' * ^0^ -^^ • "- 'O - o ' .<>,^ o V .0 \i/ o o «, "^ .■O)* •^^0^ .•?^°- ^o. \. • o ' OV s • • /• *^ * . * - * - <:~ r\ > '• % ♦^ 'I^ ii?o ^^ O^ ^ <^ « o o, "^^.c,*^ vP b %•* 'V ^ -^ ^; \^^a-^^-y " Reform is the toisest and mofif. natural Prfaentive of Revolution." — Emerson. MEMOIRS OF A REFORMER (1832-1892.) BY ALEXANDER MILTON ROSS, Author of ^^Recollections and Experiences of an Aholitioniat [1872) ; Gorr. Me.mher oj the British and Foreign Ant i- Slavery Society, and the Anti-Slarery of France ; Vice-President of the National Liberty League of the U. S.; Presi- dent of the Ontario Medical Liberty League, the Anti-Oompnlsory Vaccination League, ami the Food Reform Society of Canada, etc., etc., etc "Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them." — Jesiifi. TORONTO: HUNTER, ROSE S: COMPANY. . 1893. Entered acoorfUnj? to Act of the Parliament of Canada, in the year one thonsand ei-ht hnndred and ninety-three, l>y Alexander Milton Ross, at the Department of Agrienltiire. 6USI F3. 1 ruv.>i4; / ^0 ih^ ^etnovvi OF JOHN BROWN, The Martyr ; JOSEPH GARIBALDI, The Liberator ; ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Th(^ Emancipator : Lt'orett.v Mott, Gerrit Smith, Wendell Phillips, Horace Greely, William Lyon Mackenzie, Marshal S. Bidwell, Russel T. Trall and J, Emery Coderre, ReJormerSt This volume is reverently dedicated by THE AUTHOR. PREFACE. These Memoirs are givei] to the public in compli- ance with the repeated solicitations of friends and co-laborers. In their preparation I have strictly refrained from any attempt at embellishment or amplification, but have aimed at accuracy of state- ment, briefness of description, and simplicity of style. Z^^^7 Toronto, 1893. MEMOIRS OF CHAPTER I. 1849-55. My Heritage — Earliest Recollections — First Impressions of Hu- man Slavery — First Experience of a Struggle for Freedom — lieave Canada — Arrival in New York City — Marshal S. Bid- vvell — Horace Greeley — William Cullen Bryant- Dr. Valentine Mott— Dr. Trail— First Visit to Washington— Joshua R. G id- dings — Dr. Gamaliel Bailey — Gen. Sam. Houston — Senate and House of Representatives — Daniel Webster — John C. Calhoun — Henry Clay — Intemperance at the Capitol— Slave Coflfies— Return to New York— The Death of My Mother— Visit Canada. MY HERITAGE. From my mother I received a heritage of quali- ties which have been ruling factors in all my labors for the betterment of humanity — a love of nature, and a love of freedom. From my childhood I have hated and rebelled against tyranny and oppression, under whatever form they were manifested or im- posed. Memoirs of a Reformer. EARLIEST RECOLLECTIONS. My earliest recollections of a struggle against oppression date back to the 3^ear 1838. The Ca- nadian Government at that time was a selfish, ar- rogant, oppressive Family Compact, that deserved annihilation, and would have met it, had all the Liberal leaders been animated with the zeal, energy, courage, intelligence and consistency of William Lyon Mackenzie, to whom Canadians of to-day are more than to any man indebted for the rights and liberties they now possess. FIRST IMPRESSION OF HUMAN SLAVERY. My first impressions of human slavery were re ceived from my mother, to whom I am indebted for whatever I have accomplished or attained that is worthy and meritorious. Subsequent descriptions of the internal working of the institution of slavery in the slave states, were given me by fugitive slaves in Canada. Many of these victims of " man's cruelty to man " bore ineffaceable evidence of brandings with red liot irons, scourgings, and horrible mutilations, the sight of wliicli kindled an unquenchable flame, and clinched my determination to do what I could toward " letting the oppressed go free." 1 Memoirs of a Reformer. LEAVE CANADA. In my seventeenth year I went to the United States to prepare for the battle of life. My first ob- ject was to acquire a broader and fuller knowledo-e of the workings of human slavery in the United States. My next object w^as to acquire a knowledge of medicine and surgery, wdiich would enable me to earn the means to prosecute what w^as even at that early period the leading aspiration of my life the abolition of human slavery. I had long before determined to cast my lot with the despised and hated men and women, who were sacrificing their all to obtain freedom for the poor down-trodden slaves of the republic. MARSHAL S. BIDWELL. I had often heard my mother refer in kindly terms to Marshal S. Bidwell, as an old friend then residing in New York. Mr. Bidwell had occupied a prominent political position in Canada, previous to the rebellion of 1837, but becoming involved in opposition to the (Family Compact) Tory Govern- ment he was forced to leave the country, and settled in New^ York, where he attained high distinction as a lawyer and jurist. He was noted for his high and haughty and dictatorial in their manner, and in their speeches assumed a domineering tone toward north- ern members, especially the Whigs. On one occa- sion I witnessed a very exciting conflict lietween Foote of Tennessee, commonly called " Hangman Foote," and Colonel Benton, nicknamed " Old Bul- lion." They were both from slave states, conse- quently, I was neutral in my sympathy, and indif- ferent as to the consequences, the contest however, ended without bloodshed. On several occasions I witnessed brutal attacks on northern men, and often saw bowie-knives and pistols flourished, ac- companied by threats of violence. It was the cus- tom of the slave-holders to try and accomplish by intimidation and brute force, what they could not meet by argument. The power and influence of the Government at that time was wielded in the interests of human slavery. INTEMPERANCE AT THE CAPITAL. The vice of intemperance was not, as now, re- stricted to a fevv^ exceptional cases, but was fear- fully prevalent. A glass of whiskey or brandy could often be seen on the desk of a Senator during a de- bate, and the free use of intoxicating drinks by Sena- tors was too common to provoke remark. It was still more common in tlie House, and the scenes of drunkenness and disorder in tliat body at times, es- Me'inoirs of a Refor'tner. 9 pecially during a prolonged night session, were sometimes disgusting. On these occasions large quantities of intoxicants were deposited in a room connected with the House, which was thronged l)y members at all hours of the night. SLAVE COFFLES. From my window I frequently saw gangs of slaves pass, generally chained together in coffles of ten or fifteen men and women promiscuously, and always moving in one direction — Virginia, the chief slave market of the south at that time. These sad sights intensified my hatred of that vile institution, and served to clinch my determination to " let the oppressed go free," but I must bide my time. In consequence of frequent attacks of illness, which I attributed to the unhealthy condition of the city, I was obliged to leave Washington and return north. My residence in the capital had been of great interest and value to me. The opportunities I had enjoyed of listening to the debates in Con- gress of the leading men of the nation, the many friendships I had formed, and the advantages im- proved, will never be forgotten. I returned to New York and continued my medical studies. My ac- quaintance with Mr. Greeley and Mr. Bryant, both of whom were very kind and solicitous for my welfare, brought me in contact with good minds, which proved a source of enjoyment and benefit. 10 Mentoirs of a Reformer. To both these good men I am specially indebted for many kindnesses. At their homes I was always made to feel that I was a welcome guest. Mr. Greeley was a most excellent man, gentle as a woman, and overflowing with kindness and child- like simplicity and innocence, one of the gentlest men I ever met. His heart and brain were full of human sympathy and love. Mr. Bryant was a true and intelligent friend, whose kindness and friendship will never be for- gotten by me. MY mother's illness AND DEATH. In 1855, I was called to Canada by the serious illness of my mother, who was prostrated with con- gestion of the lungs, from which she died. Words are inadequate to describe ni}^ feelings at this tei'ri- ble bereavement She had always been my inspiration. Her as- surance to me when I tirst left home in IHW, " In spirit I shall be with you, wherever you are," was an ever present support and rock of defence. How could any evil come to me when one so good was watching over — was ever with me :* My mother had ever made the Golden Rule tlie standard by which slie lived. She taught me tliat to live for one's own gratification and liappiness was ignoble and unworth}^ That the greatest pleasures are those wliich arise from devotedness to others : Memoirs of a Reform pv. 11 that no work is more excellent than helping others to better lives. The noblest career, in her eyes, Avas that whieli is given up to others' wants : the successful was tliat which is worn out in conflict with wrong ; the only worthy ambition, to alleviate human misery, and leave the world some better than you found it. My mother's life was not an uneventful one. Her father was connected with the commissariat ser- vice of the British army in Canada in LSI 2. When the war broke out between the United States and Britain, she, then a little girl, accompanied her par- ents to Newark, now Niagara, where the Britisli troops were concentrating. During the frequent changes, defeats and victories that occurred she shared in the sufferings and vicissitudes consequent to a war in wliich Indian savages bore a part. When the town was destroyed by the enemy, she, witli her mother, found a refuge in the " burial ground." On the return of the British forces, the women and children were ])laced on board a schoon- er and sent to Kingston. As the vessel was obliged to keep close to the Canadian shore, for fear of the United States' cruisers, it was five weeks before they reached Kingston. During the voyage there was much suffering for lack of clothing and food, as all they possessed had been destroyed in the fire. My mother's sufferings from cold inspired one of tlie sailors to cut tlie tops from his boots and make a 12 Memoirs of a Reformer. pair of shoes for the protection of her feet. Many years after this she often spoke with feelings of gratitude of the kind act of tliis sailor. While re- siding with her mother (her father had died from wounds received from the enemy) on the Kingston or military road, west of Kingston, their liouse was broken into one night, by a band of half -drunken Mohawk Indians, who were on the Avar-path. After the Indians had eaten all the food in the house and broken the furniture, one of the savages seized my mother by the hair and lifting her from the floor, drew his scalping knife to kill her, when the chief, — Loft, by name — knocked the savage down and saved my mother's life. Years after this occurrence, this same savage was seriously, and it was thought at tlie time fatall}^, wounded in a fight, and my mother hearing of it drove to the Reservation with a physician, and provided such good treatment for the Indian that he finally recovered. When the cholera visited Canada, and hundreds were being slain by it, she sacrificed herself in caring for its victims. The draft on her vitality was so great that she never recovered from it. My mother's dis- position was one of exceeding kindness, patience and devotion to duty. She was a lover of flowers and birds, and a sincere and active friend of the poor. The negro refugees, from tlie slave states, always found a faitliful friend and a smcere welcome at her home. CHAPTER II. 1855-1856. Visit Gerrit Smith — Charles Sumner — Lucretia Mott — Wendell Phillips — William Lloyd Garrison— John G. Whittier — Become an Active Abolitionist — The Outlook — Human Slavery as it Was— Four Millions of Slaves in Bondage — Slaves were Chattels — Slave Sales — Runaway Slaves — Women for Sale — Commun- ity of Property — Mides, Slaves and Cattle — Blood Hounds — Special Laws for Hecapturing Runaway Slaves — Fiendish Brutalities Towards Slaves — Opinions of Jefferson and Ran- dolph— " A Sabath Scene in the South "—The Clergy in the Slave States — The National Sacrifice — Some of the Dangers Attending My Crusade — Fugitive Slave Laws — My Anti-Slavery Principles. VISIT GERRIT SMITH. Leaving Canada, I made my first visit to Peter- boro', the home of that noble and sincere friend of the poor down-trodden slave, Gerrit Smith. He joined hands with me for the crusade against human slavery, and ever after remained my faithful and sincere friend. Through him, I became acquainted with all the active abolitionists of the time, Charles Sumner, William Lloyd Garrison, Lucretia Mott, Lydia Maria Child, Wendell Phillips and John G. Whittier. I had become an extreme abolitionist^ determined to do my whole duty. I knew the risk, I knew that hatred, slander, malice, and social, relig- 18 14 Memoirs of a Reformer. ious and professional ostracism would be my portion. I knew that no other class of citizens were more despised by the rich, the powerful and the influential, tlian the despised abolitionists. I knew the path to professional preferment, success and influence was closed to me, but I felt then as I feel now, that the title of " negro thief " so often applied to me at that time was a prouder title than any conferred by monarchs. I felt then, and I feel now, after the lapse of thirty-five years, the approval of my own conscience, which is more to me than the fickle ap- plause and approval of men. THE OUTLOOK. Tlie outlook was dark and unpromising, but my faitli in the justice of the cause was steadfast, and my hope in the future undimmed by the prevailing political fogs — and treachery of politicians and dough-faced friends. In tliirteen great states of the republic human slavery existed, and throughout these states men, women, and children were bought and sold, just as cattle and swine are bought and sold at tlie present time. Tliey were deprived of all human rights, beaten, abused, outraged and killed at the will and pleasure of their owners. Husbands were sold and separated from their wives, and children were sold and separated rioiii their parents. In fact, four Memoirs of a Reformer. 15 millions of men, women and children, in the slave states, possessed no rights that their masters were bound to respect. Slavery was the dominant power before which all other interests were subordinate. The coarsest, blackest, and most brutal tyranny prevailed all over that vile south Sodom. No word of pity or relief came to the oppressed. No one dare utter a word aloud against the institution of slavery^ except at peril of life. To teach a slave to read was punished with death. A reign of terror prevailed. From the sanctum of the editor, the pulpit of the preacher, the desk of the teacher, the counting-house of the merchant, not a voice was heard on behalf of four millions of human beings held in cruel bondage, from which there appeared at that time no hope of relief. The poor slaves were silent and hopeless ; if they looked for help to the so-called free states of the republic, they were met by the command, " Ser- vants obey your masters." If they fled from bond- age, the Federal government stood ready to act the part of a policeman for the slave masters, and send the fugitive back to slavery. In a majority of the northern states a mean, cowardly, servile spirit pre- vailed, that bowed and cringed before the haughty slave-mastei's. All the power and influence of the national gov- ernment, all the power and influence of the wealthy classes, all the social and religious influence of tlie clergy and professional classes, were enlisted in 16 Memoirs of a Refornner. positive or negative support of that sodomic insti- tution, which made merchandise of the souls and bodies of human beings. The press of the north was muzzled. The religious Tract Societies, the Bible Societies, the Missionary Societies from Ver- mont to Texas, were silent or quiescent in the face of this giant wrong. That was the condition of the American Repub- lic in 1855. Its so-called banner of freedom, was a flaunting lie, its constitution a compact with Satan, its motto a deceitful, lying cant. To the selfish and superficial observer of that time it appeared as if this arrogant slave power would last forever ; entrenched in Federal and State la w sustained by the church and all the dominant and wealthy classes of the republic, it appeared impreg- nable and indestructable. But, wait and see what a wonderful transformation was wrought in a few short years through the earnest labors of a few com- paratively insignificant men and women " who loved their neighbors," and obeyed the golden rule. The members of this little band of abolitionists were at first ridiculed and despised, and treated as ignorant fanatics and cranks. As they increased in number and daring, they were hated, persecuted, outraged, and in many cases barbarously murdered. What crime had these men committed ? The crime of " doing unto others as they would liave others do unto them," the crime Memoirs of a Reformer. 