DS 916 
 .K6 
 1919 
 Copy 2 
 
 First Korean Congress 
 
 Held in 
 
 The Little Theatre 
 
 17th and Delancey Streets 
 April 14, 15, 16 
 
 Philadelphia 
 1919 
 
First Korean Congress 
 
 Held in 
 
 The Little Theatre 
 
 17th and Delancey Streets 
 April 14, 15, 16 
 
 Philadelphia 
 1919 
 
^ 
 
 
 YvNo. 
 
First Korean Congress 
 
 Philadelphia, 1919 
 
 FIRST DAY—MORNING SESSION 
 
 Dr. Philip Jaisohn, as temporary chairman, called 
 the Congress to order at 9.30 o'clock A. M. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY ADDRESS 
 
 By Dr. Philip Jaisohn : Ladies and gentlemen, you 
 are here on a very solemn and momentous mission. You 
 are here to deal with questions and problems that will 
 have a very far-reaching effect not only upon 20,000,000 
 of Koreans, but it will have an indirect influence upon 
 the peoples of China, Japan and Eastern Russia. Their 
 combined population is approximately 600,000,000 souls, 
 or nearly one-third of the total population of the world. 
 Korea is small in area, but owing to her geographical 
 situation she plays a very important part in that part 
 of Asia. So it is evident that you will have to do some 
 very clear thinking and that you will have to take some 
 firm and decisive steps tending to bring about perma- 
 nent peace in the Orient, that democracy and Chris- 
 tianity may be firmly established in the continent of 
 Asia. 
 
 Whenever we assemble on a great mission of this 
 kind it is proper and it is our duty to ask the guidance, 
 help and protection of God, who rules the whole world, 
 and from Whom only we can receive perfect wisdom, 
 strength and courage. Therefore I will ask Rev. Dr. 
 Floyd W. Tomkins, rector of Holy Trinity Church, Phila- 
 delphia, to offer a prayer. 
 
 PRAYER BY REV. FLOYD W. TOMKINS 
 3 
 
Dr. Jaisohn : There is no nation in the world whom 
 the Koreans love more than the United States of Amer- 
 ica, excepting only their own country. There is a good rea- 
 son for this : Ever since Korea was opened to foreign in- 
 tercourse, while the Koreans have found that most of the 
 foreiign nations were there for the purpose of self- 
 exploitation or political aggrandizement, with America 
 it has not been so. On the contrary, America sent mis- 
 sionaries by hundreds ; they brought the Bible, with which 
 they gave this oppressed and unfortunate people a new 
 hope and a new courage in this life. The Evangelical 
 efforts of these missionaries were followed by hospitals, 
 schools, science, arts, music and the spirit of independence 
 and democracy. Thus came those American pioneers 
 and missionaries. Is it any wonder then that the Koreans 
 love America? We will therefore with the opening of 
 this Congress sing the national hymn of the country 
 which they love, next to Korea. I will therefore ask all 
 to rise and sing "America'* with that true spirit of love 
 and veneration. 
 
 Led by the orchestra, the Congress rose and sang 
 '^America." 
 
 Dr. Jaisohn; We are honored this morning by the 
 presence of a gentleman who is one of the most eminent 
 divines of this community. He is not only eminent in 
 our religious circles, but he stands high in this com- 
 munity, the state and the country as a champion of 
 civic righteousness. He stands for justice, whether in 
 our community, our commonwealth or in the nation, 
 and his sympathy is international. With his great big 
 Christian heart, softened after hearing the tale of the 
 Koreans, he came to us with that thorough Christian 
 sympathy and fellowship, and he is going to address you 
 this morning on subjects which I am sure will be of 
 great interest and very instructive to you. We have 
 many friends in America, and I take great pleasure in 
 presenting to you one of them, Dr. Floyd W. Tomkins. 
 
 4 
 
ADDRESS 
 
 By Rev. Dr. Floyd Tomkins: My dear friends, 
 I take it as a great honor to be permitted to be here at 
 the opening of your Congress and to wish you in the 
 name of Philadelphia a hearty \yelcome. I am sure that 
 I can say that for the whole city, because it was here 
 that American independence was born; here it was that 
 the Constitution of our country was framed, and there 
 has always gone out from Philadelphia that deep interest 
 in those who seek, as we sought long ago, to secure 
 national independence. 
 
 I am perfectly sure that you have the sympathy 
 and the love of all the churches of Philadelphia. I can 
 assure you that the ministers of the Christian church 
 and the Christian people are not only full of sympathy, 
 but hope for Korea and their Republic, for whatever 
 they may be able to do to forward her independence. 
 Korea, let me say, is the pride of these later missionary 
 days. There has been no country that has responded so 
 quickly and so strongly to the appeal of missionaries as 
 your country — not large, but great. It is one of the 
 joys whenever we, as Christian people, meet together 
 to talk about the missionary work which has been carried 
 on there as a mark of wonderful success and victory in 
 missionary effort and the devotion of the Koreans to 
 Christ; the faithfulness of your people in holding to the 
 reading of the Bible ; their loyalty to all the principles 
 advocated by the Great Master of Christianity and their 
 spiritual life — all this appeals to every one who knows 
 anything about the missionary work in Korea and in 
 that it is the nation which stands the highest, so far 
 as numbers are concerned, in proportion, the highest 
 in Christianity perhaps on the face of the earth. Why, 
 my friends, Korea is today not far from being 100 per 
 cent a Christian land. You now face that which has 
 been faced many times before in the history of humanity. 
 You face discouragement and difficulty; yes, more than 
 one obstacle and one difficulty in working out your own 
 salvation. I want to say to you, my dear brothers, first 
 of all, do not be discouraged. The result may not come 
 immediately, but it must come sooner or later. 
 
 I think you all recognize, as certainly I do, the 
 delicacy of the present situation, with the Peace Confer- 
 ence sitting in Paris and with Japan a member of that 
 Conference, it is a very difficult matter to take any posi- 
 
tive action regarding the independence of Korea. Yet, 
 delicate thought it is, I can see no reason why Korea 
 should not be free, as Korea has already made her declara- 
 tion of independence, and I can not see, readily, why there 
 should not be recognition of such declaration on the part 
 of the United States. I can not, indeed, see why, regard- 
 less of whatever may be going on in Paris, although we 
 know very little of what is going on there, why America 
 should not, in Congress perhaps, when Congress meets 
 in the next session, declare her sympathy and her love 
 and her blessing and her godspeed for Korea in seeking 
 her independence. We can not very well, and I doubt 
 very much, if you will permit me to say so frankly, 
 whether it would be wise for you yourselves to attack 
 Japan. It would not be well to do so. You can not very 
 well, wisely, attack Japan. Not but what there are a 
 great many grounds upon which you have a basis for 
 attack, but in order to hold fast to those things on which 
 you claim independence ; hold fast to the great principles 
 which are supposed to be governing the Conference in 
 Paris ; and whether or not you will gain most by pressing 
 those principles with all your might and urging them 
 upon the sympathy of the United States, claiming that 
 which you have a perfect right to claim — freedom. Then 
 planning what can be done to forward the work over 
 there as well as over here. Do not let us spoil our 
 work, perhaps, by getting into the bitterness of contro- 
 versy, which, although, may be perfectly righteous and 
 true, nevertheless may defeat our purposes. I believe 
 in what you want to do and I am glad to do whatever I 
 can to help you. What you want to do is to hold on to the 
 great principles of right regarding the nation and why 
 Korea has the full right and reason to claim that right. 
 That is why you men of Korea living here in the United 
 States feel that it is not only your duty, but your privi- 
 lege to leave your native land, as you do, to press forward 
 these rights. I believe that you will have the sympathy 
 of the United States and that we shall be able to have, 
 through Congress, some public declaration in favor of 
 your cause, and you may be perfectly sure that the great 
 heart of America will throb with sympathy and honest 
 interest and that the prayers of God's people will rise 
 that Korea may have that independence which she seeks. 
 I will say just one word more. Liberty and inde- 
 pendence, under the happiest auspices, are not born in 
 a day. Victory comes only after many hardships are 
 
endured. There has to be a kind of growth. There has 
 to be, also, a hearty and earnest faith, both in God and 
 man. We must not depend any more than the United 
 States did in 1776 on immediate victory, which came 
 only after many hardships. Keep your face to the light ; 
 let your heart beat with a splendid cheer; keep up your 
 struggles; hold the vision before you and never despair. 
 (Dr. Tomkins here related a story concerning a boy who 
 thought the Lord had ruined him because he gave him an 
 ungainly face.) Sometimes it does look as if God had 
 almost forgotten us ; sometimes it does look as though it 
 was of very little use, but oftentimes the spirit of man 
 is tested just like that and he will see whether or not 
 seeking what is right and true results in what is sought, 
 but you may know that sooner or later it will be right, 
 and he should keep up his faith and his spirit of hopeful- 
 ness and cheer. I say to you, good brother Christians, 
 keep up your spirit of hopefulness and do not give way 
 to adversity and as far as possible try to avoid discour- 
 agement, but bear up and hold up before yourselves and 
 before the world that cheerful blessed Christian spirit 
 which has marked Korea among the Christian nations of 
 the earth. May God help you and bless you in your 
 deliberations. 
 
 Dr. Jaisohn: Dr. Tomkins represents one of the 
 largest churches in the city of Philadelphia. His stand- 
 ing in the community is of the highest, and he has come 
 to us with these encouraging words and with this whole- 
 some advice. I am sure you will appreciate what he 
 has said to you and you will remember what he has told 
 us so long as you live. 
 
 The first business in order now is the organization of 
 this Congress for the transaction of the necessary busi- 
 ness. I accepted the temporary chairmanship of the Com- 
 mittee on Arrangements for this Congress and have con- 
 cluded my duties in that capacity. It is now time for 
 you to elect a permanent presiding officer, a president 
 for this Congress. Nominations are in order. 
 
 NOMINATION FOR PRESIDENT 
 
 Mr. Henry Chung: Ladies and gentlemen, I have 
 the honor to nominate as the presiding officer of this 
 Congress Dr. Philip Jaisohn, of Philadelphia. 
 
 7 
 
The nomination was seconded by Dr. Syngman Rhee. 
 
 Mr. Chung moved that Dr. Philip Jaisohn be elected 
 president of the Congress. 
 
 The motion was seconded and unanimously carried. 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 By President-elect Dr. Philip Jaisohn : Ladies 
 and gentlemen of the first Korean Congress, I thank you 
 for your confidence. You have honored me in electing 
 me the presiding officer for the rest of the sessions. I 
 want to say one word, as there is one thing certain: I 
 would rather prefer some other gentleman in my posi- 
 tion occupying this chair for this reason : You all know 
 that I am a naturalized citizen of this country. While 
 my heart and my soul is with you, and while I will do 
 everything and anything within my capacity to help you 
 and to counsel with you, there is one point where I have 
 to stop. Having taken the oath of allegiance to the Con- 
 stitution of the United States, if there should be any 
 occasion during the sessions of this Congress in words 
 or acts, either intentional or unintentional, which in the 
 slightest degree would be in conflict with the interests 
 of the United States or the laws of the United States I 
 will step out. With that understanding, if you will keep 
 me here as your presiding officer I will discharge the 
 duties to the best of my ability. 
 
 Dr. Rhee: That is understood. In fact, we don't 
 want any man to preside over this Congress unless he 
 is, above all, 100 per cent loyal American. It is Indeed 
 of peculiar interest that the aims and aspirations of 
 the Korean people are identical with those of the Presi- 
 dent of the United States in seeking to form with our 
 allies a League of Nations. Therefore, Mr. President, 
 on behalf of all the delegates assembled here I assure 
 you that we understand the situation clearly and have 
 elected you as our presiding officer to discharge the duties 
 of your high position with the understanding that you 
 are, first of all, an American citizen and that you will 
 help us to espouse our cause. 
 
NOMINATION AND ELECTION OF SECRETARIES 
 
 Dr. Rhee: Mr. President, I take pleasure in 
 nominating the following delegates to the Congress to act 
 as secretaries : 
 
 Mr. B. C. Lyhm. 
 Mr. Henry Kim 
 Mr. Kiyhan Chang 
 Who, on motion, duly seconded, were elected. 
 
 President Jaisohn : It seems to me that the first 
 duty of this Congress today is to send a message to 
 those who are struggling and fighting for our cause in 
 Korea, Manchuria and other places adjacent to Korea. 
 They are fighting your battles, and the least you can 
 do at this time is to send them a message of sympathy, 
 assuring them of your absolute devotion to the cause. At 
 the proper time the chair will entertain a motion to 
 appoint a committee to draft a message to the provisional 
 government of the Korean Republic. Following that, 
 the next business in order which I have in mind and 
 upon which I hope you will agree with me is this : The 
 American people by nature and by education love justice. 
 They stand up for fair play and a term that is used here, 
 "a square deal." You have a great moral force behind 
 you in the American people. You have some hundred 
 and ten millions of friends behind you if you only will 
 let them know your cause. Korea has been silent for 
 centuries. She never said a word to anybody about her- 
 self, her joys, her advantages, her grievances ; as a matter 
 of fact, she was well named "The Hermit Nation.'' Nobody 
 knew anything about her. This movement for inde- 
 pendence and Christian democracy is all a revelation to 
 the Americans. You go along the streets of Philadelphia 
 or in any other city in the nation and tell them you are 
 a Korean and a good many of the people whom you 
 meet will ask you, "Where is Korea?" I had a hard time 
 recently in convincing a man that Korea was not a part 
 of Canada. There is an advantage in being unknown, 
 for then when it is known it will raise the interest so 
 
much more. You have a cause that deserves their favor- 
 able consideration, and when they know all the facts 
 of the case they will strengthen you and get behind you 
 and support you. Therefore, you want to let them know 
 what you are and what your cause is. It takes a long 
 time to accomplish the desired result, but you have to 
 begin. Now you have begun, and I want you to keep 
 it up until Americans understand Korea. For that reason 
 I thought that a committee should be appointed by this 
 Congress to draw up an appeal to the American public 
 laying before them briefly, concisely and truthfully all 
 the facts regarding your cause and letting them know 
 something about the struggle you are having and the 
 cause thereof. Later in the session I will be glad to 
 entertain a motion to appoint such a committee. 
 
 Another committee ought to be appointed to draft 
 a resolution to be brought before this Congress. As I 
 have intimated before, Americans do not know who you 
 are or what you are struggling for. Now, I know that the 
 general public know very little about your aims or your 
 aspirations, and it is best for you to lay these before the 
 public and let them know the cause for which you are 
 fighting. In case you should be granted self-determina- 
 tion so you can have your own government, it should be 
 made known what you are going to do with your country 
 and your government. Some such object should be defi- 
 nitely stated or passed by this Congress. 
 
 Another resolution should be properly drafted and 
 passed by this Congress : The Japanese have been using 
 underhand methods in foreign diplomacy, and they have 
 adopted the policy of the old German diplomacy. Her 
 whole policy, every institution from the government down 
 to every-day life, was copied after that of Prussia. Their 
 government policy is identical with that of Prussia, or 
 as it was in Prussia until recently. Their object is to 
 gain their point by fair means or foul. You Koreans 
 have a different sentiment. You believe in a square 
 deal. When you fight an enemy you want to fight openly 
 and frankly, and not with underhand methods. You do 
 
 10 
 
not get behind a man and assassinate his character or 
 smirch the honor of a woman or murder children as the 
 Japanese do because they want to create terror among 
 the Korean population identical to the methods used by 
 the Germans in Belgium. They may have success for 
 a time, but they never will succeed in the end. If any 
 one doubts the accuracy of this statement just recall the 
 history of the world war for the last four years, when 
 the mighty German troops swept over the Belgian border, 
 filling the minds of the people with horror. They thought 
 with these methods they would terrorize the world. But 
 there were a few other nations who were not terrorized. 
 On the contrary, these atrocities aroused them to the 
 rescue. Take the United States, for instance, if the Ger- 
 mans had acted decently and had conducted their war 
 humanely I doubt if the United States would have gone 
 into that war. But from the very fact that their bar- 
 barity, their inhuman treatment of women and children, 
 aroused the feelings of the people in this country long 
 before the Government declared war, I dare say ninety 
 per cent of the American people were anxious to declare 
 war on Germany. The same thing will happen in the 
 Orient. Japan is a small model of Prussia in Asia. Now, 
 if Japan keeps up the oppression and these methods in 
 that part of the world, some country — I do not know 
 whether it will be America or some other nation that 
 has red blood and who loves justice and who loves a 
 square deal — will step in and support your cause. Before 
 we do anything I think it will be gracious. Christian- 
 like and manly for this Congress to send a message to 
 the Japanese people, telling them what wrongs their 
 government have committed against Korea; what out- 
 rages they have practiced upon your people, and if they 
 keep up that policy in Korea that Japan herself will 
 meet the same fate that Germany has met. It is Chris- 
 tianlike for you to give them at least that much warning, 
 and while that may not do any good, it is manly of 
 you at least to tell them that this struggle will continue 
 until the last Korean loses his life. 
 
 1! 
 
Dr. Rhee moved that the chairman appoint a committee of 
 three delegates of this Congress to draw up an appeal in accord- 
 ance with the suggestion made by President Jaisohn. 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried. 
 The President appointed on the committee "on appeal 
 to the American people by the people of Korea*' : 
 Dr. Syngman Rhee, 
 Rev. Charles L. Lee, 
 Mr. Y. N. Park. 
 President Jaisohn: The chair will now entertain 
 a motion to appoint a committee to prepare "A Message 
 to the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea." 
 
 Dr. C. H. Min moved that a committee of three delegates of 
 this Congress be appointed to draft "a message to be sent to the 
 Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea." 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried. 
 The President appointed on the committee : 
 Dr. C. H. Min, 
 Mr. Henry Chung, 
 Mr. S. H. Chunn. 
 President Jaisohn: The chair will entertain a 
 motion to appoint a committee to offer a resolution stat- 
 ing the Aims and Aspirations of the Korean people. 
 
 Mr. Ilhan New moved that the chair appoint a committee of 
 three to draw up "a resolution stating the aims and aspirations 
 of the Korean people." 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried. 
 The President appointed on the committee: 
 Mr. Ilhan New, 
 Mr. Henry Kim, 
 Miss Joan Woo. 
 President Jaisohn: The chair will entertain a 
 motion to appoint a committee to draw up "a resolution 
 to be presented to the Japanese people." 
 
 Dr. Syngman Rhee moved that the chair appoint a commit- 
 tee of three "to draw up a message to be sent to the Japanese 
 people." 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried. 
 
 12 
 
The President appointed on the committee : 
 Mr. p. K. Yoon, 
 Mr. Cho Lim. 
 Miss Nodie Dora Kim, 
 President Jaisohn: At this time 1 wish to read 
 a telegram from Mr. Kiusik Kim, Korean delegate to the 
 Peace Conference of Paris : 
 
 TELEGRAM 
 
 Paris Peace Conference, April 11, 1919. 
 
