not narrating the travels of a mighty nation, but of a battered tribe perhaps not large in number, and the petty fights and squabbles of insignificant clans, or bands ; their greatness was of the future. The Founding of the City. 59 The Aztecs have been justly called the pests of Ana- huac, for they seemed unwilling to live at peace with any other tribe. Owing to their fierce character and their bloody religious rites they were hated by all. The King of the Colhuas was a follower of the prophet of peace, Quetzalcoatl, and could not agree with the priests of the god of the Mexicans. We shall see by following this his- tory to its termination how these priests brought final destruction to this people ; such as has been the fate of all kingdoms founded in superstition and ruled by priests. [A. D. 1325.] We now come to that period when the Mexicans were to cease their wanderings and to have a fixed abode. It was in the year 1325. They had tried to exist at many points about the lake, but had been driven from them all. They now fixed upon an island two or three miles from Chapultepec, in the lake Tezcoco. There the priests discovered an eagle, or bird of prey, perched upon a nopal, or prickly-pear, which grew out of the crev- ices of a rock on this small island. This the priests de- clared to be in accordance with an oracle communicated to them by their god, Huitzilopochtli, and here they built a hut of rushes and reeds to serve temporarily as a temple for their cherished idol. Some say that the nopal grew in the middle of a lovely pool, into which two of the priests dove down and had an interview with old Tlaloc, the god of waters, who told them they had at last reached the spot predicted by their oracle, and there to build their city. In this manner was founded the city of Tenochtitlan, " which in future times was to become the court of a great empire, and the largest and most beautiful city in the new world." Around the temple of their idol they built their rude huts of grass and reeds, and called this nucleus of a city, Mex- ico, or the place of Mexitli, their war-god, this being an- other name for the god Huitzilopochtli. Their first human 6o Mexico. sacrifice had been attended witli sucli good results that they resolved to celebrate the building of the new temple — humble though it was — by the taking of another vic- tim's life. They captured one of their enemies, and cutting out his heart with a sharp knife of flint, or obsidian, offered it to their god. Thus was baptized with blood the founda- tion stone of Mexico, a city that two centuries later was to be wrested from the race that built it, attended by the slaughter of thousands. The condition of the Mexicans was yet very wretched, for they had made enemies of all the tribes in Anahuac, and had to depend upon their sole exer- tions. Their island, in the first place, was too small, and to remedy this they dug ditches and canals, and banked up the marshy places to form gardens and building spots. For food, they depended upon fish and the reptiles and insects of the lake, and at the end of the rainy season the lake was covered — even as at the present day — by innu- merable water-fowl. It was at this period, or a little pre- vious, that they constructed those ^^oxv^&xivX floating gardens^ upon which they raised their corn and vegetables. There has been much dispute over this subject, as to whether the ancient Mexicans ever really had any such things as these floating gardens, as none of them can be found at the present day. There is no doubt that they did have them, for if we take into account the nature of their surroundings : with no firm land extensive enough for cul- tivation, and the nearest shore in possession of enemies, we must see that it was necessary for them to have some- thing of the kind. It is said that they wove together wil- lows and rushes, and upon this floating framework piled grass, leaves, and mud, thus forming a very fertile soil, always moist and extremely productive. These little gar- dens they could tow about from place to place after their canoes ; but though writers of a century ago or more claim Floating Gardens. 63 to have seen these chinampas, or floating gardens, none have existed within the memory of people now Hving. What are now called by that name are squares of firm land surrounded by ditches, which may at one time have formed these gardens, but which have been left by the falling of the lake, and no longer float. Upon these they raised their limited supply of vegetables : corn, peppers, chia, beans, and gourds, or pumpkins. [A. D. 1338 or 1340.] It was not long that this quarrelsome people could live together without fighting amongst themselves, and ten or fifteen years after the founding of the city the two parties — the Mexicans and the Tlatelolcans — separated, the latter going to a still smaller island near the main one. The Mexicans, how- ever, kept the god, and, though their neighbors were more progressive at first, were in the end triumphant. Though for a while each faction had a separate government and its king, the Mexican is the one that finally absorbed the other, and whose history we shall mainly follow. Before we close this chapter we are obliged to chronicle another deed of blood that disgraced this degraded people. Their god, through his servants the priests, had given out that they must have a maiden of foreign birth to be created the " mother of the gods." They sent to the King of the Colhuas, and asked him for his daughter to be erected to this high place in their catalogue of deities. Very much flat- tered, the unsuspecting chief sent his beloved daughter, whom the Mexicans conducted in triumph to their capital. There, at the command of the priests, this innocent maiden was killed and flayed, and one of the young braves of the tribe clothed in her skin. The unfortunate king was then sent for to do homage to this mother of the gods. He entered the temple with a censer in his hand, and was about to begin his worship when he discovered in the dark- 64 Mexico. ness that horrible spectacle of the youth clothed in the bloody skin of his unfortunate daughter. Stricken with anguish, the miserable monarch fled from the temple, call- ing upon his people to avenge this terrible outrage. The Mexicans were too powerful to be punished as they de- served, and the wretched father returned to his residence to mourn his daughter the remainder of his life. The king's daughter was thus created a goddess, and as such was regarded by the Mexicans, under the name of Tetoinan, or "mother of all the gods." The Rival Powers of Anahtcac. 65 CHAPTER V. THE RIVAL POWERS OF ANAHUAC. [A. D. 1350-1431.] In 1350, the Mexicans elected their first king, Acamapichtli. This was done without the con- sent of the King of the Tepanecs, who resided at Azcapo- zalco, on the mainland, and to whom they paid tribute. The Tepanec king forthwith doubled their tribute, and also imposed several very hard conditions for their remaining in Mexico. He ordered them to bring to his capital several thousand willow and fir trees, and to plant them in the gardens of Azcapozalco, as well as one of their floating gardens, with all their vegetables growing on it. The next year he commanded them to bring him one of these chinam- pas, with a duck and a swan sitting on their eggs, and at such a time that they would hatch upon arrival at his court. Next year's command was that they should bring him one of these gardens with a live deer on it, knowing that they would have to go to the mountains, amongst tribes at war with them, to procure it. They fulfilled all their obligations, owing to the help given them by their god, and patiently waited for the time when they should be freed from the exactions of the king ; they are said to have endured them for fifty years. The founding of the city of Mexico, in 1325, was during the reign, probably, of the Chichimec king, Quinantzin, with whom we closed the account of that people in chapter the third. He was succeeded by King Techotl, who was fol- 66 Mexico. lowed by Ixtlilxochitl, in the first years of the fifteenth century, probably in 1406. [A. D. 1389.] Acamapichth, King of the Mexicans, died in 1389, and the throne was given to the brave Huitzili- MEXICAN WARRIOR. huitl. He was a young man and unmarried, and some of the nobles went to the King of the Tepanecs, their master, and humbly besought him to give them his daughter to be married to their king. The following speech, put in their The Mexicans Prosper, Sj mouths by the historian, will illustrate their abasement and their cunning : " Behold, great lord, the poor Mexicans at your feet, humbly expecting from your goodness a favor which is greatly beyond their merit. Behold us hanging upon your lips, and waiting only your signals to obey. We beseech you, with the most profound respect, to take com- passion upon our master and your servant, Huitzilihuitl, confined among the thick rushes of the lake. Hjp is with- out a wife, and we without a queen. Vouchsafe, sir, to part with one of your jewels, or most precious feathers. Give us one of your daughters, who may come to reign over us in a country which belongs to you." The king was not proof against this sort of flattery. He gave them his daughter, and she was married to King Huitzilihuitl, by the usual ceremony of tying the skirts of their robes together. Having strengthened himself by the possession of this " precious feather," the crafty king pro- cured another wife, also the daughter of a neighboring lord. There is no knowing how many wives he did get, for he was very anxious to strengthen Mexican relations with their neighbors, and there was no law against his marrying as many as he pleased. Techotl^ the King of Tezcoco, was yet ruler over the valley, and in suppressing an extensive rebellion he called upon the kings of Mexico and Azcapozalco to aid him. As they returned covered with glory they acquired respect from the surrounding tribes. Under Huitzilihuitl, the Mexicans prospered as never before ; they began to wear clothes of cotton, having had till this time only coarse gar- ments made of the threads of the wild palm, and perhaps of the maguey. [A. D. 1402.] The Tlaltelolcos, the people forming the other division of Mexico, had also elected a king, and for many years there was a great rivalry between them and the 6S Mexico. Mexicans. But King Huitzilihuitl dug canals, erected fine buildings, multiplied the c/wiampas, and trained soldiers, using so much vigilance and energy that the Tlatelolcos were left behind in the march of improvement. Eventually, as the marshes between the two cities were filled up, they were only separated by a canal, and the rival factions were united into the more powerful government of Mexico. In 1402 the Mexicans celebrated the closing of one of their cycles, or centuries, with greater magnificence than any since they had left their homes in Aztlan. Their prosperity was assured, their position unshaken. Ixtlilxochitl, son of Techotl, succeeded his father upon the throne of Tezcoco. At his inauguration, all the princes or petty kings of his dominion were ordered to assemble at the capital to witness the ceremony and acknowledge him emperor. The King of Azcapozalco was ambitious to be at the head of affairs in Anahuac, and absented himself from the court at the time when he should have been pres- ent. He stirred up a rebellion that involved many of the lords of the valley, and finally Ixtlilxochitl marched upon him with the royal army. After three years of fighting, Tezozomoc, the King of Azcapozalco, sued for peace, and the Tezcocan army was withdrawn from his territories. But this was an artifice, and as soon as Ixtlilxochitl had disbanded his army, he found himself in great danger from his cunning foe, who pursued him even to the mountains, where he was finally murdered, or died in misery. [A. D. 1410.] The year previous, Huitzilihuitl, King of Mexico, had died, and his brother, Chimalpopoca, was ap- pointed king. It seems to have been established as a law at that time, that on the decease of a king one of his brothers should be appointed to the throne, or, if he had no brothers, one of his grandsons. The tyrant, Tezozomoc, was now ruler of Anahuac, having, at the death of Ixtlilxo- Tezozomoc, the Usurper. 69 chitl, swept the valley with his armies. He gave Tezcoco to Chimalpopoca to be lord over, and another city, Huex- otla, to Tlacatcotl, King of Tlatelolco, as rewards for their assistance. Azcapozalco was proclaimed as the royal capital and the seat of power, with Tezozomoc as emperor. As mistress of the valley, Tezcoco had fallen from her high position ; the Chichimec dynasty was no longer to control the Mexi- can world, though in a few years the ancient capital was to revive its glory by becoming the centre of art and culture. The legitimate heir to the crown, Nezahualcoyotl^ son of Ixtlilxochitl, was now a fugitive, with a price set upon his head by Tezozomoc the usurper. For nine years, the tyrant held the throne of Tezcoco, with. his capital at Azcapozalco. He was now very old, and approaching his end ; not having within him sufficient vitality to keep him warm he was kept wrapped in cotton, in a great willow basket like a cradle. His hatred of the Tezcocan prince continued to his last breath, and as he had not been able to put him to death, he charged this unpleasant duty upon his sons, his successors to the king- dom. He was greatly troubled by hideous dreams, in all of which figured Nezahualcoyotl, the young prince he had driven from his home. He dreamed that this foe was at one time changed into an eagle, and in this shape tore open his breast and ate his heart ; at another, in the form of a lion, he licked his body and sucked his blood. [A. D. 1422.] Tormented with fears for the future of his kingdom and for his own miserable life, Tezozomoc expired, in the year 1422. The kings of Mexico were in attendance as mourners at his funeral, as also was the Prince of Tezcoco, whom the sons of Tezozomoc wished to kill, but dared not from fear of the people. Chimalpopoca, King of Mexico, lost his throne and his 70 Mexico, life at this time under peculiar circumstances. Tezozomoc had left the kingdom to his son Tajatzin^ but another son, Maxtla, took possession of it. Tajatzin complained of this injustice to Chimalpopoca, and was advised by the Mexican king to kill his brother at an entertainment which he should prepare. This Maxtla heard of, and acted so promptly that he not only killed Tajatzin, but succeeded finally in making captive Chimalpopoca himself. When the King of Mexico sent his annual tribute to Azcapozalco, consisting of fish, cray-fish and frogs, accom- panied by a polite message to the king as lord of the val- ley, Maxtla showed his contempt for him by sending back by the embassadors a woman's gown, thereby implying that the Mexican king was a coward. After this insult, which Chimalpopoca was unable to avenge, Maxtla succeeded in getting a favorite wife of his enemy into his power, and after doing her all the injury he was capable of, he sent her back to her husband in tears and misery. Chimalpopoca resolved, as he could not take revenge on the tyrant, to sacrifice hi772self as an offering to his god, Huitzilopochtli. This, in his opinion, and in the eyes of his people, would wipe out the insult, to him as a king, and to the nation he ruled over. Dressed in the garb of sacri- fice, the unfortunate king was led to the temple, where the priests stood ready to plunge into his breast the knife of flint, and to tear out his troubled heart and offer it to their god. But the tyrant anticipated this event and despatched troops to the temple, who seized Chimalpopoca and hurried him to Azcapozalco, where they confined him in a strong wooden cage. Here he was visited by the fugitive Prince of Tezcoco, to whom he related his woes, and besought him to remember his poor people, the Mexicans, if he should succeed in gaining again the ancient throne of Acolhua. Then, giving him a golden pendant from his End of Chimalpopoca. 71 upper lip, and his ear-rings, which had once been worn by his famous brother, Huitzilihuitl, he charged him to escape at once from the dominions of Maxtla. [A. D. 1423.] That night, the unhappy king ended his MEXICAN PRIEST. life by hanging himself in his cage by his girdle ; and thus perished Chimalpopoca, third king of Mexico, in or about the year 1423. His reign had lasted about thirteen years, during which 72 Mexico. he had gained some victories over his enemies, and had, in the eleventh year, brought into his capital two great stones of sacrifice, one for ordinary prisoners, and one for gladia- torial combats. The Mexicans lost no time in electing another king, who should be better qualified to cope with the tyrant ; and this time they chose the brave Itzcoatl, a man of war from his youth, who had commanded the Mexican armies for thirty years. In the meantime, Nezahualcoyotl, Prince of Tezcoco, had fled from Azcapozalco, by crossing the lake in a canoe with strong rowers. The tyrant organized a swift pursuit, but the prince succeeded in escaping his enemies, and in visit- ing all the important tribes in the valley, even penetrating to the province of Tlascala. Nearly all had become dis- gusted with the usurper, Maxtla, and promised aid to the prince in a great revolt against him. Aided by these allies he soon captured Tezcoco and several other cities once belonging to the ancient kingdom. The King of Mexico, Itzcoatl, sent an embassador to congratulate him on these victories, and to assure him of the assistance of the Mexicans at the time when the final assault should be made on Azcapozalco. This mission was an extremely difficult undertaking, for, though Tezcoco and Mexico were only fifteen miles apart, the roads and the lake were closely guarded by the tyrant to prevent communication between his foes. It was entrusted to the bravest man in all Mexico, a son of the former king, Huitzilihuitl, called Montezuma, who, by his invincible cour- age, had obtained the name of Ilhui-camina, or " Archer of Heaven." He succeeded in delivering his message, but in returning was captured by the troops of Toteotzin, lord of Chalco, and condemned to death. Through the humanity of his jailer he was allowed to escape, and returned to Mexico where he was received with great rejoicings. The First Montezuma. 73 [A. D. 1425.] The populace of Mexico were terrified at the prospect of a war with the tyrant, Maxtla, and tried to dissuade their king from such a desperate measure. It is related that finally they entered into a compact by which, if victory crowned their efforts, the common people were to be forever the slaves of the nobility, but if defeat, then the latter were to be sacrificed at their pleasure. This was the origin of the condition of things that prevailed at the coming of the Europeans, a century later, when the rich and powerful nobility dominated over a servile, degraded people. A declaration of war was sent to King Maxtla, and again no one could be found to undertake this dangerous mission but Montezuma. It was only four miles from capital to capital, but nearly all the way through the enemy's lines. On his return, having reached a position of safety, he taunted the guards of the tyrant with negligence in having allowed him to escape, and boasted that he would soon return and destroy them all. They rushed upon him to kill him, but he slew two of them, and then retreated rapidly to Mexico, conveying to the trembling inhabitants the declaration of war. There is no more brilliant figure in Mexican history than this dauntless Indian, the first and the greatest Montezuma, risking his life in the cause of his people. Word was at once sent to Nezahualcoyotl to join his troops with the Mexicans, and the next day the Tepanec army — King Maxtla's — appeared in the field, adorned with gold and feathers, and shouting in anticipation of victory. Knowing that upon their bravery the fate of their respec- tive nations depended, each army attacked the other with terrible fury. King Itzcoatl led the Mexicans, having a little drum on his shoulder, by the sound of which he gave them signals for attack. At the close of a long day's fight- 74 Mexico > ing the Mexicans were about to give way, and had already promised the Tepanecs to sacrifice their nobles and gen- erals to appease their wrath, when Montezuma rushed upon the opposite leader, and by a furious blow laid him lifeless on the field. This turned the tide of battle, and the Te- panecs fled to their city, pursued by the Mexicans and Tezcocans. The next day the battle v/as renewed, the city was taken, and the Tepanecs dispersed in every directioH. King Maxtla was found hidden in a temazcalli, or vapor bath, and killed, and his body cast into the fields. By this victory, which occurred in the year 1425, just one century after the foundation of Mexico — Tenochtitlan — the Mexi- cans obtained the ascendency in Anahuac ; thenceforward they were its actual masters. Azcapozalco, the Tepanec capital, was razed to the ground, and in the future was used as a market-place for slaves. The King of Mexico held the people to their contract, by which they had agreed to cultivate the lands for the generals and nobles, to build their houses, and to carry for them their anns and baggage when they went to war ; they were virtually their slaves. After the victory, the united armies marched around the valley, subdued all disaffected and rebellious tribes, and ended by entering Tezcoco, and placing Nezahualcoyotl upon the throne of his ancestors, from which he had been debarred by Tezo- zomoc and Maxtla for fifteen years. With this act was completed the restoration of the Chichimec monarchy, although its dominion was restricted, whereas before it was unlimited. The balance of power was held by the Mexi- cans, over whom reigned Itzcoatl. It must have been a great temptation to the Mexican king to make himself Emperor of Anahuac, and prevent his ally from ascending the throne of Tezcoco, when he had it so fully in his power. Instead of this he showed Peace in Anahuac, 75 himself a monarch truly great, by considering the general welfare and the claims of others before his own aggran- dizement. He divided • the territory of Anahuac into three kingdoms, placing a surviving son of Tezozomoc over the Tepanecs, with his capital at Tacuha. Nezahual- coyoti's capital was Tezcoco, east of the great lake ; while Mexico, ruled over by Itzcoatl, lay between the two, — mistress of the valley and arbiter of its destinies. The many feudatories, or petty lordships, were placed either under the control of one or the other of the three, and peace for awhile reigned again in Anahuac. This triple alliance took place in the year 1426, or, according to some authorities, in 1431. 76 Mexico, CHAPTER VI. THE TRIPLE KINGDOM. [A. D. 1426.] Though the small kingdom of Tacuba formed one of the allied powers, it took very little part in the fciture conquests, except to lend its aid to one or the other of its powerful neighbors, and take its small portion of the spoils. Mexico, under Itzcoatl, and with her armies commanded by the brave Montezuma, extended her con- quests in all directions. The monarch of Tezcoco had evidently had enough of war and bloodshed ; in his years of wanderings, in the many skirmishes and fights in which he had passed his youth, he had gained the true knowledge that the victories of peace are to be preferred over those of war. The unsettled condition in which the Acolhua kino:dom had been left by twenty years of misrule rendered it neces- sary for its sovereign to give it all his attention. He estab- lished councils, civil and military, for the trial of persons charged with crime ; he formed schools for the study of poetry, astronomy, music, painting, and history, as well as of the art of divination. These arts were in a very rude state, and little, of course, could result from their study, without the art of writing, or printing, to convey ideas. He divided the city of Tezcoco into over thirty districts ; in one dwelt the goldsmiths, in the other the sculptors, in another the weavers, and so on. He built temples and great houses, and planted groves, some of which are in existence at the present day. Reign of Nezahual^oyotl. 77 [A. D. 1436.] Nezahualcoyotl, as we have seen, left to his cousin, the King of Mexico, the subjecting of other tribes, and seems to have felt no distrust or envy of the growing power of the Mexicans. And it is worthy of notice that, while the names of his contemporaries have hardly survived the bloody kingdom they fought so hard to aggrandize, that of the King of Tezcoco has come down to us the subject of many eulogies by the native historians. When we come to the year of his death, we shall mention more in detail the glories of his reign. Let us turn our attention to that growing capital of the Mexicans, which seemed ambitious to reach its arms from sea to sea. The fierce followers of Itzcoatl took the lead- ing part in every contest in which the allied armies were engaged ; " they became practically masters of the 'whole country, and were on the point of subjugating even their allies, or of falling before a combination of their foes, when they fell before a foe from across the sea." During the reign of Itzcoatl a difference arose between him and the Tezcocan monarch as to who was best entitled to the great title of Chichimecatl Tecuhtli, or chief of the Chichimec empire. As one who occupied the ancient Chichimec throne, Nezahualcoyotl was deemed to have the best claim to this honor, though by the aid of Mexican troops and the courtesy of their king, he had been re- established in his position. " Yet," says one writer, " al- though Itzcoatl and his successors by their valor and desire of conquest took a leading part in all wars, and were in a sense masters of Anahuac, there is no sufficient evidence that they ever claimed any superiority in rank over the Acolhua (Tezcocan) monarch, or that any important diffi- culties occurred between the two powers until the last years of the Aztec period." Itzcoatl died in the year 1436, having commanded the 78 Mexico. armies for thirty years, and served thirteen as king. Mori- tezu'riia Ilhuicamina was naturally the choice of the electors for the crown, and once again a valiant leader of the Mexi- can armies w^as called to the throne. According to the horrid custom, which had now become fixed, Montezuma sallied forth to secure prisoners, to be sacrificed at his coronation. There resided about Lake Chalco, which you may see in a map of the Valley of Mexico, the nation of the same name, the Chalcas, or the Chalchese. Their ancient capital yet exists on the border of the lake, though only as a modern Mexican town of no great importance. They were the people who had captured Montezuma, during the reign of Maxtla, when he, a young man then, had gone to them in the character of embassador. He had never forgotten that they had intended to put him to death, and now he entered their territory to make horrible reprisals. He marched against them in person, took many prisoners, and then went back to Mexico and gave them to the priests to be sacrificed upon the altars. [A. D. 1440.] From the allied kings and from the tribes that paid them tribute he received a vast amount of treasure, gifts of gold, silver, and feathers, game and provisions. The coronation ceremonies lasted many days, and abounded in all the barbarous pastimes indulged in by those people. He constructed a new temple, in addition to two others his predecessor had built, and in 1441 the relics of an ancient chief, Mixcohuatl, a. Toltec who had been much venerated in centuries past, were taken to Mexico, where a temple was built for them. It seems to have been during Monte- zuma's reign that the custom originated of taking all the gods captured in battle from their enemies and depositing them in Mexico. There they were allowed to remain, lion- ored alike by friend and foe, but, like their former owners, subordinate to the great HuitzilopochtlL Punishment of the Chalchese. 79 [A.D. 1443.] The Chalcas, who were always committing some mitoward deed, — or who were said to by the Mex- icans, in order that they might have a pretext for sacrific- ing them, — captured two sons of Nezahualcoyotl and killed them. The lord of that city was thought to be the same Toteotzin who had meditated the killing of Monte- zuma, years before. He ordered these royal princes to be killed, and then had their bodies embalmed and placed them in his banquet hall as torch-bearers, — holding in their black and shrivelled hands the pine torches that gave their light. The King of Tezcoco called upon his royal brother for aid, and the Mexicans gladly responded, for they were ever like tigers famishing for blood. They sacked and ruined the city, killed the ruler and drove the survivors to the mountains. Sometime about this period King Nezahualcoyotl was married to the daughter of the King of Tacuba, who rejoiced in a name almost as long as her royal lover's, — Matlalcihuatzin — said to be a beautiful and modest ' virgin. It was more than this old reprobate deserved, for he had already many children by various concubines, the total number at his death being one hundred. He manifested great affection for them, but at the same time always put to death any of them that disobeyed him with an alacrity that makes one think he considered them alto- gether too many. But he made a great rejoicing at the time he was legiti- mately married, the entertainments lasting eighty days. And he composed a poem, comparing the sho/tness of life and its pleasures with the fleeting bloom of a flower. This was sung by his musicians, and proved so affecting that there was hardly a dry eye in the crowd. It commenced : Xochitl mamani in ahuehuetitlan^ and went on in this pa- thetic strain, drawing tears from the eyes of hardened old 8o Mexico. Aztecs who had looked upon the tortures of thousands of victims upon the sacrificial block unmoved. A year later a son was born, JVezahualpilli, who succeeded in due time to the crown. Elated at the continued success of their arms, the Mexicans ravaged province after province and sent home crowds of prisoners to be murdered on their sacrificial altars. Under Montezuma, they carried their victories to points one hundred and fifty miles distant ; they enlarged their temple to their principal god, and enriched it with spoils. [A. D. 1446] — Mexico, you will remember, was built upon an island in Lake Tezcoco. There are five great lakes in the Mexican valley, four of them are fresh and the fifth, Tezcoco, is salt. All the other lakes are at a higher elevation than the salt lake, and three of them higher than the city itself, even at the present day. And so it happens, that whenever a great rain occurs, and the higher lakes are flooded, the waters rush down into Lake Tezcoco, which has no outlet, and are liable to overflow the city. The first of these inundations of which we have any mention occurred in the year 1446. Montezuma and the Mexicans were greatly distressed by this great flood, which rose so high that all the streets were filled and the people compelled to go about in canoes. The king consulted with Nezahualcoyotl and by the advice of this sagacious monarch he commenced a great dike, to cross the lake, and render it independent of the floods from the fresh-water lakes. It was nine miles in length and con- sisted of a double row of piles thirty feet apart, with the space between filled with earth and stones. The lords of the valley themselves labored, to incite the vassals to activity, and this mighty work was soon finished. [A. D. 1448.] In the years 1448 and 1449 there was a A Great Famine. 