Class Book. -f^JlZ- ^(S-Uo Copyriglitl^^^. COPYRIGHT DEPOSm v5 / %f ^ Sir Ferdinando Gorges PROVINCE OF MAINE. INCLUDING THE BRIEF RELATION, THE BRIEF NARRATION, HIS DEFENCE, THE CHARTER GRANTED TO HIM, HIS WILL, AND HIS LETTERS. EDITED WITH A MEMOIR AND HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONS BY JAMES PHINNEY BAXTER, A.M. iSoston: PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 1890. rs In the Office «f th« Librarrtiii ^l SAittlburVx of the Public RcvVMV?^ < Ukewii^ to Mr* B. R Ste\^ns> who is as piXMwpt AS h^ ** abk to alfift his cou«tnn>\eu in th<^ir hif- toncAl Tv < m Euivpc: auvI to M»\ Es J, Phcl|vs» our mminkr . ox>mt ot St Umc^ who p\xvurc\l tor nK\ tKMtt th«& Colonial Ottttce> privtloges which greatly IfaciUtated my refcaixhes in the publk archi\>^s of London. At ho ' "ux^ ?xxx^ux\i ifA\x>r$ frv>m Dr. Charles E. Bank^ • ; v. \V. Bryant John Ward L>ean. and the Rev. -■. F. Slatters To the latter I aiu particularly indebted ti>r a critical examinaiioi\ of my xcx^rk as it has advaiKxxi and Itor n\any \ corttCHons and tugget \xnas K>; ug lo much material tor the Memoir ol Gorges^ 1 £uUy reali^ how unfctrtunate I was in ttc: : mote; but I cannot doubt that hiftorical ftu- dents - - ':'t contribution J. P. a MEMOIR OF SIR FERDIXANDO GORGES. LERKENWELL, in the county of Middlefex, in 1568, was a picturefque rural hamlet, lying peace- fully within a girdle of green fields and frefh groves. The gray walls of London, bright with "" emblazoned banners, were in plain view acrofs a little ftretch of meadow-land ; and from its guarded gates merry crowds had often come to the ancient well, which gave the place its name, to witnefs the facred dramas performed by the clerks of the religious houfes near by, or to engage in rural fports away from the din and dufl of the great town. Hither, too, often came the invalid, drawn by faith in the medicinal virtues of the wells which abounded in the vicin- ity; and departed in due time refrefhed, benefited as much, maybe, by the air and quiet of the place as by its healing waters. The fultry fummer days had flipped by, one by one, until the 29th of Auguft had come. When the day began, Edward VOL. I. Memoir of Edward Gorges, then in the flufli of manhood, having only attained the age of thirty-one years, was lying mor- tally ill in this old hamlet of Clerkenwell, where he was refiding with his young family.^ Life had opened to him full of promife. At the early age of twenty-one years, he became, by virtue of primogeniture, the poffeffor of the an- cient patrimony of the Gorges family of Wraxall,^ with all which that implied of wealth and honor; and later he had incrcafed his influence by marriage with Cicely Lygon, who belonged to a Worcefterfliire family of difl:in6lion. On Sunday, the loth of Auguft, nineteen days before the date jufl mentioned, he had made a final difpofition of his worldly poffeffions, and had fmce awaited death, which came ere the day ^ For accounts of Clerkenwell, vide A Survey of the Cities of London and Wejiminfler, by John Stow, edited by John Strype, 1720, Book IV. p. 64; A New and Covtpleat Hiflory of London and Wejlininjter, etc., by Henry Chamberlain, p. 603. Edward Gorges was undoubtedly living in one of the old manlions of his family. Moll families of wealth and diilindlion had their town houfes, and Clerkenwell was a favorite place of refidence for gentle- men defiring to take part in London life. We find Sir Ferdinando refiding here in 1595, where his eldell fon Robert was born on November 15th ; and here, on July 30th, 1620, his fon John Gorges, Efq., was married to Lady Frances Fynes, daughter of the Earl of Lincoln. Members of the Gorges family ap- pear at Clerkenwell as early as 1567, there being a marriage record of John Gorges on the parifh regifter of that date. "^ " Wro.xall or Wraxall, but in an- cient writings VVrokefliale, the manor and eftate for a long time of the family of Gorges, who had their firft feat here. Ralph de Gorges had fummons among the Barons of this realm from 2d Edw. II. to the 1 6th of the fame King ; and his father Ralph, 4th Henry III., was made governor of Sherborne Caftle and, a little after, of the callle of Exeter. Theobald de Gorges, the fon of the former Ralph, was high flieriff of the county of Dorfet, and this fliire in the reign of King Edward III.; he alfo obtained of the fame King a licenfe for a market every week upon Thurfday, at this his manor of Wrokefhale, and for a fair yearly upon the eve day and morrow of the feall of All Saints, and five days next following. None of the defcendants of tiiis family were funi- moned to Parliament after Ralph, Lord Gorges; but they have lived in the place for many fucceffions, and but of late are reduced to a female heir, which will bring this feat into another family or be extind." Vide A Contplcat Hijtory of Somcrfet, Sherborne, 1742. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 3 day ended ; and it was foon known in Clerkenwell, and by friends and acquaintances in the city beyond, that Edward Gorges of Wraxall was dead. Three days later, on the firft day of September, his body was borne to the old parifli church of St. James, Clerkenwell, where its afhes repofe to-day, though Clerkenwell is now a part of the mighty metropolis. His young widow was left with two fons: Edward, the elder, baptized September 5th, 1564, at Wraxall, and at the death of his father four years of age ; and Ferdinando, the record of whofe birth or baptifm has not yet come to light. It was at Wraxall that the Gorges family were wont to record their births, marriages, and deaths, as though they took efpecial pride in folemnizing thefe important family events there ; and the fa6t that the younger fon's name is not to be found in the regifters of the ancient parifh church, fo endeared to the family by long affociation, renders it probable that he was born at Clerkenwell while his father was lying fick there.^ Like his predeceffors, however, he is entitled as of Wraxall, the old manor of the Gorges family, which had then been in their poffeffion for more than three centuries, 8 The regifters of St. James, Clerk- begyn'inge at the yeare of o' Lorde enwell, are imperfeft; thus, in the firfl; god 1551 vntill the y ere of o^ Lorde god volume purporting to contain marriages, 1578 as followeth." A glance at thefe chriftenings, and burials from 1561 to leaves reveals the fa6t that lapfes are 1653, no marriages are recorded until frequent ; indeed, in one cafe, no rec- 1587; but bound into the volume are ord appears for a period of eight years, feveral leaves of marriacjes, chriften- There can be no doubt that this volume ino-s, and burials in a confufed manner, is a compilation from a more ancient an'd thefe interpolated leaves purport to regifter. It is therefore quite poffible be " A trewe note of fuche Marriages, that the chriftening of Ferdmando Chrifteninges and burialls as were Gorges took place here and was not founde in fundery boockes and papers recorded, or if recorded that the record after the makinge of this regefter boocke, was loft. 4 Memoir of centuries, having come to them through the marriage of Ralph de Gorges with the heirefs of Richard de Wroke- fliale, the early poffeffor of the manor to which the family name attached, and which in time became abbreviated to Wraxall. The family of Gorges itfelf derived its name from a hamlet in Lower Normandy, near Carentan. It was from this hamlet that Ranolph de Gorges came in the year 1066 to the conqueft of England. Left by the death of her hufband with the fole charge of two young children, it became the chief duty of Cicely Gorges to rear and educate them ; and although fhe fubfequently became the wife of John Vivian, and thereby affumed new refponfibilities, we have reafon to believe that flie fairly ful- filled her trufl. Edward, we know, entered Hart's College, Oxford, in 1582; and it is reafonable to fuppofe, although we have no definite data refpe6ling the education of Fer- dinando, that he was not neglected, but was educated in a manner befitting the family importance. The period during which Ferdinando Gorges was paffmg from youth to manhood was pregnant with events of world- wide importance; indeed, the year 1568, the date when this narrative begins, is fet down by Camden as the year in which Puritanifm began to affert itfelf in England ; and he dates from this year the aggreffive movement againft the eftablifhed order throughout the kingdom. The word " Pu- ritanifm," however, limited to a religious fenfe, is not fuf- ficiently broad to defignate properly the movement indicated, which embraced political as well as religious purification and reformation, although at times it feemed limited to mere cavil againfl ecclefiaflical form and ceremony. Really this Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 5 this movement comprehended much that Republicanifm, following its befl ideals, aims to achieve; hence the nat- ural anta2:onirm asfainft it of the clafs claiminor the divine right to rule. At this time the royal will was fupreme ; and the royal will was largely the will of thofe having accefs to the royal ear. Royalty and its counlellors dif- ported themfelves in an atmofphere of fraud, and piti- leffly fchemed to compafs the crueleft ends. The annals of the times, however meagre, furnifh ample proofs of the iniquity of thofe bearing rule ; and the pi6lures they pre- fent are made more difagreeable by the fa6l that religion, whatever the " ifm " which it affumed, was often ufed as a garb, both by rulers and their opponents, for Wrong to mafquerade in. To attain any pofition of profit or truft, it was neceffary to bribe fome one in power. Even an honefl caufe, placed under the ^gis of Juflice, was at the mercy of fome frivolous creature whofe influence with the rulinor power was for fale to the higheft bidder.* Elizabeth, a woman of fuperior intelled, had inherited all the traditions of her predecefTors refpedling the divine authority of fover- eigns, * The proftitution of juftice was thefe women; whereby they prefume open and unblufhing. Mr. Glafcock, thus to grange and huck caufes ; " and in the Parliament of 1601, plainly ftated Fleetwood records : "It is growen for that " a Juftice of Peace is a living a trede nowe in the courte to make Creature, yet for half a Dozen of Chick- meanes for reprieves: twenty pounds ens will difpenfe with a whole dozen of for a reprieve is nothing, though it be penal Statutes." On one occafion, Lady but for bare ten days." Vide Memoirs Edmands, upon being applied to to ex- of the Jiei^ti of Queen Elizabeth, by ert her influence with the Queen in be- Thomas Birch, London, 1754, Vol. L half of one of the litigants, refufed an p. 354 ; The Journals of all the Par- offer of one hundred pounds as too liainents, etc., by Sir Symonds d'Ewes, fmall a fum for fo important a cafe. London, 1682, p. 661 ; Queen Elizabeth This kind of fervice, fays Birch, "grow- and her Ti)nes, by Thomas Wright, eth by the queen's ftraitnefs to give London, 1838, Vol. IL p. 247. Memoir of eigns, and feemed to have no pity for thofe who rebelled againft her levere rule, or were luppofed to have rebelled againft it ; indeed, upon one occafion at lead, we are told, fhe confulted her counlellors upon the rubje(5l of protracfling the torture {o cruelly applied at this time " to the extrem- itie of payne,"^ and, without apparent compun61ion of con- icience, * The fiendilli cruelties pnictifcd at this time in lb-called Chrillian England would have dil"o;raced lavages. To give dramatic effect to the infernal Ihow. a gallows was erected upon a platform high enough for thofe at a diltance to witnefs all that took place. When the victims arrived, bruited and wrenched by being draggeil over the rough pave- ments, and kicked and maltreated by the populace along the wav. thcv law before them the executioner, with halter, hatchet, and long iharp knife in his hand, awaiting them. Sticking in a block near a blazing tire were feveral Iharp knives, while Iharjvpointed llakes lUiod by the gallows, upon which to Hick their heads. In the cafe of the fourteen men executed in the Babington confpiracv, feveral of whom were young men of fortune belonging to the bell families in the kingdom, feven of them were fwung otV and inllantlv caught by their executioner, " their Privities cut otT. their I'owels taken out before their Faces while thev were alive, and their Bodies quartered." Tlieir entrails were burned and their heads expofed upon rtakes. Frenzied by this horrible carni- val of cruelty, the executioner fome- times beckoned with bloodv hands, and called his victims to come and take their turn. In the cafe of the Babing- ton execution we are told, that the pop- ulace went " with earnell eie, prel'ent and purpofing to tarrie out the verie lalt aC^. ' It is faid that in one cal'e the operation of the knife was fo protracted that "it was near half an hour before the fufferer was rendered entirely in- fenfible of pain." Strangely enough, Hopkins, in his admirable work on the Puiitans, while lluuldering over thefe barbarities, mort inconfillently takes time to adminirter a calligation to Dr. Lingard, the Roman Catholic hillorian, for quoting thefe words, ' extremitie of pavne," without giving his authoritv, and not onlv leaves his reader to imply that Lingard malicioully and in cold blood invented the words, but likens him to an afs kicking a dead lion. Why the failure of the Roman Catholic to give his authoritv in fo fmall a matter, fmall when compared with the weighty ones with which the Puritan was familiar, fliould have fo llirred the choler ofthe latter, mull be left to the reader to an- fwcr. Lingard did not invent the words, and Ihouid not have been accufed of fo doing without proof to fubflantiate the accufation. \'idc Hijiory of Eliza- bi-th, by William Camden, London, i68S, p. 344 ; Cobbett's Cotnphtc Col- Itilion of State Trials, London, i S09, \'ol. L pp. 1 1 27-1 162; Curiofitics of I.itt-ratutt'y by Ifaac Difraeli, New York. iSSt, Vol. IL pp. 351-353; The Hijiorv of Etii^latuL by John Lingard, Borton, 1883, "Vol. V. p. 42S; Holing- ftieds Chronicles, London, 180S. \'ol. IV. pp. 914-920 ; The Puritans, by Samuel Hopkins. Bollon, 1S61, \'ol. IIL p. 120. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 7 fcience, engaged as a filent partner in the iniquitous traffic in flaves, with all its concomitant cruelties.^ We have caft a glance behind the fcenes, and beg the reader to look for a moment upon the fide turned to the public view, that we may appreciate the influences which furrounded the Englifli youth during the period in which Ferdinando Gorges was approaching manhood, and which muft have tended ^ The flate of the pubh'c confcience at this time is not only exemplified by the proftitution of jnflice and inhuman cruelty to thofe condemned for capital offences, but as well by the flave-trade, which was generally regarded as honor- able. The Queen fet the example in a partnerfliip with Captain John Hawkins, which her fubje6ls followed. Stow tells us, after fpeaking of Hawkins's educa- tion and early voyages, that he went " in the yere 1567, with fome of the Queenes fhips & fome of his oune," and "did many excellent fervices in Guinea and the weft Indies." Hawkins himfelf has left us a full account of this particular voyage and others, and tells us how he attacked towns, and after the flaughter of many of the people captured men, women, and children, and crowded them into the hold of his little fhips, where they died in great numbers from the terrible fufferings to which they were fubjecled; but enough furvived to make the voyage lucrative ; and he pioufly alTures us that " Almightie God, who never fuffereth his eledt to perith," finally ga.-e him a northweft wind, which wafted him with his wretched cargo to a profitable port Nor did the public confcience recover its proper tone with refpe6l to this traffic for a long time. Even the Rev. John New- ton was engaged in the flave-trade while afibciated with the gentle Cowper in the preparation of the Olney Hymns, and fays that it was " accounted a genteel employment and ufually very profitable," and that he " never had the leaft fcruple as to its lawfulnefs," and was " upon the whole fatisfied with it ; " though he acknowledges that more brutal atrocities were committed in the traffic in a fingle year, than were per- petrated during the entire period of the French Revolution. It was while en- gaged in this horrid traffic that he fought "frequent hours of divine com- munion " in the pleafant woods of Guinea, and upon one of thefe occa- fions reftored to their "right ouner " thefe lines, which had been addreffed to his miftrefs by a heathen poet : — " In defert woods with thee, my God, Where human footfleps never trod. How happy could I be ! Thou my repofe from care, my light Amidfl the darknefs of the night, In folitude my company." Vide Annals, or Generall Chronicle of Efiglande, by William Stow, London, 1631, p. 807; The Hawkins^ Voyages, edited by Clements R. Markham, Lon- don, 1878, p. 25; Life of Rev. John Newton, Bofton, 1825, pp. 358 et feq. 363 ; and A ddrefs before the New Eng- land Hifloric Genealogical Society^ by Abner C. Goodell, Jr., February 5th, 1888. 8 Memoir of tended to fhape his thought and life, even if he was not fo diredlly a£fe6led by them as fome whofe parents were attached to the Court, and took part in the fcenes which Paul Hentzner fo particularly delineates to us. After de- fcribing the gentleman uflier with his chain of office, the Church and Government dignitaries who were awaiting the appearance of the Queen from her chamber, the Chan- cellor with his red filk purfe containing the feals, the bearer of the royal fceptre and the fword of flate, he in- troduces the Queen, fixty-five years of age, in gorgeous apparel, going to prayers, followed by her ladies efpecially feledted for their beauty. As though flie were a deity, no one ventured to addrefs her without firft falling upon his knees ; and whenever fhe turned her face, thofe upon whom her glance fell dropped inftantly upon their knees, as though unable to bear the glory of her countenance. But while fhe was at prayers, Hentzner fays, " we faw her table fet out with the following folemnity. A gentleman entered the room bearing a rod, and along with him another who had a table- cloth, which, after they had both knelt three times, with the utmoft veneration he fpread upon the table, and after kneel- ing again they both retired. Then came two others, one with the rod again, the other with a falt-cellar, a plate and bread ; when they had knelt as the others had done, and placed what was brought upon the table, they too retired with the fame ceremonies performed by the firft. At lafl ' came an unmarried lady of extraordinary beauty (we were told that fhe was a countefs), and along with her a married one, bearing a tafting-knife ; the former was dreffed in white filk, who, when flie had proftrated herfelf three times, in the moft Sir Ferdinando Gorges, '9 moft graceful manner approached the table, and rubbed the plates with bread and fait with as much awe as if the Queen had been prefent. When they had waited there a little while, the yeomen of the guard entered, bareheaded, clothed in fcarlet, with a golden rofe upon their backs, bringing in at each turn a courfe of twenty-four difhes, ferved in filver, moft of it gilt ; thefe diflies were received by a gentleman in the fame order as they were brought, and placed upon the table, while the lady-tafter gave to each of the guard a mouthful to eat of the particular difli he had brought, for fear of any poifon. During the time that this guard, which confifts of the talleft and ftouteft men that can be found in all England, lOO in number, being carefully feledled for this fervice, were bringing dinner, twelve trumpets and two kettle-drums made the hall ring for half an hour together. At the end of all this ceremonial a number of unmarried ladies appeared, who with particular folemnity lifted the meat off the table and conveyed it into the Queen's inner and more private chamber, where, after fhe had chofen for herfelf, the reft goes to the ladies of the Court." ^ To keep up all this vain pomp ; to make coftly prefents to pampered favorites at home and to conciliate wifhed-for allies abroad ; to penfion dependants, and accomplifti multi- tudinous fchemes of aggrandizement, required large fums of money, which had to be wrung from the clafs ruled.® This clafs ' Vide E7igland as feen by Foreign- Year's and faints' days; and alfo ers, by W. B. Rye, London, 1865, pp. when they prefented petitions to her 104-107. from fubjefts. In turn fhe granted * Not only did the courtiers make them monopolies, which were burdens coftly prefents to the Queen when fhe to the people grievous to bear, and vifited their houfes, but upon New made them valuable prefents. It was vol:. I. — 2 her lo Memoir of clafs was taught, as a religious tenet, that its rulers governed by a right bellowed upon them by the Supreme Ruler ;^ and it had learned this fo thoroughly, that it cherifhed loyalty to them as a fetifh, regarding with open-mouthed admiration the coftly pomp and ceremony of the Court, which it took pride in fuflaining, though by doing fo it went fcantily clothed and fed. Not only did the Govern- ment rule its fubje6ls in worldly matters, but through its ecclefiaftical fun6lion or " eftate," as it was denominated, affumed fpiritual control over them as well. It prefumed to intervene between them and their Heavenly Father, and to prefcribe the manner in which they fhould ferve him, mak- ing nonconformity to precife rules of a6lion punifhable to a degree which in fome cafes refulted even in death. At this point was revolt. Men who from inherited faith would never have queftioned the divine right of their rulers to govern them in worldly matters, but would have gone on to the end of time to conform to their every requirement, re- volted againft them when they claimed the right to rule in fpiritual affairs, and even carried their oppofition beyond reafonable her cuftom on New Year's day to fend walk there without a ftafE and leave her favorites gifts of plate averaging his mantle behind. Vide Letters and from forty to fifty ounces each. To Memorials of State, Sydney Papers, Hatton, whom fhe called her bel wether, by Arthur Collins, Efq., London, 1746, (he always gave four hundred ounces. Vol. I. pp. 376 etfeq. ; Niigce Antiqjice, She had in her wardrobe between two by Sir John Harington, London, 1804, and three thoufand drefles, and pof- pp. 1 18-120. felTed an immenfe quantity of jewelry, ® Among many abfurd evidences of which (he had moftly received as pref- this is the infcription upon the tomb of ents from courtiers. On one occafion. Sir John Hawkins, viz. : — when the Archbifhop of London at- tempted to turn her thoughts from fuch " England's Queen worldly riches to thofe of a heavenly Elizabeth, our head nature, fhe threatened that if he med- Next unto Chrift, died with that fubjea again fhe would ^f vyhom all princes bed fit him for heaven, and that he fliould 1 heir bcepters. CONSTANS ET FIDELI.S COAT OF ARMS OF SIR FERDIXANDO GOUGES. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 1 1 reafonable bounds. This oppofition conftantly gathered force, and perfecution and expatriation followed. Another movement fhould alfo be noticed. The dif- coveries of the Cabots and others had opened to adventur- ous minds poffibilities of wealth and renown. The Spanifli Government had fhown great vigor in utilizing its poffeffions in the New World, and was receiving the merited reward of its enterprife ; while, on the other hand, the Government of England, with ch arable riftic confervatifm, had delayed availing itfelf of the benefits to be derived from colonizing the lands which had been difcovered by its adventurous fons. It was not until Britifh merchants beheld their Spanifli rivals, whom they defpifed, receiving rich llreams of wealth from their remote poffeffions in the Weft Indies, Mexico, and South America, that they awakened to the advantages which they had hitherto negle(5led. Once aroufed from their apathy, with equally charadleriftic energy they entered with enthufiafm into fchemes of exploration and fettlement. The firft to lead in an attempt to colonize American foil was Sir Humphrey Gilbert, the half-brother of Sir Walter Ralegh, who was authorized to dilcover, poffefs, and govern all remote heathen and barbarous countries not already in the poffeffion of any Chriftian people.^^ Although this at- tempt ^^ His mother was a Champeraoun, near Torbay, and their half-brother, and through her he was conne6ted with Ralegh, at the Ralegh farm-houfe, the Gorges. Of her it has been faid Hayes. Sir Humphrey and Ralegh had that fhe "could probably boaft of hav- both fet out for Newfoundland, when a ing in her veins the blood of Courtney's difeafe, breaking out in his (hip, caufed Emperor of Byzant." Her four fons, Sir Walter to return. The expedition John, Humphrey, and Adrian Gilbert, having been difaltrous. Sir Humphrey and Walter Ralegh, were all noted men. refolved to return to England. Taking They were reared at Compton Caftle his place on the .S'j^^/rri?/ of but ten tons' 12 Memoir of tempt proved unfuccelslul, and relulted in the death of its heroic projector, whole patent was renewed to Ralegh, the paflion for adventurous enterprife Ipread through the king- dom, and the wildeft dreams of wealth and aggrandizement were indulged by enthufiaflic fpirits. Fortunes were de- voted to ill-confidered and milmanaged undertakings ; even the Queen and her minifters became partners in voyages of exploration, which for the moft part proved fruitlels. Peril- ous attempts were made to open a way to Cathay through Perfia and Mufcovy ; the coalls of Africa and America were laborioully explored ; and deluded by wild theories, Englifli mariners flrove to penetrate the Arcflic feas through barriers of eternal ice, in the vain expectation of reaching by a fliort path the golden fliores of the Orient. It was a remarkable age ; an age of religious fanaticifm, of the indulgence of godlefs ambition and lawlefs paflion, as well as of heroic enterprife and felf-facrifice. We have faintly traced the hiflory of this period to fliow under what flimulating influences the fubjecl of this biography grew to manhood, influences which tefled men's hearts in a manner which foon revealed of what fluff they were made. Certainly the 3'outh who could reach man's eftate unaffe(5led by them would be more or lefs than human ; and in form- ing an eilimate of men of this period, we fliould never fail to burden, he was entreated to go on board faw for the laft time Sir Humphrey fit- the Golden Hind, the larger velTel, for ting calmly on the deck of the Squirrel, fafety, but refufed to abanidon his com- with a book in his hand, and heard him panions. The Golden Hind kept the en- to his companions through the dark- Squirrel in fight until near the Azores, nefs and the ftorm. '• Cheer up, lads ! when thev were overtaken bv a ftorm. We are as near heaven at fea as on As night fell, thofe on the Golden Hind land ! " Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 13 to take thefe influences into our account. Through the Champernouns, the family of Ferdinando Gorges was allied to thofe adventurous fpirits, the Gilberts and Raleghs, and their exploits were familiar to him. It is not, however, until the year 1587 that Ferdinando Gorges again appears upon the hifloric fcene, after the brief view we have of him, an infant, at his father's death-bed at Clerkenwell in 1568. The intervening period is a blank to us, fo far as he is con- cerned ; but this period, fo full of important movements, we know muft have influenced and moulded his charac- ter, and thus prepared him for the part in life which he was deftined to perform. The year 1587 is a noted one in Engllfh annals. Under a well-flmulated delire for peace, both rulers pretending that friendly relations between them was the deareft wifli of their hearts, while at the fame time accufmg each other of perfidy, the Englifli Queen and the Spanifli King were war- ring upon each other. The accomplifliment of Elizabeth's defign to bring the unfortunate Queen of Scots to the block was a new and potent reafon why the Spanish monarch fliould profecute the war with increafed vigor ; and he at once began preparations on a large fcale for the invafion of Englifli territory, whofe Queen was denounced by the Spaniards as a murderefs, and placed under the ban of the Church. But the Spanifli King had on the fea, in Sir Francis Drake, an antagonift of wonderful fkill and daring ; and his fucceffes in this war have been the theme of too many writers to make it profitable to rehearfe them here. On the land the war was confined to the Netherlands, the government of which was in alliance with that of England ; and 14 Memoir of and here the Spanifli had the advantage. In the latter end of May the Duke of Parma laid fiege to Sluys, garrifoned by Hollanders and Englifhmen, with fo much vigor as to caufe the States to apply to the Englifli throne for help ; and in June the Queen defpatched her fupple favorite, Lei- cefter, with reinforcements for its relief. Among thefe re- inforcements were eight hundred foldiers, defpatched from Flufhing by Sir William RufTell, who had fucceeded Sir Philip Sydney in the government of that place. Thefe troops were in command of " feveral eminent chieftains," of whom Ferdinando Gorges is mentioned as one.^^ At this date he could not have much paffed the age of twenty-one years; and to have attained the rank of a captain, he muff have been in the fervice for a confiderable length of time. This is not improbable, as it was not uncommon for Britifh youth to enter the army at the age of fixteen years, or even under ; hence Gorges had doubtlefs already feen feveral years of a6live fervice. We know the fate of Sluys. Leicefler purfued the deceptive diplomacy then in vogue ; and although he made feveral apparently energetic attempts to relieve the befieged, Sluys was taken by the Spaniards at the end of June, and the Englifh were accufed by their allies of treachery. Whether Ferdinando Gorges was at this time taken prifoner, or became one in a fubfequent battle, we cannot tell ; but certain it is that he was a prifoner at Lifle in September, 1588, and efforts were being made to procure his releafe by exchange.^^ At this time ^^ Vide State Papers, Elizabeth, Pub- lie Records Office, under date of Sep- lic Records Office, London, CCXVI. tember5th, i5S8,forthenamesof Englifh ^^ Vide State Papers, Elizabeth, Pub- prifoners in Spain and the Netherlands, whofe Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 15 time the bones of Spain's proud Armada were lying fcat- tered along the treacherous fliores of Ireland and the ifles of the northweft, while the Spaniili people were telling their beads in defpair at their terrible defeat. An exchange was foon effected, and Sir Ferdinando was again in the fervice of the Queen. In Auguft, 1589, Henry III. of France was affaffinated; and his fucceffor was obliged, before the Catholics would acknowl- edge his authority, to pledge himfelf not to permit the public exercife in the realm of any but the Roman Catholic form of worfliip, except in places where the Proteftant form had already been eflabliflied, and to beflow ofifice, municipal and corporate, upon none but Catholics. This caufed a revolt among his Proteftant foldiers ; and, weakened by the de- fertion of feveral regiments, he was obliged to retire from Paris, which he was befieging, into Normandy. Elizabeth now came to his afliftance with money and men ; and with his Englifh reinforcements, he returned to the fiege of Paris. Among thefe Englifli recruits was Sir Ferdinando Gorges ; and it was at this time, if we may credit Richard Vines, that he was wounded, and borne from a breach in the walls by the French king.^^ Probably after his ex- change, whofe friends in England defire to have himfelf fetched him from a breach, Spanilh prifoners to redeem them with, being wounded, either at the fiege of One of the principal Engliflimen named Amiens or before Paris, I know not is Sir Ferdinando Gorges, then a prif- whether." The fiege of Amiens was oner at Lifle. in 1597, and we are able to account for ^^ The following is an extract from Gorges during this year, as he was in Vines's letter to Governor Winthrop, command at Plymouth, while in 1589 dated at Saco, January 25th, 1640. Re- we know him to have been engaged on ferring to Gorges, he fays : " I have the Continent, and this was the only often heard him difcourfe of thofe war- fiege of Paris during the time he was like a6lions, and that the king of France there. He himfelf fays that he fpilt much 1 6 Memoir of change, and before his return to the Continent, he was for a brief time at home ; as we find, in a petition for an ad- vance of money to repair Pendennis Caftle in 1591, that two or three years before, he had infpedted it with a view to its repair.-^^ The war with Spain flill continued, but England held the coigne of vantage. Her fhips, commanded by fuch men as Grenville, Borough, and Frobiflier, made havoc with Spanifh commerce, and brought " greate ftore of fpoyle " into Eng- lifli ports. One of the commiffioners who had the charge of this wealth was Sir Ferdinando Gorges. It was an ofifice of great refponfibility, and fubjedled thofe who held it to the animadverfion and enmity of thofe in power. The greed of Elizabeth and her courtiers knew no bounds, and the wrangling over the plunder taken from the Span- iards was difgraceful. Early in 1592 Sir Walter Ralegh planned an expedition which was to waylay the treafure- laden carracks of Seville and fack the Spanifli fettle- ments at Panama, in which adventure he had, with his ufual generofity, hazarded his entire eftate,^^ borrowing money right and left at ufurious rates in order to equip his fleet properly. Having fet fail, however, he was followed and much blood for the Queen. Vide Win- fice, CCXL. In this Petition is the fol- throp Papers, Maflachufetts Hiftorical lowing: "It was viewed two or three Colle6lions, Fourth Series, Vol. VII. years paft by Sir Ferdinando Gorges^ p. 342 ; Hijlory of Elizabeth, by William who thought that by reafon of the hill, Camden, London, 1688, p. 436. the caftle might be fo fortified as to " Vide Petition of Sir John Killi- command the Blockhoufe and the whole grew to the Council, for the advance of hill, or as much as might be offenfive money for repairing and fortifying Pen- to the caftle." dennis Caftle and for its fupply with ^^ Vide Domeflic Correfpondence, men, guns, ammunition, etc. State Elizabeth, Pubhc Records Office, Papers, Elizabeth, Public Records Of- CCXI. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 17 and recalled to Court, and was foon caged by the Queen in the Tower, where flie was wont on occafions to confine her favorites, when in one of her capricious moods. The expe- dition was, however, fuccefsful. " A great Bifcayan," bound for St. Lucas, and the richeft of the Indian carracks, called the Madre de Dios, were captured and taken into Dart- mouth, caufmg the wildefl excitement throughout the king- dom. Even Ralegh was fent to Dartmouth, in charge of his jailer, to look out for the Queen's intereft, Sir John Hawkins having fuggelled to the aftute Burghley, her chief advifer, that his prefence there " might benefit her por- tion," none other having " fo ready a difpofition to lay the ground how Her Majefly's portion may be increafed."^^ The Madre de Dios, efpecially, was laden with riches beyond the dreams of her captors ; and fhe and other prizes drew hungry hordes from every part of the kingdom to view them, and to procure fome of their fpoil. It is related that even proud lords of the Court were feen haggling with fwag- gering mariners who had furreptitioufly poffeffed themfelves of coveted booty. Befides Ralegh and Gorges, Sir Robert Cecil, who was as aftute as his aged father in compaffing his ambitious fchemes, was on the ground as a commiffioner-in- chief ; and it is probable that at this time an acquaintance was formed between him and Gorges, which fubfequently ferved the latter a good turn. A brief glimpfe of the fcene in which Gorges was now figuring is furniflied by a letter from Cecil to his father, Lord Burghley .