 Have filed petition with the Conference. Meeting with sympa- 
 thetic treatment. My earnest prayer for success to your Congress. 
 Sacrifices alone can bring success. Keep up the fight until last 
 Korean is extinct. With this determination I believe we will win. 
 
 President Jaisohn: I have other news of impor- 
 tance: On the 28th of March the Korean people had 
 a great demonstration in Korea without being disorderly, 
 simply talking in an orderly meeting. The Japanese 
 soldiers charged them with bayonets, killing over 1,200 
 men and women. These Japanese gendarmes went 
 around and tore down eight Christian churches through- 
 out the city; they burned the houses of the native Chris- 
 tian pastors of those churches; they took the women 
 folk of those Christians, divested them of their clothing 
 and paraded them naked through the streets before those 
 crowds as a warning that if anybody joined this demon- 
 station his family would meet with the same fate. Those 
 who were wounded were taken to the hospital, but the 
 Japanese authorities told the doctors not to treat them 
 or to care for them, for the reason that they were 
 criminals and that they were better dead than alive in 
 order to secure peace for Japan. They wanted to know 
 whether there is any possibility for America or any 
 other nation who has Red Cross service to send them 
 some aid with medical supplies to take care of these 
 wounded Koreans. It seems to me that if these facts are 
 known, in fact, I am sure that the American Red Cross 
 will render assistance. It is not a question of a partisan 
 issue; it is not a question of politics; it is a question of 
 humanity. It seems to me that if we here assembled in 
 
 13 
 
this Congress will draw up a telegram and send it to 
 the Red Cross Headquarters in Washington and lay the 
 facts before them and ask them whether they can do 
 anything for those wounded men that they will do so. 
 If they do not do anything for good reasons you cannot 
 compel them, but it at least is worth while making an 
 appeal. If such a procedure is agreeable to you I will 
 entertain the motion to appoint a committee to draw up 
 a telegram to be sent to the headquarters of the Red 
 Cross at Washington. 
 
 Dr. Syngman Rhee moved that the chair appoint a commit- 
 tee of three to draw up an appeal to the Red Cross Society at 
 Washington. 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried. 
 The President appointed on that committee : 
 
 Dr. Syngman Rhee, 
 
 Dr. Charles L. Lee, 
 
 Mr. Henry Chung, 
 
 Dr. Philip Jaisohn, Ex Officio. 
 
 President Jaisohn : At this time I want to give 
 some data as to what manner of a man a Korean is. If 
 I tell you "the Koreans are a great people" that does 
 not mean anything. But I am going to tell you what 
 Koreans have done. The best way you can tell any- 
 thing about a man, as to what kind of a man he is, is 
 to learn something about what he has done. If the 
 Koreans are given independence, are they by education 
 or knowledge of the world fit or able to carry on self- 
 government? That question will arise in the minds of 
 a good many American people. There are demonstra- 
 tions going on all around. Russia has about twenty 
 different governments today, and it is in chaos from 
 top to bottom. China became a republic, and they have 
 had civil strife ever since. The government is not stable. 
 There is a constant strife between factions, and there 
 is no appreciable improvement made in any line. Now 
 the question arises in the minds of Americans, "Are 
 the Koreans any better than they?'' I won't answer that 
 
 14 
 
question now, but I will simply tell you what Koreans 
 have done right under your own eyes. On the islands of 
 Hawaii there are over 5000 Koreans living under the 
 jurisdiction of the United States. They came there 
 about ten years ago, principally for the purpose of work- 
 ing on the sugar plantations. They came not from the 
 elite class of Koreans, but from the humble walks of 
 life in the interior towns and from the farms of Korea, 
 without any appreciable education. Among these 5000 
 people there were about 3000 wage earners, and the bal- 
 ance of this number consisted of the wives and children. 
 There were about 600 children among them. For these 
 children they built twenty-eight schools. They spend 
 annually $12,000 for these schools — $750 for each school, 
 or $20 per head for each child. They have sixteen 
 churches, largely supported by the American home mis- 
 sions, but the Koreans pay the pastors* salaries. They 
 spent for religious purposes a little over $5,000 last year. 
 They maintain benevolent and charitable institutions for 
 social welfare, helping out unfortunate fellow country- 
 men who have become sick and not able to earn a 
 living. They spent over $25,000 last year for these 
 charitable and benevolent purposes. These figures may 
 sound small, but then it must be remembered that the 
 earning capacity of these 3,000 men does not amount to 
 more than $500 a year per person. Notwithstanding the 
 small wages they earn, these people own school buildings 
 and lands valued at $45,000. Last year the Koreans in 
 Hawaii contributed over $3,000 to the American Red 
 Cross. They bought in two years Liberty Bonds amount- 
 ing to $80,000. If we figure up these sums and compare 
 them with what they earned, we find they have spent only 
 70 per cent for their actual living expenses and 30 per 
 cent of their total earnings for religious, educational, 
 charitable and patriotic causes. This is a fair example 
 of what Koreans have done for their communities in 
 these islands. 
 
 Thirty thousand Koreans were armed and equipped 
 by the Russian government, and they fought on the 
 
 15 
 
eastern front under General Lin, and when the Russian 
 government was demoralized they came back to Siberia 
 in conjunction with Czecho-Slovak prisoners, fighting all 
 the way the German prisoners and the Bolshevik follow- 
 ers. You heard of the other people as prisoners, but 
 you never heard of the Koreans; but it is a fact just 
 the same that the Koreans fought and lost their lives 
 in just as large a proportion as the Czecho-Slovaks or 
 any other nationality among the eastern armies. In 
 Hawaii and America there are about 1500 men of the 
 Korean race who were liable to military duties, from 
 which 210 volunteered their services to the United States 
 army and navy. Of this number, as far as we know, 
 four of them have lost their lives in France either through 
 wounds, disease or killed on the battlefield; three were 
 wounded, which is a fairly good percentage of their con- 
 tribution to the cause considering their number. The 
 fact is this, that these people were not asked to serve, 
 but they went voluntarily. I have another concrete 
 example to show you besides that, and that is the simple 
 and small Korean village in the Hawaiian Islands. They 
 are thoroughly democratic, religious and sincere in their 
 mode of life and strictly obedient to the laws of the land. 
 These Korean communities are very well thought of by 
 the Americans in Hawaii. You have heard objections 
 to Japanese and Chinese immigration, but you have never 
 heard objections to Korean immigration. The Japanese 
 build their hideous temples everywhere in Hawaii. They 
 carry Japan into Hawaii and into America. They want 
 to establish a little Japan wherever they settle. You 
 Americans do not want that class. If a man comes into 
 this country to make his living, he intends to live here, 
 and if he does not become a part and parcel or an 
 integral part of that community you do not want him. 
 You will never make a Japanese anything else but a Japa- 
 nese. I know that, because I have studied them. I have 
 met them and lived among them. Possibly I know them 
 better than most of you do. 
 
 The world is certainly progressing. We have with 
 16 
 
us several ladies from Korea. You know formerly women 
 did not have very many opportunities in Korea. Men 
 don't have either, for that matter ; but it has been worse 
 for the women. The spirit of the age is progressiveness ; 
 the force of the onward march of civilization has reached 
 into Korea to its womanhood. We have with us today a 
 young Korean lady who will some day become a cham- 
 pion of her sex in her own country. I refer to Miss Nodie 
 Dora Kim, who is attending one of the colleges in Ohio, 
 and I would like her to tell us what Korean women think 
 of the present situation. 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 By Miss Nodie Dora Kim : Mr. President and dele- 
 gates to the Congress, I want to let you know how the 
 women of Korea are taking part in this great cause for 
 liberty, for the service of humanity and for 20,000,000 
 who live in my country; what the Korean women have 
 done ; what position they are in ; what has been the past, 
 what is the present and what will be the future. Before 
 my grandmother's days women of Korea had very little 
 to do along political lines or in social work. They were 
 looked upon as a sort of inferior creature by the Korean 
 men, but of late years the Korean man has realized that 
 the women of the civilized nations are on the same equal- 
 ity of freedom as the men. They see France depends 
 upon her women. They know how a peasant girl led an 
 army to victory and saved the life of France. They see 
 America, the great leading nation of the world, giving 
 equality to the women. So you see when the boys went to 
 France the women did the work at home. The girls went 
 into the munitions factories, they became conductors on 
 the street cars and they showed intelligence and capability 
 in the highest positions. So we, the Korean women, are 
 co-operating with the men of Korea and are trying to help 
 in securing her independence and liberty. (Miss Kim 
 here related some of the atrocities practiced upon women 
 and children in Korea by Japanese soldiers.) Girls are 
 suffering for Korea, and the men have to realize that they 
 have to raise their women to an equality with them. The 
 women and the men realize this. There used to be a time 
 when it was a disgrace to be born a girl in a Korean fam- 
 ily, but boys were welcome. During these late years the 
 
 17 
 
girls are the pride of the families, and they are anxious 
 to give them even a better chance than many of the boys. 
 I know a friend of mine with a family of three boys and 
 two girls. Just one of the boys but both of the girls were 
 sent to schools. The sacrifice is wonderful for them with 
 their poor means, but they are anxious to send the girls 
 to schools. The girls have proven that they have some 
 intelligence, as well as faults, and they showed their 
 ability whenever they were given a fair chance. So, I 
 tell you that in the future Korea will be proud of her 
 girls. They are ready to fight for liberty and freedom 
 for the little innocent girls who were abused, whose blood 
 has been shed on the soil of Korea, and will give their life, 
 if necessary, to be free. 
 
 President Jaisohn : It is certainly a revelation to 
 me that a young Korean woman can get up in a gathering 
 like this and make such a speech as we have listened to 
 just now. 
 
 Dr. Rhee: How many delegates from the States 
 are present? 
 
 President Jaisohn : All the delegates have not yet 
 arrived. They will be here from different parts of the 
 country. New York, Ohio, Illinois, Michigan, Missouri, 
 Wyoming, Nebraska, Iowa, Colorado, California, Penn- 
 sylvania ; one from London, England ; three from Ireland. 
 I believe a number of delegates from the Orient can not 
 be here. They haven't time to get here in time for this 
 Congress. 
 
 Dr. Rhee : Our people from the Orient are not here, 
 but they knew about this Congress being held. 
 
 President Jaisohn: One of the things the Japa- 
 nese government tries to do is to discourage Koreans 
 coming or going to any foreign countries at all. By 
 their going they will have freedom and independence 
 which is offensive to the Japanese government. There^ 
 fore, anybody who goes to the United States or any of the 
 other foreign countries or desires to go is put through a 
 third-degree examination before he is allowed to go. We 
 have with us this morning a gentleman who is professor 
 of sociology in Oberlin College, Ohio, and he is also 
 director of the Mid-European Union. I refer to Professor 
 
 18 
 
Herbert A. Miller, who is with us today, and I will ask 
 him to address us briefly. 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 By Professor Herbert A. Miller: The world is 
 making very rapid progress. There are an enormous 
 number of problems to be solved. There are more prob- 
 lems than the world ever dreamed of before and more 
 discontent than we ever have had. Without any ques- 
 tion, the most dominant unrest in the world is the one 
 which you represent here. The exploitation of one group 
 by another has come to be a condition which can no longer 
 survive. In 1776 the Declaration of Independence on the 
 part of the American colonies was the first demonstration 
 that an alien nation could not control, against their wills, 
 any other people. When the United States went into the 
 war, President Wilson said, and he repeated it again and 
 again, that there must come out of this war the applica- 
 tion of the principle of self-determination. Gradually the 
 people of the world have gotten this idea into their minds. 
 It has been a difficult idea, because we were so carried 
 away with the notion of an efficient government rather 
 than a satisfied people, that it was difficult to see that even 
 though a state might be disordered for a time, when it was 
 changing from the government with authority to the 
 government of the common weal. But we have got to see 
 now, because it has been seen that the one all persuasive 
 law of human beings is that there cannot be a successful 
 control by force. It so happens that I have given a great 
 deal of attention to the history of the natural conscious- 
 ness of the Czecho-Slovaks with whom your people have 
 been associated in the world war. Their history has 
 made clear to the world that after five hundred years — 
 the first five hundred years they were subject to German 
 control and yet have come out now, when force had been 
 applied during all that period, and thrown up or off the 
 yoke and have shown to us that not only can they do it, but 
 you can do it. The law of human nature is such that we 
 all of us wish to die rather than be ruled by people 
 whom we don't choose. I think nothing has touched me 
 more for a long time than the way you applied the state- 
 ment that you would fight for freedom so long as a single 
 Korean remains. Whether the Japanese now see it or 
 not is not so significant, it seems to me, as the fact that 
 your pleas and your presence here are making it clear 
 
 19 
 
to the world that the principle for which you stand must 
 be applied before there can be a world peace or a world in 
 which there can be any satisfaction to human beings. In 
 other words, you have illustrated one of the most 
 fundamental laws of human nature, the struggle of 
 human beings for freedom, for superstruction, which 
 politically means, that we have come to accept democ- 
 racy as the most fundamental principle of self realiza- 
 tion. The imperialistic ideal of Japan will become too 
 persistent, and the Korean question is coming up. You, 
 the Americans, and the common people, as President Wil- 
 son has said, everywhere are democratic in their ideals. 
 Your cause is the cause of Democracy. There is one other 
 thing, however, which we must never forget as being one 
 of the essentials of world democracy; that is, after the 
 group gets free it should co-operate with other groups. 
 In other words, Koreans, Chinese, Japanese, Russians 
 must live together in the same general part of the world. 
 The world is now getting to be very small. It takes but a 
 few seconds to get a cable message or a wireless message 
 across the Pacific, and in a few days, possibly, an airship 
 will cross the Atlantic. In a few months, or certainly in a 
 few years it will cross the Pacific. So you will have to 
 live with Chinese, Japanese, Russians ; Americans, North 
 and South, and with Europeans in the world's society. 
 
 Those two things have got to be kept in mind, no 
 party, no nation, no people, which has its traditions and 
 its ideals, when coerced with regard to those ideals by 
 an alien group, will not resent, and it cannot be done. I 
 think we want to say that word until it reverberates 
 through the world. Imperialism no longer can be dom- 
 inant. It cannot be done; it never could be done. Ger- 
 many tried it ; Austria tried it, and Japan is trying it, and 
 it has been written clearly across the pages of the world 
 that it cannot be done. You gentlemen present here are 
 students in colleges. It is a wonderful age to be a student. 
 Some of you may have known me as the President of 
 the Association of the Cosmopolitan Club a few years 
 ago. Your business in your college and in your com- 
 munity is to force this idea of democratic fulfillment— 
 to use this technical term for Korean self-realization. It 
 is a real thing. In other words, you must not sit back 
 and study and think, but you must learn when you get out 
 of college that it is your business to take back to Korea 
 this principle of self-realization. Perhaps, not only must 
 this democratic fulfillment be reached for Korea, but it is 
 
 20 
 
just as important and just of as much consequence to 
 teach the Americans that in your colleges, as it is for you 
 to learn it. The problems of the world now are the 
 problems of society. The great fundamental problem of 
 the world is that of living together. We have a part to 
 play in the world's history in the maintaining of this 
 principle, and men and women must play their part, and 
 Korean men must work with the Korean women, not only 
 for the realization of the Korean idea of independence, 
 but for the realization of the democracy of the world. 
 
 President Jaisohn : I thank Professor Miller for 
 the very interesting address with which he has favored 
 us. I take pleasure in announcing to you another visitor 
 with us this morning. Prof. Alfred J. G. Schadt. 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 By Prof. Alfred J. G. Schadt: Mr. President, I 
 was delighted to hear the address delivered by that young 
 Korean lady, Miss Kim. It was a revelation to me that a 
 lady from Korea could get up and deliver such a fine 
 address. It is a mystery to me how she can speak with 
 such purity of accent, and I must congratulate her in 
 public for what she has done. Having lived in St. Peters- 
 burg, Russia, for a number of years, having been educated 
 there and having been a teacher to the Imperial Family in 
 Russia some time, thirty-five years ago, I spoke yesterday 
 at a meeting, with Russia as my theme, and I was very 
 anxious to tell the people what menace there is before 
 them. I do think that there is the dawn of a new day in 
 Russia, and it did not take me long to convince my audi- 
 ence that that new dawn was not far distant, and I see 
 the dawn of a new Korea, and of a free Korean Republic. 
 We want to create sentiment and inform the people of 
 America on this subject and tell them what Korea is and 
 where Korea is situated. (The speaker here referred to 
 the necessity of educating the American people.) I have 
 a great reverence for a greater Korea, China and all the 
 Orient. We expect a great deal from Christian Korea. 
 In this city of Philadelphia there is a training school 
 for Russian missionaries on Spring Garden Street, and 
 yesterday I went up there to that school to see whether 
 I could not get some of them to play music at the lecture 
 last night. The Principal said : "No, the men go out to 
 preach at night. They have seven missions in Philadel- 
 
 21 
 
phia where they are preaching in Russian tonight, and 
 our men are not entertaining at all because they have to 
 go out to speak." So that was very interesting, indeed, 
 and no doubt this is a revelation to a great many people 
 here in this city. The missionaries are training them- 
 selves to go to Russia as soon as it is a place of safety and 
 as soon as the Bolsheviki have been overcome and are 
 delegated to the place of eternal punishment. As soon 
 as the Bolsheviki have been replaced from western Russia 
 then these people from Philadelphia will establish about 
 fifty missions in the different parts of that country. A 
 great deal is being done in Russia, and I have no doubt 
 that Korea is doing the same kind of work in America. 
 We are trying to have you become fit and prepare you for 
 work in Korea here in America, as the future independ- 
 ence of Korea depends on the work that you will do. I 
 thank you for the honor that you have conferred upon 
 me in permitting me to deliver an address to you, and I 
 wish to pay you my sincerest congratulations and my best 
 wishes in your work. I trust that your hopes and our 
 hopes will be realized, and that we will soon see Korea on 
 the map as "The Republic of Korea." I hope and pray 
 for a ratification, confirmation and consummation coming 
 from this Congress, and that our President will recognize 
 all that you are doing now in your effort to establish the 
 Republic of Korea. I have great faith in our President, 
 and faith that the Monroe Doctrine is successful in for- 
 eign lands. When I was in Petrograd, whenever I would 
 speak about the Monroe Doctrine, everybody would burst 
 out laughing, treating it as a joke, and especially the old 
 Kaiser when he indulged in that kind of sentiment, but 
 not ansrmore. It is no joke now. In London, Paris, Petro- 
 grad, Pekin or in Tokio, the Monroe Doctrine is estab- 
 lished and will never be questioned or ridiculed by any 
 foreign power. That is due to our great President, Mr. 
 Wilson. The report now is current that the Treaty of 
 peace will be signed in a very short time. It would be 
 fitting that it should be signed on Easter Sunday, when 
 Christ has arisen. And He will have risen indeed when 
 another Treaty is signed and the Peace of the World is 
 obtained. When the Treaty of Peace is established we 
 will all look forward to a great deal of prosperity and 
 happiness, not only in this country, but throughout the 
 entire world. 
 