17 of loving liberty better than slavery, the crime of teaching that every human being born into this world possesses an inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. HUMAN SLAVERY AS IT WAS — FOUR MILLIONS OF SLAVES IN BONDAGE. The number of slaves in the Southern States at this period (1856) exceeded four millions, distri- buted as follows : Alabama, 445,000; Mississippi, 486,431 ; South Carolina, 402,406 ; Louisiana, 341,- 726; Texas, 182.566; Virginia, 490,465; Missouri, 114,921; Arkansas, 111,115; North Carolina, 331,- 059: Tennessee, 275,719; Kentucky, 225,483; Georgia, 462,198; Florida, 61,745: Delaware, 1,- 798 ; Maryland, 87,189 ; making a total of more than four millions of human beings held in cruel bondage. SLAVES WERE CHATTELS. Throughout the slave states, slaves were con- sidered chattels, and were classed with horses, mules, swine, and other domestic animals. The slave was subject to his master's disposal. He was doomed to toil that others might reap the fruits of his unrequited labor. He had no right in things real or personal ; he was not ranked among senti- ent things, but among things. His wife and his B 18 Me'inoirs of a Reformer. offspring belonged to his master, to do as he pleased with. There was no law for the slave but his mas- ter's whip. In fact, the slave had no right which his master was bound to respect. He was bought, sold and traded, the same as lands, cattle, and mules were bought, sold and traded. That my readers may have a clear idea of the status of the slaves, I reprint a few advertisements clipped from southern papers of that time ; such advertisements were usually headed by a cut of a man or woman with a bundle on his or her back. The extent and cruelty of the inter-state slave trade is well illus- trated by an extract from a report printed by the Presbyterian Synod of Kentucky in 1851 : " These horrid scenes (coffle gangs of slaves) are fi-equently occurring in our midst. There is not a neighbor- hood in the state where these heartrending scenes are not displayed ; there is not a village or road that does not behold the sad procession of manacled outcasts whose chains and mournful countenances tell that they are exiled by force from all that their hearts hold dear." Virginia, Maryland and Kentucky were the breeding states of the south. It has been truly said that " the best blood of Virginia runs in the veins of her slaves." This remark was equally true of Kentucky and Maryland. Memoirs of a Reformer. 19 SLAVE SALES. [From N. 0. Picayune.) Foster's Slave Depot. GRp]AT EXCITEMENT ! ! FOUR HUKDRED SLAVES EXPECTED TO ARRIVE BY FIRST NOVEMBER. My two Slave Depots are now open for the reception of traders and purchasers. From my numerous correspond- ents, I ^have reason to believe that I shall have from four to five hundred slaves, for sale, betwoen this and the first of November, comprised of every size, age and sex, to suit the most critical observer. I am also prepared to accommodate Traders with comfortable lodgings and board at very reasonable rates. My stock of Slaves is equal if not superior to any offered in this market. Thankful for past patronage, I earnestly solicit planters and the citizens generally, to give me a call before purchasing else- where. N. B. — Slaves bought and sold on commission. For Sale. Just arrived, with a choice lot of Virginia and caro- |LINA NEGROES, consisting of Plantation hands. Black- smiths, Carpenters, Cooks, Washers, Ironers, and Seam- stresses, and v/ill be receiving fresh supplies during the season, which I offer for sale, for cash or approved paper. I have re- moved my office from Esplanade to 90 Baronne-street, between Union and Perdido-streets, two blocks west of St. Charles Hotel. No brokerage paid on the sale of negroes. JOHN B. SMITH, 90 Baronne-street, 20 Memoirs of a Reformer. Slave Depot. 195 Gravier and 85 Dryades-streets. TO TRADERS, PLANTERS AXD MERCHANTS. Having opened my old stand, with considerable ini provements, and another house added, I am prepared to accommodate for sale from 150 to 200 slaves. Also, good accommodation for owners. A good assortment of slaves con- stantly on hand for sale, consisting of Field Hands, Mechanics and House Servants. Applj^ to C. F. HATCHER, 195 Gravier and 85 Dryades-streets. COMMUNITY OF PROPERTY— SLAVES, :MULES AND LANDS. [N. 0. Picayune, 1859.) Probate Sale of Negroes and Plantation, BY virtue of an Order issued from the Seventh District Court of East Felciina in the above entitled succession, I will sell on the premises, on Tuesday, the 20th of December next, the following propertj^ belonging to said succession : — The plantation, cultivated by the deceased as a cotton planta- tion, situated in the parish of Avoyelles, on the Atchafalaya River, containing about 742^ acres, together with all the improve- ments, consisting of 800 acres of open land, overseer's house, ([uarters, cisterns, a good gin and mill — the said plantation being composed of the tract known as the McMillan tract, and of about 157^ acres from the tract known as the Evans tract, bound- ed on the east by the Atchafalaya River, north by James H, Cason, west by J. L Delee, and south by Turner's Bayou. Also the following negroes : 1. ZiDE, aged about 40 years. 2. Martin, aged about 55 years. o. Fid, aged about 16 years. 4. WiNNEY, aged about 85 years. 5. Emeline, aged about 40 years. (I. .Jane, aged about IC years. Memoirs of a Reformer. 21 7. Alexander, aged about 45 years. 8. (tEOIige, aged about 28 years. 9. Antony, aged sbout 26 years. 10. Harry, aged about 15 years. 11. Jane, aged about 11 years. 12. MiLLY, aged about 23 yeirs ; her three children — Dolly, 4 years, Abe, 2 yea.rs, Polly, 1 month. 13. Zelphy, aged about 22 years, and her two children — P^m- meline, 3 years, Tom, 1 year. 14. Rhoda, aged 7 years. 15. Ellen, aged 38 years. 16. Zach, aged 9 years. 17. Henry, aged 24 years. Also 8 head of mules, stock ot cattle, oxen, hogs and fanning utensils on said plantations. The said property will be sold in block, or separately, to suit purchasers. TERMS OF sale. If sold in block, $6,000 cash ; the balance on a credit of one, two, three and four years, the purchase price to bear 8 per cent, interest from day of sale, and to be secured by notes, with ap- proved personal security, and a mortgage detained on the pro- perty. If sold separately, the land on a credit of one, two, three and four years, with 8 per cent, interest from day of sale, to be sec- ured by note, with approved personal security and mortgage on the propert}^ The negroes, one-thir 1 cash, the balance on one or two years, with 8 per cent, interest from the day of sale, to be secured by note; with approved personal security and mortgage on the pro- perty. The mules, farming utensils, stock, etc., on a credit of twelve months, with 8 per cent, interest from day of sale, to be secured by note, with approved personal security, for all sums over SI 00; for all sums under $100, cash. Persons desiring to examine the plantation before the sale, can 22 Memoirs of a Reformer. do so by calling on the manager of the place, or communicating with R. J. Bowman, at Clinton, La. Sheriff's Office, Marksville, this 21st day of October, A.D. 1859. L. BARBIN, Sheriff and ex-officio Public Auctioneer. SLAVE WOMEN FOR SALE. In the Charleston Mercury, the leading political paper of South Carolina, appeared the following advertisement : *' Negroes foe. Sale. — A girl about twenty years of age, raised in Virginia, and her two female children, one four and the other two years old — is remarkably strong and healthy, never having had a day's sickness, with the exception of the small-pox, in her life. The children are fine and healthy. She is very ijrolific in her generating qualities, and affords a rare opportunity to any person ivho wishes to raise a family of healthy servants for their own use. Any person wishing to purchase will please leave their address at the Mercury office." Another infamous advertisement, from the Richmond, Va., Despatch, reads as follows : For Sale— An accomplished and handsome lady's maid. She is just turned IG years of age, nearly white, was reared in a genteel family in Maryland, and is now for sale, not for any fault, but simply because the owner has no further use for her." {Ihid.) "Negroes for Sale. — A negro woman, 24 years of age, and her two children, one 8 and the other 3 years old. Said negroes will be sold sejtarately or together, as desired. RUNAWAY SLAVES. [From N. Picayune, 1857.) One Hi ndred Dollars Reward.— Ran a-way from my plantation on Tensas River, in the parish of Catahoula, Louisiana, on the 22nd of September last, four negroes : Mernoirs of a Reformer. 28 Bill Prime, dark griff, about 25 years old, weighs about 165 pounds ; speaks slowly and stammers a little when confused ; hair tolerably long and straight. Richard, about 26 years of age, weighs 145 pounds, of dark complexion ; has a large scar on the left cheek and one on the chin, same side of face, Tom Simms, about 25 years old ; weighs about 150 pounds ; dark complexion ; when he left had a small goatee under the chin. Gus Simms, about 18 years old; weighs about 120 pounds ; dark complexion, slim, and rather delicate in appearance. I will pay the above reward if the above-named slaves are lodged in jail where I can get them, or $25 for either one of them. They may probably try to make their way to the Free States, and may state that they belong to Sam Btiford, my overseer, or toW. L. Campbell, of New Orleans, from whom I bought them. M. GILLIS, Of the firm of Gillis & Ferguson One Hundred Dollars Reward. — Ran away from the undersigned, on or abont the 18th of July, 1857, a negro man named Peyton (calls himself Peyton Randolph), aged 26 years, five feet seven inches high, weighs 150 pounds ; he is genteel in his appearance, and can read and write. The above reward will be paid to any one who will have him lodged in jail, so that he can be recovered, or who will deliver him to Mr. John Ermon, on the corner of Race and Camp streets in this city. M. C. HALE, Constance, near Second-street. Twenty-Five Dollars Reward. — Ran away from the ^subscriber, on the 29th of October, Mii?souRi or Ann, a very likely griffe, aged 15 years, and about oh feet high ; figure rather slender. She was barefooted, and had on a brown calico dress. She is refined and plausible in her manner and language, and unacquainted in the city. L. GREENLEAF, Cor. Annunciation and Jackson streets. 24 Mer}ioirs of a Reformer. {From the Richmond, Va., Whig.) ' ' One Hundred Dollars Reward will be given for the ap- prehension of my negro, Edmund Kenney. He has straight hair, and complexion so nearly white that it is believed a stranger would suppose that there was no African blood in him. He was with my boy Dick a short time since, in Norfolk, and offered him for sale, and was apprehended, but escaped under pretence of being a white man." "Two Hundred Dollars Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, last November, a white negro man, about 35 years old, hefght about five feet eight or ten inches, blue eyes, has a yellow woolly head, very fair skin. "P. 8. — Said man has a good-shaped foot and leg; and his foot is very small and hollow." T^^'ENTY Dollars Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, on the 14th instant, a negro girl named Molly. She is 16 or 17 years of age, slim made, lately branded on her left cheek, thus, " A\" and a piece is taken off her ear on the same side ; the same letter is branded on the inside of both her legs. ABNER ROSS, Fairfield District, S.C. {From the Georgia Messenger.) "Runaway. — My man George; has holes in his ears; is marked on the back with the whip ; has been shot in the legs ; has a scar on the forehead." {From the Wilmington, N.G., Advertiser.) "Ran away, my negro man Richard. A reward of twenty- five dollars will be paid for his apprehension, dead or alive. Satisfactory proof only will be required of his being killed. He has with him, in all probability, his wife Eliza, who ran away from Colonel Tliompson. Memoirs of a Reformer. 25 (From the Savannah Republican. ) " Fifty Dollars Rem^ard. — Ran away from the subscriber, on the 22nd ult. , my negro man Albert, who is twenty-seven years old, very white, so much so, that he would not he suspected of heinq a ne(jro. Has blue eyes, and very light hair. Wore, when he left, a long thin beard, and rode a chestnut sorrel horse, with about $10 belonging to himself. " He is about five feet eight inches high, and weighs about 140 pounds. Has a very humble and meek appearance ; can neither read nor write, and is a very kind and amiable fellow ; speaks much like a low country negro. He has, no doubt, been led off by so7ne miserable wretch during my absence in New York." A letter in a Vicksburg, Miss., paper, of June, 1857, from a planter, contained the following passage: " I can tell you how to break a negro of running away. When I catch a runaway negro I tie him down and pull one of his toe nails out by the roots, and tell him if he ever runs away again I will pull out two of them. I never have to do it more than once. It cures them." BLOOD HOUNDS. Blood Hounds were used to track runaway slaves, especially in thick woods or in swamps, where the poor wretches would live in caves or among the rocks, to elude the pursuit of their cruel taskmas- ters. Many died of exposure and starvation, rather than return to their owners, to be whipped and branded with red-hot irons. I clipped the follow- ing advertisements from Southern papers : "Blood Hounds. — The undersigned, having bought the en- tire pack of negro dogs (of the Hay & Allen stock) he now pro- poses to catch runaway negroes. His charges will be three dol- lars a day for hunting, and fifteen dollars for catching a runaway. 26 Memoirs of a Reformer. He resides three and one-half miles north of Livingston, near the lower Jones' Bluff Koad. "William Gambrel." "Notice. — The subscriber, living on Carroway Lake, on Hoes' Bayou, in Carroll parish, sixteen miles on the road leading from Bayou Mason to Lake Providence, is ready with a pair of dogs to hunt runaway negroes at any time. These dogs are well trained, and are known tliroughout the parish. Letters addressed to me at Providence, will secure immediate attention. My terms are five dollais per day for hunting the trails, wdiether the negro is caught or not. Where a twelve hours' trail is shown, and the negro not taken, no charge is made. For taking a negro, twenty- five dollars, and no charge made for hunting. "James W. Hall." VALUE OF BLOODHOUNDS. The value of bloodhounds to the slave-hunters may be inferred from the following quotation of prices taken from a Columbia, S. C, paper : "Mr. J. L. Bryan, of Moore county, sold at auction, on the 20th instant, a pack of ten bloodhounds, trained for hunting run- away negroes, for the sum of $1,540. The highest price paid for any one dog was $801 ; the lowest price, $75 ; average for the ten, $154."' Bloodhounds are larger and more compact than ordinary hounds, with hair straight and sleek as that of the finest race horse, colored between yel- low and brown, short-eared, rather long-nosed, and })uilt for scenting, quick action and speed. They can take a scent three days old and run it down- Tlu'ii- speed is about equal to, and their endurance Memoirs of a Refovmer. 