^^ He fays : — I 16 Vide Lanfdowne Manufcripts, " Vide Domeftic Correfpondence, Britifh Mufeum, Letter of September, Elizabeth, September, 1592, Public 1592. Records Office. VOL. 1—3 1 8 Memoir of " I do fend this bearer only to your Lordfhip, that you may know I have paffed by Exeter. Whomfoever I met by the way, within feven miles, that either had anything in cloak, bag, or in mail, which did but fmell of the prizes, either at Dartmouth or Plymouth (for I affure your Lordlhip I could fmell them almoft, fuch hath been the fpoiles of amber and mufk amongft them), I did, though he had little about him, return him with me to the town of Exeter, where I flayed any that fhould carry news to Dartmouth and Plymouth at the gates of the town. I compelled them alfo to tell me where any trunks or mail were. And I by this inquifition finding the people ftubborn, till I had committed two innkeepers to prifon, — which ex- ample would have won the Queen 20,000/. a week paft, I have lit upon a Londoner in whofe houfe we have found a bag of feed pearls. I do mean, my Lord, forthwith to be in Dartmouth, and to have a privy fearch there and in Plymouth. I have taken order to fearch every bag or mail coming from the Weft. And though I fear that the birds be flown, — for jewels, pearls, and amber, — yet will I not doubt but to fave Her Majefty that which fhall be worth my journey. My Lord, there never was fuch fpoil ! I will fupprefs the confluence of thefe buyers, of which there are above two thou- fand. And except they be removed, there will be no good. The name of ' commiflioner ' is common in this country, . . . but my fending down hath made many ftagger. Fouler ways, defperater ways, nor more obftinate people, did I never meet with. . . . All the goods whereof I fend you a note were bought fince the Proclama- tion.^^ I found befides, in this unlooked-for fearch, an amulet of gold, a fork and fpoon of cryftal with rubies, which I referve for the Queen. Her Majefty's captive comes after me ; but I have outrid him, and will be at Dartmouth before him." The key-note of this letter is the aggrandizement of Cecil himfelf. ^* This was a proclamation forbid- Spanifh fhips. The captive is poor ding any traffic in the fpoils of the Ralegh. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 19 himfelf. Gorges and others had been appointed commif- fioners before the great value of the prizes was known. As foon as this knowledge reached the Court, Cecil was hur- ried off by his father to the fcene of a(SI:ion. His bufinefs oftenfibly was as follows : — " 1592, Sept. 16. Inftru6lions delivered to Sir Rob* Cecil and Thomas Myddleton, appointed Commiffioner and Treafurer for the carrack and other prizes come from feas this fummer, lying at Dart- mouth and Plymouth. Cecil is to repair to Dartmouth and inquire in what fort Sir Ferd. Gorges and other Commiffioners lately fent there have proceeded for the furety of the carrack, and who have any right to any part of the adventure, to caufe all the lading to be viewed and entered in regifters ; efpecially to fearch out all the pre- cious things, and alfo to hire fufficient {hips to bring fuch lading into the Thames ; but the lighter fort of great price, fuch as fpices, cochineal, &c., may be fent by land, if the adventurers think good." ^^ Cecil fpeaks contemptuoufly of the commiffioners who had preceded him, but he brings nothing againft Gorges ; and as we find them afterwards upon good terms, we may reafonably infer that Gorges adminiftered his trufl to the fatisfa61:ion of the Court agent. A few months later. Gorges is again on the Continent, and complaining to Lord Burgh- ley of the a6ls of the Vice-Treafurer of the Englifh forces in paying the field officers ; '^^ and in March he joined other captains " Vide State Papers, Elizabeth, Pub- pears to have chafed under the wrons:, lie Records Office, CCXLIII. and in the memorial referred to appears "^^ The negleft of jull claims for fer- the following: "Their Lordfliips will vice to the State is confpicuous through hear the complaints of abufe offered by this and fucceeding reigns, and com- Sir Ferdina7ido Gorges to the Vice- plaints became almoft too common to Treafurer for his care in obferving the excite attention. Sir Ferdinando ap- Council's orders on the parties' return ; but 20 Memoir of captains in the Low Countries in a petition to the Council, fetting forth at large their grievances againft the Vice- Treafurer.^^ He returned to England in October, 1595,^^ having been ordered to take charge of the ere6lion of new fortifications at Plymouth, to the great fatisfa6lion of the authorities there, who were in one of their periodical Hates of alarm at rumors of Spanifh invafion.^^ This alarm Sir Ferdinando evidently did not confider groundlefs ; for by his advice a body of men were placed on St. Nicholas ifland, oppofite the town, for its pro- te6tion."* He at once began the work of fortifying the harbor of Plymouth, and had, in the March following, pracflically completed his work ; and a commiffion was " re- quired " for him, as captain and commander of the " For- tifications newly ere61ed at Plymouth," with authority to mufter the militia of Devonfhire when occafion required.^^ On but Sir Roger is to allow no violence to Majefty if it is her pleafure to feat a be offered to the Vice-Treafurer." Vide gentleman of his worth and experience State Papers, Elizabeth, Public Rec- amongft us in thefe dangerous times." ords Office, CCXLI. Vide Report of the Mayor of Plymouth ^^ The Captains of the forces of the and others to the Council, relative to Low Countries to the Council, 1593, the eredion of the fort at Plymouth, March 19th. They have perufed the October 13th, 1595 : Public Records complaints of abufes in payment of the Office, CCLIV. companies, but it has not been advifed 2"* " Having received intelligence of by them. They fend a true ftatement the repair of more galleys and fhipping of their griefs, which, if not redrefled, to Brittany, and of preparation for in- will greatly hinder the courfe of mar- vading our ports, we have, with advice tial difcipline. Signed by Sir Ferdi- of Sir Ferd. Gorges, placed 40 men in na7ido Gorges and others. Vide State Saint Nicholas' ifland to ferve as fol- Papers, Elizabeth, Public Records Of- diers and pioneers for guarding and fice, CCXLIV., and enclofures. fortifying it." Vide Letter of James 22 Vide State Papers, Elizabeth, Bagg, Mayor of Plymouth, Sir George Public Records Office, CCLIV\ Carey, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and three 23 "Thanks for your requiring us, others to the Council, 06tober i6th, upon any attempt of the enemy, to ufe 1595 : Public Records Office, CCLIV. \h& ■2i^V\c& oi Sir Ferd. Gorges : we will ^^ " Commiffion required by Sir Ferd. think ourfelves much bound to Her Gorges for the office of Captain and Commander Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 21 On March 28th, 1596, a patent was iffued from Richmond appointing him captain and keeper of the new fortifications and of the ifland of St. Nicholas ;^^ but it would feem that the authority over the militia was not granted. Gorges had returned to England at the folicitation of the Earl of Effex, and was known to be under that favorite's patronage. It was through the influence of Effex that the commiffion re- ferred to was granted him ; but there was one behind the throne greater even than EfTex, and every protege of the Queen's unfortunate favorite was marked by him. This was Sir Robert Cecil, who had the experience and power of his father to aid him ; hence we fhall fee that Gorges was un- happy in being attached to the fortunes of Effex. In the April following, by fpecial order of the Queen, his pay was ordered to be continued from the time when he left his command in the Netherlands to take charsre of the work for fortifying the harbor of Plymouth, until otherwife or- dered.^^ On the 12th we find him writing to Lord Burgh- ley; Commander of the Fortifications newly wages, fees, &c. of fuch offices, to be ere6led at Plymouth ; pay, 4J-. a day, taken out of the cuftoms upon the allowing him a lieutenant at -zs. a day, tranfportation of pilchards from Cos. a gentleman porter ij-., three mailer Devon and Cornwall." Vide State gunners 3^., and 60 foldiers M. a day. Papers, Elizabeth, Public Records per man, to be paid from the cuftoms of Office, CCLVI. Devonfhire and Cornwall ; authorizing 27 u g;^ Ferdinando Gorges, captain him to mufi:er and call together the mil- of the Englifh footmen in the Low itia of Devonfliire in defence of the fort Countries, has come over to attend di- when needful,' March, 1596. F/^t'^ State reftions about Plymouth fort, and being Papers, Elizabeth, Public Records Of- abfent on that account is checked there- fice, CCLVI. for. We defire you to pay to Sir Fer- 26 Vide Richmond Patent, dated dinando his entertainment of 6s. a day March 2Sth, 1596, creating Sir Ferdi- from 17 061. laft and to continue it till nando Gorges " Captain or Keeper of orders to the contrary." Vide State the caftle or fort lately built and forti- Papers, Elizabeth, Public Records Of- fied near Plymouth," and alfo " Captain fice, CCLVL : Letter of the Queen to of St. Nicholas' Ifle, together with all Sir Thomas Sherley, April 3d, 1596. 22 Memoir of ley; at the fame time taking the precaution to write to his fon, advifmg him of the daily rumors of a defcent of the Spaniards upon the Devonfhire coaft with intent to burn and fpoil, and fuggeflively calHng attention to the unfatisfa6lory pofition which he occupied in not holding the Queen's warrant to organize againfl a fudden attack of the enemy ; alluding undoubtedly to a negle6t on the part of the Government to authorize him to mufter the militia of the county in cafe of need,^^ an intentional neglecft on the part of the wily Secretary, who was not difpofed to put any more power than poffible into the hands of one friendly to a rival. At the moment thefe letters were written, extenlive preparations were being made in Englifh ports to equip an expedition which fhould (Irike a blow at the Spaniards on their own fliores, and by crippling their naval power, hinder them from organizing another armada againft England. This plan had been fuggefled feveral years before by Sir John Hawkins,^^ but had not been adopted. Latterly, however, it had been taken up by Lord Admiral Howard ; and by the a6live co-operation of Cecil, Effex, and Ralegh, who were united in an enterprife which promifed fo much glory, was made e£fe6live, though the Queen, with her ufual capricioufnefs, often interfered, and on feveral occalions came near caufmg its overthrow. Effex at this time enjoyed the warmeft place in the old Queen's affe61;ions, and was made by her 28 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando =9 ^/^^ Domeftic Correfpondence, Gorges to Lord Burghley : Ibid, to Elizabeth, Public Records Office : Let- Secretary Cecil, Hatfield Houfe, et ter of Sir John Hawkins, December, pqfiea. 1587. Sir Ferdmando Gorges, 23 her the commander-in-chief of the expedition, although the Lord Admiral Howard was a veteran of experience, and in every refpedt more fuitable for the chief command. Even after everything was ready, fhe was loath to part with her favorite, who was almoft befide himfelf with anxiety to get away.^'^ The fleet finally failed on the ifl of June, its obje6live point being the profperous port of Cadiz. The ftory of this enter- prife is one of the mofl ftirring in the annals of this flirring period.^^ It was in every refpe6l fuccefsful. Thirteen Spanifh war-fliips and feventeen galleys defended by the harbor bat- teries were deftroyed, difabled, or captured, and prizes made of a fleet of forty merchant-fhips. Cadiz itfelf was given over to plunder, and proved a rich prize to the invaders. The greatnefs of their fuccefs awakened fuificient enthufiafm in the hearts of Cecil, Effex, and Ralegh to unite them for a time in a fort of friendfliip. The relations exifling at this time and fubfequently between thefe men mufl be taken into account, in order to underftand properly what later appears as incongruous in the conne6lion of Sir Ferdinando Gorges with them. At the time this expedition was in procefs of equipment, Gorges was on good terms with the rival trio, and doubtlefs would have been feledfed to take an a61;ive part in the enterprife, had not other duties required his attention. In this, perhaps, he was not quite unfortunate, as 80 Vide Domeftic Correfpondence, Hakluyt's Colle&ion of Early Voyages ^ Elizabeth, Public Records Office: Let- etc., London, 1810, Vol. IL pp. 19-33; ter of EiTex to the Privy Council, April Hijlory of Elizabeth, by William Cam- iith, 1596. den, London, 1688, pp. 517-523; Rela- 81 Vide A Brief e and True Report tion of Cadiz Action, Ralegh; Pnrchas of tiie Honorable Voyage to Cadiz., in his Pilgrimes, Vol. IV. pp. 1927-1934. 24 Mevtoir of as the vicftors, though they returned in triumph and were welcomed by the grateful plaudits of the people, were re- ceived by the Queen with four looks and fourer words, her avarice caufing heartburnings which could not be readily relieved.''^ Her pettinefs and capricioufnefs feemed to in- creafe with age. At one moment fhe would order her forces to be augmented, and at another to be diminifhed. During the fummer Sir Ferdinando was fo fcrioufly ill as to be in danger of his life, as we learn from a contempo- rary letter.^ We find him, however, erelong at his poft again, forwarding news to Secretary Cecil as ufual ; thereby, it would feem, incurring the difpleafure of the Lord Admiral, who confidered himfelf flighted.^* The news of the fall of Cadiz and the lofs of fo mugh wealth caufed the Spanifh King to bend all his energies towards ftrengthening himfelf for a counter-invafion of his enemy's country. Gorges and others were alive to the ne- cefTity of flrong coafl defences ; and an allufion made near the clofe of the year to his neglect to "come to confult about «2 Vide Bacon Papers. Lambeth Pal- ace, DCLVIIl. 1 08; Ibid., Letter of Lord Bur;- of a luitable place for future habitation.^^^ The Roman Catholics, meeting with perlecution in Eno-. land, had for a long time confidered the projec-t of fleein^'o- to the Xew World for refuge. A prominent Roman Cath''- obc gentleman. Sir George Peckham. had been acnve in procunng the patent of 1578 to Sir Humphrev Gilbert- and although from motives of policy he was not 'named in the patent after its ilTuance to Gilbert, he and another prom- inent Roman Catholic gentleman. Sir Thomas Gerrard became proprietors for the purpole of preparing a way for Roman Catholic emigration, and before Sir Humphrey's voyage to Xorumbega ^^'^ with a colony of two hundred and lixt)- coloniils. they had fecured for Romania the pri^-ileo■e not before granted, of becoming coloniils.^-^^ The vova^e' we JfV/f. ed JsvfhoSL pl'f"^^ Penobfcot and OrteKus gives it a iHU don^^i^rpp- 5i-i^^rf;.H''' v^der extenfion. Champlain confined /'/^^./JTvJlIV pn ,--V^r:6^f p" "- P^S^^J to the preient territory i^^Xarr^']fW:^^};f^\\^ ot Maine, while Captain John Smith -- ^.^Henr, S.-5i^/£^ S^^XnlSSt Jl^^it^ con^fined t???^,?r^a^^tocS^'^^^!? ,^f ^-^ "^ '^ know its fitnation and cordancewith wSt we S^w^ havJ fn.w^n'^''" meamng of its nan^e. we been the cmtom amoTcr the n.tire i^ kroL h'"'''^ f^''^ u ^'^'^'^-^ *^^^ ^^ issi^s^r s^jrf !^^™^ ^ ^K^ it :^fsr ^ ^-"^^ ima.1 places ana not to larire diitricts. i^'^ V'd^ St^^r- Pot^;.t^ trr v *.u VOL. I. — O .- - virtue 66 Memoir of we know, was difaftrous, and Sir Humphrey loft his life in it ; but the matter had not been allowed to reft, and the voyage of Waymouth was fet on foot by Arundel, who was a Roman Catholic, for the purpofe, we have reafon to be- lieve, of finding a fuitable place on the coaft of Maine for a colony in which Romanifts could find flielter from perlecution.^^ In virtue of the Queen's Majefty's letters patents to difcover and poiVefs, &c.. cer- tain heathen lands," and prays that "recufants of ability may have liberty upon difcharge of the penalties due to her Majefty in that behalf to prepare themfelves for the faid voyage ; " and in a letter dated April 19th, r582. Vol. CLIII. No. 14, the writer " P. H. W." fays: "I do not hear of any further caufe of the departure of Sir George Peckham and Sir Thomas Gerrard, than that every Papift doth like very well thereof, and doth moll earneftly pray their good fuccefs." In 1583 Sir George Peckham publifhed a tradl on "Weftern Planting," which may be found in Hakluyfs Voyages^ London, 1810, A'ol. III. p. 222. ^•^8 The reafon of the abandonment of this project was the oppofition to it of Father Perfons, who was afterwards fo cruelly executed, and other Roman Cath- olics, who were influenced by his argu- ments, one of which was as follows : " The Heretics alfo would laugh and exprobrate the fame unto them, as they did when Sir George Peckham and Sir Thomas Gerrard about twenty years gone fhould have made the fame voyage to Norumbega by the Queen and Coun- cil's confent, with fome evacuations of Papifts, as then they called them, which attempt became prefently then mofl odious to the Catholic party." This was in 1605, and was under the title of •' My Judgement about transfering Eng- lish Catholics to the northern parts of America ." Lord Arundel was a Count or an Earl of the Holy Roman Empire ; and the Secretary of the Con- gregation d,- propaganda Fide, reporting to Pope Innocent XI. .thus refers to him, as well as Southampton, his relative and colleague, who w^as a Proteftant : " Vir- ginia, under which 1 comprehend Aew England, is a Country full of Woods, and Lakes, and has a \'aft and Uncul- tivated Plain. It abounds with Cattle, Fowl, and Fifh. Sometime after it w^as difcovered, the King of England fent thither a Catholick Earl and another Nobleman, who was a Heretick. Thefe Two Lords were attended by Protef- tants and Catholicks, and Two Priells ; fo that the Catholicks and Hereticks performed for a long time the Exercife of their Religion under the fame Roof. Afterwards the Earl being returned into England a.nd giving an Account of the Natives of that Country, many Wealthy Puritans were defirous to remove thither as they did in great Numbers in the Year 1620. To prevent the Progrefs of their Doctrines, the General of the Capuchins w^as ordered to fend into that Country a Miffion of his own Order, and feveral French and Englifh Re- ligions went thither accordingly. That Mifllon was renewed in 1650 at the Sollicitation of the Queen Dowager of England ; but it has been fince for- faken. There are in Virginia above Fifty Thoufand Inhabitants, mofl of them Infidels, many Hereticks, and a few Catholick Chriflians." Like much early hiftory Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 67 In this voyage Waymouth was fuccefsful in reaching the coaft of Maine, and before his return feized upon five na- tives hiftory from Roman Catholic fources, this is full of errors ; being largely made up of carelefs deduftions from fiftitious premifes; thus the King of England did not fend the two noblemen, nor any one elfe on this expedition : neither did Arundel nor Southampton accompany it; hence they could not have been ac- companied by two priefts ; nor could they have worfliipped a long time under the fame roof, as the expedition viras on t!ie coaft but a month, and during this time was engaged in explorations ; ftill, we ought not to wholly ignore this ac- count, owing to certain collateral fadls which bear upon it. Arundel was an earneft Roman Catholic, and the move- ment which dated from Sir Humphrey Gilbert's time, relative to Roman Cath- olic emigration, had been recently re- vived. Tliomas Arundel was not made a baron until after Waymouth failed, and he was never an earl in England ; though he was a Count of the Holy Roman Empire, which title in England was equivalent to that of earl, and it is quite poffible that the expedition was compofed of Roman Catholics and Prot- eftants ; nor is it impoffible that Rofier was a prieft. It is to be noted that he fcrupulously ignores Southampton, and takes particular care to ftate in his preface, that he was "employed in this Voyage by the right honourable Thomas Arundell, Baron of Wader, to take due notice and make true report of the dif- couery therein performed." He alfo gives his patron his Roman Catholic title of count, a title which would hardly be recognized by a Proteftant. This title is carefully omitted in the popular account publifhed by Rofier, but appears in his relation in Piirchas. Like feveral Roman Catholic fathers who accompanied fim- ilar expeditions, Rofier collected a vo- cabulary of Indian words, and he pioufly concludes his preface with prayers to God for the converfion of the natives ; indeed, he declares that the promoters of the enterprife did not undertake it from motives of private gain, but from " true zeal of promulgating God's holy Church, by planting Chriftianity." The croiTes which were fet up, and the names applied to certain places, are fug- geftive ; fuch as Pentecoft Harbor and Infula Sanfta Crucis. There was ample reafon why, if Rofier was a Roman Cath- olic prieft, he fhould conceal the fail, as it would have fubjefted him to per- fecution. Thus Father White, in his narrative of a voyage to Maryland, in the account publiflied in England, fays, that landing at St. Clements' Ifland they " faid certain prayers ; " but in the ac- count fent to Rome he fays that they "faid mafs " according to Dr. Dalrym- ple, or offered " the facrifice of the mafs," according to Brooks. So care- ful were priefts to conceal from hoftile eyes accounts of the praftice of their religion, that they frequently employed words fignificant enough to a Roman Catholic reader, but altogether meaning- lefs to a Proteftant. Thus, aijlomers fignified commjuiicants ; keeping church or holding prayers mea.nt /aving }nafs ; while agooddealofwajhing was equiva- lent to many baptifms. If Rofier was not a prieft, we may be quite certain that he was a Roman Catholic, if we carefully ftudy what he has written. When the Waymouth expedition reached Eng- land, Perfons' perfiftent oppofition had given a quietus to ail fchemes of Roman Catholic colonization. Vide The Peerage of the BritiJJi Etnpire, by Jofeph Fofter, Weftminfter, 1883, p. 32 ; y4« Account of the State of the Roman Catholic Religion throughout the 68 Memoir of tives of the country, whom he carried captives to England, three of whom he delivered to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and the other two, fubfequently, to Sir John Popham. The treacherous feizure of thefe natives gave Waymouth a linifter fame, which has continued to this day, obfcuring in a meafure the real merits of the man ; ^^ but like fo many events recorded in that calendar of divine providences which men call hiftory, this feizure of the natives of Maine refulted in promoting to a remarkable degree the coloni- zation of New England : an " accident," fays Sir Ferdinando Gorges himfelf, which " mufl: be acknowledged the means under God of putting on foot and giving life to all our plantations." The three natives whom Sir Ferdinando Gorges took charge of, namely, Manida, Skettwarroes, and, if we accept his ftatement as corre6l, Tifquantum, he took into his own houfe, and in procefs of time they acquired a fufBcient command of the Englifli tongue to enable them to communicate to him a knowledge of their country, which fo interefted him that he at once fet on foot a proje6l for the colonization of this almofl terra incognita. The charter of Sir Walter Ralegh, in confequence of that brave man's misfortunes, had lapfed to the Crown, leaving the the World, written for the ufe of Pope Baltimore, 1875, PP- 3^ etfeq. ; and A Innocent XI. by Monfignor Cerri, Lon- Relation of the Succefsful Beginnings don, 1 71 5. pp. 167 et /eg.; The Hi/lory of the Lord Baltemore's Plantation in and Prefent State of Virginia, by R. y7/a;j-/(7«(/, edited by J. G. Shea, LL.D., Beverley, London, 1705, p. 12 ; Purchas Baltimore, 1865, p. 9. his Pilgrimes, Vol. IV. p. 1666 ; A Re- i*'* For the only fketch of Waymouth lation of the Colo?iy of the Lord Baron extant, reference (hould be had to the of Baltimore, by Father Andrew White admirable volume already referred to, in Force's Lliflorical Tratls, Vol. IV. written by Henry S. Burrage, D.D., p. 19; a letter of John Gilmary Shea, and forming number three of the Gorges LL.D., to the Author; alfo cf Relatio Society's publications. Iteneris, Maryland Hiftorical Society, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 69 the way open for new charters ; but we learn from a letter of Gorges to Cecil the difficulties to which the grantees were fubje6ted. In accordance with the wiflies of the adven- turers, it had been decided to divide the country between the thirty-fourth and forty-fifth parallels of latitude into two parts, to be called refpe6lively South and North Vir- ginia: a portion of the former, equivalent to about one hundred miles fquare with adjacent iflands, to be granted by charter to an affociation to be known as " The London Company or Firfl Colony ; " and a fimilar portion of the other to an affociation to be known as " The Plymouth Company or Second Colony," the grantor " greatly com- mending, and gracioufly accepting of, their Dehres for the Furtherance of fo noble a Work, which may, by the Provi- dence of Almighty God, hereafter tend to his Divine Maj- efty, in propagating of Ckrijiian Religion to fuch People as yet live in Darknefs and miferable Ignorance of the true Knowledge and Worfliip of God, and may in time bring the Infidels and Savages living in thofe parts to human Civility, and to a fettled and quiet Government." ^"^^ We have to deal with the fecond of thefe affociations, which included the Pophams, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Ralegh Gilbert, and others. With his ufual predile6lion for detail, James embodied in the charter conditions which caufed many who had been interefted in the enterprife, through the enthufiafm of Gorges, to lofe heart in it ; hence we find Sir Ferdinando appealing to Cecil on May loth, a 105 y{(^^ Hijlorical Colle£lions, edited by Ebenezer Hazard, A.M., Philadel- phia, 1792, Vol. I. p. 51. 70 Memoir of a month after the date of the charter, for aid in procuring an expurgation or modification of obje(5lionable conditions in it : efpecially one condition, which placed the adven- turers, who had embarked their fortunes in the undertaking, under the control of numerous tradefmen and citizens in the realm whom the King entitled counfellors, and who. Gorges claimed, could have no knowledge of the affairs which were thus entrufted to them.^''^ Although Gorges infifted, to Cecil, that the enterprife would be abandoned by many w^ho were friendly to it unlefs this particular condition in the charter were changed, we find him earneflly at work manning and furnifliing a fhip to fend to North Virginia for the purpofe of forming the nucleus of a colony there. This fhip he placed under the command of Capt. Henry Challons, with Daniel Tucker as mafter, and two of the natives, whom Waymouth had captured, for guides and in- terpreters when they fhould reach America; for it was rightly judged that thefe natives would prove of great benefit to the colonifts in communicating with the tribes of the country, and in the feledlion of fuitable places for fettlement. Sir Ferdinando's fhip fet fail on Augufl 12th, and Chal- lons had explicit inflrudlions to diredt his courfe as far north as Cape Breton, and from that point to follow the coafl foutherly until the country inhabited by the tribes to which the two natives belonged was reached. Totally difregarding the orders of Gorges, Challons, with inex- cufable 106 Yi^g Letter of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield Houfe, et pojlea. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 71 cufable obftinacy, but in accordance with a prevalent theory, fet his coLirfe toward the fouth ; and, after encountering a fevere florm, we find him on the 4th of September at the iile of Madeira, where he remained until the 8th, when he failed in the diredion of Florida, and encountering one of the long calms prevalent in that region, made no progrefs for a period of fourteen days. Finally he reached the port of San Juan de Porto Rico, where he took in water and remained for a period to recover from an illnefs which had overtaken him, and then, as though he were on a voyage of pleafure, he went careleflly on without apparent concern for the bufmefs in hand, playing as it were at hide and feek among the Weft India ifles, until, on the morning of the loth of November, nearly three months from the time when Sir Ferdinando Gorges hopefully watched the difappearance of his fliip from the fliores of Plymouth, Challons fuddenly found himfelf in the company of eleven Spanifli fliips on their way home from Havana, "in the middeft of the faed Flete," a fog which had prevailed having lifted ; and although there was peace between Spain and England, and James and Philip were brothers dear, diplomatically, the Spanifh Admiral fliot off feveral great guns and made fpoil of Sir Ferdinando's fliip, and prifoners of its hopeful company. Thefe latter were divided among the fhips of the fleet, Tucker and three others being taken on board the Admiral's fliip ; but, encountering fevere ftorms, the fleet was fcattered, and the fhip in which Tucker was a prifoner was buffeted by the ftorms for tw^o months, during which period thofe on board experienced great fuffering. At laft they managed to make the port of Bordeaux, where Tucker 72 Memoir of Tucker was fet at liberty by the French authorities, and was enabled to inftitute preliminary proceedings in the French Admiralty Court againft his Spanifh perfecutors. This done, he at once fet out for England to obtain the proof neceffary to fuflain the allegations in his fuit, and on February 4th prefented to Gorges the full particulars of Challons's difaflrous voyage, which Gorges at once mailed to Cecil, praying for his affiftance in recovering his fhip, and damages for the interruption of her voyage, as well as for obtaining the releafe of his men, all fubje6ts of the Englifli king.^^^ In the meantime Chief Jufhice Popham,^^^ co-operating with i''^ Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield Houfe, et pojlea. Tucker, after this difaflrous voyage, became an adven- turer to Virginia, where he was a clerk of ftores under Lord Delaware. We find him ftill in Virginia in 1619, peti- tioning to the court for an allotment of fhares for his fervices, which he fpeci- fies, as well as the offices which he had filled, " as namely : Cape Merchant, Provoft Marfhal, one of the Council, Truck Matter, and Vice Admiral." Sub- fequently he became governor of the Bermudas. Vide Hijlory of the Vir- ginia Company of Londoti, by Edward D. Neill, Albany, 1869, pp. 22, 43, 146; Domeftic Correfpondence, James I., Public Records Office, Vol. LXVIII. No. 62 ; Virginia Caroloriun, by Ed- ward D. Neill, Albany, 1886, p. 34. 1°^ Sir John Popham was born at Huntworth, in Somerfetfhire, in 1531. In his youth and early manhood he was wild and recklefs, and for a long time bore a finifter reputation. However, after he had attained the age of thirty years, owing perhaps to the influence of his wife, he changed his habits of life and applied himfelf to the ftudy of the law, in which he rapidly attained wealth and eminence. He was efpecially fevere upon thofe who reforted to the highways for a living. This clafs of criminals, compofed largely of men who had ferved in England's numerous wars, was large, and Popham's extreme feverity foon reduced its numbers. Littlecote, near Hungerford in Berkfhire, ftill poffefled by the family, came into Sir John's pof- feffion in a queflionable manner ; having been conveyed to him by one Darell, who was tried before him for murder, and efcaped the penalty of the crime of which he was accufed. It was the cur- rent belief that Littlecote was the price paid by Darell for the influence of the judge ; but of this no proof exifts. That he was a rough, coarfe, and brutal man, there can be no doubt. His treatment of Ralegh when on trial before him is fufficient in itfelf to portray his char- acter, if other evidence were wanting. His various offices were as follows: Sergeant-at-law and Solicitor-General, June 26th, 1579; Speaker of the Com- mons, Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 73 with Gorges in his undertakings, had defpatched Capt. Martin Pring to join Challons on the coaft of Maine. Prino- received the fame faihng inflru6lions which were given to Challons, and obeying them implicitly, made a profperous voyage, which was produdive of important re- fults; for although he did not find Challons, he made a careful examination of the new country, and carried home interefling accounts refpeding its extent and refources ; or, as Gorges himfelf faid, writing many years after, " the mofl exa6l difcovery of that coaft that ever came to my hands fmce ; " and " which . . . wrought fuch an impreffion in the Lord Chief Juftice and us all, that were his affociates, that (notwithftanding our firft difafter) we fet up our refolutions to follow it with effed." The refult of Pring's voyage to co-operate with Challons was mons, 1111581; Attorney-General, June ift, the fame year; knighted and made Chief Juftice of the Queen's Bench, June 8th, 1592. He died June loth, 1607, ten days after the failing of the Popham Colony, and was buried in the church of Wellington. His tomb is a magnificent ftrufture, furrounded by a railing of iron and wood. An effigy of the judge in his official robes, and of Lady Popham, fide by fide, furmount the tablet ; and below, at the head and feet, are the figures of two men and two women kneeling face to face. On the northerly fide of the bafe are thirteen figures : five boys and eight girls, rep- refenting his children, clothed in black and kneeling in a row; and on the fouth fide are nine women kneeling in a like manner. All the figures on the tomb are fuppofed to reprefent mourning rel- atives. The tomb is furmounted by an arched canopy, with the family arms VOL. I. — 10 and various heraldic adornments, fup- ported by eight columns of black marble, with decorated capitals. The infcrip- tion reads as follows: '•' Sir John Pop- ham, Knighte ; Lord Chief Jiijlice of England; and of the honourable privie Counfel of Queen Elizabeth, and after of King James ; died the \oth of June, 1607, and is here interred." Vide The Connnoners of Great Britain aftd Ire- land, by John Burke, Efq., London, 1836, Vol. IL pp. xii, 196-201 ; Lives of the Chief Juflices of England, by Lord John Campbell, New York, 1874, Vol. II. pp. 214-236; Note to Rokeby, by Sir Walter Scott; Worthies of Eng- land, hy Thomas Fuller, London, 1812, Vol. II. p. 284; Encyclopedia Britan- nica, in loco; The Hiflory of Virginia, by William Stith, A.M., New York, 1865, pp.74 et feq.; Domeftic Corre- fpondence, James I., Vol. VI., Public Records Office. 