 President Jaisohn : As we still have about twenty 
 
 22 
 
minutes before the time of adjournment, if anyone here 
 wishes to submit any subject, the Congress shall be glad 
 to have them do so. 
 
 A Delegate : If we wish to establish a democratic 
 government, I hope that we will not leave out our women. 
 It seems to me that as we make a fight for our inde- 
 pendence, we should make it our slogan to grant Woman 
 Suffrage under favorable conditions. I am sure that our 
 women will fight as well as our men, and that they could 
 serve our nation as well. I wish our friends would con- 
 sider this question as one of the features of our Congress. 
 
 On motion, a recess was declared until 1.30 P. M. 
 
 23 
 
FIRST DAY— AFTERNOON SESSION 
 
 President Jaisohn called the Congress to order at 
 1.30 P. M. The minutes of the morning session were 
 read, and, on motion, after minor corrections were made, 
 approved. 
 
 President Jaisohn : I will ask for a report from 
 the Committee on Resolutions, appointed to send a mes- 
 sage to the Provisional Government of Korea. 
 
 Chairman Min: Mr. President, the committee is 
 ready to report. I desire to present our report at this 
 time. 
 
 MESSAGE TO THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 
 OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA 
 
 RESOLUTION I. 
 
 WHEREAS, in the hearts of twenty millions of our 
 countrymen, there is a deep-seated feeling of resentment 
 towards the Japanese Government on account of the 
 unjust maner in which Japan has destroyed our sover- 
 eignty and annexed our country by force and treachery; 
 
 WHEREAS, the Japanese rule in Korea has pro- 
 duced a very deplorable condition among our people, eco- 
 nomically, educationally, religiously and morally, and 
 Japan's treatment of our people has been consistently 
 barbarous, inhuman and unbearable ; 
 
 WHEREAS, on March first, 1919, some three mil- 
 lions of our people rose up and declared their independ- 
 ence from Japan, and organized a provisional govern- 
 ment, which is composed of men of high Christian char- 
 acter and liberal education, all believing in democratic 
 principle of government ; 
 
 WHEREAS, these patriotic people in our motherland 
 are fighting for our liberty as well as theirs, under the 
 most unfavorable conditiotns and against great odds, 
 shedding their blood freely for the cause of freedom and 
 humanity ; 
 
 24 
 
THEREFORE, Be it resolved by this Congress as- 
 sembled, that we, of the Korean race in the United States 
 and Hawaii, hereby solemnly declare that we pledge our 
 moral, material and physical support to the cause of our 
 country's freedom; 
 
 Be it further resolved, that we shall never relax our 
 efforts to restore the inalienable rights of our people, and 
 we shall do everything in our power and means to help 
 and encourage these patriotic brethren at home ; 
 
 Be it further resolved, that we shall present for the 
 world's information the true facts of our just grievances 
 and Japan's outrageous conduct against our people, and 
 that we shall use every means at our disposal so that 
 other nations may know the truth and form an intelligent 
 and just opinion of our case; 
 
 Be it further resolved, that a copy of this resolution 
 be translated and engrossed and forwarded to the Presi- 
 dent of the Provisional Government of the Korean 
 Republic. 
 
 Henry Chung 
 S. H. Chunn 
 C. H. MiN. 
 
 Chairman Min : Mr. President, I suggest that this 
 resolution be translated and that the message to our 
 Provisional Government be forwarded. It is our desire 
 to encourage our brethren at home while they are shed- 
 ding their blood for us. 
 
 President Jaisohn: You have heard the resolu- 
 tion. I would like to hear your views on the subject. The 
 question is open for debate to every member of the 
 Congress. Those who desire to make suggestions or have 
 any changes to recommend, or any other sentiment to be 
 brought forward, this is the opportunity for all of you 
 to express your views in the matter. Some of the gentle- 
 men can talk in English, but others who wish to express 
 themselves in the Korean language may do so. 
 
 Mr. Henry Chung: Mr. President, we would like 
 to have all the world know that this movement is the 
 movement of the Korean race. Wherever there is a 
 Korean he is affected. The very fact that the Provisional 
 Government is composed of men and women of all classes, 
 
 25 
 
and of all regilious beliefs, is an eloquent evidence that 
 it is not, as it has been called by the Japanese, the move- 
 ment of a few, but on the contrary, that it is a movement 
 advanced by the entire Korean population. And there- 
 fore, I think it is fit and proper that we should send this 
 message to the Provisional Government of the Korean 
 Kepublic, and at the same time let it be made known to 
 the world that every Korean both in and outside of 
 Korea is heart and soul back of this movement. There- 
 fore, I think, Mr. Chairman, that we are in hearty favor 
 of accepting this resolution and of sending this message 
 to our Provisional Government in Korea. 
 
 President Jaisohn: If there are any delegates 
 here who would like to speak in Korean, I would like to 
 have them do so. 
 
 Mr. p. 0. Cho (Speaking in Korean, which was 
 afterward translated, in part, said) : It seems very advis- 
 able that the Chairman or somebody in the Congress 
 should give full information as to the existence of our 
 Provisional Government in order to understand whether 
 it would be advisable to send this copy over to the Provi- 
 sional Government. 
 
 President Jaisohn: The Korean Independence 
 Union has an organized Provisional Government on the 
 border of Manchuria, having elected a President and some 
 eight or nine executive officers and members of the 
 cabinet. Mr. Sohn is the Provisional President. Their 
 object is to have a government as the first step in oppos- 
 ing the existing government — the Japanese Government. 
 The Provisional Government must first obtain recognition 
 from other powers. It is absolutely necessary that we 
 should have a separate and distinct new government 
 which will deal with the world, whatever their existing 
 government under Japanese guidance may be. I under- 
 stand that an official message came to Dr. Syngman Rhee, 
 in the form of cable despatch and also from other sources 
 to the effect that there has been organized a new Provi- 
 sional Government and that they represent the revolu- 
 
 26 
 
tionists in Korea. (There were further discussions by 
 Dr. W. H. Lee, Dr. Syngman Rhee, Mr. Henry Chung, 
 Mr. P. N. Park, Mr. New, in regard to the status of the 
 Provisional Government and its present headquarters, 
 which was summed up as follows by President Jaisohn). 
 President Jaisohn: It does not make any differ- 
 ence whether the President of the Provisional Korean 
 Government is in prison or whether he is in France ; he 
 may be in America; that does not make any difference. 
 As I understand it, this Korean Independence Union has 
 delegated to them the power to elect these gentlemen as 
 officers of a provisional government. It does not make 
 the government non-existent, because it is not generally 
 known where it is located. It is the will of the people 
 that makes the government, and it does not make any 
 difference whether the President is in jail or where he is. 
 If you will recall when the Germans swept into Belgium, 
 the Belgian government could not stay in Brussels, and 
 they changed their capital to Havre, France, entirely 
 foreign soil, but the world recognized the Belgium Gov- 
 ernment just as much as if the King and Cabinet were 
 established in Belgium. If you read the history of this 
 country when the Revolutionary War broke out, you will 
 recall that the Government was not established in any one 
 place, they were forced to move around. When the British 
 chased them from one place they moved their capital to 
 another. They had a capital in Yorktown, and then they 
 came to Philadelphia. That does not make the govern- 
 ment illegal. As somebody has well expressed it in 
 Korean, "The new Provisional Government of Korea is 
 a personification of the will of the people of Korea.*' It 
 does not make any difference whether the Government is 
 located in Manchuria, Philadelphia or Paris. There is a 
 will manifested by these Korean revolutionists and they 
 should be the governors of Korea. Now we want to 
 recognize them. Whether or not we believe in the cause 
 that these Koreans are fighting for today, that is the 
 question that is before us, and the question as to where 
 they are located will be developed in good time. The 
 
 27 
 
Secretary of State of this Country, Mr. Lansing, is in 
 Paris today; but he is Secretary of State just the same. 
 The question before you now is, on the adoption of the 
 resolution presented by Mr. Min, Chairman of the Com- 
 mittee, to send a message to the Provisional Government 
 of Korea. The motion has been duly seconded and the 
 question is on the adoption of the motion. 
 
 The motion was unanimously carried, and the resolu- 
 tion to send a message to the Provisional Government of 
 Korea adopted. 
 
 President Jaisohn: Before taking up the next 
 resolution I have several telegrams here which I will read 
 to the Congress at this time. The first one is from the 
 Korean National Association, Sacramento, California. 
 It reads as follows : 
 
 ^'Congratulations to the Korean Congress at Independence Hall, 
 Philadelphia, April 14th. We earnestly hope for your success. 
 We are all behind you and support you with one heart and soul 
 for the welfare of our countrymen and the Independence of Korea. 
 
 Signed, 
 THE KOREAN NATIONAL ASSOCIATION, 
 
 Sacramento, California." 
 
 There are other telegrams along the same line which 
 will be read at a later session. I will now call on the com- 
 mittee appointed to prepare and send an appeal to the 
 Red Cross Society at Washington. I would like to have 
 the committee make a report at this time. 
 
 Mr. Syngman Rhee : Mr. President, we have sent 
 
 the following telegram : 
 
 April 14th, 1919. 
 American Red Cross, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 Appeals from Korea have reached us for assistance from the 
 American Red Cross for the wounded among the revolutionists 
 in Seoul and other cities. Medical attention refused them. Please 
 see what you can do. Answer. 
 
 KOREAN CONGRESS, 
 
 Philadelphia. 
 Dr. Philip Jaisohn, President. 
 1537 Chestnut Street. 
 
 PRESIDENT Jaisohn : We can discontinue the com- 
 mittee on sending a message to the Red Cross Society, 
 with thanks. Next in order will be a report from the 
 
 26 
 
committee, *To prepare an appeal to the American 
 people." Dr. Rhee, I will ask you to read the report. 
 
 Dr. Syngman Rhee: The Committee reports the 
 following as '*An Appeal to America." 
 
 AN APPEAL TO AMERICA 
 
 We, the Koreans in Congress, assembled in Philadelphia, April 
 14-16, 1919, representing eighteen million people of our race who 
 are now suffering untold miseries and barbarous treatment by the 
 Japanese military authorities in Korea, hereby appeal to the great 
 and generous American people. 
 
 For four thousand years our country enjoyed an absolute 
 autonomy. We have our own history, our own language, our own 
 literature and our own civilization. We have made treaties with 
 the leading nations of the world; all of them recognized our inde- 
 pendence, including Japan. 
 
 In 1904, at thft beginning of the Russo-Japanese war, Japan 
 made a treaty of alliance with Korea, guaranteeing territorial 
 integrity and political independence of Korea, to co-operate in the 
 war against Russia. Korea was opened to Japan for military 
 purposes and Korea assisted Japan in many ways. After the war 
 was over, Japan discarded the treaty of alliance as a "scrap of 
 paper" and annexed Korea as a conquered territory. Ever since 
 she has been ruling Korea with that autocratic militarism whose 
 prototype has been well illustrated by Germany in Belgium and 
 Northern France. 
 
 Ttie Korean people patiently suffered under the iron heel of 
 Japan for the last decade or more, but now they have reached the 
 point where they are no longer able to endure it. On March 1st 
 of this year some three million men, mostly of the educated class 
 composed of Christians, Heaven Worshipers, Confucians, Budd- 
 hists, students of mission schools, under the leadership of the 
 pastors of the native Christian churches, declared their independ- 
 ence from Japan and formed a provisional government on the 
 border of Manchuria. Through the news dispatches and through 
 private telegrams we are informed that SSjOOO Korean revolutionists 
 have been thrown into dungeons by the Japanese and over 100,000 
 men, women and children have been either killed or wounded so far. 
 The Koreans have no weapons with which to fight, as the Japanese 
 had taken away from them everything since the annexation, even 
 pistols and fowling pieces. What resistance they are offering now 
 against the Japanese soldiers and gendarmery is with pitchforks 
 and sickles. In spite of this disadvantage and the horrible casualty 
 among the Koreans, these people are keeping up their resistance 
 and this demonstration is now nation-wide, including nearly all 
 provinces. Japan has declared martial law in Korea and is 
 butchering by thousands these unfortunate but patriotic people 
 every day. 
 
 The Koreans in the United States and Hawaii have sent their 
 representatives to Philadelphia, the Cradle of Liberty, to formulate 
 a concerted plan with a view to stop this inhuman treatment of 
 their brethren by the "Asiatic Kaiser," and to devise ways and 
 means to help along the great cause of freedom and justice for our 
 native land. 
 
 We appeal to you for support and sympathy because we know 
 
 29 
 
you love justice; you also fought for liberty and democracy, and 
 you stand for Christianity and humanity. Our cause is a just one 
 before the laws of God and man. Our aim is freedom from mili- 
 taristic autocracy; our object is democracy for Asia; our hope is 
 universal Christianity. Therefore we feel that our appeal merits 
 your consideration. 
 
 You have already championed the cause of the oppressed and 
 held out your helping hand to the weak of the earth's races. Your 
 nation is the Hope of Mankind, so we come to you. 
 
 Beside this, we also feel that we have the right to ask your 
 help for the reason that the treaty between the United States and 
 Korea contains a stipulation in article 1, paragraph 2, which states 
 as follows: 
 
 "If other powers deal unjustly or oppressively with either 
 government, the other will exert their good offices, on being in- 
 formed of the case, to bring about an amicable arrangement, thus 
 showing their friendly feelings." 
 
 Does not this agreement make it incumbent upon America to 
 intercede now in Korea's behalf? 
 
 There are many other good and sufficient reasons for America 
 to exert her good offices to bring about an amicable arrangement, 
 but we mention only one more, which is a new principle recently 
 formulated at the peace conference in Paris. We cannot do better 
 than to quote President Wilson's words, who is one of the founders 
 of this new international obligation : 
 
 "The principle of the League of Nations is that it is the 
 friendly right of every nation a member of the League to call 
 attention to anything that she thinks will disturb the peace of 
 the world, no matter where that thing is occurring. There is 
 no subject that touches the peace of the world that is exempt 
 from inquiry or discussion." 
 
 We, therefore, in the name of humanity, liberty and democ- 
 racy and in the name of the American-Korean treaty and in the 
 name of the peace of the world, ask the government of the United 
 States to exert its good offices to save the lives of our freedom- 
 loving brethren in Korea and to protect the American missionaries 
 and their families who are in danger of losing their lives and 
 property on account of their love for our people and their faith 
 in Christ. 
 
 We further ask you, the great American public, to give us 
 your moral and material help so that our brethren in Korea will 
 know that your sympathy is with them and that you are truly the 
 champions of liberty and international justice. 
 
 President Jaisohn : You have heard 'The Appeal 
 to America," as it has been read by Dr. Rhee. I would 
 like to hear from you further on this appeal, as well as 
 any delegate to the Convention who may wish to speak 
 on the question. 
 
 Dr. Rhee : Mr. President, I don't believe that there 
 is any need to make any changes at all in that resolu- 
 
 30 
 
tion. I think the resolution should be adopted as read, 
 and desire to make a motion to that effect. 
 
 President Jaisohn: Gentlemen, this is a Democ- 
 racy. You do not want to take any important action 
 unless you get the views of the people. We would like 
 to get the views of this Congress, who represent their 
 people. This is not old Korea; this is new Korea. We 
 want to go by the will of the people, by the majority 
 present. Speech is free, the press is free and that is one 
 of the blessings we enjoy in this land. 
 
 Mr. Henry Chung: Mr. President, I agree with 
 your views. I am sure that the government of the Re- 
 public of Korea will not use such a gag rule or any of 
 those undesirable methods used in Japan. We have our 
 friends in Korea who are defending our rights in a firm 
 but passive manner. They cannot make any appeal 
 to other powers, because the Japanese would not let such 
 appeals go out of Korea. Therefore it is incumbent upon 
 us who are in this free country to make this appeal known 
 to the American people. I think our president made it 
 clear to us this morning when he told us that thirty 
 thousand of our fellow-countrymen fought on the Russian 
 battlef ront during the first period of the war in the cause 
 of Democracy, and that our people contributed a large 
 proportion of men and money to this cause. Therefore, 
 I believe our appeal will receive favorable consideration 
 from the American people. 
 
 A Delegate : Mr. President, I don't want my name 
 known in the newspapers, and I can tell you afterward 
 why I would not like my name to be recorded in the press. 
 
 President Jaisohn : If you wish to speak we must 
 have your name. We cannot do that. 
 
 The Delegate : My reason for not giving my name 
 is because I expect to return to Korea in a short time. 
 However, my name is "Im.'' 
 
 President Jaisohn: The chair cannot recognize 
 anybody who does not give his name. Now that you 
 
 31 
 
have given your name, I will state that I appreciate your 
 position in the matter, but I tell you this, Mr. Im, if you 
 lose your life for saying here what is right you lose your 
 life worthily. 
 
 Delegate Im : The delegate delivered a short gen- 
 eral address and concluded as follows: 
 
 I am heart and soul with you, my fellow-citizens. 
 I asked that my name be not reported, but I did it be- 
 cause I thought it was not necessary and I merely wanted 
 to say a few words in order to congratulate Dr. Rhee on 
 the resolution presented by his committee as an "Appeal 
 to America." 
 
 (There was further argument by Paihynk Kim in 
 Korean, whom the president called to order because it was 
 in a vein of needless criticism.) 
 
 Ilhan New : Mr. President, I understand as clearly 
 as any gentleman here that there is not a delegate in this 
 Congress, or that there is not a Korean in Korea, or in 
 the world, who would not pass such a resolution. We all 
 have our hearts in it and it is impossible for us to ex- 
 press in fitting terms what our feelings are, and I don't 
 think it is necessary for us to consider this resolution 
 any further. 
 
 President Jaisohn : We want to give everybody a 
 chance to speak on the subject. That is the one business 
 of this Congress, but we must confine ourselves to the 
 subject that is before us, particularly in discussing the 
 questions before this Congress and for the transaction of 
 our business. If we go off on a tangent and go over the 
 whole Encyclopedia of Government we won't get any- 
 where. 
 
 Mr. Syngman Rhee moved that this Congress adopt the reso- 
 lution presented on "An appeal to America." 
 
 The motion was seconded by Mr. New and unani- 
 mously carried. 
 
 Mr. Samuel Lee rendered a song. 
 
 President Jaisohn : The next committee to report 
 is the committee on "Aims and aspirations of the 
 Koreans." 
 
 32 
 
Mr. C. H. Min, Chairman, requested Mr. Ilhan New, 
 a member of the committee, to read the resolution. 
 