27 much greater than, a greyhound. Their bark re- sembles neither that of a bulldog, cur, nor hound, but is a yelp like a wolf's. Their bite is a wolf-like snap, not the hold-fast grip of a bulldog. The " catch dog " used in slavery times on Southern plantations in capturing runaway slaves, looked like a cross between a Newfoundland and bull of large and powerful build. DESCRIPTION OF A NEGRO HUNT. The overseer or hunter mounts a fleet horse, holds his " catch " dog by a chain, and turns loose the hounds. Circling round, they strike the scent and soon lead off, their fast receding yelps marking the rapidity of the chase. The horseman follows over fences through timber and swamp as best he can, holding his " catch dog in leash." Hounds sighting the negro, divide, form a semi-circle, and>^rapidly draw it into a large circle around him. As the pur- sued wretch runs, the dogs in front of him fall back, but preserve their equi-distant place in the circle which they are gradually closing. On nearing him they snap at his legs, but do not spring at his throat. As the circle narrows, the hunter arrives. The ominous sound of the chains' rattle, like the warning note of the serpent, strikes the negro's ears. The " catch dog " springs upon the exhausted runaway and holds him, hounds are clubbed away, the fugi- tive secured, dogs leashed, and the hunt is over. 28 Memoirs of a Beforiner SPECIAL LAWS FOR RECAPTURING SLAVES. Special laws existed for recapturing escaped slaves at any cost of life to the victims, by first pro- claiming them outlaws. The following legal instru- ment, with its accompaniments, will suffice to show the ^^'ay : State of North Carolina, Lenoir County. Whereas complaint hath this day been made to us, two of the Justices of the Peace for the said county, by William D. Cobb, of Jones county, that two negro slaves belonging to him, named Ben (commonly knovrn by the name of Ben Fox), and Rigden, have absented themselves from their said master's service, and are lurking about in the counties of Lenoir and Jones, committing acts of felony — these are, in the name of the state, to command the said slaves forthwith to surrender themseh'es auvd return home to their said master. And we do hereby, by virtue of an act of the As- sembly of this state, concerning servants and slaves, intimate and declare if the said slaves do not sur- render themselves and return home to their master immediately after the publication of these presents, that any pei'son may kill and destroy said slaves by such means as he or they think fit, without ac- cusation or impeachment of any crime or offence for so doing, without incurring an}- penalty or for- feiture thereby. Given under our liands an(.l seals, this 12th day of November, 185(). B. Coleman, J.P. (seal.) James Jones, J.P. (seal.) i Memoirs of a Reformer. 29 The following was the law in reference to recap- turing slaves in Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Ar- kansas, and Louisiana : " If any slave shall happen to he slain for refusing to surrender him or herself, or in resisting any person who shall endeavor to ap- prehend such slave or slaves, such person so killing sucli slave as aforesaid making resistance, shall be nnd is by this Act indemnified from any prosecution for such killing." FIENDISH BRUTALITIES TOWARDS SLAVES. The newspapers of the slave states in 1855-6-7 teemed with advertisements descriptive of runaway slaves. One had been " lacerated with a whip " — another, " severely bruised "—another, " a great many scars from the lash "—another, " several large scars An his back from severe whipping " — another " had an iron collar on his neck with a prong turn- ed down — another has a " drawing chain fastened around his ankle" — another "was much marked with a branding iron" — another, a negress, "had an iron band around her neck," &:c., &c. All these bru- talities w-ere permitted, if not authorized, by the slave code. Then came another class, which, if not authorized by law, were frequent and not prohibit- ed : "Mary has a sore on her back and right arm, caused by a rifle ball"— another, " branded on the left jaw "—another, " has a soar across his breast and each arm, made by a knife : loves to talk of the 30 Memoirs of a Reformer. goodness of God" — " Sam has a sword cut lately received on his left arm " — Fanny has a scar on her left eye ; a good many teeth missing ; the letter ' A ' branded with red-hot iron on her left cheek and forehead " — another, " scarred with the bites of dogs." " Runawa}^ — A negro woman and two chil- dren. A few days before she went off I burnt her with a hot iron on the left side of her face — I tried to make the letter ' M.' Rachel had three toe nails pulled out." I could fill many pages with similar extracts from advertisements in papers and from handbills, in cir- culation in the slave states, in the old dark days. One case that came under my personal observation in Alabama, is only a specimen of many others that I could mention of a similar nature. A Methodist local preacher, a slave owner, pro- posed illicit intercourse with a young female slave. She refused, he sent her to the overseer to be wliip- ped, again she refused, and he sent her again to be whipped, again she refused, and again was whipped. He then ordered her to be branded on the cheek, with a red-hot iron, then she yielded to this adul- terous wretch, who had not overstepped the limits of the slave laws of Alabama. In fact, the poor downtrodden slaves suffered all that wanton, grasp- ing avarice, brutal lust, malignant spite, and insane anger, could inflict. Their happiness was the sport of every whim, and the prey of every passion. Memoirs of a Reformer. 31 Slavery was the cause of more suffering, than has followed from any other cause since the world began. I was present at the burial of a female slave in Mississippi, who had been whipped to death by her master, for some trifling offence. While she was undergoing the punishment, she gave birth to a dead child, and mother and child were wrapped in old linen bagging and laid in the same grave — free at last! OPINIONS OF JEFFERSON AND RANDOLPH — BOTH SLAVE-HOLDERS. Thomas Jefferson, the author of the " Declaration of Independence," made a clause to his last will, con- ferring freedom on his own slave offspring, as far as the Slave Code of Virginia permitted him to do it, supplying the lack of power by " humbly im- ploring the Legislature of Virginia to confirm the bequests with permission to remain in the state, where their families and connections are." Two of his daughters by an octoroon female slave were taken from Virginia to New Orleans, after Jeffer- son's death, and sold in the slave market at $1,500 each, to be used for unmentionable purposes. Both these unfortunate children of the author of the De- claration of Independence were quite white, their eyes blue and their hair long, soft, and auburn in color. 32 Meinoirs of a Reformer. Both were highly educated and accomplished. The youngest daughter escaped from her master and committed suicide by drowning herself to escape the horrors of her position. A land of liberty for white people, for slave- holders, was it, where Jefferson could not bequeath liberty to his own children ? In Georgia, had he lived and died there, the " attempt " would have been an " offence " for which his estate would have been subjected to a fine of one thousand dollars, and each of his executors, if accepting the trust, a thous- and more. In one of his letters Jefferson^says, " when the measure of the slaves' tears, is full, when their groans have involved heaven itself in darkness, doubtless a God of justice will listen to their distress." JOHN RANDOLPH OF ROANOKE. John Randolph of Roanoke, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and a native of Virginia, says : — "Avarice alone can drive, as it does drive, this infernal traffic, and the wretched victims of it, like so many post-horses, whipped to death in a mail-coach." '•' Ambition has its cover-sluts in the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war, but where are the trophies of avarice ? The handcuff, the manacle the blood-stained cowhide ! What man is worse re- ceived in society for being a hard master ? Who Memoirs of a Reformer. 33 denies the right of a daughter or sister to such monsters ? " (Speech in Congress.) Study this picture. Wholesale murder, barbarism and cruelty. The general prevalence of these in the highest circles, and no one regarding the perpetrators the worse for it, or shrinking back from the closest family affinity with the monsters ! THE CLERGY OF THE SLAVE STATES. Every clergyman in the Slave States, either openly or passively, upheld human slavery. They maintained that slavery was a wise and benefi- cent institution devised by God for the protection and welfare of the negro race. These reverend pro-slavery champions resembled the priests of Juggernaut recommending the worship of their god by pointing to the wretches writhing and shrieking and expiring under his car. From a pro-slavery pamphlet, published by the Reverend James Smiley of the Amita Presbytery, Mississippi, I extract the following : " If slavery be a sin, and if the buying, selling and holding a slave be a sin, then three- fourths of all the Episcopalians, Methodists, Bap- tists and Presbyterians of eleven states of this union are of the devil. They not only buy and sell slaves, but they arrest and restore runaway slaves, and justify their conduct by the Bible." c 34 Me'inoirs of a Reformer. A SABBATH SCENE IN THE SOUTH. Scarce had the solemn Sabbath bell Ceased quivering in the steeple ; Scarce had the parson to the desk Walked stately through his people, When down the summer shaded street A wasted female figure, With dusky brow and naked feet. Came rushing wild and eager. She saw the white spire through the trees, She heard the sweet hymn swelling ; 0, pitying Christ ! a refuge give. That poor one in Thy dwelling. Like a scared fawn before the hounds Right up the aisle she glided ; While close behind her, whip in hand, A lank-haired hunter glided. She raised a keen and bitter cry. To Heaven and Earth appealing ; Were manhood's generous pulses dead ? Had woman's heart no feeling ? " Who dares profane this hour and day ? " Cried out the angry pastor ; " Why, bless your soul, the wench's a slave, And I'm her lord and master ! "I've law and gospel on my side, And who shall dare refuse me ? " Down came the parson, bowing low, " My good sir, pray, excuse me ! Memoirs of a Reformer. 35 ' * Of course I know your right divine, To own, and work, and whip her ; Quick, deacon, throw that Polyglot Before the wench, and trip her ! " Plump dropped the holy tome, and o'er Its sacred pages stumbling ; Bound hand and foot, a slave once more. The hapless wretch lay trembling. I saw the parson tie the knot, The while his flock addressing ; The Scriptural claims of slavery. With text on text impressing. Shriek rose on shriek — the Sabbath air Her wild cries tore asunder ; 1 listened with hushed breath to hear God answer with His thunder. All still ! — the very altar's cloth Had smothered down her shrieking ; I saw her dragged along the aisle, Her shackles loudly clanking. My brain took fire ; " Is this ," I cried, The end of prayer and preaching ? Then down with pulpit ; down with priest. And give us Nature's teaching ! Whittier. THE NATIONAL SACRIFICE. No wonder it required an army of two millions of men (half of whom were slain) to rid the land of such a monstrous curse as human slavery. From the torture dens of the outraged, bruised and 86 Memoirs of a Reformer. beaten slaves the prayer for justice had reached tlie '• g-od of battles," and the command had gone forth to that vile South Sodom to "let the op- pressed go free," and slavery with its whips, fet- ters, chains, bloodhounds and red-hot branding irons, was swept aAvay in rivers of blood. SOME OF THE DANGERS ATTENDING MY CRUSADE. In all the Slave States there were laws for the en- forcement of severe penalties for interference with the institution of slavery. Senator Preston of Vir- ginia declared in his place in the V. S. Senate that " any person uttering abolition sentiments in the Slave States would be hanged." In Louisiana the laws read as follows : " If any person shall in any language hold any conversation tending to pro- mote discontent among the slaves, he may be im- prisoned from three to twent}^ years ; or he may suffer death at the direction of the court." In Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi tlie same laws existed. In North Carolina, the pillory and wliip- ping for the first offence, and death for the second offence. In Virginia, for the first offence, thirt}^- nine lashes; the second offence, death. From Gerrit Smith I obtained much valuable and interesting information as to the workings of tlu; different organizations having for their object the libt'ratyion IVoni bond.Mi^c of tlu' slaves of the Memoirs of <(■ Reformer. ^1 South. He accompanied me to Boston, Kew York. Philadelphia and Longwood, the home of Hannah Cox, whose liouse was always open to the pooi" slaves flying from their pursuers, and whose heart warmly sympatliised with every means for the liberation of the oppressed. During- these visits I became acfjuainted with many liberty-loving men and women, whose thiie, talents, and means were devoted to the cause of freedom. The contact with such earnest minds, imbued with an undying hatred and detestation of tliat foul blot on the escutchon of their country, served to strengthen my resolution and fortify me for tiie labor before me. I was initiated into a knowledge of the methods to circulate information among the slaves of the South : the routes to be taken, after reaching the so-called Free States, and the relief posts, where shelter and aid for transpor- tation could be obtained. My excellent friend also accompanied me to Ohio and Indiana, where I made the personal acquaintance of friends in those states who at risk of life and property gave shelter to the fugitives, and assisted them to reach Canada. - The Rev. O. B. Frothingham, in his Hfe of (^errit Smith, says : "Alexander jVJ. Ross, of Canada, whose reiiiarkable exploits in running off slaves caused such consternation in the southern states, was in communication with Gerrit Smith from first to last, was aided by him in his preparation with information and 88 Memoirs of a Reformer, counsel, and had a close understanding with him in regard to his course of procedure. Both these men made the rescue of slaves a personal matter." FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. The poor fugitive^who had run the gauntlet of slave hunters and bloodhounds, was not safe even after he had crossed the boundary line between the Slave and the Free States, for the slave drivers of the South and their allies, the democrats of the North, controlled the United States Government at that time, and^under the provisions of the iniquit- ous " Fugitive Slave law," the North was compelled to act as a^police officer, for the capture and return to slavery of fugitives from the Slave States. DIFFERENT VIEWS AMoNG ABOLITIONISTS. While there existed among all true abolitionists a sincere desire to aid the oppressed people of the Slave States, there was much diversity of opinion as to the means to be adopted for their liberation from bondage. Garrison, Whittier, Lucre tia Mott, and all the members of the Society of Friends, were opposed to violent measures, such as would result in bloodshed. Their efforts were confined to the public discussion of the wrongs of the slave, and the iniquity and in- justice of human slavery. On the other hand, Ger- rit Smith, Theodore Parker, Joshua R. Giddings, Memoirs of a Reforvier. 39 John Brown, and many others, equally sincere and noble men and women, actively or passively aided and abetted every effort to liberate the slaves from their bondage. It is almost needless for me to say that, while I sympathized with every man and woman who desired the freedom of the slave, my views accorded with those who believed human slavery to be such a monstrous wrong and injustice, that any measure, no matter how violent, was justi- fiable in so holy a cause as the liberation of those held in bondage. MY ANTI-SLAVERY PRINCIPLES. The principles that animated, impelled, and con- trolled my actions as an abolitionist, may briefly be summed up as follows: — 1. That every innocent human being has an in- alienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 2. That no government, nation, or individual, has any right to deprive an innocent human being of his or her inalienable rights. 3. That a man held against his will as a slave has a natural right to kill every one who seeks to pre- vent his enjoyment of liberty. 4. That it is the natural right of a slave to de- velop this right in a practical manner, and actually kill all those who seek to prevent his enjoyment of liberty. 40 Memoirs oj a Reformer. 5. That the freeman has a natural right to help the slaves to recover their liberty, and in that en- terprise to do for them all which they have a right to do for themselves. 