74 Memoir of was the formation of the ever-memorable Popham Colony, the earlieft fettled upon our New England fliores. While preparations to organize this colony were being pufhed, Gorges was not unmindful of his duty as commandant at Plymouth ; and his zeal in the welfare of the realm is dif- clofed in his letters of this period to Cecil. His innate hoftility to the Spaniard, a being who in Englifli eflimation embodied the evil trinit}"- of treachery, cruelty, and fuper- ftition, caufed him earneftly to urge the Government to flrengthen the coail defences while peace exifted, that when war was renewed, as renewed it would be in his belief, the nation might be in a condition to meet it. How far his appeals were heeded, we are unable to fay ; probably but little was done by the miniftry, as the individuals com- pofmg it were occupied with matters of more direct perfonal interefi For a while there was to be peace bet\A'een England and Spain, and the advantages of new territorial acquifitions were to engage the attention of the rival nations of Europe. Not only the French and the Spaniards were intently ftudy- ing the charts of former navigators and liflening to the ro- mances of fenile mariners, but the Dutch, more practical than either, were pufhing their fturdy fhips out into un- known waters in fearch of new lands. On the 3 1 ft day of May, 1607, Sir Ferdinando Gorges faw the Gift of God and the Mary a?id JoJm of London, commanded refpectively by George Popham and Ralegh Gilbert,^'"^^ and bearing a colony of one hundred and twent}^ perfons ^''^ Ralegh Gilbert has been repre- of Sir Humphrey Gilbert : but this letter fented as the brother, fon. and nephew of Sir Ferdinando Gorges would fettle the Sir Ferdiiiando Gorges, 75 perfons, fail from the harbor of Plymouth for the New World, their objedive point being the river Sagadahoc, on the fhores of Mawooflien,^^° as this region, we are told, was called by the natives. Popham had paffed his three- fcore and ten years; was a man heavy and unwieldy of body, and poffeffed of a yielding difpofition, according to the defcription of Gorges. He was honeft and kind- hearted ; indeed, his laft a6t before failing was to write a letter to Cecil, which, although its oftenfible purpofe was to renew his pledges of fervice, and to remind the Secretary of fuggeftions he had made in a former letter touching mercantile affairs with Spain, was really to rec- ommend a friend, who defired to obtain the pofl vacated by him, to the notice of the Secretary.-^" The penning of this letter to aid his friend was the laft a6l performed by Popham in his native land ; and as he puflied his little veffel feaward on that fair fpring day, he took his laft look of thequeflion,if other evidence were want- ^^° The Rev. M. C O'Brien, who ing, that he was the fon of Sir Hum- is an eminent authority in matters phrey. The late J. Wingate Thornton relating to the language of the native prepared a genealogy of the Gilberts, inhabitants of Maine, in a letter to the and in this he fpoke of him and his author expreffes the opinion that this is elder brother, Sir John, as nephews of a corruption of the original word ; nor Sir Humphrey. Ralegh Gilbert died in is he inclined to believe that the word 1625, and left the following children: which it reprefents ever had an extended Humphrey, aged ten years ; Ralegh, application. He exprelTes the opinion nine; Ayer, eight; Ferdinand, feven; that " fo far as Maine had an appella- Amey, fix ; and John and Elizabeth, tion, it was called the /^r;/^ of the Soko- whofe ages are unknown. Vide the kis, of the Pequakets, etc. Hence it Gilbert Family \n. New Englaftd Hi/lor- had feveral names, or rather portions of ical and Genealogical Regi/ler ior iSso, it were named after the tribes that oc- Vol. II. pp. 223-232; The Hi/lory of cupied them." Virginia^ by William Stith, p. 75 ; ^ Vide Letter of George Popham, Gleanings from EnglifJi Records, etc., dated May 31ft, 1607, to Secretary by Emmerton and Waters, Salem, 1880, Cecil, preserved in the archives of p. 40. Hatfield Houfe, et pofiea. 76 yfcmoir of ot :ho irc.h. given ihorcs oi Iv.igland. with hi\lgoro\\-s of hAwihorn tlill decked with ihowy blotVonis. \\*e niay well beliex'e there wvre anxious hearts and tearful eyes both on tlioiv and on ihip-Kxird on that lal\ day of May. 1007, although wv haw no record oi them ; nor does Sir Fei-- dinando tell us how he and the friends of the departing colony drained their eyes to catch the lad fight of the fleeting diips, as their hulls wvnt down below the horizon. The Southern \'irginia Company had del'patched a colony '- ".^. the Downs on the firll of the preceding January, .. v.cr the command of Captain Newport, and at the time when Popham and Gilbert left Plymouth harbor, it was already at Jamedow^n and budly at work ereCling a fort to prote«5t ittelf from the lavages who dwelt near by. and Newport w\as making his preparations to return home with news of the colony, and for lupplies to fullain it in its new^ home."" The diips Miiry and John and the Gift of God, bearing the Popham colonills, after a luccelsful vo\*age, reached the Azores, where^ on the ^Sth of June, they made port in order to take in wood and w-ater. Sailing from there, they fell in with tw-o Flemidi diips on the 29th, the captain of one of which hailed the J/^n- and john^ and, upon invitation of Gilbert the Flemilh captain and ibme of his men w^ent on board the Engliih ihip to take a '* can of beer." After their pleafant entertainment the Flemings in\-ited Gilbert and leveral of his companions to \-ifit their fhip, which they did, expecting ^* I'^Ut Hifteri- fff tkt Mrdfia Cjmi- may alfo be had to DomeJlic Corre- pBvr r^fLtmdcm^ \\ Edward D. Xeill fpondence, James I., Public Records Albany, 1S69. pp." 15-1S. Reference Omce. Vol. XXVIII. No. 34. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. -j-j expecting that their kindnefs would be returned; but to their furprife they were ill treated, and fome of them even fet in the bilboes. Finally, however, the Flemings, under the preffure of a threatened mutiny of their men, many of whom were Englifb, deigned to look at Gilbert's com- miflion, and after an imprifonment of ten hours releafed them. In the meantime Popham, not noticing the fignals of diftrefs on the Mary and John, had difappeared. On the lafl of July, Gilbert reached the coaft, where he held friendly intercourfe with the natives, and on the 7th of Auguft fell in with the Gift, and after a mofl jo}-ful greeting, both captains anchored their fhips under the lee of George's Ifland, where they found the crols which Way- mouth had fet up, and on Wednefday, the 19th of Auguft, the Englifh fhips were lying fafely at anchor off the penin- fula of Sabino,^^^ at the mouth of the Sagadahoc,^* a place which Popham and Gilbert had felected after fome explo- ration as the fite of their profpe6tive town. All the com- pany were on fhore, and poffeffion was formally taken. A fermon was preached by the Rev. Richard Seymour ^^ under 11* The name of this peninfula is fup- '^^ The late Bifliop Burgefs has at- pofed to be a corruption of the Abenaki tempted to connect the Rev. Richard word Sebenoa. the name of a Tarrantine Se}-moar with the Gorges, Popham, fagamore of that region. It projects and Gilbert families bv marriage, and from the weft bank of the Sagadahoc, fuppofes him to have' been a young and is about three miles from the ifland clergj-man jml from the univeriity of Seguin. when the exp»edition to Sagradahoc ^^* The Sagadahoc is formed by the was undertaken. Proof of fuch con- confluence of the Androfcoggin and nection. however, is at prefent want- Kennebec. about twent^'-five miles from ing. Vide An Addrefs delivered at the fea, and is an efbuary of variable the Ereclion of a Monumental Stone width throughout its length. Its name in the Walls of Fort Popham, etc., is from an Abenaki word. Sanktaonk, by John A. Poor, New York, 1&63, which lignifies " It ends here.'' Appendix, note B. 78 Memoir of under the fpreading branches of the great trees, which afforded a grateful ilielter from the Auguft fun ; the laws which were brought out of England, and which were to govern them in their new home, were read, and their rulers formally announced, namely : George Popham, prefident ; Ralegh Gilbert, admiral ; Edward Harlow, mafter of ord- nance ; Robert Davis, fergeant-major ; James Davis,"*^ captain of the fort ; Richard Seymour, chaplain ; Elias Beft, marflial ; and George Carew, fearcher. They had alfo a phyfician for the colony, Mr. Turner. Thefe, or all but the three lafl, conflituted a board of afliftants. Thus was inaugurated, under all the neceffary forms of law, the firfl New England colony. On the next day they began breaking ground for their fort and ftorehoufe ; and the fliip carpenters, who had been fent from England, and at whofe head was Mafler-carpenter Digby, of London, applied themfelves to cutting timber for the conftruftion of a fmall veffel to be called the Virginia, in honor of their new home. The colonifls appear to have worked diligently under the direction of Popham; but unity of purpofe was wanting among them. Two months after their arrival the Mary and John was defpatched to Eng- land ^^^ to carry the news of their fafe arrival and to get fupplies. This fliip reached the port of Plymouth on the firfl "^ Capt. James Davis went to Vir- ginia Carolorum, by Edward D. Neill, ginia, where he was captain of the Albany, 1886, p. 30; Hijlory of the Vir- fort at Point Comfort in 161 2. He ac- ginia Company of London, by Edward companied the expedition of 1609 in D. Neill, Albany, 1869, pp. 30, 37 the Virginia, built by Popham at Saga- "'' She probably failed on or imme- dahoc; and with him Mafter Davis, diately after the 26th of September, probably the Robert Davis who was Further reference to this may be found one of the Popham Colony. Vide Vir- in note 120. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 79 firfl day of December, and Gorges at once haftened, " late at night," to inform Cecil by letter of the fad.™ He told the Secretary that the colony had fettled in a fertile country with " gallant rivers, ftately harbors, and a people tra6lable ; " but he feared, as the Hiip had brought back nothing to fatisfy the expedation of the adventurers, that the enterprife might be brought into difrepute. He had alfo, at this early day, received news of trouble among the colonifls, caufed by " the defe6l and want of underftanding of fome of thofe employed to perform what they were direcfted unto, from whence there did not only proceed confufion, but, through pride and arrogance, fa6lion and private refolution." He forwarded through Cecil a report of the colony to Sir Francis Popham ; his father, the Lord Chief Juftice Pop- ham, having died on the loth of the preceding June, lefs than two weeks after the departure of the colony from England. Gorges expatiated upon the fertility of the foil, the boldnefs of the coaft, the abundance of fifli and timber, " goodly oaks and cedars with infinite other forts of trees," upon the grapes fuitable for wine, " like the claret wine that comes out of France," the rofm, hemp, and rich furs ; but of mines the colonifts as yet had found none. In this letter the firfl note of warning was given againfl the French, who were aiming for the fame prize. He accom- panied this communication with one from Challons, ftill a prifoner in Spain, and pleaded for a61ion in his behalf and that of the other prifoners there. There can be little doubt that "8 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield Houfe, et pojiea. 8o Memoir of that Gorges not only fat up late that night, but paffed much of the fucceeding day in gathering particulars concerning the colony at Sagadahoc ; and he learned many things re- fpe6ling it, as we know from a moft interefting letter which he fent to Cecil on the 3d of December. This letter, for the firft time, introduces us to George Popham and Ralegh Gilbert, the fon of Sir Humphrey. The Popham whom we have before us " is an honcjl man, but old and of an unwieldy body, and timoroujly fearful to offend, or contefl with others that will or do oppofe him, but, other wife, a defcrete, careful man;'" while Ralegh Gilbert is a man '■' dcfirous of fupremacy and rule,'' of "« loofe life, prompt to fenfuality',' with " little zeal for religion ; humorous, headflrong, and of fmall judgement and experience, other- wife valiant enoughs Thefe are word pi6lures of the men, of great value to us. We here learn for the firft time one of the principal caufes of difcontent in the colony. Ralegh Gilbert, in his explorations of the beautiful lliores of Maine, had begun to realize fomething of their future value, and was reminded of his father's charter : "^ a fliadowy title moft certainly to the fliores of Maine ; but neverthelefs to his fervid mind a title, which he difcuffed with his co-colonifls, doubtlefs with more zeal than difcre- tion. How could King James give away territory to an- other, already granted by charter to his anceftor t It feemed unfair to him, and, the property being his own, " he will not be put out of it in hafle ;'' hence Gilbert wrote letters to his friends in England to come over to Sagadahoc and ftrengthen "9 The charter before alluded to, granted in 1578. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 8i ftrengthen his hands. Thefe letters Gorges found were ftill on board the Mary and John, and he fuggefted to Cecil that he fliould fend orders for their interception. Sir Ferdinando efpecially commended to the Secretary the phyfician, Mr. Turner, who had been fent home to England to give a particular account of the colony and to folicit fupplies for it. He fpoke approvingly of the Rev. Mr. Seymour and Capt. Robert Davis, of the Mary and John. Again, Sir Ferdinando urged that " this bufinefs fliould be thoroughly followed," and to enfure the {lability of the undertaking, that the King fhould take it into his own hands, " unto whom of right the conquefl of kingdoms doth appertain, and then," he continued, " fliould I think myfelf moft happy to receive fuch employment in it as his high- nefs fliould think me fit for, and I would not doubt, but with a very little charge to bring to pafs infinite things." He alfo fent to the Secretary " the Journals that were taken by one of the fliips," ^^"^ as he had received them " from their 120 This fixes very nearly the date of our prefent better underftanding of the the failing of the Mary and John, which fubjedl not yet come to light, con- has heretofore been fuppofed to have tained, according to the declaration of failed on the 15th of December. One Gorges, an account of the homeward of thefe " Journals " is without doubt voyage and doubtlefs many particulars the manufcript not long fince difcovered of an interefting and inftruftive na- at Lambeth Palace, purporting to have ture. Heretofore much has been writ- been written by a perlbn on the Mary ten bafed upon the fuppofition that but and John, and bearing the endorfement one veffel, the Mary and John, re- that it was found among the papers of turned to England, and that fhe failed Sir Ferdinando Gorges. This Journal on the 15th of December, 1607, and ends on the 26th of September, and is carried back not only the news of Chief a particular record of events to that Juftice Popham's death, but alfo of Sir date. It ends with the ftatement that it John Gilbert's. In order to reconcile is " the Relation of the whole Voyage the account of the colony's out-of-door to Virginia, New England, 1607." work, which it was faid was going on The other of " the Journals " which, if when fhe left, with the theory that the ftill in exiftence, has unfortunately for date of her failing was on December VOL. I.— II 15th 82 Me7noir of their going out until their return," by which the navigation would appear to be "as eafy as to Newfoundland, but much more hopeful." Let us now return to the colonifts. After the departure of the Alary mid Joh^i they continued their work, com- pleting their fort, upon which they mounted twelve guns. They alio erected a church and fifty dwellings, and launched their new fhip the Vifginia}"-^ Nor did they negle(5t explorations ; for Gilbert ranged the coaft as far weft as Richmond's Ifland, and eaff to Pemaquid, examin- ing the inlets and rivers in a careful manner. On the 15th of December Popham defpatched the Gi/i of God to England, upon which he fent his well-known letter to King James, bearing date the 13th of December. Any one who carefully reads this letter muft be convinced that the WTiter's heart was in the matter, and that he fully believed in the ultimate fuccefs of the enterprife which he had undertaken, although he was obliged, on account of the 15th, learned and labored articles have the events which were recorded in thefe been penned to fhow that the winter letters took place. was unufually mild up to this date, — a ^-^ This veflel, built at Sagadahoc by- winter which, by the colonics' account, the colonifts, was afterwards employed was extremely fevere. It has been at- in Virginia. She failed with the Somers tempted to account for the two fhips and Gates Colony from Plymouth for and alfo for the pinnace Mroinia ; Jameftown on the ift of June, 1609, but all fuch attempts have failed. No juft two years after the Popham col- fubje6l in the hillory of Maine has onifts departed from the fame port. Her been more difcufled, and much mif- commander was Capt. James Davis, direded enthufiafm and farcaftic detrac- whilom of the Mary and John; and tion have been expended upon it. The fhe reached Jameftown in Auguft, after letters of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, which encountering a fevere florm. Thus now for the firft time fee the light, fettle in Maine was conftrufted the firft fhip difficulties which were before unfolvable, which was built in North America, many of which were created by Sir Fer- Vide Hijlory of the Virginia Company dina'ndo himfelf in his Briefe Narration, of London, by Edward D. Neill, Albany, written in his old age, and long after 1869, pp. 29 ^/y^^. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. %Ty the fcarcity of provifions, to fend home all but forty-five of his company.^^ He was in a new country, furrounded by perils, with men under his command upon whom he could but poorly depend ; yet his enthufiafm, with the refilient temper of a Damafcus blade, could not be broken, however hard the obftacle which it encountered ; and we are fain to believe that, had his life been continued, his colony at Saga- dahoc would have been firmly eftablifhed and perpetuated. He fully realized the inftability of an undertaking like this in which he was engaged, bafed, fo far as financial fupport was concerned, largely upon the hope of gain ; and he was anxious beyond meafure to intereft the King in its importance to the kingdom, and thereby to draw to it gov- ernmental fiipport : hence this letter to James. The man- agers of the enterprife, doubtlefs from the firft, hoped to gain government aid, which we find Gorges openly foliciting at this time, but unfuccefsfully. The fuccefsful colonization of New England required a mainfpring of finer fluff than could be wrought by ariftocratic craftf- men; and this proje6f was to fail in fpite of the efforts of a few earneft fpirits like Southampton, Popham, and Gorges. The fecond veffel of the colonifls, the Gift of God, reached Plymouth harbor on the 7th of February, and Gorges haftened to advife Cecil of the faft by letter, and of the news fhe brought of the feverity of the weather, which had been great, and the fa6lious proceedings of fome of the 122 This we are told by Harlow in Smith, Richmond, 1819, Vol. II. p. his Relation. Vide The Generall HiJ- 174; Letter of George Popham to the torie of Virginia^ by Captaine John King, Public Records Office, et pojlea. 84 Memoir of the colonifts.^^^ This veffel had returned " without any commodity," which was difcouraging to the adventurers, although Gorges, with great good fenfe, reminded his cor- refpondent that immediate returns from an unexplored and favage country ought not to be looked for, fuch being the refult of art and induftry ; but as he feared that it would be difficult to go forward, he looked hopefully to the "chief fpring of our happinefs," the King, who finally would reap the benefit of the adventurers' toil. The view that Gorges took of the importance to the realm of colonizing the new country was ftatefmanlike. He declared that its effe6l would be the " increafe of the king's navy ; the breeding of mariners ; the employment of the people ; the filling the world with expe(5lation and fatisfying his fubjefts with hopes, who now are fick in defpair, and in time will prove defperate through neceffity ; " ^^* befides, he faid that by en- gaging in the noble work of colonization, the King would gain for himfelf and his poflerity a property of great value, which, if abandoned, would be feized upon by neighboring princes and employed to make them powerful. Already were the French inftigating the native inhabitants to hof- tility againfl the Englifh ; and he begged the King to adventure a fmall fliip of the middle clafs with a pinnace, under the royal commiffion, to give countenance and au- thority 128 Yiijg Letter of Sir Ferdinando and thoufands could obtain no em- Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield ployment ; hence many took to the Houfe, et pojlea. highways for fubfiftence, making it ^2* One who has not read the annals dangerous to traverfe the country with- of thefe times can hardly realize how out a fufficient efcort for protection, defperate was the condition of the Crime was common, and its punifhment people of England. Food was fcarce, fharp and fevere. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 85 thority to the worthy enterprife. If this could be done, he promifed that they fhould be vi6lualled by the adventurers and the whole coaft explored to Virginia ; indeed, that he would undertake to go himfelf as commander if he were thought worthy to be the man. This letter does honor to the head and heart of its author, and is worthy of a careful perufal ; but to any one who has ftudied the chara6ter of James and this period of his reign, the futility of fuch an appeal is apparent. The weak monarch was more interelled in getting a hawk or fiying- fquirrel from the New World than in colonizing it. Could Gorges have looked acrofs the ocean and feen the little colony at Sagadahoc at the moment when he penned his letter, his heart would have funk within him. But two days before, George Popham, the governing fpirit of the colony, had died, and the fole command had devolved upon Gil- bert; but Gorges, in ignorance of the great calamity which was to prove the death-blow to his prefent hopes, put all his energies into the work of getting fupplies to the hungry colonifls. The next letter which we have from him was written on the 20th of March following.^^^ He began by referring to Challons and his companions, prifoners in Spain, and en- clofed a letter to Cecil to fhow that flatefman what e£fe6t his endeavors on behalf of the prifoners had produced, and fug- gelted that if the King did not choofe to fuftain the rights of his fubje6ls, he might "give his fervants leave to ufe their beft means to right themfelves of this their infupportable wrongs, 125 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield Houfe, et pojlea. 86 Memoir of wrongs, provided that they violate no article of peace further than they (the Spaniards) have done in this."-^^^ By this letter ^-8 This letter and feveral others given in this work fhow the impropriety of bafing arguments fimply upon the abfence of evidence to prove the con- trary. In a difculfion of the hiftorical claims of the Popham Colony fome years fince, Mr. William Frederick Poole, in his zeal to overthrow the exaggerated claims which had been put forth to prove this colony to have been " the iiurfery oi the Plymouth Colony," wrote as follows : — "The improbability that this 'new pynnace' was feaworthy and made a voyage acrofs the Atlantic, will appear from the following confiderations : — " I. There was not time between the 15th of December and Spring to build a fea-worthy vellel. There were but forty-five perfons left in the colony, and this number was reduced before Spring by difeafe and fquabbles with the Indians. There were probably not ten carpenters in the company. The Winter, we are told, was unfeafonable and intenfely fevere. Strachey fays, that, ' after Capt. Davies's departure, they fully finifhed the fort, trencht and fortified it with 12 pieces of ordnance, and built 50 houfes, befides a church and ftorehoufe,' — fufficient work, we might fuppofe. to employ forty-five Old Bailey convifts till Spring, without building a fea-going veflel. If Strachey does not tell the truth in this matter, we know nothing at all about this veffel. "2. They had no need of a fea-going veflel. Thefe were furnifhed by the Englifh undertakers. What they needed was a fmall craft in which to take fi(h along fhore. — There was no intention of abandoning the Popham fettlement till Capt. Davies returned in the Spring with the news that their patron faint, Sir John Popham, furnamed ' the hang- man,' was dead. " 3. We know that the Popham col- onifl;s were knaves ; but it is not necef- fary to infer that they were fools. The graduates of penal infiitutions have ufu- ally as keen a regard for their corporal fafety as other perfons. Cowardice is commonly their ruling charafteriftic. Is it reafonable to fuppofe that any of that godlefs company would have rifked their lives to a voyage acrofs the Atlantic in that 'pretty pynnace,' built of green pine in midwinter, when they could have had fafe and comfortable quarters in the Mary and John ? — The affertion that the velTel made the voyage is purely gratuitous." Let us examine the errors in the fore- going extrafts : — (i) The fuppofition that the F/;;^zV//a: was built in midwinter was bafed upon another fuppofition, which was errone- ous ; namely, that the Mary and John failed in midwinter, when in fa(5t fhe failed in early autumn, at which time it was ftated that the " pynnace " was not finiflied. They had ample time, how- ever, before midwinter to complete it. (2) The Virginia did reach Eng- land, and under the command of Capt. James Davis failed for the New World, in company with eight other fiiips, on June I ft, 1609, from the harbor of Ply- mouth. The fleet encountered a ftorm of unufual feverity; but the Virginia rode it out, and landed her paffengers fafely at Jameftown, fliowing that flie muft have been a ftanch veffel. That there can be no miftake about this, it is faid that fhe was " built in the North colony." (3) The fuppofition that there were but forty-five men left to finith the pin- nace Sir Ferdifiando Gorges, 87 letter we learn that he had fucceeded in vi61ua]ling two fliips for the colonifts, and had already fent them from Topfliam, and would be able to fend a third, in May, of two hundred tons' burden. " We frame," he faid, " unto ourfelves many reafons of infinite good, that is likely to befal our country, if our means fail not to accomplifli it. But we hope before fummer be pafl, to give fuch fatisfadtion to the world hereof, as none that be lovers of their nation, but will (for one caufe or other) be willing to wifli it well at the leaft, what croffes foever we have received heretofore." The two firft-named veffels, one of which was the Mary and John, failed from Topfliam probably in March, and bore the news to the colonifts of the death of Chief Juftice Popham, which had occurred in the preceding June;'^^ but when nace and houfes, and perform all the other necelTary labor after the departure of the Mary and Johti, is alfo bafed upon the erroneous fuppofition that fhe did not fail until December 15th. When fhe failed, the colony was all there, and completed the Virginia, houfes, and fort before the Gift failed, which was on the fuppofed date of the failing of the Mary and Joiin. This fa6l explains the diffi- culty fully. Vide The Pophatn Colony (P.), Bof- ton, 1866, pp.9 et fcq.j Hijlory of the Virginia Company of London^ by Ed- ward D. Neill, Albany, 1869, p. 30; Genera II Hiflorie of Virginia, by Cap- taine John Smith, Richmond, 1819, Vol. II. p. 174; Hiftorie of Travail e into Virginia, by William Strachey, Maine Hiil:orical Colleftions. Vol. III. p. 308; Domeftic Correfpondence, James I., Vol. XLVII. No. 50, Vol. LXXIX. p. 268, Public Records Office. i'^'^ This is in exa6l accordance with the relation of Edward Harlow, one of the council of the Popham Colony, a man who was perfonally familiar with all the events : yet hiil:orians have per- fifled in adopting Strachey's account, an author who received his information wholly from others. By taking Harlow's account and Strachey's together, with the letters of Gorges before us, we get at the truth of the matter. Harlow fays : "Their noble Prefident Captain Popham died, and 7iot long after arrived two fhips well provided of all neceffaries to fupply them, and fome f mall time after, another, by whom underftanding of the death of the Lord Chief Juftice, and alfo of Sir John Gilbert, they all returned to England in the year 1608." And take Strachey's account, with refpeft to the Mary and John : " You may pleafe to underftand how — /oon after their fir/l arrival, that [they] had difpatched away Captain Robert Davies in the Mary and John, to advertife of their fafe arrival and forwardnefs of their planta- tion." The reafon why thefe relations, 88 Meinoir of when fhe arrived at Sagadahoc, George Popham was not alive to hear the tidings of his brother's death. He had himfelf died during the fevere winter which had paffed, and Ralegh Gilbert had fucceeded him in office. The colony, however, was in good condition. They had comfortable dwellings and a confiderable Hock of furs collected ; befides, their veffel, the Virginia, was afloat and ready for explora- tions during the lummer. But tidings were then on the way which were deftined to deal a finifliing ftroke to the enterprife. In July, 1608, the third fliip of two hundred tons was freighted with neceffary ftores for the colony, which difplays the zeal of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his aflbciates. Sir Francis Popham and others, in the enterprife, which, it is evident, they intended to make permanent; indeed, they do not feem to have confidered the poffibility of a failure. While this fhip was fpreading her fails to the winds which would waft her acrofs the Atlantic, tidings were carried to her of the death of Sir John Gilbert, the elder brother of Ralegh Gilbert. When this intelligence reached Sagadahoc, it caufed a commotion. Ralegh Gilbert, who had fucceeded George Popham as governor, was the heir of his brother, and it was imperative that he fliould return and take charge of his inheritance ; indeed, to remain away would imperil his interefts too greatly to allow him to confider the fubje6l of as well as the Briefe Narration of Sir in one's hand, the difficulties vanifh, and Ferdinando Gorges, have heretofore everything becomes clear. VidcTheGeti- been mifunderftood, is becaufe events erall Hijlorie of Virginia, by Captaine happening at periods remote from one John Smith, Richmond, 1S19, Vol. II. another have been brought within the p. 174; The Hijlorie of Travaile into compafs of a few lines without ex- Virgitiia, by William Strachey, Maine planation. W^ith the letters of Gorges Hiftorical Colleftions, Vol. III. p. 308. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 89 of retaining his command at Sagadahoc, however much his heart was in the enterprife. There feems to have been no one to take his place ; and without a head the colony, as it was conftituted, could not hold together. Probably the three fliips which had been fent with fupplies bore emi- grants to the colony ; but if fo, they were probably but poor men, like all the reft.^^^ There was nothing to do apparently but to break up and return home. Had the colony contained a few governing minds, the refult would have been different ; but as it was, all took paffage with Gilbert for home, and Sabino was abandoned. While thefe transadfions were taking place. Gorges was at his poft at Plymouth, and on May 2d was penning a letter to Cecil, advifmg him of the efcape from a Spanifh prifon of Captain Challons, whom he had fent upon the firft expedition to America. The unfortunate Challons had efcaped, but reached Plymouth in fo miferable a condition as to be unable to journey to London to bear the news of his efcape to Cecil ; ^"^ but Gorges took the occafion to read that 128 We have no dire6l ftatement that means ; perhaps fome of the original thefe veffels bore colonifts to the Saga- colonifls were of this clafs ; hence it dahoc ; yet it feems hardly probable that would be furprifing if no perfons were three fhips with all the necelTary ftores fent out by thefe veffels to ftrengthen for the colonifts, whofe original number the colony at Sabino. The Indians had been greatly reduced, fhould have boafted to Pere Biard, in 1611, that been fent out without any recruits, they killed eleven of the colonifts be- There was a plethora of poor, indeed fore their departure ; but Englifti ac- of almoft ftarving people in England, to counts are filent on the fubjeft. Vide whom a voyage to any country where F7-emicre MiJJion des Jefuites a Canada. food could be obtained would have been Par Le Pere Augufte Carayon, Paris, a bleffing ; belides, as the flighteft of- 1864, pp. 'jo etfcq.; Relation de la Nou- fences were feverely punifhed, there were velle France. Par Le P. Pierre Biard, always many people who were glad to k Lyon, MDCXVL p. 179. efcape the terrors of the law by any ^^^ Thefe letters reveal the earneft VOL. I. — 12 90 Me77iotr of that flatefman a leffon on the folly of attempting to main- tain a hollow peace with enemies, who were availing them- felves of every opportunity, which prefented itlelf, of ftriking a blow at Englilh interefls. Not only did Gorges tell Cecil that the perfidious Spaniard fpoke bafely and unworthily of the Englifli King, but that the Englifh policy caufed them to prognofticate the downfall of Cecil himfelf, and he af- fured him that he feared to write what difcontent the many accounts of Spanifli cruelty, brought home by returning mariners, had bred among the multitude ; in fa6l, the peace with Spain was mofl unpopular with the people, and every flory of Spanifh wrong helped to blow the fparks of dif- content into a flame, which threatened the fafety of the Government. When the veffels bearing the returning colonifts arrived in England, and Gorges realized that the colony had ended its career, his grief and difcontent were great ; and years after, when writing on the fubjecl, it found expreffion in that graphic fentence, " All our former hopes were frozen to death." But he was not a man to fit down in defpair. His energy and fagacity would not allow one failure or two to drive him from an enterprife in which he had faith ; and although all thought of colonial undertaking was " wholly given eflforts which were made by Gorges fate ; but ' prepared a greater number of and his alTociates to obtain the releafe planters,' who afterwards landed at Sa- of Challons and his co-prifoners ; yet bino. If it is pretended that the firft we are told that the lofs of Challons's company were honeft. worthy men. the fhip and outfit •' was fuitably lamented; affumption carries with it the necelTary but not one word of fympathy was ex- inference that Popham was a heartlefs prelTed by the old writers for the per- wretch ; but, alTuming that they alfo were fons enflaved by the Spaniards ; nor did criminals, it was natural that he ihould Popham, fo far as we know, make any leave them to their fate." Vid^ The Pop- attempt to refcue them from their hard //^wC^/^«r, Borton. iS66, pp. 2S£VytY. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 91 given over by the body of the adventurers," he was firm in his determination to go forward as beft he could, " not doubting but God would effe(5t that which men defpaired of;" and as he could get no help from others, he " became owner of a fliip — fit for that employment," and " under color of fifliing and trade " fent her acrofs the Atlantic. The Council of the London or Southern Virginia Com- pany, hearing of the failure of the Sagadahoc enterprife, threw out their lines to win thofe of Plymouth to join them in their efforts at colonization. To this end they addreffed a letter to the Corporation of Plymouth, fetting forth the fuperior advantages of their more fouthern pof- feffions,^^ and gathered their fliips in Plymouth harbor in the fpring of 1609, from whence they failed on June ifl; for Jameftown, with a large number of colonifts.