 Mr. Ilhan New: Mr. President and members of 
 the Congress, the first Korean Independence League, 
 recognizing the American ideas in the western world, and 
 realizing the fact that it is necessary for the Koreans in 
 this country and elsewhere to crystallize their aims and 
 define their aspirations, we, therefore, drew up the fol- 
 lowing resolutions which we submit to you for your ap- 
 proval. I will read them at this time, with the recom- 
 mendation that they be adopted as read. 
 
 AIMS AND ASPIRATIONS OF THE KOREANS 
 
 (1) We believe in government which derives its 
 just power from the governed, therefore the government 
 must be conducted for the interest of the people it governs. 
 
 (2) We propose to have a government modeled 
 after that of America, as far as possible, consistent with 
 the education of the masses. For the next decade it 
 may be necessary to have more centralized power in the 
 government; but as education of the people improves 
 and as they have more experience in the art of self- 
 governing, they will be allowed to participate more uni- 
 versally in the governmental affairs. 
 
 (3) However, we propose to give universal fran- 
 chise to elect local and provincial legislators, and the 
 provincial legislators elect the representatives to the 
 National Legislature. The National Legislators will have 
 co-ordinate power with the Executive Branch of the gov- 
 ernment, and they have sole power to make laws of the 
 nation and is solely responsible to the people whom they 
 represent. 
 
 (4) The executive branch consists of President, 
 Vice-President and Cabinet officers, who carry out all the 
 laws made by the National Legislature. The President 
 shall be elected by the members of the National Legis- 
 lature, and the President has the power to appoint the 
 Cabinet Ministers, Governors of Provinces and other such 
 important executive officials of the government, includ- 
 ing envoys to foreign countries. He has the power to 
 make treaties with foreign powers, subject to the 
 approval of the upper house of the National Legislature. 
 
 33 
 
The President and his cabinet are responsible to the 
 National Legislature. 
 
 (5) We believe in freedom of religion. Any 
 religion or doctrine shall be freely taught and preached 
 within the country, provided such teaching does not con- 
 flict with the laws or the interest of the nation. 
 
 (6) We believe in free commerce with all nations 
 of the world, affording the citizens and subjects of all 
 treaty powers equal opportunity and protection for pro- 
 moting commerce and industry between them and the 
 Korean people. 
 
 (7) We believe in education of the people, which 
 is more important than any other governmental activities. 
 
 (8) We believe in modern sanitary improvements 
 under scientific supervision, as the health of the people 
 is one of the primary considerations of those who govern. 
 
 (9) We believe in free speech and free press. In 
 fact, we are in thorough accord with the prin- 
 ciple of democracy, equal opportunity, sound economic 
 policies, free intercourse with the nations of the world, 
 making conditions of life of the entire people most favor- 
 able for unlimited development. 
 
 (10) We believe in liberty of action in all matters, 
 provided such actions or utterances do not interfere with 
 the rights of other people or conflict with the laws and 
 interests of the nation. 
 
 Let us all pledge our solemn word to carry out these 
 cardinal points to the best of our ability, as long as there 
 is life remaining within us. 
 
 President Jaisohn: You have heard the resolu- 
 tion and the recommendation of the committee for adop- 
 tion. This is the opportunity for you to express your 
 views on this subject. The speeches should be of reason- 
 able length. First of all, in order that the subject may 
 be properly brought before the Congress, a motion to 
 adopt is in order. 
 
 Mr. C. H. Min moved that the Congress adopt the resolution 
 on "Aims and Aspirations of the Koreans" as presented. 
 
 The motion was seconded by several of the delegates. 
 
 President Jaisohn: This is a subject we must 
 discuss fully. You are taking a momentous step. This 
 is not a resolution of the Republic of Korea, but it is a 
 
 34 
 
resolution of this Congress, and whatever action you 
 take is a matter of importance to the world, because it 
 is a record of this body to indicate to the world what 
 the Korean people aspire to. I know that a good many 
 of you here present at this Congress will some day play 
 a leading part in the reconstruction of Korea. I would 
 like to have you go over this resolution paragraph by 
 paragraph very carefully to understand what its sig- 
 nificance is and what effect it will have on the life of 
 the Korean people not only today or tomorrow, but to 
 generations to come. What we do here will not be an 
 official by-law or constitution, but it has a great deal of 
 significance, in my mind, if you believe in these prin- 
 ciples which you are enunciating and will likely be incor- 
 porated in the final text of the Korean Constitution. 
 Therefore, I want you gentlemen and ladies to read it 
 over carefully and master what it means and learn what 
 effect it will have on your life and on the life of your 
 children. When a law is enacted, especially in matters 
 of the constitution of a nation, you cannot change it 
 over night, and it requires a great deal of thought, not 
 for the present, but for the future also. You cannot do 
 anything else. One of the principles submitted in that 
 resolution was discussed beforehand, and any further 
 discussion upon it will benefit you and anybody who will 
 participate in the future construction of Korea. There- 
 fore, if you will permit me I will recommend that you 
 do not take a vote on this resolution today, but that you 
 postpone action until tomorrow. It is a matter so impor- 
 tant and an influence that will be so far reaching that I 
 don't want you to hastily pass this resolution. In the 
 meantime, I would suggest that we postpone action in 
 order that you may take up the several paragraphs and 
 discuss the questions involved. If we will do that every- 
 body can study it still further, and those who have not 
 had an opportunity to study it before can do so now, so 
 that there may be no misunderstanding. That is what 
 you are here for. You want to make up your minds what 
 you want to do when you go back to your country. You 
 
 35 
 
know the old saying is, "It is easy to get a job, but it is 
 hard to keep it/' You may get your country back, but 
 you must know how to keep it after you do. The only 
 way that you can keep it is by working out your own 
 salvation, and this question of "Aims and Aspirations of 
 the Koreans" is a vehicle with which you can keep your 
 country after you get it back and make it a self-governing 
 nation. The very life of the whole nation has to depend 
 on the questions embodied in this resolution. I suggest 
 a motion to postpone action for the present. 
 
 Mr. Lee moved that action on this resolution, "Aims and 
 Aspirations of the Koreans," be postponed until such time as 
 may be satisfactory to the Congress for action tomorrow. 
 
 Mr. Charles F. Lee: Gentlemen, it seems to me 
 that this resolution is very important. Personally, I 
 would like to read over it very carefully and consider it 
 as the chair has suggested. Every member of this Con- 
 gress should take hold of this copy and take it home, 
 or take it from this room and read it very carefully. 
 We can get together tonight and talk over the matter 
 in the English language as well as in the Korean language. 
 
 The question was discussed at some length in the 
 Korean and English languages by Mr. Y. N. Park, Mr. 
 Henry Kim, Mr. C. H. Min, Mr. Henry Chung, Mr. Chang, 
 Mr. Ilhan New, Mr. K. S. Deyo, whereupon 
 
 Mr. Syngman Rhee offered the following amend- 
 ment to Mr. Lee's motion : 
 
 That the Congress declare a recess for fifteen minutes and 
 then adjourn until tomorrow. Immediately after adjournment 
 the members reconvene as an executive council for the discussion 
 of this matter until four-thirty (4.30), and, if necessary, to be 
 resumed at the night session of the executive council. 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried as amended. 
 
 The Congress adjourned until 9.30 the following 
 morning. 
 
 36 
 
SECOND DAY— MORNING SESSION 
 
 President Jaisohn called the Congress to order at 
 9.30 A. M. 
 
 The minutes of the preceding afternoon's session 
 were read and, on motion, approved. 
 
 President Jaisohn: Ladies and gentlemen, this 
 morning we have a gentleman who represents one of the 
 largest church organizations of the world — ^the Catholic 
 Church. As you know, there are millions of the Catholic 
 faith in Korea. As a matter of fact, the first mission- 
 aries in Korea were Catholic. I am not familiar with 
 the late statistics of the Catholic Church in Korea, but 
 I do know they have a large following in our country. 
 I take great pleasure in introducing to you the Rev. 
 Father James J. Dean, president of Villanova College, 
 who will offer a prayer. 
 
 READING OF SCRIPTURES BY REV. FATHER 
 JAMES J. DEAN 
 
 Psalm 53 
 
 Save me, Lord! in Thy name and judge me in 
 Thy strength. 
 
 God ! hear my prayer, give ear to the words of my 
 mouth. 
 
 For strangers have risen up against me and the 
 mighty have sought after my soul, and they have not set 
 God before their eyes. 
 
 For behold, God is my helper, and the Lord is the 
 protector of my soul. 
 
 Turn away evil from me upon my enemies, and 
 scatter them in Thy truth. 
 
 1 will freely sacrifice to Thee, and will give praise, 
 O God ! to Thy name, because it is good. 
 
 For Thou hast delivered me out of my trouble, and 
 mine eye hath looked down upon mine enemies. 
 
 37 
 
PRAYER BY REV. FATHER JAMES J. DEAN 
 
 Our Father, loving parent and generous provider 
 of all things needful ; Who Art in Heaven, that abode 
 of the blessed wherein shall be neither injustice nor 
 oppression; Hallowed Be Thy Name, that name by 
 which alone peace may be assured and good will pre- 
 vail among men; Thy Kingdom Come, the kingdom of 
 righteousness and equal opportunity for all; Thy Will 
 Be Done, the will that every individual and every nation 
 shall shape its course and mould its destiny to Thy honor 
 and glory, unhampered by foreign interference and 
 untrammeled by religious prejudice; On Earth as It Is 
 IN Heaven, yea! even to the uttermost bounds thereof; 
 Give Us This Day Our Daily Bread, nourishment alike 
 of soul and body and that atmosphere of political security 
 and social peace in which alone such nourishment can 
 avail us for strength of body and purity of soul ; And For- 
 give Us Our Trespasses, wrongs against Thee and Thy 
 Holy Name, because of which, it may be, our oppression has 
 been brought about and our sorrows multiplied; As We 
 Forgive Those Who Trespass Against Us, forgiving 
 them in the same spirit which prompted Thy Divine 
 Son to cry out even in His death agony, "Father, for- 
 give them ; they know not what they do," mindful, how- 
 ever, of the fact that mercy does not condone injustice 
 nor does it require submission to wrongs intolerable; 
 And Lead Us Not Into Temptation, the ways of our 
 oppressors and the devices of our enemies ; But Deliver 
 Us From Evil, the spirit of iniquity which compasses 
 us about and those evils of civic and military servitude 
 which have so long hampered our souls and burdened our 
 spirits. 
 
 Grant us, God, the light to see our duty in accord- 
 ance with Thy holy will and the courage to carry out our 
 resolutions at the cost of any sacrifice. Instill into our 
 hearts an all-consuming love of truth and justice; guide 
 Thou our deliberations and direct our judgment to the 
 honor and glory of Thy Holy name and for the ultimate 
 freedom and regeneration of an oppressed people. Amen. 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 By Rev. Father James J. Dean, President of Villanova 
 College. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen: When I 
 accepted the invitation of your chairman to open this 
 
 38 
 
second session of your Congress with prayer I had no 
 idea any further remarks would be expected of me. 
 Nevertheless it is a pleasure to be accorded an oppor- 
 tunity of addressing the representatives of a race which 
 for so many thousands of years has proved itself capable 
 of self-government and has cheerfully opened its heart 
 to the advances of modern civilization, for I understand 
 yours is the most Christian among the nations of the 
 East. It is with a peculiar sense of fitness, therefore, 
 that I as a Catholic priest and a college president stand 
 before you this morning to assure you of the hearty 
 approval of both Christianity and civilization toward the 
 declaration of freedom which you are about to make. 
 
 Personally, too, I feel it a duty as well as a privilege 
 to speak to you a word of encouragement and of counsel. 
 My own cosmopolitan record makes it especially fitting 
 that I should be called upon on an occasion of this kind. 
 By birth an Englishman, by choice an American, I can 
 heartily sympathize with your hopes and aspirations. 
 Born in old England, reared in New England, educated 
 in Pennsylvania, I feel that I have an established right 
 to raise my voice in behalf of an oppressed people. With 
 an Englishman's love of individual liberty, a Yankee's 
 determination to enjoy that liberty to the exclusion of 
 all undue restraint and a Quaker's insistence upon the 
 right to live in peace and security, it would ill become 
 me to remain silent upon an occasion such as this. 
 
 You are assembled here today, representatives of 
 a people oppressed by foreign domination, to announce 
 to the world your right to shape your own course and 
 to mould your own destiny, untrammeled by outside 
 interference and unhampered by the dictates of a grasp- 
 ing militaristic power. That your position is just none 
 can deny, and justice must in the end emerge triumphant. 
 Your first duty, therefore, is to arouse in your own souls 
 and in the souls of your people a consciousness of the 
 justice of your cause. Justice in itself must ultimately 
 prevail, but a consciousness of justice in the hearts and 
 minds of those who strive and suffer will the sooner 
 accomplish the desired result. Rouse, then, your own 
 souls to a zeal that shall know no quenching and an 
 enthusiasm that shall carry you onward in spite of 
 every obstacle to your desired goal. Secondly let me 
 suggest that you will aid your cause in a wonderful 
 degree by bringing the facts in the case to the attention 
 of the American public and enlisting the sympathy of 
 
 39 
 
our American leaders of thought and action. Public 
 opinion in this great Republic of the West is slow to 
 arouse, but mighty in action. Witness the principles 
 emanating from the great mind of our chosen leader, 
 President Wilson, correctly interpreting the collective 
 conscience of a people, and, by sheer force of truth and 
 righteousness, fastening themselves upon a none too 
 willing world. So shall it be with your cause when 
 clearly presented and more fully understood. 
 
 It is fitting, too, that you should come here to Phila- 
 delphia, the Cradle of Liberty and the City of Brotherly 
 Love, to proclaim your principles and declare your inde- 
 pendence. The spirit of the Continental Congress of *76 
 hovers about you and the joyous notes of our own Liberty 
 Bell, silent now, reverberate in memory and pulsate 
 the very air with the spirit of freedom. 
 
 Be not discouraged that your assembly is held so 
 far from home and kindred, nor disheartened that your 
 numbers are seemingly so small. From small begin- 
 nings great movements have always had their origin. 
 Nearly two thousand years ago twelve poor fishermen, des- 
 titute of the world's riches and unskilled in the world's 
 ways, came forth from a distant corner of the East and 
 undertook to change the whole course of civilization. They 
 possessed nothing but truth and a consciousness of truth, 
 yet in a few generations the world accepted their man- 
 dates and is still ruled by their teachings. They them- 
 selves paid the penalty of all zealots and reformers, yet 
 they did so cheerfully and willingly, conscious of the 
 fact that principle would eventually triumph over per- 
 secution and death. Some hundred and forty years 
 ago Patrick Henry, standing in the front pew of a 
 church in a remote Virginia village, bade defiance to 
 tyranny and oppression. Who shall say that his words 
 did not have a distinct bearing on the genesis of these 
 United States. 
 
 So you stand here today, far from your native shores, 
 appealing to the conscience of the world. Who is there 
 among you who dares to doubt that this is but the begin- 
 ning of victory? Steel your hearts to the conflict; arm 
 yourselves with the shield of truth and justice; raise 
 high your standard of freedom and be prepared to make 
 any sacrifice, the supreme sacrifice if need be, to per- 
 petuate for your people and the glorious land wherein 
 they dwell the highest form of human liberty — "Govern- 
 ment of the people, for the people and by the people." 
 
 40 
 

May God in his goodness and mercy guide and direct 
 your course to success. 
 
 President Jaisohn: I have heard many wonder- 
 ful speeches, but I must admit that this is one of the 
 best I have ever heard. This gentleman comes here and 
 he talks to us from his heart, and that is what we like 
 about it. It is not a set diplomatic document, but it is 
 a message from a good, true. Christian man to his 
 fellow-men. He does not make any difference what they 
 are, where they came from, what race they belong to, 
 he has delivered to you a message from one Christian 
 man to another. I want you to remember the speech 
 and the ideals and precepts which he has presented to us. 
 If you will carry it with you through all your lives you will 
 make better men, better citizens and better patriots. I 
 thank you very much. Dr. Dean. 
 
 Chairman Jaisohn : If the American public should 
 feel that they have no right to interfere with the Korean 
 question, as it is an internal affair of Japan, then they 
 have no right to say anything about what Germany did in 
 Belgium. 
 
 Ladies and gentlemen, as we have told you before, 
 Korea is marching on to independence. Korea is pro- 
 gressing. In this connection I want to tell you that we 
 have a Korean gentleman here with us today who came 
 to this country some years ago and who is musically 
 inclined. He plays the violin, and we will now be favored 
 with a violin solo by Mr. K. S. Deyo. 
 
 VIOLIN SOLO BY K. S. DEYO 
 
 President Jaisohn: A number of telegrams have 
 been received this morning. I will read one that we have 
 received from Honolulu: 
 
 "All over the islands the Koreans are celebrating their inde- 
 pendence today. The day has been declared a holiday through- 
 out the islands. In Honolulu twelve hundred took part in a 
 great street parade. Every one carried an American and Korean 
 flag. All meeting places have been decorated with the flags of 
 all nations, excepting that of Japan. The royal Hawaiian band, 
 sent by the Mayor of Honolulu, furnished the music. The parade 
 was followed by the reading of the Declaration of Independence 
 of Korea in both the English and Korean languages. Addresses 
 
 41 
 
were made by Korean citizens from this and other islands, 
 and American friends, amid great cheers and applause, delivered 
 addresses. An address was delivered by Dr. S. A. Park. At 
 a meeting it was unanimously proposed to send this dispatch to 
 the Congress held in Philadelphia to inform you that six thousand 
 Koreans here have renounced Japanese rule and have resolved 
 that the struggle for independence will be carried on to the end. 
 A request should be made to the State Department at Wash- 
 ington that a passport be granted to our delegates to the Paris 
 Conference to assist the Korean envoy, who is already in Paris. 
 You have our sympathy and our support and everything that is 
 possible for us to give you." 
 
 I consider that a very good message. There are 
 other telegrams of like nature from organizations and 
 individuals which will be read at another session of the 
 Congress and embodied in the record. As some of these 
 telegrams require immediate acknowledgment, I sug- 
 gest that the Congress authorize the chair to appoint a 
 committee of gentlemen to attend to whatever corre- 
 spondence is necessary, to reply to all telegrams demand- 
 ing a reply and thanking them for their sympathy and 
 good wishes. 
 
 On motion of Mr. A. K. Yim the chair was authorized 
 to appoint a committee of three to prepare replies to 
 telegrams and other communications. 
 
 President Jaisohn appointed the three secretaries, 
 already appointed to assist three delegates to the Con- 
 gress, to prepare and send replies to the telegrams and 
 other communications received. 
 
 President Jaisohn : The next business in order is 
 to continue with the discussion on *'Aims and Aspirations 
 of the Koreans," which was postponed until this morning. 
 