8i great famine, first from the inundation and then from frost, so that the corn crop, the maize upon which they almost solely depended for food, was a failure. The two following years were likewise unfavorable, and in the year 1452 many people of Mexico died of starvation. Many others wan- dered into the neighboring county and sold themselves into slavery for a little corn, their needs were so great, even though the royal granaries were opened. The king pub- hshed a proclamation, that no woman should sell herself as a slave for less than four hundred ears of maize, and no man for less than five hundred. As in the olden time, before Mexico was founded, the Aztecs now lived upon water-fowl, small fish and insects, which they caught in and about the lake. There is a peculiar water insect called the axayacatl, which lays its eggs on the water, among the rushes of Lake Tezcoco. Their eggs, when gathered and pressed together, form a substance like cheese, and this the inhabitants of Mexico subsisted upon, even as many of their descendants do at the present time. [A. D. 1454.] Even the famine, which lasted nearly six years, did not interrupt the dreadful sacrifices. The priests gave out that the gods were angry, and more blood must be shed to appease them. You will perhaps hardly credit the story, but it is related that in order to gratify the priests and to cause their gods to relent, some tribes entered into a compact to regularly fight one another, that the victors might have prisoners to sacrifice to these bloodthirsty deities. Half-starved men and women might have been obtained in every town, but the gods were not satisfied with their blood, they wanted the rich life-current of brave and stalwart soldiers ! [A. D. 1455.] At last the famine ceased, and plenty once more came to the stricken land, just as a new cycle entered upon its rounds. This they attributed to their 82 Mexico. having finally appeased the outraged gods, just as the Mexicans, two centuries later, thought to stay the progress of an inundation by bringing into the city an image of the Virgin of Guadalupe. These people, the Mexicans, al- ways had blood in their eyes, and no sooner was the famine allayed than they again marched into the surrounding country in search of victims. [A. D. 1456.] That portion of the capital known as Tlatelolco had become the commercial metropolis of the country. To it people resorted from the remotest parts of Mexico, and from it went out large bands of travelling merchants. These merchants had so increased in number and strength, and always went so strongly armed, that they were very oppressive to the tribes they went amongst, and often committed murders and robberies. They also acted for the Mexicans in the capacity of spies; many a rich province had they entered, in the guise of peaceful traders, only to spy out its resources in wealth and prisoners. A band of these land pirates had been maltreated by the Miztecs, people who dwelt — as do their descendants to- day — in the country south of the Mexican valley. No doubt these rascally traders had deserved all they got, but they came back to their homes with such a doleful story that Montezuma resolved at once to punish the Miztecs for the outrage. He was only too glad of a pretext against them, for the supply of victims for that hideous god in the temple was running short. So he sent to the King of the Miztecs demanding an apolog\\ But Atonaltzm, this Miz- tec king, treated the embassadors of Montezuma with scorn. He loaded them with gold, and said, as he dismissed them, " Bear this present to your king, that he may know from it how much my subjects give me, and how much they love me ; tell him that I willingly accept of war, by which it shall be decided whether my subjects shall pay tribute to Defeat of the Miztecs, 83 the King of Mexico or the Mexicans to me." Then the alUed kings united their armies, and marched rpon the £ing of the Miztecs ; but they got terribly wliipped, and for once returned to Mexico without their prisoners. Tliis enraged the great Montezuma, so that he raised another army, and led it in person ; and as in the past, so it was at this time, nothing could stand before him. The Miztecs were defeated, and he took possession of their capital. [A. D, 1457.] In this year an expedition was undertaken by the Mexicans against a nation in the south-east, to- wards the Gulf of Mexico. After the army had started Montezuma, hearing the forces of the army were far in excess of his own, sent to recall them. The Mexicans would have returned, but Moqicihitix, King of the Tlalte- lolcans, declared that he would go on, and with his own people alone vanquish the enemy. Animated by his words and example they encountered the enemy, and carried back over six thousand prisoners, to be sacrificed at the conse- cration of a temple for the preservation of skulls. Montezuma rewarded this victorious prince by giving him one of his cousins for his wife, — of which great honor he could not have been duly sensible, for he afterwards abused her heartily. DESTRUCTION OF THE CHALCHESE. [A. D. 1458.] By this time those rebellious people of Chalco had recovered sufficiently to again defy the Mexi- cans. They captured a brother of Montezuma, and wanted to make him king over them, and make their city a rival to that of Mexico. This he looked upon as treason ; but he finally pretended to consent, and told them to plant one of their tallest trees in the market-place and erect a scaffold upon it, in order that he might view his new subjects from this high position. When this was done he mounted to the 84 Mexico. dizzy height, with a bunch of flowers in his hand, and made a speech to the few Mexicans who had been made prisoners with him : "Ye know well," he said, "my brave Mexicans, that the Chalchese wish to make me their king ; but it is not agreeable to our god that I should betray our native country. I choose rather to teach you by my example to place a higher value on fidelity to it than upon life itself." Saying this, he cast himself headlong to the ground and perished. By this act the Chalchese were so enraged that they slew all the Mexicans with darts. It is said that the dismal hooting of an owl that night threw them into super- stitious terror as an omen of their destruction. Nor were they far wrong, for as soon as Montezuma heard the news, he caused the hill-tops about Chalco to blaze with signal fires ; and ere they had died away he marched upon the rebels with his army. This time he left nothing of their city, nor saved man, woman or child that his enraged troops could discover in it. Again were the Chalchese driven to the mountains, there to wander for many years, living in holes and caverns. [A. D. 1460.] Tenochtitlan, or Mexico, and Tlaltelolco, into which the capital had been originally divided, had now so extended themselves on every side that only a single canal now separated them. This was widened and deep- ened, and made into a navigable water-way, through which passed the boats laden with vegetables from the Chinainpas. [A. D. 1474.] After having seen the Mexican dominion widely extended, north, east, south, and west, — after hav- ing erected a great temple to the god of war, and having shed the blood of thousands upon its altars, the great and glorious Montezuma died. He had been one of the wisest and bravest of the Mexican leaders, had made many civil and religious laws, had increased the splendor of his court. MEXICAN ARMOR, SHIELDS AND SWORD. Tehuantepec Invaded. 87 and had added largely to that dread band of fanatics, the priests, who were engaged in hurrying this empire to its ruin. The fifth King of Mexico, successor to Montezuma, was Axajacatl, a valiant general of the army. Having received news of his election he marched into the south upon the terrible mission of securing prisoners to grace by their sacrifice his coronation. In this expedition his troops penetrated as far south as Tehuantepec^ many miles from the capital. Tehuantepec is the narrowest portion of Mex- ican territory, only about a hundred miles here intervening between the waters of the Gulf of Mexico and those of the Pacific. To-day, in our time, it is about to be opened by a railroad, and it has often been examined with reference to the cutting there of a ship canal, which may form a great highway between the seas of the two hemispheres. The Mexican general defeated the inhabitants of Te- huantepec, after hard-fought battles, and dragged the wretched prisoners over all the long distance to Mexico, to mingle their blood with that of the thousands who had preceded them. [A. D. 1466]. It is told that in this year, the famous causeway and aqueduct to Chapultepec was completed. It had been planned by Nezahualcoyotl and commenced by Itzcoatl. It supplied the Mexican capital with water, as that surrounding the city was salt and unfit to drink. All the time, the people were working hard at the build- ing of new temples, and many teocallis, or holy pyramids were built in the three allied capitals. The most noted one outside of Mexico was that constructed by Nezahual- coyotl, highly ornamented with gold and precious stones, and dedicated to the ^^ invisible god of the universe''^ — not to an idol of stone. [A. D. 1469]. The slumbering jealousy between the S8 Mexico. rival portions of the city — Tenochtitlan and Tlaltelolco — was finally carried into an open quarrel by the erection, by each faction, of a new temple. It was on the occasion of their return from a victory over another tribe. Each erected a temple for the reception of the gods of the van- quished nation which they had brought with them. That of the Tlaltelolcans, called Coaxolotl, was finer than that of the Mexicans, called Coatla7i, and this made much ill- feeling. Three or four years later, Moquihuix, the fiery king of the Tlaltelolcos, could endure no longer the con- stant increase in power of his near neighbor, Tenochtitlan, and planned a rebellion. His wife, sister to the now reign- ing king, Axajacatl^ fled to her brother, complaining of her ill-treatment and betraying the plans of her husband. Mo- quihuix secretly assembled his soldiers, and, in order to infuse into them the highest degree of courage, made them drink of the blood of their enemies, washed from the filthy surface of the sacrificial stone. Then he and his officers made a solemn sacrifice on a mountain near the city, to gain the favor of their gods. It was all in vain, however, for the Mexicans prevailed over their neighbors and brethren, in the bloody battle that ensued, and Moqui- huix was cast down from the tower of the temple, from which he was directing his troops, and slain. [A. D. 1473]. In this manner, the Mexicans finally be- came possessors of the entire city, in about the year 1473. The Tlaltelolcans were driven into the marshes, and only restored to their privileges after having been made to croak like frogs, in token of submission. Nezahualcbytlj King of Tezcoco. 89 CHAPTER VII. NEZAHUALCOYOTL, KING OF TEZCOCO. [A. D. 1470]. In this year departed the greatest hero of that ancient Indian history, Nezahualcoyotl, King of Tezcoco. Son of a king who was murdered by the tyrant Tezozomoc, his youth was passed in constant peril from the designs that tyrant and his son entertained against his Hfe. Possessed of extraordinary courage and endurance, he had always kept in view the exalted station it was his right to occupy, never for a moment faltering until he was at last seated upon the throne of Tezcoco. Then, instead of devoting himself to murdering and plundering his neighbors, like his cousins, the Mexicans, he gave all his energies to promote the growth and welfare of his king- dom. It needed a man of his character and ability to knit together its dismembered provinces, and firmly grasp the helm that guided it on its. course. On rejecting the bloody and barbarous creed of the Mexicans, refusing to worship God through the sacrifice of his fellow-men, he showed himself to be a long way in advance of those people. By erecting to that God a temple, dedicated to the "unknown god of causes," he humbly acknowledged his inability to comprehend Him ; nor was he presump- tuous enough to believe that any man on earth had ever been appointed His especial agent. In this respect he ranked even in advance of the Spanish priests, who con- verted the Indians from a worship of their deities by main force, and caused to be exterminated those whom they 90 Mexico, could not convert. He was tolerant in religion, thus showing a spirit almost five hundred years in advance of his time. He instituted tribunals, and ordered that no lawsuit should be prolonged over eighty days; at the expiration of that time a general assembly met in the palace, and all cases pending were at once decided upon. This shows that he had a hatred of those vultures of the law that prey upon society. The unsettled state of ARMOR AND SHIELD. his kingdom called for severe laws ; it makes one shudder to read of the penalties he caused to be inflicted : deaths for drunkenness, for treason to the state, for taking any- thing from another's field, — even the taking of seven ears of corn was enough to incur the penalty. But to provide for travellers passing through his kingdom, he caused the highways to be sown with corn, which was free to all. Another instance of his wisdom and foresight was the preservation of his forests. He fixed limits to their The Council of Music, 91 destruction, establishing boundaries beyond which no one was allowed to cut. Wishing one day to see if the law was observed, he went out in disguise, into the forest. He found a poor boy on the edge of the wood carefully gathering up a few chips some one had left. The king asked him why he did not go into the wood, where there was plenty. " Because," answered the boy, " the king has forbidden ARMOR. it." His family was in great want, but though the dis- guised king urged him to break the law, he remained firm, preferring to suffer from want rather than to incur the penalty. Moved by this scene, the king is said to have enlarged the boundaries. Though without books or letters, he instituted acad- emies, where oratory, history, poetry, sculpture, and works in feathers, gold, and precious stones were greatly devel- oped. He was himself at the head of a council of music, with the kings of Mexico and Tacuba as associates. 92 Mexico. Music and poetry, being capable of being transmitted by ear and mouth, have Uved longest. It is in his poems that this king shows his elevation of thought, and comes down to us as the exemplar of the progress of his nation on the road from savagery to civilization. Would you like to read one of these poems, composed five hundred years ago, before the so-called discovery of America ? The whole poem is too long for repetition here ; let a verse or two suffice. It is said that he composed sixty hymns in honor of the Creator of Heaven. In one of his poems he lamented the fall of the tyrant Tezozomoc, whom he compared to a "large and stately tree, which had extended its roots through many countries and spread the shade of its branches over all the empire ; but which at last, worm-eaten and wasted, fell to the earth, never to resume its youthful verdure." This poem commences in this way, — " O king, unstable and restless, when thou art dead then shall thy people be overthrown and confounded ; thy place shall be no more ; the Creator, the All- Powerful, shall reign.' ' And it ends with this delightful verse, — " Let the joyous birds sing on and rejoice in the beauty of spring, and the butterflies enjoy the honey and perfume of the flowers, for life is as a tender plant that is plucked and withers away." SONG OF THE KING OF TEZCOCO. ON THE MUTABILITY OF LIFE. " Now will I sing for a moment, Since time and occasion offer, And I trust to be heard with favor, If my effort proveth deserving ; Wherefore thus I begin my singing, Or rather my lamontation. The Poet King, 93 Fair Acolhuacan thou hast chosen As thy dwelling-place and thy palace ; Thou hast set up thy royal throne there, With thy own hand hast thou enriched it ; Wherefore it seems to be certain That thy kingdom shall prosper and flourish. And thou, O wise Prince Oyoyotzin, Mighty monarch and king without equal, Rejoice in the beauty of spring-time, Be happy while spring abides with thee. For the day creepeth nearer and nearer When thou shalt seek joy and not find it. A day when dark Fate, the destroyer, Shall tear from thy hand the proud sceptre, When the moon of thy glory shall lessen. Thy pride and thy strength be diminished, The spoil from thy servants be taken, Thy kingdom and honor go from thee. In Mexico, proudest of cities, Reigned the mighty and brave Montezuma ; Nezahualcoyotl, the just one, Of blest Culhuacan was the monarch ; To strong Totoquil fell the portion Of Acatlapan, the third kingdom. I would that those living in friendship. Whom the thread of strong love doth encircle, Could see the sharp sword of the Death-god. For, verily, pleasure is fleeting, All sweetness must change in the future, The good things of life are inconstant." This song, with others of the Tezcocan King's produc- tions, were preserved in the memory of the "old ones," and "written in Aztec, after the Spanish conquest, when they were translated into Spanish by Ixtlilxochitl, a direct descendant of the royal poet." To this learned writer, Ixtlilxochitl, we owe these valu- 94 Mexico, able remains of the monarch, and to the fact that he was his descendant, doubtless, is due the favorable picture that is drawn of this king. We are told that Nezahualcoyotl delighted in the study of nature, and became a fair astronomer by studying the heavens. Such plants and animals as he could not keep alive at his court he caused paintings to be made of, by skilled' native artists. These were seen by a learned Span- ish naturalist, after the Conquest, who declared they were true to the life. Mention has been made of the palaces and temples this king erected, one of the former being large enough to con- tain several thousand people, as we shall see when we come to speak of the Conquest. That temple which he built in honor of the unknov/n God, was a high tower, consisting of nine stories, the last one dark and with vaulted roof, painted blue within, and with cornices of gold. Plates of fine metal were hung here, which it was the duty of watch- men to strike at intervals, when the king w^ould fall on his knees in prayer. " The elevated genius of this king," says the historian* whose account we have been mainly following, " actuated by the great love he had to his people, produced so en- lightened a capital that in future times it was considered as the nursery of the arts and the centre of cultivation. Tezcoco was the city where the Mexican language was spoken in the greatest purity and perfection, where the best artists were found, and where poets, orators, and historians abounded. The Mexicans and many others adopted their laws ; and, if we may be allowed the applica- tion, Tezcoco was the Athens and Nezahualcoyotl the Solon of Anahuac." * The learned Jesuit, Clavigero. The Athens of Anahuac. 95 Contrast this pleasing picture of this centre of culture and refinement with that of the city in the lake, Tenochtit- lan, hot with the lust for blood that poured in streams from its reeking altars. In many respects Nezahualcoyotl reminds us of King David, mentioned in the Bible ; he seems to have had sim- ilar talents to, as well as the vices of, that noted monarch. We may trace the likeness even to the similar manner in which each possessed himself of his wife, the mother of his favorite son. The Tezcocan King became enamored of the wife of Temictzin, a brave Tlaltelolcan general, and he sent him to the wars, instructing his generals to put him in the front ranks, and when he was surrounded by his enemies to retreat and leave him. This they did, and he was killed ; and after waiting awhile, for decency's sake, Nezahualcoyotl married the wife of the man he had mur- dered, and by her he had NezahualpilU, his only legitimate son and heir. The remains of some of the works of the departed emperor still exist, near Tezcoco, in the limits of the city that yet bears its name. A few miles distant from the ancient city are the ruins of Tezcosingo, the pleasure : "treat of Nezahualcoyotl and his son. There is there a reservoir hollowed from solid rock, near which is a stone bench or seat, and into which a pipe once conducted water from an aqueduct. This is called " Montezuma's Bath," though it undoubtedly was the work of the Tezcocan King. Near this is a great embankment, nearly two hundred feet high, on the top of which are pipes for conducting water. This aqueduct lies between and connects two hills, and all these remains are in a most charming, secluded vale, lying among the hills overlooking the vale of Tezcoco, the great lake, and the Aztec city. A visitor to Tezcoco may find many remains of the 96 Mexico. former greatness of this "Athens of Anahuac," if he search diUgently. The ruins of three great pyramids are still pointed out, and from one of them, no longer ago than last year (1881), was dug a large, sculptured slab, which was thought to be a portion of a Tezcocan calendar stone. MONTEZUMA'S BATH. Mexico in her Glory. 97 CHAPTER VIII. MEXICO IN HER GLORY. [A. D. 1474.] AxAjACATL, the sixth king of Mexico,, was animated by the same desires for conquest as his predecessors. He invaded the kingdom of Michoacan, and subjected several provinces lying on its borders. He was repulsed with great slaughter of his troops from the capital of Michoacan, called Tzinfzuntzan, and in one of the engagements about this time was severely wounded. The fine valley of Toluca, and much other territory lying west of Mexico, was annexed to his kingdom ; and he had the pleasure of sacrificing a great number of, pris- oners, including the two brave captains who had caused him his wound. [A.D. 1477.] At last he died, just after his return one day from Chapultepec, where he had been for recreation. On the face of a cliff, that supports the present castle of Chapultepec, was carved an image of this monarch, and also one of that still greater warrior, Montezuma I. He had been out to examine these sculptures on the day of his death. The king was a great lover of the Aztec games, and especially that of ball-playing. He once com- pelled the lord of the Xochimilcas to engage with him in a contest of this kind, wagering the revenues of the city of Mexico for a year against the freedom of the Xochimilcas. He was beaten by his adversary ; but in order to avoid paying the forfeit he caused him to be strangled, by means of a wreath of flowers in which was hidden a noose. qS Mexico. [A. D. 1482.] Tizoc was the name of the seventh king of Mexico, a grave and serious man, who did not seem to be barbarous enough for his subjects, since he was mur- dered in 1482, after reigning but five years. He collected a vast amount of material for the building of a temple to their great war god, that should surpass all others, but died without carrying out his design. The son of the last king of Tezcoco was now about twenty years old, having been but eight at his father's death. He experienced much opposition from his brothers, when he had taken possession of the throne, who considered themselves entitled to some recognition. They were a great deal older than Nezahualpilli, and could not endure the thought of being reigned over by one so young. So they excited a rebellion. And here the meaner traits of Nezahualcoyotl showed themselves strongly in the son. Even as his father had caused the death of a brave captain, to gratify his lust, so did Nezahualpilli destroy one of his most valiant officers to save his own miserable life. The enemy had found out what armor the king would wear, and the rebel general had directed his men to seek out and capture or kill the wearer of this armor. Hearing this, Nezahualpilli made one of his officers change garments with hiin; and after that unfortunate soldier had been set upon and killed, and while his foes were chanting songs of victory, he came up with his men and utterly routed them. In the eyes of men, this may have seemed perfectly justifiable ; but in the sight of Him who considers all life sacred, and does not recognize the petty distinctions among men, it could not have been considered else than murder. If Nezahualcoyotl was the David of this history, his son, Nezahualpilli, was also the Solomon. Born, as w^as Solo- mon, of a woman whose husband his father had murdered, he seems to have striven to emulate him in the number of his wives. King Nezahualpilli. 99 After the rebellion had been quelled he turned his at- tention to the building of a new palace, of granaries, and the laying-out of magnificent gardens. He caused to be enclosed by a great wall " exactly as much ground as was occupied by the rebels, when they came to the defence of their general, and gave the place the name of that day on which he had obtained the victory." Perhaps that noble grove of cypresses, called at this day '"'■ El Bosque del Con- tador^^'' — giant trees set out in double rows, and enclos- ing a great space, — is a monument to this very achieve- ment. Though the King of Tezcoco had many wives, he had no legitimate queen, and so he demanded and obtained a grand-daughter of King Tizoc. Now this lady had a beautiful sister whom she loved so much that she did not wish to be separated from her. And when Neza- hualpilli saw how lovely she was, he loved her also, and did not want to be separated from her. The easiest way to settle the difficulty, in his mind, was to marry them both, and this he did ; for one queen more or less mattered not to Nezahualpilli. His first queen was the mother of Cacamatzin, who succeeded his father to the throne ; the second was mother of three other sons, two of whom will figure conspicuously in the period of the Spanish Con- quest. We shall see then how the sins of these two mon- archs were visited upon their sons, and were instrumental in causing the destruction of their people. [A. D. i486.] The Mexicans had chosen Ahiiitzotl as their eighth king, at the death of Tizoc, brother of their two previous monarchs. For four years, this fiend devoted him- self to war and the accumulation of victims for a sacrifice without a parallel in history. At the end of this time the great temple was finished, from the material gathered by King Tizoc, and by the aid of an incredible number of lOO Mexico^ workmen. Such a temple was called by the Aztecs a TeocallV* — or holy pyramid. The first ones, constructed at different periods, had been of wood ; but this one fin- TEOCALLl. ished by King Ahuitzotl, in i486, was of stone — a great pyramid of earth faced with cut stone, one hundred and twenty feet high. Two altars were erected upon the * Teocalli, or Teopan, literally " House of God." The Great Sacrifice. lOl flat surface of the pyramid, the tops of their cupolas being one hundred and seventy feet above the pavement of the great square in which the temple was erected.* The pyramid was built in five stages, or stories, and steps led up to each in such a manner that the whole structure must be encircled before the ascent could be made from one to the other. When he had completed the temple, and had placed the god of war, the terrible Huitzilopochtli, in position in one of the adoratories on the summit, Ahuitzotl invited the two allied monarchs to be present at the dedication. He also extended invitations to all persons of distinction within the valley. Even people at war with the Mexicans came to witness the ceremonies, and were assigned seats where they could have an unobstructed view. This terrible feast of blood lasted four days, in which time were sacrificed all the prisoners they had made in the past four years. Were it not that all historians agree in estimating the num- ber sacrificed as enormous, we could not believe that human beings were capable of such a wholesale slaughter of un- armed men. Sixty thousaiid prisoners were sacrificed during the four days of this festival ! The demon who presided at the feast, in the person of King Ahuitzotl, commenced the work of blood with his own hands, and then the priests took it up, each" continuing the slaughter until he was exhausted, when his place was filled by another. Sixty thousand is the lowest number estimated, and some histo- rians say seventy thousand, were murdered on that day. All are agreed that the prisoners were arranged " in two long files, each a mile and a half in length, which began in the roads of Tacuba and Iztapalapan, and terminated at the temple, where, as soon as the victims arrived, they were sacrificed." * These are the dimensions given by Humboldt. 10^ Mexico. It is said by some writers that six millions of people wit- nessed this ceremony. To all the principal personages Ahuitzotl gave rich presents, intending, no doubt, that this dedication of the great temple should live in the memory of the Indians forever. This cruel and vindictive monarch lived long after this, and the historian regrets that no signal calamity befel him or the nation to show the displeasure of the God whom they had thus offended by such a display of their hellish passions. Such a terrible reputation did this king create for himself that in Mexico, to this day, the people characterize a ferocious villain by his name : es tin Ahuitzotl, — " he is an Ahuitzotl." [A. D, 1496.] War succeeded war, for this destroyer of men was never satisfied. We are happy to chronicle reverses as well as victories in the invasions of the Mexi- cans. At one time they marched into the valley of the Atliscas, who, wholly unprepared, sent for a brave chief of the Hueotzincas, named Toltecatl, to assist them. Toltecatl was at a game of ball when the embassadors arrived asking assistance. He at once organized a band of troops, rushed upon the Mexicans, unarmed, slew the first one with his fist, and committed such slaughter that the invaders re- treated to their own valley. On account of his bravery his people made him chief of their republic, but he was subsequently driven out by the priests, who were plotting against law and order, and finally murdered, and his body sent to the Alexicans. In 1489, had died Chimalpopoca, King of Tacuba, who had succeeded the first king of that province of Tlacopan. This small kingdom had taken little part in the wars, except to furnish such troops as were required by her ally, and collect the tribute. [A. D. 1498.] The close of the fifteenth century found this atrocious villain, King Ahuitzotl, still in power. In Ahuitzotts Mistake. 103 1498, finding that Lake Tezcoco was growing shallow, he undertook to replenish it by diverting into it the waters of a spring in the mountains. The city of Cohoacan was already supplied by this spring, and the lord of that city was commanded to assist in conducting it to the city of Mexico. This lord represented to Ahuitzotl that the attempt would be dangerous to the safety of the city, as at times the fountain overflowed its banks, and if it were diverted into the valley in a stream it might cause great damage to 104 Mexico. be done. At this, the tyrant, believing the lord of Cohoa- can had other motives for wishing to keep the water from him, ordered him to be murdered. A great aqueduct was constructed and the water finally received with rejoicing, the priests sacrificing birds and offering incense to the god of waters. That very year was the murdered lord avenged, for the waters rose so high as to inundate the city ; and King Ahuitzotl himself, being caught by the flood in one of the lower rooms of his palace, received such a blow on his head, in getting out, as caused his death a few years later. He was obliged to call upon the King of Tezcoco to aid him in arresting the flood ; the old dike was repaired, and the same priests that offered incense and sacrifices to the god of waters for the gift of the fountain, defiled the spring with their offerings in their vain attempts to make him take it back. As kings went, in that barbaric age, old King Ahuit- zotl was a very fair specimen of the whole. There was not one of them that we can recall that did not merit the punishment the Spaniards meted out to their descend- ants. Making every allowance for the ignorance of the age in which they lived, they were yet willfully, wofully perverse. They allowed themselves to be led by the priests, whose appetite for blood was never satisfied. And we shall see, that the nearer the rulers came to the priestly influence the more cruel they became. If 3^ou will look back through the vista afforded by this dark record, you will not fail to perceive how the priests had been prepar- ing a structure, composed of the bones and cemented by the blood of their victims, that was to fall upon and crush its builders out of existence ! Mexican progress began when Tenochtitlan was founded, in 1325 ; its glory culminated at the dedication of the temple, in 1486, during the reign of Ahuitzotl. Treaty with the Zapotecs. 107 [A. D. 1500]. The Mexicans swept their armies south- ward, as far as Guatemala, nearly nine hundred miles distant. An Aztec army of 60,000 men cleared the coun- try of the Miztecs and Zapotecs as far as the sacred city of Mitla, where was the burial-place of the Zapotec kings, and sent its priests to be sacrificed on the altar of Mexico. There was one Zapotec king whom they could not defeat, Cocioyeza, who fortified a great plateau, defended by ravines and barrancas, and twice defeated the Mexican armies sent against him. The King of Mexico was glad to conclude a peace with him, and he also gave him one of the royal princesses in marriage. In fact, the Zapotecan king fell in love with this princess, a sister of Montezuma, before he saw her, for she appeared to him in a vision as he was taking his bath, -and after exhibiting to him a peculiar mark on her hand, disappeared, saying she would return when sent for. When he sent his officers to select a queen for him from the Mexican court, he instructed them to look for the beautiful princess with the peculiar mark in the palm of her hand. At the court, they noticed one of the beauteous damsels frequently raising her hand to ar- range her hair, so as to expose the palm of her hand. Of course, she was the one the Zapotec had seen in the vision, and, of course, they were married and lived happily together. King Montezuma, her brother, when he came to the throne, tried to persuade her to poison her husband, — after the fashion of that dark period, — but she refused, thinking, very wisely, that a royal spouse alive was worth more to her than one dead, and a royal brother into the bargain ! It is a pleasure, at last, to be able to chronicle the death of that wicked old monarch, Ahuitzotl, who departed, full of honors and much lamented, to his fathers. He left loS Mexico. Mexico a more magnificent city than when he found it. He had built temples and palaces, and had pushed her to the pinnacle of her power ; but he had also sown the seeds of distrust and terror that were to cause her to dissolve before her enemies like the mist about a mountain-top. MEXICAN URN. Last Years of the Mexican Empire. 