^^^ How many veffels were fent out by members of the Plymouth Com- pany we know not; but it is certain, as previoufly noted, that the Virginia, the veffel built at Sagadahoc and be- longing to Gorges and his co-adventurers, went with the fleet. From this time frequent voyages for fifliing and trade were made to the coaft of Northern Virginia. Monhe- gan ^^ and the neighboring coafts being principally fought ; and in many of thefe was Gorges interefted. The ^3° Vide Letter of the Council of the nebec, is the moft noted in early annals Virginia Company to Sir Ferdinando of the iflands on the coaft of Maine. Its Gorges in the Corporation Archives of greateft altitude is 140 feet above the Plymouth, England, et pojlea, dated fea-level, and its area comprifes about February ryth, 1608. one thoufand acres. It has a good 131 Vicle Domeftic Correfpondence, harbor, which made it the refort of early James I., Vol. XLVII. No. 50; Ibid., navigators and the feat of a confider- Vol. L. No. 65, Public Records Office, able trade between the aborigines of the ^^"^ Monhegan, which is about twenty- neighborhood and foreign traders in the five miles eaft of the mouth of the Ken- feventeenth century. The earlieft de- 92 Memoir of The office of Principal Secretary of State was vacated by Cecil in 1608, at which time he became Lord High Treaf- urer ; and the correfpondence of Gorges with him at this interefting period unfortunately ceafes. A few letters and other papers relating to Gorges have, however, found their way into the Office of the Public Records, the Britifli Mu- feum, and the Corporation Archives of Plymouth. The minds of thoughtful men like Gorges were at this time much exercifed by the condition of affairs in England, and great difcontent prevailed among all claffes, owing to the pofition which England occupied with relation to Spain. By a prolonged conference between Spain and Holland, in which England and France played the role of mediators, an armiftice preparatory to a treaty was fecured between Hol- land and Spain ; but James was diftrufted and defpifed by his contemporaries, and Prince Maurice openly told the Britifh minifters that their fovereign had not the courage to wag his tongue againft the Spanifh King. This contemp- tuous treatment of their royal mafter, who affumed fuch lofty airs among his fubje6ls, was a fource of conftant mor- tification to the proud fpirits of Englifhmen. But James himfelf was too felf-complacent to fliare this mortification. He gloried in his theological valor, and difported him- felf marvelloufly in the lifls of theological controverfy. With intelle(5lual rule and plummet, he never hefitated to found the deepeft abyfs of fpeculation, or meafure the loftiefl fcription which we poffefs of the ifland after, Champlain named it La Nef, on was made by Rofier in 1605, at which account of its fancied refemblance to a time George Waymouth beflowed upon fliip; but it foon refumed its aboriginal it the name of St. George. Shortly name of Monhegan. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 93 loftiefl theory, and always with fatisfadlion to himfelf. It was not fufficient for him to do battle at home againft the Puritans on the one hand and the Roman Catholics on the other, but he mufl meddle with the theological con- troverfies which were going on in Holland, to the difguft of that people, who refented his interference, preferring to enjoy by themfelves the luxury of fighting over the myfteries of predeftination, grace, free will, and univerfal falvation. But the Britifli monarch was not to be kept out of the lifts, and he entered heartily into the conflict, alTum- ing infallibility in deciding queftions of herefy, without a confciousnefs of the ridiculous figure he was cutting. ^^^ In the meantime his fubjedls were groaning under burdens almoll too grievous to bear; and while fome were on the verge of breaking out into open rebellion, others were reforting to piracy in defiance of a monarch who wafted his energies in defence of unprofitable fpeculations, inftead of employing them in the creation of a navy for the protection of his commerce. The fituation of affairs in England is well defcribed in two letters which have come down to us written by Gorges ^^* in 161 1, and bearing the refpeCtive dates of July 5th and January 4th. He called the attention of Salifbury to the terrible condition of Englifli commerce. The coafts of the kingdom 183 Vide An Hijiorical and Critical the Reigfis of Elisabeth and K-JatnesT., Account of the Lives and Writings of by Sir Ralph Winwood, London, 1725, fames /., etc., by William Harris, Lon- Vol. III. pp. 293-296, 304 etfeq.^ 316- don, 1814, Vol. I. pp. 133, 143; The Life 320, 357. and Reign of fames the Firf I, hy Arihnr i^* Thefe letters of Sir Ferdinando Wilfon, Efq., in A Complete Hiflory of Gorges to Secretary Cecil are preferved £'?«_^/fl:;/^, London, i7o6,Vol. II.pp. 715- in the archives of Hatfield Houfe, and 717; Memorials of Affairs of State in are printed in this work. 94 Memoir of kingdom were fcoured by piratical velTels manned by Englifli adventurers, who being debarred the privilege of preying upon the plethoric galleons of Spain, were per- force obliged to take tribute from the fliips of their own nation, though they might bear but lean emigrants to a far-off fhore, or poor fifliermen to the perils of the North Sea. He fent Salifbury the affidavits of fome of the fufferers, and particulars of the manner of their rough treatment by the barbarous freebooters, who to their other fms added that of infulting the King and fcorning the Government. Indeed, there was " a general exclamation made by the fubje(5f," efpecially by the merchants, whofe trade was the life of the realm ; and Sir Ferdinando de- clared that he was obliged, in the proper difcharge of his duty, to call attention to the neceffity which exifted of fuppreffing " them that are fuch cankers, fretting even unto the marrow ;" a tafk which he believed it would not be difficult to accomplifli if all " were done that might be." Yet he told Salifbury that, owing to " thefe peaceable times," the multitude out of employment was increafmg, and that many were forced by neceffity to feek wages to fuftain themfelves ; and he pointed out a poffible way for the kingdom to relieve itfelf of this dangerous clafs, ufmg thefe words : " To meet with thefe neceffities, the Ages paft hath employed great cofl in the planting of Colonies in barbarous and unhabited parts of the world, to the great honor of thefe Princes, and peace of the time wherein they lived." In an affidavit accompanying his letter of July 5th, the number of Engliflimen engaged in piracy along the Englifli coaft was flated ,to be two thoufand, and of fhips forty. It became, Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 95 became, indeed, a ferious queftion, whether a pardon fhould be extended to thefe wild rovers, by which means they might become efficient to the King in cafe of war, or to attempt to punifh them, and by fo doing, perhaps drive them to enter the fervice of a foreign prince, to the poffible injury of the realm. Gorges feems to have favored the con- ciliatory plan, and doubtlefs hoped to make good colonifts out of fome of this dangerous clafs of adventurers, who, he faid, " threaten the world, and give it out they expe6l to be called in very fliortly by his Majefty's pardon for 40,000 pounds." With this letter the correfpondence with Salifbury ended. That ftatefman, who had attained almoft fupreme power in the land, died on the 24th of May, 161 2 ; and Buckingham, a man greatly his inferior, reigned in his ftead. Doubtlefs a correfpondence with Buckingham was carried on by Sir Ferdinando; but if fo, it has not been preferved. He was flill, however, at his poft at Plymouth, and ftill cherifhed hopes of colonizing Northern Virginia. Affairs in England were in a worfe condition than ever. Intrigue and corruption held fway at court ; difcontent and treafon lurked in hall and hovel, while bigotry was on the alert for vi(5lims to fend to the rack and the flake.^^ No wonder that men turned their thoughts to a country where fuch things exifted not, though the way thither was befet 135 i/idg Secret Hi/lory of the Court Kino 'James the Firjl, by Dr. Godfrey of James the Firfl, Edinburgh, 1811, Goodman, London, 1839, Vol. I. pp. Vol. I. pp. 397 et pajjlii! ; The Court mtd 264-266 ; The Life and Reign of James Times of James the Firfl, by Thomas the Firfl, by Arthur Willbn, Efq., in A Birch, D.D., London, 1S49, Vol. L pp. Complete Hiflory of Etigland^ London, 164, 171, 174 et paffm; The Court of 1706, Vol. IL pp. 687-690. 96 Memoir of befet with perils. Since the return of the Sagadahoc colonifts, Gorges and Popham had continued to fend fliips for fifliing and trade to the North Virginian coaft, and other adventurers had followed their example. The French had been particularly a6live, and had encroached upon the territory of the Plymouth Company ; but their colony had been broken up by an expedition fent from the South Vir- ginia Colony.^^ The zeal of the French, however, feems not to have ferved in zxvj marked degree to ftimulate the Plymouth Company to effort, and nothing was undertaken by that Company towards utilizing its charter. In the year 16 14 Capt. John Smith, then of the South- ern Colony, having returned to England on account of trou- ble with his co-adventurers in eftablifhing that colony, managed to procure two fhips, one of which he placed in command of Thomas Hunt, and on March 3d he failed from London on a whaling vo3'age to Sagadahoc, and to explore a mine of gold and copper fuppofed to be in the vicinity. If thefe failed to yield a return, fifli and furs were to be fought as a laft refort. Smith reached Monhegan in April, where he found a fliip belonging to " Sir Francis Popham, that had there fuch acquaintance, having many years ufed only that port, that the mofl part there was had by him." Smith, although not fuccefsful in his whaling, fuc- ceeded in getting a fair flock of fifli and furs, and leaving Hunt to find his way to Spain with a portion of the fifli which had been taken,^^^ he himfelf returned home, entering the "^ Vide French Correfpondence, H. ^^'^ Vide The Generall Hijlorie of de Montmorency to King James I., Oc- Virgiftia, etc., by Captaine John Smith, tober i8th, 1613, Public Records Office. Richmond, 1819, Vol. II, pp. 175 et/eq. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 97 the port of Plymouth, where he met his " honorable friend Sir Ferdinando Gorges," and imparted to him the ftory of his fuccefsful voyage and his future purpofes. So much was Gorges imprefTed by Smith's glowing re- citals, that he at once opened negotiations with him to return and attempt a fettlement in " New England," as Smith had named the region hitherto called North Vir- ginia. Smith entertained the proportion of Gorges favor- ably, and departed for London to fettle his affairs with the London Company. At this time Gorges had a fliip on the New England coafl, which he had defpatched the June previous, and which was in command of Captain Hobfon, who had with him three natives of the country ; but owing to bad management, Hobfon's voyage was a failure, and he returned empty.^^^ Two months after Smith's arrival at Plymouth, Sir Rich- ard Hawkins, having been chofen prefident of the Plymouth Company, undertook in its behalf a voyage to " New Eng- land," as we fliall now call the country ; but when he arrived there, he found the natives engaged in war, which caufed him to fail along the coafl, fifhing and trading until he reached the Southern Colony. From thence he failed for Spain, with fuch commodities as he had gathered, and finally reached England in fafety, but without having accomplifhed anything of material benefit to the Company.^^^ During this time, however, Smith had returned to Ply- mouth, 138 Vide A Defcription of A'cw En^- ^^^ Vide A Briefe A'arrafion, by Sir land, by Captain John Smith, Bofton, Ferdinando Gorges, p. 28, ei pojlea. 1865, pp. 66-69; A Briefe Narration, The account of this voyage is pro- by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, pp. 26-28, vokingly meagre. et pofiea. VOL. I. — 13 98 Memoir of mouth, but was difappointed, he fays, to find that four fliips which were to have been ready for him by the Chriflmas following were not forthcoming. While he was at London fettling his affairs with the London Company, an expedition had been organized by that enterprifing guild in which he was urged to embark ; hence his difappointment was great at finding that no fteps had been taken by the Plymouth Company to furnifh him with the neceffary outfit for the contemplated voyage to New England. This failure on the part of Gorges and his affociates to fupply Smith with the means of undertaking a fecond voyage to their poffef- fions over the feas was caufed, he tells us, " by the bad return of the fhip" that "went for gold;" or, in other words, the fliip defpatched the June previous by Gorges, under the command of Hobfon. Suffice it to fay, however, that " at laft, with a labyrinth of trouble," he was fupplied with two fiiips, one of two hundred, and another of fifty tons, as he fays, by many of his London friends " and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, a noble Knight, and a great favorer of thofe aclions, who perfuaded Dodlor Sutcliffe, the Dean of Exeter, and feveral Weftern Merchants " to take a hand in the enterprife. The defign of Gorges in this undertaking was to have Smith fettle in the country with four gentlemen, eight foldiers, and four others, who "were to learn to be failors; " but Smith had hardly loft fight of the coaft of England when the laro^er veffel of his command, in which he him- felf was, broke her mafts, and he was obliged to put back to Plymouth for repairs. The veffel was evidently unfit for the voyage; and at lafl, on the 24th of June, 161 5, in a little Sir Ferdinando Go7^ges. 99 little veffel of but fixty tons' burden, Smith again fpread his fails to the winds, and with the heart of a man who loves adventure and peril, turned his prow towards his worthily- named New England. But the Fates were this time againft him, and after eluding the pirates, which hovered like birds of prey upon his track, he was at lait captured by a French cruifer, of a femi-piratical character, and after many adven- tures found his way back to Plymouth, where he does not appear to have been cordially received; in fadl, he com- plains that he found himfelf difhrufled, and that wild ftories were afloat that the commodities which he brought home from his fuccefsful voyage in 1614 had been piratically taken from the French, and that they were not the refult of honefl labor and trade.^**^ The failure of this voyage feems not to have difcouraged Smith, who at once proceeded to publifh A Defcription of New England, which was written while he was a prifoner on the French cruifer, and which did much towards dif- feminating the truth regarding a country which had been under a ban fmce the return of the unfortunate Popham colonifts. Although Sir Ferdinando Gorges had again been baffled in his attempts to plant a colony in New England, he was not difcouraged. He had for fome time been " owner of a fhip — fit for that employment," as has before been ftated, which it is probable had made feveral voyages to the coaft of New England, " under color of fifhing and trade," and during the feafon of 16 16 he defpatched her thither : "" Vide A Defcription of New England, by Captain John Smith, Bofton, 1865, pp. 67-77. loo Memoir of thither: Richard Vines, a man of energy and good judg- ment, who is fuppofed to have made previous voyages to the fame coaft, going in her. Vines and other fervants of Gorges landed at the mouth of the Saco river, and fpent the winter there in the cabins of the favages, who had fuffered feverely in the wars which had been going on among them, and perhaps ftill more by a deadly difeafe against which their feeble remedies were powerlefs, and which Gorges de- nominates a plague. Of the refult of this voyage we have no account; but we know that Vines returned fafely to England, and we fliall fee that he fubfequently eftablifhed a colony upon his old camping-grounds at the mouth of the Saco. In the meantime Smith was not idle, and after great effort fucceeded in enlifling members of the Plymouth Com- pany and others in another adventure to New England, and gathering three fhips and a fmall colony of fifteen perfons at Plymouth, early in the year 1617, he prepared again to pufli his adventurous prow weflward ; but he fuffered the bitter difappointment of lying wind-bound for three months, and was finally obliged to abandon the enterprife."^ From this time all relations between him and Sir Ferdinando ceafed ; indeed, in the various expeditions to New England in which he became interefted, Sir Ferdinando entirely ignored the redoubtable hero of hair-breadth efcapes and marvellous adventures, which plainly indicates that he did not regard him with the admiration fo fully beftowed upon him by contemporaries lefs experienced in the knowledge of men than the more pra6lical " Father of American Colonization." There 1^^ Vide Pnrchas his Pilgrimes, Vol. IV. p. 1839. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, loi There is a gap in the correfpondence of Gorges of fix years after his lafl letter to Sahfbury, and the next letter which we find bears the date of July i6th, 1617, and is addrefTed to the Privy Council. The theme is the fame as that of his lafl: letter to the dead flatefman ; namely, the pirates, who interfered with the commerce of the country and interrupted his New England enterprifes. This time, however, the pirates of whom he complains were Turkifli, and not Englifli, yet pracflically they were the fame; for the Englifli pirates, being more fkilful navigators, and find- ing it more profitable and fafe, were now in command of the piratical velTels of Turks and Moors. From this letter it appears that a propofition to the Ply- mouth merchants to fit out an expedition againfl thefe pirates had been made ; but while they were in deliberation over the matter, they learned that a monopoly had been granted to the Levant Company, and that traffic in certain goods which they had been engaged in importing was prohibited, which difcouraged them, as this monopoly was deflru(5five to their trade. Sir Ferdinando advifed the Council that if it would fup- prefs the pirates, it had better prohibit all trade with the Turks, withdraw its ambalTador, and declare war. If this were done, he faid, " there are many in this country that will prefently employ the greatefl part of their fortunes upon thefe adventures." ^*^ A few weeks before this. Sir Ferdinando had feen Ralegh with "2 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando Correfpondence, James I., Vol. XCII. Gorges to the Privy Council, Domeftic No. 92, Public Records Office. I02 Memoir of with his fleet of eleven fliips fail out of Plymouth harbor, on that laft unfortunate voyage to find for James a gold- mine in Guiana, to undertake which adventure he had been liberated from a cruel imprifonment of thirteen years. In this adventure Gorges muft have taken a deep intereft; and the return, a few months later, of his unfortunate kinf- man, bereft of his gallant fon, ruined in fortune and in fore peril of his life, muft have moved his heart to grief. To him, afTifted by the Mayor of Plymouth and Deputy Vice- Admiral, was affigned the tafk of receiving the Dcjllny, Ralegh's fhip, and making an inventory of the furniture and goods which fhe contained ; and on November 2d, four days after Ralegh's execution, he reported to the Council that the tafk w^as completed.^*^ At this time the interefl in colonization had become general. Capt. John Smith was flill laboring to bring his New England into repute, and in a letter to Lord Bacon he offered to adventure with five thoufand pounds " to bring wealth, honor, and a kingdom " to the King's pofterity.^^* Newfoundland, New England, Virginia, and even South America were attra6ting the attention of Englifli adven- turers. Although the Spaniards claimed the latter country, Thomas Locke wrote to Sir Dudley Carleton of an im- portant enterprife, then in procefs of organization, to eftab- lifli a colony upon the river Amazon, " near Guiana," in which "3 Vide Report of Sir Ferdinando November 2d, 1618, Public Records Gorges and other Commiffioners to the Office. Privy Council, in which they ftate that 1^* Vide Letter of John Smith to they have affifted " in receiving and in- Lord Bacon, 161 8; Domeftic Corre- ventorying the De/tiny and her furni- fpondence, James I., Public Records tare, the goods of Sir Walter Ralegh." Office. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 103 which the Earls of Arundel, Warwick, and others were in- terefted, and over which a brother of Lord North was to be placed as governor."^ During the year over twelve hundred perfons went to Virginia as fettlers, more than doubling the previous popu- lation. In Holland the Puritans, who had fled from the perfecutions of James, were making, with abundant faith, prayerful preparations to crofs the fea in fearch of a home. Thus far all attempts to found a permanent colony in New England had failed; but the way was now opening to fuccefs. The wars between the favage tribes had greatly diminiflied the number of the native inhabitants; and the long-continued epidemic which followed had fwept them away, until but a remnant was left, too weak to oppofe fuccefsfully any confiderable body of colonifts; but al- though the way flood open, and Gorges earneflly defired to plant a colony on the fhores of New England, he was deflined to difappointment. He had received a letter from Capt. Thomas Dermer, who had previoufly been with Capt. John Smith in his lafl unfortunate voyage, but who had accompanied Capt. John Mafon to Newfound- land. This letter was written from New England, and was occafioned by a curious incident. It will be remembered that Hunt, who accompanied Smith on his voyage to New England in 1614, treacheroufly feized a number of favages, and failing for Spain, there fold them into flavery. One of thefe favages, Tifquantum, after years of danger and "5 Vide Thomas Locke to Sir Dud- James I., Vol. CVIII. No. Zs, Public ley Carleton, Domeftic Correfpondence, Records Office I04 Memoir of and hardfliip, had been fo fortunate as to get on board an Englifh (hip then in the port of Malaga, and at laft to find his way to Newfoundland, not many days' journey from his native home. He was in a proper mood to defcant warmly upon the beauties of the New England coaft, and in Der- mer, who had alfo liflened to the glowing defcriptions of the fame fhores by the enthufiaflic Smith, he found a ready liflener."^ The refult was that Dermer took a journey into New *^^ The hiflory of this Indian, va- rioufly called Tifquantum, Tantam, Squanto, Squantum, and Tafquantum, is of fuch peculiar intereft that we will endeavor to trace it. We are told by Gorges that he was one of the five Indians, " all of one na- tion, but of feveral parts and feveral families," who were feized by George Waymouth in 1605 and brought into Plymouth. Gorges alfo tells us that he himfelf took three of thefe natives in charge and kept them for three years, gather- ing from them, in the meantime, all the knowledge he could refpeding their country and people. One of thefe. he tells us, was Tifquantum. It would hardly feem poffible that Gorges could have made a miflake refpefting this man, whom he had in cuftody for three years or more, and who fubfequently became confpicuous in expeditions fent by himfelf and others to the coaft of New England; yet Rofier, who fhould be as good authority as Gorges, and who wrote his Nat'i'ative while the events were frefli in mind, omits Tifquantum's name from his lift. It is impoffible to reconcile thefe difcrepancies ; and Dr. Burrage, in a note to Rofier's True Relatioji, ftates it as his belief that Gorges is miftaken in calling him one of Waymouth's In- dians, a belief founded upon the ex- cellent reafon that Gorges wrote his Narration many years after the occur- rence of the events narrated. Such dif- crepancies are not uncommon with old writers ; thus. Gorges himfelf in Purchas tells us that Manawet and Epenow ac- companied Hobfon on his voyage to New England, while in his Btiefe Nar- ration he tells us that Affacomet, We- nape. and Epenow accompanied him. Wenape and Manawet, however, are probably but different renderings of one name. Tifquantum was not a Pemaquid In- dian, but belonged to the Patuxets of Cape Cod. After the poffibly erroneous mention made of him by Gorges, he firft ap- pears upon the hiftoric fcene on board the (hip of Capt. John Smith in 1614. Having reached the coaft of New Eng- land, where he ferved in the capacity of interpreter between Smith's company and the Indians whom they encountered, Tifquantum was left by Smith, when the latter returned to England, at Cape Cod, in the vicinity of the Indian's native home. Smith was intending to return to New England to eftablifli a fetllement and to carry on trade with the natives there, and hoped, by this magnanimous treatment of Tifquantum, to win the good will of his people and to establifh relations with them, which might re- dound Sir Ferdinando Gorges ^ 105 New England, probably with his favage friend, and was fo well pleafed with the country that he penned the letter before dound to the future advantage of him- felf and his affociates. This wife plan was fruftrated, as is related elfewhere, by Smith's dilhoneil: aiTociate, Thomas Hunt, whom he left behind to complete his cargo of fifh, and who enticed upwards of twenty of the Indians on board his fhip, and clofing the hatches upon them fet fail for Spain. One of thefe captives was Tifquantum, who, being without fufpicion of danger, doubdefs' frequented Hunt's Ihip and innocendy led his companions into the trap fet for them. Some of thefe Indians were fold as flaves to Spanifh mafters, and others were feized by friars of the country, who hoped to make profelytes of them. Of the adventures of Tifquantum in Spain we know nothing; but after the lapfe of about four years, a Briftol Ihip at the port of Malaga, ready to fail tor Newfoundland, laden probably with wine which was to be exchanged for fi(h,_ re- ceived him on board, and in due time he was landed at Cuper's Cove, now Mofquito Cove, in Conception Bay, Newfoundland, where Captains John Mafon and Thomas Dermer had tem- porarily felted themfelves. Dermer, if not perfonally acquainted with Tifquan- tum, muft have known of him through Captain Smith, whom Dermer had ac- companied in the unfuccefsful voyage of 161 5 ; and he applied himfelf to learn from Tifquantum what he could refpeft- ing ^^e\v England. We have elfewhere related how Der- mer informed Gorges of Tifquantum's arrival at Newfoundland : of Dermer's vifit to England with Tifquantum. and of his return with his Indian friend to New England ; and how, after ferving Dermer as interpreter and guide, Tif- voL. I. — 14 quantum was allowed, as on a former occallon he had been allowed by Smith, to revifit his people at Cape Cod. Doubtlefs it was arranged between them that Tifquantum fliould rejoin Dermer the next feafon ; but be this as it may, Dermer's death put an end to all plans, and Tifquantum remained with his people. By a ftrange Providence, the Pil- grims, on their way to the vicinity of the Hudfon River, landed near the native home of Tifquantum, and were heartily welcomed by this identical Indian, whofe mind had been enlarged beyond that of his fellows by contad with Eu- ropean civilization, and a knowledge of the great world which lay outfide the narrow tribal limits of his people. During the fhort time he had been with his tribe, Tifquantum had feen his rude kindred melt away before a terrible difeafe fuppofed by fome writers to have been the fmall-pox ; which, perhaps, made him all the more ready to welcome joyfully men who had come from his old, if temporary and alien, home over the fea. He not only welcomed the emigrants, but devoted himfelf to their welfare ; bear- ing meffages between them and the fav- ages who'were difpofed to be hoftile to them, and aiding them in forming trea- ties with the native tribes in their vicin- ity. They, in turn, evidently conceived a ftron^ affeftion for him ; and when it was fuppofed that Corbitant had flain him for his friendfliip for the Englith, they at once organized an expedition to punifh the fuppofed murderer. Having recovered Tifquantum un- harmed, "they publicly proclaimed to the Indians that if Tifquantum fuffered harm at anv of their hands, fwift and certain puni'thment fliould follow. Thus io6 Memoir of before mentioned to Gorges, expreffing a defire to join him in his colonial enterprifes. In confequence of this letter, Gorges defpatched a veffel, early in the year 1619, to New England, under the command of Edward Rowcroft, who appears to have been unfit for fuch an enterprife, with inftrudtions to await at Monhegan the arrival of Dermer, who had arranged with Gorges to meet Rowcroft there. Arriving upon the coafi, Rov^croft found a little French barque fifliing there, and thinking to benefit his patron, feized her for infringing upon the fifliing-grounds belonging to the Plymouth Company, and putting the Frenchmen on board his own fhip, fent her home a flrong friendfliip between this Indian and the Pilgrims was eftablifhed : a friendfliip marred but upon one occa- fion, when he endeavored to aggrandize himfelf in the ellimation of the Indians, by enlarging upon his influence with the Englifli ; but unfortunately, while conducing fome of the PUmouth people on a trading expedition fouthwanl, in the autumn of 1622, he was ftricken witli a fever, accompanied with '"bleed- ing much at ye nofe (which ye Indeans take for a fimptome of death)." Find- ing that his end was coming, he re- quefted Governor Bradford to pray for him, "that he might goe to ye Englifli- man's God in heaven ; " and he then calmly divided his little treafures, be- queathing " fundrie of his things to fundry of his Englifli friends, as remem- brances of his love." His death put an end to the trading expedition ; and the Pilgrims returned forrowfully to Plymouth, feeling that in Tifquantum's death they had expe- rienced a fevere lofs. His death took place in November, 1622, at what is now Chatham. "Gov- ernor Bradford's pen," fays Judge Davis, " was worthily employed in the tender notice taken of the death of this child of nature. With fome aberrations, his con- du6l was generally irreproachable, and his ufeful fervices to the infant fettle- ment entitle him to grateful remem- brance." Vide A Brieft A'arration, etc., by Sir Ferdinando Gorges ; CollcClions of the Maine Hijlorical Society, Vol. II., pp. ly et pojtea; Rofier's True Re- lation, edited by Henry S. Burrage, D.D., publiflied by the Gorges Society, Portland, 1887, p. 161 ; Tlie Generall Hijlorie of Virginia, etc., by Captaine John Smith, Richmond. 1S19, Vol. II. pp. 206 ; Mourts" Relation, edited by Henry Martyn Dexter, Bofl:on, 1865, pp. 83, 90, 92, 97 et pajfim ; Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, by Alexander Young, Boflon, 1844. pp. 190, 11^4, 195, 289, 301 et pajjlfn : Hiflyry of Plymouth Plantation, by William Bradford, Bof- ton, 1856, pp. 93, 95, 103, 128 et pajji7n ; A Chronological Hijlory of Netv Eng- land, by Thomas Prince, A.M., Boflon, 1826, pp. 132, 151; Purchas his Pil- gritnes, Vol. IV p. 1830. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 107 home to Gorges to be ufed in fome other adventure, while he took command of the barque, intending to remam m New England until the next year, engaged in fiflimg and trade Shortly after, however, his men confpired to kill hmi and feize the barque ; but he difcovered the confpn-acy, and juft as they were upon the eve of putting their plan mto exe- cution. he furprifed and made them prifoners. Not bemg willincr to execute the malefadors, he put them on fliore at the mouth of the Saco, with provifions and arms with which to fuftain and defend themfelves; but finding that he had not men enough left to handle the barque, which drew, as he alfo found, too much water to be ufed in coafting,-for it would feem that he had inftrudions from Gorges to fpend fome time in exploring the coalt, - he fet fail for Virgmia without waiting for Dermer, who was to aid him in his ex- plorations, hoping to get aid there to carry out his patron s plan Here, having refitted and being upon the point ot failincr, he was delayed by the arrival of the new governor, and while he and his officers were engaged in feftivities on board the governor's (liip, a ftorm arofe by which the barque, not having men enough on board to take care ot her was driven on Ihore and funk. The next day, however, by the labors of the governor and Rowcroft, {he was raifed; but Rowcroft was obliged to remain in Virginia to refit her and while this was being done, he was fiain in a quarrel. Being left without proper care, the barque was acrain funk in a florm and this time wholly loft. ''But to return to Dermer. After writing Gorges that he would meet Rowcroft, he was advifed by Mafon, who was warmly interefled in colonization, to proceed to Eng- land loS Memmr qf lan^ and cci. . . . ^:ii Gorges; hence he tooi paiikire for Fng 'isrin. Trhere lie amved ibDrthr airer Roir- CTtcr iad :miie£. A ibip oi two imndied tons, iiowever, ^■-;. - " : - ■ ' : 3 SI FiT- Ti". ..: _ . -4.- .. -■-. _._„^._ .. :.-.. _- _ rrade. and in her. ITVermer. afxer rr^n'^erring Tdih Gorges, upon V^oti he made an exoeLeni i . n. took iffiffp.ge and : . \ ' - ni. tnm. Tumi? iaud accamnfinied imn, Ik iei out to esn^uore the cna£. ai the mme time hoping to nneei "with RDwcrati. As ht ' . . ^ ' ' ■-:':■; -fnT aSefted "wim ihe drsad diieaie already :■ . ed. fiiowed hrm ihe nnheaied lores vhich ther : . " : He iined ihe ccafe to Caj^ Cod. te. : two Frer ^ vr " "■ ' : V . . ~ — : rbed near t- . ...ree Tea:? a- . „. _.___:_ .DlL period - -.en iraniponei tribe to tribe tjd fnrmfii i^ioTt ior the isTages. Theie he added to hs comnanT : bnt tiiidTng his time lapi: he remrr ." ' • ; " a: '; - - . ^.'..- - . .:.__' _:.:.. P__ . ; ;- ireig-; . - ^ : . . _ _ . : to dr : . - " The ^ a Tfefel irom Virgina. c: • . : by Capiain \\ a; :*. was in the idninirr. ann in hex trc p ui ids tc : _ . _ - . _ -..:£, espiorini; the cca£ as he lipent. :>endin£r ir» Gonr^ br the returning fii^ a iaC a; . . - -c his ; togetho" Triih Sir Ferdina7ido Gorges. 109 with fampl&s of the foil which he had gathered 2X\'^^ places, and of "other commodities," Dermer, for the a: plilhment of his bufineis, fet lail on his voyage of exr.'- ra- tion fouthward. Tifquantum defiring to go on a -. his people, Dermer generoufly allowed him to depart, 7.r.:cr. caufed him fome trouble, for without a native interDr^rer he was not well received by the natives whom he met s the way. He had failed but about fort)' leagues wh: was overtaken by a florm and nearly wrecked, but : nately efcaped, vinth the lofs, however, of a large ponior. of his much needed pro^dfions. On his arrival at the fouthern part of Cape Cod, Derrr.tr was furprifed and taken prifoner by the Indians, who de- manded a ranfom in hatchets, which he paid without regaining his libert}-; but he luckily efcaped from them, at the lame time making prifoners of the principal chief and three men, whom he releafed upon the return to him of the hatchets he had paid for his own ranfom, and the gift of a canoe full of com, of which he was in great need. At Martha's Vineyard he came upon Epenovr. the cunning favage whom Gorges had picked up in Lcrir. feveral years before and fent to New England with Captain Hobfon, but who efcaped, as already related, by jumping overboard foon after arri\-ing upon the coall. As Epenow could fpeak "indifferent good Englifh,"' Dermer was en- abled to converfe with him with '• ver\' srood fatisfaction." After many p)erilous adventures, Dermer reached Jamef- town, ha'dng failed through Long Ifland Sound and pene- trated the harbor of New York, and from thence by the Narrows and Sandy Hook, which won for him, among Enorlifhmen. no Memoir of Englifhmen, the credit of having difcovered Long Ifland, or rather that it was not a part of the mainland. Arrived in Virginia, where he hoped to find fome of Rowcroft s men and property belonging to Gorges, Dermer, with zeal and energy, fet about building a deck for his pinnace, and re- fitting her for an immediate return to New England ; but he was taken feriouHy ill and obliged to defer the under- taking until another Ipring. The winter having paffed, Dermer fet out on his return to Monhegan, which he reached in fafety, and after fpending the fummer in explorations, a particular account of which he fent home to Gorges, he again turned the prow of his little pinnace toward Virginia. But at Martha's Vineyard, flopping to vifit Epenow, that treacherous favage fuddenly fell upon him, and in the encounter which enfued, all of his men but one were killed, and he himfelf was ferioufly wounded. He efcaped, however, and reached Virginia, but fhortly after his arrival diedJ*^ So ended the laft enterprife of Gorges under the charter of the Plymouth Company. We have thought beft to give a particular account of this undertak- ing, as Gorges evidently had great hopes of making Dermer inftrumental in preparing the way for a permanent colony, and as a jufl tribute to the energy and perfeverance of Dermer, who feems to have been of the fluff from which heroic navigators are made. On Auguft 26th, 1620, Sir Ferdinando Gorges was called to ^" Vide Hijlory of Plymouth Piatt- Smith, Richmond, 1819, Vol. II. pp. tation, by William Bradford, Bofton, 206,219; P nuchas his Pili^rimes,Yo\. 