 ILHAN New : With a view of sending out this reso- 
 lution in more definite form and having delegates digest 
 it, this resolution was postponed, and we have been able 
 to consider the articles carefully. In the first place, I 
 say that these articles as set forth in these resolutions 
 are not supposed to be the complete "Aims and Aspira- 
 tions of the Koreans," nor are they intended to exhaust 
 the subject. When we proceeded to draft these resolu- 
 tions we found that it was an immense task which we 
 were unable or incapable of coming up to. In order to 
 
 42 
 
arrive at something tangible we first drew up these 
 cardinal principles for which we stand. We hoped that 
 when we Koreans from all over the world were permitted 
 to gather together in a great Congress in our own coun- 
 try to establish a stable government we would like to 
 have all the eminent scholars there to form a consti- 
 tution which will be second to none, but at this time it 
 is a physical impossibility to get able men to come 
 together. With the means we have at this time we are 
 not able to set out in complete form our "Aims and 
 Aspirations." As it were, this is about the best we can do. 
 
 President Jaisohn: These are just a few cardinal 
 points that this Congress is asked to adopt. It is not a 
 constitution; it is not the law of the nation, but it only 
 contains a few of those important principles to which 
 this Congress commits itself. That is the way I under- 
 stand it. As to the minor details, as well as the other 
 major parts which will become the constitution and the 
 law of Korea, these will come when the constitution will 
 be drawn up by special committee for that purpose by the 
 constituted authorities of the Korean Republic. These 
 resolutions simply are the expressions of this Korean 
 Congress held in Philadelphia at this time. It does not 
 bind anybody else except those who attend this Congress 
 and who accept the action of this Congress. 
 
 Mr. Min: Since we have had a full discussion at 
 our executive meeting and at this Congress in the Korean 
 and English languages on the "Aims and Aspirations of 
 the Koreans'' and we think we all understand it. I sug- 
 gest that we now take a vote on the adoption of the reso- 
 lution. 
 
 Dr. Rhee : We discussed it last night at our execu- 
 tive meeting and the expression was unanimous on the 
 main principles, such as "we believe in a government 
 which derives its just power from the governed.'' And 
 then the next point met with unanimous approval, and 
 all the way through, with several minor details that may 
 be improved upon, all of us have agreed on these general 
 cardinal points. 
 
 43 
 
Mr. Chang: I would like to call attention to the 
 fact of the office of Vice-President. I understand that 
 the French Government does not have a Vice-President, 
 and I do not see any necessity for having a Vice-Presi- 
 dent. When the body elects the President I should recom- 
 mend the same course as is followed in other legislative 
 bodies. 
 
 President Jaisohn : If you want to cut out the Vice- 
 President I don't think anybody will object; it is simply 
 a matter whether or not you want to add the Vice-Presi- 
 dent in your resolution. That is a detail that will be 
 fixed up when the constitution is finally adopted and 
 does not involve our cardinal principles. 
 
 Dr. Syngman Rhee moved that this Congress adopt the reso- 
 lution on "Aims and Aspirations of the Koreans" as read. 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried. 
 
 President Jaisohn: The next business in order 
 is the report from the committee appointed to draft "A 
 Message to the Thinking People of Japan." Is that com- 
 mittee ready to report? 
 
 Mr. p. K. Yoon, chairman of the Committee on "A 
 Message to the Thinking People of Japan." Mr. Chair- 
 man and ladies and gentlemen, I will read the message 
 to you at this time. 
 
 TO THE THINKING PEOPLE OF JAPAN 
 
 It may be useless to give friendly advice or to discuss the 
 new principle of international morality with your militaristic 
 statesmen or those who believe in autocratic government; but 
 we know there are some Japanese who have been converted to 
 true Western democratic ideals, and for those among you this 
 message is intended. 
 
 Your country was the first nation in our part of the world 
 which adopted Western methods in many lines of national endeavor, 
 especially in military, naval and economic policies. Your nation 
 has become strong and prosperous under these reform movements 
 and is now the leading nation in Eastern Asia. Your improve- 
 ment in military establishments was necessary for self-defense, 
 but later your government adopted the Prussian methods and used 
 this force, instead of self-defense, for the purpose of aggrandize- 
 ment and selfish greed. This was particularly the case with your 
 government policy toward Korea after the Russo-Japanese war. 
 When you declared the war against Russia in 1904 we believed 
 then that you were acting for the safety of your country and 
 
 44 
 
the peace of the Orient. Many of our people sympathized with 
 you and assisted you in many ways in that war. Our country 
 was open to your military forces, and you used it as a base 
 of operation against imperialistic Russia. 
 
 At the beginning of this war you assured our government 
 that you would not violate our territorial integrity or political 
 independence. Our country and yours went into this conflict 
 as allies and partners in the enterprise. When the war was 
 over your government, at the point of the sword, established a 
 protectorate over Korea, declaring that our independence would 
 be restored to us when our people became firmly established as 
 a self-governing nation. This was a blow to us all, and we 
 felt the injustice of your action; but, still worse, later on by force 
 and despicable trickery your government snatched away not only 
 our sovereignty, but annexed the entire country as a conquered 
 territory. There is no other name for such an action except to 
 call it highway robbery. 
 
 Let us briefly go over what your high-handed statesmen have 
 done in Korea since the annexation. Did any of your rulers ever 
 try to win the hearts of the^ Korean people by uplifting them 
 to a higher level of civilization through liberal education and 
 economic advancement? No. On the contrary, your government 
 has done everything in its power to reduce our people to a level 
 of slavery. You limited their educational opportunities, placed 
 every means of hindrance in their way to economic improve- 
 ment. Your whole policy has been that of oppression and repression 
 for the temporary benefit of your own nationals. Your rulers tJiink 
 that you can destroy the spirit, the life, the body and the soul 
 of our people by these barbarous policies, but they are mistaken. 
 The Korean people may appear to you an easy victim to your 
 greedy eye, but let us inform you now, once for all, there are 
 millions of young Koreans today both in and out of Korea who 
 are just as capable, intelligent and courageous as any race of 
 man in this world. This assertion is not made in the spirit of 
 bravado, but is founded upon systematic investigation and thor- 
 ough test. Whenever opportunities have been given they demon- 
 strated their true qualities to the surprise and admiration of 
 their enemies as well as friends. What little opportunity they 
 have had was in foreign countries, but if the same freedom were 
 allowed them in their native soil they would certainly show some 
 wonderful results in all lines of human activity. Your govern- 
 ment has denied them this opportunity for development. Is it 
 right? It is fair? Is it humane? 
 
 Before the world war Germany and Russia and some other 
 powers in Europe cherished the fallacious thought that might 
 makes right and the strong should live at the expense of the 
 weak. But they are now reduced to impotent political units, and 
 all their greedy dreams have been shattered to pieces beyond all 
 repair. 
 
 Your government has been and still is entertaining the same 
 erroneous idea and the same greedy ambition as those cherished 
 by the European autocracies now destroyed and gone. If your 
 people are intelligent and wise, as we think they are, you should 
 make effort to change this policy and at once adopt the higher, 
 the nobler and the happier principle of true democracy for your 
 government. If you continue to carry on your present selfish 
 policy of the Prussian type your country will meet the same fate 
 that your prototype in Europe has encountered. 
 
 45 
 
First you must right the wrong you have done to Korea. 
 Give her absolute freedom, keep your hands from the politics of 
 the peninsula. You will find that Korea will develop into a peace- 
 ful, democratic and industrial nation, which will be absolutely 
 neutral in her foreign policies, will be a buffer between your 
 country, China and Russia. The interest of your country requires 
 a friendly buffer state in this region instead of a territory 
 inhabited by sullen, resentful people in whose hearts hatred for 
 you and your government will always exist as long as you 
 try to govern them by force, cruelty and injustice. The time 
 may come in the very near future when you will need the good 
 will of the Korean people. Even now it is within your power 
 to atone for your past sins against Korea and make her your 
 ally and good friend. The same just and generous policy should 
 be adopted toward China. By so doing your people will not 
 sacrifice your economic interest in the Orient, and at the same 
 time you will be living among friendly neighbors. As it is, 
 you have no friends. Korea hates you, China dislikes you just 
 as much as does Korea. Russia has no friendly sentiment for 
 you; even America is watching you with suspicion and distrust. 
 Your alliance with England will not avail you much in case you 
 should be involved in a conflict with any first-class power, espe- 
 cially with America. 
 
 Therefore, for your future safety and for your prestige as the 
 leading nation of the Orient you should embrace at once the 
 new principle of international justice and true democratic spirit 
 that righteous government should derive its just power from the 
 governed. This is the only way your country will continue to 
 be strong and prosperous and maintain the prestige that you 
 now enjoy. Above all, there will be permanent peace in the 
 Orient, so that all Oriental peoples will live and develop to their 
 highest capacity. If temporary gains and petty advantages blind 
 your statesmen to these eternal truths set forth above, all we can 
 say is Gold help the Japanese people. 
 
 MEMBERS OF KOREAN CONGRESS. 
 April 14-16, 1919, Philadelphia, Pa., U. S. A. 
 
 President Jaisohn: The subject is before you for 
 discussion. 
 
 Mr. p. K. Yoon : Mr. President, ladies and gentle- 
 men, I would like to have a few minutes of your time to 
 speak on this "Message to the Thinking People of Japan." 
 I, as well as all of you, am very much interested and also 
 intensely active in the movement in which our brethren 
 are engaged here and in the land of our birth for the 
 admission of Korea to the free republics of the world, on 
 which we are of one common mind and one in action. On 
 account of my desire to help our cause I went to San 
 Francisco on the 13th of March and assisted the Execu- 
 tive Council as much as possible in various ways in trans- 
 acting business and in other connections. They were 
 
 46 
 
kind enough to select me as one of the delegates to the 
 Peace Conference to Paris, but I could not decide at 
 that time. However, I finally consented to assume that 
 responsibility, and after about three or four weeks time 
 I left San Francisco and came back to Washington, and 
 while there I wound up all the business and made all 
 possible arrangements to be here at this time. It is a 
 great pleasure to see you and to be here listening to 
 the addresses and to what action is taken by this Con- 
 gress. In regard to the sentiment on the coast, I came 
 in contact with public men on my way from San Fran- 
 cisco to Portland and I talked with the best editors in 
 Oregon. I had a discussion on the subject of our move- 
 ment with the editors of some of the leading papers of 
 the coast, among them Mr. Edgar Piper, of Portland, 
 who said he would be very glad to put the matter of 
 the Korean independence movement before the readers 
 of his paper and would print whatever would be a 
 properly authorized document that would come to him. 
 Then I came to Spokane and talked to the editors of 
 the papers there, and they also expressed the same views. 
 On my way home to Washington I stopped off in St. 
 Paul and I talked with the editor of the Minneapolis 
 Tribune and the St. Paul Dispatch. All these representa- 
 tives of the western papers expressed their sym- 
 pathy for our cause. You have been very kind to elect 
 me as chairman of this committee on ** Message to the 
 Thinking People of Japan." Now I submit it to you 
 for your discussion and on behalf of the committee 
 recommend its adoption. 
 
 President Jaisohn: You have heard the reading 
 of this "Message to the Japanese People." As the chair 
 takes it, the intention is to send this message to those 
 who are really "the thinking people of Japan." It is 
 not intended for the military people nor the people who 
 are in favor of an autocratic government. There are 
 some Japanese people who are desirous of establishing a 
 democracy of their own. Even in Germany there was a 
 small minority who were opposed to Kaiserism and Prus- 
 
 47 
 
sianism, but they were just as much victims to those evils 
 as the rest of the people in Germany. But this minority 
 could not do much. One of the things the Koreans should 
 do is to send Korean missionaries to other Oriental coun- 
 tries, for the influence of such missions will be very great. 
 You have a great deal of opportunity to do some real good 
 in that part of the world. There is China, with a popu- 
 lation of some four hundred million people, who needs 
 wise counsels and help and the assistance of her neigh- 
 bors. To my surprise and gratification I heard through 
 American missionaries that the Korean Christians raised 
 during the last year over $3000 in American money to 
 send to China six or seven Korean missionaries to preach 
 Christianity among the Chinese. 
 
 The Koreans are a simple people, but they have 
 certain mental characteristics which seems to take them 
 in the direction of religion. They seem to have a religious 
 capacity more readily developed and more sincerely prac- 
 ticed than by any other oriental race. The reason for 
 that has to be explained by some men who are eminent in 
 psychology, for I cannot. The fact that they have raised 
 $3000 to send the Korean missionaries into China dem- 
 onstrates their sincerity. Of course, in America when 
 we are talking about four or five billions, $3000 is a 
 very small figure, but when you consider the earning 
 capacity of the Korean people it is a big sum. I hope 
 they will keep it up. I hope the Koreans will be advanced 
 in their materialistic welfare that they may be able to 
 take up the missionary work in the Orient to a larger 
 extent. We believe that what we want to do is to start 
 in on missionary work in the Orient for the principles 
 of Christianity and democracy. Japan knows very little 
 about democracy. It will be a Christian-like act on 
 your part to afford to every Japanese you can get 
 hold of the privilege of becoming a believer in democ- 
 racy. They are cruel; they are inhuman; they are bar- 
 barious to you, but even though they are all this you 
 can act like a generous Christian man even towards 
 your enemies. However, when he advances unfairly 
 
 48 
 
< 
 
 -c 
 ^ 
 
 OC 
 
upon you, you will fight like the devil. I am sure of 
 that. Roosevelt used to say, *'Hit the line hard," but 
 always consider that a true man, a Christian man, must 
 not be barbarous or cruel or vindictive. If you send 
 this message to the people of Japan it will be laughed 
 at by a large majority of the Japanese. They will scorn 
 and scoff at you. All right. When Christ preached the 
 Gospel at different places they scoffed at Him. Just 
 the same, that didn't stop Him from preaching. You 
 have two great missions to perform and you are adapted 
 for it. You are just the people. The first mission is 
 to Christianize the Orient, and the second is to 
 democratize the Orient. With the first, let us begin 
 with our worst enemy, Japan. Send him this message. 
 Let the people have this message and let them think 
 over it. Ladies and gentlemen, I think this is a subject 
 that should be thoroughly discussed. 
 
 Dr. Syngman Rhee: There are some of us who 
 object to having anything to do with the Japanese. Some- 
 body may misunderstand our motives in sending this 
 message to the Japanese people. I want to make it very 
 clear to everybody here and to the Japanese themselves 
 that we are not desiring to do anything except to show 
 them that we are Christians. We realize that they will 
 butcher our countrymen and it is natural for us to feel 
 that we don't want to have anything to do with them. 
 But we want them to realize that if they don't think any 
 more than they seem to do at the present time it is 
 not our fault. They are the ones who must take the con- 
 sequences. We want to show them, as President Wilson 
 expressed the thought in the beginning of the war 
 between this country and Germany, when he said, "The 
 United States is not fighting against the German people, 
 but against the German government." And we want 
 to show the Japanese people that if they act in the spirit 
 of Christianity and democracy we will treat them as 
 fellowmen; but if they keep up this method of Prus- 
 sianism and barbarism and cruelty we will show them 
 that they are the ones who are making mistakes, and, 
 
 49 
 
as our President has said, we will and we must "fight 
 like the devil." However, in this resolution we are show- 
 ing the spirit of Christians, and we show them what 
 our stand is and we ask them to consider our position, 
 and in accordance with this sentiment I second the 
 motion to adopt this resolution as presented and read 
 by the chairman of the committee. 
 
 Mr. Charles L. Lee: Mr. President, I think the 
 message which has been prepared and presented by the 
 Committee and which we have heard read is a very proper 
 one to be sent to the "Thinking People of Japan." If you 
 will remember, when the United States entered into the 
 European War, President Wilson sent a message to the 
 German people. The intention of sending a message to 
 them was to let the German people know why America 
 went into the war, and what America was fighting for. 
 Therefore, I think that this message which we propose 
 to send to the Japanese people is not only to show our 
 intention of what we are fighting for, but to let the people 
 of Japan know that Korean independence will not be 
 abandoned or forgotten until the last Korean is killed. Mr. 
 Chairman, it is an easy thing to talk about, but it is also 
 a difficult thing to act. I often wonder, since I have been 
 in this Congress, whether we have positively made up our 
 minds from the depths of our hearts to give our lives to 
 the cause. We are not here, ladies and gentlemen, fight- 
 ing for dollars and cents; we are praying for life and 
 death. Now is an opportune and a very proper time, as 
 Dr. Rhee has suggested, to adopt this message unani- 
 mously and send it to the Japanese people immediately and 
 let every Japanese man and woman everywhere know our 
 aims and our purposes, that when the victory is won, and 
 we are established at Seoul, as an independent republic, 
 we may all sing for the joy and the glory of Korea, Halle- 
 lujah, and I second the motion that the resolution be 
 adopted. 
 
 Miss Nodie Dora Kim : Mr. President, on behalf of 
 the ladies here, I wish to make it clear, the way we under- 
 stand it, that we are sending this message out to the 
 
 50 
 
Japanese people. It does not mean that we wish to say 
 we are people better than they are, but that we know 
 what humanity is, and that we are not in sympathy with 
 their being barbarous and butchering our innocent people, 
 cutting off the arms of women and children and fighting 
 unfairly. We want to show them that every Korean will 
 be perfectly willing to act as Christians toward the Jap- 
 anese people, whatever they do toward our people. The 
 Koreans want to follow the ideals of the United States 
 and the message of President Wilson lies deep down in 
 our hearts, and we don't wish to treat the Japanese as 
 enemies, but we don't want them to take away from us 
 our rights and privileges, and we are ready to stand up, 
 the women and the men, and defend ourselves. We want 
 to play our part. 
 
 President Jaisohn : I will suggest to the members 
 of this Committee that copies of this resolution be for- 
 warded to the people of Japan, and the best channel will 
 be through the Japanese newspapers and that all the 
 publicity possible be given to it. 
 
 At this time I will ask Mrs. E. L. Cook, the lady who 
 accompanied Mr. Deyo when he played the violin solo a 
 little while ago, to tell us what she thinks of Korea. She 
 was in the Severance Hospital in Korea, with her hus- 
 band. Dr. Cook, but owing to his ill health they were 
 compelled to return to this country. It is needless for 
 us to ask you where your sympathies are, but I would 
 like you to tell us from your own lips. 
 
 Mrs. E. L. Cook : My husband and I left Seoul just 
 one year ago, coming back to this country last March. 
 We lived rather more among the Koreans in Seoul than 
 foreigners usually do, as we were connected with the 
 American Hospital there. I regret, and I know that Dr. 
 Cook himself regrets that he is not able to be here with 
 you today. I am sure that he would give you a message of 
 encouragement. Christianity has the fragrance of all 
 sorts of good things, and is about the only religion that 
 holds out and is really worth while, but as soon as the 
 individual takes up Christianity he finds that he is met on 
 
 51 
 
all sides by obstacles that seem almost insurmountable. 
 So it is with the relations of individuals with the Chris- 
 tian faith. You have taken up with Christianity, but one 
 of the principles Christianity embraces is democracy, and 
 I am afraid that you will be met just like the individual 
 is met in Christianity, with all sorts of obstacles before 
 you accomplish your aims, but that is no reason why you 
 should give up your cause, and if you will arouse your 
 soul you will have sympathy and you will have help and 
 America will come to your rescue and you will be able to 
 win your cause. 
 