109 I CHAPTER IX. LAST YEARS OF THE MEXICAN EMPIRE. [A. D. 1502.] In the year 1490, in one of the expedi- tions to the Gulf coast, there came into prominence, through his display of valor, one of the royal princes named Monte- zuma. He was a son of the famous and terrible Axaja- catl, and had been in many campaigns, though his warlike father had died before he was old enough to accompany him far. By the law of the kingdom, the throne vacated by the death of Ahuitzotl should descend to one of the grandsons of the preceding king. The choice fell upon Montezuma, called Xocojotzin — to distinguish him from the great Montezuma who died in the year 1464. He was not a son of the first Montezuma, but of his brother, Axaja- catl, who had succeeded him to the throne. He had shown great bravery as a general, but of late had joined the priest- hood, preferring to sacrifice his victims on the altar of the war-god to slaying them in the heat of battle. When the news of his election reached him he was found sweeping the temple, to which occupation he returned, with great aftectation of humility, as soon as he had been con firmed in his exalted position. It is said that the great Nezahualpilli made a noted speech on the occasion of his coronation, congratulating him upon having such an empire to govern, and the people upon having such a king to preside over their destinies. But this address of Nezahualpilli (like those of men like him who have retired from business and spend their time no Mexico. in domineering over their wives) is too long for repetition. Montezuma II. — for this was now his title — was much affected by this speech ; but whatever good resolutions he may have formed did not prevent him from hurrying off to secure some wretched captives to be murdered at the sub- sequent ceremonies. A convenient quarrel was opened with a neighboring tribe, and a sufficient number of unfortunates dragged from their homes to be slaughtered on this occasion. The games, dances and illuminations were so varied, the value of the tributes paid by different provinces was so great, that visitors came from all over the country — even the fierce Tlascallans^ between whom and the Mexicans existed perpetual enmity. To all these were assigned choice seats, — as at the dedication of the temple, in i486, — and all departed greatly impressed with the magnificence of Mon- tezuma's court. The rejoicings of his subjects were, how- ever, of short duration, for the veil of humility was soon drawn aside, and Montezuma showed himself the proud, arrogant, and oppressive ruler that his subsequent acts proved him really to be. Disregarding the advice of his counselors, Montezuma pursued a course directly opposite tothat of his predeces- sors. They had been accustomed to bestow rewards for valor upon deserving men, without regard to rank or birth, and in this manner many plebeians had attained to high office. Montezuma degraded these officials, and surrounded himself only with the nobility. As had been predicted, this conduct soon alienated the hearts of the people ; though he made them fear him, they at the same time hated him. His attendants in the palace were all persons of rank ; several hundred noble young men especially waited upon him at dinner. Every morning, he gave audience to six hundred nobles and lords of tributary MONTEZUMA XOCOJOTZIN. Court of Montezuma, 113 provinces, whose retinues were so numerous that they filled three small courts of the palace. All these rulers over distant dependencies were obliged to reside several months of each year at court, or leave some near relatives as hostages for their fidelity in case of absence. When they appeared before the king they wore only the coarsest garments, laying off their rich robes in an outer apartment. As they approached the king they made three bows, saying at the first, "lord," at the second, "my lord," and at the third, " great lord." They replied to his questions in a low tone and humble manner, and soon retreated from the room, always with their faces to the throne. In a future chapter we shall describe his palace and the state and ceremonies there, as observed by the Spanish conquerors on their arrival at the Aztec capital. Our object now is to inquire into the causes that contributed to the subsequent destruction of the empire, and to trace the succession of events up to the year 1520. This ninth King of Mexico, Montezuma, committed a fatal error in separating from him the common people, who constituted the mass of his fighting men, and surrounding himself only with persons of nobility and members of the priesthood. He was digging the ground from under his own feet; the glittering fabric he was rearing was top- heavy, and would have been precipitated to the ground of its own weight, even had not the Spaniards appeared to hasten its downfall ! He even carried his arrogance so far as to deprive the travelling merchants of all the privileges they had enjoyed under previous monarchs. Now, these travelling merchants, as we have seen in a previous chap- ter, were important aids in the extension of the Aztec dominion. They entered the country of an enemy, or one not subjected to Mexican rule, in the character of mer- chants, but really performed efficient work as spies. They 1 14 Mexico, had almost invariably been advance couriers, who had pre- ceded the coming of an army of subjugation. Under one of the kings, a party of these merchants had been cut off in the country of the Miztecas, and there they seized a town and fortifications and held out for four years ^ until relieved by the approach of a Mexican army. All these valuable spies and skirmishers, who traversed the country at their own expense and added vastly to its material wealth, were degraded to the ranks of the ple- beians, without hope of elevation. His armies were con- stantly employed in quelling revolts, but they succeeded in adding little new territory. The arrogance and severity of Montezuma, while they disgusted his subjects and caused them to desire noth- ing so much as a change of government, were somewhat modified by his liberal spirit on great occasions and his generosity towards deserving officials. By keeping his subjects employed he smothered discontent, and by build' ing temples and keeping the altars smoking with sacrifice, he gained a reputation for devoutness and devotedness to their gods. [A. D. 1503.] Within sixty miles of the Mexican capital there existed the republic of Tlascala, small but warlike, a thorn in the side of the Aztecs, a perpetual menace to them. No one knows why this belligerent people had been allowed to exist so long near the centre of Mexican power, when — notwithstanding their bravery — the Aztecs could doubtless have crushed them by mere weight of numbers. Some have thought that they were allowed to remain there in order that the Mexican troops might have an enemy near to be exercised against, and a place whence they might draw victims for the altars without fatiguing marches to distant provinces. At all events, the brave little republic sat intrenched I A Tlascallan Hero. 117 among the mountains of Tlascala, and had never been subjugated since the entrance of its people into the Mexi- can valley. Montezuma at last resolved to severely punish these people, if not to conquer them, and sent against them an army commanded by his son. This army was defeated, and his first-born and much-beloved was slain. A second army sent against the Tlascalans was also van- quished, and these victories the heroes celebrated with great rejoicings. There was in Tlascala a famous general called Tlahui- col, celebrated for his great strength and courage, and for his skill with the maquahuitl, or the Mexican sword, the one he carried being so heavy that an ordinary man could hardly lift it. By some mischance he got embedded in a marsh, and his enemies, who had hitherto fled in terror wherever he appeared, captured and placed him in a cage and sent him to Montezuma. The generous nature of the king impelled him to set the hero at liberty : but Tlahuicol refused to return to Tlascala after having suffered the disgrace of being taken a pris- oner, and demanded permission to die in honor of the god. Montezuma offered him the command of his armies, as general-in-chief, but the noble-minded Tlascallan refused, saying he would not be guilty of such treason to his coun- try. He, however, accepted a command of a body of troops against Michoacan, enemies to both nations, and acquitted himself so bravely that Montezuma renewed his offers of reward and liberty. This great man would accept neither, but steadily persisted in being allov/ed to die before the god. At last, after having dwelt with the Mexi- cans for three years, his request was granted. There were two kinds of sacrifice, one performed by the priests, in which the victim was stretched upon the convex surface of the great sacrificial stone, his hands and legs ii8 Mexico. held by four attendants, while the chief priest cut open the protruding breast and tore out the yet palpitating heart. This was offered to the god, either by being thrust between his lips in a golden spoon, or roasted on the coals before him, and the body was thrown down the steps of the great temple-pyramid to the people assembled below. This cere- mony took place on the summit of the great teocalli. The other mode of sacrifice was the gladiatorial. Near the middle of the vast square of the temple was a low, broad stone, upon which, tied by one foot to a ring in its centre, any prisoner who had gained a reputation for bravery was allowed to battle for his liberty. Should he vanquish six Aztec warriors in succession he was allowed to go free. Fettered in this way, the valiant Tlahuicol killed eight of Mexico's bravest warriors and wounded twenty, when, fall- ing senseless from a fearful blow on the head, he was taken before the idol, Huitzilopochtli, and his heart torn out, as a precious morsel for the god. [A. D. 1505.] Two years of famine reduced the people to such a condition that the king was obliged to throw open the royal granaries, and even to allow them to wander away into other countries to seek for food. In 1505, an expedition was undertaken to Guatemala, nearly nine hundred miles distant, and a temple was erected to the goddess Centiotl, — the goddess of Maize, — and consecrated by sacrifice of the prisoners taken in this year. A bad omen for them, at this time, was the burning of the turret of another temple, which was struck by lightning. The people of Tlaltelolco seeing the fire, and thinking an enemy had got possession, hurried into the Mexican portion of the city with arms in their hands. This act was construed by Montezuma as rebellious, and he deprived them of all offices and looked upon them distrustfully till his wrath was spent. The Four Ages of Earth. I2I THE FESTIVAL OF THE NEW FIRE. [A. D. 1506.] At the end of this year occurred the ceremonial of "tying up the cycle," or the festivities at- tending the close of one of their cycles and the beginning of another. You must know that the Mexicans divided the duration of the world into four ages. The first they called the age of water — Atonatiuh, or "first age of the sun," — which lasted from the creation of the world until the destruction of mankind in the great flood. The second — Tlaltonatiuh — the "age of earth," was that period when giants dwelt here, and was concluded by ter- rible earthquakes. The third age — that of air — Ehecat- onatiuh, ended in great whirlwinds, in which everything perished along with the third sun. The fourth, the " age of fire " — Tletonatiuh — was to be the last ; it began with the restoration of the human race, and, according to their mythology, was to end with the fourth sun. It was owing to this superstition that the closing years of their cycle were full of anxiety ; they regarded every omen in the sky, they were never free from the fear that the god of fire would devour them at the termination of every cycle. This century, or cycle, contained fifty-two years, divided into four periods of thirteen years each. Two of these centuries made up an "old century" — HuehuetiliztU — of one hundred and four years. Their years had four names only, they were : Tochtli, the Rabbit ; Acatl, the Cane, or Reed ; Tecpatl, Flint ; CalH, House. The first year of the century was (i) Tochtli; the second (2) Acatl ; the third (3) Tecpatl ; the fourth (4) CalH; while the fifth was (5) Tochtli; and so on to the thirteenth year, which ended with Tochtli. The second period., of course, began with Acatl^ the third with Tecpatl, the fourth with Calli. By this ingenious arrangement there was no repetition of 122 Mexico. the symbols and their corresponding numbers and no confounding of the years one with the other. Now, as a century was completed, they called the end of it by a name, Toxiuhmolpia — signifying the " tying-together-of- the-years," because at this time the two centuries were united to form an age. On the last night of the centur}-', terror and anxiety prevented every one from sleeping, even had it been allowed by the laws. All the fires were extinguished, both in temples and houses, and all articles for domestic use, especially earthenware and kitchen utensils, were broken and destroyed. Some hours before midnight " the priests, clothed in various dresses and insignias of their gods, and accompanied by a vast crowd of people, issued from the temple out of the city, directing their way towards a mountain — Huixachtla — near the city of Iztapalapan, a little more than six miles from the capital. They regu- lated their journey in some measure by observation of the stars, in order that they might arrive at the mountain a little before midnight, on the top of which the new fire was to be kindled. In the meantime, the people remained in the utmost suspense and solicitude, hoping, on the one hand, to find from the new fire a new century granted to mankind, and fearing, on the other hand, the total destruc- tion of mankind if the fire by divine interference should not be permitted to kindle." The faces of the children were covered, and they were not allowed to sleep, to pre- vent their being t7^ansfo7'med info mice. All those who did not go out with the priests mounted upon roofs and terraces to observe from thence the event of the ceremony. Upon the breast of the human victim selected for this event were placed two pieces of wood, and as one of the priests gave him the fatal stab with the knife of flint another kindled the wooden shield by friction, and the flame flew upwards. Then the victim and the blazing The Tying-up of Years. 123 wood were cast into a pile of combustibles, and as the flames leaped up they were received by the assembled multitudes with shouts of gladness. The signal fire in the mountain top was seen all over the valley. " Myriads of upturned faces greeted it from hills, mountains, terraces, temples, teocallis, house-tops and city-walls ; and the prostrate mul- MEXICAN CENTURY. titudes hailed the emblem of light, life, and fruition as a blessed omen of the restored favor of their gods and the preservation of the race for another cycle. The priests carried the new fire to the temple, and in every temple and dwelling it was rekindled from the sacred source ; and when the sun rose again on the following morning, the solemn procession of priests, princes and subjects, which T 24 Mexico. had taken up its march from the capital on the preceding night, with solemn steps, returned once more to the city, and, restoring the gods to their altars, abandoned them- selves to joy and festivity, in token of gratitude and relief from impending doom," This was the last celebration of the festival of the sacred fire in Aztlan. Nearly eight cycles have rolled their rounds of years since then, but at the termination of none of them has been performed the ceremony of the "tying up of years." At that last rejoicing, in 1506, they felt them- selves safe for another century ; but, as a nation, they were to be swept from the earth. The age of fire, indeed, this proved for them, for their fair land was to be swept by fire and sword ; the victims they had sacrificed were to be amply avenged ! 1 The Beginning of the End, 125 CHAPTER X. THE BEGINNING OF THE END. [A. D. 1507.] A strange campaign was undertaken by the Aztec Emperor, in 1506, against the Lord of Malinalli^ in the Miztec country. It seems that this lord had in his possession a very precious plant, — and it must have been very precious to have had such a long name, — called the tlapalizqui-xochitl, that is, the " red flower." He refused to give up to Montezuma this tlapalizqui-xochitl, and so that emperor sent for it, and got it ; and also numerous captives, who were sacrificed at the dedication of the Tzom- pantli, or place of skulls, and at the festival of the tying- up-of-the-cycle. At the very beginning of the new cycle occurred an eclipse ; this was followed by an earthquake ; seventeen hundred soldiers were drowned in the Miztec country ; the inhabitants of Anahuac were terrified at these manifesta- tions of divine displeasure. " With the new cycle began a period during which, down to the appearance of the Span- iards at Vera Cruz, every event was invested with a myste- rious significance. . . . An army, sent to the province of Amatlan, perished with cold, and by falling trees and rocks ; a comet with three heads hung in the sky above Anahuac ; a great pyramid of fire was visible for forty days in the east, reaching from the earth to the sky." It was only too evident to Montezuma and the allied kings, as well as to their people, that great disasters were impend- 1 26 Mexico. ing. It is not unlikely that unusual importance was given to these mysterious events, owing to the arrival of Euro- peans on the coast of Central America. Can we doubt that the obedient subjects of Montezuma had failed to inform him of the arrival of Columbus on the coast of Honduras in 1502 ? Four years later his army had invaded Guatemala. When they later returned, with prisoners for the priests, did they not report, what they could not have failed to have heard from the Guatemala Indians, that a white man's vessel had touched their shore and bartered with the natives? In 1506 De Soils and Pinzon, Spanish navigators, had coasted the eastern shore of Yucatan. Is it possible that Montezuma should not have heard of one of these arrivals 1 At the opening of the sixteenth century, when these omens first began to agitate the minds of 4;he Mexicans, the islands of the Caribbean Sea had been ten years visited by Europeans. The currents of that sea set up directly against the eastern coast of Yucatan and Mexico from the southernmost of these islands. Is it not probable that some article belonging to the white strangers should have been washed upon these shores ? One of the early historians, Herrera^ says that the king had in his possession " a box containing wearing apparel, and a sword of a style unknown to the natives." The appearance of the comet terrified them exceedingly ; the superstitious Montezuma consulted his astrologers, but they could give him no satisfactory explanation. Then he applied to Nezahualpilli, King of Tezcoco, who, of late years, had given so much attention to the study of astron- omy and astrology. Between the two monarchs a coldness had existed for some years, owing to the public execution, by Nezahualpilli, of one of his wives, a sister of Monte- zuma, and of a son, for whose life the Mexican king had interceded in vain. But in this extremity the disasters I Omens of Disaster. 129 which threatened, seeming not to be confined to one nation, but to be universal, the kings were reunited. Nezahualpilli, jpeing invited to Mexico, and there put in possession of all the facts, concluded " that the comet predicted the future disasters of those kingdoms by the arrival of a new people." Montezuma did not relish this interpretation, and they agreed to settle it by a game of foot-ball between themselves. As Nezahualpilli came off victorious, it seemed conclusive that his interpretation was the correct one ; but still Mon- tezuma was not satisfied. He resolved to consult a famous astrologer of his own kingdom, who was justly considered as an oracle. Much to the chagrin of the monarch this diviner confirmed the prediction of the King of Tezcoco, and Montezuma, in a great rage, caused his house to be pulled to pieces and tumbled about his ears. No doubt he would have liked to serve Nezahualpilli in the same man- ner, but he dared not ; he retired to his palace in disgust, and filled with apprehension. [A. D. 1509.] Some of the Spanish historians speak of an occurrence that happened at this time in confirmation of these gloomy predictions. In the year 1509, Papantzin^ a Mexican princess, a sister to Montezuma, died, apparently, and was buried with great honors in a cavern in the garden where she was wont to go to bathe in a fountain. It ,seems, however, that she was merely in a trance, and when she recovered she groped her way out of the cave and sent for her relatives, Montezuma and Nezahualpilli, declaring she had a message of great importance to communicate. When they had arrived, and had convinced themselves that it was truly Papantzin, sister of Montezuma, whom they had buried a few days before, they sat down and listened to her story. She said that after the trance had seized her, she found herself wandering upon an extensive plain. " In the middle of it I observed a road, which I afterwards 1 30 ' Mexico. saw was divided into a variety of paths, and on one side ran a great river, whose waters made a frightful noise. As I was going to throw myself into the river, to swim to the opposite bank, I saw before me a beautiful youth, clothed in a long habit, white as snow and dazzling like the sun, with wings of beautiful feathers, and the mark of the cross upon his forehead. He laid hold of my hand and said to me, ' Stop, for it is not yet time to pass this river.' He then led me along by the river-side, upon the borders of which I saw a great number of human skulls and bones, and heard most lamentable groans, that waked my utmost pity. Turning my eyes towards the river I saw some large vessels upon it, filled with men of a complexion and dress quite different from ours. They were fair and bearded, and carried standards in their hands and helmets on their heads. The youth then said to me, ' It is the will of God that thou shalt live to be a witness of the revolutions which are to happen to these kingdoms. The groans which thou hast heard among these bones are from the souls of your ancestors, which are ever and will be tormented for their crimes. The men whom you see coming in these vessels are those who by their arms will make themselves masters of all these kingdoms, and with them will be introduced the knowledge of the true God, the Creator of heaven and earth. As soon as the war shall be at an end, and the means made known by which sins shall be washed away, be thou the first to receive it, and guide by thy example the natives of thy country.' Having spoken this, the youth disappeared, and I found myself recalled to life." It is said, that Montezuma M^as so shocked by this mel- ancholy prediction of the downfall of his empire that he immediately retired to one of his palaces devoted to occa- sions of grief, and refused ever after to see his sister. It is also related that she was the first, in the year 1524, to I The Sacrificial Stone. . 131 receive baptism from the Spanish priests, and was called Dona Maria Papantzin. The*re is nothing to cause us to doubt the occurrence of tire other signs and events re- lated, but there is every evidence in this tradition of the work of the priests. It is a very pretty fable which they used to relate, in those years following the conquest, to induce the unsuspicious Indians to turn from their old religion and embrace the new. Though visibly affected by these prognostics of coming woe, Montezuma continued to urge war, relentless war, against tribes yet unconquered by Mexico. [A. D. 15 10.] In 1508 and the year following he made 5000 prisoners, which were reserved for sacrifice in 15 10. This was the year in which he had brought to Mexico a new sacrificial stone. Instead of acting upon the advice of the King of Tezcoco, and desisting from further blood- shed, he listened to the counsel of his priests, who de- clared that only blood, shed in copious streams, could avert the threatened punishment of his gods. Then he sought for a stone large enough to form a fitting addition to his magnificent temple. It was found in the quarries near Cojoacan, and after it was hewn to the required size it was brought to Mexico. A vast concourse attended it, and the high-priest marched before it, muttering prayers and scattering incense. In crossing one of the wooden bridges over a canal, this immense mass broke through and fell into the water. The miserable priest and many of the men engaged in drawing it were drowned, or crushed to death, and the people rendered very unhappy by this event. They drew it out again, after incredible exertions, and finally deposited it near, or on, the temple. This stone may be seen to-day, in the Museum of Mexico, an elaborately chiselled block of basalt, nine feet in diameter and three feet in height. Those Mexican sculptors pa- 132 Mexico. tiently carved its sides and upper surface, the sides repre- senting a procession of victors despoiling or slaying their captives. The upper surface is cut in symmetrical designs, and in the centre is a hollow with a gutter leading to the edge of the stone. This was to receive the blood of their victims, after they had been thrown upon the stone and their breasts cut open — as described on a preceding page. This memorial of Aztec barbarity was discovered in 1790, in the great square where the temple formerly stood, which was demolished during the siege of the city. Twelve thousand prisoners, were, it is said, sacrificed upon this stone at its dedication, in the year 15 10. All the nobility of the kingdom were invited to be present at the ceremonial, and departed laden with pres- ents ; for the king, Montezuma, was a generous king, giving away the products of earth with as unsparing a hand as he took the human lives entrusted to his keeping. [A. D. 15 15.] Up to the year 15 15, the armies of Mon- tezuma were constantly engaged in different parts of the empire, in quelling riots and in extending its limits. At this period they had acquired all the territory they held at the coming of the Spaniards. If you would ascertain the extent of Aztec dominion at this time, and will turn to a map of Mexico, you will find that territory comprised in the mod- ern states of Mexico, Puebla, San Luis Potosi and some of Tamaulipas, Queretaro, Vera Cruz, Guerrero, Western Oaxaca and Chiapas. South of Chiapas the Mexicans had penetrated even to Guatemala, and perhaps to Nicaragua, but had acquired no permanent foothold there. The Aztec empire thus extended from Gulf to Ocean, not directly across, but touching both coasts at different points ; it comprised a large area, though not alto- gether entirely subjugated. During the reign of Ahu- Extent of the Empire, 135 itzotl it had attained to the zenith of its power and glory ; although territory had been added since, yet the empire was sensibly weaker. As an ancient his- torian truly says : " Every province which was conquered created a new enemy to the conquerors, who became im- patient of the yoke to which they were not accustomed, and only waited an opportunity of being revenged and restoring themselves to their wonted liberty. It would appear that the happiness of a kingdom consists, not in the extension of the dominions, nor the number of its vassals, but, on the contrary, that it approaches at no time nearer to its final period than when, on account of its vast and unbounded extent, it can no longer maintain the necessary union among its parts, nor that vigor which is requisite to withstand the multitude of its enemies." Nezahualpilli, King of Tezcoco, was greatly depressed by the forebodings of the oracles, and retired to his pleas- ure-retreat of Tezcosingo, where he shut himself up with his favorite wife, Xocotzin. Six months later, he returned to his palace in Tezcoco, and there died in seclusion, wish- ing, perhaps, that his subjects should think he had been translated to the kingdom of his ancestors, Ameque-mecan^ like his worthy father before him. Nezahualpilli resem- bled his father, Nezahualcoyotl, in his love of justice and inflexible administration of his own laws. Having com- manded that no person in his kingdom should repeat cer- tain indecent words, on pain of death, he caused the penalty to be carried out against his own son for having addressed them to one of his mistresses. He was the last of that glorious line of Chichimec kings that sat undis- turbed upon the throne of Acolhuacan. Through discord- ant elements, directly traceable to his own sins, his king- dom was divided against itself, one portion taking part with the Mexicans and the other with the Spaniards, in the coming contest. 13^ Mexico. [A. D. 15 1 6.] Cacamatzin, the first-born of the late king's sons by his first marriage — to the Mexican princess — was the choice of the electors to fill the throne. This was violently opposed by IxtUlxochitl, the son of the second princess married by NezahualpilH, though Coanocotzin, the second son, acquiesced in the wisdom of the choice. Cacamatzin was twenty-two, Coanocotzin twenty, while Ixtlilxochitl was only eighteen. But the latter was the most given to fighting of the three, and, though he may not have been the bravest, was the most quarrelsome. When only three years of age he pushed his nurse into a well, and threw stones upon her. At seven he raised a company of boys, which was the constant torment of peaceful citi- zens, not even considering their lives. One of the royal council having, very wisely, counselled the king to put to death such a disgraceful wretch, was assassinated by the boy himself. Old Nezahualpilli looked complacently upon the doings of this little imp, being the son of his favorite wife, — though he put one of his sons to death for speaking disrespectfully to one of his mistresses, and another for having commenced a palace without his royal permission. Cacamatzin was favored by Montezuma, and was crowned King of Tezcoco, while the fiery Ixtlilxochitl withdrew in a rage to the mountains. He was followed by a large force, and raised an army of nearly one hundred thousand men, with which he marched southward against Tezcoco. He took Otompan^ and made it his capital, and his brothers were glad to send him word that they would divide the kingdom with him, he taking the mountains and they the plain. Ixtlilxochitl returned, that he had no further design against Tezcoco, but that he should maintain his army as a safeguard against the ambitious designs of Montezumia, of whom he warned them. He annoyed the Mexicans greatly, by appearing suddenly at different points in the The Year 1517. 137 valley. He burned alive a general of Montezuma's, who had gone out to capture him, and even had the temerity to dare his uncle, the great Montezuma, to personal combat! We cannot be less amazed than amused at this youth's audacity ; his courage seems to have been equal to that of his grandfather, Nezahualcoyotl. [A. D. 15 17.] The year 15 17 had been ushered in during the transactions narrated above, — a year big with the fate of the Mexican empire, for in it landed the first Spaniards on the shores of the Mexican Gulf. Let us not forget the condition of things at this time: the constant decrease in strength of the Mexican empire through its repeated acts of aggression, and the position taken by its most important ally, the kingdom of Tezcoco. Do not lose sight of these three Tezcocan princes, two of whom perished at the hands of the Spaniards, while the wickedest was rewarded with riches and honors. It will appear, when we reach the account of the Conquest, that the great arrny of the active prince, Ixtlilxochitl, was of the greatest service to the Spanish conqueror, Cortes, second in importance only to that of the brave Tlascallans. Had the Spanish commander known of the condition of things in Anahuac at the time of his coming, he could not have chosen a more auspicious season than that in which he invaded the country. Montezuma exerted himself to the utmost to appease his incensed gods. One historian tells us that he even ordered the great pyramid-temple of Huitzilopochtli to be covered with gold, feathers, and precious stones, from the ground to the summit platform, and put to death his minister of finance for representing that his subjects could not endure the necessary increase of taxation. [A. D. 1518 ] The last great sacrifice in Mexico appears to have been in the year 15 18, at the dedication of the 1 38 Mexico, temple of Coatlan. ''But," says a learned writer,* "almost before the groans of the dying victims had died away there came to the ears of the Aztec sovereign the startling tidings that the eastern strangers had again made their appearance, this time on the coast of his own empire." Perhaps nothing had so startled Montezuma as this intelligence, for here was positive confirmation of the truth of the predic- tions of the oracles. Here at last were those strangers whose coming had been so long expected ; they could be no others, for they came from the East. And what was the significance of this ? Could they not have come from the West and yet not prove unexpected ? One element of disturbance in the mind of Montezuma was the prophecy of Quetzakoatl, the "Plumed Serpent" (see pages 39 and 40), who had declared at his departure that he would return from the direction in which he went — from the land of the rising sun. Centuries had passed since then ; the Aztec nation had risen from the obscurity of the marshes of Aztlan to be the greatest empire in the western world. To the inhabitants of this country there was no other world. The two seas bounded it — the Pacific and the Gulf ; beyond its shores they not only could not look, but they could not even send their thoughts ! These new arrivals, then, could be no others than the children of Quetzalcoatl; they were white, like Quetzalcoatl, and they were bearded, like him, and they came in great canoes that were swept over the water by broad white wings ! The ofiicials of the king on the watch on the coast caused accurate paintings to be made of the Spanish ships of Grijalva — who arrived on the coast in this year — and transmitted a full account of these wonderful strangers to Montezuma. At a royal council, hastily assembled, it was decided that these arrivals were the followers of Quetzal- * Bancroft, " Native Races of the Pacific States. — isL ^^-^ -J The Arrival of Strangers. 