1856, pp. 95-99; TheGetierall Hijlorii IV. pp. \']-]'i> etfeq.^ 1830 //_/^^. of Virginia^ etc., by Captaine John Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 1 1 1 to mourn the death of his wife Ann, the daughter of Edward Bell, Efq., of Writtle, Effexfhire. Their marriage had been celebrated at the hiftoric church of St. Margaret's, Weftminfter, on February 24th, 1589; hence they had been united for upwards of thirty-one years. They had had four children, namely: John, Robert, Ellen, and Honoria; the laft-named of whom died young. Of his domeftic life, unfortunately, all knowledge is wanting, as nothing in the nature of family correfpondence or biography has come down to us ; hence we are obliged to confine ourfelves almoft wholly to events of a public nature in his life. The year 1620 is memorable in American annals. In England the King had let his fliallop drift into troubled waters, and was almofl befide himfelf with perplexity. His fon-in-law, Frederic, had accepted from the hands of infur- gents the crown of Bohemia, which he found it impoffible to retain in his grafp without aid from his royal father- in-law, though he claimed that he had received it from Divine Power, and that to have refufed it would have been an a6l of infubordination which he had not dared to confider. In fpite of this pofition, fo much in fympathy with the views of the EngliHi monarch, and although James had pointed out to him in the Book of Revelation the exa6l prophecy of the event, he was not inclined to rifk a war in fupport of the prophecy. It is true that he talked bravely to thofe who efpoufed the caufe of his fon-in-law, and promifed them fufficient fupport; but not fmcerely, for to thofe oppofed he fliook his head, and gave them to underftand that he fliould not interfere in Frederic's behalf ; yet he fent an army of four thoufand men under the Earls of Effex and Ox- ford 1 1 2 Memoir of ford as a police force to protect Frederic's property.^*^ He had harried out of the realm many of his bed fubje6fs, both Roman Catholic and Puritan, and was daily growing more narrow and bitter againft all who diffented from his rigid views. Even the old kirk of his native Scotland had not efcaped difagreeable attention from him. The refult of the troublous condition of affairs in England was that the minds of many were prepared to regard favorably a home acrols the water. A confiderable body of Puritans who had fled from his perfecution into Holland, had, as was before faid, made appli- cation to be allowed to fettle in Virginia, and having obtained a patent of territory near the mouth of the Hudfon from the London Company, they fet fail from Delft Haven on the 22dof July; or, in the quaint and funple words of one of their number, " they lefte y^ goodly & pleafant citie, which had been ther refling place near 12. years; but they knew they were pilgrimes, & looked not much on thofe things, but lift up their eyes to y^ heavens, their deareft cuntrie, and quieted their fpirits." ^*^ Of their troubles before getting clear of the Englifh coaft, and of their painful voyage acrofs the Atlantic, much has been written, and this is not the proper place to repeat the interefting ftory ; but it is proper for us to ^** Vide Leiters atid other Docu- don, 1829, Vol. II. pp. 238, 240, 242; vients illujlratini^ the Relatiotis between Cabala, Jlne Scrinia Sacra, London, England and Germany at the Com- 1654, pp.113, 114- I43. ^44; Belli Lau- ine'ncement of the Thirty Years' War, rca Ajijlriaca, pp. 199, 211 ; Lotichius, edited by Samuel Rawfon Gardiner, pp. 72, 82-88, 93. London, 1865, pp.6, 14, 34, 43, 52; ^^^ Vide Hijtory of Plymo7ith Plan- Ibid., fecond feries, pp. 8, 14, 17, 22, tation, by William Bradford, Bofton, 24, 28 ; The Court of King fames the 1 856, p. 59. Firfl, by Dr. Godfrey Goodman, Lon- Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 1 1 3 to glance at them on that bleak November day, when they gathered in the cabin of the Mayflower, preparatory to land- ing on the forbidding lliores of New England, to fign a com- pa6l, " that fuch an a(5l by them done (this their condition confidered) might be as firm as any patent, and in fome refpe6ls more fure." ^^^ The compact itfelf may not be properly repeated here, as it is fufKicient for us to ob- ferve that thefe men, in the face of hardfliips and perils which they clearly comprehended, framed for themfelves a conftitution altogether unique, in that it recognized the fundamental principle of a republic, the government of which was to reft upon the confent of the governed, forefliadowing the poffibility of a nation founded upon a perfonal freedom fubordinated only to the common weal. Theorifls in the feclufion of their clofets, had in- deed wrought, of the fluff from which dreams are made, infubflantial fabrics of a fimilar form and charadfer; but it remained for the clear heads and flrong hearts of the Plymouth colonifls to fubftantially realize the glow- ing vifion. The warm defire of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to fee a permanent colony founded within the domains of the Plymouth Company was to be realized in a manner of which he had never dreamed, and by a people with whom he but little fympathized, although we know that he favored their fettlement within the territorial limits of the Plymouth Company. This corporation had hitherto been unfuccefsful in utilizing its poffeffions, while the Lon- don Company had grown ftrong ; which is but another term for 15° Vide Hijlory of Plytrouth Plantatiott, by William Bradford, Bofton, 1856, pp. 89 etfeq. VOL. I. — 15 1 1 4 Memoir of for aggreffive. The latter, though jealous of its own rights, had found the trade and fillieries of the North important. It had twice procured an enlargement of its charter, and was jealoufly watching its weaker rival. That rival, at laft fol- lovs-ing its luccelsful example, ventured also to afk for an en- largement of its privileges, and on the 23d of July, 1620, obtained an order of the King in Council for a new patent in the foUowinor terms, namelv: '■ Whereas it is thought fit, that a Patent of Incorporation be srranted to the Adventurers of the Northern Colonic of Virginia, to containe the like Liberties, Priveledges, Power, Authorities, Lands, and all other Things within their Limits {viz.) between the Degrees of 40 and 48, as were heretofore granted to the Company in Virginia, excepting onely, that whereas the laid Company have a Freedom of Cuftome and Subfidie for 21 Yeares, and of Impofitions forever, this New Company is to be free of Cuflome and Subfidie for the like Term of Yeares, and of Impofitions after foe long a Time as his Majefh* fhall pleafe to grant unto them ; this fliall be therefore to will and require you to prepare a Patent for his Majefiiies Royall Signature to the Purpofe aforefaid, leaving a Blank for the Time of Freedome from Impofition to be fupplyed, and put in by his Majeft}', for which this fhall be your Warrant." ^^ Againff all confiderations of equity the London Company at once fet about thwarting Gorges in his endeavors to obtain within the territorial limits afTigned to the Plymouth Company "^ Vide Hijiorical ColUdions, by Ebenezer Hazard, A.M., Philadelphia, 1792. Vol. T. p 99. Sir Ferdmando Gorges. 1 1 5 Company fimilar privileges to thofe which it had afked for and obtained within the limits affigned it, and its agents at once befet the King and Privy Council to prevent the deliv- ery to Gorges of the patent which had already been fealed, the patentees having changed the title of their Company to " The Council eflablilhed at Plymouth for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing New England in America." The Lords of the Council, however, properly regarded the objedlions of the London Company's agents as unwarrant- able, and after patiently liftening to their wholly one-fided arguments, refufed to grant their demands. Having failed in their unfair efforts, they plainly told Gorges that he had not heard the laft of them, and that they would bring their objections before the next feffion of Parliament, where they would outnumber him. His reply was characteriftic of the man, and was to the effect that if juftice was to be overthrown by numbers fmiply, he fliould not grieve to lofe what was honeftly his.^°^ As a fpecimen of the bufmefs morality of the time, of which it is a fair one, the proceedings of the London Company's agents are worth noticing. They had abfolutely no ground, legal or moral, for their adlion. They claimed, and rightfully, to exercife exclufive privileges within their own territorial limits, and held thefe privileges originally under the fame patent under which the Plymouth Company held its privileges ; yet becaufe they deemed that it would be profitable to them to fliare with the Plymouth Company the privileges which belonged to that Company within its own domain, they brazenly claimed the right to do fo, and openly boailed 152 yi(jg jI Briefe Narration, etc., p. 34 et pojlea. 1 1 6 Memoir of boafted of being able by the fimple power of numbers to carry their point. It was a favorable time for this attempt, as the Parliament about to affemble was largely compofed of men who were determined to reform fome of the abufes which had grown up like muflirooms under the fliadow of the throne, and had been foffered by favorites of the Crown greatly to the injury of the people. To bring before a body of men fo conflituted any new thing which had the favor of monopoly, which this patent in common with all others had, was likely to caufe its condemnation, and the opponents of it in the London Company knew it ; hence, when Parliament alTembled, thefe men appeared before it with their obje6fions. It was the old argument of Wrong which ever conceals its forbidding vifage under the alluring mafk of Virtue ; the argument which the managers of the witch-fhow at Philippi brought againft Paul and Silas, when they defired to obtain the influence of an over-credulous people againft the men who ftood in the way of their gain. The artful fhowmen, it will be remembered, did not plead their own caufe, nor allude to their own private interefts ; but it was the caufe of the people, whofe welfare alone they had at heart and held facred. So in the cafe of the London Company, and in every other fimilar cafe before and fmce, it was the welfare of the people which was advanced as the motive of adfion, under the popular phrafe of " a grievance of the Commonwealth." To any one who ftudies the patent to the Council for New England, there can be no doubt that, in point of fa6f, it was a monftrous monopoly. It embraced the entire ter- ritory between the fortieth and forty-eighth parallels of lati- tude, Sir Ferdina7tdo Gorges. 1 1 7 tude, and extended from the Atlantic to the Pacific Oceans. Within this vaft domain the Council had fupreme rule; could " eftablifh all Manner of Orders, Laws, Dire6lions, In- ftru6lions, Forms, and Ceremonies of Government and Mae- iflracy fitt and neceffary for and concerning the Government of the faid Collony and Plantation not only within the Precin6ls of the faid Collony, but alfo upon the Seas in going and coming to and from the faid Collony." Befides, commerce of every kind in New England was placed under the control of the patentees. No veffel engaged in com- merce could enter a port along the entire coafl, or pafs into any river, or touch at any ifland within the bounds of its patent, without liability to feizure and confifcation and fuch punifliment of the captain and crew as the Council thought proper to infli6l, " not contrary to the Laws and Statutes " of England ; and we can imagine how thefe might be flretched in a remote colony where the fufferer would have little chance of makinor his cafe known in Enslifli courts thoufands of miles away, and unfriendly to complain- ants not backed by influence. In fpite of this it was mon- Itrous for the London Company, who poffeffed a fimilar monopoly, to pofe in this cafe as friends of the people. Sir Edward Coke, than whom no other had been more wont to ferve the interefls of royalty, unlefs perhaps we ex- cept his felfifh rival Bacon, but who had now efpoufed the caufe of reform, was in the chair, and treated Gorges, when he appeared before him, with unufual fuavity, yet in fpite of a moft judicious reply which he made, denying the charge that the particular patent of the Council for New England was a monopoly and grievance to the public, " feeing at firft it was undertaken 1 1 8 Memoir of undertaken for the advancement of religion, the enlargement of the bounds of our nation, the increafe of trade, and the employment of many thoufands of all forts of people," and although he was " humbly bold," in offering in behalf of himfelf and affociates, without compenfation for their cofl and labor, to furrender their patent to Parliament for the benefit of the whole realm, providing it would only profe- cute the work of colonization which had been commenced, in which work he and his co-laborers would aid to the extent of their ability, as " their humble fervants," Gorges made but little impreffion upon his hearers, and the new patent was placed in charge of a committee who were to deliver to him their obje6lions in writing, and before whom he was given leave to appear with counfel upon a fet time, to make his reply. Hearing nothing from the Committee, and the time arriving, Sir Ferdinando wifely appeared before the Houfe alone, ffating that he had not received the Committee's ob- je6tions as promifed. In reply, he was quietly informed by Coke that he " had gained great favor of the Houfe to re- ceive the particulars in writing," which enabled him to plead his caufe, although, in fa6l, he had received nothing. To the overbearing Coke, Gorges with great ta6l and good nature replied, acknowledging the greatnefs of the favors fliown him, and awaiting further commands. Another day was afligned him for his appearance, and the obje6lions of the Houfe were finally placed in his hands. This enabled him to prepare his defence; and at the proper time he appeared with his counfel before the Houfe to an- fwer its objedions. But, fays Gorges, and it is fignificant of that truckling to authority which was the fpirit of the time, "in Sir Ferdina7ido Gorges, 1 1 9 "in great caufes before great flates, where the Court feems to be a party, counfel oftentimes is flay of wading farther than with their fafety they may return ; " hence one of his counfel confined himfelf to the " matter of juftice," and the other to the " matter of law," when the Houfe demanded what he had to fay for himfelf. Senfible, he fays, how far his coun- fel came fliort of his intentions. Sir Ferdinando repHed in a refpe6lful yet vigorous manner, fetting forth the advan- tages of colonization to the kingdom ; the certainty of the occupation of the territory by the French, Spanifli, and Dutch, if the work of the patentees was abandoned, which far outweighed a flight inconvenience to a few diforderly fifhermen who abufed and corrupted the natives, and made them dangerous enemies of the Englifli. Being confident in his own mind that he had fufficiently fatisfied a majority of the Houfe, but hearing that his opponents were to ap- peal to the King, he very poHticly managed to get before that fun6lionary the objedlions of his opponents, together with his defence. This was a judicious flep ; for to the furprife of Gorges, when the Houfe prefented the public grievances, the firfl: on the lift was the New England Patent, accompanied with the declaration that the Houfe had liftened to him and his learned counfel for feveral days, and that they could not defend it. We muft admit the juftice of the decifion ; yet it was a fevere blow to Gorges, and as foon as it got abroad, caufed adventurers whom he had interefted in colonization to abandon him, as well as fome of his affociates. But for- tunately for Gorges this reform Parliament had brought upon it the anger of the King and Court for having con- demned I20 Memoir of demned feveral grievances to the Commonwealth, as well as having declared the liberties and jurifdictions of Parlia- ment to be the undoubted birthright of Englifh fubjects ; and James not only fuddenly dilTolved it, but caft the pop- ular leaders into prifon. Gorges, as we have feen, had already brought his cafe before the King, and having the royal favor was for the prefent allowed to enjoy his charter rights undifturbed. During this time the poor colonifts on the fterile fhores of New Plymouth, as they called the place where they had fettled, were flruggling with hunger, difeafe, and death, to ellablifh themfelves in their new home. The place where they had fettled was outfide the limits of the patent which they had obtained of the London Company, and within the domain of the Plymouth Company, or, as we fhall hence- forth term it, the Council for New England ; and they took meafures to obtain of the Council a patent of a confiderable tra6l of land including the place of their fettlement. In this they fucceeded, and on June ift, 162 1, the Council for New England iffued its firft patent to " John Pierce and his alfo- ciates," in truft for their benefit.^'^ Sir Ferdinando Gorges' name appears upon this patent, and he tells us that previous to the controverfy between him and the London Company, the latter were in a condition to liflen " to any proportions that might give eafe and further- ance " to their undertaking, and hence had liftened to his advice " to draw into thofe enterprifes fome of thofe families that 153 yidg MaflTachufetts Hiftorical Col- original document is at Plymouth, leclions, Fourth Series, Vol. II. The MalTachufetts. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 121 that had retired themfelves into Holland for fcruple of con- fcience, giving them fuch freedom and liberty as might fland with their likings." It therefore mull; have been grateful news to him to learn that they had made a " defcent " upon territory belonging to the Council for New England, and we can imagine with what alacrity he haftened to give to Pierce a patent in their behalf. Their former patent had been taken in the name of Mr. John Wincob, of the family of the Countefs of Lincoln, whofe daughter was the wife of John Gorges, the eldelt fon of Sir Ferdinando ; and it was doubt- lefs the enthufiafm of Sir Ferdinando which infpired the Countefs to take that lively interefl in American colonization which flie fo confpicuoufly difplayed. At this time the Britifli King was meditating a mar- riage between his fon Charles and the daughter of the Spanifli King. The religious fervor, hitherto confpicuous, which caufed him to banifli Catholics from the realm, to confifcate their property, and to draw, hang, and quar- ter them upon the flimfieft pretexts, feemed fuddenly to vanifh like a will-o'-the-wifp, before the more ardent fervor of felf-intereft, which he believed would be fubferved by a family alliance with the powerful and wealthy Spanifh King, whofe intolerance and cruelty, though exhibited againft Proteftants, were as confpicuous as his own.^^* This pro- je6led alliance was unpopular at home, and in French diplomacy was not reliflied; hence there was abroad an apprehenfion 154 Vide El Hecho de los Tratados Rawfon Gardiner, London, 1869, pp. del Matrimo7iio Pretendido por el Prin- 105, in, 134, 147, 247 et pajjlin; Ca- cipe de Gales con la Sei-eniJJlma Infante bala^fine Scrinia Sacra, London, 1654, de Efpana Maria, edited by Samuel pp. 127, 137, 146. VOL. I. — 16 122 Memoir of apprehenfion of trouble with France. This is evidenced by a letter of Sir Ferdinando to Secretary Calvert, under date of November nth, 162 1. In this letter, which is a reply to one from the Lords of the Council, afking his opinion with regard to the affairs of France, he told Calvert that, with refpe6l to his fufpicions of approaching trouble with France, he had hitherto been reticent, having "grown fearful to agravate anything in that kind, left, being a man of war, it might be thought I was willing rather to put the world in combuftion, than that there was reafon to believe my fug- geflions." He then proceeded to inform the Secretary of extenfive naval preparations of the French, which he con- fidered dangerous to the fafety of England.^°^ The letter is interefting as fliowing the efteem in which his opinions were held by the Government, and the peculiar condition of af- fairs exifting between England and its continental neighbors. Sir Ferdinando at this time flood at the head of the Council for New England, fo far as influence went ; in fa6l, his hand fliaped its affairs. In common with many gentle- men of the time, he was interefted in navigation, and was now building with the Earl of Warwick, one of the Coun- cil for New England, a fhip of a new fafhion,^^^ which it was believed from its model would have remarkable fpeed. Being troubled with regard to the conftantly increafmg encroachments 155 Yidg Domeflic Correfpondence, that he hoped to find a way to outfail James I., Vol.CXXIII. No.ioi, Public the Dutch." The Eaft India Company Records Office, et pojtea. granted this requeft, as appears by the 156 (^ Requeft of Sir Ferdinando Gor- record, and loaned him two thoufand ges for the loan of certain ftores for a trenails. Vide Court Minutes of the fliip he isbuildingof a new fafhion, fuch Eaft India Company, in the Office of as the Company might make ufe of , and the Eaft India Company, London. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 123 encroachments of the French, Gorges was doubly anxious to eftablifli ftrong colonies along the fliores of New Eng- land ; and the return from Newfoundland of Captain John Mafon^^^ brought him a valuable coadjutor. He was too, though againft his will, aided by another event. Captain Mafon, on his arrival in England, was naturally the fubje6l of attention from perfons defirous to profit by his experience. Among thefe was Sir William Alexander,^^^ who invited him to his houfe, and informed himfelf refpe6l- ing the new country with which Mafon was familiar. Mafon, as we know, was particularly in love with the territory covered by charter to the Council for New England, and he fo expreffed himfelf to Alexander; adviling him to obtain a patent of territory above the Council's northern boundary, and to apply to Gorges for fuch a portion of territory fouth of that boundary as he could conveniently grant. Alexander was a fellow-countryman of the King and in favor with him ; hence, difregarding Mafon's advice, he avoided Gorges and fought the royal ear. The refult was that James fent Gorges a " gracious meffage," which Gorges dared not refufe, to convey to Alexander a confiderable flice of the Council's property, which was accordingly done, and the King thereupon confirmed the grant by including the land conveyed by it in a charter to Alexander of an im- menfe tra(5l of territory north of New England, which was named Nova Scotia. Alexander was thus placed where he would 15'^ For an excellent account of this ^^^ Vide Sir IV i/liarn Alexander and enterprifing man, vide Captain John American Colonisation, by the Rev. Mafon, edited by John Ward Dean, Edmund F. Slafter, A.M., publifhed by A.M., publifhed by the Prince Society, the Prince Society, Bofton, 1873. Bofton, 1887. 124 Me^noir of would meet the brunt of French encroachments on the northern boundary of New England, and Gorges mufl have realized that every colony which the noble Scotchman planted in his new poffeffions would ferve as a protection to the property of the Council, in which he was fo deeply interefted. In John Mafon he had found a promifmg helper, a man of found judgment and full of energy; and the in- fluence which Gorges held in the Council was exerted in his friend's behalf. The refult was a grant from the Coun- cil of the territory lying between the Naumkeag and Merri- mac rivers, from their fources to the fea, with the iflands adjacent within the diftance of three miles. This trad! was named by Mafon " Mariana." ^^^ Sir Ferdinando had now reached the height of his in- fluence, and the profpect of achieving all that he had anticipated with refpe6l to colonization muft have feemed briorht to him. O A new fpirit had been fuddenly infufed into the hitherto languid body of the Council for New England, and patentees were notified that they mufl pay for their fliares forthwith or forfeit their interefts.^^^ The King was petitioned to ifTue his proclamation againft interlopers ; notably againft Thomas Weflon, a prominent London merchant, whofe relations with the Pilgrims are fo well known, and who was engaged in fifhing and trade on the New England coaft, as well as againft 159 No reafon has heretofore been Maria, whofe propofed marriage with afligned why Mafon gave the name Ma- Prince Charles was then the principal riana to his polTeffions between the topic of difcuffion. Naumkeag and Merrimac; but it feems ^^^ Vide Records of the Cozincil for evident that this name was beflowed AVw£"«^/a«^, edited by Charles Deane, upon it in honor of the Spanifh princefs LL.D., Cambridge, 1867, p. 12. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 1 2 5 againft thofe engaged in fending veffels thither from the Weft of England.^*^^ Schemes were numerous for peopling the New World, and among other propofals the Council confidered one to fend poor children of fourteen years of age and upwards as apprentices to the propofed planta- tions.^^^ Thus the profpe6t of increafmg growth in popula- tion and trade in New England was encouraging. To add to this, Sir Ferdinando had the favor of the King, who was active in rendering him the neceffary aid in pro- tedling his New England interefts. He was made one of a commiffion for eftablifhing order among the Newfoundland fifhermen, and was furnifhed by the Privy Council with orders to be imparted to the captains of the fifliing fleet.^*"^ This we can fee was in the line of his own interefts. At the fame time his complaints of Dutch encroachments were readily liftened to, and the States-General were given notice to abandon their plantation on the Hudfon and to ftop the fhips which were being fent thither for trade by the Dutch Weft India Company.^*^^ Nor were interlopers from home overlooked ; and a proclamation was ift'ued by the King, for- bidding any one to trade on the New England coaft without a licenfe from the Council for New England, and this in fpite of the adverfe proceedings of Parliaments^ and the fadl that the Lord Treafurer had promifed the Mayor and *^^ Vide Records of the Council for i^* Vide Inftru6tions of the Privy New £";/^/^«^/, edited by Charles Deane, Council to Sir Dudley Carleton of De- LL.D., Cambridge, 1867, pp. n et feq. cember 15th, 1621, in Domeftic Corre- 1*^^ Vide Ibid., pp. 12 etfeq. fpondence, James I.. Public Records ^^ F"/^/,? Letter of Oftober 27th, 1 621, Office. This was referred to Sir Fer- to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and others dinando Gorges, from the Privy Council, Domeftic Cor ^^^ prom the Parliament Journals: refpondence, James I., Public Records " Martis, 20° Novembris, 1621. Office. " Mr. r'liwi 126 Memoir of and influential men of Plymouth that they fliould not be interrupted in their fifliing in New England by Gorges, a promife " Mr. Glamyle moveth, to fpeed the Bill of Fifhing upon [the] Coafts of Atnerica; the rather becaufe Sir Fer. Gorges hath executed a Patent fithence the Recefs, — Hath by Letters from the Lords of the Council, ftayed the Ships ready to go forth. " Mr. Neale^ accordant ; — That Sir Ferd. hath befides threatened to fend out Ships, to beat them off from their free Fiihing; and reftraineth the Ships, ut/upra, — Moveth the Houfe to take Confideration hereof, "Sir W. Heale .- — ThTii this [is] true ; but my Lord Treafurer hath given Order that the Ships lliall go forth prefently, without Itay. " Sir Fdw. Coke : — That the Patent may be brought in. " Sir Tho. Wentivorth: — That the Party may be fent for. " OrderedThe Patent fhall be brought in to the Committee for Grievances, upon Friday next : and Siry,!?. Bowcer, and Sir Ferdinando his fon to be fent for, to be then there if he be in Town, Sir Fer. himfelf being Captain oi Potief- tnouth, &c." " i8° Decembris. " Mr. Glanvyle moveth concerning the Patent for Fifliing — That tlie fame Courfe may be taken, as for Lepton's Patent. . . . Rejolved accordingly by Mr. Treafurer, Sir Ferdinando Gorge and Sir Jo. Bowcer the Patentees for Fifhing in and about A^eui F tig latid to be warned to appear here the firft Day of the next Accefs, and to bring then their Patent or a Copy thereof. " 19" Idem. " Requeft of the Houfe of Commons, that Mr. Treafurer will influence the King to fufpend the Patent of Sir Ferd. Gorges, which reflrains fifhing on the Coafts of New England. " Mercurii, 17° Martii, 21° Jacobi. " Sir Edw. Coke reporteth from the Committee for Grievances — Have con- demned One, viz. Sir F. Gorge his Patent for a Plantation in A^ew England, — Their Counfel heard, the Exceptions being firft delivered them — Refolved by Confent — The Charter dated 3" Nov. 18° Jac. —That the Claufe in the Patent, that no Subje6l of England fhall vifit the Coaft upon Pain of Forfeiture of tlie Ship and Goods ; — The Patentees have yielded, the Englifh Fifhermen fliall vifit ; and will not interupt any Fiflierman to filh there ; For he no new Difcoverer ; Fifliermen of this and other Nations, having fiflied there before his Patent. Drying of Nets, Salting of their Fiih, &c. Incidents to their Fifliing ; Whereunto he alfo agreed, — After he was gone, after Debate, over-ruled, the Fifhermen might take Timber for Re- pair of their Ships : i. Qnere incident ; 2'y. Taken fo before his Patent; 3'>'. Fifliermen never take any Timber with them ; 4 . Bring in great Store of Money for their Fifh, — Refolved, Eftg- liJJi Fifhermen fhall have Fifhing, with all Incidents of drying Fifh, Nets, Timber &c. "a'y. That the Claufe of Forfeiture, being only by Patent, and not by Adlof Parliament, void. "■ Be/olved upon Queftion, That the Houfe thinketh fit, the Fifhermen of England fhall have fifliing there, with all the Incidents neceffary, of drying Nets, and faking, and packing. " Upon the fecond Queftion, in the Opinion of this Houfe, una voce., the Claufe of Confifcation void, and againft Law. " LTpon the third Queftion, in the Opinion of this Houfe, the F'iJJiermen of England may take neceffary Wood and Timber for their Ships and Boats Ufe of Fifliing: there." Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 127 promife which they foon had occafion to prefs upon his notice/^^ On December 21ft, 1621, Sir Ferdinando contra6led a fecond marriage with Mary, the widow of Thomas Achims, Efq., of Pelint, Cornwall, and daughter of Thomas Fulford, Efq., of Devonfhire.-^-" As New England was fo rapidly coming into notice, adventurers had no longer to be urged to undertake voyages thither. At lealt forty veffels went from England during the feafon of 1622 to fifli and trade upon the New England coaft. We have feen that Mafon had received a confiderable grant of land between the Naumkeag and Merrimac. Sir Ferdinando now entered into a joint partnerfhip with him, and on the loth of Auguft, 1622, procured from the Council a patent for territory lying between the Merrimac and Ken- nebec rivers, extending from the coaft inland fixty miles, with the iflands lying within five leagues of the premifes. This the patentees named the Province of Maine.^*^^ Robert Gorges, the younger fon of Sir Ferdinando, having in the meantime returned home from military fervice on the Continent, his father determined to fend him to New England, in order to regulate affairs there, which were in a diflurbed 166 Vide Letter of the Mayor of Ply- be interfered with in profecuting the mouth et ah. to the Lord Treafurer, bufinefs of fifliino^ there. February 12th, 1622, in Domeftic Cor- ^" She is erroneoufly called the refpondence, James L, Public Records daughter, inftead of reli6l, of Thomas Office. In this letter reference is made Achims, Efq., by Colonel Vivian, to threats of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to ^'^^ The grant may be found in full prevent them from fifliing on the Vir- in Captain John Mafon, edited by John ginia, that is, New England, coafts, and Ward Dean, A.M., publiflied by the requefting hisLordfliip'to fulfil a promife Prince Society, Bofton, 1887, pp. 177- he had made them, that they fhould not 189. 128 Memoir of difturbed condition owing to the lawlefs afts of fiiliermen and traders, who abufed the natives and thereby incited them to revenge. Preparatory to this, he procured from the Council, on November 3d, 1622, a patent of that portion of New England called MalTachufetts,^*^^ extending along the fea-coafl ten miles " in a ftraight line towards the north eafl," and inland thirty miles, with all the iflands which lay within three miles of the fhores, excepting fuch as had been previoufly granted. In addition to the grant of territory, Robert Gorges ^^^ was empowered to a6t as Governor and Lieutenant-General of the entire country, with a council compofed of Captain Francis Weft,^'^ who, in addition to his commiffion as Coun- cillor, 1"^ Thefe limits, of courfe, did not at all define any particular territory really called Maffachufetts ; that name being the title of a tribe of Indians and applied to that portion of the country inhabited by them, but quite indefinite. Cotton gives this definition of the word : " Maf- fachufetts, a hill in the form of an arrow's head." Roger Williams tells us that he " had learnt that the Maffachufetts was fo called from the Blue Hills, a little ifland thereabout (in Narraganfett Bay) ; and Cannonicus's father and anceftors living in thofe fouthern parts, transferred and brought their authority and name into thofe northern parts." Vide Hif- torical CoUe^ions, by Ebenezer Hazard, A.M., Philadelphia, 1792, Vol. I. pp. 152-155; Collenions of the Rhode IJland Hijlor teal Society, Vol. IV. p. 208; The Hijtory of the Colony of the Maffachu- fetts Bay, by Mr. Hutchinfon, London, 1760, Vol. I. p. 460. 