6. That it is the natural duty of a freeman to help the slaves to the enjoyment of this liberty, and as a means to that end, to aid them in killing all such as oppose their natural right to freedom. 7. That the performance of this duty is to be con- trolled only by the freeman's power and opportun- ity to help the slaves. I *^ Remember them in bonds. CHAPTER III. 1856-59. Agent of the Underground Railway — Into the Land of Bondage — On Guard — Seven Candidates for Freedom —Startling News — Twelve Hundred Dollars Reward — A Poor Negro Spurns the Reward — A Female Fugitive — Safe on the Soil of Canada — — Meet with John Brown — His Disappointments — "Old Brown's Farewell " — Character of John Brown — News from the South — Keeping Quiet— Off to Nev\ Orleans — At Work in the Gulf States— Near Vicksburg — Sowing Seed at Selma — Into the Jaws of Death — Manacled and in Prison — A Desper- ate Situation — Fidelity of a Slave — Released — Two Passengers by Underground Railway— Leave for Other Fields^ — At Work Near Augusta — Fidelity of the Quakers — Eleven Followers of the North Star — Exciting News — In Washington — Fugitives from Alabama. UNDERGROUND RAILWAY. In Philadelphia I made the necessary preparations for my work in the Southern States. My ^ood friend Gerrit Smith was my faithful and principal supporter in this my first efi^ort to help the slaves to freedom. In undertaking this mission I did not, disguise from myself the dangers I would most certainly have to encounter, and the certainty that a speedj^ and perhaps cruel death would be my lot, in case my plans and purposes were discovered. And not 41 42 Mnnoirs of Memoirs of a Reformer. 53 by my happy valet whose frequent question, "Massa, is we near Canada yet ? " kept me continually on the alert to prevent our exposure. ARRIVAL IN CHICAGO WITH A CHATTEL. When we reached Chicago I took my servant to the house of an abolitionist, where she was properly cared for. It was deemed prudent that she should wear male attire until she reached Canada, for it occasionally happened that fugitives were caught in Detroit, and taken back to bondage after having come in sight of the land of promise. Their prox- imity to a safe refuge from their taskmasters, and from the operations of the infamous Fugitive Slave Law, rendered them careless in their manner, and so happy in appearance, that they were frequently arrested on suspicion by the minions of the United States Government, ever on the watch to obey the behests of the slave power. After a few hours' rest in Chicago, I left with my charge for Detroit, where I arrived in due time on the following day, and taking a hack, drove to a friend's house in the suburbs of the city. Here I made arrangements to be rowed across th»j river to Canada, as soon as darkness would render the passage safe. 1 also sent telegrams to friends in London, Chatham, and Ambers tburg, to ascertain the whereabouts of her 54 MeTtioirs of a Reformer. husband, and finally heard that he was living in London. SAFE ON THE SOIL OF CANADA. At night the poor fugitive and myself were taken silently across the river that separated the land of freedom from the land of slavery. Not a word was spoken until we reached the soil of Canada. I then told her that she was a free woman, that no one could now deprive her of her right to " life, liberty, and tlie pursuit of happiness." I conveyed her to the house of a friend, and on the following day she went to London, where she and her husband were re- united after a separation of two years. Returning to Detroit, I took the train for Cleveland. There I received a telegram from Boston stating that Capt. John Brown of Kansas would meet me in Cleve- land in a day or two, and that he desired to confer with me on a subject connected with the anti- slavery cause. INTERVIEW WITH JOHN BROWxV. On the evening of my third day in Cleveland, whilst seated in my room at the hotel, a gentle tap at my door aroused me. ! said, "Come in." The door opened, and a ])lain, fai'mer-like man, with a coun- tenance strongly indicative of intelligence, coolness, tenacit}^ of purpose and lionesty, entei'ed the room. He appeared about five feet ten inches in heiglit, Memoirs of a Reformer, 55 of slender but wiry and tou^h frame ; his glance was keen, steady and honest ; his step lithe and firm. He was, although simply and plainly dressed, a man of remarkable appearance. He introduced himself as " John Brown, of Kansas," and handed me letters from friends in Boston. Captain Brown remained with me nearly all night, eagerly listen- ing to a narrative of my trip through Virginia and Tennessee, and in relating incidents connected with his labors in Kansas. His manner and conversation had a magnetic influence, which rendered him very attractive and stamped him as a man of more than ordinary coolness, tenacity of purpose, and devotion to what he considered riglit. No idle, profane, or immodest word fell from his lips. During our in- terview he related many incidents of his life bear- ing upon the subject of slavery. He said he had for many years been studying the guerilla system of warfare adopted in the mountainous portions of Europe, and by that system he could, with a small body of picked men, inaugurate and maintain a guerilla war in the mountains of the slave states w^hich would cause so much annoyance to the United States Government, and create such a feel- ing of dread and insecurity in the minds of slave- holders, that they would ultimately be glad to " let the oppressed go free." He maintained that the only way to successfully attack the institution of slavery was, by conveying to the slaves such in- 56 Memoirs of a Reformer. formation as would aid them in making their es- cape to Canada, and by exciting in their minds a desire for knowledge, which would enable them to combine in a struggle for freedom. He had little faith in the efficacy of moral suasion with slave- holders. He very properly placed them in the same category with thieves and murderers. DISAPPOINTMENT. John Brown was now returning to the west, from the eastern states, where he had been for several weeks trying to collect means to carry on the struggle for freedom in Kansas. He had met with disappointment, and felt it most keenly. He had sacrificed his own peace and comfort, and the peace and comfort of his family, in obedience to his sincere convictions of duty toward the oppressed people of the south, while those who had the means to help him make war upon the oppressors, were lukewarm or declined to aid him in his warfare. During our conversation he handed me a piece of paper, on which he had written the following, which he said he indited with the object of having it published before leaving Boston, but had been persuaded not to do it : — " OLD brown's farewell " "To the Plymouth Kocks, Bunker Hill Monu- ments, Charter Oaks and Uncle Tom's Cabin. Memoirs of a Reformer. 57 "He has left for Kansas. Has been trying since he came out of the Territory to secure an outfit, or, in other words, the means of arming and thoroughly equipping his regular minute men, who are mixed up with the people of Kansas, and he leaves the States with a feeling of deepest sadness, that after exhausting his own small means, and, with his family and his brave men, suffered hunger, cold, nakedness, and some of them sickness, wounds, im- prisonment in irons with extreme cruel treatment, and others death ; that after lying on the ground for months, in the most sickly, unwholesome and un- comfortable places, some of the time sick and wound- ed, destitute of any shelter, and hunted like wolves, sustained in part by Indians, that after all this, in order to sustain a cause which every man in this ' glorious republic ' (?) is under equal moral obliga- tions to do, and for the neglect of which he will be held accountable to God ; a cause in which every man woman and child of the entire human family has a deep, awful interest ; that when no wages are asked or expected, he cannot secure amidst all the wealth, luxury and extravagance of this ' Heaven exalted people,' even the necessary supplies of the common soldier. ' How are the mighty fallen ! ' " To George L. Stearns of Boston, and his noble wife, are due the honor and glory of having supplied the financial wants of John Brown, which enabled him to make his heroic onslaught, that kindled the flame which devoured the institution of slavery and gave freedom to millions of slaves. 58 Memoirs of a Reformer. CHARACTER OF JOHN BROWN. I have been in the presence of many men called great and distinguished, but never have I met a more remarkable man than Captain John Brown. There was manifest in all he said and did an ab- sorbing intensity of purpose controlled by lofty moral principles. He was not a religionist, but he was a Christian. JOHN brown's ancestry. The following items I gathered during our inter- esting interview. John Brown was born in Torring- ton, Conn., on the 9th of May, 1800. He was by occupation a farmer, and the fifth by descent from Peter Brown, one of the brave exiles, who, on the 22nd of December, 1660, knelt at Plymouth Rock and expressed gratitude and joy for their preserva- tion from the dangers of the deep, during their passage from England in the Mayflower. It was in 1839 that John Brown first conceived the idea of becoming a liberator of the southern slaves ; he had seen every riglit of the colored people in tlie south ruthlessly trodden under the feet of the tyrannical Slave Power. He saw slavery blighting and blasting the manhood of the nation, and he listened to the voice of the pooi- that cried. He heard Wasliington loudly praised, but he saw no Memoirs of a Reformer, 59 helper of the bondman. He saw the people build- ing the sepulchres of the fathers of 76, but lynch- ing and murdering the prophets that were sent un- to them. He believed that "Who would be free themselves must strike the blow." But the slaves were scattered, closely watched, and prevented from assembling to conspire, without arms, apparently overpowered, at the mercy of every traitor, knowing the white man only as their foe. Seeing everywhere and always that the negroes, in order to arise and strike a blow for liberty, needed a positive sign that they had friends among the dominant race, who sympathized with them, believed in their right to freedom, and were ready to aid them in their at- tempt to obtain it, John Brown determined to let them know that they had friends, and prepared himself to lead them to liberty. NEWS FROM THE SOUTH. The excitement in Richmond and Nashville con- sequent upon the escape of so many valuable slaves extended to all the surrounding country. In the reading-room of the hotel at Cleveland, Ohio, I picked up a Richmond paper, which contained a leng- thy account of the escape of slaves from Richmond, Nashville, and other parts of the south. The writer stated that a general impression prevailed in that community that a regularly organized band of abo- 60 Metnoirs of a ReforTner. litionists existed in the south, which supplied the negroes with information and means of escape to Canada. The authorities were urged to offer a large reward for the apprehension of the " cursed negro thieves " that infested the south, and I that an example be made of those who were caught, that would forever deter others from interference with their constitutional I'ights. KEEPING QUIET. I concluded it was better for the cause I was try- ing to serve that no further attempt should be made until the present excitement in the south quieted down. So I went to Philadelphia. During my stay in that city, I was busily occupied in collecting statistics of the slave populations of particular locations in the Cotton States, and in con- sulting with friends and acquaintances as to the best methods of circulating information among the slaves in that region. Any one acquainted with the institution of slavery as it existed in the Gulf States, will fully appreciate the difficulties that environed such a crusade as I now contemplated — that of conveying directly to the slaves a knowledge of the best routes, the distances to be traversed, difficulties to be over- come, and the fact that they had friends in the bor- der states to wliom they could apply for aid, and on Meinoirs of a ReforTner. 61 whom they could implicity rely for aid to forward them to Canada. Of all the dangers to myself that loomed up before my mind, the last and least was the fear of betrayal by the slaves. Once they became assured of your friendship and your desire to help them to escape from bondage, they would willingly suffer torture or death to save you. Such at least has been my experience with the negroes of the Slave States. OFF TO NEW ORLEANS. My preparations being now completed, I engaged passage by steamer to New Orleans, on a mission the subject and details of which had occupied my mind exclusively for many weeks. I was accom- panied to the steamer by two steadfast friends of freedom. One of these friends, Gerrit Smith, had been my principal supporter and active and unflinch- ing friend from the commencement of my career as an abolitionist. In many parts of Ohio, Michi- gan, Indiana and Pennsylvania, we had fast friends, in the majority of cases, belonging to the Society of Friends, whose doors were always open to the poor fugitive from bondage, and whose hearts were open to the fugitive's appeal for help. SLAVE AUCTIONS. During my stay in New Orleans I occasionally attended the slave auctions. The scenes I witnessed 62 Meinoirs of a Reformer. there will never be effaced from my memory. The cries and heart-rending agonies of the poor creatures as they were sold, and separated from parents, hus- bands, children or wives, will never cease to ring in my ears. Babes were torn from the arms of their mothers and sold, while parents were separated and sent to distant parts of the country. Tired and overworked women were cruelly beaten because they refused the outrageous demands of their wicked overseers. The brutal and obscene examinations of female slaves by lecherous and base men, while the poor victims dare not raise a hand to resist, was not the worst that transpired in the slave pens. The horrid traffic in human beings, many of them much whiter and more iaitelligent than the cruel men who bought and sold them, was, without ex- ception, the most monstrous outrage on the rights of human beings that could possibly be imagined. A Christian : going, gone : Who bids for God's own image ? — for His grace Which that poor victim of the market place Hath in her suffering won ? My God ! can such things be ? Hast Thou not said whatso'er is done Unto Thy weakest and Thy humblest one, Is even done to Thee ? In that sad victim, then, Child of Thy pitying love, I see Thee stand — Once more the jest-word of a mocking band, Bound, sold, and scourged again. Memoirs of a Reformer. 63 A Christian up for sale ! Wet with her blood your whips — o'ertask her frame, Make her life loathsome with your wrong and shame, Her patience shall not fail ! God of all right ! how long Shall priestly robbers at Thy altar stand, Lifting in prayer to Thee, the bloody hand And haughty brow of wrong ? Oh, from the fields of cane, From the low rice-swamp, from the trader's cell — From the black slave-ship's foul and loathsome hell. And coffle's weary chain, — Hoarse, horrible, and strong, Rises to Heaven that agonizing cry, Filling the arches of the hollow sky, How LONG, God, how long ? Whittier, the Quaker Poet. AT WORK IN THE GULF STATES. Finally my preparations were completed, and I began my journey into the dark land. The route decided upon was from New Orleans to Vicksburg, and thence through the interior of Mississippi, Ala- bama, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina and Florida. I had never before visited that portion of the United States, and my field of labor was conse- quently surrounded by difficulties not experienced during my visit to Virginia and Tennesee, from the fact that I had not a single friend in the Cotton States on whom I could rely. c 64 Memoirs of a Reformer. AT WORK NEAR VICKSBURG. From Vicksburg I made frequent visits to the surrounding plantations, seizing every favorable opportunity to converse with the more intelligent of the slaves. Many of these negroes had heard of Canada from the negroes brought from Virginia and the border Slave States, but the impression they had was that Canada was so far away it would be useless to try and reach it. On these ex- cursions I was usually accompanied by one or two smart, intelligent slaves, to whom I felt I could en- trust the secret of my visit. In this w^ay I suc- ceeded in circulating a knowledge of Canada, and the best means of reaching that country, to all the plantations for many miles around Vicksburg. I was often surprised at the rapidity with which in- formation was conveyed to the slaves of distant plantations. Thus on every plantation I had mis- sionaries who were secretly conveying intelligence to the poor down-trodden slaves of that benighted region, tliat in Canada there were hundreds of negroes who had through tlie aid of friends along the border escaped from slavery, and were now free men and women. No one hut a slave can fully appreciate the true meaning of the word " freedom." I continued my labors in the vicinity of Vicksburg for several weeks and then went to Selma, Alabama. Memoirs of a Reformer. 