141 coatl, and an embassy with rich presents was despatched to propitiate them. They arrived at the coast too late, for Grijalva had sailed for Cuba, leaving the promise of an early return. Priests and rulers seemed united now in the belief that the Spaniards were the messengers of the prophet, and from this time on the neglected deity, the " Plumed Serpent," was supreme. Upon his altar were deposited various relics of the Spaniards, that had been picked up from time to time, and "his peaceful rites prevailed over the bloody ones of Huitzilopochtli." Painful must have been the feelings of the proud Monte- zuma, as he recalled what Mexico had been in the past, and reflected what it was likely to be in the future ! Menaced by the brave and wary Ixtlilxochitl, who was constantly drawing surrounding tribes into alliance with him ; hated by his own people, whom he had kept so long in bondage ; forsaken even by his gods, to whom he had sacrificed thousands of human victims, what gloomy thoughts must have possessed him! He had abandoned the peaceful worship of Quetzalcoatl for the horrid practices of Huitzilopochtli — the offerings of corn and fruits for those of human hearts — was it possible that the great prophet w^ould regard him with favor at his coming ? He must have been, though dimly, conscious that the end of the Aztec Empire was nigh \ 142 Mexico. CHAPTER XL A GLANCE AT THE AZTEC AT HOME. Indians, Columbus called the first men of the new world that met his sight in the Bahamas, and " Indians " they have remained to this day. Not only has the name been applied to those red men of the West India Islands, but to the whole race inhabiting North, South, and Cen- tral America. Did it ever occur to you that there might be a differ- ence among these Indians, as to color, size, nature and acquirements ! Has it ever been brought forcibly to your mind that there is as great a difference between the Indians of the North and those of the South as between the varied families of the white race ? The Irish and English are not as dissimilar as the Indians of the United States and those of Mexico. The Northern Indians are nomades, wild rovers by nature, possessing few of the arts of civiliza- tion ; the Southern Indians (as has been remarked in the opening chapters), were fixed to the soil, and had many acquirements to entitle them to high respect. Those Indians, at the time of their discovery by the Spaniards, were remarkably well-formed, of good height, with black eyes and hair, rather narrow foreheads, straight, shapely limbs and remarkable for their endurance. If allowed to live out the natural term of their years they generally arrived at a good old age. They were very moderate in eating, but indulged in strong drinks fre- quently to excess. They were patient and long-suffering, Mexican Costumes. 143 enduring hardships without murmuring, and suffering even death without complaint. Tliey were (and so are their descendants at the present day) generous, grateful for kindness, nor distrustful . by nature. " They were by nature taciturn, serious and austere, and showed more anxiety to punish crimes than to reward virtues ; " yet were joyous on occasions, and even hilarious. They were not indolent, laziness even being considered by them a vice. Finally, they were courageous, being more affected by superstition than cowardice. To conclude, says the ancient historian, "the character of the Mexicans, like that of every other nation, is a mixture of good and bad ; but the bad is easy to be corrected by a proper education, as has frequently been demonstrated by experience." In regard to the state of civilization amongst the Mex- icans, when they w^ere found by the Spaniards, he says, " it was much superior to that of the Spaniards themselves when they were first known to the Phoenicians, that of the Gauls when first known to the Greeks, or that of the Germans and Britons when first known to the Romans." Of this let the future pages speak in evidence. DRESS OF THE MEXICANS. Though the very earliest people of Mexico went entirely naked, or partially covered by the skins of wild beasts, they gradually adopted a decent garb as they grew more civilized. The year that the Aztecs first wore garments of cotton is pictured in their annals. The men wore invariably the breech-cloth, and a mantle made of a square piece of cloth about four feet in length ; in addi- tion to this, in winter, they wore a sort of sack, with holes for the head and for the arms, reaching below the hips. The rich wore a greater number of and larger mantles, and fringed the ends, besides adorning themselves with 144 Mexico. jewelry. The dress of the women was the same as we may see worn in portions of Mexico and Yucatan. It consisted of two articles, the ciieitl^ a sort of petticoat, reaching from the waist to near the ankles, and the uipil^ or chemise, with very short sleeves, or without any at all, which covered the upper part of the body and thighs. On going out of doors they drew on a larger uipil, that descended lower, or perhaps an elegant man- tle. Both sexes, especially of the better classes, wore sandals, made of maguey fibre or deer- skins ; but probably knew not the use of stockings. The Aztecs wore their hair long and hanging down their back, sometimes- twisting it with black thread, as do many Indian women at the pres- ent day. Other tribes par- tially shaved their heads, and others braided their hair, some left a ridge and some left a single scalp- lock. The Aztec women painted their faces in va- rious colors, red, yellow or black, dyed their feet black, and cleaned and painted their teeth with the crimson cochineal. Both men and women had a passion for orna- DRESS OF THE MEXICANS. Mexican Costumes. 145 merits ; gold, silver and precious stones for the king and the nobility; bone, stone or copper for the plebeians, in the shape of bracelets, anklets, armlets, and rings for the ears, nose, fingers and lower lip. But no subject could wear the same dress or ornament as his king, the penalty was death ! The nobles wore in their lips the chalchihuite, or native emerald, while the poorer classes thrust eagle- claws and fish-bones through holes bored in their ears, lips, and nose. The king possessed the greatest variety of mantles of cotton, so finely made as to resemble silk, and wore a dif- ferent one for every occasion. We can hardly believe that he never wore any dress a second time, as many have pretended. His sandals had golden soles and were orna- mented with precious stones ; the royal crown was a band of gold rising to a point in front, and sometimes or- namented with the long feathers of the quetzal, or royal tro- gon. Besides feather tassels garnished with gold, worn upon the crown of the head, the king sometimes wore chin orna- ments of crystal and precious stones, or golden crescents suspended from his under lip. In one account given of the visit of Nezahualcoyotl to the unfortunate King Chimalpopoca, imprisoned in a cage, we read that the king gave the young prince his emerald lip ornament at parting. The great lords bored holes in their noses and wore some kind of precious stones, one on each side. They wore strings of gems about their necks, bracelets of mosaic work, and greaves of thin plates of gold on their legs below the knees. Sometimes they carried a small golden flag in their hand, ornamented with a tuft of brilliant feathers, and wore upon the head a rich-plumed bird with its beak in front and its wings hanging over their temples. From this plain and sober statement of the costume and ornaments of the higher classes, collected from a 146 Mexico. great number of writers, it will . be seen that the Aztecs were something more than the " barbarians " some histo- rians would have us believe them to have been. Soon after the birth of a child, the diviners were con- sulted as to its fortune, and a name was given it, taken from the symbol of the day of its iDirth. Thus, if it was born on the day of the flower, it was called Xochitl, with a proper prefix. One of the Tlascallan chiefs bore the name of Citlalpopoca, " Smoking Star," because he was born at the time of the appearance of a co77iet. On the fifth day of the little one's life its parents gave a great enter- tainment, and made presents to all their guests. The father fashioned a miniature bow and arrows, if he was a mili- tary man, and the child was a boy ; if it was a girl, they made a little garment, a spindle and instruments for weav- ing. These were buried in certain places — the instru- ments of war in the fields, those for the little girl in the house, under the stone for grinding corn. The babe was taken to the middle of the court and bathed, its nurse making a little speech to it as she undressed it, as follows : " My child, the gods, OmeteuctU and Omecihuatl^ lords of heaven, have sent thee to this dismal and calamitous world. Receive this water which is to give thee life ; " and, bathing and rubbing its limbs, she continued : " Where art thou, ill-fortune ? In what limb art thou hid ? Go far from this child." " She then dressed and laid him in the cradle, Cozolli, praying Joalticitl^ the goddess of cradles, to warm and guard him in her bosom, and Joalteuctli^ god of the night, to make him sleep." Early in life the Mexican children were taught useful lessons in modesty, religion and industry. At five years of age they were either delivered to the priests, to be educated in the seminaries, or their education commenced at home. The Mexican paintings show us the various Model Seminaries, 147 steps taken in the bringing up of the children. One goes to the war, with his father, to learn the use of arms and to be courageous; another carries a small pack upon his back to market with his father; the little girls are early taught to spin and weave. They abhorred a lie, and the child that told one had its lips pricked with a thorn of the aloe ; if it persisted in lying, its lip was slightly split. Girls were instructed to remain at home, and if prone to walk about, their feet were tied. These Aztec fathers understood the beneficial effect of a " dose of birch," and in one of the paintings is a representation of a loving parent holding a rod over his son's back. If the boys were very refractory they were held over the smoke of burning paper until nearly suffo- cated. They were obliged at all times to sleep upon a hard bed, a mat spread on the floor, and to eat the plainest food. At the seminaries, the priests seem to have had it all their own way with the boys, pricking them with aloes- thorns and throwing firebrands at their heads if they were disobedient. It was not all a pastime, going to school in those days. Corporal punishment, as the Aztecs under- stood it, meant something more than a few strokes of a ferule ! In one of the paintings we see a naughty boy of twelve, bound hand and foot ; and a bad girl was obliged to rise in the night and sweep the house — no great task, by the way, as the houses of the poorer classes consisted of only a single room. Between thirteen and fifteen, the boys brought wood from the mountains, made trips across the lakes in canoes, and supplied the family with fish ; the girls ground corn, did the cooking and weaving. Schools were established for children of either sex ; they were always kept apart ; they were hardly allowed to speak to one another. In the colleges, the boys and girls re- 148 Mexico. ceived chiefly religious instruction, were taught to sweep the temples, to gather wood for sacrifice, to clean and replenish the censers, and above all to fear and reverence the idols. When they left the seminaries it was either to be married or to go into the army. If a young collegiate did not then choose a wife it fared hard with him, should he desire one later, for hardly a girl would even look at him ! The maidens who attended the female seminaries were chiefly daughters of nobles and princes. They were strictly guarded and watched over by vestal priestesses ; and old men prowled about the outside of the building to keep off the boys. There were no evening serenades nor moonlight rambles for the young ladies of those semi- naries, for if a girl was detected in even looking at a young man she was severely punished ; and if she should presume to go to walk with him, her feet were tied to- gether and pricked with sharp thorns ! Death, even, was the penalty for the infraction of some of the rules. There, the young ladies learned how to spin and weave mantles, and to make the beautiful feather-work ; they, too, were obliged to sweep the temples and to tend the sacred fires. They were made to bathe often and to give great attention to personal cleanliness, to be skillful and tidy in domestic affairs. Both sexes were taught to hold their tongue in the presence of their elders, to answer them with rever- ence, and to be modest in their behavior. There are those who have said that these people were savages, who have called them barbarians. Let the reader judge if barbarians would take such jealous care of their children, if they would instruct them so judiciously. Let the reader form his opinion of them from their acts and discourses ; let him reflect upon the following good advice given by parents to their children. As rendered by the Mexican Morals. 149 early historians, it is too long to be produced here in full, fragments only can be given : — " My son," said the Mexican father, "we know not how long heaven will grant to us the enjoyment of that precious gem we possess in thee ; but, however short the period, endeavor to live exactly, praying God continually to assist thee ! Mock not, my son, the aged or the imperfect. Scorn not him whom you shall see fall into some folly or transgression, nor make him reproaches ; but restrain thy- self, and beware lest thou fall into the same error which offends thee in another. Go not where thou art not called, nor interfere in that which does not concern thee. En- deavor to manifest thy good breeding in all thy words and actions. In conversation do not lay thy hands upon another, nor speak too much, nor interrupt or disturb another's discourse. When any one discourses with thee, hear him attentively, and hold thyself in an easy attitude ; neither playing. with thy feet nor putting thy mantle to thy mouth, nor spitting too often, nor looking about you here and there. When thou art at table do not eat voraciously, nor show thy displeasure if anything displeases thee. If any one comes unexpectedly to dinner with thee share with him what thou hast, and when any person is enter- tained by thee do not fix thy looks upon him. When any- thing is given thee accept it with tokens of gratitude ; if the present is great, do not become vain or fond of it ; if small, do not despise it or be provoked. If thou becomest rich, do not grow insolent, nor scorn the poor ; for those very gods who deny riches to others in order to give them to thee, offended by thy pride, will take from thee to give to others. " Never tell a falshood, because a lie is a heinous sin. Speak ill of nobody. Be not dissolute, because, thereby thou wilt incense the gods, and they will cover thee with 150 Mexico. infamy. Steal not, nor give thyself up to gaming ; other- wise thou wilt be a disgrace to thy parents, whom thou oughtest rather to honor, for the education they have g-iven thee. If thou wilt be virtuous, thy example will put the wicked to shame. " No more, my son ; enough has been said in discharge of the duties of a father. With these counsels I wish to fortify thy mind. Refuse them not, nor act in contradic- tion to them ; for on them thy life and all of thy happi- ness depend." Now, this is not the language of a savage, nor — mak- ing allowance for the embellishment it may have received at the hands of the chronicler — is this the speech of one insensible to the higher duties of life. What a paradox is here before us, when we compare the moral with the reli- gious life of this people ! Let us see how the Mexican mother advised her daughter, when the time came for her to leave her : " My daughter, I have endeavored to bring thee up with greatest possible care, and thy father has wrought and polished thee like an emerald, that thou mayest appear in the eyes of men a jewel of virtue. Strive always to be good, for otherwise who will have thee for a wife ; thou will be rejected by every one. Life is a thorny, laborious path, and it is neces- sary to exert all our powers to obtain the goods which the gods are willing to yield to us ; we must not, therefore, be lazy or negligent, but diligent in everything. Be orderly, and take pains to manage the economy of thy house. Wherever thou goest, go with modesty and composure, without hurrying thy steps, or laughing with those whom thou meetest, nor casting thy eyes thoughtlessly first to one side and then to the other. Employ thyself diligently in spinning and weaving, in sewing and embroidering ; for by these acts thou wilt gain esteem. Mexican Morals. 15 1 " In whatever thou doest encourage not evil thoughts, but attend solely to the service of the gods, and the giving of comfort to thy parents. If thy father or thy mother calls thee, do not stay to be called twice, but go instantly to know their pleasure. " Keep not company with dissolute, lying, or idle women ; otherwise they infallibly infect thee by their example. Attend upon thy family, and do not go on slight occa- sions out of the house, nor be seen wandering through the streets, or in the market-place ; for in such places thou will meet thy ruin. Remember, that vice, like a poisonous herb, brings death to those who taste it ; and when it once harbors in the mind it is difficult to expel it. " Enter not without some urgent motive into another's house, that nothing may be either said or thought injuri- ous to thy honor ; but if thou enterest into the house of thy relations, salute them with respect, and do not remain idle, but immediately take up a spindle to spin, or do any other thing that occurs. " When thou art married respect thy husband, obey him and diligently do what he commands thee. Avoid incur- ring his displeasure, nor show thyself passionate or ill- natured ; but receive him fondly to thy arms, even if he is poor and lives at thy expense. If he occasions thee any disgust let him not know thy displeasure at the time ; but afterwards tell him with gentleness what vexed thee, that he may be won by thy mildness and offend thee no far- ther. Embrace, my daughter, the counsel which I give thee ; I am already advanced in life and have had suf- ficient dealings with the world. I am thy mother. I wish that thou mayest live well. Fix my precepts in thy heart, for then thou wilt live happy. If, by not listening to me, or by neglecting my instructions, any misfortune befall thee, the fault will be thine, and the evil also. 152 Mexico. " Enough, my child, may the gods prosper thee ! " No comment is necessary upon this advice. Setting aside the minor references to customs of the country and the gods, what better counsel could even a Christian mother offer to a beloved daughter than that of this Pagan ? The marriageable age was, for the young man, twenty to twenty-two ; for the young woman, sixteen to eighteen. The astrologers were first consulted, and if all promised fair, the parents of the young man sent certain female solicitors to the girl's family asking their daughter of them. This first demand was always refused, no matter how rich and respectable the young man might be, as it would have been contrary to custom to do otherwise. A few days later the old women made a second demand, which the girl's parents finally acceded to. She was sent to the house of the bridegroom, if of noble birth, borne on a litter ; if hum- ble, carried on the back of a bridesmaid; in any case accompanied by a great company of friends and by music. After much good advice had been given them they both sat down upon a new mat in the centre of the nuptial chamber, and the priest performed the marriage ceremony by tying together a corner of the htiepilli, or gown, of the bride and the mantle of the groom. They then offered copal, or incense gum, to their gods, and exchanged presents. At the wedding feast, which followed, they alternately fed one another and gave morsels to their guests. Four days they remained engaged in fasting and prayer, never leaving the room except to offer incense to their idols, certain old women watching with them. Two mats of rushes served them as couches, which had as charms against evil, feath- ers and a native emerald, the chakhihuitl^ and at their four corners were laid sharp spines of the aloe, with which they were to prick their ears and tongues, drawing blood in Marriage and Funeral Rites. 153 honor of the god of matrimony. After four days were passed, they dressed themselves in new garments and car- ried the mats, canes, and remaining eatables to the temple, as a present to the idols, concluding the ceremony by mak- ing presents to the guests, who adorned their hands and feet with red feathers. In one district of Anahuac, a man wishing to marry pre- sented himself before the priest, who cut off a lock of his hair in front of the idol, and pointed him out to the people as he descended the steps. They at once commenced shouting, "This man wishes to marry," and the first free woman the man met was obliged to become his wife. In the Miztec country, after the garments had been tied together, the priest cut off a portion of their hair, and the man carried the woman about awhile on his back. Though polygamy was permitted to the kings and nobles of Mexico, it is thought that they had but one legitimate wife ; while the poorer people were generally faithful to one alone. When death overtook the Mexican, his body was given in charge of certain men, who dressed it in the garb of the god who presided over the family of the deceased ; if a man of war, that of Huitzilopochtli ; if he had been drowned, he was dressed in the habit of Tlaloc ; while if he had died a drunkard, in that of Tezcatzoncatl, the god of wine ! After placing a jug of water at his head, to serve him on his long journey, they gave the deceased different slips of paper ; the first was a passport " between the two mountains which fight together;" the second would enable him to go over "the road of the great serpent ;" the third, through " the place of the fierce alligator," etc. They also burnt his weapons of war and some of his household goods, that the heat of the fire might protect him from the "cold of the terrible wind." They killed a techichi^ or dumb dog, and, tying a 154 Mexico. string about its neck, buried or burned it with the remains of its master ; this was to guide him over the deep river, Chiuhnahuapan, the "New Waters." After burning, the ashes were gatliered in an eartlien pot and buried. At the death of a member of royalty great ceremonies were observed. The corpse was clothed in many garments of fine cotton, ornamented with gold, silver and gems, an emerald hung from the under lip and the face covered with a mask. A funeral pile was prepared of resinous and odorous wood, and the royal corpse placed upon it and burned, with the arms and ensigns of the late king. The only repulsive part of the ceremony was the sacrifice of slaves and some of the king's jesters, that he might have agreeable company to the other world. Sometimes, though rarely, they sacrificed some of his wives, and always the techichi, that little animal that was to act as a guide in dan- gerous places. The ashes of the king, together with the emerald that hung in his lip, were put into a box which contained some of his hair, cut at an early age, and at his death, and then deposited in the tomb. On the fourth, twentieth, fortieth, sixtieth, and eightieth day afterwards, they made sacrifice and offerings of eatables over the sep- ulchre, and on each yearly anniversary, for four years, they made offerings of quails, rabbits, flowers, and butterflies. Sometimes a great deal of gold or treasure was buried with a king or noble. Gods and Goddesses, 155 CHAPTER XIL RELIGION, GODS AND GODDESSES. By a people's conceptions of a future state many have often presumed to judge of their advance towards, or into, civiHzation. The Mexicans vaguely worshipped a Supreme Being, invisible and unchangeable, whom they called Teotl, or God ; him they feared, though they regarded him as a friend of mankind. The great enemy of man they considered to be an evil spirit, whom they called Tlacatecolototl, or the " Rational Owl." Instead of regarding the owl as the symbol of wis- dom, as did the Greeks, they made it the personification of evil and dark deeds. They believed the soul to be immor- tal. Soldiers who were killed in battle, or slain in captiv- ity, and the spirits of women who died in child-birth, went at once to the house of the sun, whom they considered as the " Prince of Glory," where they led a life of endless delight ; "where, every day, at the first appearance of the sun's rays, they hailed his birth with rejoicings, and with dancing, and the music of instruments and voices, attended him to his meridian ; there they met the souls of the women, and with the same festivity accompanied him to his setting. After four years, these spirits went to animate the clouds, and birds of beautiful feathers and sweet song ; but always at liberty to rise again to heaven, or to descend upon the earth to warble and suck the flowers." 156 Mexico. The souls of the wicked departed to a place of utter darkness, called Mictlan, or hell, where it seems they under- went no other punish- ment than that of being deprived of light. Had the Mexicans been content with wor- shipping only the great and invisible god, Teotl, and in offering him the first-fruits of their fields and gardens, all would have been well with them. But from the time that priests arose among them, so-called men of God, dated their woes and miseries. They made idols, which they pretended were images of the deities, and these the people adored — first as the representa- tives of God ; then they lost sight of the Supreme Being, and worshipped the senseless stone. The greatest god to whom they gave external form, and who ranked next to the invisible Go(i, was Tezcatlipoca^ the " Shining Mirror," the master of heaven and earth, the creator of all things. He meted out rewards and punish- ments ; he was ever youthful, ever powerful. It was declared by some that he had descended from heaven by a rope of spider's webs. He it was who drove from the country the great high-priest of Tula, the benevolent Quetzalcoatl AZTEC IDOL. Gods and Goddesses. 1 57 (see Chap. II.). His image was carved from teotl (divine stone), like polished black marble; it was ornamented with gold and gems. Stone seats were placed at the cor- ners of the streets for that god to rest on when he came to earth. Huitzilopochtli^ or Mexitli, was the god of war, the " Mex- ican Mars." He was the deity most highly honored by the Aztecs, to whom they offered most of the terrible sacrifices spoken of in the preceding pages. By referring to the first migration of the Aztecs, you will see that he was created during that journey. He was said by some to haye beein born of a woman named Coatlicue, whose chil- dren prepared to kill her before this last child should be born. They were about putting her to death when Huitzil- opochtli sprang at once into existence, fully armed, with a spear in his right hand, a shield on his left arm, a crest of green feathers on his head, and his legs adorned with feathers. He fell upon the would-be murderers with such fury that he soon killed them all ; and after that he was known as the " terrible god." It was in his honor that the first temple of Tenochtitlan was built, at the foundation of the city, in 1325, after he had conducted his followers to the spot. Ometeuctli and Omecihuatl were the names of a god and goddess who dwelt in a magnificent city in the heavens, from which they watched over the world and gave to mor- tals what they asked of them. Cihudcohuatl, the woman serpent, was believed to have been the first woman in the world that had children, and she always had twins. TonatricU and MeztU were deifications of the sun and moon. The pyramids of Teotihuacan were dedicated to them; and of this place, and the primitive people once assembled there, they relate a pretty fable. It seems 158 Mexico. that after the first great deluge there sprang sixteen hundred heroes, from a flint flung from heaven. These were at that time the only men on earth, and they prayed their mother, Omedhuatl, to create men to serve them. She directed them to go down to Mictlan and ask of the god of hell, Mictlanteuctli, some bones of men that had died; these they were to sprinkle with their own blood, and from them men and women would be created who would after- wards multiply. One of the heroes, Xolotl, went down to hell and begged a thigh-bone of old Mictlanteuctli, who gave it to him, but, when Xolotl turned and ran with it, pursued him in a rage. Xolotl escaped with it to his brothers, but in his haste fell and broke the bone. This is the reason why mankind are of different sizes, owing to their origin from different fragments. There was no sun in those days, it having been extin> guished in the great catastrophe. They assembled around a great fire in Teotihuacan and danced about it, and they told their servants that the one who would sacrifice himself by casting himself into the flames should become a sun. At this, an intrepid man named Nanahiiatzin threw himself into the fire. True to the prediction, at the appointed time the sun rose in the east, but he had hardly emerged above the horizon when he stopped. The heroes sent a polite message, asking that he would continue on his way up the sky, as a well-behaved sun ought to do. The sun replied that he would not stir a peg until they were all put to death. One of the heroes named Citli then shot an arrow at the sun, which the luminary escaped by dodging; but at the third arrow he got enraged and cast it back, fixing it in the forehead of Citli, who fell dead. Then the brothers all fell upon one another and perished, the last one, dying by his own hand, being Xolotl. The god, TezcatUpoca^ seeing the men, now without masters, very sad, directed one of them The Creation of Man. 159 to go to the house of the sun and bring music to celebrate the festival, and in order that he might do so he created a bridge of whales and tortoises, over which he crossed the sea, singing a song the god had given him. This is related as a specimen of a Mexican fable, or tra- dition, and to show (as they say) whence they first derived the custom of sacrifice, whence they obtained music, songs, and dancing. Another of the men is said to have followed the example of Nanahuatzin, and threw himself into the fire, but the flames being less bright, he only became a moon. To him was dedicated the pyramid of the moon, at Teotihuacan, and to Nanahuatzin that of the sun. Quetzalcoatl was " god of the air " (see pages 39 and 40 for a full description of him), highly reverenced, in portions of Mexico, and by some considered equal with Tezcatlipoca. Then there was a "god of the water," Tlaloc (master of paradise), "fertilizer of the earth and protector of the earthly gods." He resided on the summit of the highest mountain, probably the volcano Popocatapetl, where the clouds were formed and whence the streams descended. An image of Tlaloc, the oldest in Mexico, and supposed to have been made by the ancient Toltecs, was found on a mountain by the Chichimecs when they arrived in Anahuac. This image, which was of white stone, was taken away by King Nezahualpilli, and a black one substituted. This was soon struck by lightning, and the priests declaring this to be a punishment from heaven, the ancient white one was replaced, and worshipped till broken by a Spanish bishop, at a general destruction of the gods. Tlaloc had a com- panion goddess, Chalchihuitlicue, who resided in the storm- clouds. XiuhteiictU was the god of fire, to whom the Mexicans i6o Mexico. burned incense and offered the first morsel of food and draught at meals by throwing them into the fire. The great goddess of the Totonacs was Centeofl, wor- shipped also under the name of Tonantzin, goddess of tl^e earth and corn, who had a temple on the top of a high mountain, and was served by a great number of priests. This goddess of grain was a true Mexican Isis^ who presided over the crops, granting bountiful harvests. The Mexi- cans, who seem to have adopted this deity, alone stained her altars with human blood. Gloomiest of the gods was Mictlanteiictli, god of hell, and his awful spouse, Mictlancihiiatl^ who was believed to dwell in darkness in the interior of the earth. Varieties of Gods. l6i Joalteuctli was god of the night; Joalticitl, the goddess of cradles, who watched over children in the darkness of night. There were several gods of war, besides the great Huit- zilopochtli, sort of younger brothers, or adjutants. Every trade had its patron deity, like Jacateuctli, god of commerce and the merchants ; Xipe, the god of the goldsmiths, whom no one could neglect to worship without being afflicted with itch and boils; JVappateuctli, god of the mat-weavers, a jolly, generous sort of a god, the best-hearted of the lot. Mixcoatl was the goddess of hunting ; Opochtli the god of fishing, the inventor of nets and fish-spears. Huixtocihu- atl was the goddess of salt, who had been driven to the bottom of a lake by Tlaloc, and in whose honor the Mexi- cans committed a barbarous sacrifice yearly. Tzapotlate- nan, goddess of physic, invented a very powerful oil called oxitl, and useful drugs. Tezcatzoncatl was the god of wine, called also, from the effects his beverage produced, "the strangler," and "the drowner." Ixtlilton was a god of physic ; Coatlicue, the goddess of flowers, whose festival was celebrated in the spring months ; while Tlazolteotl was the pardoner of special sins. Teotiona?z was the " mother of the gods," created by the murder and deification of that unfortunate princess in the first years of Aztec national existence. Finally, there were the little gods (Tepitoton), or house- hold images, of which the kings and great lords had six in their chambers, the nobles four, and the lower people two ; besides which they also adorned the corners of the streets. Those mentioned above are the most noted gods only, for it is believed that there was a god for every day in the year, — even as people of our clay, of certain religions, have a saint for every day in the calendar. Though the most celebrated god in Mexico was Huitzilo- l62 Mexico, pochtli; in Cholula it was Qiietzalcoatl ; among the Toto- nacs, Centeotl; and among the Otomies it was Mixcoatl. They were made of clay, and of stone, often of gold, and sometimes of gems. One of the first Spanish mis- sionaries to the Miztecs found one cut from a precious em- erald, which, refusing all offers for it, he ground to pow- der ! Many thousands were destroyed by the monks and priests, after the Spanish invasion, but many were pre- served and may be seen to-day. In the famous Mexican museum, in the capital of Mexico, you may find the images of Hiiitzilopochtli, of Tezcatiipoca, Mictlanteuctli, and a host of minor deities, in a good state of preservation. Cast down from his high position at the destruction of the teo- calli, Huitzilopochtli lay buried for many years, but was finally exhumed, in the year 1790, and set up in a court of the museum, no longer an object of worship, but of curiosity. The Mexicans prayed upon their knees, with their faces toward the east, and performed fasts, penances, and sacri- fices like other superstitious nations. We have already mentioned how it was that the Mexicans had so many gods — because they adopted those of the people they con- quered ; but besides the temples they erected to them they also had a great, cage-like prison, where they confaied the idols of many conquered nations ! Feasts and Festivals. 