 President Jaisohn: The hour of twelve having 
 arrived, I will now declare a recess until 1.30 P. M. 
 
 52 
 
SECOND DAY— AFTERNOON SESSION 
 
 President Jaisohn called the Congress to order at 
 1.30 P. M. 
 
 The minutes of the morning session were read and, 
 on motion, approved. 
 
 President Jaisohn: I will read a telegram, 
 received today, that may be of considerable interest to 
 you. It is a cablegram from Shang-hai, China. 
 
 "Hearty congratulations and good wishes to the Korean Con- 
 gress now held in Philadelphia, from Korean Municipality of 
 Shang-hai. 
 
 (Signed) HuN Min Sinn. 
 
 President Jaisohn : We have a gentleman with us 
 today who has returned from Korea, Mr. Demming. He 
 was sent out from this land to help you, and has returned 
 to us. I am sure he is glad to see you and you will be 
 glad to see him and hear from him. I, therefore, take 
 great pleasure in introducing to you Mr. Demming. 
 
 Mr. Demming : Mr. President and ladies and gentle- 
 men, I am very glad to be here today. I am sorry that 
 I came so late that I have not been able to enjoy all the 
 discussions that have come up before you. When I left 
 Korea on March 1st of this year, there was a great deal 
 of tension in Korea, and I knew that something was in 
 the air, but I did not know what it was, and very few 
 missionaries knew, although they knew that something 
 was going to happen. As I was leaving on the train one 
 of my members told me something was going to happen 
 at two o'clock on that day. All the time that I was on the 
 train, I saw people traveling, and I heard that a move- 
 ment was on foot for the independence of Korea. When 
 I arrived in one of the towns I saw by the papers that 
 demonstrations had been made in Seoul and the Japanese 
 were very much surprised at the prominence of them. 
 While they knew that a demonstration was likely to take 
 place, they thought it would be on the day of the funeral 
 of the old Emperor. Those who were managing these 
 demonstrations got well ahead of them, and the Japanese 
 
 53 
 
did not think it necessary to bring any great number of 
 troops up. That day all the stations along the route were 
 crowded with Koreans for trains. When they saw the 
 large number of people on the trains, for every car was 
 packed and the stations were filled with people, the Jap- 
 anese authorities thought they were getting together to 
 attend the funeral of the Emperor, which was to take 
 place the next day. A great many people could not get 
 on the trains and had to be left in the stations; there 
 were so many of them, and that is the way it went, and 
 there was something doing all day and all night. The 
 Japanese did not seem to be prepared for it. I have been 
 very anxious to find out the facts of what has been taking 
 place in Korea ; this is one reason why I came over here 
 this morning. I first heard at Honolulu that they had a 
 revolution in Korea. They told me that Dr. Rhee was 
 here in America, and that there was to be a congress held 
 in Philadelphia in April. I heard at Los Angeles that 
 the Congress was to be held in old Independence Hall on 
 the fifteenth of April, and as soon as I arrived here I 
 made an effort to attend the meeting ; but I have been so 
 busy that I did not have time to look it up until today, 
 and so learned that you were meeting here and was very 
 anxious to come and be present at your Congress. 
 
 You all know that the missionaries in Korea are in 
 great sympathy with this effort for the independence of 
 the Koreans. I myself, if I were a Korean, would do as 
 you are doing, and I would seek to do all in my power to 
 get that which is your due, as you should be a free people. 
 
 President Jaisohn: I am glad to hear from a 
 representative of the missionaries in Korea, who tells you 
 directly where they stand on the proposition. Well, if he 
 goes back to Korea, after making such a statement, the 
 Japanese gendarmes might disturb him, but he has the 
 courage to say anything that he thinks is right. 
 
 It has been suggested by some members that we 
 should take action in this Congress toward requesting the 
 United States Government to recognize the Provisional 
 Government of the Republic of Korea. A representative 
 of that government is fortunately with us ; I refer to Dr. 
 Syngman Rhee. He has, I understand, been elected Sec- 
 retary of State for the Provisional Government. Your 
 movement is still in its infancy and a good many Ameri- 
 
 54 
 
can people do not take your movement seriously. There 
 is a good reason for that, which is brought about through 
 Japanese influence and clever diplomacy. There appears 
 to be a great deal of work done for Japan by publicity 
 agents. They have so far educated the American people 
 into thinking that Koreans are on a par with the Ameri- 
 can Indians; that they are weak and spineless; they 
 have no common sense and cannot help themselves; that 
 they need nurses and guardians — in other words, they 
 need to be wards of some strong nation rather than a 
 self-governing people; that not knowing the Koreans, 
 Americans naturally believe it. It will be a long process 
 of labor and struggle for you to eradicate that impression 
 that is already existing in the minds of the average 
 American. The Japanese have very clever press agencies 
 here in this country. They have men who are highly 
 educated and good scholars, who go around with the 
 assistance of their government and their press bureau, 
 which is one of the most admirable, unless we except the 
 German press bureau previous to the war, which was then 
 a little more perfect, spreading this propaganda. You 
 don't have the backing of an organized government; you 
 have no means ; you are all hard-working men ; many of 
 you work your way through the colleges by labor. You 
 have no means to carry on well-organized and extensive 
 press bureau work to counteract what the Japanese have 
 done in the years past. But for you your work is easier 
 than the Japanese because you have a righteous cause ; it 
 is much easier to tell the truth than it is to tell lies. There 
 is another phase that makes your work very much easier. 
 The principles and ideals you advocate so ardently are the 
 same as those of the American people, and the moment 
 they hear you and see how you act, their hearts will open 
 to you in spite of all this ingenious political work and all 
 these intrigues such as the Germans and the Japanese try 
 to propagate in this country. You have that much advan- 
 tage over the Japanese ; you have a righteous cause, and 
 a public that is ready to receive your proposition with 
 sympathy. You have to keep up this work. If you stop 
 
 55 
 
after this Congress is over and go to the different parts 
 of the country where you came from and then forget all 
 about it, or if you work individually without any con- 
 certed plan, without any systematized method of doing 
 the work, your labor will be wasted. Therefore, while 
 you are here, before you dispose of this matter, I would 
 like to have some gentleman make a motion to appoint a 
 committee to consider the proposition of organizing a 
 Korean Independence League or some other organization 
 in America, whose principal function will be to bring the 
 facts of the Korean cause before the American public 
 truthfully, faithfully and persistently. Some such organ- 
 ization is badly needed. If you try to do it alone, the work 
 is so much more difficult, and the result will be very 
 small, but if a body of men and women join together and 
 map out a plan by which you can carry on this work 
 systematically and intelligently and persistently, you will 
 accomplish a great deal, and your labor will be much 
 easier for all of you. 
 
 I understand that a delegate desires to speak on 
 the proposition of preparing and sending a petition to 
 the United States Government for recognition of the 
 Provisional Government of the Korean Republic. I can- 
 not bring that before the Congress until some motion to 
 that effect is made. If anybody wishes to make a motion 
 to that effect I will be ready to entertain it. 
 
 Mr. Pyng Oak Cho moved. 
 
 That the Chair appoint a committee of three from this Con- 
 gress to draw up a petition to the United States Government, ask- 
 ing for recognition of the Provisional Government of the Republic 
 of Korea. 
 
 Mr. p. K. Yoon offered the following amendment: 
 That the petition be sent to the Peace Conference at Paris, as 
 well as to the United States Government at Washington, and that 
 the committee be authorized and empowered to draw up and send 
 the same. 
 
 The motion and the amendment to the motion were 
 seconded and unanimously carried. 
 
 Mr. Henry Chung moved. 
 
 That a committee of three be appointed by the Chair, including 
 the President of the Congress, Dr. Philip Jaisohn, as ex-officio, to 
 draw up a petition and send the same to Washington and to Paris. 
 
 56 
 
The motion was seconded and carried. 
 
 The chair appointed on that committee Mr. Henry 
 Chung, Mr. P. K. Yoon and Mr. C. H. Min; Dr. Philip 
 Jaisohn, ex-ofRcio. 
 
 President Jaisohn: In order to perpetuate the 
 spirit of this Congress we must do this kind of work 
 all the year round. We must organize in some shape or 
 form for teamwork. I am going to tell you that we 
 must work as a body if you want to accomplish any big 
 results. If you don't have the spirit of teamwork and 
 co-operation you cannot accomplish very much in this 
 world. One of the old tactics which used to be prac- 
 ticed by the different nations to attain their ends was to 
 make a division of the opposing party, creating internal 
 strife. That is an old, old game and has been practiced 
 for centuries, and it is being practiced today to break up 
 the organization of your opponents. The reason is this : 
 By breaking up the unity and the organization of your 
 enemy he is weakened and you can handle him much 
 easier because he is in this condition. The whole trouble 
 in Korean history is that they do not attach enough impor- 
 tance to the spirit of teamwork and organization work. 
 The government of a nation, or the government of a state, 
 a government of any kind down to a small business house, 
 requires organization and teamwork. If you want to 
 carry on your work and obtain the desired result to any 
 large degree you must have organization. It is unfor- 
 tunate that Chinese history, Korean history or the 
 classics do not teach the necessity of teamwork. 
 
 Dr. Rhee: It is not so now. 
 
 President Jaisohn: What is the result? The 
 nation commits suicide. I say frankly to you that this 
 is one of the weaknesses of our people. It has been the 
 weakness of the Chinese, and I think it is the one weak- 
 ness that all the people in the Orient have except the 
 Japanese, and they have teamwork. It is the weak- 
 ness of China ; it is the weakness of the whole of India ; 
 it is the weakness of Korea and of Russia today. Russia 
 
 57 
 
is today in its deplorable condition through the lack of 
 unity and organization. That is well demonstrated in 
 one recent event that transpired on the western front. 
 England, France, Italy all had a big army. They had 
 more munitions than the Germans had; their men were 
 just as brave, if not braver, than the Germans; their 
 generals were equally as capable as the German gen- 
 erals, but they could not stop the Germans' onrush. The 
 reason was this: The German campaign was planned 
 by their headquarters that applied to the different pa;rts 
 and sectors of the front, and each front or sector carried 
 a plan made behind the lines in the headquarters. It 
 was unity of action ; it was co-ordination of effort ; every 
 sector co-operated. Whereas the French army and the 
 English army and the Italian army fought on their own 
 initiative. There was the weakness during the first 
 years of the war on the part of the Allies. The com- 
 bined strength of the Allies was greater than that of 
 the Germans, but the Germans had an absolutely perfect 
 organization and carried out their campaign along cer- 
 tain lines of co-operation, whereas the Allies' efforts 
 were divided under three different heads. When the 
 Americans went into the world war the combined Allies 
 elected General Foch as commander-in-chief, and the 
 whole campaign was carried out from one headquarters. 
 AVhen America went into the war American brains car- 
 ried out the method that the American business house 
 carries on now. Gentlemen, you must have unity, or- 
 ganization; you have got to have teamwork. You must 
 have unity of purpose and organization; it is necessary, 
 and that is something that is taught to Americans from 
 their boyhood. 
 
 You go out with boys to play baseball in the 
 vacant lots and your captain or your manager says: 
 ''Johnnie, you go and do your best on first base," and 
 the captain will tell the next man, you do your best in 
 your place, and so on each one is given his position and 
 what he is to do at first base and second base, and the 
 whole team is organized and they work together. That 
 
 58 
 
is the game, and they play it according to rule and with 
 teamwork. (Dr. Jaisohn described a baseball game and 
 drew from it a lesson in the principle of teamwork.) 
 That spirit has got to be instilled in boyhood. When 
 the boys become business men, when they become lawyers 
 and statesmen, the first thing they do is to organize. 
 If a man is in a big company or has an office he organ- 
 izes that office, and organization is absolutely necessary 
 to perform the various functions of that company, and 
 today that is the main principle of every organization 
 and the basis on which every organization is formed. 
 If it is a business organization you must organize it 
 along those lines; if it is a philanthropic organization 
 you want to take certain men who must do certain 
 things, and they must work together in order to do the 
 greatest good. If you go into a church or any organiza- 
 tion, whatever it may be, success in that organization 
 is impossible unless it is done along lines of co-opera- 
 tion. You have come from all parts of the United States. 
 You are more or less excited and more or less enthusi- 
 astic, and I don't blame you, because I am myself; but 
 we have to sit down and look at the facts right in the 
 face. If you don't do something before you go away 
 from this place in order to continue the work which 
 you have been doing here, you are going away with 
 certain impressions and somebody else will carry another 
 impression, and you will all take away your own indi- 
 vidual impressions. I don't expect to keep you all here. 
 You will have to go back where you have come from, 
 and it will be your daily business to "carry on" and to 
 consider the work that will be mapped out by the head of 
 this organization whoever that may be, and that requires 
 teamwork. Under the protection of the Stars and 
 Stripes you can talk as you like; your life and prop- 
 erty are safe, and the least you can do is to organize, 
 map out the work and through that the American public 
 and the world at large will know something about Korea. 
 A gentleman came to me the other day and said, "Call 
 on me when you want me to do something in any capacity 
 and I will serve you in your cause." That is the Amer- 
 
 59 
 
1 
 
 ican spirit. We want to get more friends in America. 
 We have a large number enlisted, but we want to have 
 more. 
 
 Mr. p. K. Yoon: We will get together sometime 
 tomorrow and organize. After all, we want special 
 organization; the Korean Independence Union or the 
 Korean National Association ; we will co-operate together 
 together and work out as one body even though methods 
 may be different. We can talk it over in an informal 
 way and then adopt some method that will be satisfactory 
 to all. I therefore move, 
 
 That we postpone this subject with the understanding that 
 we take it up tomorrow forenoon. 
 
 After some further discussion by Mr. New^ Mr. P. 
 0. Cho, Mr. Henry Chang, Mr. Kim, Mr. Y. P. Chung 
 and Mr. Henry Chung, Mr. Kim seconded the motion. 
 
 The motion was carried. 
 
 President Jaisohn: If there is no objection, the 
 Congress will adjourn until tomorrow morning at 9:30 
 A. M. 
 
 60 
 
THIRD DAY— MORNING SESSION 
 
 President Jaisohn called the Congress to order at 
 9 :30 A. M. 
 
 The minutes of yesterday afternoon's session were 
 read and, on motion, approved. 
 
 President Jaisohn: We have with us this morn- 
 ing a gentleman who represents the church which is the 
 oldest church that we know. It is singular to say that 
 the great religion of this world sprang from the Asiatic 
 Continent, where there were a race of men known as 
 the Hebrews — the Jews. They had many misfortunes 
 politically because of the fact that they were few in 
 number and paid more attention to the progress of 
 civilization and religion than to fighting other people 
 Through oppression, through the old idea that the strong 
 must sacrifice the weak and the weak be sacrificed by 
 the strong, the Jewish nation was scattered throughout 
 the world, but they gave the world a religion that the 
 majority of the people of all the civilized countries con- 
 sider their own religion. As a matter of fact, the very 
 thought, the idea, the principle of Christianity came from 
 the Jews. The Jews gave the world the Old Testament; 
 the New Testament was written up by the Jews. Take 
 Christ and his Twelve Disciples, they were all Jews. 
 They went out as missionaries preaching this new 
 doctrine, which converted practically the world, yet the 
 original race of the Jews, although they are scattered to all 
 corners of the earth, persistently kept their identity, not 
 having lost their religion, and today they are preaching 
 their old religion just as rigorously and as faithfully as in 
 the days of Abraham and the Old Testament. In this 
 country there is a large percentage of people who are 
 of this faith. We have with us this morning a gentle- 
 man who is the rabbi of one of the largest synagogues 
 of Philadelphia. He is not only an eminent jnan in 
 
 61 
 
religious circles, but he is prominent in our community 
 as a citizen and as a man who stands for what is right 
 and what is just. Therefore it was appropriate, as I 
 understand your mission is to convey every religion to 
 Korea, to invite Dr. Henry Berkowitz to come here this 
 morning to offer a prayer and to favor us with an address 
 and tell us what the Jewish Church stands for on the 
 questions and principles that you are struggling for 
 today. 
 
 PRAYER 
 
 By Rabbi Henry Berkowitz: Let us address our 
 thoughts and our hearts under the source of all and draw 
 near in worship to Almighty God for all mankind, who 
 is the arbiter of the destinies of individuals and of 
 nations. As this Congress has been to uplift our hearts 
 in prayer that has been spoken from the lips of divines, 
 so in the prayer now, the ancient mother of religion 
 would voice the ardent aspirations of those who are 
 assembled here through the words of the great Hebrew 
 prophets. Why should we deal treacherously, one man 
 against his brother? Profoundly impressed with this 
 sublime truth, we draw near. Almighty God, unto Thy 
 throne of grace with the ardent prayer welling from our 
 hearts to its full realization out of the righteousness of 
 a just indignation to protest against them and against 
 the offenses that are committed; against all bigotries 
 and hatreds that are maintained, and will ask that as 
 the clouds are dispersed by the warmth of the sun, so 
 may these clouds that deal with the judgment and the 
 conscience of men be speedily dispelled by the warmth 
 and the light of true faith in Thee as the true Father 
 of all who look to Thee as Thy children for help and for 
 guidance. Let Thy light shine with renewed inspira- 
 tion into the hearts of these men, representatives of 
 the nations who are gathered across the seas. Give them 
 clarity of judgment, sincerity of purpose; give them 
 the courage of conviction that thereby at last peace shall 
 come to a war-ridden world and that the great promise 
 of the Prophet find its fulfillment in the reign of justice 
 and brotherhood and freedom in all the lands, in all 
 creeds for all races of men. Amen. 
 
 President Jaisohn : We have a gentleman here who 
 besides being a patriot is a singer, and we will now be 
 favored with a song by Mr. Samuel G. Lee. 
 