65 SOWING SEED AT SELMA. I made this place my base for extensive incur- sions to the surrounding country. There was not a plantation within fifteen miles of Selma that I did not visit successfully. IN A DANGEROUS POSITION. Having completed my labors at Selma, I selected a small town in Mississippi, for my next field of labor. I had been at work about two weeks, when a difficulty occurred which, but for the faith- fulness of a negro, would have ended in my death, at the hands of an infuriated mob. During one of my visits to a plantation I met a negro slave of more than ordinary intelligence. His master was a man of coarse and brutal instincts, who had burned the initials of his name into the flesh of sev- eral of his slaves, to render their capture more certain in case they attempted to run away from this merciless wretch. I saw several of the victims of his cruelty, whose backs would forever bear the marks of his branding iron and lash. He was a veritable " Legree." On one of my excursions over his plantation, I was accompanied by the slave mentioned. During our rambles he gave me a history of his life and suf- ferings, and expressed an earnest desire to gain his E 66 Memoirs of a Reformer. freedom. I felt that he could be relied upon, and imparted to him the secret object of my visit to the South. He listened with absorbing interest, whilst I explained to him the difficulties and dangers he would have to encounter on so long and perilous a journey. He, however, declared his determination to make the attempt, saying that death itself was preferable to his present existence. On the follow- ing day (Saturday) I again visited the plantation, and selected this slave for my companion. He in- formed me he had decided to start for Canada as soon as he could communicate with a brother who was a slave on a plantation a few miles distant. He Avished to take his brother with him, if possible. I gave him instructions for his guidance after he should cross the Ohio, and the names of friends at Evans ville, Ind., and Cleveland, Ohio, to whom he could apply for assistance. I directed him to travel by night only until he reached friends north of the Ohio river. INTO THE JAWS OF DEATH. On the following Monday evening, whilst seated at the supper table of the hotel at which I was stop- ping, I heard loud and excited talking in the adjoin- ing room. In a few minutes the landlord came to me and said, " Col. wishes to speak with you. You liad better go and meet him." I immediately Memoirs of a Refortner, 67 rose and went into the room from which the loud talking emanated. As I entered, the Colonel,, in a loud and brutal tone, said, " That's him, arrest him." Upon which a man stepped up and said, " You are my prisoner." I demanded the reason why I was arrested, whereupon the doughty Colonel strode to- ward me, with his fist clenched, and charged me with being a d d abolitionist. He said he would have my heart's blood ; that I had enticed away his nigger " Joe," for the nigger had not been seen since he went out with me on the previous Saturday. The room was filled with an excited crowd of men, who glared upon me with fierce and fiendish looks. I tried to keep cool, but I confess I felt that my labors were ended. I knew the character of the Colonel, and also knew that he possessed much in- fluence with the worst class of Southerners of that section. MANACLED AND IN PRISON. In the meantime the constable had produced a pair of iron handcuffs, and fastened them around my wrists. After the Colonel had exhausted his supply of curses and coarse abuse upon me — for the purpose of inciting the crowd to bang me — I quietly asked if they would allow me to say a few words, at the same time making a Masonic sign of distress in hope that there might be a Mason in the crowd with sufficient courage to sustain my request. 68 Memoirs of a Reformer. I had no sooner made " the sign of distress " than a voice near me said, " Yes, let's hear what he has got to say. He ought to be allowed to speak." I was encouraged, and very quietly said, " Gentlemen^ I am a stranger here, without friends. I am your prisoner in irons. The Colonel has cliarged me with violating your laws, will you act the part of cowards by allowing this man to incite you to commit a murder ? Or will you, like brave men grant the only request I have to make, that is, a fair trial before 3^our magistrates ?" Several persons at once spoke up in my favor. A DESPERATE SITUATION. A crowd of people had gathered to see an aboli- tionist have the mockery of a trial. " Col. Legree " was asked by the Justice to state his case, which he did in true slave-driving style, as if determined to force his case against me. My case seemed hopeless. I saw no way of escape from my desperate situa- tion. I was surrounded on every side by men thii'sting for m}^ blood, and anxious to vindicate the outraged laAvs of the State of Mississippi. At length the Colonel finished his statement, which, reduced to simple facts, was that I had called at his residence on Saturday last, and requested permission to roam over his plantation, that he had given me permission^ and allowed liis servant " Joe " to accompany me, tliat "Joe" had not returned nor could he be found, Me)nmr8 of a Reformer, 69 that he was sure I had aided him to escape, and de- manded of the Justice that I should be punished as a " negro thief " deserved. His remarks were loudly applauded by the slave-hounds that surrounded him. The Justice turned to me, and in a loud voice said, ': Have you anything to say ?" At this moment a voice outside the room shouted, " Here's Joe, here's Joe," and a rush was made toward the door. FIDELITY OF A SLAVE. " Joe " was ushered into the court-room and fell on his knees before the Colonel asking his forgive- ness for leaving the plantation without permission. He said he wanted to see his brother "powerful bad," and had gone to the plantation on which his brother was living, about eight miles distant, on Saturday night, expecting to return by Sunday evening, but having sprained his ankle he could not move until Monday evening, when he started for home, travel- ling nearly all night. As soon as he reached the Colonel's he was told of my arrest, and early that morning- he had come into town to save me. The Justice ordered the constable to release me and expressed his regret that I had been subjected to so much annoyance. RELEASED. The Colonel was completely chopfallen at the turn affairs had taken. I was surrounded by sev- 70 Memoirs of a Reformer. eral good Masonic friends, who expressed their grati- fication at my release. I addressed the Colonel, saying, that as he had put me to much inconvenience and trouble, I claimed a favor of him. He asked what it was. I begged him not to punish " Joe " for what he had done, and to allow me to present the brave fellow with a gift as a mark of gratitude for his fidelity to me. As these favors were asked in the presence of the crov,^d, he could not very well refuse my request. He sulkily promised that " Joe " should not be punished, and said if I pleased I might make him a present. I then handed " Joe " some money, for which he looked a thousand thanks. I was thus able to evince my gratitude for what he had done for me, and at the same time present him with the means to aid him in escaping from bondage. Two years after this occurrence, while dining at the American Hotel in Boston, I observed a colored waiter eyeing me very closely : at length he recog- nized me and asked if I remembered him. It wa^^ " Joe," my saviour, the former slave of " Colonel Le- gree." I grasped the noble fellow's hand, and con- gratulated him upon his escape from bondage. In the evening I invited him into the parlour and in- troduced him to several anti-slavery friends, to whom I narrated the incidents above related. " Joe " sub- sequently gave me tlie following particulars of his escape from slavery : On the Sunday evening following my arrest and Memoirs of a Reforrner. 71 acquittal, his brother joined him in a piece of woods near the Colonel's plantation, where he had secreted sufficient food to last them several days. TWO PASSENGERS BY THE UNDERGROUND RAILWAY. At midnight they started together, movmg as rapidly as they could through the fields and woods, keeping the north star in front of them. Whenever it was possible, they walked in the creeks and mar- shy grounds, to throw the slave-hunters off their tracks. Thus night after night they kept on their way weary, hungry, and sore-footed. On the morning of the seventeenth day of their freedom, they reach- ed the Ohio river, nearly opposite a large town; all day they lay secreted in the bushes, at night they crossed the river in a small boat and travelled rapid- ly, taking a north-easterly course. After enduring many hardships they reached Cleveland, Ohio, and went to the house of a friend whose name I had given "Joe." They were kindly received and supplied with clothing and other comforts. Resting a week, they were sent to Canada, where " Joe's " brother still lives (1890). LEAVE FOR OTHER FIELDS. On the day following my release from peril I was conveyed to luka, a station on the Charleston and Memphis railroad. There I purchased a through 72 Memoirs of a Reformer. ticket for New York, which I took pains to exhibit to the landlord of the hotel, so that in case I was pursued (as I certainly Avould be, if "Joe " and his brother succeeded in escaping), he would state the fact that I had bought tickets for New York, which would probably check their pursuit. From luka I went to Huntsville, Alabama, where for a short time I was busy circulating information among the slaves. AT WORK IN AUGUSTA, GEORGIA. Learning that Augusta was favorably situated for my work, and that the slaves in that sec- tion were sharp and intelligent, I determined to make that city my next field of labor. Having secured a home with a Quaker family, I was soon actively engaged in becoming acquainted with the more intelligent colored people of that section. FIDELITY OF THE QUAKERS. Among the religious denominations of the south, none were more faithful to the principles of freedom, or to the dictates of humanity in respect to slavery, than the friends called " Quakers." Wherever I have met the members of that society, whether in the north or south, tliey have alwaj^s proved them- selves friends in deed as well as in name. They could always be implicitl}^ trusted by the poor fugi- tives from l)ondage. I know of many instances Memoirs of a Reformer. 73 where at ^reat sacrifice and risk they have shielded the outcasts from their pursuers — the slave-hunters and United States marshals. Hundreds of the negroes of Canada will bear testimony to the unfail- ing fidelit}^ of the peaceful and worthy Quakers. ELEVEN FOLLOWERS OF THE NORTH STAR. In Augusta I succeeded in ecjuipping a party of eleven fine, active, intelligent slaves for the long, dangerous and weary journey to the north. No one, unless engaged in similar work, can appreciate the extreme delicacy of my position. There was not a day, in fact scarcely an hour, that I did not live in expectation of exposure and death. The system of keen and constant espionage in practice throughout the slave states, rendered it exceedingly necessary to exercise the greatest prudence in approaching the slaves. If a stranger was seen in conversation with a slave he became at once an object of suspicion. I found by experience that a frank, bold, and straight- forward course was the safest and best. I was greatly aided in my work here by a remarkably in- telligent mulatto, the son of a U.S. Senator by a fe- male slave. This man was chosen leader of the band of fugitives from Augusta, and under his leadership the whole party arrived safely in Canada in less than two months from the time they escaped from bondage. Two members of the party are now living in Canada, and in good circumstances. Im- 74 Memoirs of a Reformer. mediately after the exodus of these brave fellows, I quietly left the scene of my labors and went to Charleston, S.C. EXCITING NEWS. A few days after my arrival, one of the Charles- ton papers contained a despatch from Augusta, which stated that several first-class negro men had disappeared from that place within a week, and that a very general impression prevailed that abolition- ists were at work exciting negroes to escape from their masters. I left Charleston that evening and went to Raleigh, N.C. While at breakfast next morning two gentlemen seated near me entered into conversation relative to the escape of slaves from Augusta. One of them remarked that an English- man who had been stopping in Augusta for sev- eral weeks was suspected of doing the mischief, and that it was supposed he had gone with the fugitives, as he had not been seen since the slaves were miss- ed ; but if he should be caught, no mercy would be shown him, as it was time to make an example of the nigger-thieves that infested the south. I lost no time, obviously, and left by the first train for Washington. IN WASHLNGTON. During my stay in Washington I was the guest of Charles Sumner, at whose house I met many dis- Memoirs of a Refornier. 75 tinguished people, who evinced a warm and appre- ciative interest in my labors. The slave-holders at that period held the balance of power in the United States, and the northern Democrats were used by them to tighten the bonds that bound the colored people of the south in the chains of slavery. The slave-masters were not satisfied with the recognized boundaries of their institution, and sought by every device to obtain some portion of the new territories of the south-west to which they could carry their vile institution. North^-n men of the Douglas and Seymour stamp were willing to yield to the slave lords, and even sacrifice the dearest interests of their country, providing they could advance their indi- vidual claims to the presidency. The haughty and outrageous demands of Davis, Mason and Toombs were abetted by the cowardly Democratic politi- cians of the north. Towering above these contempt- ible political demagogues stood Charles Sunmer, the brave champion of freedom. No prospect of politi- cal advancement could tempt him from the path of duty, nor could the brutal threats and assaults of his cowardly opponents, cause him to halt in his warfare for the rights of man. On my arrival in Philadelphia I laid before my anti-slavery friends a report of my work. One venerable and talented Quaker lady, at whose house our reunion took place, and whose name has long been identified with the cause of human freedom. 76 Memoirs of a Reformer. tendered me the congratulations of the society on my safe return from the land of darkness and des- pair. FL'GITIVES FROM HUNTSVILLE, ALABAMA. While in Philadelphia a telegram was received from a friend in Evansville, Ind., informing me that two fugitives had arrived there in a most pitiable condition, their emaciated bodies bearing the marks of many a bruise. I at once went to Evansville to render them such aid as J could. They were de- lighted to meet me again, and recalled an interview they had with me at Huntsville, Alabama. The poor fellows were kindly cared for, and after a few days' rest, continued their journey to Canada, pre- pared to defend their right to own themselves against whoever might dispute it. The route trav- elled by these fugitives from Huntsville to the Ohio river was marked with their blood. Their escape was soon discovered and persistent efforts were made to capture them. They were follow^ed for two days by bloodhounds that were placed on their tracks, but which they succeeded in eluding by wading in the creeks and marshes ; for forty- eight hours the deep baying of the hounds was fre- (juently heard. They travelled by night only, tak- ing the north star for their guide, and by day rested in secluded places. Their sufferings from hunger were very severe, which they were often obliged to Memoirs of a Reformer. 