1"° But for his brief American career, an epifode in his life which we have rea- fon to believe was diflafteful to him, and which was unattended with honora- ble achievement, Robert Gorges would have been wholly unknown. All we know of him previous to his coming to America is condenfed in the fingle ftate- ment of his father, that he had lately come out of the Venetian wars when he was fent here. When he left the fliores of America, which he held in light efteem, he paffed at once from view. Thus what he probably regarded as one of the leaft important events of his life, ferved to conneft his name infeparably with our early hiftory, and fo to pafs it down to pofterity. I'l The Wefts were at an early date warmly interefted in American coloniza- tion. Captain Francis Weff was a broth- er of John Weft, afterward Governor of Virginia, and alfo of Thomas Weft, Lord Delaware. In 1609 he accom- panied tlie expedition of Gates and Somers to Virginia, where for a time he a6led as prefident of the colony. He continued to refide at Jameflown until 1622, in which year he figned a petition Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 129 cillor, was created Admiral of New England, with Captain Thomas Squibb as affiflant ; Chriftopher Levett;^'^ the Governor of New Plymouth, and fuch other perfons as the Governor-General might think proper to nominate. Nor was the Church forgotten, and the Rev. William Morrell ^'^ was as one of " ye ancient planters " of the colony. Returning to England, he was fele6led by Gorges to accompany his fon and to affume an important pofition in the Government. The undertaking of Gorges proving a failure, Captain Weft returned to Virginia, and upon the death of Sir George Yeardley, then Governor, he was given the vacant governorfhip. He was living at Jamef- town in 1631. ^"'■^ A brief account of Chriftopher Levelt may be found in the Trelaivny Papers^ publifhed by the Maine Hiftor- ical Society in 1884, p. 102. ^''3 The Rev. William Morrell does not feem to have exercifed his calling in a fingle inftance while in New Eng- land, but employed his leifure in com- pofing a Latin poem, which fhows the author to have been an accomplifhed claffical fcholar. A copy of this work is in the Britifh Mufeum, and is entitled as follows : — "New England or A Briefe Exnarration of the Ayre, Earth, Water, P'ish, AND FowLES of that Country, with A Description of The Natures, Orders, Habits and Religion of the Natives, In Latine and Englijh Verfe by William Morrell, Late Preacher with the Right Wor : Cap : Rob : Gorge late Gcroernour of New England. fat brevi fi fat bene London Imprinted BY J. D. 1625." The reader may obtain an idea of this curious and interefting produftion from the following extrafl defcriptive of the Indian : — " Whofe hayre is cut with greeces,^ yet a locke Is left; the left fide bound up in a knott: Their males fmall labour but great pleaf- ure know, Who nimbly and expertly draw the bow ; Train'd up to fuffer cruell heat and cold. Or what attempt fo ere may make them bold; Of body ftraight, tall, flrong, mantled in (kin Of deare or bever, with the hayre-fide in ; An other fkin their right armes doth keepe warme, To keepe them fit for ufe and free from harme ; A girdle fet with formes of birds or beafts, Begirts their wafte, which gentle give them eafe. Each one doth modeflly bind up his fhame. And deare-fkin ftart-ups ^ reach up to the fame ; A kind of pinfer ^ keeps their feet from cold. Which after travels they put off, upfold, Themfelves they warme, their ungirt limbes they reft In ftraw, and houfes like to fties." ' Grees are flairs ; that is, their hair was cut in fuccefiive rows. ^ Long-legged boots were called Jlart-ups. In this cafe leggings are fignified. ' Various kinds of coverings for the feet were ftyled pinfors. VOL. I. 17 Z^5X- Ifes- irz3razz- ^5^s ^ _ ±'r^ ._ :^r si^U^f^Z r^ TT- 7PC:SL TL Sir F. 131 ID »^::s »a^ _ ■» * • « wcic wO - . , ^ir 1" 1 W w?^ - - - lii. ii«^% J®^ 45- JO 132 Memoir of difturbed by the King s proclamation and the new govern- ment which Gorges had let up under his fon in New England, complained loudly of the monopoly which he was attempt- ing to exercife ; and their complaints were echoed and re- echoed by the friends of the London Company and every incipient reformer about the doors of the Commons, fo that the New England patent was again declared to be a public grievance. This again put a check upon his proceedings. Many who had put their money or were about to put it into the good work withdrew, and fold or gave up their fliares. His fon Robert, who does not appear to have conceived an ardent affection for New England, hearing of this difcour- aging fituation of affairs, and meeting with unpleafant oppo- fition to his government, abandoned his pofl and returned home ; while Weft turned his attention to Virginia, where he fubfequently became Governor. Still, in fpite of thefe difcouragements, feveral enter- prifes had already begun to take root in the rugged foil of New England. The Pilgrims were firmly planted at New Plymouth, and Richard Vines ^'^ was feated at the mouth of the Saco ; David Thompfon was apparently well fettled at the 1"'^ Richard Vines was a trufled friend Puritan rule, which was finally extended of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and vifi ted over the Province of Maine; hence, in New England as early as 1609. In 1645, h^ removed to Barbadoes, where 1616 he pafled the winter with the In- he was engaged in the practice of med- dians at the mouth of the Saco, and icine until his death in 1651. Vide A thus became acquainted with that local- Br-iefe A'arration, pojiea; ColleHiofis ity, where he fubfequently fettled and of the Majfachufetts Hijlorical Society, became the founder of Biddeford. This Fourth Series, Vol. VII. pp. 337 etfeq. ; name he doubtlefs beflowed upon his George Cieeve and his Ti7;!es,hy]z.mes little fettlement in honor of Bideford in Phinney Baxter, A.M., publifhed by the England, in which locality the Vines Gorges Society, Portland, 1884, pp. 30 family refided. Richard Vines was a etfeq, ; fohn Wheelwright, by Charles man of high charafter, but, being an H. Bell, A.M., publiflied by the Prince Epifcopalian, was antagoniftic to the Society, Bofton, 1876, p. 126. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 133 the mouth of the Pifcataqua, and Edward and William Hilton ^'^ with a fmall colony were laying the foundations of Dover, while at feveral other points on the coafl ftragglers had erected their rude habitations. In England there was a feeling of uneafinefs refpedling another Spanifli war. James, as before ftated, had fet his heart upon a union between his fon Charles and the daugh- ter of Philip III. ; and Charles, accompanied by the diffolute Buckingham, had feen and wooed the princefs Maria, but, returning through France incognito, had flopped in Paris, and at a ball there had feen the French princefs Henrietta. Buckingham had by his infolence and diffolute carriage made himfelf obnoxious at the Spanifli Court, and, becoming aware of his unpopularity, determined to prevent the pro- jected marriage, if poffible ; hence he fucceeded in creating in the mind of Charles a difl:afl:e to it ; and although affairs had proceeded so far that preparations for the wedding were nearly completed, they were, at the laft moment, fuddenly terminated "8 Edward and William Hilton, 1671. William was in the country as brothers and fifhmongers of London, early as 162 1, in which year he is men- came to New England under the patron- tioned as being at Plymouth ; but joined age of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his his brother in"i 623 at Northam. From affociate, John Mafon, and were pio- here he removed to Newbury and fub- neers in the fettlement of Northam, then fequently to Charleftown, where he died called by the Indians Winachahanat, and in 1675. Vide Hijlorical ColleBions oj now Dover. The Hiltons were enter- New HampJJiire., Vol. I. p. 241 ; Ibid., prifing men, Edward efpecially being Vol. II. p. 54; The Hi/lory of New fpoken of as a gentleman of good judg- Hainpjliire, by Jeremy Belknap, A.M., ment. He was a perfonal friend and Philadelphia, 17S4, Vol. I. pp. 8 e Liwd of Warwi^-k s and ieis his GrAce"*, and is r^Nt ro be :— ^-^f.-^." He ?.":> 'aT."\re tc* Secretin ■.els vbo. ixavin^ married a Dieppe, became at refider.t of that tow-n and s?T>c^Ted in bufinefs there. D^vid - r. at D»q)pe in 150CV and upon c manhood became a w-ne-mer- butireis ■- ■ ■■ ■■-,• ^As ex- er.caiiev _, ir^ of bein*: a Prot^tant. he wv.s , :o f5ee to England, "F:-•,^^— -; , .. .n colonial ichemes, ■ ^ ti^ the Roman Catholic <. rYArce which made him an exiie n-oni his na- tive famd. be undertook in 10^7 an ex- pedition a^ainti the French colonial fettleroents in Xova Scotia and Canada. He was fumiihed with three venels by his fjither. who was a man of wealth, and was accompk.-. - - ers.who, like hir- . .^e their WTonp: - .:;..:. i\:>,es iirfl attack v ~ "."adouiac, which he buTTr- ^ . > ^ .-. the cattle in the paiVnre< ut off the funen.^nce rf the .- .-. He then lent a vrDons to Champlain to furrer.der Quel-ec. ^--»^ ASHTON PHILLIPS. The home of Sir Ferdinando Gorges at the time of his death. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 1 5 i refpe6ling the importance of England's American poffef- fions, organized an expedition againft Canada, which proved fuccefsful; and having conquered the French, he returned in triumph, bearing their governor, the Sieur de Cham- plain,^^* a prifoner of war to England, where, upon his ar- rival, November 6th, 1629, he learned to his chagrin that the war with France and Spain had already ended. The clofe of the war, in which he had been fo a61ively engaged. Sir Ferdinando celebrated by a fourth marriage ; and this time with another coufm, who bore the fame maiden name as his preceding wife, namely, Elizabeth Gorges, daughter of Sir Thomas Gorges and widow of Sir Hugh Smyth of Afhton Court. The marriage took place at Wraxall, the ancient feat of the Gorges family, on Sep- tember 28th, 1629, and Sir Ferdinando went to refide at Afliton Phillips,^^^ which belonged to his wife. But he was not Quebec. Suddenly news reached him of at Cromwell's court, he fucceeded in the appearance of a French fleet, com- obtaining through the Proteftor's fon- manded by De Roquemont. with a con- in-law, to whom he made large gifts of voy of tranfports laden with munitions money, a refi:oration of a portion of his of war and provifions for the French American eftates. Sir David Kirke re- colonifts. This fleet he boldly attacked, turned to Newfoundland in 1653. after and fucceeded, after a defperate bat- a fhort abfence in England, and refumed tie, in capturing. With his prizes he his refidence at Ferryland, where he failed in triumph for England, where he died in the winter of 1655. arrived in fafety- Fired by his fuccefs, ^^^ Vide Voyages of Samuel de Cham- he again failed for America in the fpring plain, by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, of 1629, and fucceeded in reducing Nova A.M., Bofton, 1880, Vol. I. pp. 161, 173. Scotia and capturing Quebec. He was ^^^ The manor of Afhton is in the knighted by the King in 1633, and given parifh of Long Afhton, in the county of with others a Charter of Newfoundland, Somerfet. near the city of Briftol. The where he took up his refidence as gov- hiftory of the old manor dates back to ernor, an office which he retained for the year 1230, when it was in the pof- twenty years. With the advent of Crom- feffion of Sir John de Afton, a knight well began a feries of troubles which of wide celebrity during the reign of refulted in the lofs to him of his New- Henry III. The old manor of Afhton foundland polTeffions ; but by fkilful per- Phillips, or Lower Court as it is now fonal eflfort and a liberal ufe of money called, was founded by a grandfon of Sir 1=^2 Memoir of not difpofed to lead a life of inactivity, and no fooner had hoflilities actually ceafed than he and Mafon again took their colonial enterpriles in hand. Their firft act was to divide their Province of Maine ; and on November 7th Mafon re- ceived a grant of that portion lying between the Merrimac and Pifcataqua rivers,^^ w^hich he named New Hampfhire ; and as foon as Kirke arrived with the news of his conquefl of Canada, they loft no time in applpng to the King for a charter of a confiderable portion of the captured territory, which they named Laconia,^^ This included the lands bordering upon the lake and river of the Iroquois,^ extend- ing therefrom towards the fouth and eafl ten miles, towards the w^eft half-way to the next great lake, and towards the north to the northerly fhore of the St Lawrence. -pj^g Sir John de Afton, fome time previous to 1265. This we know from a contro- verfy which took place between the owner and the Rector of Afhton, on account of a charity which Sir John had eftablifhed in the chapel attached to his manor-houfe, "without due licenfe." The manor continued in the poffefTion of the Aftons until 1384. when it palled to others; but in 1503 the various parts became united by purchafe in Richard A. Merrych. and it was inherited by his only daughter Jane, who in 1494 married' John Brooks, a ferjeant-at-Iaw. John Brooks died in 1524. leaving his widow Jane Merrych and two fons, the elder of whom inherited the property, which in turn pafled to his fon Hugh, who died in 1586, and was buried in the old church at Afhton. in a tomb which is efpecially noticeable on account of the abfence of an infcription. As Hugh Brooks had four daughters, the eftate was again divided and palled to other names ; but in time the portions were again united, this time in the Smyth family, in whofe poffeflion it remains to-day. There is no tomb to mark the reflnng-place of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, whofe death took place during the troubled period of the Civil War : but it is fuppofed that his remains repofe near thofe of his wife, whofe burial-place is marked by a monumental ftructure. '^^ Vide Charter of New Hampjkire in Captain John Mafon, t^ittd by John Ward Dean, A.M., Prince Society, Bofton, 1887, pp. 183-189. ^1 Vide Ibid., pp. 1S9-197. It was fo named on account of its numerous lakes. ^"•^ Lake Champlain was called fre- quently the Lake of the Iroquois by the Englifh. who did not wifh to recog- nize it by the name of its French ex- plorer. The River of the Iroquois, which conveys the waters of Lake Champlain to the St. Lawrence, was afterwards named the Richelieu, from a fort erected near its mouth in 1641. It was fubfequently called the Sorel and the Chambly. from French officers who erected forts at diflEerent periods to protect it againft hoftile intruJion. Sir Ferdimindo Gorges. i DO The ob-ect of Gorores and Maion was to eilabliili a iac- tor\- at the mouth of the Pilcataqua, and to ufe that river in ignorance of its limited extent, as a highway for the tranfportation of goods into the Indian countr}- about the ofreat lakes. Fabulous ftories had reached Endand of the vaft wealth of this region in furs, and the profpect of a lucrative trade with the inhabitants of the lake countn- was attracfrive. The new Ph-mouth coloniife, who during the war had enjoyed a lucrative trade with the Indians along the coaft of Maine, alio haitened to lecure from the Council a patent on the river Kennebeck, which was granted them on the 13th of Januan,-; and on the 12th of February, Richard A'ines and John Oldham procured a patent of eight miles of territory on the foutherly bank of the Saco, four miles in width, beo^inninsT at the fea, and Thomas Lewis and Richard Bonv- then a fimilar grant on the northerly bank of the fame river. Thus Gorges fiiddenly found his colonial interefts ac- quiring remarkable acm-ity. Preparations were fpeedily made by Gorges and Malbn to a^-ail themfelves of the ad\-antages offered by their new acquilitions : and Captain Walter Xeale, who had been engaged in the late wars, was felec^ted as Governor of Laconia, Early in April, 1650, Gorges had the fatisfa6tion of feeing the barque Warwick fail from PhTnouth harbor, with Neale and his company on board. The colonills reached their defHnation in June, and eftabliflied themfelves on the wefl bank of the Pifcataqua, within the limits of the prefent town of Rye, in the flate of New Hampihire. The Governors houfe was of flone, and voui.— 20 iituated 154 Me^noir of fituated on a peninfula now known as Odiorne's Point. It had been built and occupied by David Thompfon, and was the houfe where that early colonift entertained Robert Gor- ges and Chriftopher Levett in 1623, when they met to organize the firft government of New England, and which probably ferved as the model of Levett s ftone houfe, which he fliortly after built at Cafco Bay. Applications to Gorges for grants now became numerous, and patents were ilTued to applicants without fufficient re- gard to definite bounds, which confequently led to litigation. One fuch grant was iffued by the Earl of Warwick as Prefident of the Council for New England, and by Sir Fer- dinando Gorges as territorial proprietor, to a company of religious adventurers,^*^^ of a tra6l of land forty miles fquare, extending 203 This fe6l has been denominated " Familifts," on account of one of its leading tenets of love toward all men, and its founder has been much mif- underftood. His name was David Joris, or, anglicized, Georo;e, and he was born at Delft in 1501. He was by trade a painter on glafs, and at an early age joined the Reformers. Being cruelly fcourged. imprifoned, and tortured by having his tongue bored for obftru6l- ing, it was alleged, one of the difgufting ftreet pageants at that time indulged in by the Roman Church, he found fhel- ter, upon regaining his liberty, with the perfecuted Anabaptifts. Being un- willing to join in their violent oppofition againft their cruel tormentors, he re- fufed to be rebaptized, but lived for a num!)er of years under his old Roman baptifm. When thirty-three years of age, however, he received the Protef- tant baptifm, but could find no accept- able home among the jarring fe6ls. His efforts to unite fome of thefe warring bodies into a fociety governed by love to all its members and to the world at large having become fuccefsful, he be- came an influential leader of the body, and devoted much time lYi vifiting the bedfides of the fick and dying, and com- forting them in their laft hours. That terrible engine of Roman cruelty, the Inquifition, was bufy; and when thirty- feven years of age, he was forced to witnefs in his native town of Delft the public execution by decapitation of his venerable mother: a fight horrible enough to turn the brain of almofl any fon. In danger of his own life, he fled from his native land and fought pro- teftion in Germany, where he publiflied a Book of Wonders : a work full of the fanciful opinions then current among theological fpeculators, but no more fanciful than thofe to be found in the writings of fuch men in all the then exiifing fe6fs. Purfued by the emif- faries of Rome, he wandered from country to country, and finally, under an Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 155 extending eafterly from Cape Porpoife. To this territory Sir Ferdinando gave the name of Lygonia, in honor of his mother. Other grants followed, which may be enumerated, in order to fliow the interefl in colonization which at this time began to flourifh. Thus, grants were made to John Beauchamp of London and Thomas Leverett of Bofton, England, of territory equivalent to thirty miles fquare be- tween the rivers Penobfcot and Mufcongus, beginning at the fea; to Thomas Cammock of fifteen hundred acres upon the eafl fide of the river of Black Point ; to Richard Bradfliaw of the fame number of acres above the head of the Pjepfcot river; to John Stratton, of two thoufand acres at Cape Porpoife ; to Walter Bagnall, an ifland known as Richmond's Ifland, off the fliores of Cape Elizabeth, with fifteen hundred acres of the mainland adjacent ; to Robert Trelawny an affumed name, found a home in Bale, body his views of Joris in a hiftory. where he paffed the clofmg years of his Thofe who adopted the faith taught by hfe a benevolent and honored citizen of Joris were the poor and uneducated, his adopted town and a member in good and they naturally decked his tenets ftandin^ of the Reformed Church. Un- in fantaftical garb ; but, after all, pat- favorable opinions of the man and the terned after that prevalent in the eccle- feft founded by him have been diffufed fiartical world. It was a colony of thefe by prejudiced writers. As though a poor followers of the perfecuted and life of perfecution were not enough, delpifed Joris who attempted to found a after his death his fon-in-law, Nicholas colony at the mouth of the Sagadahoc, Blefdyck, who had oppofed Joris during but who, to ufe the graphic words of his hfe and was embittered by being Winthrop, foon " vaniflied away." lide excluded from participation in the little Hijloria Davidis Georgit, by Nicholas property which his father-in-law left ^Qidyck; Kirchenoefchuhte/ett der Re- behind. himfelf aiTumed the role of per- formatiott, by Schroeckh,Vol.V. p.442 ; fecutor, and brought grievous charges Kirchen- mid Ketzerhijlorie, by God- in the Courts Ecclefiaftical againft the frey Arnold, Vol. I. p. 75° 5 Ibid.,\o\. mild Reformer; and although thefe \\.^. si>\; Story of the Rife, Reign a7id charcres were met and anfwered by the Ruin of the Familifis attd Libertines family of Joris, Blefdyck fucceeded in that itifefled the Churches of New Eng- procuringhiscondemnation/^y?^.^zV?/w, laftd, London, 1692: The Hiftory of and his body was exhumed and publicly New England, by John Winthrop, liiq., burned by the hangman. Not fatisfied Bofton, 1853, Vol. I. p. 69. with this, Blefdyck proceeded to em- 156 Memoir of Trelawny and Mofes Goodyear, merchants of Plymouth, a tracft of land between the grant to Cammock and Cafco Bay, extending inland the fame diftance as Cammock's grant ex- tended ; to Ferdinando Gorges, Jr., the grandfon of Sir Ferdinando, and others, twelve thoufand acres on each fide of the Agamenticus river, together with one hundred acres adjoining for every colonift tranfported thither ; to Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge, merchants of Briflol, a like quantity of twelve thoufand acres between the Mufcongus and Damarifcotta rivers, with one hundred acres additional for each colonift. All thefe grants followed each other in rapid fucceflion. Of the grant to Ferdinando Gorges, Jr., his grandfather gives us fome particulars. The patent upon the eaft fide of the Agamenticus was granted to Lieutenant-Colonel Norton, Ferdinando Gorges, Jr., and others, while that on the weft fide was granted to Ferdinando, Jr., alone. Sir Ferdinando tells us that Norton and his affociates "haftened to take pof- feffion of their territories, carrying with them their families and other neceffary provifions ; and I fent over for my fon, my nephew, Captain William Gorges, who had been my lieu- tenant in the fort of Plymouth, with fome other craftfmen for the building of houfes and eredling of faw-mills ; and by other fliipping from Briftol, fome cattle, with other fervants, by which the foundation of the Plantation was laid. And I was the more hopeful of the happy fuccefs thereof, for that I had not far from that place Richard Vines, a gentleman and fervant of my own, who was fettled there fome years before." 20^ 204 Yiijg ji Brief e Narration, by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, et pojlea. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 157 Proje(5ts for colonization and difcovery were now again a6live, and even the old belief in a northweft palTage to India was revived, and two expeditions were fent into Hud- fon's Bay, one by the Kings commiffion and another by Briftol merchants.^^^ But while thefe proje(5ts were in full acftivity, Charles, to favor his French brother-in-law, was negotiating a treaty by which all the places pofTefTed by the Englifli in New France, the limits of which were altogether elaftic, were to be aban- doned to the French ; and this treaty was finally figned by the two monarchs, becoming the caufe of much trouble to the Englifli, whofe ambaffadors had been outwitted by the aflute Richelieu. 2°*^ But not only were the French threatening the poffeffions of Sir Ferdinando : the Dutch were alfo crowding upon him, and we find both him and Mafon laboring^ with the Govern- ment againft thefe fturdy rivals. A veflel from the Dutch fettlement on the Hudfon, which was within the limits of the Councils patent, had early in the fpring been obliged by flrefs of weather to take flielter in Plymouth harbor. Find- ing where flie came from, the patentees caufed her to be detained, and reprefentations were made to the Privy Coun- cil with a view to caufing her confifcation. At the fame time 205 Vide The North IVeJl Fox, by 82,700 livres for property found in Captain Luke Fox; The Da?igerotts Quebec, and alfo the value of the F^jrt;^^, etc., by Captain Thomas James, cargoes of feveral French fliips taken London, 1633. by the Englifh, and 60,600 livres for ^°'' By this treaty King Charles agreed five French fhips and their cargoes to reftore to France all the places pof- taken by the Englifh. A Treaty of fefled by the Englifh in New France, Commerce was alfo made the fame day. Acadia, and Canada, particularly Port- Vuie Rymer''s Fosdera, Vol. XIX. Royal (now Annapolis), Quebec, and p. 361. Cape Breton, and to pay to France 158 Memoir of time government aid was fought to protect the patentees againft further encroachments of the Dutch, and to bring about the breaking up of their plantation. Sir Ferdinando had gone to Briftol with Lord Pawlet and other friends to attend a race, but was thrown from his horfe and feverely injured, fo that he was unable, when the matter came up, to join Mafon before the lords to procure the confifcation of the Dutch fliip, and to fecond him in his efforts againft the interlopers ; being, as he fays in a letter to Mafon of April 6th, as though it were a matter of fmall confequence, unable to move without the help of his fervants. Yet at this time he muft have been fixty-five years of age. We may prop- erly infer from this that he was a man of great phyfical vigor, and not of a corpulent habit, llieir efforts, how- ever, were unavailing ; and the fliip, after feveral months' detention, was finally releafed.^^^ In the meantime the Malfachufetts and Plymouth col- onifls were thriving, and their plantations growing apace. Naturally they were not favorable to lordfhips, of which they had had fufficient experience in England, and were jealous of Gorges, while he was diftruffful of them. The colonifts, careful to preferve the public peace, had puniflied and excluded from their plantation three malcontents, Sir Chriftopher Gardiner,^"^ Thomas Morton,^"^ and Dixie Bull,^" the latter having efcaped the halter for piracy by flight; SOT F/rt',? Colonial Papers, Charles I., 209 yi^^ The New EnoltJJi Canaan, Vol. VI. No. 44 ; Ibid., No. 52, Public edited by Charles Francis Adams, Jr. Records Office, et pojlea. Prince Society Ed.. Boflon. 1883. 208 Yide Sir Chri/lopher Gardiner ^ ^lo Vide The Trelawnv Papers, tA\ted. /Tw/j^,^/, by Charles Francis Adams, Jr., by James Phinney Baxter, AM., Port- Cambridge, 1883. land, 1884, p. 23. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 159 flight ; and thefe, on their return to England, at once haf- tened to lay their grievances before Gorges, and it would feem fucceeded in gaining his attention. The refult was that a petition to the Privy Council was made on the 19th of December, to enquire into the methods by which the Colony of MafTachufetts Bay had obtained its charter, as well as into the abufes which it had pra6lifed under it. The aflidavits of Morton, Gardiner, and RatclifT, the laft of whom feems to have taken the place of Bull, ferved as a foundation for the attack upon the MafTachufetts Colony, which was chara(fterized as rebellious and feditious ; and as no fliaft at this time could be confidered effe6lual without being anointed with religious virus, the colony was de- clared by thefe thoroughly irreligious afiiants to be dan- gerous to the Church and the State.^^^ There can be no doubt that Sir Ferdinando Gorges identified himfelf with this attack, though he does not appear to have been a6live in it He was a man of found judgment, having a prad:ical knowledge of civil affairs, and at this period had reached an age when experience teaches caution. He refpe6led the judgments of his contemporaries, who fhowed themfelves not unworthy ; hence we find him always fpeaking in tones of refpect of the MafTachufetts rulers, whom he knew to be men of ftrong characters, who might be ufeful friends or dangerous opponents. Many turbulent fpirits had crowded into the infant fettlements, and their violent words and impru- dent a6ls furniflied malcontents, like Morton and Gardiner, with 211 Vide Colonial Papers, Charles I., Englatid, edited by Charles Deane, Vol. VI. Nos. 68, 69, Public Records LL.D., Cambridge, 1867, p. 65. Office; Records of the Council for Neiv i6o Memoir of with efficient weapons of attack upon the whole colony. Gorges himfelf was accufed, by thofe who pofed for zealous churchmen, of "being the fupporter and author of all that was diflafteful in the colony," and hence was obliged, in order to difarm his critics, to fet himfelf againft thofe ac- cufed of turbulence in the colony ; but he fays, when fpeak- ing of the lawleffnefs of fome of the colonifts, that " doubtlefs had not the patience and wifdom of Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Humphreys, Mr. Dudley, and others their affiftants, been the greater, much mifchief would fuddenly have overwhelmed them." The fupport which Sir Ferdinando gave to their enemies was of courfe diftafteful to the Maffachufetts rulers, and alfo to thofe of Plymouth, whofe interefts were fnnilar. Sherley had written to Bradford from Briftol in 1629, that he was " perfuaded Sir Ferdinando (how loving and friendly foever he feems to be) knows he can, nay purpofeth to over- throw, at his pleafure, all the patents he grants." ^^^ They had naturally diftrufted him ; and his unwife a6lion in fuftain- ing fuch men as Morton and Gardiner aroufed in the Maf- fachufetts Colony a fpirit of antagonifm againfl him which could never be laid. They faw in the courfe which he had adopted evidence of an ambition to become the arbiter of New England's deftiny, and from that moment they were ever on the alert to baffle him. The Earl of Warwick proved friendly to the colony, and with *^^ James Sherley was a merchant of notably by a recent writer, who calls London, and one of the Englifli partners him "a canting (harper," and "Old of the Pilgrims. His letters to Bradford Man of the Sea." Vide CoUe[lio7is indicate a fpirit of piety and gener- of the Maffach-iifetts Ht/lorical Society, ofity rarely to be found among mer- P^irfi: Series, Vol. III. p. 71 ; The Pil- cantile men ftriving for gain, and his grim Republic, by John A. Goodwin, fincerity has been brought into queftion ; Bofton, 1888, p. 256. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. i6i with his aid and that of other friends, the proceedings againft it came to naught. Warwick and Gorges had hith- erto been warm friends ; but a coolnefs feems to have fprung up between them about this time, the refult perhaps of the former's efpoufal of the caufe of the colony, which fubfequently gave place to hoftility. So important was their deliverance from a fatal peril con- fidered by the colonifts, that a day of thankfgiving therefor was fet apart by them, and their chief magiftrate requefted the Governor of the Plymouth Colony to have his people join them in its obfervance.^^^ But a new danger threatened the colonifts. William Laud, a man acknowledged on all hands to have been an over-zealous and intolerant man, became Primate of Eng- land. If Sir Ferdinando Gorges had not thus far appeared refponfible for Morton's a6ts, we fhall now find him becom- ing fo, and fully identifying himfelf with a plan to bring the New England colonifts under the rigid rule of king and bifliop. Emigration, owing to the wretched condition of civil affairs in England, and efpecially to the fpirit of per- fecution which the advent of Laud had revived, had re- ceived a new impetus, and with the opening of 1634 great numbers of people of all forts and conditions began to pour into New England. It is not, however, for a moment to be fuppofed that thefe people 213 Under date of June 19th, 1633, of Xew Efigland, by John Winthrop, Winthrop records: " A day of thankf- Efq., Bofton, 1853, Vol. I. p. 124; A giving was kept in all tlie congregations, CJiroitoIogical Hijlory ofA^ew Etigland, for our fafe delivery from the plots of by Thomas Prince, M. A., Bofton, 1826, our enemies, and for the fafe arrival of p. 432. our friends," etc. Vide The Hijlory VOL. 1. — 21 l62 M. e^notr of people were of the bafer fort. Quite the contrary. A large portion confifted of the befl of England's population ; men of fturdy principle and diipofed to be loyal to their govern- ment, but at the fame time men who preferred to facrifice their phyfical comfort rather than their fpiritual freedom.-^* They had feen the manner in which Laud had confifcated the funds colle6led for the purchafc of impropriations and the arbitrary banifhment of the feoffees,"^^ as well as other like arbitrary a(5ts, and they were anxious to efcape from a tyranny growing daily more oppreffive. A number of vefTels had taken in their paffengers, and were ready to fail from the Thames, when a proclamation was iffued forbidding any man to leave the kingdom who had not a certificate from his min- ifter of his conformity to the orders and difciplinc of the Church of England ;^^*^ and Cradock, who was the London reprefentative 2" On May 8th, John Ker wrote to Thomas Levirton, vvifhing to learn of the fuccefs of the plantations in New England, as there were many at Prefton Pans, where the writer refided, who were drawn to cart in their lot with the New England colonills, " not minif- ters," the writer fays, which gives us a hint of his own profeffion, " but young men of rare gifts, who cannot get any lawful entry, as alfo profefTors of good means, who labour to keep themfeives pure and undefiled." Vide Domeflic Correfpondence, Charles I., Vol. VIII., Public Records Office. 215 "Towards the clofe of the year 1632, Laud accompli (Tied a purpofe, which he had long conceived, for the more effe<5fual fuppreffion of the lec- turers. In 1624 a plan had been fet on foot for the purchafe of fuch lay im- propriations as might offer themfeives, and applying the revenues to the fup- port of minifters indeflitute parts of the country. The fcheme proved eminently fuccefsful. The wealthy among the Puritans efpoufed it eagerly ; large funds were colleded ; and the purchafed impropriations were vefted in feoffees. On the plea that thefe appointments amounted to an evafion of the Royal Prerogative, Laud cnufed an a6lion to be brought againft the feoffees in the Exchequer, and the refult was that the funds were confifcated, and the feof- fees were fentenced to banithment." Vide Davids' Annals of Evangelical A'^onconforntify, p. 173. '•'^'" '• King Charles iflued a procla- mation importing that, being informed that numbers of his fubjefls are every year tranfporting themfeives and fami- lies with their elfates to the Englifh plantations in America, amongft whom there are many idle and refraflory humours, whofe only or principal end is Sir Ferdiiiando Gorges, 163 reprefentative of the Maffachufetts Company, was ordered to produce its charter, which he could not do, it being in the pofleffion of Governor Winthrop, thanks to that flatefman's wife forefight. This was a furprife to Laud and his co- adjutors, as they had fuppofed that the charter was flill in London ; and being unable to lay their hands upon that important document, which was the main obje6l in view, they finally allowed the veffels to depart upon compliance with certain conditions. Sir Ferdinando and his friend Mafon were deeply inter- efted in thefe doings. The territory which had been con- veyed by the Council for New England to Mafon, and by him called Mariana, in 1621, and that conveyed by it to Sir Ferdinando's fon, Robert Gorges, in 1622, had been included in a fubfequent conveyance of the Council in 1627 to the Maffachufetts Company, who had taken the precau- tion to flrengthen its title by procuring from the King, in the year following, a royal charter of the territory. This led to a conflid of titles, in which the Maffachufetts Com- pany Urongly afferted its rights, and it became greatly for the interefls both of Gorges and Mafon to have the Maffa- chufetts Charter annulled. To is to live as much as they can without formity to the orders and difcipline of the reach of authority; the King thereby the Church of England. This was commands all officers of the feveral levelled againfl: the Puritans, thefe go- ports that they do not hereafter permit ing in great numbers to New England any perfons being fulMidy-men, i.e. to avoid perfecution at home; and a payers of the ufual 'fubfidies, to embark better fample needs not to be defired of themfelves thither, without a licenfe the wifdom of this king and his minif- from the commiffioners for plantations; ters." Vide Rvmer's FaderaMoX. XX. nor none under the value of fubfidy- p. 143; ^Ifo Letter of Henry Dade to men, without a certificate of his having the Archbifhop of Canterbury, dated taken the oaths of fupremacy and alle- February 4th, 1634, Council Regifter, giance, andlikewife from the'minifter of Colonial Papers, Charles I., Public the parifh, of his converfation and con- Records Office. 