163 A portion of this chapter will now be devoted to a description of those repulsive sacrifices, without which no important feast or festival was allowed to terminate. Though the plebeian portion of the Mexicans lived upon the poorest and scantiest food, yet everybody feasted and entertained his friends once in a season. As his guests arrived he presented them with flowers and made them wel- come to his house. The Mexican year contained eighteen months of twenty days each, and each month contained at least one festival. The first month (which commenced in February) held the first feast to Tlaloc, in which children were sacrificed and gladiatorial combats ensued, upon the stone for that pur- pose in the temple-yard. This was previous to planting ; but some of the children were reserved for the altars dur- ing the months of March and April, to insure the neces- sary rains for their crops. Xipe, the god of the goldsmiths, demanded the most cruel of all sacrifices, for after the prisoners had been murdered in the customary way, by having their hearts cut out, they were skinned. On this account this festival was called the " feast of the flaying of men." A second feast to Tlaloc was offered in April, at which time the filthy skins of the victims to Xipe (which some writers say had been worn by the priests during twenty days) were carried to a temple and deposited in a cave. In the month of April, also, the flower-traders celebrated in a more pleasing manner the festival of Coatlicue, the god- dess of flowers, by offerings of garlands of flowers. In the fourth month occurred the "great watch," when the priests, nobility and people kept strict watch throughout the nights, and did severe penance. A festival to CenteotI, goddess of maize, also occurred in this month, in which were sacrificed human beings, quails, and other animals. Ears of corn were carried by 164 Mexico. girls to the temple, and after having been offered to the goddess, were returned to the granaries, that they might preserve the rest from decay. The fifth month was nearly wholly given up to festivals, but the principal one was that in honor of Tezcatlipoca. Ten days previous to its arrival, a priest wandered through the streets, sounding a clay flute. " Upon hearing the sound of this flute, all kneeled down ; criminals were thrown into the utmost terror and consternation, and with tears implored the god to grant a pardon to their transgres- sions, and hinder them from being discovered and de- tected ; warriors prayed to him for courage and strength, successful victories, and a multitude of prisoners for sacri- fices ;" and all the people, using the same ceremony of taking up and eating the dust, supplicated with fervor the clemency of the gods. The idol was newly decorated and adorned, and as the day arrived, a procession was fonned, moving towards the temple ; young men and girls carried wreaths of maize leaves, and bound them about the head of the idol, while the youths and virgins of the temple, as well as the nobles, carried similar wreaths. After doing penance, by lashing their backs with knotted cords, they made bountiful offerings of gold, gems, flowers, animals, and provisions, all of which finally found their way into the habitations of the priests. Then came the sacrifice of the victim. This god, Tezcatlipoca, did not require a multi- tude of prisoners to be killed in honor of him ; only one. But the circumstances attending the murder of this one were so heartlessly cruel as to cause our sympathies to go out to him as they could not to a thousand others who were killed in a body. He was selected a year before the festi- val, the finest and bravest of all their prisoners. In com- pany with another young man, selected as the victim to the god of war, he roamed the city at pleasure, but always The Victim of the God. 165 strongly guarded. He was everywhere reverenced as the Hving image of that supreme divinity, Tezcatlipoca. Every pleasure of life was allowed him, and twenty days before the festival he was married to four beautiful virgins, who exerted all their arts of pleasing to divert his atten- tion from the terrible fate so shortly to befall him. For five days previous to the festival he was feasted with everything the land produced. On the evening of the last day he dismissed his wives, took leave of everything dear to him on earth, and delivered himself up to be sacrificed. He was stretched upon the sac- rificial stone, and his heart torn out by the high priest and offered to Tezcatlipoca. The bodies of common victims were usually thrown down the steps of the temple, but this one was borne tenderly to the bottom of the pyramid and there beheaded, and his skull added to the many thousands adorning the Tzompan- tli, or temple of skulls. We are told that his arms and legs were dressed and cooked for the tables of the nobles and priests, and it has been often repeated that the children sacrificed to Tlaloc were likewise prepared for the table ; but many think there is not sufficient evidence on which to accuse these Aztecs of cannibalism. Races between the students, dances, offerings to the idol and a general dismissal from the seminaries of all boys and girls of a marriageable age, terminated the fes- ;^5|^' 1 66 Mexico. tivities in honor of the great god, TezcatUpoca. The god of war, HuitzilopochtU, demanded a festival in this month. The priests formed an image of him and bore it about the streets, and a great nmnber of quails were killed and thrown at the foot of the altar. The priests and nobles encouraged this sort of thing, because it gave them deli- cious food for their tables sufficient to last man}^ days. Then was sacrificed the companion to the victim of Tez- catlipoca, the young man of perfect shape and bearing, who had been selected a twelvemonth previously. Though he had been for a year recognized as the visible presence of Huitzilopochtli, he had not been adored, as had his com- panion. Though doomed to die on a certain day, he had been allowed to ramble about the city as he pleased. On the last fatal morning he was dressed in a curious dress of painted paper, and his head adorned with a mitre of eagle feathers ; over his shoulder he carried a small net and a bag, and in this costume he danced carelessly with the courtiers. That day was his last ; his last hour was to come when he should deliver himself to the cruel priests ; when he had done this, his breast was cut open in the arms of one of the priests, and his heart extracted. Dances and offerings of incense concluded the festival. In June, in the sixth month, the god Tlaloc had his third and last festival, when the temple was strewn with rushes from one of the lakes. If the barbarous priests met any one on their way to fetch those rushes, they plun- dered them of all their possessions, beating them unmerci- fully if they offered resistance. Attended by a great mul- titude of people, they went out in canoes to a certain por- tion of the lake, where there was a whirlpool, and there drowned two children. Either in this month, or one of the preceding, they had sacrificed other children by shutting them up in caves, leaving them to starve to death. All Barbarous Cruelties. 1 6/ this was done at the bidding of the priests, that the god Tlaloc might send them plenteous rains ! The goddess of salt, Huixtocihuatl, claimed a victim in the seventh month, which began the Ust of June. This time it was a woman. This month was given up to rejoic- ings ; the people went hunting in the mountains, and the nobility exercised the troops and organized flotillas of canoes upon the lakes. The eighth month fell due upon the middle of July, when a second feast to Centeotl, called now Xilonen, or tender maize, was prepared. The kings and nobles gave away food and drink, and priests and nobles made each other presents. At sunset, on the last day of the feast, occurred a dance of the nobility and the military, with whom danced a female prisoner, who represented the goddess Centeotl, and who was sacrificed with other prisoners as the sun went down. In the ninth month they held a feast to the god of com- merce ; and in the tenth, that of the god of fire, Xiuhteiutli, when they surpassed all former cruelties by torturing their prisoners with fire. The owners of the prisoners dyed their bodies bright red, to represent the flames, and the night before the horrid sacrifice went with their captives to the temple, where they danced till morning. As the hour arrived, each one took his victim upon his back, and danced about a great fire kindled in the court, into which they threw them, one by one, having previously partially stupe- fied them by the powder of a certain herb, which they shook in their faces. After the poor wretches were half roasted, they drew them out of the coals and bore them to the sac- rificial stone, where the priests completed the hellish work by tearing out their hearts. In the eleventh month was the festival devoted to Teteoi- nan, the " mother of the gods." A female prisoner was l68 ^ Mexico. the principal victim, slain in memory of that princess of Colhuacan who had been elevated to the high position of mother of all the Mexican gods. She was not killed in the usual manner, upon the stone of sacrifice, but was beheaded upon the back of a priest, and then flayed, and the ghastly offering made to the god of war. This same month was also devoted to the sweeping of the temples, the repairing of the streets, and the mustering into the army of the youth destined for w^ar. The twelfth month, beginning on the fourth of October, ushered in the great festival attending the coming of the gods — Teotkco. The temples and the corners of the streets were decorated with branches. At the head of the invisi- ble procession was supposed to be Tezcatlipoca, the deity supreme, and before the door of his sanctuary they spread a palm mat, sprinkled with maize meal. During the night certain priests carefully watched this powdered mat, because when the god came he left the imprint of his foot upon it. And it is very interesting to note, that he always came and left his footprint when nobody was about except the priest on watch. Some incredulous people have affirmed that the god did not come at all, but that the mysterious footprint was made by another priest while the sentinel's back was turned. Be this as it may, it always appeared on the night expected, and then the watchman cried out : " Our great god is now arrived P^ and the rest of the priests and the people crowded about the temple to gaze upon the divine token of the god's presence, and to sing hymns of thanks- giving. During the two days following, the rest of the gods came straggling in, and the happy people celebrated their arrival in a fitting manner, by dancing about a great fire and pitching into it such prisoners as they had destined for burnt offerings. The thirteenth month commenced on the last of October, Mixcoatl, Goddess of the Chase. 169 when they celebrated the feasts of the gods of water and the mountains, making Httle mountains of paper, serpents of wood, and images out of paste, dancing about them and sacrificing five prisoners, four men and a woman. On the thirteenth of November commenced the four- teenth month, and the festival of Mixcoatl^ goddess of the chase, preceded by four days of fasting and self-torture, when, after making vast quantities of arrows and darts for the royal armory, they repaired to the mountains and in- dulged in a great hunt, sacrificing the animals they then captured. In the fifteenth month, which began on the third of De- cember, was the great festival to Huitzilopochtli and his brother, when the priests made two statues of a paste com- posed of seeds and blood, using as bones pieces of acacia wood. A grand and solemn procession followed these statues out into the suburbs of Mexico, traversing in all a distance of more than ten miles, and sacrificing on the route a great many quails and prisoners. After watching these paste statues in the temple over night, the chief priest, next day, in the presence only of the king and some high ofiicials, threw a dart at the chief statue. It passed through its body and it was then said to be dead, and after the heart had been cut out and given to the king, the body was divided into small portions and given to the people to eat. This being for the giving of strength in time of war, only men and warriors were allowed to eat of it. On the sixteenth month, beginning in the last of Decem- ber, was another festival to the gods of the water and mountains, when little figures of the mountains were made of seeds and paste, and eaten by the people. On the seventeenth month happened the feast of the goddess Tlamateuctli, when another female prisoner was sacrificed, after being allowed to dance to a tune the t/O Mexico. priests provided, and sing a lament over her unfortunate departure. The feast of Mictlanteuctli, the god of hell, was cele- brated in this month, by the nocturnal sacrificing of pris- oners, and another feast, the second, to the god of the merchants. The first of February finally completed this round of months and horrid festivals with another to the god of lire, when all the fires were extinguished and kindled anew from flame before the altar of that god. The most solemn of all the festivals was that of the Teoxihuitl, or "divine years," at the commencement of their cycle (as has been explained on pp. 12 1-3), which fell due on the twenty-sixth of February. These are the principal festivals, though not all, at which more or less of human blood was shed. Leaving this dark and bloody picture, let us turn to one that exhibits the Aztecs in a brighter aspect. LAWS, GAMES, FOOD, MANUFACTURES, ARTS, AND ARCHI- TECTURE. Notwithstanding the cloud from the smoke of sacrifice hung constantly above the lovely valley of Anahuac, it appears from the historic records, that the Aztecs some- times indulged in lighter enjo3"ments and possessed many mirth-making games. Though common crimes were pun- ished with terrible severity and the ordinary citizen was closely hedged about by rules, the transgression of which was death, he seems to have had periods of hearty enjoy- ment. The laws in such a community, where life was held lightly in esteem, were necessarily severe ; it is not of im- portance that we should devote our space to an enumera- tion of the crimes that entailed the death penalty, and we will merely remark that they were many, as in the days of Lyric and Drmnatic Poetry. 171 Nezahualcoyotl, King of Tezcoco. Many of the transgress- ors were sacrificed at some of the festivals, especially at that of Xipe, god of the goldsmiths. Slavery was counte- nanced, though the child of a slave was born free; and if a refractory slave — even though his owner had the right to punish him by placing a wooden collar about his neck and selling him for sa^prifice — could escape, and gain the royal palace, he was considered free henceforth. More than this, if any one not his owner, or sons of his master, undertook to stop him, he lost his own freedom from that moment. Their laws and customs — especially as regarding war and the invasion of an enemy's territory — will be more fully dwelt upon in the progress of the Conquest. A rich and expressive language, like the Mexican tongue, was capable of extensive use in the mouths of poets and orators. They composed hymns almost without number, historical poems, verses on love and morality, in all of which was manifest their love for the objects of nature that surrounded them, to which they made figurative allu- sions. Nezahualcoyotl, the wise King of Tezcoco, was the great patron of art, and richly rewarded successful compo- sers in the Nahua tongue. Dramatic poetry received almost as much attention as lyric. In the great square of Tlaltelolco the Mexicans had built a theatre where they had a mimic stage. It was about thirty feet square, and raised twelve or thirteen feet above the level of the market-place, adorned with flowers and feathers. Here, after having dined, the people assembled to witness the actors, "who appeared in burlesque char- acters, feigning themselves deaf, sick with colds, lame, blind, and crippled, and addressing the idol for a return of health. Others appeared under the names of different little animals, some in the disguise of beetles, some like toads and liz- 1 72 Mexico. ards, while several little boys, belonging to the temple, appeared in the disguise of butterflies and birds of various colors ; upon encountering each other they reciprocally explained their employments, which was highly satisfactory to the people, as they performed their parts with infinite ingenuity. This took place at their principal festivals only, when all the spectators made a grand dance, which termi- nated the ceremony." Their musical instruments consisted of horns, sea-shells, little flutes or pipes, and two great drums, called respect- ively Hiiehuetl and Teponaztli. The first was a tall cylin- der of wood — perhaps only a hollow log — the top of which was covered with a tightly-stretched deer-skin. The second was wholly of wood, with two narrow slits in its centre, and by beating this portion with drumsticks covered with rub- ber gum they produced a soft, agreeable sound. The sound of the larger could be heard a distance of two or three miles. To the accompaniment of these instruments, the Mexicans sang and danced their sacred dances. The dances were, some of them, of complicated pattern, and could only be learned by long and frequent practice. To this day, this love for music and dancing continues among the Mexicans, and some of their songs, dances, and rude instruments are yet preserved among the people of secluded districts. In their games proper the Mexicans displayed the great- est ingenuity and patience. That called by the Spaniards the voladorez, or " flyers," was a wonderful exhibition, and would even be considered so in modern times. In the cen- tre of some square the young men planted a tall, straight tree, stripped of its branches, and encased it in a wooden cylinder. Four ropes hung from the top, supporting a square frame, to which they lied four other ropes, and twisted them about the tree. Four men, who were to be MEN FLYING. Games and Pastimes. 1 75 the flyers, mounted to the top of the tree disguised as great birds, Hke eagles and herons, and fastening themselves to the ends of the ropes, swung themselves into the air. As they did this the frame was put in motion and they revolved about the tree, the ropes becoming untwisted and their flights wider, until they reached the ground. Usually, an Indian would climb to the top of the cylinder, some sixty feet above the ground, and beat a little drum with one hand while waving a flag with the other. The conception of such a complicated game as this required a high intelli- gence, while its performance was attended with so much danger as to demand great skill and courage in those who took part in it. Games of foot-ball were much in vogue among these people, the principal one of which, called tlacheco, was indulged in by even the kings and nobles. You will remember that the two kings, of Mexico and Tezcoco, resorted to a game of ball to decide whose interpretation should be given to the omens in the sky, in the year 1508 ; that the fugitive prince, Nezahualcoyotl, won the favor of the people by his skill at this game, and that the brave Tlascallan chieftain frequently played it. They also had games resembling dice and backgammon, instead of cubes of ivory using large beans marked with dots. Feats of strength and agility were greatly encouraged in a nation like theirs, given to war, and called upon to under- go great hardships. Some of their acrobatic feats might put to shame many of our athletes of to-day. One is mentioned as having been exhibited before the Pope of Rome by two Mexicans sent over by Cortes. One of them balanced a heavy piece of wood, about eight feet in length, upon his feet, and whirled it round and round, as he lay on. his back with his feet in the air, with a man sitting astride each end of the beam. They also performed feats similar I 'j6 Mexico. to those common among our acrobats of the present day, such as, a man dancing upon a piece of timber supported on the shoulders of two others ; two men dancing upon the head and shoulders of a third, etc. The attainments of the Mexicans in the higher arts, such as sculpture, historical painting, and the goldsmith's art, were of no mean order. Though compelled to work with in- struments of copper, and mainly with chisels of flint (as iron and its uses was unknown to them), they executed admira- ble sculptures in stone, statues of clay, wood, and copper, gold and silver. The vast number of their idols bears wit- ness to their patience and industry, even though thousands have been destroyed, and those we see to-day are not a hundredth part of those produced. It was acknowledged by the gold and silversmiths of EurojDe that some of the work of the Aztec artists could not be produced b}^ the best workmen among them. Besides the wonderful figures in various metals, gems set in gold, and objects of art and utility, the Mexicans fabricated most wonderful mosaics of the feathers of birds. This feather-work w-as something entirely new to the Spaniards on their arrival, and an art that seems to have been exclusively of Aztec origin. It is one of the very few that have survived to the present day ; perhaps the only one jDractised in its perfection. In the manufacture of potter}' they were very skillful, especially the natives of Cholula, the district in which dwelt the priests of Quetzalcoatl. As weavers, also, they produced admirable cloth of cotton, of the fibres of the maguey, and the mountain palm. They made mats of palm leaves and rushes, twisted thread and ropes of maguey fibre, and dressed the skins of birds and quadrupeds so* excellently that they could be worn as garments. The goddess of niedicine, Tzapopotlatenaji^ had a great number of very skillful followers, who understood the VAPOR BATHS. Food of the Aztecs, 179 hidden virtues of the plants of Mexico and cured desperate diseases and wounds. If we wish a notable example of their skill, we will find it in the curing of the dangerous wounds that were received by Cortes, in the retreat from Mexico, which were healed by simples applied by a Tlas- callan physician. As a great preventive against disease the Mexicans used the bath frequently — especially the Temaz- calli, or vapor-bath, a low, oven-like structure of brick, where steam was generated from the water poured upon heated stones. What the Aztecs ate, may interest many to know, as in those days the range of food-plants, and animals suitable for the table was quite limited. They had no cattle, sheep, goats, hogs, horses, donkeys or fowls (save turkeys). In the early years of their existence in Anahuac (as we have already seen), they subsisted upon the roots of marsh plants, snakes, lizards, frogs, flies, and flies' eggs ; fish of the lake, and small animals, such as rabbits, etc., that they could catch. Maize, or " Indian corn," was their chief reliance at all times, from the very earliest period of which we have any knowledge, and from it they made those corn-cakes known in the Spanish colonies of America as tortillas. These are made from corn that has been soaked in lime-water, crushed to a fine paste between two stones, and formed into thin, wafer-like cakes that are baked upon a stone or metal slab over a quick fire. From this valuable grain they also made strengthening gruels and drinks, as well as from the cacao or chocolate bean, and the chia, belli v/hicli are native to this country and were unknown in Europe till after the Conquest. Their seasonings were salt, made from the water of Lake Tezcoco and from salt-springs, peppers, and tomate — tomatoes. They made wine from the maguey^ or Mexican aloes, — the famous ''pulque^'' — and other 1 80 Mexico. beverages from the corn, the mountain-palm, and other plants. So we may see, that, though they did not possess a great variety, yet they utilized all that their country afforded. Eggs they had from the turkeys, iguanas, turtles, and per- haps the alligators ; their meats were the flesh of quail and other native birds, rabbits, deer, and wild hogs, or pec caries. Having no beasts of burden, they trained their children to carry heavy loads over great distances, which they do even now, surpassing every other people in respect to endurance and strength. It is said that they had not found out how to make candles from wax, and as they had no sheep they could not obtain tallow ; but in the coast countries they made use of those luminous coleoptera called fire-flies, and in the uplands torches of ocotl, or resin- ous pine-wood, to give them light at night. The habits of the people were very simple, and as they usually rose with the sun and retired at dark, they had little need for arti- ficial light. Every house had its idol, before which they daily burned incense of gum copal, which is a spontaneous product of the country. After laboring a little while in the morning, the poorer people had their frugal breakfast of tortillas^ or atolli — maize gruel, which meal they repeated in the after- noon. They ate sparingly, but drank frequently, and the nobility enjoyed a siesta after their meals, soothing them- selves to sleep by the aid of tobacco, which they smoked through a little pipe of wood, or a reed, mixed with the leaves of the liquidamber. Finally, in a list of the vegetable productions that min- istered to the wants of the Mexicans, should not be forget- ten a singular fruit and a root that provided them with soap. The root, called the amolli, possessed excellent cleansing properties, not only when used upon the person but upon cotton and linen. ■i' 4i:-^\ J. #.%M %* Houses and Household Economy. 183 We have glanced over the Aztecs and their surroundings ; to complete the picture we need to be informed upon their household economy, one or two arts, and their architecture. Their houses, even those of the nobles, were not fur- nished with a great variety of furniture. The beds of the poor were coarse mats of rushes, spread upon the floor, while those of the higher classes were finer in quality and used in greater quantity, covered with sheets of cotton, or linen woven with feathers ; the pillows of the poor were logs of wood, or stones, those of the rich were probably of cotton, while quilts of cotton and feathers covered them at night. For chairs they had low seats carved of wood, or heaps of rushes or palm leaves, and at their meals they spread a mat upon the ground, instead of using a table, and " used napkins, plates, porringers, earthen pots, jugs, and other vessels of fine clay, but not, as we can discover, either knives or forks." No household was complete with- out the metati, or stone corn-mill, the chocolate jug, and the Xicallis, or vessels made from gourds or calabashes. The houses themselves, the dwellings of the Mexicans, were at first simple huts of reeds and rushes, and later on were made of sun-dried brick or stone and mud, with a thatching of grass, palm leaves, or the long, thick leaves of the maguey. As the city of Mexico improved, the houses of the lords and nobles were built of tezontli, a rough, porous stone that was easily worked and laid with lime. They were generally constructed in two stories, with halls and large courts, with a door opening to the street and another to the canal. The roofs were flat and terraced, the floors and pavements were of plaster or cement, and the walls covered with plaster so white and glistening as to shine like silver in the sun. Battlements and turrets adorned and defended the walls of some, fountains were enclosed in their courts and gardens, and fish-ponds were 1 84 Mexico. numerous and well laid out. They had no doors, but mats were hung in their place, with shells, broken pottery, or some such thing hung to them to warn the family, by their jingling, of the entrance of any one. It was not cus- tomary, however, for any one not a member of the family to enter another's house, and the laws against thieves were so strict that there was Httle danger from stealing. Con- spicuous examples of their skill in architecture will be pointed out when we return to the city of Mexico in the ranks of the conquerors. Let us speak of two great achieve- ments of this people, then we will take up the thread of historical events again. Their calendar system was so nearly perfect as to excite the highest admiration. It has already been alluded to. Their great " calendar stone," by aid of which they calcu- lated the recurrence of their cycles and the return of their festivals, may yet be seen in the city of Mexico, where it is cemented into the western wall of the great cathedral ; which position it has occupied since 1790, though its antiq- uity is much greater than that. It is said to weigh forty- five tons, is eleven feet in diameter, and was hewn from a great basaltic rock. The most wonderful accomplishment of the Mexicans is yet to be mentioned — their ce\ehr?itedi picfiire-writijtg. It is thought that this art of representing historical events by means of paintings was an invention of the Toltecs. It is by means of them that their early history, as given in previous pages, has been preserved. Thousands of them were de- stroyed by the first Spanish missionaries to Mexico, as " u'orks of the devil," but a sufficient number were hidden from them, and afterwards discovered and preserved, to be of service in constructing the aboriginal history. Besides the picture-paintings, proper, they had also a system of hiero- glyphs, they could count up to any required number, and each Hieroglyphs and Picture-P amthigs . 185 numeral was represented by a different character, and each city giving tribute to the crown ; and not only material things, but abstract ideas had their particular characters. Having, in these latter pages, given a description of Aztec life, customs, character, and accomplishments, we shall be prepared to pursue the history of this people through a period subsequent to the arrival of the Spanish adventurers in the Gulf of Mexico. CACTI. II. THE PERIOD OF THE CONQUEST. CHAPTER XIII. THE "discovery" OF MEXICO. [A. D. 15 1 7.] Twenty-five years after the discovery of the New World, the first European vessel that ever landed on the shores of Mexico struck keel against the coral rocks of Yucatan. Though Columbus heard of Yucatan in 1502, and Pinzon and Solis sighted its coast in 1506, circum>> stances unexplained had set them sailing southward and eastward without making a landing. In 15 11 Cuba, which had been discovered in 1492 by Columbus, was colonized, and in a few years her enterprising governor, Velasquez^ aided in fitting out small expeditions for discovery in other directions. The first of these was that of Francisco He?-- nandez de Cordova^ equipped mainly at his own expense, and consisting of one hundred and ten soldiers, in three small vessels. They were guided by the famous pilot Alafninos, who had sailed when a youth with the great admiral. After several days they descried land at the northernmost point of Yucatan, which they called Point Cotoche. Drawing nearer shore they saw great buildings of stone, whitened with lime, and shining in the sun. Some of the natives came off to them, Indians far superior to those of the West Indies, even excelling the intelligent i86 First Voyage to Mexico, 187 inhabitants of Cuba in appearance. They were clothed in cotton garments, possessed bows, arrows, shields, spears. and darts of a superior quality, and approached the vessels fearlessly in canoes large enough to contain fifty men each. 1 88 Mexico. Returning the next day the captain of the Indians invited the Spaniards on shore, and leading them into an ambus- cade wounded several of them. The Spaniards, however, gave them a taste of their sharp swords and killed fifteen. Meanwhile, during the fight, a vagabond priest whom they had brought along with them sacked a temple, and brought off several wooden chests which contained stone idols, various vessels, three diadems, and some images of birds and fishes in. alloyed gold. This was their only consolation during the entire trip, for after that they had nothing but fighting. They wondered at the great stone buildings, as the first of the kind they had seen in America, and at the fierceness of the inhabitants of Yucatan, who resembled in this respect the West Indian Caribs. Sailing southward, skirting the western coast of Yucatan, they landed at a place called Campeche, where they saw more temples of stone, filled with hideous idols in the shape of serpents. The natives assembled in great numbers, and their chief asked of them, by signs, if they camiC from the East, prob- ably having in mind the legend of the " Feathered Serpent." Then their priests, dressed in robes of white cotton, their long hair clotted with blood, rushed out of a temple, kindled a fire of grass and faggots, and fumigating the Spaniards with the incense of the native gums, indi- cated by signs that if they were not well off their shores before the fire had gone out, their warriors would attack and destroy them. Well had it been for Cordova and his soldiers had they taken this advice and returned to Cuba. Escaping from this place unharmed they were driven by lack of water to go on shore below Campeche. They landed at an Indian town called Champotan^ where, while they were sinking wells, they were attacked by Indian warriors, armed with shields and two-handed swords, their bodies protected by Brave and Warlike Indians. 