77 relieve by eating frogs and other reptiles. Occa- sionally, however, they succeeded in confiscating |)Oultry from the hen-houses of the slaveholders ( )n their route. " In dark fens of the Dismal Swamp, The hunled negro lay ; He saw the fire of the midnight camp, And heard at times a horse's tramp. And a bloodhound's distant bay. Where will-o'-the wisps and glow-worms shine In bulrush and in brake ; Where waving mosses shroud the pine, And the cedar grows, and the poisonous vine Is spotted like the snake ; Where hardly a human foot could pass. Or a human heart would dare. On the (|uaking turf of the green morass. He crouched in the rank and tangled grass, Like a wild beast in its lair. All things above were bright and fair. All things were glad and free ; Lithe squirrels darted here and there, And wild birds filled the echoing air With songs of liberty. On him alone was the doom of pain. From the morning of his birth ; On him alone the crime of Cain Fell, like a flail on the garnered grain. And struck him to the earth." Longfellow. My experience in the Cotton States served to in- tensify my abhorrence and hatred of slavery, and to I 78 Memoirs of a Reformer. nerve me for the work I was engaged in. On several occasions while in the slave states I attended church service, and invariably observed that whenever the subject of slavery was mentioned it was referred to as a wise, beneficent institution, and one minister declared that " the institution of slavery was devised by God, for the especial benefit of the colored race." " Just God I — and these are they Who minister at Thine altar, God of Right I Men who their hands, with prayer and blessing, lay On Israel's Ark of light I What ! preach and kidnap men ? Give thanks — and rob Thy own afflicted poor ? Talk of Thy glorious liberty, and then Bolt hard the captive's door ? What 1 servants of Thy own Merciful Son, who came to seek and save The homeless and the outcast, — fettering down The tasked and plundered slave I Pilate and Herod, friends ! Chief priests and rulers, as of old, combine I Just God and holy ! is that church, which lends Strength to the spoiler, Thine ? Paid hypocrites, who turn Judgment aside, and rob the Holy Book Of those high words of truth which search and burn In warning and rebuke : Feed fat, ye locusts, feed ! And in your tasselled pulpits, thank the Lord That, from the toiling bondman's utter need. Ye pile your own full board. Memoirs of a Reformer. 79 How long, Lord 1 how long Shall such a priesthood barter truth away, And, in Thy name, for robbery and wrong At Thy own altars pray ? Woe to the priesthood ! woe To those whose hire is with the price of blood — Perverting, darkening, changing as they go, The searching truths of God I , Their glory and their might Shall perish ; and their names shall be Vile before all the people, in the light Of a world's liberty. Oh ! speed the moment on When Wrong shall cease — and Liberty, and Love, And Truth, and Right, throughout the earth be known As in their home above." Whittier, the Quaker Pott. CHAPTER IV. 1859-1861. Meet with John Brown — Farewell to John Brown — John Brown Calls a Convention at Chatham, Canada — Refugees in Canada — At Work in Delaware — Depot of the Underground Railway — John Brown Ready to Move — In Richmond — John Brown's Attack on Harper's Ferry — Blow felt throughout the Slave States — Dough-faced Xortherners— Effects of John Brown's Attack — John Brown a Prisoner — Bearing of John Brown— Interview with Governor Wise — John Brown's Farewell Letter to the Author — Execution of John Brown — Letters to the Author from John Brown's Widow and Children— "The John Brown Song " — John Brown's Men at Harper's Ferry— Casu- alties of the Fight at Harper's Ferry—Copy of John Brown's Commission to His Olficers. LEAVE FOR BOSTON. From Evansville I returned to Philadelphia, and after a short stay in that city left for Boston, via Springfield. MEET WITH AN OLD FRIEND. At Springfield, Mass., the train stopped a few minutes for refreshments. As I took my seat at the table, I observed an elderly gentleman looking very earnestly at me. At length he recognized me, and taking a seat near me said in a whisper, "How is the hardware business?" The moment 80 Memoirs of a Reformer. 81 he spoke I recognized Capt. John Brown, of Kansas. He was much changed in appearance, looked older and more careworn, but there was no change in his voice or eye, both were indicative of strength, hon- esty and tenacity of purpose. Learning that I was on my way to Boston, whither he was going on the following day, he urged me to remain in Springfield ov^er night and accompany him to Boston. In the evening we retired to a private parlor, and he asked me to tell him about my trip through Mississippi and Alabama. He listened intently to the recital of my narrative, from the time I left New Orleans un- til my arrest in Mississippi, with great earnestness and without speaking, until I described my arrest and imprisonment ; then his countenance changed, his eyes flashed, he paced the room in silent wrath. I never witnessed a more intense manifestation of indignation and scorn. Coming up to me, he took my wrists in his hands and said, " God alone brought you out of that hell ; and these wrists have been ironed and you have been imprisoned for doing your duty. I vow that I will not rest from my labor until I have discharged my whole duty towards God and to- wards my brother in bondage." When he ceased speaking, he sat down and buried his face in his hands, in which position he sat for some minutes as if overcome by his feelings. At length, arousing himself, he asked me to continue my narrative, to which he listened patiently during its recital. F 82 Memoirs of a Reformer. He said, " You have been permitted to do a work that falls to the lot of few." Taking a small Bible or Testament from his pocket, he said, " The good book says, ' Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them ; ' it teaches us, further, to remember them in bonds as bound with them." He continued, " I have devoted the last twenty years of my life to preparation for the work which I believe God has given me to do, and while I live, I will not cease my labors." He then gave me some details of a campaign w^hich he was then actually preparing for, and which he said had occupied his mind for many years. He intended to establish himself in the mountains of Virginia with a small body of picked men. He felt confident that the negroes would flock to him in large num- bers, and that the slave-holders would soon be glad to let the oppressed go free ; that the dread of a negro insurrection would produce fear and tremb- ling in all the slave states ; that the presence in the mountains of an armed body of liberators w^ould cause a general insurrection among the slaves, which would end in their freedom. He said he had about twenty-two Kansas men undergoing a course of military instruction ; these men would form a nucleus, around which he would soon gather a force sufficiently large and effective to strike terror through the slave states. His present difficulty was a deficiency of ready money. He had been Memoirs of a Reformer. 83 promised support to help the cause of freedom — which was not forthcoming now that he was pre- paring to carry the war into the South. Some of his friends were disinclined to aid offensive opera- tions. During this interview he informed me that he intended to call a convention at Chatham, Cana- da, for the purpose of effecting an organization composed of men who were willing to aid him in his purpose of invading the slave states. He said he had rifles and ammunition sufficient to e(|uip two hundred men ; that he had made a contract for a large number of pikes, with which he intended to arm the negroes ; that the object of his present trip to the East was to raise funds to keep this contract, and perfect his arrangements for an attack upon the slave states. He accompanied me on the following day to Boston. During our journey, he informed me that he required a thousand dollars at least to complete his preparations, and that he needed money at once to enable him to fulfil a contract for arms with a manufacturer in Connecticut. He also needed money to bring his men from Iowa to Canada. He met with but little success in Boston. It appeared that such friends of the cause of free- dom as had an inkling of his project, were not dis- posed to advance money for warlike purposes, ex- cept for the defence of free territory. Many of his sincere friends feared that the persecution of him- self and family by the pro-slavery border ruffians 84 Memoirs of a Reformer. would provoke him to engage in some enterprise Avhich might result in the destruction of himself and his followers. I am persuaded that there was no reason for any such apprehension. I never heard him express any feeling of personal resent- ment towards any one, not even border ruffians. He appeared to me to be under the influence of broad, enlightened, and humane views, and a fixed determination to do his duty towards the oppressed. Next morning Capt. Brown departed from Bos- ton. I accompanied him to the depot, and bade him farewell. CAPTAIN BROWN CALLS A CONVENTION. The following invitation from Capt. Brown to at- tend a convention " of true friends of freedom," to be held in Chatham, Canada, I did not receive until the 13th of May — three days after the time ap- pointed for holding the convention : Chatham, Canada, Maj' oth, 1858. My Dear Fkiexd : I have called a quiet convention in this town of the true friends of freedom. Your attendance is earnestly requested on the lOlh ins^ Your friend, C^cr"/p9^^ U Jy-0 Hi^-pn^ Memoirs of a Reformer. 85 REFUGEES IN CANADA. During the following summer I visited Canada, and had great pleasure in meeting many of those who had, under my auspices, escaped from the land of bondage. In Hamilton I was welcomed by a man who had escaped from Augusta. The meeting with so many of my former pupils, and the know- ledge that they were happy, thriving, and industri- ous, gave me great satisfaction. The trials and dan- gers I had endured in their behalf were rendered pleasing reminiscences. The information obtained from these refugees re- lative to the experiences while en route to Canada enabled me subsequently to render valuable aid to other fugitives from the land of bondage. AT WORK IN DELAWARE. On one occasion I visited Wilmington, Delaware, for the purpose of liberating the young wife of a refugee, who the year previous had made his es- cape to Canada, from the little town of Dover. I learned that the object of my visit was owned by a widow lady, who had but recently purchased the slave, paying the sum of twelve hundred dollars for her. I also learned that the widow was disposed to sell the girl, in fact that it was her intention to take her to New Orleans in the fall, for the purpose of 86 Memoirs of a Reformer. offering her for sale in the market, where prices ranged in proportion to the beauty and personal charms possessed by these victims of man's inhu- manity. After a few hours' consideration I decided upon a plan which ultimately interfered with the widow's project. In the morning I called at the house of the widow, ostensibly to purchase her slave woman. The bell was answered by an octoroon woman, whom from the description I had received of her, I knew to be the object of my visit. I enquired whether her mistress was at home. She replied that her mistress had gone to market, and would not be home for an hour or two : further, that she was the only person in the house. I asked her name, and other questions, which proved that she was Martha Ben- nett, the wife of the Canadian refugee. I then told her my object in calling, that I had recently seen her husband, and that if she desired to go to him, I would endeavor to take her to Canada. I gave her a few lines written by her husband, begging her to come to him. She read the paper with deep feel- ing, trembling from head to foot, the tears falling- fast upon the paper. She said, " Massa, I Avill do just what you tell me. I wish I could get to Canada. Missis is going to take me to New Orleans this fall, and then I shall never see my husband again." I told her to leave the house at midnight, or as soon after as possible, prepared to accompany me : tliat I would Memoirs of a Reforiner. (S7 have a conveyance ready not far from the house to carry her out of the state to a place of safety : that she must attend to her duties during the day as usual, and not excite, by any unusual appearance or con- duct, the suspicions of her mistress. I then left, and made preparations to convey her to the house of Hannah Cox, near Kennett Square, Pennsylvania. DEPOT OF THE UNDERGROUND RAILWAY. The house of this noble woman had for years been one of the depots of the " underground railroad" (the rendezvous of fugitive slaves from Maryland and Delaware), where many poor fugitives have come with bleeding feet and tattered garments, relying upon the humanity of this noble woman, who shield- ed the outcasts from their pursuers. Hannah Cox was a worthy member of the Society of Friends. She possessed great sweetness of disposition, combined with energy, courage and tried sympathies, a highly cultivated mind and the ease and grace of a queen. Mrs. Cox, like all other outspoken abolitionists, was at that period outlawed from public respect, scorned and hated by the Church and State, and despised by the rich. There never lived a purer or more noble woman than Hannah Cox. She out- lived the institution of slavery, and received the homage and respect of those who in other days persecuted and despised her. 88 Memoirs of a Beformer. Returning to the house of my friend, I obtained a horse and small waggon, and at twelve o'clock that night drove down the street on which the house of the widow was situated. At last I caught sight of the object of my search. Taking her into the carriage, I drove rapidly away on the road to Kennet Square, Penn. I kept the horse at a rapid gait, until I got out of sight of Wilmington. x\bout four o'clock in the morning I heard the sound of a carriage rapidly following me. Upon reaching the top of a small hill I looked back and saw a horse coming at full gallop — behind him a buggy with two men in it. I directed the girl to crouch down in the bottom of the vehicle, I then put my horse to its utmost speed, hoping to cross the Pennsylvania line before my pursuers came up to me. The stifled cries of the poor slave at my feet made me resolve to defend her to the last extremity. I had two good navy revolvers with me, and got them ready for action. Looking back, I saw that my pursuers were gaining upon me. They were not more than two hundred yards distant, and I could hear shouts for me to stop ; in another moment I heard the re- port of a pistol and the whizzing sound of a bullet. I then drew my revolver and fired four times in rapid succession at the horse of my pursuers. I saw the animal stagger and fall to the ground. One of my pursuers then fired several times at me without effect. I was soon out of danger from Memoirs of a Reformer. 89 them, and safe with my charge at the house of good Hannah Cox. I went on to Philadelphia, where I remained until the excitement had quieted down. I then re- turned and conveyed the poor fugitive to Clifton, Canada : from thence she went to Chatham, where she found her husband. JOHN BROWN READY TO MOVE. On the 9th of October, 1859, I was somewhat sur- l^i'ised to receive the following brief letter from Captain Brown, announcing his intention to make an attack on the Slave States in the course of a few weeks : Chambersburg, Penn., October 6th, 1859. Dear Friend, — ^ ^ .^ I shall move about the last of this month. Can you help the cause in the way promised ? Ad- dress your reply to Isaac Smith, Chambersburg, Penn. Your friend, JoHM Brown. IN RICHMOND. I had promised Captain Brown, during our in- terview at Springfield, Mass., that when he was ready to make his attack on the Slave States, T would, if possible, go to Richmond, and await the result. In case he should be successful in his attack, I would be in a position to Vfatch the course of events, and enlighten the slaves as to his pur- 90 Memoirs of a Reformer. poses. It mig'lit also be possible for me to aid the cause in other respects. Accordingly, I was in Richmond on the 15th (the day before the raid), prepared to remain there and await the course of events. CAPTAIN BROWN ATTACKS H.