 62 
 
SONG BY MR. SAMUEL G. LEE 
 
 President Jaisohn: Dr. Berkowitz will now 
 address you, and I want you to listen very carefully to 
 what he is going to say, because he is a scholar and a 
 citizen of the highest standing in this community. His 
 words will be of great interest to you. 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 By Rabbi Henry Berkowitz : My friends, when I 
 was called on the telephone by one of your number and 
 was asked to share with you in this Congress this morn- 
 ing I hesitated and demurred until the person who asked 
 me replied with an answer informing me of the object 
 of this gathering. I told him that I did not feel justi- 
 fied in appearing on a public platform to indorse or 
 advocate a movement concerning which I knew very 
 little, and that only from hearsay and from desultory read- 
 ing and concerning which I was not an authority. The an- 
 swer I received was a fitting rebuke, and that was this : 
 "We know that you are in favor of justice; we know that 
 you are opposed to cruelty and anything that is unfair. 
 Those things you know all about, and that is the pur- 
 pose of the Korean Congress." I felt the significance 
 of this reply so strongly that I immediately promised 
 to come here this morning. I am here simply to say 
 to you that there is a very strong bond of sympathy 
 between the Jew and all those who now or who have 
 ever in the past made an appeal against oppression and 
 tyranny of any kind and in behalf of freedom and 
 justice. I come to you almost from the synagogue where 
 yesterday was held a magnificent public service to the 
 American opening of the ancient Passover festival that 
 has been observed unremittingly during all the centuries 
 by the Jewish people from the days of the exit from 
 Egypt. For the first time in the history of the world 
 a band of enslaved Hebrews in far-away Egypt had 
 the courage to defy the mightiest empire of that age, 
 and from his lips Moses pronounced the challenge of 
 defiance to the mighty Pharaoh. That was the first 
 proclamation of freedom ever heard. It has inspired 
 every movement for freedom that has since been insti- 
 tuted in the history of the whole world. It is in your 
 hearts as it is in mine; that great sacred principle for 
 v/hich the world war was fought that at last there 
 
 63 
 
might be an end made to terrorism, to militarism, to 
 all those abuses of power that have in the past prompted 
 men urged by ambition to selfish greed and lust and to 
 make a rule for the nations declaring that "might is 
 right." Your Conference is gathered to proclaim the 
 opposite principle, that only right shall be might in the 
 future. Your President has referred to the fact that 
 the people whose blood is in my veins had a land of their 
 own and a government of their own in Judea. ITiere 
 is a strong geographical similarity to that fact in addi- 
 tion to that as compared with Korea. It lies in the 
 empire on the south of the mighty monarchies of the 
 Orient, of Persia, of Assyria, of Babylonia, of Media 
 and the rest, and each year the great rulers of those 
 countries felt it their business to marshal great armies 
 and to go forth into combat with the sea on one side 
 and Judea on the other and the desert on the other, and 
 they went up and over across the marshes into the 
 little narrow land called Palestine, and those thieves 
 came down and plundered the ancient temple, and they 
 came in broadcast and abused the people, murdered inno- 
 cent women and children, and that condition raged along 
 through the centuries, and always Korea, being between 
 Japan and China, was butted back and forth and made 
 to feel the brunt of the shock of these contending nations. 
 There are other points of contact, with these little help- 
 less people unarmed and not militaristic in spirit, the 
 victim of these conditions which was common in ancient 
 Judea. There was a people who were bent upon the 
 higher and nobler and sublimer things in life, whose 
 ambition was not to glory in arms or dominion, but 
 whose desire was to proclaim to the world a great 
 spiritual message of kinship between man and his maker ; 
 of the supremacy of the moral law and who by His devo- 
 tion gave the great Scriptures and the spiritual life to 
 the whole civilized earth, and given the literature that 
 has framed the institutions that have become the Chris- 
 tian and the Mohammedan church. All this came out 
 of Asia. There it again lies and is in notable contact 
 between us. I was not long ago addressing a conven- 
 tion held here at the Metropolitan Opera House to make 
 a protest against the oppression of the Jewish people. 
 Telegrams had come out of the heart of Poland declaring 
 that massacres had been instituted against innocent Jew- 
 ish people. When the Russians overran Poland, 
 Lithuania and Roumania the Jews were charged with 
 being spies for the Germans, and when the Germans 
 
 64 
 
Uncle Sam's Korean Soldier 
 
came back they charged the Jews with being spies for 
 the Russians, and so they got it both ways. They were 
 charged with being allies of the Russians and then with 
 being allies of the enemies of Russia, and some seven 
 millions of them were being brutally treated and many 
 of them murdered, and the stories that we are getting 
 about the conditions of those people — starvation, misery, 
 helplessness, sickness — are so appalling that human kind 
 fails to grasp the enormity of conditions there. The 
 Jews in the United States of America are responding 
 to the appeals from their race in the far-off East, and 
 $15,000,000 has been spent not only for the Jews, but 
 for other suffering people abroad. 
 
 (Rabbi Berkowitz continued at some length describ- 
 ing some of the details of existing conditions among 
 the Jews in Poland and what in the name of freedom 
 and independence the people of this country were try- 
 ing to do for the oppressed people of other lands, saying 
 that this country would fall in line and become interested 
 in the cause of Korea.) I have recited these incidents 
 as an illustration of how the Jewish heart rebels against 
 cruelty anywhere, among any people, in any land, and 
 this is the reason why my sjmipathies are with you, and 
 I can sympathize with the millions in your land who 
 ask for freedom, for justice, for right, for protection 
 and to be kept free from abuse by any stronger nation. 
 I read a review of a book that appeared in last Sunday's 
 New York Times, the title of which is "The Mastery 
 of the Far East," which is a story of Korea's trans- 
 formation and Japan's rise in the Orient. I am sorry 
 that book was published. It tells that the Japanese 
 are the friends of the Koreans; that they have been 
 helping them, and that the Japanese really have been 
 far better materially than the Koreans and that they 
 have introduced things in that country that are far 
 better than anything that Korea ever knew, and the 
 author attempts to prove conclusively what he says, 
 while the proceedings of your Convention here does not 
 seem to agree with that, (Rabbi Berkowitz commented 
 at some length on the contents of the book referred to 
 and quoted from it.) It is a credit to you that you are 
 here to resent the domination of any people, whatever 
 they may be, who called themselves friends and have 
 betrayed their trust. In conclusion I simply wish to 
 express to you my hearty sympathy in the effort you 
 are making to secure a hearing before the world for 
 your cause, and, whether false or true, as this man says, 
 
 65 
 
there is a just God, and if you have been wronged you 
 are destined to win and gain the freedom that is due you. 
 
 President Jaisohn: On behalf of the Congress I 
 thank Dr. Berkowitz for the clear thought that he has 
 brought out to us this morning. This is not a Koreaif 
 cause. It is not a question of any particular race of 
 men. It is a question that involves all races of men; a 
 question of justice and freedom. It is a question whether 
 that shall prevail, no matter if it is in Korea or America, 
 or Palestine or Russia, or any other section of the world. 
 If they believe in justice at all they believe in it for all 
 nations and for all people everywhere. Therefore, you 
 are particularly interested in the Korean cause; that 
 is natural. But we are fighting in a humble, small way 
 the battle of humanity. The people who have been 
 oppressing the Koreans have had the might and the 
 strength, but if we had a little more ammunition and 
 a little more machine guns, as I told you yesterday, Korea, 
 with its high idea of justice and democracy in that part 
 of the world, Would not only govern Korea, but would 
 teach their very enemy in Japan many things that they 
 should know; that they should be Christians; that they 
 should be democratized; that they should believe in jus- 
 tice and freedom and in consciousness. 
 
 We will now be favored with a vocal solo by Mr. 
 R. K. Lee. 
 
 VOCAL SOLO BY MR. R. K. LEE 
 
 President Jaisohn : I wish to call to the platform 
 a gentleman who has been very friendly to us and who 
 has been faithful in serving our cause and who has been 
 helping us in many ways in securing publicity and making 
 known our cause through the newspapers of Philadelphia. 
 He has worked in the night for the newspapers and in 
 daytime he has worked for us in this Congress, and I 
 would like to have him come on the platform so that you 
 may all have a good look at him, and he will address you 
 briefily. I take great pleasure in presenting to you Mr. 
 George Benedict. 
 
 66 
 
ADDRESS 
 
 By Mr. George Benedict : Mr. President and gen- 
 tlemen, I am very grateful to you for having given me 
 an opportunity to speak to you on this most historic 
 occasion, and I am verj^ grateful to you for the education 
 v^hich I received from contact with the members of this 
 Congress. (Mr. Benedict referred to his efforts in behalf 
 of the cause of Korea's freedom, Dr. Jaisohn's co-opera- 
 tion v^ith him and declared his intention to continue work- 
 ing for and with the friends of Korea until Korea was 
 free.) It is my hope that Korea will become a free 
 republic, and that you yourselves who have become Chris- 
 tians through missionaries will become the missionaries 
 of the Far East. I am with you in brain, in heart and in 
 soul to the end. I feel that Korea will be free and if it be 
 God's will may it be speedily accomplished. 
 
 President Jaisohn: Ladies and gentlemen, we 
 have had at this Congress different representatives from 
 the different churches. On the first day we had a minister 
 from the Episcopal Church, on the second day we had a 
 priest from a Roman Catholic Church and this morning 
 you heard the views of a Jewish Rabbi. We have here 
 today another minister, who is my personal friend and 
 who looks after the spiritual welfare of my family. I 
 take great pleasure in introducing to you. Reverend Cros- 
 well McBee, Rector of St. John's Church, Lansdowne, Pa. 
 He has come to us this morning to express his feelings 
 on this cause which you are fighting for and to advocate 
 Christianity and humanity. Dr. McBee will tell you his 
 feelings, and he will now speak to you. 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 By Rev. Croswell McBee : Ladies and gentlemen, 
 there is nothing that can so uplift the people of Korea as 
 the thought that over here there are people who, while 
 they are far away today, are, nevertheless, praying for 
 you and are in sympathy with you and are in every way 
 willing to help you. I think they somehow feel that they 
 have your interest at heart and they would like to travel 
 across the waters and help you. You have just as much 
 right to be free as to have the enjoyment of the air. I 
 am quite sure that over in the Orient there are many 
 
 67 
 
thousands of souls who ask that there shall be established 
 the principle of freedom in your country. Let them 
 realize that you are aspiring towards that end. 
 
 President Jaisohn: We have with us again this 
 morning Rev. Dr. Floyd Tomkins who wishes to read an 
 announcement. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Floyd Tomkins: Gentlemen, I desire to 
 read to you a report of communication from the Federa- 
 tion of Churches signed by Dr. MacFarland proclaiming 
 that the Federation of Churches and the ministers of that 
 body in the United States will stand up in an appeal to 
 the world to make every country independent and free, 
 and that includes Korea. (At this point Dr. Tomkins 
 read the report.) 
 
 President Jaisohn : If we had many friends like 
 Dr. Tomkins we would find our work very much easier. 
 You can rest assured that the clippings that have been 
 brought out can be traced to the activity of the press 
 bureau which the Japanese maintain in this country. 
 They are backed by the Government, spending thousands 
 of dollars, and I know there are a good many writers in 
 the pay of the Japanese Government in this country today. 
 I know that some ministers of the gospel are going around 
 the country today defending Japanese action and speak- 
 ing to the detriment of the Koreans, but they are misin- 
 formed and have come under the influence of Japanese 
 diplomacy, or Japanese gold, or hypnotism, I don't know 
 which. Dr. Berkowitz referred to an article in the "New 
 York Times" in his address this morning, and that is 
 one of the few leading papers in this country which 
 seems to be rather Pro- Japanese ; I don't know why; 
 but since you people have come here I find that all the 
 Philadelphia papers, which at first did not seem to be 
 familiar with your cause. After being told more about 
 conditions in Korea, they write very sympathetic articles. 
 In other words, they are putting Korea on the map as 
 far as Philadelphia is concerned. 
 
 President Jaisohn: We will next hear from the 
 
 68 
 
committee which was appointed yesterday to draw up 
 a petition to be sent to Washington and to the Peace 
 Conference in Paris. I will ask Mr. Henry Chung, the 
 chairman of the committee, to read the report. (Mr. 
 Henry Chung read the report as follows, a copy of which 
 was sent to the President of the United States, Wash- 
 ington, D. C, and another to the Peace Conference in 
 Paris) : 
 
 "We, the representatives of all Koreans residing outside of 
 Korea, in Congress assembled in Philadelphia, Pa., April 14-16, 
 1919, have the honor to request you to recognize the Provisional 
 Government of the Korean Republic, organized March 1, 1919, 
 representing the will of the entire Korean race of more than 
 20,000,000 people. 
 
 This Provisional Government is republican in form, and its 
 guiding spirit is that of true democracy. Men of liberal educa- 
 tion and mostly of high Christian character constitute this 
 government. 
 
 Our sole aim is to regain the inalienable right of self- 
 determination for our race, so that we may be able to develop 
 as a free people under the guiding principle of Christian 
 democracy. 
 
 We beg respectfully to point out that Korea was an inde- 
 pendent kingdom until the year of 1905, and that in 1882 the 
 United States was a party to the covenant guaranteeing the 
 integrity and independence of Korea. 
 
 We submit this request to you recognizing your splendid 
 championship of international justice, and also to you as the 
 chief executive of the great Republic which has always stood 
 for democracy and the rights of small nations. 
 
 May we have the joy and happiness of receiving your favor- 
 able consideration of our petition? 
 With deep respect, 
 
 (Signed) C. H. Chung, 
 P. K. YooN, 
 C. H. MiN, 
 Philip Jaisohn, Ex Officio." 
 
 President Jaisohn: We would like to get your 
 views on this petition. The committee was authorized 
 to draw up this petition and send it to the President of 
 the United States, but it was the sense of the commit- 
 tee that a document of this sort should be sent to the 
 President, as well as to the Peace Conference at 
 Paris. If you have any other ideas to present, this 
 is the opportunity to do it. The petition was brought 
 before the Congress that it might be read and accepted. 
 
 Mr. Ough moved that the petition to the President of the 
 United States and to the Peace Conference at Paris be accepted 
 as presented and read by the chairman of the committee. 
 
 69 
 
The motion was seconded and carried. 
 
 President Jaisohn: There was a suggestion in 
 favor of having an information bureau in Philadelphia. 
 The purpose of the bureau is to give out truthful infor- 
 mation concerning Korea and in every way to co-operate 
 with the American friends to give them facts, so that 
 they may understand and may be able to help you 
 intelligently. 
 
 Mr. Min : I wish to make a report of the decision 
 of the Executive Council held yesterday afternoon and 
 evening. This question about establishing an organiza- 
 tion to perpetuate the work of this Korean Independence 
 League, the report has been prepared and we have 
 received a dispatch from San Francisco requesting that 
 Dr. Philip Jaisohn be appointed as the representative 
 of the League on this work in the Korean Central Cor- 
 respondence Bureau. I am glad to report to you that 
 Dr. Philip Jaisohn has kindly consented to accept the 
 appointment by the Executive Council of the Korean 
 National Association, so I think there is no necessity 
 of discussing this question this morning. I know that 
 Dr. Jaisohn will carry out his work faithfully. 
 
 President Jaisohn : The idea of having a bureau 
 or an organization at some eastern point where it can 
 do a certain amount of missionary work is good. I 
 do not like the word "propaganda," because that was 
 used in connection with the Germans' campaign of pub- 
 licity here. We do not want any conflict with the offi- 
 cials of the United States Government. There is an 
 underlying meaning that there is something hidden, 
 something crooked in the word "propaganda." Let us 
 get away from this word and use a word that every- 
 body can understand ; for instance, "spreading true news 
 about Korea, the true facts about the Korean people." 
 That is not Latin, nor has it any French in it, but is true 
 Anglo-Saxon, and the object is to spread the truth about 
 the Korean people. That is the function of this bureau. 
 I appreciate the confidence of the Korean National Asso- 
 
 70 
 
ciation to name me for this position, but I will only- 
 consent on the ground that I will act in an advisory 
 capacity and not in the doing of any actual physical 
 work. Dr. Syngman Rhee is a man of wonderfully high 
 attainments, and I know that you have absolute con- 
 fidence in him as your leader, who has a history cover- 
 ing the last twenty years. He is a man who has gone 
 through hellfire and brimstone; he was five years in 
 jail because he believed in Christ, and he is worthy 
 of your confidence. You have another man here, Mr. 
 Henry Chung, who is a graduate of the University of 
 Nebraska, and he holds a fellowship in the Northwestern 
 University. He is an experienced writer and has friends 
 among the magazine writers and has an extensive circle 
 of acquaintances. He is a very valuable man, and he 
 can help to give publicity to our cause and help the 
 American writers to prepare articles about Korea. He 
 can supply them with the facts and the truth. If these 
 two men will do the' actual physical work and give it 
 their time and let me act, as my duties will permit, in 
 an advisory capacity, I will gladly accept the honor and 
 will do what I can for you, and you can depend on that. 
 However, no organization will succeed unless it has the 
 hearty support of the people who compose that organi- 
 zation. Every man and woman who belongs to the 
 organization must use their best efforts in support of 
 it and to the fullest extent. Without your support this 
 organization, or any other organization, will not last 
 very long, or at least it will not be able to do effective 
 work. 
 
 On motion, a recess was taken until 1.30 P. M. 
 
THIRD DAY— AFTERNOON SESSION 
 
 President Jaisohn called the Congress to order at 
 1.30 P. M. 
 
 The minutes of the morning session were read and, 
 on motion, approved. 
 
 President Jaisohn : It is the desire of the Congress 
 to sing the Korean National Hymn. I will ask all the 
 delegates to rise and sing. 
 
 Mr. Henry Chung explained the origin of the song, the music 
 of which is the same as the Scotch "Auld Lang Syne." 
 
 President Jaisohn: I am in receipt of sad news. 
 Mrs. Caroline Kennedy O'Neill, an American lady whose 
 home is in New York City and who has given generously 
 to the people of Korea and founded one of the main 
 schools, which has been in charge of Dr. McCuen, whose 
 letter was read here this morning, has passed away. I 
 understand that some of the delegates here in this Con- 
 gress were taught in the mission school established by 
 Mrs. O'Neill. It is proper that this Congress send a 
 telegram of condolence to her daughters. She has two 
 daughters surviving her. If you want to go any further 
 it will be a gracious act on your part to have a set of 
 resolutions drawn up and properly engrossed, expressing 
 your sympathy at the death of one of the benefactresses 
 of Korea and forward the same to her daughters, which 
 will be appreciated by them. 
 
 Mr. Wonnick Leigh moved that the secretary of this Congress 
 be instructed to send a telegram of condolence to the daughters 
 of Mrs. O'Neill, and that the president of this Congress appoint 
 a committee of three to draw up suitable resolutions to be prop- 
 erly engrossed and forwarded to the daughters of Mrs. O'Neill. 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried. 
 