191 defensive armor of quilted cotton, their faces painted black, white, and red, and with plumes of feathers in their hair. They were the fiercest Indians the Spaniards had yet encountered ; they fought bravely, and though they for the first time heard the report of firearms and witnessed their destructive effects, they finally drove the Spaniards to their boats, with the loss of half their number in killed, and every one of them wounded but one. Then, indeed, were the Spaniards glad to set sail for Cuba, first making for the coast of Florida for water, for they were perishing of thirst. Brave Captain Cordova had received no less than twelve serious wounds from arrows, from the effects of which he died a few days after reaching Cuba. They found water on the coast of Florida, where they touched, but while engaged in refreshing themselves and in washing their wounds they were set upon by savages, and the only man who escaped from Champotan without a hurt was killed or carried into captivity. In pitiable state, with only two vessels, and these in a sinking condition, they at last reached Cuba with their dying captain, and the mem- bers of the expedition scattered to their various plantations, most of them having had enough of western exploration ; but the fame of their discovery got noised about the island, and incited others to follow in the track they had taken. VOYAGE OF JUAN DE GRIJALVA. [A. D. 15 18.] The avarice of the Governor of Cuba be- ing excited at the sight of gold, and by the assertions of two Indian captives that the land abounded in it, he fitted out four ships, and placed them in command of a discreet young man named Juan de Grijalva. Two hundred and forty volunteers were in readiness to accompany him, among whom were several of the last party of the unfortu- nate Cordova. Chief among these was the skillful pilot 192 Mexico. Alaminos, and a young soldier named Bernal Diaz, who was one of the conquerors of Mexico, and who, fifty years later, wrote the best account of the Conquest that has ever been given to the world. Driven by the currents farther southward than w^ere the vessels of Cordova, those of Gri- jalva first made land at the island of CozumeL Here they found a good harbor, and soon reconciled the inhabitants, who had fled at the sight of the vessels. With what astonishment must these simple Indians have regarded the great white-winged canoes that came to them from an unknown country, full of bearded men clad in strange garments and with such terrible weapons in their hands ! They had left Cuba on the third of April, 15 18, and reached this island of Cozumel eighteen days later. After having made presents to the inhabitants, and having found that there were here great quantities of vegetables, such as sweet potatoes, hives of honey, and great droves of wild hogs, ox peccaries, they set sail down the coast. Arrived at Champotan, they attacked and defeated the Indians gathered here (which was an easy matter with their large force and by the assistance of guns placed in the bows of their boats). They were greatly annoyed, during the fight, by clouds of locusts, which flew against their faces with such force that they hardly knew which to put up their shields against, arrows or insects. The coast below was entirely unin- habited, but they found the forests filled with game, especially deer and rabbits, some of which they captured by the aid of a greyhound, which dog wandered into the woods and was left behind. After passing a deep sound, which they named Boca de Terminos, they finally arrived at the mouth of the river Tabasco, which is sometimes called — and with reason — the "River Grijalva," after the brave captain who discovered it. First Signs of Gold and News of Mexieo. 193 As they approached the shore, they heard the sound of falUng tunber, which indicated that the Tabascans were making preparations for defence ; but by the wise policy of Grijalvathe chiefs were brought to a peaceful consultation, and, though in great force, they received the Spaniards kindly. They brought them a great quantity of pro- visions, such as boiled fish, fowls, fruit, and maize bread, and what little gold they possessed, in the shape of golden lizards and birds, and three golden necklaces, not of very great value. The great object of the Spaniards, in all their expeditions, being the discovery of the precious metals, at whatever cost of life or labor to the Indians, they inquired eagerly where it could be obtained. They were told that away in the interior, a long ways off to the west, was a country called Acolkua, or Mexico, where there was a great abundance of gold. [A.D. 15 18.] This was Xh^ first intimation the Spaniards ever had of Mexico ; a fact it would be well to bear in mind in its connection with subsequent events. The Spaniards had with them the two Indians captured on the expedition of Cordova the year previous, who served as interpreters up to this point. These young men had been baptized, and christened Julian and Melchor. They had also taken off an Indian woman of Jamaica, whom they had found at Cozumel, whither she had been driven in a boat by the currents, and where her husband and companions had been sacrificed. We may well believe that the imaginations of Grijalva and his followers were all aflame as they coasted this new country, as virgin and unexplored as was Cuba when dis- covered by Columbus, twenty-five years previously. At the river Goazcoalcos they saw Indians with shields of tortoise-shell, which, flashing back the sun from their pol- ished surfaces, they took to be of gold. Indians came down 194 Mexico. to the shore and waved white flags to them as signals to land ; perhaps embassadors of Montezuma, who were already on the watch for the white strangers. This was at the River of Banners ; they landed and bartered with them, giving them worthless glass beads for precious gold. They were, without doubt, officers of Montezuma, these In- dians with the white flags, who had heard of the great battle at Champotan the year previous, and had posted sentinels on the watch all along the Gulf coast. By re- ferring to Chapter X. you may ascertain the condition of things in the Mexican empire, and learn of the supersti- tions that caused Montezuma to receive these vagabond Spaniards with gifts worthy royalty itself, when he should have exerted all his power to crush them completely. Calling to mind the legend of Qiietzalcoatl, and the strong effect the signs and omens had upon the minds of the Mexicans, you will see that these ships of Grijalva's were supposed by them to contain messengers from the great " Feathered Serpent " himself, who was now coming from the East to resume his charge of the Mexican kingdom. Landing at this place, the soldiers of Grijalva found the embassadors of Montezuma reclining under some trees, well supplied with provisions of bread, fruit, and fowls. So eager were they to trade and to get objects of the Spaniards to send to their sovereign, that for a small quantity of cut- glass and beads they gave gold to the value of over fifteen thousand crowns ! As before had been done, an account of this arrival of the ships was transmitted to Montezuma by his agents, painted on cloth, and ser\-ed to add fresh fuel to his fears. At a point on the coast where is now the city of Vera Cruz Grijalva landed his men, and remained for quite a while. Here thev found evidences of that accursed idol- atry of the Mexicans, for on a small island in the bay they Grijalva Reaches Vera Cruz, 195 discovered a temple of stone containing an image of the Mexican god, Tezcatlipoca, and the remains of two boys who had been sacrificed the day before. Four Indian priests met them as they landed on the island, and under- took to fumigate them with incense, as was the custom whenever they had landed in Yucatan. Another small island, where the walls and altars of a temple were stained with the blood of sacrifice, they called Isla de los Sacrificios, or Island of Sacrifices ; and the one nearest the shore, as it was told them that the sacrifices there had been done by order of the Indians of Colhua, they called Ulua, and afterwards St. John de Ulua. The fortress that guards the harbor of the city of Vera Cruz is built ujDon this island. No more Indians coming to trade, and the mosquitoes being " very importunate," Juan de Grijalva sent the soldier Alvarado back to Cuba in one of the vessels, with the sick and wounded of the company, and all the gold he had got, while he with the three other vessels* kept on as far north as the river Panuco. At the mouth of one of the rivers they met with some very valiant Indians, who nearly suc- ceeded in capturing their smallest vessel, and a little beyond this point, finding nothing further of value or interest, they turned about and retraced their route to Cuba. In the province of Goazcoalcos they found some more gold, and here the soldiers nearly went wild over the ex- traordinary bargains they were making with the Indians for their golden hatchets. Every Indian had a little hatchet of a golden hue, which he carried about with him, and readily parted with for a few glass beads. More than six hundred were obtained by the company, and every man fancied himself rich ; but when they had arrived in Cuba it was found that these supposed treasures were almost worthless, as they were all of copper ! The Gov- ig6 Mexico. ernor of Cuba, Velasquez, could not be other than well pleased at the success of Grijalva's expedition, for he brought back gold to the amount of twenty thousand crowns ; yet he pretended to blame this most generous and upright of all the explorers because he had not planted a colony. In his next expedition, which was nearly fitted out at the time of Grijalva's return, he neglected the claims of this intrepid young man, and bestow^ed the command upon another — greatly to his cost, as we shall later see. Voyage of Hernando Cortez. 197 CHAPTER XIV. VOYAGE OF HERNANDO CORTEZ. In the year 1504 there came to the West Indies a young man, then about nineteen years of age, by the name of Cor- tez. He was well received in the island of Hispaniola (Haiti), as the governor, Ovando, was from his own native province of Estremadura in Spain, and he was assigned the clerkship of a small town and an encomienda of Indians. In 15 1 1, when Velasquez sailed over to Cuba, and com- pleted the conquest of that island, Hernando Cortez, now a man of some importance, went with him. There he acquired land and Indians, and grew wealthy, devoting him- self to the cultivation of his plantation and the raising of stock. [A.D. 15 18.] And it so happened, that when, in the year 1 5 18, Governor Velasquez looked about him for a com- mander for his third expedition to Mexico, the name of Cortez was brought prominently before him. These two gentlemen had previously quarrelled (about an affair which does not particularly concern this history), but were now reconciled, and Velasquez considered favorably the prop- osition, made by a friend of Cortez, that he should have the command. Imperious, as well as ambitious, the gov- ernor had taken offence at the doings of the brave and dis- creet Grijalva, who had the strongest claims upon his con- sideration, and abandoned him for this man, Cortez, who was soon to cause him to repent this folly, and to consume his heart in rage and shame. Knowing that the governor 198 Mexico. would shortly become suspicious of him, Cortez, as soon as appointed, made all haste to get on his voyage. " Nothing was to be seen or spoken of," says one of the conquerors, "but selling lands to purchase arms and horses, quilting coats of mail, making bread, and salting pork, for sea stores." Volunteers flocked to his standard from every direction, and after visiting various points on the island, and securing all the available recruits and provisions, Cor- tez evaded the officers despatched to arrest him by the now jealous Velasquez, and put to sea, taking his final depart- ure from the port of Havana on the tenth day of Febru- ary, 1519. [A.D. 15 19.] After a rough passage, the fleet arrived at the island of Cozumel, and here, says one old chronicler, " Cortez now began to take the command upon him in earnest, and our Lord was pleased to give him grace, that whatever he undertook he succeeded in." Here he ordered a review of the troops, being now be- Forces of Cortez. 199 yond the reach of Velasquez, and having bidden a final adieu to Cuba. He found himself in command of eleven vessels, five hundred and eight soldiers, one hundred and ten sail- ors, sixteen horses, thirty-two crossbow men, and thirteen musketeers. As ordnance, he had ten brass cannon, and four falconets, with a large quantity of powder and ball. He appointed a brave soldier who had served in Italy, Francis de Orosco, as captain of artillery, and Alaminos as chief pilot. He divided his men into eleven companies, under the command of captains, nearly all of whom be- came famous in the subsequent march through Mexico. As we shall meet with most of them again, let us see what were the names of these men who followed the standard of Cortez. There was Alonzo Hernandez Puerto Carrero, who took the first ship from Mexico to Spain ; Alonzo de Avila, James de Ordas, Francis de Montejo, Francis de Morla, Francis de Sancedo, John de Escalante, John Ve- lasquez de Leon, Cristobal de Olid, and the brothers Alva- rado, chief among whom was the famous, or infamous^ Pe- dro de Alvarado. One of the conquerors, in his narrative, justly gives a portion of his pages to a detailed description of the horses^ which, being the first ever landed on the soil of Mexico, aided more than anything else in striking terror into the breasts of the Indians. Cortez had already surrounded himself with much state and ceremony, and had caused a standard to be made of gold and velvet, on which was a red cross, embroidered in the midst of white and blue flames, and underneath was the motto, in Latin, ^^ Let us follow the Cross, and in that sign we shall conquer y If we will bear this emblem in mind, we shall see that throughout his long career of con- quest Cortez was faithful in his devotion to that sign of the cross. ■ Even to the wondering, innocent natives, he offered the alternative, the cross or the sword; and he gave them both. 200 Mexico. UXMAL. Pedro de Alvarado's vessel arrived first at Cozumel, that beautiful island on the coast of Yucatan, and that unscru- pulous adventurer immediately plundered the inhabitants and drove them into the woods. Cortez, when he arrived, reprimanded him for this, and for sacking the temples, and sent out to induce the people to return, who soon came back and mingled unsuspiciously with the soldiers. There was a temple here, and a large and very hideous idol, before which the priests in charge burned incense and bowed down in devotion. The island was considered a holy place, even by the inhabitants of the mainland, who came to it in great processions, as to a holy shrine. Cortez, seeing this, determined to convert the natives to the true faith by changing their gods, substituting the cross and the virgin for the hideous idols. At first, the people objected, telling him their gods had always been very good to them, sending rain when it was needed, and crops of corn to the people of Yucatan, who came over and offered gifts at their altars. But Cortez disregarded their prayers and predictions of disaster, and cast down the idols, telling them they were evil things, and that they would draw their souls down to hell, and if they wished to remain as brothers to the Spaniards they must " place in their stead the crucifix of our Lord, by whose assistance they would obtain good harvests and the salvation of their Conversion of the Natives. 201 souls ; with many other good and holy reasons, which he expressed very well." Lime was sent for, the Indian ma- sons constructed an altar, and the Spanish carpenters a crucifix, which was erected in a small chapel (the ruins of which, it is said, yet remain). Then the " very reverend father," Juan Diaz, preached an excellent discourse, which, as it was in Spanish (a language the natives had never listened to before in their lives), was received " with great attention, and profit to their souls." Thus was a whole village of pagans converted into good Christians in a single day, — the natives reasoned that, as the Spaniards were stronger than they, and evidently favored by unseen powers, their god must be more powerful than theirs, and so they accepted the Spanish images with joy, carefully swept the temple, and attended upon the virgin. As a curious circumstance, it is related that the Span- iards found these people, not only at Cozumel, but at vari- ous other points in this new^ territory, possessed of figures of the cross. From this the Spanish ecclesiasts have reasoned that these Indians were visited by Saint Thomas, during the wanderings of that revered person on earth, and received from him this emblem of the cross ; but of this event the Indians have preserved no tradition. One more allusion to the doings of the Spaniards here, and then we have done with Cozumel. Cortez often pondered over a question the natives oft repeated to his soldiers, when, pointing to the east, they would say " Castiliaji^'' as much as to ask if they were Castilians, or Spaniards. At last, after much inquiry, he heard, through his interpreter Julian — Melchor having died — that there were two Spaniards confined in the interior as captives. They had been cast upon the eastern shore of Yucatan, their vessels wrecked, and all their companions sacrificed save they two. Learning this, Cortez despatched a letter 202 Mexico. to them by an Indian runner (who hid it in his hair, having to pass through an enemy's country), and a quantity of beads as a ransom from their masters. The letter was as follows : " Gentlemen and brothers, — Here in Cozumel I have been informed that you are detained prisoners by a cacique : I request as a favor that you will forthwith join me. I send a ship and soldiers, with whatever is necessary for your ransom, they have orders to wait eight days ; but come with all dispatch to me, from whom you shall receive every assistance and protection. I am here with eleven ships and five hundred soldiers, with which I will, with the assistance of God, proceed to Champotan, Tabasco, and beyond." Those two captives were named Aguilar and Guerrero. The master of the former received the ransom jo}-fully and set him free ; but the latter was already married to an Indian woman, had three sons and was a great cacique and captain in their wars. Indeed, it is said that he con- ducted that bloody fight against Cordova, at Champotan. He was afraid to return to the Spaniards ; and, moreover, his face was scarred and his ears and nose bored, after the Indian fashion. " What would the Spaniards think of me," he said to Aguilar, " if I went back among them ? Behold these three beautiful boys ; I beseech you give me for them some of these green beads, and say that my brother sent them as a present to me from my own country." Then his wife joined in and abused Aguilar for wishing her husband to leave his family, and the poor fellow was only too glad to go on to the coast alone. When he reached the coast the boat that had been left behind for him had departed. To his great jo}^, however, the fleet was obliged to put back to Cozumel, one of the vessels having sprung a leak, and he got into a canoe and The Rescued Spaniards. 203 paddled across the channel to the island, where he met them. He had been so long in captivity that he could not be distinguished from the Indians who had come with him, and at first could only utter a few Spanish words, such as Dios (God) and Santa Maria. He had only a fewlrags about his waist, an oar in his hand, and the remains of an old book of prayers tied up in a bundle on his shoulder- When he came into the presence of the company he squatted on his hams, like the Indians, and every one was looking in vain for the Spaniard, when in answer to an inquiry he said, " Here he is," and was received with gladness, clothed and fed. He was subsequently of the utmost service to the Spaniards, being for a while their only means of communication with the natives. Cortez was not mistaken in the value he set upon such an acquisition, nor in having delayed the fleet in order to secure him. As the fleet arrived off Champotan, a boat was sent ashore, and there they were welcomed by the greyhound that had been accidentally left there the year before by Grijalva. On the 13th of March they arrived off the mouth of the river Tabasco, or Grijalva, one of the largest that flows into the Gulf of Mexico. Knowing that the larger vessels could not approach near land, Cortez sent a large body of troops in boats to land about half a league from the town of Tabasco. The Tabascans, who had before received Grijalva so hospitably, had been reproached by their neighbors, the Champotanese (and perhaps incited by messengers from Montezuma), with cowardice in not attacking these strangers on their first visit. At all events, Cortez found his advance obstructed by above twelve thousand armed Indians in canoes. They threatened the Spaniards with death if they persisted in their intention of visiting their town, which they had fortified with palisades. Cortez then, displaying the policy for which he was always 204 Mexico. noted, requested permission, through the new interpreter Aguilar, to land to procure wood and water, and to speak with their caciques, to whom he had " matters of the greatest importance, and of a holy natu7'e, to communicate ; but to this they only replied in the same manner as before." The next morning, after mass, Cortez approached to land his men, when the enemy in canoes sallied out from the mangroves along the banks in prodigious numbers and making a fearful din with their horns and trumepts. See- ing this, Cortez ordered a halt, and then, demanding the Indians to give their attention, he caused the royal notary to read a requisition for them to supply the Spaniards with wood and water and to lay down their arms and become good Christians, and to allow the priests to land and speak to them concerning the service of God. If ' they should refuse this reasonable request, which was made in the king's name, then they would be responsible for all the mischief that resulted. This was read in Spanish and amidst the din and tumult of the horns and timbrels, so that it is pos- sible that the Indians heard nothing of it, and if they did certainly did not understand a word. But it mattered not to Cortez, he had complied with the law, he was not fight- ing to please the Indians so much as to justify himself as an apostle of the faith in the eyes of the king and prelates in Spain. The old historian seemed astonished that the Indians paid no attention to this royal and ecclesiastical mandate. " All. this," he says, "being duly explained to them, produced 7io effect; they seemed as determined to oppose us as they were before." Having satisfied his con- science in this way, and having in this manner thrown all the blame of the affair upon the ignorant Indians, Cortez then unfurled his banner, with its cheerful emblem of torment, the blue and white flames, and ordered his soldiers to " at them, and show the unchristian dogs no mercy." The Great Fight at Tabasco. 205 You may be very sure that he and his soldiers were very much provoked at the obduracy of these heathens, who so ungratefully refused his generous offer of a new king, whom they had never heard of, to rule over them. And how indignant these pious soldiers must have been at such heretics who scorned their offer of new images to worship in place of their old ones, and added insult to injury by telling them that their old gods were good enough for them, and they only wished the Spaniards would sail away and leave them in peace ! This, in the eyes of the horror-stricken priests, was blasphemy of the worst nature; these holy men washed their hands of such impious wretches, and adjured the soldiers to do their best to wipe them from the face of the earth. And they did ! Though the Tabascans fought valiantly, attacking them with arrows and lances, yet they were gradually driven back, until the Spaniards were in possession of their town. They defended barricade after barricade, whistling and shouting to one another — al calachioni — "kill the captain," well knowing the disastrous effect such a result would have upon the strangers. They left many dead upon the field, but never turned their backs upon the enemy, retreating face to the foe, until their town, and temples, and idols, were finally captured. When the town was gained, Cortez took possession of the country in the name of his majesty, the King of Spain, — a disreputable monarch of a country thousands of miles away, whom the Tabascans had never heard of. And making three cuts with his sword in a great silk-cotton tree, the commander claimed the whole country for his sovereign, saying that, against any one who denied this claim, he was ready to defend it with the sword and shield he then held. Nobody offered any objection, because the soldiers believed as he did : that the land belonged to them and the king ■ 2o6 - Mexico. they served ; and the poor Indians, strange to say, did not understand that the making of three sword-cuts in a ceiba tree gave these strangers a clear right and title to the country they and their ancestors had held from time imme- moiial ! Being brave men, they resolved to resent this intrusion of an armed force into their territory, and on the morrow a terrible battle ensued. Seeing that the Indians were likely to press them hard, if not indeed drive them to their ships, Cortez ordered out the horses. These animals were very stiff from their long confinement on board the vessels, but in the course of the day they recovered their spirits and agility. Each one was furnished with a breast- plate with bells hanging to it, and they were given to the best horsemen in the army. Marching out upon a plain beyond the town, the Spanish army saw a great host in front of them, sounding horns and trumpets, with plumes, on their heads, their faces painted in red, white, and black, defended by quilted-cotton breastplates and shields, and armed with two-handed swords, darts, and slings. They fell upon the Spaniards with such fury that soon seventy of them were wounded and two of them killed. Nor were they deterred by the sharp swords of their enemy, which made such terrible wounds in their naked bodies, nor by the crossbows, and musketry and cannon, though they had never heard the thunder of these dreadful weapons before in their lives. Brave men, were these Indians of Tabasco, as indeed were all the Indians of that country of Mexico. Though believing that those black-mouthed can- non, which spit at them smoke and fire, and tore such awful gaps in their crowded ranks, were engines of destruction sent by the deities of another world, they valiantly stood their ground. At every discharge they threw up straw and dust to hide their terrible losses, and shouted back defiance. It would have fared hard with the invaders if the cavalry The First Horses in Mexico, 207 had not come to their rehef, and Cortez and his little squadron come charging down upon the Indians. It was the first time these Indians had ever seen a horse, and when those great animals, larger than any that roamed their forests, came thundering down upon them, they gave one great shout of terror and amazement and fled in wild dis- order. They believed, as they afterwards stated, that horse and rider were one animal, and sent by the avenging deities to complete their destruction. What wonder that they fled ! Fancy ourselves in their position, battling at fearful odds against an army encased in mail and armed with the powers of thunder and lightning ; while every nerve is strained, and every energy called into play against this strong enemy, suddenly another appears, a strange beast, a centaur, clad in steel and breathing death upon all within its reach ! Think you we should not use great expedition in getting beyond its reach ? Eight hun- dred of the Indian army lay dead upon the field, and a still greater number dragged their mutilated bodies away to perish in the seclusion of the forest ! In this manner did Cortez punish these wicked people for resisting the embas- sadors of a king they did not know, and for refusing a religion they did not understand ! They came in humbly, the chiefs with their followers, and craved pardon for their temerity in having tried to defend their homes from assas- sins and thieves, their wives from dishonor, their children from slavery ! They begged permission to bury their dead, so that the wild beasts should not devour them, and bring- ing abundance of provisions, promised to become obedient vassals of the new king. Cortez, says one of the historians of that time, " assumed a grave countenance, told them they deserved death for their neglect of our former offers of peace, but that our great monarch, Don Carlos, had enjoined us to favor 2o8 Mexico, them so far as they should deserve it ; and in case of their adopting a bad hne of conduct, they should again feel the effect of our vengeance." Then followed another of those wholesale conversions ; the Indians renounced their idols, and were received into the bosom of the holy Catholic church. And thenceforth they were to be under the loving care of the priests, and the cherished children of the King of Spain ; in return for which they were only called upon to give the priests and soldiers all their property, all their gold, all their handsome maidens, all their strong young men. The Spaniards had found them freemen, living happily in their primitive villages in the forest ; they left them slaves, stripped of all possessions, bleeding from a thousand wounds, and lamenting a thousand deaths. It has been said by at least one historian that the Span- iards were assisted by one of the saints that day, the war- like apostle St. James, who rode a dappled horse, and charged the unregenerate heathen right valiantly. If this be true, it should but increase our sympathy for the poor Indians, for what with the cannon, horse, and musketr}' of the Spaniards, the odds were sufficiently against them without the intervention of apostolic aid. From Tabasco to Cempoalla. 209 CHAPTER XV. FROM TABASCO TO CEMPOALLA. Through the inscrutable workings of God's will, Cortez received at Tabasco, from a source wholly unexpected, a most important auxiliary to his force, without which indeed the conquest would have been impossible. To propitiate the Spaniards, and to obtain pardon of them for having defended their homes, the Tabascans gave them what gold and cotton cloth the province afforded ; and further, seeing that the conquerors desired female servants, they pre- sented the captains with twenty Indian women. These Cortez refused to receive until they had been baptized, and until the " reverend father, Bartolome Olmedo, had preached to them many good things touching our holy faith." Then these unfortunate Indian women, " the first Christian women in New Spain," were divided among the captains, Cortez retaining a young girl of noble birth, beauty, and great spirit, who was baptized under the name of Dona Marina. From this time to the end of the conquest, this noble girl accompanied Cortez on all his expeditions, serv- ing as counsellor and interpreter, clinging to him with affection and love, though degraded by him to the lowest position woman can occupy in the eyes of the world. She was the daughter of a noble of Goazcoalcos, who died while she was very young and left her in charge of her mother. This inhuman parent married another noble, and they, having a son whom they wished to have their inheritance, sold the young girl to a party of slave traders on their way 210 Mexico. to Tabasco. Thus, by a singular conjunction of circum- stances, was a subject of the Mexican crown delivered into the possession of the Spaniards ; one who contributed more than all their armies to its subjugation. Possessed of more than ordinary intelligence, she rapidly acquired the Spanish language, and as she spoke at the time of her joining the Spaniards the Mexican dialect and that of Tabasco, the Maya, she formed, with the rescued Aguilar, the link in the chain necessary to conversation with the Mexicans. [A.D. 15 19.] Leaving Tabasco on Palm Sunday, after a most solemn procession of the army, with music and song, the soldiers carrying palm branches, the fleet arrived at San Juan de Ulua on Holy Thursday ; and here their sea voyage terminated. The next day the cavalry, infantry, and artillery were disembarked on the sand-hills, an altar was raised, and temporary barracks constructed for the troops. They had hardly dropped anchor when two large canoes came out to them, containing messengers from the governor of that province, offering them assistance if they needed it in the prosecution of their voyage. In communi- cating their message it was necessary to employ three lan- guages and two interpreters ; first. Dona Marina explained to Aguilar what the Mexicans said, translating it into the Maya tongue, and then Aguilar converted it into Spanish. A day or two later two governors of that portion of the coast made their appearance, accompanied by a great train of attendants. By this time, with the assistance of the In- dians, huts had been constructed for all the troops, and cannon planted to defend their first nucleus of a colony in New Spain. They brought provisions and many things in gold and feathers. Cortez invited them to dine with him, and dur- ing the repast highly extolled his monarch, Don Carlos, Gifts fro7n Montezuma. 