\RPER's FERRY. On tlie morning of Monday, the 17th of Octo- ber, wild rumours were in circulation about tlie streets of Richmond, that Harper's Ferry had been captured by a band of robbers ; and again that an army of abolitionists under the command of a desperado by the name of Smith, was murdering the inliabitants of that village and carrying off' the negroes. Throughout the da}^ gi'oups of excited men gathered about the newspaper offices to hear the news from Harper's Ferry. OFFICIAL REPOllTS. On the following morning (Tuesday) an official report was received which stated that a large force of abolitionists under Old Osawatomie Brown had taken possession of the U. S. armory at the ferry, and had entrenched themselves. An aged negro whom I met in the street seemed completely be- wildered with the excitement, and military prepara- tions going on ai"ound liiiii. As I approached him he raised his hat and said, " Please massa, what's Memoirs of a Reformer. 91 the matter ? what's the soldiers out for ?" I told him a band of abolitionists had seized Harper's Ferry and liberated many of the slaves of that section ; and that they intended to free all the slaves in the South if they could. " Can da do it, massa ? " he asked, while his countenance brightened up. I re- plied, perhaps so, and asked him if he would like to be free ? He said, " O yes, massa ; I'se prayed for dat dese forty years. My two boys are away oft' in Canada. Do you know where dat is, massa ?" BLOW FELT THROUGH THE SLAVE STATES. That John Brov\ai had struck a blow that was felt throughout the Slave States, was evident from the number of telegraph despatches from the South, offering aid to crush the invasion. DEFEAT OF CAPTAIN BROWN. The people of Richmond were frantic with rage at this daring interference with their cherished in- stitution, which gave them the right to buy, beat, work and sell their fellow men. Crowds of rough excited men filled with whiskey and wickedness stood for hours together in front of the offices of the Dispatch and Enquirer, listening to the reports, as they were announced from within. When the news of Brown's defeat and capture, and the des- truction of his little band, was read from the win- 92 Memoirs of a Reforiner. dow of the Dispatch oflfice, the vast crowds set up a demoniac yell of delight, which to me sounded like a death knell to all my hopes for the freedom of the enslaved. As the excitement was hourly increasing, and threats made to search the city for abolitionists, I felt that nothing could be gained by remaining in Richmond. I left for Washington, almost crushed in spirit at the destruction of Capt. Brown and his brave little band. On the train were Southerners from several of the Slave States, who boldly expressed their views of Northern abolitionists, in the most em- phatic slave-driving language. The excitement was intense, every stranger, especially if lie looked like a Northerner, was closely watched, and in some instances subjected to inquisition. DOUGH-FACED NORTHERNERS. The attitude of many of the leading Northern politicians and so-called statesmen of Washington, was simply disgusting. These weak-kneed and craven creatures, were profuse in tlieir apologies for Brown's assault, and hastened to divest themselves of wliat littk' manliood they possessed, wliile in the presence of tlie women-wlu])pers of the South. " What can we do to conciliate the Slave States ?" was the leading (piestion of the day. Such men as Crittenden and Douglas were ready to compromise Memoirs of a Reformer. 93 with the slave-holders, even at the sacrifice of their avowed principles. While Toombs, Davis, Mason, Sli- dell and the rest of the slave-driving crew, haughtily demanded further guarantees for the protection of their " institution ; " and had it not been for the stand taken by the people of the Northern States at that time, their political leaders would have bound the North hand and foot, to do the bidding of the slave-holders. But, on that occasion, the people of the North showed themselves worthy des- cendents of their revolutionary sires. EFFECTS OF JOH.V BROWN's ATTACK. The blow struck at Harper's Ferry, wliich the democratic leaders afiected to ridicule, had startled the slave-holders from their dreams of security, and sent fear and trembling into every home in the Slave States. The poor oppressed slave as he laid down on his pallet of straw, weary from his en- forced labors, offered up a prayer for the safety of the grand old captain, who was a prisoner in the hands of merciless foes, thirsting for his blood. BRAVERY OF CAPTAIN BROWN. How bravely John Brown bore himself in the presence of the human wolves that surrounded him, as he lay mangled and torn in front of the engine- house at Harper's Ferry ! Mason, of Virginia, and 94 Memoirs of a Reformer that Northern renegade, Vallancligham, interrogated the aj^parently dying man, trying artfully, but in vain, to get him to implicate leading Northern men. In the history of modern times there is not recorded another instance of such rare heroic valour as John Brown displayed in the presence of Governor Wise, of Virginia. How contemptible Mason, Wise, and Vallandigham appear when compared with the wounded old liberator, who lay weltering in his blood, shed in behalf of the oppressed. Mason, Wise and Vallandigham died with the stain of trea- son on their heads. CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN. To superficial observers. Brown's attack on Vir- ginia with so small a force, looked like the act of a madman ; but those who knew John Brown, and Memoirs of a Refornier. 95 the men under his command, are satisfied that if he had carried out his original plans, and retreated with his force to the mountains, after he had cap- tured the arms in the arsenal, he could have baffled any force sent against him. The slaves would have flocked to his standard by thousands, and the slave- holders would have trembled with fear for the safety of their families. JOHN BROWN VICTORIOUS. John Brown in prison, surrounded by his captors, won greater victories than if he had conquered the South by force of arms. His courage, truthfulness, humanity, and self-sacrificing devotion to the cause of the poor downtrodden slaves, shamed the cow- ardly, weak-kneed, and truculent Northern poli- ticians into opposition to the haughty demands of the despots of the South. The crack of his rifle at Harper's Ferry suddenly confronted every man in America, with his traditional cowardice, moral, political, or physical. There was a moment of timid deprecation or hasty denial : " We know not the man ; "■ — the million eyes met, the explosion of long-pent fires, the nation is rent, the lie dragged to judgment, the laws re-constructed, and the people of the Free States confess that John Brown, the " outlaw," the " lunatic," the spurned of all sections to an ignominious death, was not prophet only, but 96 Memoirs of a Reformer. the very cry that was rising in every true heart in America. I esteem it a great privilege to have known Jolui Brown, and to have had the opportunity of aiding him in his great purpose. AN EFFORT TO SEE JOHN BROWN. December the 2nd, 1859, was the day appointed for the execution of Captain Brown. I determined to make an effort to see him once more if possible. Taking the cars at Baltimore, on November 26th, I went to Harper's Ferry, and applied to the military officer in command for permission to go to Charles- tow^n. He enquired my object in wishing to go there at that time, while so much excitement ex- isted. I replied, that I had a desire to see John Brown once more before his death. Without reply- ing to me, he called an officer in the room and dir- ected him to place me in close confinement until the arrival of the train for Baltimore and then to place me on the train, and command the conductor to take me to Baltimore. Then, raising his voice, he said, " Captain, if he (myself) returns to Harper's Ferry, shoot him at once." I was placed under guard until the train came in, when, in spite of my protests, I was taken to Baltimore. Determined to make one more attempt, I went to Riclimond to try and obtain permission fi'om the Governor. After much difficulty I obtained an Memoirs of a Reformer. 97 INTERVIEW WITH GOVERNOR WISE. I told the Governor that I had a strong desire to see John Brown before his execution ; that I had some acquaintance with him, and had formed a very high estimate of him as a man. I asked him to allow me to go to Charlestown (under surveil- lance if he pleased), and bid the old Captain " good- bye." The Governor made many inquiries to ascer- tain my views of Brown, and finally asked whether I justified his attack on Virginia. I replied, that from childhood I had been an ardent admirer of Washington, Jefferson and Madison, and that all these great and good men deplored the existence of slavery in the Republic. That my admiration and friendship for John Brown was owing to his hold- ing similar views and his earnest desire to abolish the 'evil. The "Governor looked amazed at my per- tinacity, and for a moment made no reply. At length he straightened himself up, and, assuming a dignified air, said, " My family motto is, ' sapere aude.' I am wise enough to understand your object in wishing to go to Charlestown, and I dare you to go. If you attempt it I will have you shot. It is such men as you who have urged Brown to make his crazy attack upon our constitutional rights and privileges. You shall not leave Richmond until after the execution of Brown. I would like to hang a dozen of your leading abolitionists." G 98 Memoirs of a Reformer, GOVERNOR WISE WOULD LIKE TO BAG GIDDINGS AND GERRIT SMITH, AND HANG THEM ! " If I could bag old Giddings and Gerrit Smith, I would hang them without trial." The Gov^ernor became excited, and paced the floor angrily, saying, " No, sir ! you shall not leave Richmond. You shall go to prison, and remain there until next Monday ; then you may go North, and slander the State which ought to have hanged you I" I replied, that as he refused me permission to see Captain Brown, I would leave Virginia at once, and thus save the State any trouble or expense on my account. I said this very quietly, while his eyes were riveted on me. In reply, he said, " Did I not tell you that you should remain a prisoner here until Monday ? " I replied, " Yes, Governor, you did ; but I am sure the executive of this great State is too wise to fear one unarmed man." For a moment he tapped the table with his fingers, then shaking his fore-finger, said : " Well, you may go, and I would advise you to tell your Giddings, Greeleys, Smiths and Garrisons, cowards that tliey are, to lead the next raid on Virginia themselves." Fearing tluit obstacles might be thrown in my way, which would cause detention and trouble, I requested the Governor to give me a permit to leave tlie State (^f X'irginia. Witliout making repl}^ he picked up a lilank card, and wrote as follows : — Memoirs of a Reformer. 99 " The bearer is hereby ordered to leave the State of Virginia within twenty-four hours." yO< I This he handed me, saying, " The sooner you go, the bet ter for you ; our people are greatly excited and you may regret this visit if you stay another hour." On returning to Philadelphia 1 wrote to Captain Brown, bidding him a last farewell. Several days after his execution I received from the sheriff of Jefferson County, Virginia, the following letter, written by the captain the day before his execu- tion : — CAPTAIN BROWN'S FAREWELL LETTER TO THE AUTHOR. •* Jail, Charlestown, Va., December, 1st, 1859. "My Dear Friend: — Captain Avis, my jailor, has just handed me your most kind and affectionate letter. I am sorry your efforts to reach this place have been unavailing, I thank you for your faithfulness, and the assurance you give me that my poor and deeply afflicted family will be provided for. It takes from my mind the greatest cause of sadness I have ex- perienced since my imprisonment. In a few hours, through in- finite grace in ' Christ Jesus, my Lord,' I shall be in another and better state of existence. I feel quite cheerful and ready to die. 100 Memoirs of a Reformer. My dear friend, do not give up your labors for the * poor that cry, and them that are in bonds.' " (Facsimile of the three last lines. ) EXECUTION OF JOHN BROWN. On the morning of his execution, an ordinary furniture waggon, containing a plain coffin, was brought to the door of the jail, soon after which the door opened, and John Brown appeared, fol- lowed by Sheriff Campbell and John Avis, the jailer. As John Brown passed out he said, " Good- bye " to several whom he recognized, and some of whom had done him little acts of kindness during his imprisonment. To one of the guards he handed a slip of paper on which he had written the follow- ing prophetic words : — •* Charlestown Jail, December 2nd, 1859. '* I, John Brown, am now quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be washed away except with blood. I had, as I now think, vainly flattered myself that without much bloodshed it might be done." These, his last written words, were sent to me by John Avis, his jailor. John Brown quickly mounted Memoirs of a Reformer. 101 the waggon, and seated himself on the coffin which was soon to contain his lifeless remains. The pretty story of his kissing a negro child as he was leaving the jail, has no foundation in fact. The only re- marks he made while being driven to the field where the execution took place, were in reference to the natural beauty of the surrounding country. From the jail to the scafibld he was closely sur- rounded by soldiers. When the procession reached the scafibld, John Brown stepped from the waggon and was the first to mount the steps, followed by the sherifi* and jailor. John Brown's step was firm, his bearing solemn, cool and brave. Around him were hundreds of Virginians in warlike array, the forms of many men who were soon to die violent deaths as traitors to their country. Near the gal- lows stood Stonewall Jackson in command of his cadets, with John Wilkes Booth (the assassin of President Lincoln) as one of his volunteers. Jack- son was killed while fighting against his country. Seated on a beautiful liorse was General Asliby — he too died a violent death in the rebel ranks, Near by stood tlie contemptible Jeft* Thompson, who had brought from Missouri a rope with which to hang John Brown. He too served and survived the rebellion to endure poverty and contempt. Gov. Wise, who signed John Brown's death warrant, fought as a rebel against his country, and survived to see a daughter of John Brown teaching tlie child- 102 Memoirs of a Reformer. ren of Freedmen in his home. Nearly all the rank and file that surrounded that scaffold died violent deaths in the battles of the slaveholders' rebellion, and the few who survive live to see John Brown vindicated in every slave that now receives wages for his labor. When John Brown ascended the gallows he stood erect, cool and steady. He wore a broad-brimmed felt hat. His clothing was plain and scrupulously clean. His white beard had been cut somewhat shorter than usually worn. His every movement was grave, gentle and dignified. The sheriff ap- proached him and covered his face. When he was placed upon the trap he said, " Be quick ; do not keep me waiting." Then began a series of fussy movements by the military, which occupied fully ten minutes, after which the trap fell, and the spirit of John Brown joined his comrades in the spirit land. There were few, we fancy, of those who that day witnessed the death of Jolni Brown, who im- agined that his name would outlive the name of the politicians and so-called statesmen of that day. Virginia, in her pride and strength, judicially mur- dered John Brown ; but the day is not far distant when the freedmen and freemen of the South will erect a monument on the spot where he gave up liis life, a willing sacrifice for the cause of human free- dom. The memory ol' Jolm Hi-owii will grow brighter Memoirs of a Reformer. 