 President Jaisohn : I will appoint as a committee 
 to send a telegram of condolence and to draw up resolu- 
 
 72 
 
tions and have the same engrossed and sent to the 
 daughters of Mrs. Caroline Kennedy O'Neill : 
 
 Mr. Cho Lyhm, 
 
 Mr. Leigh, 
 
 Mr. Chung. 
 We are about to adjourn this Congress and there 
 are a few more things to do. Since the delegates have 
 come to this city we have made arrangements with the 
 Police Department of the city in regard to the parade 
 that will proceed from this place to Independence Hall. 
 The city authorities of Philadelphia gave us every 
 courtesy possible, and the police have been co-operating 
 with us in every way, much to their credit and to our 
 great satisfaction. This Congress should authorize the 
 chairman of this meeting to write a letter to the police 
 authorities, thanking them for the courtesies extended 
 to the members and officers of this Congress. We also 
 should give a vote of thanks to those gentlemen and 
 ladies representing newspapers of this city, who came 
 here primarily for the purpose of gathering news, but 
 after having spent a few days with us and heard the 
 stories being told and learned what we were fighting for 
 they became true and enthusiastic friends of Korea. One 
 gentleman told me that if he had the run of his 
 paper there would be little space left for advertising, 
 as it would be filled with news and cuts bearing 
 on the proceedings of this Congress. However, 
 they have done very well, and we thank the members 
 of the press of the city for their co-operation and for 
 the publicity they have given our cause. It will be proper 
 for you to take official recognition of these matters. We 
 do not want to forget our friends who delievered 
 addresses to us. We have made friends of them and they 
 will help us in our cause. Men like Dr. Tomkins and Dr. 
 Dean and Rabbi Berkowitz came here and have become 
 our friends. You have accomplished a great deal in 
 securing the co-operation of a man like Dr. Tomkins, 
 That man's value to your cause is worth several regi- 
 ments of well-equipped soldiers to you in your fight for 
 liberty and independence. 
 
 73 
 
Mr. Henry Chung moved that this Congress extend a vote 
 of thanks to the authorities of the City of Philadelphia for their 
 co-operation in making this Congress a success; a vote of thanks 
 to the members of the press of the city and also a vote of 
 thanks to the speakers who were kind enough to address this 
 Congress at its various sessions, and to include a vote of thanks 
 to all who have participated and taken an active part in the 
 proceedings of the Congress. 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried. 
 
 President Jaisohn : I will write a letter to those 
 parties who are not present here today, but I will con- 
 vey the message to the members of the newspaper repre- 
 sentatives who are present in person and tender to them 
 the vote of thanks just passed by this Congress, for the 
 accurate and fair manner in which you have presented 
 our proceedings in your papers. 
 
 At our morning session I made some reference to 
 an editorial which appeared in one of our Philadelphia 
 papers. The point is so thoroughly covered by an edi- 
 torial in today's "Philadelphia Record" that I will read 
 it to you at this time, with a request that it be embodied 
 in the record of the proceedings of this Congress : 
 
 KOREAN INDEPENDENCE 
 
 The presence in this city of a delegation of Koreans, 
 who will meet in Independence Hall today to proclaim 
 the independence of their country, just as the Czecho- 
 slovaks did a few months ago, will recall to some 
 persons an episode in international relations which 
 cannot be called creditable to the United States. 
 Korea, as is well known, was until a few years ago 
 a self-governing nation. "For over 4000 years," the 
 official statement of the visiting delegates says, "our 
 country enjoyed an absolute autonomy. We have our 
 own history, our own language, our own literature 
 and our own civilization. We have made treaties with 
 the leading nations of the world; all of them recog- 
 nized our independence, including Japan." 
 
 One of these treaties was with the United States, 
 and in it this country solemnly pledged itself to 
 uphold the territorial integrity of the Hermit nation. 
 Notwithstanding this treaty obligation, no protest was 
 made when Japan, following the termination of the 
 Russo-Japanese war, gobbled up Korea and calmly an- 
 nexed it to the island kingdom. Indeed, when a dele- 
 gation of Koreans came to this country and sought to 
 interest Theodore Roosevelt, then President, in the 
 unhappy plight of their people he refused even to 
 receive them or to recognize that the treaty imposed 
 any duty whatever upon this country. This was cer- 
 
 74 
 
tainly a curious performance, but not so curious as the 
 reasons which Mr. Roosevelt gave in his book, "Amer- 
 ica and the World War," for his attitude of scorn and 
 contempt for this wronged and feeble nation. In 
 explanation of his absolutely ignoring the obligations 
 imposed upon the United States by its treaty with 
 Korea, he wrote: 
 
 To be sure, by treaty it was solemnly covenanted 
 that Korea was to remain independent. But Korea 
 was itself helpless to enforce the treaty, and it was 
 out of the question to suppose that any other nation 
 without any interest of its own at stake would attempt 
 to do for the Koreans what they were unable to do 
 for themselves. 
 
 In the light of recent events that seems a heart- 
 lessly brutal and cynical statement. A whole world 
 of old-time ideas lies between that callous sentiment 
 and the finer promptings of humanity and good faith 
 that are calling the League of Nations into life. 
 
 Korea is entitled to its independence, and we hope 
 it will get it. It will find a world now more respon- 
 sive to its appeals than when its delegates knocked in 
 vain at the White House door a dozen years ago. 
 
 (President Jaisohn continuing) : Mr. Roosevelt 
 was a grand man and one of the most brilliant statesmen 
 America ever produced, but on this program his argu- 
 ment seems to be a little lame. Roosevelt says, "We can- 
 not do that because the other fellow cannot help him- 
 self.'* If the other fellow was able to help himself 
 what is the use of getting somebody else to do the work 
 for him? Korea needed help and America would not 
 give her the help she needed, and, according to Mr. Roose- 
 velt's argument, they did not give her the help she needed 
 because Korea could not help herself. I am not a states- 
 man ; I am a business man, and Mr. Roosevelt may have 
 had some other reason for the position he took at that 
 time. 
 
 At this time I will ask Dr. Reimer, of Swarthmore, 
 to say a few words to us. 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 By Dr. Reimer: Gentlemen, ten years ago I met 
 Dr. Rhee at Pittsburgh. I recall saying to some one 
 before I had met Dr. Rhee that the most eloquent address 
 delivered at that gathering was by a Korean, Dr. Syng- 
 man Rhee. I am glad to tell you that I am in hearty 
 accord with what I have heard at this Congress, and I 
 
 75 
 
am in sympathy with you in your desire and hope that 
 you will have the principle of self-determination put in 
 practice and that you may attain to the religious ideals 
 which all of you have been enjoying in this land and 
 which you want to enjoy also in your own beloved Korea. 
 You are not going to be discouraged because your 
 resources are small or because you are not very wealthy 
 as a people, or because your army is not as large as 
 the armies of other peoples. No people are too little 
 or too poor to think big things in the eyes of Almighty 
 God. I will give to you this counsel : That you be abso- 
 lutely unafraid, no matter how powerful opposition may 
 be today. Don't let yourselves be intimidated. In 1914 
 the German Kaiser sent a special messenger to ex-Presi- 
 dent Theodore Roosevelt to try to have him curb his 
 speech against German- Americans ; to make him keep 
 still and not to use his influence against the Germans, 
 but to be in sympathy with the aims and aspirations of 
 the German Empire. He had requested his messenger 
 to say that he trusted that the cordial reception which 
 Theodore Roosevelt had received in Berlin would always 
 remain fresh in his memory. To this messenger ex-Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt said, clicking his teeth, "Tell his Majesty 
 for me that I thank him for his cordial message and 
 that I remember my visit to Berlin with the greatest 
 pleasure, precisely with the same pleasure that I remem- 
 ber a similar visit which I paid at the same time to 
 the King and Queen of Belgium." That was the mes- 
 sage that ex-President Roosevelt sent to the Kaiser. 
 Within an hour you are going to the Shrine of Liberty 
 in this city, which you are visiting. You have been most 
 felicitous in your choice of Philadelphia as a meeting 
 place for your deliberations, and your spirits will be fired 
 with fresh patriotism, with a refreshed ardor and with 
 renewed zeal as you go into Independence Hall. That 
 represents a page in American history which some of 
 you have read. At the end of the Constitutional Con- 
 vention and upon the adoption of the constitution of 
 the United States of America, Benjamin Franklin rose 
 and, facing Washington, said : 
 
 "Sir, as we have met in this convention again and 
 again I have looked at that golden sun painted on the 
 back of the chair above your head, and I have often 
 wondered whether that sun is a rising or a setting sun, 
 but now I know that it is a rising sun.'' Oh, my friends 
 of Korea, to you as you think of your own people and 
 
 76 
 
of your own nation, and of your own ship of state and 
 of your own sun of destiny, no longer let there be any 
 question in your mind as to whether that sun is a ris- 
 ing or a setting sun, but be sure there are thousands and 
 thousands of American friends, be assured of that in 
 our hearts, and I believe in the heart of the Great Eternal 
 the thought is supreme that the sun of Korea is a rising 
 and a shining sun. 
 
 President Jaisohn: I thank Dr. Reimer for the 
 scholarly address. We have another eminent visitor 
 with us this afternoon, who is one of the leading min- 
 isters of the Christian Church in the City of Philadel- 
 phia and who sympathizes with all that is just, all that 
 is righteous, and he is especially interested in the sup- 
 port of Christianity in Korea. I take great pleasure in 
 presenting to you Dr. Clarence E. McCartney. 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 By Dr. McCartney : Mr. President and ladies and 
 gentlemen, it strikes me that this is almost a heavenly 
 occasion because of the invisible spirits of justice and 
 mercy and truth that are about you this afternoon, and, 
 more than that, the spirits of the great leaders and 
 prophets and dreamers of your race in the past, and, 
 more than that, the spirits of the men who have suffered 
 and died before this dream which engages your atten- 
 tion this afternoon is carried out. Two of my 
 best friends who were with me at Princeton College 
 are in Korea. I have been told that one of them is in 
 jail as a Korean patriot, under sentence of death, and 
 I have been wondering if anything that I might say 
 here or that you might do here is going to make it 
 more difficult for them or in any way further endanger 
 their lives ; but even were it so I know that thfeir love for 
 the Korean people is such that they would not have me 
 keep silence at this place and at this hour. This looks 
 like a day of small beginning, but a man would be dull 
 of soul indeed were he not thrilled when he thought 
 of the influences that may go forth from this Con- 
 gress, and when in years to come Korea has achieved 
 her independence some of you men will look back to 
 the occasion of this gathering and to this day and to 
 the pilgrimage that you are about to make within the 
 hour to the Shrine of American Liberty, our Inde- 
 
 77 
 
pendence Hall, where the Declaration of the Inde- 
 pendence of the United States of America was declared 
 and signed, and you will tell your children and your 
 grandchildren of it. It is not so much the establish- 
 ment of a nation in your case as it was in the case of 
 the American Republic, but it is the restoration of an 
 ancient nation to an honorable people; the getting back 
 of what was yours for centuries and is to be yours again. 
 We have a great demonstration in recent events of the 
 power of moral authority. One year ago, just about 
 this time, the Germans were making their last desperate 
 assault upon the French and British lines, and there was 
 a feeling of apprehension and almost of dread in the 
 hearts of the lovers of freedom all over the world, but 
 with all that apprehension one year ago as to the out- 
 come of that German assault there was a deep-seated 
 confidence that this German plot against the freedom 
 of the world could not succeed, because it was conceived 
 in injustice and carried out in cruelty. At the present 
 time it may seem to you a very difficult and painful 
 situation, but you have had the demonstration of the 
 truth that the mightiest thing under heaven is right on 
 your side and the sympathies of right-minded people, of 
 freedom-loving people the world over. Their sym- 
 pathies are with you, and their interests are with you, 
 and their prayers are with you. We doubt not but the 
 day is coming when Korea will take the place that she 
 wants among the families of nations which God has 
 planned for her. We had hoped after the great convul- 
 sion of this war that the United States and the world 
 would be settled upon a new basis ; that the nations would 
 find some other way of dealing with one another from 
 the combat of arms and that the liberties of such people 
 as the Koreans might be secured and that the shedding 
 of blood for the king in strife was at an end. How- 
 ever, I know that the Koreans are ready to suffer and 
 are able to drink from the cup and to be baptized with 
 this baptism; I know that you are. The Divine plan 
 for humanity was this: "That God hath made of one 
 blood all nations of men to dwell together upon the 
 face of the earth; not one under the other, not one over 
 the other, but to dwell together upon the face of the 
 earth." May God speed the day when we shall salute 
 this flag, a flag of every nation of the family of humanity. 
 
 PSRESIDENT Jaisohn : I voice the sentiment of the 
 78 
 
delegates of this Congress when I tell you, Dr. McCart- 
 ney, that we appreciate your address most heartily and 
 thank you for your kindness in coming here. 
 
 Mr. D. W. Lim : I move that this Congress suggest 
 to all Koreans here and elsewhere that they for just a 
 moment three times a day, morning, noon and evening, 
 bow their heads in silent prayer for the independence of 
 Korea. 
 
 The motion was discussed by Mr. D. W. Lim, Mr. 
 Y. C. Lee, Mr. Taikwon Sur, Miss Nodie Dora Kim, Mrs. 
 Jaisohn and Dr. Sjoigman Rhee. 
 
 By Miss Nodie Dora Kim : We all realize that God 
 stands for justice and freedom, and I am sure that God 
 will hear our prayer. God will hear our 20,000,000 of 
 people if they will pray for his help. I think that when 
 the Allies were marching against the Germans we all 
 felt that it was through God's help and through prayer 
 that they were victorious. They felt that God's help 
 was necessary and they prayed once a day. If we, as 
 a small nation who have been fighting with bare fists 
 against a mighty power, combine our prayers and our 
 pleadings to God three times a day I think God will 
 help us. I surely believe there is a great power in prayer. 
 
 Mr. p. K. Yoon: Let us pass this motion and let 
 us pray with more earnestness and with more devo- 
 tion, so that God will help us in this cause. 
 
 The motion was unanimously carried. 
 
 President Jaisohn called upon Rev. C. H. Min to offer 
 a prayer. 
 
 PRAYER IN KOREAN BY REV. C. H. MIN 
 
 President Jaisohn then declared the Congress 
 adjourned sine die. 
 
 The delegates then formed in a body and proceeded 
 to Independence Hall in parade formation, each man 
 and woman carrying a Korean and American flag. The 
 body was headed by a platoon of mounted reserves and 
 a band. 
 
 79 
 
AT INDEPENDENCE HALL 
 
 President Philip Jaisohn led the delegates into the 
 room in Independence Hall where the Declaration of 
 Independence and the Constitution of the United States 
 were signed. He then introduced the curator of Inde- 
 pendence Hall, who in a brief address said: 
 
 "Ladies and gentlemen, in this room, with John 
 Hancock sitting in the chair which you see here, with 
 the table and the inkwell as it is here, with John Han- 
 cock presiding, the Declaration of Independence was 
 declared and signed, and the Liberty Bell which you saw 
 as you entered the room proclaimed the event to all the 
 world. The chair and the table are the same, and they 
 are standing on the same spot just as they did when 
 the Declaration of Independence was signed. In this 
 same room also, with George Washington presiding, the 
 Constitution of the United States was executed, declared 
 and signed. It has been suggested that as you leave^ this 
 room and pass by the Liberty Bell you touch it with 
 your right hand." 
 
 President Jaisohn: I will now present to you 
 Dr. Syngman Rhee, who will read the Korean Declara- 
 tion of Independence. 
 
 Dr. Syngman Rhee then read the Korean Declara- 
 tion of Independence by the Provisional Government of 
 the Republic of Korea on March 1, 1919, which was 
 adopted, followed by three cheers for the Republic of 
 Korea and three cheers for the Republic of the United 
 States. 
 
 THE DECLARATION OF KOREAN 
 INDEPENDENCE 
 
 We, the representatives of 20,000,000 united people 
 of Korea, hereby proclaim the independence of Korea 
 and the liberty of the Korean people. This Proclama- 
 tion stands in witness to the equality of all nations, and 
 we pass it on to our posterity as their inalienable right. 
 
 With 4,000 years of history behind us, we take this 
 step to insure to our children forever life, liberty and 
 
 80 
 
pursuit of happiness in accord with the awakening con- 
 sciousness of this new era. This is the clear leading 
 of God and the right of every nation. Our desire for 
 liberty cannot be crushed or destroyed. 
 
 After an independent civilization of several thou- 
 sand years we have experienced the agony for fourteen 
 years of foreign oppression, which has denied to us free- 
 dom of thought and made it impossible for us to share 
 in the intelligent advance of the age in which we live. 
 
 To assure us and our children freedom from future 
 oppression, and to be able to give full scope to our 
 national aspirations, as well as to secure blessing and 
 happiness for all time, we regard as the first imperative 
 the regaining of our national independence. 
 
 We entertain no spirit of vengeance towards Japan, 
 but our urgent need today is to redeem and rebuild our 
 ruined nation, and not to discuss who has caused Korea's 
 downfall. 
 
 Our part is to influence the Japanese Government, 
 which is now dominated by the old idea of brute force, 
 so that it will change and act in accordance with the 
 principles of justice and truth. 
 
 The result of the enforced annexation of Korea by 
 Japan is that every possible discrimination in educa- 
 tion, commerce and other spheres of life has been prac- 
 ticed against us most cruelly. Unless remedied, the con- 
 tinued wrong will but intensify the resentment of the 
 20,000,000 Korean people and make the Far East a con- 
 stant menace to the peace of the world. 
 
 We are conscious that Korea's independence will 
 mean not only well being and happiness for our race, 
 but also happiness and integrity for the 400,000,000 
 people of China and make Japan the leader of the Orient 
 instead of the conqueror she is at the present time. 
 
 A new era awakes before our eyes, for the old world of 
 force has gone and out of the travail of the past a new 
 world of righteousness and truth has been bom. 
 
 We desire a full measure of satisfaction in liberty 
 and the pursuit of happiness. In this hope we go 
 forward. 
 
 We pledge the following: 
 
 1. This work of ours is in behalf of truth, justice 
 and life and is undertaken at the request of our people 
 to make known their desire for liberty. Let there be 
 no violence. 
 
 81 
 
2. Let those who follow us show every hour with 
 gladness this same spirit. 
 
 3. Let all things be done with singleness of pur- 
 pose, so that our behavior to the end may be honorable 
 and upright. 
 
 The 4252d year of the Kingdom of Korea, 3d month, 
 1st day. 
 
 Representatives of the people : 
 
 The signatures attached to the document are: 
 
 Son Byung Hi, Kil Sun Chu, Yi Pil Chu, Pak Yun 
 Song, Kim Won Kyu, Kim Pyung Cho, Kim Chang Chun, 
 Kwdn Dong Chin, Kwan Byung Duk, Na Yung Whan, Na 
 Yum Hup, Yang Chun Paik, Yang Hun Mok, Yi Yo Dur, 
 Yi Kop Sung, Yi Muin Yong, Yi Suing Hui, Yi Chon Hun, 
 Yi Chon II, Yim Yi Whan, Pak Chun Sang, Pak Hi Do, 
 Pak Tong Won, Sim Hong Sik, Sim Sok Ku, Oh Sai Chung, 
 Oh Wha Yun, Chun Chu Su, Che Song Mo, Che In, Hang 
 Yong Yun, Hong Byun Ki, Ho Ki Cho. 
 
 After the reading of the Korean Declaration of 
 Independence, the delegates formed in line and as each 
 man passed the Liberty Bell he touched it with his right 
 hand. 
 
 At five o'clock P. M., April 16, 1919, in Independence 
 Hall, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, the delegates to the 
 First Korean Congress held in the United States finished 
 their work and adjourned SINE DIE. 
 
 82 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 
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