211 who, he said, was the mightiest in the world, and he de- manded of the embassadors how soon he could march into the interior and dehver his embassy to their own king, Montezuma. The two Mexican lords were astonished, as well as offended, at the impudence of this audacious leader of a band of vagrants, that he should speak so lightly of his sacred majesty, Montezuma, and one of them, the lord Teuhtlile, haughtily replied : "How is this ? You are but just arrived, and yet you talk of seeing our monarch. I have listened with pleasure to what you have told me con- cerning the grandeur and bounty of your sovereign ; but, know ye, our king is not less bountiful and great. I rather wonder that there should exist another in the world more powerful than he ; but as you assert it I will make it known to my sovereign, from whose goodness I trust that he will not only have pleasure in receiving intelligence of that great prince, but will likewise do honor to his embassador. Accept, in the meantime, this present which I offer you in his name." Thereupon, the Mexican lord presented Cor- tez with some beautifully wrought pieces of gold, ten loads of fine cotton mantles, and a great supply of provisions. In return, — and how it disgusts one to read of the paltry baubles the Spaniards, these adventurers who boasted so loudly of the magnificence of their sovereign, sent in returji, — Cortez gave the Mexican an old arm-chair, painted and carved, some glass beads and a crimson cap with a gold medal on it representing St. George killing the dragon ! These, this impudent braggart, in a grandilo- quent speech, begged the embassador he would present the great Montezuma in the name of the King of Spain, and at the same time request him to name a time when he could wait on him. One of the soldiers had on a gilded helmet, which the embassador observed resembled one upon the head of 212 Mexico. their idol, Huitzilopochtli, and requested permission to take it to the capital to show Montezuma. Cortez at once gave it to him, adding — with a meanness unparalleled in history — that it would be a capital thing if Montezuma would return it, filled with gold, that the Spaniards might be able to compare it with the gold of their own country, and also as an acceptable present to their emperor. Lord Teuhtlile then took his departure, promising to return in a short time with Montezuma's reply, while the other lord, Ciiitlalpitoc, remained, to keep the Spanish army supplied with provisions. What was the state of affairs at the Mexican court during the while their eastern coasts were vexed with wars and rumors of wars and their vessels trafficking with strange beings from over the sea ? By referring to the tenth chapter, (pp. 137-140) we shall recall to mind the demoralized condi- tion of the people of Anahuac, and the consternation amongst their rulers at the coming of the winged ships and the bearded men. Upon the arrival of Juan de Grijalva, in the previous year, the governor of the coast province had sent immediate notice to the Aztec capital ; they had caused hasty paintings to be made by their artists, of the boats and men, and had followed them to court with a more detailed descripton. Upon the reception of 'this alarming news, Montezuma had hastily assembled the two allied kings, Cacamatzin of Tezcoco, and Cuitlahuatzin lord of Iztapalapan. Long and anxiously they debated upon this mysterious visitation, and at last came to the unanimous conclusion that he who commanded this great army could be no other than Qiietzalcoatl, god of the air — the " Plumed Serpent," who had, according to tradition, departed from' their coast, ages ago, leaving behind him the promise to return and conclude the beneficent reign he had begun so happily in the time of the Toltecs. Consternation of the Aztecs, 213 Dominated by priestly superstitions, Montezuma was filled with a dread of the coming of this lord of the air, yet he devoutly believed in the truth of the tradition, and was ready to yield up his kingdom upon his arrival. Those kings held themselves to be but the viceroys of that deity and trustees of the crown, which they were to cede to him- whenever he should make his appearance and demand it The great size of the " winged canoes " of the Spaniards, the loud noise and destructive force of their artillery, so closely resembling the thunder-laden clouds of the air, all these things combined to awe them and inspire them with the belief that the god of the air had finally arrived. Having come to this determination, Montezuma ordered five persons of his court to hasten to the coast with a large and magnificent present for the supposed deity, and to offer him homage in his name and to congratulate him upon his safe, though long-deferred arrival. At the same time, he ordered sentinels to be placed upon the mountains over- looking the coast, with swift messengers to convey him tidings of the movements of the fleet. Unfortunately for the Mexicans, the court embassadors, though they made every exertion, did not overtake Grijalva, who sailed northward as far as the river Panuco, and thence made passage for Cuba. Unfortunately^ say we, because Grijalva was a humane man, whose desire for conquest, gold, and glory was tempered by a love of justice. We have every reason to believe that, had it fallen to his lot to have undertaken the subjugation of this Mexican empire, it would have been done without the shedding of blood and the sacri- fice of life that attended the invasion of Cortez. The embassy had returned to Anahuac, and those per- sonages who had met Cortez were simply governors of the province, tributary to Montezuma. Before his departure from the coast, Teuhtlile, who had numerous painters with 214 Mexico. him, divided the subject among them so that each one represented a different portion of the armament, and in this manner Montezuma received a description, perfect in every detail, of tlie wonders he was to relate to him. Desiring that they should omit nothing that would impress the emperor with the grandeur and power of his armament, Cortez ordered the cavalry to manoeuvre upon the beach and the artillery to be fired. When they had somewhat recovered from the stupor of amazement into which the roar of the cannon and the crashing of the balls through the trees had thrown them, the painters set themselves diligently to work to represent this new wonder upon canvas. Then they departed, bearing the miserable present and the boastful message of Cortez to their expectant emperor. After seven or eight days of waiting, the Spaniards saw a long procession of Indians filing down the sand dunes ; there were the embassadors of Montezuma borne in litters upon the shoulders of attendants and upwards of one hun- dred men laden with rich presents for the Spaniards. The distance from coast to capital, at the present day by rail, is two hundred and sixty miles ; but doubtless the Aztecs had shorter paths by which their messengers trav- elled and the distance may have been two hundred miles. If we may believe the accounts related of the couriers of Montezuma, they were incredibly swift ; along the line of travel were stations with relays of runners and by this means a message was borne along from post to post with the speed of the mail-coach of old. The story often told of Monte- zuma's receiving fish fresh from the Gulf every day, by means of these runners, may well be doubted, and is only believed in by those credulous authors who have never vis- ited the country ; but, it is doubtless true that news sped fast in those days, by the means above mentioned. Whether it was seven days later, or ten, it matters not ; the embassa- Treasures for Royalty. 215 dors had returned and with them had brought such a present for the Spanish monarch, Don Carlos, as never before had passed from one hemisphere to another ! On their arrival they touched the ground with their hands, at the same time kissing them, and then fumigated the Spaniards with incense, calling them Teteuctin — lords or gentlemen. This, the customary mode of salutation of embassadors, caused the Spaniards to imagine they addressed them as gods — Teules, from Teteo^ gods — when they had meant nothing of the kind, and gave these cut-throat adventurers an exalted opinion of their own importance. With fine compliments, conveying from Montezuma his congratulations, and the pleasure he had received in learn- ing of the arrival of such a brave body of men on his coast, the embassador begged Cortez to receive this present from his emperor, as a slight return for the very valuable (?) gifts he had sent him on the occasion of his first visit. Having delivered himself of a speech to this effect, consisting of long and high-sounding words — for diplomacy was a fine art at the court of Montezuma — the embassador caused some mantles to be spread upon the ground and the Indians to lay upon them their precious burdens. It may be justly imagined that the Spaniards gazed upon these treasures in open-mouthed astonishment. There were elegant works in gold and silver, gems, gold carved in the shape of various animals, bales of the finest cotton garments interwoven with bright feathers, bows and arrows, ten collars of fine gold, plumes of feathers cast in gold, panaches of green and gorgeous feathers, and numberless wrought and other figures in gold. The~ most glorious gifts were two great disks, as large as a cart-wheel, one of gold, representing the sun, the other of silver, having an engraved image of the moon. And last, there was the helmet, filled, — accord- 2i6 Mexico. ing to the base suggestion of Cortez, — with glittering grains of gold, thought to be of the value alone of three thousand crowns ! The intrinsic value of the golden wheel, without reference to its exquisite workmanship, was held to be more than twenty thousand crowns ! After these had been spread before Cortez, the Mexican made another short speech, in which he spoke of the pleasure it gave his king to contribute this portion of his treasure as a gift to their sovereign ; at the same time, in the politest manner possible, he begged them to depart from the coast to the land whence they came, as soon as they had recovered from the fatigues of the voyage. Cortez was greatly rejoiced at the present, but mortified at this refusal of permission to visit the capital, still, he kept a pleasant countenance and told the embassador that he should insist upon his original intention of visiting Monte- zuma in person, and delivering him the message he pre- tended to have from his king. Then he gave in return for this magnificent tribute, which would have been a costly ransom for a king, three holland shirts and a glass cup I How Teuhtlile's lip must have curled, and with what a sinking of the heart must he have reflected upon this waste of treasure, sent by his generous monarch to be cast before such swine as these ! He coldly promised to send the message to Montezuma, and at the end of a number of days brought his answer. He this time sent more gold, ten loads of mantles and four rare jewels like emeralds, each one of which was considered worth a load of gold ! This time the Aztec emperor's orders were peremptory, that the strangers should not be allowed to advance farther into the territory with his consent, and that all intercourse with them by the natives should be sus- pended. Montezuma's eyes were now open to the true Montezuma s Eyes are Operied. 21 J character of the invaders. Gods of the air no longer were they now to him. Intelligence must have reached him by this time of their cruel acts in Tabasco, of their insatiable lust, of their low-born manners and total lack of all gener- ous feelings. These were not the attributes of gods, that they displayed ! Some of the Spanish writers would have us believe that Montezuma consulted his gods, making sacrifices to them of tender children, and they commanded him to repel the invaders. But it seems more probable that he now saw the error into which his superstition had led him, and if he still believed in the coming of Quetzakoatl, he was now assured that the peace-loving god would not come in the guise of these bloody-minded adventurers. In his total ignorance of another country than that of Mexico and its contiguous territory, he was puzzled to explain their origin, and hence was easily led to accept the popular tradition. No, these were not the emissaries of the Feathered Serpent, of the Prince of Peace ; he would have nothing further to do with them. Yet his generous nature — generous in great things, despite the fact that his treasure was accumu- lated through the oppressions of his suffering subjects — refused to let the strangers go without a show of hospitality, and a gift for that monarch they pretended had sent them on this mission. Hence it was that he would dismiss them loaded with favors, and that he would sever all connection between them and his subjects. Ill-fated, short-sighted monarch ! He mistook the natures of the beings he was dealing with; he had thought them at least sensible to generous treatment, while they were in fact strangers to every sentiment of the kind ! He had not reflected upon the consequences of such a display of the wealth of his kingdom upon these men whose god was gold, whose creed was as bloody as that of the Aztecs in their palmiest days. 2 1 8 Mexico. In sending them this treasure he inflamed their bosoms with a common sentiment, an unquenchable desire to see more of this kingdom in the mountains and to put its inhabitants to the sword, that they might possess them- selves of its wealth. On to Mexico ! was the cry that now passed from mouth to mouth of these brave, though unprincipled men. The following day the Spaniards found themselves in a strait, for there was not an Indian remaining of all the thousands that had come to them for barter and had been busy supplymg them with provisions. Their bread was mouldy, and their sailors were kept busy fishing in the bay to keep starvation from their doors. Why did not Monte- zuma pour down upon them at this time with the forces of his empire ? It is very certain that had he done so he could have swept them out of existence, or have driven them from his coast in dismay. But Providence, says an an ancient historian, " preserved them to become the in- struments of his views in that new world." "We do not mean," he adds, " to justify the design and conduct of the conquerors, but neither can we avoid tracing in the series of the conquest the destiny which prepared the ruin of that empire." Indeed, if we will look back for a moment over the events that seemed to have contributed to the peculiar successes of Cortez we shall almost be tempted to accept these conclusions of that historian — that Cortez and his cut-throats were special instruments in the hands of Providence for the destruction of the empire. We have already seen that the country was vexed with unpro- pitious signs and omens, which had hardly disappeared from the sky when the news reached the Mexican court that Grijalva was upon the coast ; this eminent navi- gator, by his kind and judicious treatment of the Indians, The Totonacs of Cempoalla. 219 strengthened the prevailing opinion that the next arrivals were in reality the children of the God of the air. By a most fortuitous accident the Spanish captive, Aguilar, was rescued from the Indians of Yucatan, and thus a means of communication opened with the Tabascans, and, through the wonderful acquisition of Marina, with the Mexicans themselves. A most astonishing series of cir- cumstances had thus operated in his favor. Is it improb- able that Cortez should have looked upon these events as special dispensations of the Almighty in his behalf ? Their provisions were low and of poor quality, the mosquitoes were pestering them night and day, thirty or forty of their number were sick from their wounds, and there was a strong party, the friends and relations of Velasquez in particular, who were anxious to return to Cuba, and tried tD excite a mutiny against the authority of Cortez. But by putting some in irons, and pacifying others with gold, he won the majority over to his side, and they soon chose to remain and retain him as their general, independent of Velasquez. It would probably have been death to Cortez to return to Cuba at this time, for he had neither the favor of the governor nor of his sovereign. It was while these quarrels were going on among the Spaniards, snarling over their captures like wolves in a sheepfold, that another of those aids in the propulsion of the army towards the capital came to hand. Some Indians one day approached them, and stated that they were of a province subject to Montezuma, but that their cacique wished to throw off his allegiance and ally himself with the strangers. They were Totonacs^ who, you will remember, were subjugated by the Aztecs not many years before — being among the last acquisitions by the Mexican crown. The cruelties and exactions of the Aztecs had turned their hearts from them, for they not only demanded tribute of 220 Mexico. their wealth but a certain number of their children yearly to sacrifice on the altars of Anahuac. Intrigue was always welcome to the Spanish commander, and he prom- ised them assistance in throwing off the Mexican yoke, and to shortly visit their town of Ce7iipoalla. Meanwhile he found a better location for a settlement farther north, and there they removed with their ships and laid the founda- tions of a city, which they called La Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz — the Rich City of the True Cross, This name is applied to the present city of Vera Cruz, which was subse- quently removed to the situation it now occupies, at the point of the first landing, opposite the island of San Juan de Ulua. The first things they erected in the new city were a gallows and an altar ; magistrates were created at the instigation of Cortez, to whom he resigned his com- mand, but was immediately re-invested with it, in the 7iame of the ki?tg, for whom this colony was now planted. In this way the cunning Cortez shook himself free from his dependence upon Velasquez. Then the little army marched towards Cempoalla, which was several leagues from the coast ; when within a league of the town they were met by some of the principal men, who presented the officers with fragrant flowers, and begged them to excuse their cacique from coming out to re- ceive them, as he was so fat and unwieldy as to be unable to do so. He sent, however, an invitation for them to enter, which Cortez accepted with thanks. This town being the first of any extent, built of hewn stone and plastered with lime, that the Spaniards entered, they were greatly astonished at what they saw there. One of the horsemen, having penetrated to the great square, came flying back at the top of his speed, and in great excitement, crying out that the walls of the public buildings were all of silver/ But when the army entered the centre The White-walled City. 223 of the town they found that these " silver walls " were only polished plaster glistening white in the sun. They were assigned quarters, the inhabitants of Cempoalla treating them to fruits and flowers, baskets of plums, and bread of corn. The town was so large, clean, and beautiful, with its white-walled dwellings and temples, its gardens and planta- tions, that the soldiers compared it with Seville, in Spain. The cacique shortly waited on Cortez, dressed in rich mantles and ornaments of gold, and ordered a present to be made hita of gold and mantles. It did not take long to find out that what the Indians had told them on the sands — that these people were tired of Montezuma's exactions — was perfectly true. The next day the army continued its march to the shore, to a point whither the vessels had preceded them, and the cacique furnished them with four hundred men of burden to carry their baggage. This, they had found, was a custom of the country : for every cacique through whose territory a stranger passed to furnish, without pay, sufficient men to convey his effects or merchandise a certain distance. At a town called Chia- hiiitzla^ situated upon a steep and rocky hill, about three miles from the coast, the lord of that town and the lord of Cempoalla held conference with Cortez as to the advisa- bility of throwing off the yoke of Montezuma. Just at this juncture there entered the town five Mexican nobles, tribute collectors for the king, who marched proudly by with a great retinue, with their noses in the air, not deigning to bestow even a glance upon Cortez and his soldiers. They were dressed in elegantly embroidered mantles and drawers, wore their hair gathered in a shining knot at the top of the head, and carried in their hands bunches of roses, "which they occasionally smelled to." The lords were struck with terror, and deserted Cortez, hastening to prepare lodgings and cups of chocolate for the royal tax 224 Mexico. collectors. These nobles reprimanded them severely for holding intercourse with the Spaniards, after their great lord, Montezuma, had especially forbidden it, and demanded twenty men and women to be sent to Mexico and sacrificed in expiation of their offence. The poor lords were in great trouble, so well they knew what Montezuma's displeasure meant; but at the instiga- tion of Cortez they threw the officers into prison and whipped one that continued refractory. By this act they had openly committed themselves as rebels to Montezuma, which was just what the wily Cortez desired. Having got the poor chief into this dilemma, he secretly liberated the imprisoned officers, protesting that it was the Cempoallans that had done this, that he was their friend and that of their king, and sending them away with their ears full of lies and in the belief that he was greatly displeased with what had happened. In the morning he manifested great displeasure at the guards who had allowed the prisoners to escape, and by his double dealing not only impressed the Totonacs with the idea that he was going to liberate them all from the thraldom of Montezuma, but the latter monarch with the belief that he was acting in his interests. In truth, while Cortez was stirring up rebellion and acquiring all the peo- ple of the coast provinces as allies, Montezuma sent him an embassy with a very rich present and thanks for his civility to his officers ; but cautioning him to beware of the Totonacs, whom he would soon punish as they deserved. If he had but persisted in his original intention of sending a large army to wipe out the Spaniards, how different might have been the story of Mexico's history ! The fat cacique, desiring to cement the friendship now existing between the Spaniards and his people, desired to present Cortez and his officers with eight ladies, all of the Destruction of Idols. 225 first families of the place, ornamented with gold collars and earrings and attended by female slaves. These, Cortez said he would accept if they would renounce their old religion and be baptized into that of the Spaniards. He went further even than this, and proposed to the cacique the entire destruction of his gods. The cacique and the priests objected and finally attempted to resist ; but the Spaniards collected their forces, and about fifty of them rushed up the steps of the temple and hurled down the hid- eous idols contained therein. Then the priests, who had charge of the temple, were shorn of their long and blood- matted hair, and a cross and an image of the virgin being set up in place of the other idols, they were instructed in the new faith by the Reverend Father Olmedo. An old soldier, lame from wounds, was appointed to reside in the temple as a hermit ; the priests were taught how to make wax candles, to be brought before the new image, and thus this people brought out from the darkness of idolatry into the light of a new religion. They were now firm allies of Cortez, for they had imprisoned the officers of Montezuma, and insulted his gods ; the power of the strangers alone could prevent them from being exterminated. 226 Mexico. CHAPTER XVI. DESTRUCTION OF THE SHIPS AND MARCH INLAND. Before the overthrow of the idols, Cortez had taken measures for the founding of a city on the coast which should be a strong fortress to hold the Totonacs to their allegiance to him, a nucleus for a colony, a post of defence for any new troops that might arrive, and a place of refuge to which to retreat in case of need. It was built on a plain lying at the foot of the mountain of Chiahuitzla, about twelve miles north of Cempoalla. The first vessel that ever sailed from Mexico to Spain direct left this port shortly after, in command of Captain Alonzo Puertocarrero and Francisco Montejo, on the six- teenth of July, 15 19. It was sent by Cortez to carry letters to his king, asking that he be confirmed in his ofiice of general and chief magistrate, and contained the gold, silver, gems and mantles, sent to him by Montezuma. Not only had Cortez succeeded, by bribes and flattery, in inducing the soldiers to relinquish their share of this great treasure for the king, but they had written a letter, praying that his royal highness would bestow upon their commander those honors which the Governor of Cuba, Velasquez, was entitled to by royal favor. After describing the country and people they had discovered, the battles they had fought, and the great service they were doing his majesty in bringing these idolatrous Indians to a knowledge of the true religion, the letters went on to state, "We are four hundred and fifty soldiers, surrounded by hosts of enemies, The March into the Interior. 227 and ready to lay down our lives for the service of God and his majesty ; and we supplicate that his majesty will not bestow the government of so great and rich a country, which deserves to be ruled by a great prince or lord, upon any unworthy person." Two days only after their agent had departed, a plot was formed among a few of the soldiers and sailors to seize one of the small vessels and escape to Cuba. It was dis- covered, two soldiers were immediately hanged, the feet of the pilot were cut off, and the sailors were given two hundred lashes each. Foreseeing that this was but the first of what might prove a long list of desertions, Cortez came to the determination to prevent all such in the future by an act so bold and despe- rate as to compel the admiration of even his enemies. After secretly advising with his pilots and some of his soldiers he resolved to destroy his ships, and thus effectu- ally prevent his men from leaving the enemy's country. This was done, the vessels were run on shore, the sails, anchors, rigging, etc., carefully housed in the port; and thus were five hundred men left without means of escape, in a country swarming with enemies whom they must conquer or perish in the attempt. There is, says an English writer, " no equal to this act in history ; " it stamps these adventurers as brave men, their leader as one to whom cowardice was a stranger; there was not a craven in the army. Juan de Escalante, a valiant man, was left in charge of a small company, principally sailors converted into soldiers, who formed the garrison of the new city, while Cortez and the main army took up its march into the interior. Arrived again at Cempoalla, Cortez renewed his injunctions to the cacique to take good care of the cross and the image he had left in the temple, and recommending Escalante and 228 Mexico. Ills companions to his protection, commenced his circuitous approach to the Mexican capital. [A. D. 15 19.] It was on the sixteenth of August that Cortez set out to leave the coast finally behind him. He had four hundred and fifteen Spanish infantry, sixteen horses, some Totonac troops, forty nobles of that province, and four hundred men of burden to carry the baggage and drag the artillery. It was mentioned at the beginning of this book, that Mexico contained three well-defined zones of climate and vegetation, which one might pass through on his way from the coast to the great plateau where the Mexican capital was situated. Along the coast it is very hot, and the cli- mate is tropical — this is the tierra calie?ite, or " hot coun- try ; " next, as you advance into the mountains, you enter the temperate country, the tierra templada, at an eleva- tion above the sea of 3,000 to 4,000 feet ; last, is the cold country — tierra fria — situated above an elevation of 7,000 feet. Through all these zones, with their varying types of vegetation and their changes of climate, the army of Cortez was to march on its way to the capital. With gladness, it may be presumed, they turned their backs upon the hot coast country, swarming with insects and stricken with fevers, and entered the hills that led up to the vine and forest-clad mountains of the tierra templada. On their second day's march they reached '^Xalapa, a. place where there exists to-day a town of the same name — Jalapa — celebrated for its green valleys and oak-crowned hills. Beyond this region, still climbing, they entered the great plains, crossing some forbidding mountains, where the temperature was very cold, and the soldiers, and the Indians of the hot country — especially those of Cuba — * X or J, before a vowel, always pronounced like //.• Halapa. RUINS OF PAPANTLA. j i From Coast to Table-land. 231 suffered severely. After suffering greatly from fatigue they arrived at a large city called Xocotla, which contained, among numerous buildings, thirteen temples and the cacique's palace of stone and lime, plastered, terraced and turreted. Here they heard further information of the capital of Mexico, as Montezuma kept at this place a great force of soldiers, and it was one of the strongest in that region. The cacique told Cortez that the Aztec capital was a city of great strength, being founded on an island, with no passage from one house to another except by boats and bridges ; the Spaniards were also informed more positively and particularly of the immense wealth of Montezuma, which inflamed their lust for gold to that extent that they were ready to overcome every obstacle to obtain it. The cacique and the Spanish general each boasted to the other of the great power and grandeur of his sovereign ; and Cortez foolishly demanded of the cacique, called Olintetl, gold to send to his king across the sea. "I have enough of gold," replied Olintetl, ''but cannot give it without the express orders of my king ; but if he orders me, I wdll not only render up my gold and all my estate, but even my person." " Then," said Cortez, " I will soon make him order you to give it and all that you have." Here a difficulty presented itself as to the route to be chosen thence to Mexico. The chiefs of Xocotla recom- mended that passing through Cholula, as being all the way through Mexican territory ; but their allies, the Totonacs, advised passing directly through Tlascala, because its people were enemies of the Mexicans and likely to welcome them in a friendly manner. 232 Mexico. TLASCALA AND THE TLASCALLANS. The republic of Tlascala, to which casual reference has already been made, lay nearly in the centre of Mexican territory, surrounded on all sides by hostile tribes. The capital city, Tlascala, was founded about a century previous to that of Mexico, and the inhabitants of this territory had maintained their independence from their first entrance into the Mexican valley, with the first tribes that settled about Lake Tezcoco, to the year of the Spanish invasion. War- like and courageous, they had resisted the encroachments of the Mexicans upon their territory, fighting so zealously in defence of their national honor that the Aztecs had never succeeded in subduing them. They were idolatrous, having essentially the same gods and religious system as the Mex- icans ; their arts were also the same, but their commerce restricted by their foes to corn and cochineal, two products of their country. From the abundance of corn on this elevated region amongst the mountains it has been called Tlascalafi^ or the place of bread. Ever fighting against the Mexicans, ever on the alert against surprise as they were, and successful in the defence of their homes, they had yet been unable to check Mexican progress, or to prevent themselves from being entirely surrounded and cut off from the sea. Hence, not strong enough to act more than on the defensive, they had been prohibited from trade with other nations, and had existed for many years without several articles that many people term the necessaries of life. It was in the time of King Axayacatl that the Tlas- calan commerce with the maritime provinces was finally prohibited, and from that time the inhabitants grew accus- tomed to eat their food without salt, though it is said that the nobles had secret means of obtaining a supply for themselves. The Republic of Tlascala. 