164 Memoir of To achieve this plan, it was firft neceffary to bring the colonies under the control of a commiffion, with extraordi- nary powers to e£fe6t its purpofes ; and this was done, on the 28th of April, when we find Laud and other officers of State commiffioned " for making laws and orders for government of Englifh colonies planted in foreign parts, with power to impofe penalties and imprifonment for offences in ecclefiafli- cal matters ; to remove governors, and require an account of their government ; to appoint judges and magiftrates, and eflablifh courts ; to hear and determine all manner of com- plaints from the colonies; to have power over all charters and patents; and to revoke thofe furreptitioufly obtained. "^^^ This was aimed dire6lly at the Maffachufetts Company, and was preliminary to a difTolution of the Council for New Eng- land, and a concentration of power in the hands of Sir Fer- dinando. It was followed in a few days by a letter from Sir Ferdinando himfelf to the King, which fliows his connedlion with the plan. In this letter he fuggefted that inafmuch as the King had taken into his own hands tlie management of the colonies. New England fliould be divided into feveral provinces, with a governor and affiftants to each, and that over thefe fhould be fet a " Lord Governor or Lord Lieu- tenant, for the fettling of a public ftate," who was to be affifled by other proper officers.^^^ In other words, there was to be placed over New England a viceregal government, wielding not only royal but ecclefiaftical powers. On 2" f^z^i? Commiffion to William Laud, ^is yidg Letter of Sir Ferdinando Archbifhop of Canterbury (?/ fl/i-., dated Gorges to the King, dated May 12th, at Weftminfter, April 28th, 1634, Colo- 1634, Colonial Papers, Charles I., Vol. nial Papers, Charles L, Vol. VIIL No. VIII. No. 14, Public Records Office, 12, Public Records Office. et fiojlea. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 165 On June 6th, Gorges again wrote, this time to Secretary Windebank, hoping that he had " ah'eady fufficiently en- larged upon the neceffity of fome fpeedy courfe for fetthng the affairs of New England." He told the Secretary that he had conferred with Lord Lindfay, Lord Edward Gorges, and others, with reference to becoming " a6tors " in the government which he had propofed for New England ; but thought that he had faid enough to manifeft his zeal in the fervice, and would leave what more he had to fay for a fairer opportunity. ^^^ Gorges was now a6lively at work perfedling his plan for the government of New England, and we find him pre- paring " Confiderations necelTary to be refolved upon in fettling the Governor for New England," which were fub- mitted to Laud and his alTociates. One of thefe confidera- tions was, whether perfons going to New England fliould not " be bound to be conformable to the rights and cere- monies of the Church." He alfo fuggefled that the Ply- mouth Colony being neighbors to the Dutch and difaffefted both to the King's government and to the State Ecclefi- aftical, made it unfafe to grant them more extent or author- ity, and he afked " whether it be not more than time thefe people fhould be looked unto."^^'' So potent was the influence of Sir Ferdinando with the King and Archbifhop, that a letter was at once drawn to be figned by the King, giving all of his confiderations the force and 219 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando 220 y{(jg Confiderations necefiary to Gorges to Secretary Windebank, dated be refolved upon, etc , without date, but Aftiton, June 6th, 1 634, Colonial Papers, in the latter part of 1634, in Colonial Charles I., Vol. VIII. No. 17, Public Papers, Charles I., Vol. VIII. No. 34, Records Office, et po/lea. Public Records Office, et pojlea. i66 Memoir of and {an^iM: of law. He had beexi carefully founding his ; "" ■.,--."•■■■ ' ■ jre llatus of their char- :. .. . ,..•.. ^.., ....:. ...c commiiiionerss aiding lor a J , ■. of the charter of the Council for New England, with alterations and additions of pri\"ileges, and that the books and ieals of the Council ihould be placed in the cur:: :' ■ - ~:\-- "-::':' be app: ~*-::" the Go\^mor of Xew £._:.- ::ch he :_ : expec"ted to be beiiowed upon himleH,^ We cannot believe that he had not alreadv perfected his plan for a divifion of the Council s " - nded by this requefl to perpetuate the . > ......... ...L ; but that he was endeavoring to get con- ^ of larger privil^e? agreed upon in adx'ance, which might be transferred to indindual roembei? without fricHon, when the proper time was reached for a diA^ifion, Theie might r: :"-^: -:z! for an aiTocii'":" ::" influential perfons more r-.i_. : ._:i for feparate ::.— .uals. In thefe efforts he had an able affiliant in ^lafon, with whom he was upon mofi intimate terms. On March J2iil, 1635, he wrote Secretary Windebank, that he peTceived that ii was *• the king's pleafure to affign him Governor of New England," and connrming the fears expreSed in 1629 by Sherlev to Governor Bradford, he preffed for the repeal of the patents which had been granted by the Council for New England to fettlers in Maflkchufetts Bay, In this letter he fooke of a furrender of the charter of the Council for New England,^ and a divifion of its piDperty among the affD- ciates, ^^ Tidf IrftTPT of Sit FcrdinaudD mal Papere. Charls T.. Vol AlII. No Gonpes to ite Lccr^ Connniffiansrs of 36. Pnhlic Recnrd? Office, ct pnffscu Plantatinns. December gA. 1634. Cok>- ^^ I'idc L e tter of Sir FerdiuanQo GoTires Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 167 dates, which the Council had formally voted to do at a meet- ing at the houfe of Lord Gorges on February 3d, and he de- fired that thofe who propofed to tranfport planters to New England fhould be referred to the Governor for directions v.-here to fettle them.^^ Affairs were now hurried up. On the i8th of April the Council met at the houfe of Lord Gorges, and the reafons for furrendering its charter were entered upon its records.^ But few members attended thefe meetings, and it was eafy to con- trol affairs through a few interefted perfons. Ever}-thing was now in a fair way to place the entire control of New Eng- land in the hands of Sir Ferdinando. The charters of the Maffachufetts Colony and that of the Plymouth adventurers were at the mercy of the commifTion, which was fully in fympathy with him ; and his fcheme for the furrender of the Councils charter had been agreed upon. Eight of the members were to fwallow up the entire propert}' of the cor- poration, and have it divided among them in feveralt}\ Let not the ftockholders in modern corporations bemoan the degeneracy of morals in boards of di recto rfhip in their profaic times I Here was a fcheme worthy of a Napoleonic financier of the nineteenth centur}-. But how was this to be accomplifhed and avoid the many fpringes and toils which legal artifice had prepared to entrap thofe who might lofe the royal favor, a thing always pofTible? A law exiffced that a royal charter might be at any time annulled if it could be fhown Gorges to Secretary Wincebank. dated ^^ Vide Records of the Co^tuU for March 21ft. 1635. Colonial Papers. New England, by Charles Deane, Charles I.. Vol. VIII. No. 52, Public LL.D.. Cambridge, 1867, ^.66etfeq. Records Office, et pofka. ^^ Vide Ibid^'^. 74.etfeq. i6S Memoir of ihown to iiave been granted by the King upon a miiappre- benfion of iaos. A witbbolding of facis at the time of ariDlicaiion to the tbrone for a charter would render it liable to be annulled : and of courfe facis in the cafe of Kevr England grantees were never forthcoming, as few facis refpecnng the territoiy granted were known by the appli- cants for charters, fometimes none at all.^^ It was cuite probable that when it became known to all the members of the Kew England corporation, that the property ab- foibed by eight of their number was of great and conftantly increafmg -v-alue. they might find a way to reach the royal ear and caufe the poffeilors trouble : hence it was neceflary to tie ftrong knots at all points of their Icheme. Firfi it would be rifr pfra-n - for the membei^ in their corporate capacity to convey to themfelves their refpecn^^'e fhares. This was the niii requi£te fiep. but it was not altogether fecure. Some- body might objeci that there was collufion. and that a wrong had been perpetrated upon thofe members left out of the diiifion. They would as managers have a perfect right to leafe the lands of the corporatioD to eight perfons not mem- bers of the bod}' corporate, perfons friendly to them, and who for a nominal confideration could affign their leafes to them : hence it was decided that in addition to the fe^^ral patents ^ The iaw deciarec that tbt Km? graTitee : and it was provided by a mu'.r TioT do ar af: prejudicial to the iiatute. i Henry IV. cbap. 6. *• that no vreal and that if be granied grant of his fhaF. be pood, unleis in the lie or priviieHe found to be Erantee's petiiioi: expreis mention be -ant was - ' ' ' "' ' — ■ " ' - - • - - the real \-aiue of the ;: - ' nad beer this it wiL be feec by v - - '- - . c ..„ '. tenure a roan or cr:»r^.:; i. :t of heid property acquired b}- ro^-al Erant. ... _:-...._ ...._.. .. -1 .: :.ene- wiien it became fne interefi of thofe in ficaJjy for toe Kmg and againt the power to render it void. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 169 patents iffued to them by the corporation, eight leafes for the lengthy period of three thoufand years fhould pafs to trufted friends, who fliould in due form affign their leafes to them. This would meet every legal requirement. All this muft be accompliflied before the furrender of their charter to the King, in whom they had but little confidence. Befides the two titles mentioned, it would tie up their titles as flrongly as titles could be tied, for each of the eight con- federates to have a charter of his portion directly from the Crown. Each would thus have three titles to fall back upon in cafe of trouble ; namely, a patent from the Council for New England under its charter ; a leafe affigned him by a third party, a leffee of the Council ; and a charter from the King. Here would be a good many flrong meflies for legal experts to break through before they could reach the interelts of the junta. All this was carefully arranged, and it was underftood that, upon the furrender of their charter to the King, he was to iffue a feparate charter to each of the eight patentees, thereby removing any queftion of ille- gality from the tranfa6lion. On the 2 2d, at a meeting of the corporation at the houfe of Lord Gorges, the feveral patents, as previoufly agreed upon, were completed and paffed to the eight favored mem- bers, and the leafes of the fame territory figned and delivered to their friends, who were really truftees, though this im- portant fact was not mentioned in the inflruments, left it Ihould prove a cloud to title. This clofed the bufmefs for the day ; but on the 26th, a petition to the King having been prepared, praying him to caufe to be iflued feparate charters to the patentees, was approved, and the appointment of Sir VOL. I. — 22 Ferdinando 170 Memoir of Ferdinando Gorges to the governor-generalfhip of New England was announced. Having completed its various bufinefs affairs, the Council furrendered its charter to the King on the 7th of June, 1635.^^*^ Sir Ferdinando had affigned to him the territory between the Pifcataqua and the Sagadahoc, extending one hundred and twenty miles from the fea-coaft. To the weft was his bofom friend Mafon, and next to him his kinfman Lord Edward Gorges, while he was the lord governor of the entire territory of New England, endowed with almoft regal powers, and fully competent to locate the numerous planters pouring into the country upon fuch territory as he thought proper. Evidently the profpedl of a fpeedy fettlement of Maine, or New Somerfetfliire as it was then called, appeared prom- ifing to the lord proprietor. It was a brilliant fcheme, but one upon which Providence was not to fmile. New Eng- land was deftined for fomething better than fuch a govern- ment, a glance at whofe archetype in Old England reveals abufes of power appalling to one who views them in the light of to-day. It had been fully underftood that royal charters of their feveral portions were immediately to iffue to the proprietors upon furrender of the New England charter, and Thomas Morton was a6fing as their folicitor ; but the King was in no hurry to complete the expelled documents. On Novem- ber 26th the proprietors, having apparently become uneafy, met and voted, " That the paffing of the particular patents was 226 Vide Records of the Council for New England, by Charles Deane, LL.D,, Cambridge, 1867, pp. 71-81. Rums cf the Puvate Chapel aitached to Ashton Ph SOMERSETSHIRE. I Mips, Sir Ferdinando ^jor^e:. 1 7 1 was to be expedited with all conveniency," and ** The Lord Maltravers and the Lord Gorges rfired to go with Mr. Holborne to Mr. Attorney-C - ,, to agree upon the liberties thereof to be obtained of his Majefty.~^ But the confirmatory charters were not completed by the King's fignature.®"' Sir Ferdinando, however, puflied fonsurd his preparations for affuming the g':''r'^"':nt erf New Er.;;"''"^ He was now living at Afhton I' ^ near BriftoL, v.. he had removed from Plymouth ; and we have a glimple of him on board the Jamez, v/here he had gone to interview fome of the emigrants about to fet f^ ' ' ' Maflac' '^ Bay, by whom he fent word to the c, ,..-::;, that „ . , erver came there he would be a true friend unto them,"^ When the news of the appointment of a governor-general, and a copy of the order for creating the board of Lords Commiflioners were received in Maffachufetts, the colorifts were thrown into a fever of excitement. They forefaw the eftablifhment of defpotic rule ; the creation of monop- olies to reward favorites; the punifliment oi thofe not conforming to the rigid requ' rs of L?:^' ' ^;':d, '.e **■ f'^iiiS? Rec'yrdt of the OmncU for '. NewEnzlan::. ' '^Dtaiiie, LL.D., if :: .,'-,.'= Cam'sridge, ; ' Mafon's c' «« It 1* ' ' ^ - ' tikefe charte' . par-- ♦' — pa-v ^►argeQt, Jt-iq., in I«t57, wnicti ptirports .-. - :, t» t>e the oopj of a charter frons i Firfi Plaxt' Charles I., dated Angufc ir/iu 1635. is /- .^i/. bjAkxaoder ooe. No meoticm of a fignatore appears '^^ . , , -, p. 451. vpoci the copy, bat nerertbekis the 172 Me^noir of the perverfion of every form of juftice. Even Morton, a vile fellow whom they had unwifely punifhed, was to re- turn a trufted inftrument of the new government. They learned, moreover, that Ihips and foldiers were foon to ap- pear to enforce the authority of that government. Had they not left home and undergone facrifices too painful to contemplate, that they might efcape thefe hated bonds, which were now once more to be cafi; about them ? It was a feafon of terrible fulpenfe in the Maffachufetts Colony, and with the fpirit which afterwards infpired the Revolutionary Fathers, preparations for defence were promptly undertaken. But the terrible vifions which the colonifls had conjured up were to be diffipated in a manner to their eyes miracu- lous. " The Lord," laid Winthrop, "fruftrated their defign."^^ A fhip which had been put upon the flocks for tranfporting the governor-general, his officers and troops to New Eng- land, in launching met with a fmgular mifliap ; in fact, was fo damaged as to be deemed paft repair.^^ Captain Mafon, the vice-admiral of the new government, and the mainftay of Gorges, was touched by the wand of Death and vanifhed away. The King, upon whom Gorges relied for affiflance 280 Vide The Hijlory of New Eng- many weak and crazy fhips thither, fo land, by John Winthrop, Efq., Bofton, provided it, that this ftrong, new-built 1853, Vol. I. p. 192. fhip in the ver\' launching fell all in isi '-One Ferdinando Gorges," fays pieces, no man knew how, this fpring D'Ewes, ''was nominated for Governor, enfuing, and fo preferved his dear chil- and there was a confultation had to dren there at this prefent from that fend him thither with a thoufand fol- fatal danger, nor hath hence fuffered diers : a fhip was now in building and them as yet to come under the like near finifhed to tranfport him by fea, fear." Vide Autobio^aphy and Cor- and much fear there was amongft the refpondence of Sir Simonds U Ewes, godly, lelt that infant commonwealth Bart . edited by James Orchard Hal- and church fhould have been ruined by liwell, Efq., London, 1S45, Vol. II. p. him; when God, that had carried fo iiS. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, I / affiftance, by continued perfiftence in milrule had raifed a llorm which engrofled his attention ; befides, his relburces were exhaufted to fuch an extent, that to maintain his houfehold he was obliged to relbrt to forced loans ;^ in- deed, Gorges was left alone to manage the affairs of the new government Though iadly crippled, he went forward with his ufual fpirit, and fet the wheels of his government in motion to the befl of his abilit}-. He did not go in perfon as he intended to go ; perhaps a potent realbn for his re- maining at home was that he might be at hand to plead for his promifed charter, which had not yet been ilTued to him. He however fent over his nephew, William Gorges,^ a man **^ As an evidence of the injuilice and folly perpetrated in this rei^, an inilance or two maybe mentioned. Thus, in 1635, the King iiTued a proclamation complaining that public carriages were a great difturbance to him, '• his deareli conlbrt the queen." and aUb to the ••nobility and others of place and de- gree."' By thele public vehicles he de- clared that the pavements were broken up. and that the price of hay and pro- vender was made higher by them : hence their ule was forbidden in London and its fuburbs, except to perfons soing on a journey out of the city a diilance of not lets than three miles. It was alfo commanded that no perfon fhould go in a coach in the ftreets except the owner of the coach fhould keep up four able horfes for the King's fervice when re- quired. This proclamation caufed great hardfhip, not only to the owners of public carriages but to thofe not able to own private ones, and the difcontent of the people found vent in loud com- plaints. This opened a way to create another monopoly, and the Kingfhowed his 'gracious conQderation " to his fuf- fering people by iifuing another proc- of lamation, to the etFecl that " finding it ver}Tequiiite for our nobility and gentry, as well as for foreign ambalTadors. Gran- gers and others, that there Ihould be a competent number of hackney coaches allowed " for public ufe, he srranted full power and authority to the Marquis of Hamilton, one of his favorites, to have control durins: life of all the public carriages in the kingdom, and to pre- fcribe rules and fix fuch prices for their ufe as he thought proper. The number in London was limited to fifty coaches and fix hundred horles : but the number in other parts of England was left to the difcretion of the Marquis to deter- mine. Of courfe. this monopoly brought in a rich revenue, of which a large por- tion was loaned to the royal beggar. Another arbitrary act was an order to all the fi'.verfmiths of London to live in Goldfmiths' Row, an act which has been pronounced fo cruel and abfurd as to render animadverfion upon it needlefs. I'/de Rvmers Fasdira. Vol. XIX. p. 21 : Foid., Vol. XX. pp. 195 ei p.ijTim. ^^ William Gorges was the eleventh of twelve children born to Sir Edward, the elder brother of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 174 Memoir of of confiderable chara6ler, as Governor of New Somerfetfhire, which was his own particular portion of New England. William Gorges, foon after his arrival in the country, pro- ceeded to Saco, where he eftabliflied his government, and on the 2ifl of March, 1636, opened his court for the trial of caufes. It was the intention of the new government to make New Somerfetfhire the centre of royal and prelatical power, which was to be extended as foon as pra6ticable over New England. This had been the aim of Gorges from the be- ginning. The Rev. Richard Seymour, as we have feen, accompanied the Popham Colony, and eftabliflied ritualiflic worfhip at the mouth of the Sagadahoc in 1607; and when Robert Gorges was fent over in 1623, he was accompanied by the Rev. William Morrell, who had the authority con- ferred upon him of fuperintending the churches of New England. So likewife, now, the Rev. Richard Gibfon^* was fent over to eflablifh the Englifh Church in New Somer- fetfhire. William Gorges condu6led his adminiftration with prudence and in a manner acceptable to the people of the Province, but becoming diffatisfied he returned to England early in 1637. During this period Gorges was not ina6live. George Cleeve, who had lived at Cafco Bay for feveral years, hav- ing gone to New England, as many other planters had gone, with the promife of a grant of land if they perma- nently Gorges. He was baptized at Wraxall, ^34 Yox a brief (ketch of the Rev. February 2d, 1605, and hence was thirty Richard Gibfon, vide George Cleeve and years of age when he came to New his Times, by James Phinney Baxter, England. He was buried at Wraxall, A.M., Portland, 1885, p. 81. on February 9th, 1658. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 175 nently fettled in the country, returned to England, and in fulfilment of his promife Sir Ferdinando conveyed to him and his partner Richard Tucker a grant of a peninfula, called by the Indians Machegonne, which he named Sto- gomor."^ Cleeve had been before the court of William Gorges at Saco, and though poor muft have made a favor- able impreffion upon the Governor, as an unfavorable opin- ion, if expreffed by his nephew, would have been likely to deter Sir Ferdinando from taking Cleeve into his confi- dence. Be this as it may, it is certain that he made a good impreffion upon Sir Ferdinando, who, finding that his ne- phew's government had terminated, appointed Cleeve with Governor Winthrop and others joint commiffioners for the government of New Somerfetfliire. Cleeve 's reprefentations of the value of the fur trade of the North induced Sir Ferdinando 235 This is the modern Stogumber, moft impreffive to the vifitor. The a piflurefque village in the hundred of church itfelf is an attractive edifice in Wiliiton Freemanors and rural deanery the perpendicular flyle of architecture of Dunfter in Somerietihire. From with a fpacious chancel feparated from Dunfler came the Algers and other early the nave hy an oaken fcreen. It has fettlers about the Spurwink River ; and two chapels' and pretty north and fouth at Stogumber were born John Winter porches, an embattled tower over and Richard Tucker. Not far away is feventy feet in height, with a clock and Cleeve and Cleeve Bay, fuggeftive cer- five bells. In the chancel are two tainly of the early home of the Cleeve memorial windows of ftained glafs, and family, though of this there is no exift- on the fouth fide a grim effigy of a ing proof. The old church of St. Mary, mailed knight, recumbent, between his where John Winter was chriflened on two wives. This is to perpetuate the the 9th of January, 1575, and Richard memory of Sir George Sydenham, the Tucker on the 22d of January, 1594, is father-in-law of Sir Francis Drake, a flill well preferved. A weather-worn man whofe fpirit, owing to his deeds in crofs and venerable yew-tree, familiar the flefli, is faid to have haunted the an- doubtlefs to many of the early fettlers cient manor-houfe of Combe Sydenham in Cafco Bay, make the mofs-grown for many years after his death. There- churchyard, where gifters, which I was allowed to examine "Beneath the turf in many a mould'ring by the incumbent, date back to 1585, and heap are well preferved. It is to be hoped The rude forefathers of the hamlet fleep," that they will at fome time be printed. 176 Memoir of Ferdinando to procure for him a prote61ion under the privy fignet for exploring Lake Champlain, or the lake of the Iroquois, and a monopoly of the fur trade of that region. Sir Ferdinando had thus far found it impra6licable to affume himfelf the government of New England; indeed, he had not yet received his commilTion, though he could have obtained it without doubt at any time had he required it. His finances were probably inadequate to his aflump- tion of the ofifice of governor-general. The death of Mafon had embarralTed him financially, and the adminiflrators of his friend's eftate were prefTmg him for a lettlement of their joint affairs,^^^ which was no eafy matter. He therefore feems to have favored a joint government of New England by Winthrop and others as a laft refort ; but this plan met with the oppofition of Mathew Cradock, the wife and pru- dent friend of Maflachufetts, who faw in it complications which might refult unfavorably to his friends ; hence it was never completed. It is probable that an extenfive grant which he made at this time to Sir Richard Edgecomb, who was his near neighbor when he refided at Plymouth, was the refult of his prefent financial condition. In July the King was moved to ilTue a manifeflo for eflablifliing a general government over New England, on account of " feveral opinions and differing humors not in the power of the Council of New England to redrefs." In order to repair what might be amifs, he declared that he had refolved for the future good of thofe making adventures to 286 J^/V/^ Report of the Sub-committee Council, Colonial Papers, Charles I., for Foreign Plantations to the Privy Vol. X. No. 18, Public Records Office. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 177 to New England, to appoint Sir Ferdinando Gorges gov- ernor of the country, he having made the firfl difcovery of its coafts, and been a principal aftor in its affairs. Farther than this, he commanded that none fliould go to New England without Sir Ferdinando's knowledge, and his permiffion and dire6tion where to fettle. The other paten- tees were granted the privilege of going to New England in perfon to fettle upon their eflates, and to tranfport colonifhs thither^^ This was alarming to Maffachufetts, but was followed by a6ts ftill more alarming. Gorges had been a conftant fuitor to the throne for his charter, and the King's manifefto was followed by an order from the Privy Council, on January 23d, 1638, to Attorney-General Sir John Banks, for drawing in favor of Gorges a patent for the Province of Maine, which after the approval of the Council was to be duly ex- ecuted.^^^ Sir Ferdinando fucceeded in getting into this charter extraordinary privileges and powers of government, as we lliall fee. A Itrong defire for emigration feems fuddenly to have prevailed in feme parts of England. Among the evidences of this is a letter from Lord Maynard to Archbifliop Laud, informing: him that " divers clothiers of sfreat trading " were about to leave for New England, and that he daily hears of " incredible numbers of perfons of very good abilities who have fold their lands and are upon their departure thence." He fears that there is danger that fome pariflies will be impoveriflied, as fo much corn has been taken for the fuf- tenance '^3T Vide Colonial Papers, Charles I., 238 yi^g Colonial Papers, Charles I., Vol. IX. No. 60, Public Records Office. Vol. IX. No. 81, Public Records Office. VOL. I. — 23 178 Memoir of tenance of the emisfrants that enouo^h will not be left to laft to another harveft. Fourteen fliips are now on the Thames ready to fail by the coming Eafter.^^^ We have obferved that no veffels could go to New England without the licenfe of Sir Ferdinando ; and accordingly eight fliips which had taken on board their freight and paffengers without obferv- ins this order were feized on the Thames in the beo-inninsf of May, and order was given to put their paffengers on fliore as well as their provifions. This was fpeedily fol- lowed by quo warranto proceedings againft the Maffachu- fetts charter, which Gorges was anxious to get annulled. Amid all thefe dangers Maffachufetts flood firm, with picked flint, dry powder, and an abundant faith to prote6f its in- terefts. It coolly and confidently fent out furveyors to fettle its fouthern boundary, and united with the Plymouth and Connedicut colonifl;s in a war of extermination againft the favage Pequots.^^^ On the other hand, Sir Ferdinando Gorges in England, with the royal power at his back, was laboring to make that power effe6live in eflablifhing his authority over the land. On June 20th he drew up elaborate " Reafons to prove the confequence of maintaining and fupporting for- eign plantations," with a view to obtaining direct affiftance from the Government in fupport of his authority. He pointed 239 FiV/^LetterofLord William May- Vol. I. p. 147; Ibid., Vol. XVIII. pp. nard to Archbifliop Laud, March 17th, 120-153; Ibid., Vol. XXIII. pp. 131- 1638; Colonial Papers, Charles I., Vol. 161; Ibid., Vol. XXVI. pp. 1-13; A IX. No. 88, Public Records Office. Cotnplete Hijlory of Connecticut, by 2*0 Vide The Life of Captain fohn Benjamin Trumbull, Vol. I. p. 41; Early Mafon, Sparks^s Atnerican Bioe,raphy, Hifio>y of New England, by Increafe Vol. XIII. pp. 340-405 ; CoUe'nions of Mather, Bofton, 1864, pp. 113-118, 130- the Maffachufetts Hiflorical Society, 1^6 el pajfim. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 179 pointed to the example of the Romans, the Spaniards, and the Dutch in planting colonies and fuftaining them by- governmental aid, and aflerted that fuch colonies would redound to the honor of the Crown, and that thofe who were now refracftory might be brought to fubmit to the authority of the governor-general.^^^ Thefe Reafons, which he had framed with care, he believed would gain him prac- tical afliftance from the Crown. But what could Charles or Laud do for him ? Virtually nothing. Their arbitrary a6ls had raifed a ftorm of popular refentment againft them, and they had too much to engage their attention at home to allow them time to confider ferioufly his Reafons ; be- fides, they had exhaufled the revenues of the realm, and no money could be had to place him in his ofifice and fuftain him there. Lord Cottington treated his Reafons with ridi- cule, and when Gorges fpoke of the planting of new coun- tries by the Romans, Spanifh, and Dutch, Cottington wrote on the margin of his paper that they conquered, and did not " plant tobacco and Puritanifm like fools." And to his affertion that the King would receive honor from fuch en- terprifes, Cottington wrote, " What honor if no profit, but extreme fcandal to the whole Chriftian world .? " Thus were the Reafons from which Gorges hoped much, fmce the King had made fuch a royal difplay of favor in his manifefto, received by the Privy Council. Sir Ferdinando was now upwards of feventy years of age, 24^ Vide Sir Ferdinando Gorges to Plantations,'' etc. Colonial Papers, Secretary Windebank, June 20th, 1638 : Charles I.. Vol. IX. No. ii6. Public " Reafons to prove the Confequence of Records Office, et pojlea. Maintaining and Supporting Foreign i8o Memoir of age, and from his long-continued and perfiflent efforts to get aHiflance for his colonial fchenies was beginning to be looked uj)on as a hobbyill, if not a monomaniac, on the (juellion of foreign plantations. Captain Walter Neal, emboldened by the weak condition of Sir Ferdinando's affairs, made a determined effort to fii])plant him in his office of governor-general, for which no commillion had yet been illued, but failed in his attempts. Sir l""erdi- nando, however, was finally, on Aj)ril 3d, 1639, rewarded with a charter for his Province of Maine, for which he had fo long labored ; and a moft remarkable charter it in- deed was. It bellowed upon him almoil unlimited powers, and well exemplifies the contemj)t in which popular rights were held by the ruling clafs. Under it he controlled the j)atronage of all churches ere(5led in the Frovince ; could build, dedicate, and confecrate churches according to the ecclefiadical laws of England, with all the rights, privileges, ])rerogatives, etc., as were exercifed by tin' Filhop of Dur- ham within his bilhopric. l*"ull i)ower was granted to him to pardon offenders againd the laws of the Province ; to raite and maintain troo])s to enforce his power, and to exe- cute martial law iij)()n thole who iifilled his authority ; in fa^t, it would have been difficult to frame a charter con- ferring greater powers ui)on an individual than were con- ferred ui)on Sir PVrdinando."'" He had now finally attained what he tells us he had labored *" This extraordinary cliarter may the MalTachufetts Arcliives, wilh liuh be fouiul in I lijloiicitl Colli-ilioitx liy words aildcd in brackets as appear in Kbene/.tr Hazard, A.M., l'liil.ulel|)liia, the docunient in the I'libhc Kecorils I7<)2, Vol. 1. pp. 442-4?';< •">•' '^ pi'i'tf*^' Olhee. Tliefe words were evidently ill lull in this volume lioin llu' (()|)y in oniinioiis by a carclels co])yill. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. i8i labored for during forty years of the befl portion of his Hfe, under a burden of trouble, and at the expenfe of many thoufands of pounds. In a letter to Secretary Windebank from Afliton, on the 28th of January, 1640, he informed the Secretary that he had received letters from New England which convinced him that, had he not received from the King a charter confirmatory of his former rights, no more of the territory of his Province than what was already occu- pied by his fervants would have remained to him, as his rights were being conftantly brought in queftion by people fettling within the Province, but feeking authority from Maf- fachufetts " to order their affairs as if they alone were the fupreme lords of that part of the world. But," he con- tinued, " having his Majefty's gracious favor, there is noth- ing fhall deter me from my attempt to make his power available, when I have his warrant to do it." He had alfo been informed that attempts would be made by the agents of MalTachufetts to perfuade the King to hinder him from profecuting his intentions, as they feared that the King mis^ht make ufe of him to resfulate affairs in accordance with his views of right. From this letter we learn that Sir Ferdinando, in fpite of his years, intended to go to New England in perfon, there to fet up his government.^^ In accordance with plans which he had matured, fliaped upon Saxon models of government which had exifted in England from an early date, he proceeded to divide his Province into eight bailiwicks, and thefe into fixteen feveral hundreds, 243 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando Charles I., Vol. X. No. 55, Public Gorges to Secretary Windebank, Jan- Records Office, et pojiea. uary 28th, 1640. Colonial Papers, 1 82 Memoir of hundreds, fubdividing the latter into pariflies and tithings " as people did increafe." A board of councillors was then formed, confifting of Sir Thomas Joffelyn ; Richard Vines, the founder of Biddeford ; Francis Champernown, the nephew of Gorges ; Henry Joffelyn, then refiding at Black Point ; Richard Bonython, the founder of Saco ; William Hooke and Edward Godfrey. Subfequently he fubftituted in place of Sir Thomas JofTelyn his coufm Thomas Gorges, a young barrifler, whom he made his deputy governor and entrufted with the office of Secretary and Keeper of the Provincial Seal. His "Ordinances for the better government" of Maine provided for a chancellor for determining rights of property ; a treafurer for the receipt of the public revenue ; a marflial of militia ; a judge, marflial, and officers of the marflial's court; an admiral, with his lieutenant or judge, to determine maritime caufes ; a maffer of the ordnance, whofe office it was to take charge of the public flores be- longing to the militia for fea and land ; and a fecretary for the fervice of the Governor and Council. To his councillors were added eight deputies, to be ele6ted by the freeholders of the feveral counties, as councillors for the Itate of the country, who were authorized to fit in the courts eflabliflied in the Province, " and to be affiftants to the prefidents there- of, and to give opinions according to juftice." No alien- ation or fale of land could be made but by confent of the Council. But enough has been mven to fliow the care which Sir Ferdinand© exercifed in arranging the machinery with which the affairs of his government were to be carried on. Thofe curious to ftudy the whole plan can do fo by confulting Sir Ferdiiiaiido Gorges. 