103 and brighter through all coming ages, and long after the Southern statesmen who shouted for his death are mouldering in the silent dust forgotten, or unpleasantly remembered, the name of John Brown, of Osawatomie, will be a household word with millions yet unborn. LETTERS TO THE AUTHOR FROM CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN'S WIDOW AND CHILDREN. From Mary A. Broicn, Widow of G apt. John Brown, the Martyr. Dear Friend, — * * * My husband often spoke of you as being one of his most faithful and sincere friends. Your tender and kindly sympathy for his afflicted family in those terrible days of '59 will never be forgotten by me. I send you a lock of his hair in remembrance of your friendship. * * * From John Brown, Jr., Son of Gapt. John Brown, the Martyr. My Dear Friend, — All honor to you for the courage and de- votion to the cause of liberty which led you to peril your life again and again for those who had no other ckim on you than that of common humanity. You may indeed feel gratified by the medals, diplomas of honor and royal decorations conferred on you by the learned societies and crowned heads of Europe, yet these are toys compared with that which entitles you to be known as the tried and true friend oj mankind. * * * From Oiven Brown, son oJ Gapt. John Brown, the Martyr. * * * I shall hold you in lasting remembrance for your fidelity to father, and the cause he died in serving. You have my earnest hopes for your success, though any one of your stamp who will exercise such unfaltering persistance against so many kinds of difficulties will surely succeed. 104 Memoirs of a Reformer. From Ruth Brotcn, Eldest Daughter of Gapt. John Brown, the Martyr. * * * 1 wish every person in our land knew how noble and self-sacrificing you have been. * * * i wish you could have seen father when you went to Virginia. To have seen you again would have done him more good than all the prayers of all the pro-slavery ministers in the world. From Annie Brown, youngest daughter of Capt. John Brown, the Martyr. I wish to express my unbounded gratitude to you for placing my father before the world in his true light. You comprehended him, you hieiu him. * * * THE JOHN BROWN SONG. BY EDNA A. PROCTOR. John Brown died on the scaffold for the slave ; Dark was the hour when we dug his hallowed grave ; Now God avenges the life he gladly gave — Freedom reigns to-day ! Glory, glory, hallelujah, Glory, glory, hallelujah, Glory, glorj^ hallelujah, Freedom reigns to-day ! John Brown sowed, and his harvesters are we ; Honor to him who has made the bondmen free ! Loved evermore shall our noble ruler be ; Freedom reigns to-daj- ! Glory, glory, hallelujah, &c. John Brown's body lies mouldering in the grave ; Bright o'er the sod let the starrj- banner wave ; Lo ! for the millions he perilled all to save, Freedom reigns to-day ! Glory, &c. Memoirs of a Reforme/r. 105 John Brown's soul through the world is marching on ; Hail to the hour when oppression shall be gone ! All men will sing in the better ages' dawn, Freedom reigns to-day ! Glory, etc. John Brown dwells where the battle strife is o'er ; Hate cannot harm him, nor sorrow stir him more ; Earth will remember the martyrdom he bore ; Freedom reigns to-day ! Glory, &c. John Brown's body lies mouldering in the grave ; John Brown lives in the triumphs of the brave ; John Brown's soul not a higher joy can crave ; Freedom reigns to-day ! Glory, glory, hallelujah ! Glory, glory, hallelujah ! Glory, glory, hallelujah ! Freedom reigns to-day ! JOHN brown's men Af HARPEIl'S FERRY. The men that John Brown gathered about him for his last fight with slavery were men like him- self of heroic mould. They were young men in the full morning of life. They were each attached to him by the subtle magnetism that attracts the lesser to the greater. Like John Brown, they were earnest men, haters of tyranny and injustice, and lovers of freedom. They were each and all God- fearing men, of staunch moral character, temperate, truthful, sincere and brave. No profane word or jest was heard from their lips. In their devotion, MeTnoirs of a Reformer. 107 fidelity and self-sacrifice, they resembled the " Iron- sides" of Cromwell. Their faith and confidence in their strong old captain was such that they would, as they did, follow him without a murmur into the very "jaws of death." It is meet, right, and just that these heroic men should have a place in history, by the side of their fearless old leader. CASUALTIES AT HARPER's FERRY. Aaron D. Stevens and John H. Kagi wQre Capt. Brown's right-hand men during the Kansas war for freedom, and at Harper's Ferry, Stevens was wound- ed, taken prisoner and executed. Kagi was driven into the river by a score of assailants, and cowardly murdered. Owen Brown escaped and is still living (1892). Oliver and Watson Brown were killed in the fight. John E. Cook escaped, was captured, and executed. Edwin Coppic, Albert Hazlett, John Copeland, Shields Green, and Dangerfield Newby were taken prisoners and executed. Stuart Taylor, William Lehman, Louis Leary, William and Dauphin Thompson, and Jeremiah Anderson were killed in the fight. Barclay Coppic, Frank J Merriam, Charles Plummer Tidd, and O. P. Anderson escaped. Names and rank oj John Brown's men at Harper's Ferry. MUSTER ROLL. Aaron Dwight Stevens Captain John Henry Kagi 108 Memoirs of a Reformer. Owen Brown (son of John Brown) Captain Oliver Brown " " Watson Brown " " John E.Cook Edwin Coppie Lieutenant Albert Hazlett " William Lehman ** PRIVATES. Barclay Coppie, Stuart Taylor, Frank J. Merriman, Louis Leary, Shields Green, Dangerfield Newby, Jeremiah Anderson, 0. P. Anderson, John Copeland, Charles Plummer Tidd, William Thompson (son-in-law of John Brown), Dauphin Thompson (son- in-law of John Brown). Captain Brown expected the slaves would flock to his standard in hundreds in case he was success- ful, hence the disproportionate number of commis- sioned officers in his force. These officers had been thoroughly drilled by Colonel Forbes, formerly an officer of Garibaldi's army, and it was Captain Brown's purpose to organize his colored recruits into companies under these officers. Never in tlie liistory of the world, did mightier results follow tlic actions of a like number of men. JOHN brown's "provisional CONSTITUTION." On page cSi the reader will find a call from John Brown for a convention to be held in Chatham, Canada, in May, 1858. The convention met on the day appointed and formed a " Provisional Constitu- tion," and elected a president and other civil officers. MeTfioirs of a Reformer. 109 John Brown was appointed Commander-in-Chief, John Henry Kagi, Secretary of War, and Owen Brown, Treasurer of the military forces. This " Provisional Constitution " was to be John Brown's shield and authority as Commander-in-Chief, and it was by virtue of this authority that his officers were commissioned. Copy of Broivn's commission to his Officers. Headquarters, War Dept. , Near Harper's Ferry, Md, , October 15th, 1859. Greeting : Whereas, Oiven Brown has been nominated a captain in the army, established under the provisional constitution. Now, therefore, in pursuance of the authority vested in us by said constitution, we do hereby appoint and commission the said Owen Broivn, a captain. Given at the office of the Secretary of War, this October 15th, 1859. Commander in-Chief. J. H. Kagi, Secretary of War. (The original is printed except the words in italics, which are in the writing of Kagi. ) CHAPTER V. 1860-61. Number of Refugees in Canada — Negro Slave's Escape to Can- ada — Cruelty and Injustice of the Fugitive Slave Law — Presi- dential Election, 1860. NUMBER OF REFUGEES IN CANADA. I SPENT the next three months in Canada, visiting those refugees in whom I had taken a personal in- terest. I found six in Chatham, two in London, four in Hamilton, two in Amherstburgh, and one in Toronto — fifteen in all ; while several had gone from Canada to New England. It afforded me great satisfaction to find them sober, industrious members of society. It has often been remarked by both Canadians and visitors from the States, that the negro refugees in Canada were superior specimens of their race. The observation is true ; for none •but those possessing superior qualities could hope to reach Canada. The difficulties and dangers of the route, and the fact that they were often closely pursued for weeks by human foes and by blood- hounds, required the exercise of rare qualities of mind and body. Their route would often lay through dismal swamps inhabited only by wild animals and poisonous reptiles. Sometimes the distance between 110 Memoirs of a Reformer. Ill the land of bondage and freedom was several hun- dreds of miles, every mile of which had to be traversed on foot. It is, indeed, surprising that so large a number of fugitives succeeded in reaching Canada, considering the obstacles they had to con- tend with on their long and dangerous journey. The number of refugee negroes in Canada at the outbreak of the Slaveholders' Rebellion, was not far short of forty thousand. Probably more than half of them were manumitted slaves who, in consequence of unjust laws, were compelled to leave the States where they were manumitted. Many of these negroes settled in the Northern States, but the greater portion of them came to Canada. The following simple lines were familiar to most of the fugitives in Canada thirty years ago : — THE NEGRO SLAVE'S ESCAPE TO CANADA. ♦' I'm on my way to Canada, that free and happy land, The cruelty of slavery I can no longer stand. My soul is grieved within me to think that I'm a slave, And I'm resolved to strike a blow for freedom or the grave. Farewell, farewell, old master, I'm on my way to Canada, Where colored men are free." ♦' I heard old master pray last night, I heard him pray for me, That God would come with might and power and me from Satan free. 112 Memoirs of a Reformer. So I from Satan would be free and flee the wrath to come, But if Satan is in human form, old master's surely one. Farewell, farewell, old master, I'm on the road to Canada, Dear land of liberty." " I've heard that Queen Victoria, if we would all forsake Our native land of slavery and come across the lake. That she was waiting on the shore with arms extended wide, To give us all a peaceful home in Canada by her side. Farewell, farewell, old master, that's good enough for me, I'm on my way to Canada, dear land of liberty." " The hounds are baying on my track and master's close behind, Resolved that he will take me back before I cross the line. I no more dread the auctioneer, nor fear the master's frown, I no more tremble when I hear the baying of the hound. Farewell, farewell, old master, I've just arrived in Canada, Where every man is free ; God bless Canada ! " CRUELTY AND INJUSTICE OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. When the Fugitive Slave Law was enacted in 1850, it carried terror to every person of African blood in the Free States. Stung with hopeless despair, more than six thousand Christian men and women fled from their homes, and sought refuge under the flag of Britain in Canada. In the words of Charles Sumner : — "The Free States became little better than a huge outlying plantation, quivering under the lash of the overseer ; or rather they were a diversified hunting ground for the flying bondman, resounding always with the ' halloo ' of the huntsman. There seemed to be no rest. The chase was hardly finished at Boston, Memoirs of a Reformer. 113 before it broke out at Philadelphia, Syracuse or Buffalo, and then agaiji raged furiously over the prairies of the west. Not a case occurred which did not shock the conscience of the country, and sting it with anger. The records of the time attest the accuracy of this statement." Perhaps there is no instance in history where human passion showed itself in grander forms of expression, or where eloquence lent all her gifts more completely to the demands of liberty, than the speech of Theodore Parker (now dead and buried in a foreign land), denouncing the capture of Thos. Simms, at Boston, and invoking tlie judgment of God and man upon the agents in this wickedness. This great effort cannot be forgotten in the history of humanity. But every case pleaded with an eloquence of its own, until at last one of these tragedies occurred which darken the heavens, and cry out with a voice that will be heard. It was the voice of a mother standing over her murdered child. Margaret Garner had escaped from slavery with three children, but she was overtaken at Cincin- nati. Unwilling to see her offspring returned to the shambles of the South, this unhappy mother, described in the testimony as " a womanly, amiable, affectionate mother," determined to save them in the only way within her power. With a butcher knife, coolly and deliberately, she took the life of one of the children, described as " almost white, and a little girl of rare beauty," and attenq^t- H 114 Memoirs of a Reformer. ed, without success, to take the life of the other two. To the preacher who interrogated her, she exclaimed, " The child is my own, given me of God to do the best a mother could in its behalf. I have done the best I could ; I would have done more and better for the rest ; I knew it was better for them to go home to God than back to slavery." But she Was restrained in her purpose. The Fugitive Slave Act triumphed, and after the determination of sun- dry questions of jurisdiction, this devoted historic mother, with the two children that remained to her, and the dead body of the little one just emancipat- ed, was escorted by a national guard of armed men to the doom of slavery. But her case did not end with this revolting sacrifice. So long as the human heart is moved by human suffering, the story of this mother will be read with alternate anger and grief, while it is studied as a perpetual witness to the slaveholding tyranny which then ruled the Republic with execrable exactions, destined at last to break out in war, as the sacrifice of Virginia by her father is a perpetual witness to the decemviral tyranny which ruled Rome. But liberty is always priceless. There are other instances less known, in which kindred wrong has been done. Every case was a tragedy — under the forms of law. Worse than poisoned bowl or dagger was the certificate of a United States Commissioner — who was allowed, without interruption, to continue his dreadful trade. Memoirs of a Beformer. 115 THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1860. Durins^ no previous Presidential election (except that of 1856, when Fremont and Buchanan were the candidates), was there so much excitement on the slavery question as that of 1860, when Lincoln Breckenridge, Bell, and Douglas, were the candidates. To enable my readers to form a correct opinion of the political position occupied by the republican candidate toward the institution of slavery, I give below the "Republican Platform," on which Presi- dent Lincoln went before the people for their suff- rages : — REPUBLICAN NATIONAL (LINCOLN) PLATFORM. Adopted at Chicaco, 1860. Eesolved, — That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican electors of the United States, in Convention as- sembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations : 1. That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organiza- tion and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph. 2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Con- stitution, " That all men are created equal ; that they are en- dowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that 116 Memoirs of a Reformer. to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed," is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions ; and that the Federal Constitution, the Rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved. 7. That the new dogma, that the Constitution of its own force, carries Slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemp- oraneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent ; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country. 8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom ; That as our Republican fathers, when they had abolished Slavery in all our national territory, ordained that "no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provi- sion of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it ; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to Slavery in any Territory of the United States. 9. That we brand the recent re-opening of the African slave- trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity and a burning shame to our country and age; and we call up n Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final sup- pression of that execrable traffic. j//I