233 The extent of the repubhc was about fifty miles by thirty ; the region in which it was situated was elevated and swept by cold winds, and the soil produced little else than maize and maguey. The Tlascallans were friendly to the Totonacs ; that is, they were not at war with them, and they probably sympa- thized with them as conquered subjects of Montezuma, though unable to aid them. Four of the Cempoallans were sent to the senate of Tlas- cala with a request that permission be granted the Spanish army to jDass through their territory. The embassadors were received very politely, and in due time addressed the senate as follows : " Most great and valiant chiefs, may the gods prosper you and grant you victory over your enemies. The lord of Cempoalla, and all the nation of Totonacs, desire to acquaint you that from the quarters of the East there are arrived in our country in large ships certain bold and adventurous heroes, by the assistance of whom we are now freed from the tyrannical dominion of the King of Mexico. They acknowledge themselves the subjects of a powerful monarch, in whose name they come to visit you, to communicate intelligence to you of a true God, and to assist you against your ancient and inveterate enemy. Our nation, following the dictates of that strict friendship which has always subsisted between it and this republic, counsels you to receive those strangers as friends, who, though few in number, are equal in worth to many." Tlascala was governed by four lords or chiefs, who com- posed the senate, and of these but one, Maxacatzin, seems to have been in favor of admitting the strangers. The others, led by the old chief, Xicotencatt, whose son was commander of the armies, counselled opposition to them from the very beginning. Maxacatzin had suggested that these were probably the messengers sent from the god of 234 Mexico. the air, but the wise and sagacious Xicotencatl repelled this insinuation with scorn. "Those men," he said, "who demand entrance into our city appear to be rather monsters cast up by the sea, because it could not endure them in its waters, than gods descended from heaven, as some have vainly imagined. Is it possible they can be gods, who so greedily covet gold and pleasures ? And what should we not dread from them in a country so poor as this, when we are even destitute of salt ? He wrongs the honor of the nation ^^,^\vfi\MVEvc^^^^u)& o;^ tiffin's ROUTE OF CORTEZ. who thinks it can be overcome by a handful of adventurers. If they are mortal^ the arms of the Tlascallans will tell it to all the regions roimd ; if they are immortal, there will always be time to appease their anger by homage, and to implore their mercy by repentance. Let their demand, therefore, be rejected; and if they dare enter by force, let our arms repel their temerity ! " After a long and stormy debate, it was decided finally to allow the strangers to enter, but at the same time to I Cortes Reaches the Table-land. 235 have a large army in waiting to oppose their progress and try their strength. This army was placed in charge of a son of the old chief, Xicotencatl, of the same name, one whose bravery was equal to his skill as a general, and both had been tested in many a fight. " If we remain victors," said one of the senators, "we will do our arms immortal honor ; if we are vanquished, we will accuse the Otomies — a nation on their borders — and charge them with having undertaken the war without our orders." After waiting impatiently several days Cortez (the embassadors not returning) decided to advance. They had marched but a few leagues when they came to a kind of fortification in the shape of a high wall of stone, which, it was said, had been built around their territory by the Tlascallans to defend them from the Mexicans. There was but one narrow passage through it, and this, though generally guarded by the Otomies, allies of the Tlascallans, was now — when most in need of defenders — wholly unprotected. After seriously regarding this menace in stone and mortar for a while, Cortez ordered his army on, knowing well that when that boundary should be passed he would be in the country of an enemy entitled to more respect than the weak troops of the coast. The Otomies, to whom had been entrusted the keeping of the pass, soon made their appearance in flying detachments, too late to prevent the entrance of the Spanish army, which they might have done at the wall, or have caused them fearful loss. Cortez ordered some of the cavalry to pursue and make them prisoners, when the reckless savages attacked them with such fury that their horses were severely wounded ; they could take no prisoners, and so they killed five. This was the first blood shed on Tlascallan territory by order of Cortez, and it was enough to account for the subsequent hostility of the 236 Mexico. Tlascallans themselves, without seeking for a cause in the decision of the senate. Three or four thousand Indians then set upon the cavalry, and were only driven off by the aid of the musketry and artillery, leaving fifty dead upon the ground. As evening drew nigh, the army found itself marching over a level plain lying between the hills, with farm-houses thickly set among fields of maize and maguey. They halted near a brook, and the soldiers dressed their wounds with the fat of dead Indians, and feasted heartily upon the dogs of the Indians, which were caught as they returned to the deserted houses of their masters at night. After this battle had come off, the embassadors arrived with some Tlascallans, who paid their compliments to Cortez in the name of the senate, who granted his request to enter their capital, and blamed the Otomies for the disagreeable reception he had encountered. Cortez was too well versed in intrigue himself not to understand the full meaning of this message, but he sent back a grateful reply, promising to avail himself of their offer and visit them in their own capital. The next morning, after taking every precaution against surprise, the army resumed its march. They had scarcely got into marching order when they were attacked by a Tlascallan squadron, with arrows, darts, and stones. Cortez, having first sent three prisoners to them with a message of peace, ordered a halt, but the enemy would not consider his overtures, and being much annoyed by their persistence, he finally gave the war-cry, " Santiago^ and at them ! " Great slaughter was committed amongst them by the musketry and artillery and the Tlascallans retreated to some broken ground, where Xicotencatl, the general-in-chief, was posted, with his army drawn up in good order. This army contained twenty or thirty thousand men, and fell upon the Spaniards so savagely that they would have The Ttascatlans Settle a Doubt. 237 all been destroyed but for their armor, their artillery and horses, and the exceeding great bravery with which they defended themselves. During this engagement the Tlas- callans settled a question that had long troubled them, and that was, whether the horses, those great creatures that aided the Spaniards in their battles, were mortal or immortal. They settled it in just such a way as those Indians of Hayti did, when they held the belief that the Spaniards themselves were children of the gods and could not be killed. The Haytians took a Spaniard and held his head under water till he ceased to breathe, thus proving conclusively that those monsters who were hurrying them to torment were mortals like themselves. The Tlascallans selected a single horseman in the thick of the fight, and while a number of them engaged him and struck him from his horse, another warrior, with a single blow from his great two-handed sword, killed the animal he rode. It must have been a tremendous blow this, with that wooden sword edged with flints ; but it did not cut off the horse's head, as some historians have averred, for that would have been impossible, with a weapon set only with sharp stones, and without a continuous edge ; but it killed the horse, and settled their doubts forever as to its immortality ! Then these brave Indians, while the fight was raging round them, and their companions were falling by scores, cut the animal in pieces and sent a portion to every district in Tlascala. It was a trophy worthy of preservation, to be kept by their children when they should have passed away ; for it was the first of those monsters slain by them, and its dismembered carcass showed these observant Indians that it was only a larger animal than any they had in Mexico, and could easily be killed. The Spaniards finally beat off the enemy, with a loss to 23 S Mexico. themselves of but one killed and fifteen wounded, and the next day they devoted to recruiting their strength and in making crossbows and arrows. By a raid upon a large village, Cortez secured many fowls and dogs for food, and made several prisoners. The latter he sent to Xicotencatl, expostulating with him for his madness in resisting his advance ; but the only reply of the fierce warrior was that the Spaniards should go to Tlascala only as prisoners, where their hearts and blood would be offered to the gods, and that the next morning Cortez should hear from him in person. A famous duel occurred that day between a Tlascallan and a Cempoallan noble, in sight of both armies ; both fought with great skill, but finally the Cempoallan cut his antagonist to the ground, and hacking off his head bore it to the Spanish camp in triumph. Such an incident must have reminded the Spaniards of the exploits of their fathers, in the time of famous Ferdinand and Isabella, when Moor and Christian met in mortal combat under the walls of Granada. The inflexible Xicotencatl was evidently deter- mined to attempt the utter destruction of the Spaniards on the following day, the battles heretofore having been merely skirmishes to feel the force and strength of his enemy. He was now without any doubts as to their being ordinary mortals like himself, for his warriors had killed, not only some of the men themselves, but their horses, those fierce animals that coursed so fleetly over the plain and trampled upon their stoutest fighting-men. He gathered his forces anew and prepared to renew the contest. Fifty thousand men were ranged under his banner. As the sun rose on that eventful morning it saw this large array cov- ering the plain in every direction. Ten squadrons, each of not less than five thousand men, each with its own particu- lar banner and commanded by its own cacique, with nodding The Terrible Battle. 239 plumes and golden ornaments, were gathered in front of the common standard of the republic : a golden eagle with expanded wings. To show them that he meant to conquer them fairly by force of arms, Prince Xicotencatl sent the Spaniards a present of three hundred turkeys and two hundred baskets of cakes. Soon after, two thousand of his men dashed so violently upon the Spanish lines that they broke through and* penetrated to the centre of the camp. The Spaniards were not blind to the danger they were to be in that day ; all the preceding night they had been con- fessing their sins to their reverend fathers and preparing for the worst. They found themselves attacked by an enemy of great energy and skill at arms, and armed with pikes, lances, swords, double and triple-pointed darts, as well as bows and arrows. Had it not been for discord among themselves they might that day have conquered, and their nation have been saved from everlasting disgrace. But two of the generals — unworthy to be named in the same breath with Xicotencatl — became offended at the com- mander-in-chief, and withdrew their forces, remaining idle spectators while their comrades engaged the Spaniards in deadly combat. For hours the battle raged, the brave Tlascallans filling up the terrible gaps made by the artillery in their ranks so quickly as to present a solid front to their foes throughout the fight, and carrying away their dead with such despatch that none remained on the ground to tell the tale of their losses. Fate was against the Tlascallans that day; their republic, like the kingdom of the Aztecs, was divided against itself ; the Spaniards conquered, not alone through their indomitable valor, but owing to disaffection in the Tlascallan ranks. Seventy Spaniards, and all the horses, were wounded, one man killed, and all so worn down with fatigue as to be unable to pursue the retiring 240 Mexico. foe. " How wretched and comfortless," wrote one of the" conquerors, "was our situation after our hardships and dangers ! We could not procure even oil and salt ; and the cutting winds of the snow-covered mountains made us shiver again." Cortez now renewed his offers of peace to the senate, and now they were half willing to listen to them. But the war chief, Xicotencatl, was unwilling yet to abandon the con- test ; he knew he could afford to lose a score of men for every one of the Spaniards, if he could but vanquish them in the end. He sent for their diviners and astrologers, who told him to prepare a night attack. " These strangers," said they, " being childreji of the stm, are invincible during the day ; but as soon as night arrives, by want of the genial heat of that luminary, they are deprived of strength to defend themselves." Accordingly the general marched upon the camp at night, with ten thousand chosen warriors ; but Cortez had had intimation of their coming and was ready for them, giving them such a reception that they did not venture to repeat a nocturnal attack. As it was moonlight, the cav- alry pursued them through the cornfields, inflicting great slaughter. Then Xicotencatl was almost in despair, for not only was he abandoned by half his forces with their respective generals, but the senate was resolved to make peace with the Spaniards. Sending him orders to desist from his attacks upon them, he refused to obey, and when they sent to depose him his warriors and captains resisted their authority. But for the craven spirit of these coun- selors, and the traitorous conduct of those generals who held aloof from the fight, Tlascala might have freed her- self from these creatures of prey, who later sapped her life-blood ; and Montezuma, seeiiig their noble deeds, TJie Valiant Xicotencatl. 241 would have been glad to conclude with them an honorable peace, for having freed his dominion from a foe so danger- ous to the safety of his empire. But here again stepped in inexorable fate, and decreed that the Spaniards should succeed, that the Indians should themselves forge the chains that their descendants were to wear for hundreds of years. At last, apparently yielding to the importunities of the senators — it is not the only example history offers us of disaster following close upon the meddling of sen- ators and congressmen with affairs of war — Xicotencatl sent an embassy of fifty persons to Cortez, carrying with them bread and fruit, four old women, some incense and parrots' feathers. " This present," said they, " our general sends you. If you are, as it is said, Teuks, and desire hu- man sacrifice, here are these four women ; take their hearts and blood for food ; if you are men, here are fowls, bread, and fruit; if you are benignant gods, we offer you this incense and these parrots' feathers." This was seemingly an honest message enough, but the Cempoallan allies told Cortez that these men were spies, and only making an inspection of the camp preparatory to another nocturnal attack by Xicotencatl. At their instiga- tion he arrested four of them, who confessed the object of their coming ; and at this he committed one of the most cruel deeds of those cruel times : He caused the hands of those fifty spies to lie cut ofi^, and then sent them back, mutilated and bleeding, to tell their general that, come when he would, by night or by day, he would find the Spaniards prepared for him, and should not fail to find out the metal they were made of. The news of the continued successes of the Spaniards being carried to Montezuma, he had summoned again a council of the kings, and requested their advice. The King of Tezcoco advised that the strangers should be 242 Mexico. courteously treated in every place through which they passed, as all embassadors from one sovereign to another were wont to be and entitled to according to their laws, the king still preserving his supreme authority, and exact- ing the respect due to the majesty of the throne. If they should seem to design anything against the state, or the person of the king, then force and severity should be em- ployed against them. Other advice was that which had proved so pernicious in the first dealings with them, name- ly, to send them a rich present and request them to depart from the country. Montezuma knew not what to do, for he foresaw that the dread arrivals would surely form an alliance with his deadly foes, the Tlascallans, unless they were destroyed by them — which did not seem probable ; and another cause for alarm was, the action of Ixtlilxo- chitl, the disaffected Tezcocan prince, who was then at the head of a formidable army at Otompan, and who medi- tated an alliance with the Spaniards as soon as they should emerge from Tlascallan territory. Unhappily for him, he sent fresh baits for the cupidity of the Spaniards in the shape of a thousand cotton garments, and a large quan- tity of gold and feathers. These were in charge of six embassadors, accompanied by a retinue of two hundred men, who were advised to congratulate the Spaniards on their victories, but at the same time to attempt to dissuade them from continuing farther towards his capital. It may be a matter of surprise that such a large embassy should be allowed by the Tlascallans to treat with a per- sonage in their country, but it was according to the law of nations, observed by them, that the persons of embassa- dors should always be sacred from harm. Cortez received this embassy, with its rich presents, with greater joy than he was willing the Tlascallans should perceive, for (as in the instance of the messengers of Montezuma treating A Treaty of Peace. 243 with him at Cempoalla), it gave him great importance in the eyes of those by whom he was surrounded, and who were jealously watching these pro- ceedings. He contrived to make the embassadors think him still friendly to Montezuma, and desirous of pun- ishing his mveterate ene- mies, the Tlascallans, and he begged them to remain with him till he should conclude arrangements with them to pass through their territory secretly desiring that they should witness upon what ad- vantageous terms he made peace with them. Fear that the Spaniards might make an alliance with the Mexicans, when they would then be able combined to sweep the Tlascallans from the face of the earth, caused Xicotencatl to yield to the wishes of the senators and treat VIEW IN TIERRA CALIENTE. 244 Mexico. for peace. Consequently, he soon presented himself at the camp of the Spaniards, with a noble retinue clad in garments of red and white, and, excusing himself for his hostilities on account of the belief that Cortez was a friend of Montezuma — having accepted so many valuable pres- ents from him, and being accompanied by Mexican troops — he now promised a firm peace and eternal alliance on the part of his people. Cortez assured him that he wanted nothing else, though the chief gave him but a small present of gold and cotton, — apologizing for its being so little on account of the poverty of his country, — and re- ceived him with many demonstrations of respect. After peace had been concluded Cortez ordered mass to be celebrated ; and it may well be imagined that the soldiers were ready to offer thanksgiving for the prospect of a season of rest. The Mexican embassadors, who had witnessed all this, now warned the Spaniards against Tlascallan perfidy, but Cortez declared he was not afraid of them, even in their capital, and invited the Mexicans along to see how he would treat with them, and how he would punish them if they should prove treacherous. Tlascala Submits to Spain. 245 CHAPTER XVII. TLASCALA, CHOLULA, AND MEXICO. The Tlascallans never broke faith with the Spaniards, not even when they had them in her power at their capital, nor when, crushed and bleeding, they returned to them from their disastrous defeat at Mexico. Once having made treaty with them, they gave over all thoughts of revenge ; the past was completely buried ; they received the conquerors into their homes, gave them their sisters and daughters for wives, and what gold the country afforded. This present was small, because, they explained, Montezuma absorbed it all as a condition by which he refrained from a war upon them of extermination. Another present, the second received in Tlascalla, now arrived from Montezuma, — jewels and gold, dresses of cotton and beautiful feathers. It is strange how blind that monarch was to the actual consequences of such an exhibition of his wealth ; while he thought to bribe the conquerors to retire, he was only offer- ing stronger inducements for them to advance. It was only the burning desire to witness for themselves the source of all this wonderful wealth that urged them on ; but for that, Cortez would long before have been left alone. The aged senators came out to meet him, in hammocks and litters, and ratified the aUiance ; they acknowledged themselves as vassals to the King of Spain ; a fact very gratifying to Cortez, and humiliating to them, as they had maintained their independence, as a people, from time immemorial. 246 Mexico. At the entrance to the city, which the soldiers said would compare favorably with Granada at the time of its capture from the Moors, they were received by a crowd of near one hundred thousand people. Arches of flowers were sprung across the streets by the inhabitants, who gave flowers to the soldiers and hung garlands upon the necks of the horses. [A. D. 1519.] This day of music and rejoicing was the twenty-third of September, a day celebrated even in modern times by the people of Tlascala. The officers and troops were assigned quarters, each man being given a bed of nequen, or aloe-fibre, to sleep on. Not yet fully satisfied as to the good faith of the Tlascallans, Cortez kept his men under arms, keeping watch at night, and sentinels at the doorways and on the parapets ; and when the senate complained of their lack of faith in their good intentions the general told them it was the custom of his country, and they were satisfied. Many of the cotton garments pre- sented by Montezuma were given by Cortez to the Tlas- callan chiefs, for, through poverty, they yet wore dresses of neqiieii, cotton being a coast product, and jDrohibited. With all his powers of persuasion, Cortez could not induce these people to turn from their idols, who, they said, gave them rain, and victories over their enemies. He showed them a "beauteous image of our Lady," but, though they promised to respect her, they could not be induced to abandon their other gods in her favor. THE HOLY CITY. The Tlascallans so far yielded to the advice of Cortez as to break the wooden cages in which they confined prisoners destined for sacrifice, to set these wretches free, and promise to desist from this horrid practice in the future. They strongly advised him not to advance any farther, but Departure from Tlascala. 247 to settle amongst them with his troops, and they gave him and his officers some of the noblest Indian women as wives, in order to strengthen the alliance between them. They cautioned him against the people of Cholula, their next neighbors, who had formerly been allies of theirs, but who, by a detestable act of treachery, had won their undying hate, and were now subjects, or allies, of Montezuma. There were two roads to the Mexican capital, the most direct was through the country of the Huexotzincos, who had already sent in their allegiance to the King of Spain ; the other through the district of Cholula, the residence of the priests of Quetzalcoatl. The embassadors of Monte- zuma advised them to go by the way of Cholula, because, though the route was longer, they could perform the journey with less discomfort. Cortez sent to ask the Cholulans why they had not offered their congratulations on his arrival, and they returned reply that they feared the Tlascallans, who were a base and treacherous peojple, but that they now acknowledged themselves vassals of his king, and hoped he would pay them a visit. Four of the principal nobility of the Mexican court now arrived, with more gold and more mantles, amounting to ten thousand crowns' value of the former, and ten bales of the latter. Montezuma had now changed his policy, probably seeing that the Spaniards were determined to ad- vance at all odds, and thinking perhaps that it would be better to receive them as friends than to allow them to league themselves with his enemies, the Tlascallans. He sent to them, saying that he " wondered at their staying amongst a people so poor and base as the Tlascallans, who were robbers, and unfit even for slaves," and then invited to his capital. When the Tlascallans saw that Cortez would go to Mex- ico, and through the district of Cholula, they raised an 248 Mexico. army of fifty thousand men, foreseeing, no doubt, an oppor- tunity for revenge upon the Chokilans for past offences. Cortez would accept of only six thousand, and even these, when he approached the city of Cholula, were obliged to encamp outside upon the plain. The holy city of the priests was eighteen miles distant from Tlascala, and about sixty from Mexico, situated (as now) in the centre of a beautiful and highly-cultivated plain. It was very populous, containing, according to Cortez himself, who described it in one of his letters, above forty CHOI.ULA. thousand houses. It was celebrated for its commerce and its manufactures of cotton and pottery. Famous above all, was it, as the site of the holy pyramid of Qiietzalcoatl, which towered above the plain and supported the sanctuary of that divinity, who (it will be seen, by referring to Chap. II.), dwelt here many years prior to his final departure from Anahuac. The city was full of temples and priests, and the latter came out to meet them, fumigated them with incense, and welcomed them to their houses, except their enemies, the Tlascallans, whom thev insisted should camp The Massacre at Cholula. 249 outside. Cortez could not object to this, and his alHes were hutted on the plain, while he and his soldiers were provided with lodgings in the city. These people gave in their allegiance to Cortez without hesitation, but refused to abandon their ancient religion, which was the oldest in the country — that of the Toltecs themselves — and had not the repulsive features of that of the Aztecs and Tlascallans. In fact, it was far superior to that of the Spaniards them- selves : it required milder sacrifices, and less bloody deeds were committed in its name. Now we come to chronicle a deed, the commjttal of which forever stamps this abandoned crew as the basest, most depraved body of adventurers that ever collected itself together for plunder and murder. Cortez had, or thought he had, just suspicions of treachery on the part of the Cholulans ; his allies charged them with it, asserting that Montezuma had secretly sent an army of twenty thousand men to Cholula, and that the people, at a favorable moment, were to rise and massacre every man of the Spanish army. The mistress of Cortez, the faithful Marina, whom he had obtained at Tabasco, pretended that one of the ladies of Cholula had confided to her this fact. The Cempoallan allies, who still continued with Cortez, said they had observed the Cholulans digging pits in the streets for the disabling of the horses, and some of the Tlascallans came in with the news that the women and children were fleeing to the mountains. The provisions failed about this time, and only wood and water were furnished by the authorities. Calling a consul- tation of his officers, Cortez asked their opinion, but still held to his own, which agreed with his inclination : to put every man in the city to the sword. He gave out that he would depart on the following day, and secretly sent word to the Tlascallans t-o storm the city at sunrise and to kill every 250. Mexico. man they met. Two of the priests were said to have con- fessed that Montezuma had notice from his gods that the Spaniards were to be dehvered into tlieir power at Cholula to be sacrificed, and an old woman had confessed to Marina that her husband, who was a chief, had received from Mexico a present of a golden drum, and that many other presents had been distributed among the chiefs and gen- erals. Next morning, as the nobles assembled to super- intend the removal of the baggage of the Spanish army, and the men of burden were preparing to take up their loads, Cortez ordered the great gates of the court to be closed. There were already assembled in the courts of the immense building in which the Spaniards were lodged, a multitude of people, comprising the flower of Cholulan nobility. After addressing these people, informing them that he knew they were preparing to sacrifice his soldiers, that he knew they had pots already boiling, and seasoning of salt and tomatoes ready for the preparation of their flesh, he ordered his soldiers to fall upon the defenceless crowd. The signal was given by the discharge of a musket ; then all those ferocious villains fell upon the Cholulans and slaughtered them without mercy. Not one was left alive ; blood flowed in streams, and the groans and cries of the dying rent the air. When all these hundreds had been put to death, the savage Spaniards sallied into the streets, and, together with the fierce Tlascallans, rushed like famished tigers upon the Cholulans. Fire added to the sword in sweeping the city clear of people, and in a short time over six thousand inhabitants had died most miserable deaths. And all this had been done in revenge for a fancied slight ! There was no necessity for the passing of the Spanish army this way ; in fact, the other was the shorter road. There was no demand for such a wholesale mas- The Spaniards leave. Chohila. 251 sacre ; there was no certain proof that such was intended against the Spaniards. Even had the Cholulans neglected to supply the army with provisions, they were certainly en-- titled to excuse on the ground that Cortez had forced him- self upon them, and had marched to their city with their deadliest enemies, whom they had every reason to hate. Viewed from any standpoint, this massacre was unjustifi- able ; yet when the wretched inhabitants — such as had been saved from the fury of the Tlascallans, and the equally savage Spaniards — came creeping back to the smoldering ruins of their homes, Cortez made as though he were the aggrieved one and these miserable women and children the real offenders ! Some of the nobles had been spared, and these begged of him to allow the women and children to return to the city after the massacre was over, for they were wandering in terror and dismay in the mountains. What heart- rending scenes might then have been witnessed, as these helpless innocents groped through the ruins of their once beautiful city in search of fathers, sons, and brothers, greeted by the groans of the dying and the insulting taunts of the victors ! The soldiers took a great quantity of booty, gems, gold and silver, while the Tlascallans seized the cotton, feathers, and salt ; they also made many slaves. Nothing more is heard of the army of twenty thousand men that was said to have been sent by Montezuma, and it is thought by many to have existed solely in the imagina- tion of the Spaniards. After passing fourteen days in and about Cholula, Cortez prepared to continue his march to Mexico. He had sent a full account of proceedings to Montezuma, giving his own story, but affecting to believe that the Mexican monarch had nothing to do with it, and the king had sent him another large present, congratulating him on his victory. Whether there was treachery on the 252 Mexico. part of Montezuma, at whose instigation the Cholulans were to rise upon and sacrifice the Spaniards, or not, seems never to have been fully proven. It seems more in ac- cordance with what we know of Cortez and his band to believe that there was no treachery intended, except by the Spaniards themselves, and the massacre was committed in order to strike terror into the hearts of all the inhabitants of the Mexican valle}^, and to secure the rich booty that would fall to the share of the victors. The Spanish army at last moved out of Cholula, leaving behind them woe and ruin, tears, wounds, death, and lam- entation, as they did at Tabasco, and, turning their backs upon the fertile plains, commenced to climb the moun- tains. Between them and the central valley of Mexico lay only a ridge of mountains, but a ridge containing two of the highest peaks in North America, which rose directly before them. Popocatapetl was the name of the highest peak, which, rising to a height of nearly 18,000 feet, had its sum- mit always covered with snow. Popocatapetl is an Indian name, and signifies the " hill that smokes," because it is a volcano, and within the memory of the Indians had belched out smoke and even ashes. A few miles away from this volcano rose another, a long, broken ridge covered with snow, and called Iztaccihuatl — or " the woman in white ; " named by the Spaniards, La Miijer Blanca — which signi- fies the same thing. This name had been given to it on account of its shape, which has a fancied resemblance to a great, dead giantess, robed in snowy white. Between these giant mountains ran the trail to Mexico, and from their western slopes the Spaniards first caught sight of the Aztec city, which, though near sixty miles away, could be seen glimmering in the sunlight like a fairy creation of pyra- mids and palaces. VOLCANOES AS SEEN FROM MEXICO. The Valley of Mexico, 255 If Montezuma had really intended harm to the Spanish army this would have been the place, in this gap, where he would, beyond all doubt, have attacked them. For the trail ascends to a height of nearly 14,000 feet, where the winds are of chilling temperature, and the roads wind through great black forests of pine and hemlock, where an Aztec army would have every advantage for an ambus- cade. They found nothing to prevent their ascent and descent, except trees felled to obstruct their passage, and another day found them within the limits of the valley of Anahuac, with their goal in sight, at intervals, from the higher hills. At Cholula, previous to leaving it behind him, Cortez had dismissed the Cempoallans and had accepted from the Tlascallans a thousand men to carry his baggage and draw the artillery. He might have had ten thousand had he so chosen, but that great number it would not have been policy to carry into Montezuma's kingdom on an errand of peace. The Cempoallans returned to their homes ; and we do not know that they ever received a reward for their inestimable services ; they fell, with the rest of the Indian nations, under Spanish dominion, and to-day you cannot find their city, save perhaps a stone or two of its ruins. Many of them, and likewise all the Indians brought from Cuba, perished of cold and privation when they reached the cold altitudes of the table-lands. The feelings of the conquerors, as they caught sight of the royal city, situated in the centre of that vast valley^ the hills, plains, mountains, even the lakes, dotted with cities and villages, all exhibiting tokens of wealth and power, must have been indescribable. To the first feeling of exhilaration, consequent upon gazing upon such a glorious scene, must have succeeded gloomy reflections upon their own position in this powerful kingdom, sur- 256 Mexico. rounded on every side by enemies. Had not their bravery been equal to their depravity, they would have turned about for Vera Cruz then and there. But some undefined impulse urged them on ; the magneit that drew them was perhaps the gold of Montezuma, for which they were ready to sell their souls. On the western slope of the mountains, more embassadors met Cortez with another present from Montezuma, and with earnest entreaties that he would reconsider his deter- mination and desist from marching upon Mexico. He promised, if they would return, to send a great treasure of gold and jewels for the King of Spain, four loads of gold for Cortez himself, and a load for each of the soldiers. This would have amounted to millions of dollars, for a load was ^