183 confulting his Brief Narration. In accordance with the " Ordinances " before mentioned, a court was convened at Saco on the 25th of June by the " Councillors of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, for the prefervation of juftice through his Province," at which a large number of actions were entered.^^^ Later in the feafon, Thomas Gorges"*^ arrived in the country, and in accordance with his infl:ru6fions, before proceeding to Maine fojourned a fliort period in Bofton to ftudy affairs there, foliciting the advice of the Maffachufetts magiftrates relative to the courfe to be pur- fued in fetting affairs right in his new government. Reaching Agamenticus, at that time called Briflol, he found one George Burdett,^'**' a preacher and man of diffo- lute habits, virtually controlling political affairs there. A conteft at once enfued, and Burdett was fummarily arrefted and brought before the court, when he was found guilty of feveral crimes and fined. He appealed from the court to England, but without refult, and Gorges feizing his prop- erty to fatisfy the execution againft him, he left the country. Thomas Gorges by judicious management fucceeded in making his government generally fatisfa6lory. Thus we have before us two neighboring governments founded upon fharply antagoniftic principles: the one of the people, by the people, and for the people ; the other of the lord proprietor, by the lord proprietor, and for the lord proprietor. Which fliould 244 The original records are dill pre- ^^^ For a brief account of Burdett, ferved at Alfred, York County, Maine. reference may be made to the Trelawny ■■^45 Thomas Gorges had but juftpaffed Papers, t^\\.&d, by James Phinney Bax- his majority when he came to New Eng- ter, A.M., Portland, 1S84, p. 249. land. An account of him will be found in Azotes on the Gorges Family, pojlea. 184 Memoir of fhould be the more hardy, and which the more likely to thrive in the ftubborn foil and ihrewd air of New England ? We fliall fee. Sir Ferdinando Gorges had now everything arranged to his fatisfa6lion. True, he was in need of money to enlarge his power ; but he expe61;ed not only to draw aid from his influential friends, but to have royal afTiftance in good time. Never before had his colonial affairs been placed upon foundations apparently fo firm, nor their future profped:s fo affuring; when, like a hidden volcano which had mut- tered its difcontent fo long that it had become a thing no longer to heed, the Great Rebellion fuddenly burfl; forth upon England, and threatened deflru6lion to the nation. The abufed and long-fuffering people arofe in their might and feized upon Wentworth, one of the royal infhruments of tyranny, and dragging him to Weftminfter Hall tried him for his life before the eyes of the King and Queen ; and while doing fo, regardlefs of that "divinity which doth hedge a king," they ate their bread and meat and guzzled their beer from upturned bottles in the royal prefence, as though no king were near. Ay, and regardlefs of their monarch's entreaties, and of juftice too, they cut off Wentworth's head.^*' Not contented, they feized Archbifliop Laud with fnowy bands and filken furplice, things which to have fpoken againft a week before would have fent the objedlor to dun- geon or fcaffold, and after a weary imprifonment of years brought him through judicial legerdemain to the block. Windebank '^'^'^ Vide The Tryal of Thomas^ Earl written by the deceafed Mr. Robert of Strafford, by John Rufhworth, Efq., Baillie, tranfcribed by Robert Aiken, London, 1700; Letters and Journals Edinburgh, 1775, Vol. L p. 259. Sir Ferdmando Gorges. 185 Windebank fled, and others whom Gorges counted as friends to his colonial enterprifes. One would fuppofe that this laft blow would have overwhelmed him with defpair ; but the old man muft perforce amufe himfelf a while longer with the puppets of viceregal authority, and amid the perplexities and diflradlions of the civil war which raged about him, he carefully elaborated a fcheme of gov- ernment, with a calm confidence in its flability almoft piti- ful when one confiders the conditions which furrounded it and rendered its failure inevitable. Refolved to make Aga- menticus of chief importance in his Province, he ere6led it into a borough, exempting and freeing " his majefties' liege people " there from the power and command of any gov- ernors in the Province, " other than in calling them as affift- ants " to repel invafion and fupprefs rebellion. Upon the inhabitants was conferred the efpecial privilege of eledling a mayor and board of eight aldermen, who were empowered to make ordinances for the government of the borough, to hold courts, and ere6t fortifications for the public prote6tion. The elaborate charter which conferred thefe privileges upon the inhabitants of Agamenticus was dated April loth.^*^ On March ifl following, namely 1641 old ftyle, he had elaborated a flill grander fcheme for Agamenticus, upon which he now befhowed a new name, Gorgeana.^*^ The borough, which was a town corporate ufually governed by a bailiff appointed by the lord-grantor of the borough charter in connection with a houfe of burgeffes, he raifed to the dignity ^^^ Vide HiJIorical Collegians, by Ebenezer Hazard, A.M., Philadelphia, 1792, Vol. I. pp. 470-474. 249 Vide Ibid, pp. 480-486. VOL. I. — 24 1 86 Memoir of dignity of a city, by which it might appropriately become the feat of a bifhop, and gave it a territorial extent of twenty-one miles. Starting with the affertion that he was the abfolute lord of the Province, and had through the alTiftance of God " fettled the faid Province and inhabitants thereof in a hopeful way of government," and defiring " to further and advance the fame," he provided for a municipal government, confining of a mayor, twelve aldermen, and twenty-four councilmen, to be chofen annually, and alfo for a recorder and town clerk. Two courts were appointed, one called a " Courtleet or Lawday," to be held twice every year " within a month of the Feafts of Eafter or Michaelmas, for the good government and weal public of the faid Corporation, and for the punifhing of all offenders, the fame to be kept by the Recorder for the time being, and the fines, payments, and amercements from time to time to be to the ufe of the faid mayor of the faid town for the time being forever." The other court was "to be held upon Monday of every week forever, and the proceedings to be according or as near as may be to the Court of his Majefly's Court of Chancery at Weftminfter, wherein the mayor for the time being to fit as judge with the Recorder and aldermen, and the town clerk to be the clerk and minifter of faid court." From this court an appeal could be taken to the Lord Pro- prietor or his deputy, if entered within four days after the decree of the court. There were alfo to be " two or four fergeants to attend on the faid mayor," who fliould be " called forever fergeants of the white rod." Thefe were to be "ele6led and chofen by the mayor and aldermen, whereof the mayor [was] to have a double voice." Thefe fergeants Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 187 fergeants could be removed from office for mifdemeanor by thofe who ele6ted them. To the " mayor and comonality " was granted a corporate feal, and, as in the former charter, they were empowered to erect fortifications for the pubUc defence. Such in brief is an outline of the charter of Gor- geana, and there can be no doubt that having made it appropriate for a bifhop s refidence, it was the intention of Sir Ferdinando to make of it a bifliopric, which would be in accord with the King's pleafure as expreffed in his charter, which was to fettle " the religion now poffeffed in the Church of England, and ecclefiaftical government now ufed in the fame, with as much convenient fpeed as may be." Sir Ferdinando was confidently expedling an early reflora- tion of royal authority in the kingdom, and he had thus arranged everything in his Province of Maine to take ad- vantage of it. With the reftoration of that authority, the exodus which had been adfively going on in England for feveral years would receive a new impetus, and where hun- dreds had fled to efcape the rigid rule of king and bifliop, thoufands, upon the re-eftablifhment of that rule with the preftige of triumphant vindication of its afferted rights, would turn their faces to the New World, and this great ftream of emigration he might turn by the authority vefted in him into his Province of Maine. But his calculations were bafed upon erroneous premifes, and were all at fault. The emigration which had poured from England in an ever enlarging flream, bearing to the New World much of the befl blood of the realm, flopped as though it had been arrefted by the hand of Divine power. Men 1 88 Memoir of Men faw, as though a flafli of light had fuddenly revealed it in the long prevailing gloom, a poffible pathway to free- dom at home, without the neceffity of facing the perils of the fea and of life in a favage land. Shipowners, whofe bufmefs in tranfporting emigrants to New England had been profperous, and which they confidently calculated would be permanent, and indeed continually increafe, fat in their counting-houfes with gloomy faces, while their fliips fwung idly at their anchors waiting for paiTengers who never came. All England was in an uproar, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, although too far advanced in years to enter with old-time a6livity into the confh(5l, gave the weight of his counlels and experience to the royal caufe. We therefore find him in July with his fon-in-law, Mr. Thomas Smyth, at Briftol, five miles from Afliton, his country refidence, apply- ing to the mayor for permiffion to bring into the city, under the command of Lord Paulet, a body of cavalry, which had been raifed by the Marquis of Hertford for the King. In this application, however, he was unfuccefsful, the mayor having excufed himfelf for refufmg his requeft on the ground of having received the royal orders not to admit troops into the city. Shortly after. Lord Paulet having joined the Marquis of Hertford at Wells, and with him, doubtlefs. Sir Fer- dinando and Thomas Smyth, the royalifts were attacked and driven away by Popham and other gentlemen who had efpoufed the popular caufe. Whether he was adively engaged in this battle we have no direft evidence ; but about this time we find him endeavoring to return home- ward, Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 189 ward, and finding the Parliamentary forces in the way, taking fliip at Minehead with Lord Paulet and others for Cardiff. There his fon-in-law, Thomas Smyth, fuddenly died, and he returned to Afliton with his body, where he found awaiting him a fummons from Parhament to appear before it as a delinquent.^^*^ While thefe events, dangerous to his perfon and prop- erty, were tranfpiring at home, his colonial poffelTions were menaced by new dangers. George Cleeve, whom we have before mentioned as an ambitious and enterprifing man, to whom he had conveyed certain lands and privileges in New England, but whom, owing to the enmity of Vines and others, he had ignored when eftablifliing his government over Maine, haftened to take fhip for England, in order to advance his interefls with the Parliamentary leaders. He had ftudied a patent, then in the poffelTion of Richard Dummer of Newbury, ifTued by the Council for New Eng- land to the Company of Hufbandmen in 1630, for territory forty miles fquare between Cape Porpoife and the Sagada- hoc river, which Gorges had doubtlefs himfelf named the Province of Lygonia, but the title to which he had careleffly regarded as broken, the grantees not having held de facto pofTeffion of their property. Cleeve upon his arrival in England fell in with Thomas Morton, whofe convenience it now fuited to play the role of a reformer, and doubtlefs through that wily and fkilful Parliamentary lobbyift ob- tained 250 Vide Memoirs, Hi/torical and Anfiqtdties of the City of Briflol, by Topoirraphical, of Bnfol,hYi\\& Rev. William Barrett, M.D., Bristol, 1788, Samuel Seyer, M.A., Briftol. 1821, p. 4i4- Vol. II. pp. 309 et seq. : Hiflory and I go Memoir of tained an introduction to Sir Alexander Rigby, a member of Parliament, whom he induced to buy the Lygonia patent, and to appoint him deputy-governor of the Province, the bounds of which comprifed the larger and more valuable portion of Sir Ferdinando's Province of Maine. Having fecured his commiffion, Cleeve haftened back to New England to take pofleffion of his government and oufl Vines, then a6ling as Sir Ferdinando's deputy, Thomas Gorges having returned home on account of the civil war. Cleeve, upon his arrival in Bofton, in the autumn of 1643, ^^ once fought an interview with Governor Winthrop and his afTociates, from whom he confidently expedled affiftance in eftabliiliing his authority, which would bring the viceregal government of Gorges, so diftaftcful to them, to an inglori- ous end. But the MafTachufetts magiflrates were prudent, and unwilling to afTume dangerous refponfibilities ; and be- fides, they were ftudying their northern boundary, which thus far had never been defined upon the face of the earth, and which they were beginning to fee would include a large portion of the Province of Maine, if their charter were llri6lly interpreted : fo they concluded only to inflrudl their Governor to advife Vines unofficially of the transfer of power to Rigby and his reprefentative Cleeve. Vines and his alTociates received the unwelcome news with furprife and difmay, and refolved at once to maintain their pofition, and defy encroachments upon their authority, while Cleeve quietly and prudently fet about taking meafures to eftablifli his authority. Firft he nominated his officers, and then called a convention to afTemble in Cafco Bay on March 25th; that is, on New Year's Day, 1644, two months after the Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 191 the date of his call, in order to give the people ample time to difcufs the propofed change of government. At the fame time he fent his partner Tucker through the Province with a paper for the fignatures of thofe who approved of his courfe. On the other hand, Vines was determined to maintain his pofition ; and not only raifed legal objedlions to Cleeve's every movement, but brought every influence which was poffible to prevent the MalTachufetts authorities from aiding his rival. He wrote Winthrop that Cleeve was abuling Sir Ferdinando Gorges, branding him " with the foul name of traitor by circumftance," and accufmg him of counterfeiting " the King's broad feal," and reporting his death, all of which was falfe, as he was flill " in good health, with a reftoration of his pofTeffions again." This laft flroke was intended to remind the Puritan Governor that it would be dangerous to fupport fuch a libeller againft one fo powerful as the Lord Proprietor flill was. The validity of the Lygonia Patent was alfo attacked, with the refult that Cleeve offered to fubmit the queflions of title and government to " the worthy magiftrates of MafTachufetts." This was refufed by Vines, upon the ground that he had no authority from Sir Ferdinando to fubmit his title to arbitration, which was of courfe true. Vines, however, a6led imprudently in arreting Tucker, Cleeve's meffenger to him, and threatening to fend Cleeve a prifoner to England, which increafed the hoftility to his government without in any way ftrengthening his pofition. But we will not follow tlie intricacies of this contefl for the pofleffion of Maine,^^^ which have already been particu- larly 251 Vide George Cleeve and his Ti/nes, by James Phinney Baxter, A.M., Port- land, 1885. 192 Memoir of larly related, but return to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who was occupied fufficiently by the diftreffing condition of affairs about him. Interefted in the fuccefs of the royal caufe, we find him writing to the King refpe6ling a plan which he fubmitted to him for the capture of fome place which he does not name. The letter bears no date, and is extremely ambiguous ; but a careful fludy of it in conne6fion with the movements of the King in the fummer of 1643 enables us to arrive at its probable folution, and to give to Sir Ferdinando Gorges the honor of having planned the attack upon Briftol, which was, as we know, fuccefsful. His letter was accompanied by a " plott " or plan of the ap- proaches to the unmentioned place, which, he fays, " I have brought of purpofe to give your Highnefs a full fatisfa6lion of every particular, that fo you may proceed with the more affurance, and the plainer give order what every one is to do, and how to behave himfelf in the execution thereof, whereby the diflra6lions may be the better avoided which many times attend fuch defigns, and will the better confirm the minds of the affailants, who fliall fee beforehand what they are to obferve, and be attended with fufificient guides to bring them to their feveral places they are afligned, with order to proceed according to your Highneffes dire6lions." The Governor, he informed the King, had fo extended his defences as to be unable to prote6l all parts of them prop- erly with the forces at his command ; hence an attack would be likely to meet with fuccefs.^*^^ We know the refult of the attack upon Briftol. The firfl affault was made at a weak place in the mural defences, and a breach made, by which 252 Vide Additional Manufcripts, No. 18980, fol.98, Britifli Myyitxixn, et pojlea. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 193 which the Royalifts entered the town, and moved forward to the houfe of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, which they occupied, and there maintained their pofition for feveral hours, when having expended their powder they were driven out ; but in a fubfequent attack the city capitulated to Prince Rupert.^^^ The capture of Briftol was confidered of great im- portance to the RoyaHfts, and caufed great alarm to their op- ponents. The tidings of its fall, following those of the death of Hampden, were blown acrofs the water, and greatly elated the fpirits of Sir Ferdinando's faithful henchmen. Vines, Godfrey, and Joffelyn, while they equally depreffed the fpirit of Cleeve. Rigby had too much on his hands to render aid to his deputy, having left Parliament and affumed command in the field. It would be time enough to diredl his atten- tion thitherward when he had fubdued his enemies at home. For a while the royal caufe profpered, but the fuperior gen- eralfhip of Oliver Cromwell foon began to turn the fcale in favor of the Parliamentarians. Sir Ferdinando Gorges took no a6tive part in the war at this period. His age rendered this necelTary ; and from a letter written fomewhat later to a friend on the other fide, we may infer that he held con- fervative views, like many other thoughtful men who had efpoufed the royal caufe, and who defired a compromife between the parties at conteft, by which the ufurpations of the rights of the fubje6t by their monarch, which had been patent to all men, might be reftrained. In his Province, Vines was ffill battling vigoroufly to maintain his pofition. He refufed to fubmit to any au- thority 253 Vide Memoirs, Hijlorical and Samuel Seyer, M. A., Briftol, 1821, Vol. Topographical, of Briftol, by the Rev. II. p. 404. VOL. I. — 25 194 Memoir of thority but that of King or Parliament, by which refufal he lliowed his entire comprehenfion of the queftions at iffue, and a manly determination to protect at all hazards the interefts which Gorges had entrufled to his keeping. But the news of the battle of Nafeby, almoft fatal to the royal caufe, reached him, and at lafl, wholly difheartened, he refolved to give up the wearifome contefl. Relinquifliing his office to Henry JofTelyn, in 1645, ^''^ difpofed of his poffeffions in the Province, and departed for Barbadoes with his family. Although Vines left an able and faithful man in his place. Gorges fuffered a fevere lofs by his departure from the Province; befides, a decifion in favor of his rival Rigby was rendered by the Commiflioners for Foreign Plantations, to whom Parliament had referred the cafe, and at the head of whom was the Earl of Warwick, a co-grantor with him in 1630 of the patent in difpute, declaring the Lygonia Patent to be valid. This muft have been a fharp blow to his hopes ; indeed, what had a long life of labor in behalf of colonization brought him but lofs, continued lofs, for a period of forty years ? Lofs had become a matter of courfe with him, and he had doubtlefs attained a ffate of feeling in which he could regard it with equanimity. The fliining peaks of eternity were coming clearly into view, and he could well regard with calmnefs the petty temporal wrecks about him. Confined to his home at Afliton for a confiderable period, he happily devoted himfelf to the preparation of his Brief Narration, which was intended to hand down to poflerity an account of his colonial undertakings. It was a wife thought which Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 195 which prompted him to prepare this book, which is invalu- able as preferving many of the hiftorical beginnings of New England. With refpe(5l to the book itfelf, it is plainly the work of an old man, to whom the chronological lines fepa- rating events had become indiftin6l and confufed, and whofe mind was wholly abforbed in the events themfelves ; hence, while one may put confidence in the corre6lnefs of the rela- tions, it is plain to fee that they overlap and run into each other. The lafl letter which we have from Sir Ferdinando bears date June ift, and was written from Afliton to Lord Fair- fax,^^* the noted Parliamentary leader. It is the utterance of a man who has fuffered deeply, but is calm and manly in tone, and exhibits his fentiments with regard to the unhappy differences between King and people which were caufing the ruin of his country. The letter fliows that he had for fome time taken no a6live part in the conflict, being probably incapacitated from duty in the camp by age; but that he had aided the King's caufe by his counfels is fhown by previous correfpondence. His affedtion to Fair- fax, who was an old friend, he fays, " never fvvayed me fur- ther than became an obedient fervant " to the King, one who was " only careful of my country's happinefs, and yet fearful to fide with either party, as not able to judge of fo tranfcendent a difference, but forrowing in the highefl de- gree to find fuch a feparation threatening fo much the power 254 Vide Additional Manufcripts, No. rials of the Civil War, Vol. I. p. 299, 15857, folio 257, Britifh Mufeum, et but is printed in this volume from the po/lea. This letter is to be found printed original, I'erba/im et literatim. in a modernized form in BelVs Memo- 196 Memoir of power of all ; which God, I hope, hath timely prevented, by guiding his Majefty to the happy advice of his greatefl councils, whofe wifdom (under God) is only able to re- eftablifli fome part of the happinefs we once enjoyed." We have made this extraft in order to corre61: what might feem a piece of infmcerity on the part of the writer, if not carefully confidered. Though " fearful to fide with either party" might imply that he had not taken fides, yet this was not what he meant. He was writing to a man who knew that he was on the royal fide, a6ling "as an obedient fervant," yet doing fo with fear on account of the grave interefls at flake, involving the welfare of his countrymen. He was, when he penned this letter, within a few months of his death. His will bears the date of May 4th, 1647, and the date of his burial in the church at Long Afliton, a few rods from his refidence called Afliton Phillips, is the 14th. His eldeft fon, John Gorges, inherited his Prov- ince of Maine, and at his death in 1656 bequeathed it to his fon Ferdinando. Its remaining hiftory may be briefly flated. The confli6t for government continued between the reprefentatives of the Gorges and Rigby interefls, when MalTachufetts pradically fettled the queftion at ilTue by running its northern boundary in accordance with a fhridl; conflru(5lion of its charter, which gave it a confiderable portion of the Province of Maine. To make her tenure wholly fecure, Maffachufetts purchafed of Ferdinando Gor- ges, the grandfon of Sir Ferdinando, in 1677, his title to the Province, by which it pafTed forever from the poffeffion of his defcendants. The ^^^i>^ftX' The Church at Long Ashton, Where Sir Ferdinando Gorges was buried. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 197 The fketch here prefented of the life of Sir Ferdinando Gorges is of neceflity imperfe6t, owing to an almoft entire lack of particulars by contemporary writers. It is remark- able that fo few memorials of a man fo prominent as was Sir Ferdinando are to be found outfide of his own writings, which, of courfe, prefent to us but a faint view of him. Yet he has left enough behind to Ihow that he was a man of broad and beneficent views, intent upon benefiting his fellow-men, not only in his own day and generation, but alfo by leaving behind him works which fliould redound to the welfare of pofterity. We may fee alfo that he was a man poffeffing the courage of his convi6lions ; brave, sober, and wife in counfel ; a ftanch friend and generous enemy, fince in his writings no word of criticifm or ill feeling relat- ing to thofe who oppofed him can be found. His mind was too much occupied with ufeful duties to permit him to wafte time upon the plots, rivalries, and enmities which furrounded him, and filled up the meafures of fome men's lives to the exclufion of better things. For more than forty years of his life he had ever before him the glow- ing vifion of a new world, teeming with polTibilities of good to mankind without number and without limit, and awaiting only the advent of willing fpirits to become the theatre of achievements beyond all that man had yet at- tained. Such a profpe6l muft have broadened his out- look upon the world, and ennobled his fpirit. The words with which he clofed his Narration tell us this, and will ferve as a fitting termination to this fragmentary fketch of his life : " But I end and leave all to Him, who is the only author of all goodnefs, and knows bejl his own time 198 Mejnoir of Sir Ferdina7ido Gorges, time to bring his will to be made maiiifeji, and appoints his i7ijlrumcnts for the accompliJJiment thereof; to whofe pleafuj'e it becoynes every one of 11s to fiibynit ourfelves, as to that mighty God and great and gracious Lord, to whom all glory doth belong'' Abriefe Relation OF THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION O F JNeVV rLNGLAND: AND OF SVNDRY ACCIDENTS THEREIN OCCVRRING, FROM the yeere of our Lord M. dc. vii. to this prefent M. d.c. xxii. Together with the ftate thereof as now it ftandeth the generall forme of gouernment intended; and the diuifion of the whole Territorie into Coun- ties, Baronries, &c. LONDON, Printed by Join Haviland, and are to be fold by William Bladen, M.DC.XXII. Note. — This Book was entered in the Stationers' Regifler, July 15th, 1622, under the title of A Brief e Relation of the Difcoverie of New England ; and oppofite the entry appear the names of Miflrefs Griffith, probably the wife of George Griffith an affociate adventurer with Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and of John Haviland. The numbers in the margin give the pagination of the original editions, both of the Relation and the Narration. TO THE PRINCE His Highneffe. STR S you are the height of our hopes and bleffed- neffe, next after your royall Father our Lord and Soueraigne: So, next vnto his Maiefty, are wee bound to dedicate our bell endeu- [4] ours to your Princely feruice. And for the Subiea of this relation, as your High- nefTe hath beene pleafed to doe it the honour, by giuing it the Name of New England; and by your Highneffe moft fauourable encouragement, to continue the fame in life and being : So ought we to render an accompt of our proceedings, from the root thereof vnto the prefent growth it hath : which fummarily is here done. If it fhall appeare naked (as in truth it is) wee befeech your HighnefTe to receiue it fo much the rather for the truths fake, and with your bounty and grace to fhelter it from the florms & tempefls of malice and enuy, by which it hath been here- V01..1.-26 tofore 202 The Epijlle Dedicatory, tofore difpoyled of that goodly Ornament it might haue had by this time. [5] It is now almofl able to comfort itfelfe, and there is no queftion but by the light of your countenance, it will fpeedily grow, both to ferue his Maiefty with honour and profit, and multiply the fame feruice to your Highneffe in time to come, as a tribute due for the grace it receiues, by the bleffmgs of a long peace and profperity that our Na- tion enioyes vnder the Raigne of his facred Maieflie, through which we haue the eafier paffage to aduance the Croffe of Chrifl in Heathen parts, and to difplay his banner in the head of his Armie againft infernall fpirits, which haue fo long kept thofe poore diftrefsed creatures (the inhabitants of thofe parts) in bondage, whofe poflerity will foreuer [6] bleffe the time, that the iffue of your royall Anceftors, fprung from fo Emperiall branches, fliould be the meanes to vnite the diuided Crownes in one, whereby the generous Spirits of both Nations, may haue the fairer opportunity to procure their liberties. If your Highneffe accept of what is paft, we will hope of happineffe to enfue ; and howfoeuer, pray that all encreafe of honour in this world, and all heauenly blefsings in the world to come, may light vpon your Highneffe ; as befl becomes thofe that are Your HIGHNESSE humble feruants, The Prefident and Councell for the affaires of New- England. [7] A briefe RELATION OF THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION of New England, Lthough it bee a courfe, farre from the minde of vs, that are vndertakers for the aduancement of the Plantation of New England, to feeke by any vaine oftentation to extoll our owne en- deuours : yet we cannot but flriue to vindicate our reputation from the iniurious afperfions that haue beene laid vpon it, by the malicious practifes of fome that would aduenture nothing in the beginning, but would now reape the benefit of our paines and charges, and yet not feeme beholding to vs ; and to that end they difualew what is pafl, and by fmifter informations derogate what they can from the prefent courfe intended : the rather becaufe the good Orders appointed to bee put in execution there, are likely to reflraine the licentious irregularitie of other places. And y 204 The Difcouery a7id Plantation And this hath induced vs to publifh our proceedings, where- unto it hath pleafed God to giue a bleffing : as to [8] any of indifferent iudgement may appeare by that which followeth. WHen this defigne was firfl attempted, fome of the prefent company were therein chiefly intereflfed; who being carefull to haue the fame accompHflied, did fend to the difcouery of thofe Northerne parts a braue Gentleman, Captaine Henry Challons, with two of the Na- tiues of that Territory, the one called Maneday, the other Affecomety"^ But his misfortunes did expofe him to the power of certaine Strangers, enemies to his proceedings, so that by them, his company were feized, the fliips and goods confifcated, and that Voyage wholly ouerthrowne. This loffe, & vnfortunate beginning, did much abate the rifmg courage of the firfl Aduenturers; but immediately vpon his departure, it pleafed the noble Lord chiefe hijlice, Sir lohn Popham knight, to fend out another fhip, wherein Captain Thomas Human went Commander, & Marline Prinne, ^5 Thefe were two of the five na- likely to be correct, and it is moreover tives captured by Captain George proper to infer that AlTacomet and Waymouth in 1605, and were called by Manawet are identical. We are im- Rofier, in his account of Waymouth's pelled to this conclufion by the confid- voyage, Maneddo and Saflacomoit. eration of the incident of AfTacomet's The latter finally found his way back capture by the Spanifh and return to to England, and in 1614, after an ab- England, which would make it difficult fence from his people of nine years, for Sir Ferdinando to confound him with accompanied Captain Hobfon to New another, and alfo from the faft that he England. The three Indians who ac- was alTociated, as Gorges tells us in companied Hobfon are called by Sir the Narration, with Epenow, whom we Ferdinando, in his Briefe N'arration, know accompanied Hobfon. If we are Epenow, Wenape and AlTacomet; but right in this, Aflacomet returned home in this Relation he fpeaks of but two, after his long-enforced abfence, only to whom he calls Manawet and Epenow. find fpeedily a laft refling-place on his As the Relation was written fo near the native fhores. Challons failed Auguft time of the events fpoken of, it is more 12th, 1606. of New England. 205 Prinne"^^ of Briftow Mafter, with all neceflarie fupplies, for the feconding of Captaine Challons and his people ; who arriuing at the place appointed, and not finding that Captaine there, after they had made fome difcouery, and found the Coafts, Hauens, and Harbors anfwerable to our defires, they returned. Vpon whofe relation the Lord Chiefe Lnjlice, and wee all waxed fo confident of the bufi- neffe, that the yeere following euerie man of any worth, formerly intereffed in it, was willing to ioyne in the charge for the fending ouer a competent number of people to lay the ground of a hopefull plantation. Here upon Captaine Popkam, Captaine Rawley Gilbert, and others were fent away with two Ships, and an hundred Landmen, 256 Of Captain Thomas Haman, Ha- mon, or Hannam, as he is varioufly called, only a few unimportant me- morials furvive, and he foon after this period pafTes from fight ; but not fo of his companion Martin Pring. He, after many prolonged and perilous voy- ages, finally reached his native town of Briflol in fafety, and peacefully died in his boyhood's home. The ftranger who wanders into the old church of St. Ste- vens is ftill fliown his monument, bear- ing the following quaint infcription: — To The Pious Memorie of Martine Prince Merchaunt,Sometyme GenerallToThe East Indies, and one of ye Fraternitie of the Trinitie House. The liuing worth of this dead man was fuch, That this fay'r Touch can giue you but A Touch Of his admir'dguifts ; Theife quarter'd Arts Enrich'd his knowledge and ye fpheare im- parts ; His heart's true Embleme where pure thoughts did moue, By A mod: facred Influence from aboue, Prudence and Fortitude are topp this toombe • Which in braue FRINGE tooke vpp ye chiefeft roome ; Hope — Time fupporters (howe that hee did clyme The highefl: pitch of hope though not of Tyme. His painefull, flcillfuU trauales reach't as farre, As from the Artick to th' Antarctick ftarre, Hee made himfelfe A Shipp. Religion His onely compafs, and the truth alone His guiding Cynofure. faith was his failes His anchour hope, A hope that neuer fayles ; His fraight was charitie, and his returne A fruitful! practice. In this fatall vine His (hipp's fayr Bulck is lodg'd but ye ritch ladinge Is houf 'd in heauen, A hauen neuer fadinge. Hie terris ntultiim iactatus et vndis. /-lu-^ A \ Salutis \ 1626 Ob.t AnnoJ^^^^j^f ^g Vide Letters of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to Secretary Cecil, May loth, February 4th with enclofure, and March 13th, 1606, Hatfield Houfe, et pojlea. 2o6 The Difcouery and Plantation Landmen,^^^ Ordnance, and other prouifions neceffarie for their fuftentatlon and defence ; vntill other fupply might [9] bee fent. In the meane while, before they could returne, it pleafed God to take from vs this worthy member, the Lord CJiicfe lujlice, whofe fudden death did fo aftonifh the hearts of the mofl part of the Aduenturers,as fome grew cold, and fome did wholly abandon the bufmefle. Yet Sir Francis Popham his fonne, certaine of his priuate friends, and other of vs, omitted not the next yeare (holding on our firfl refolution) to ioyne in fending forth a new fupply, which was accordingly performed. But the Ships arriuing there, did not only bring vncom- fortable newes of the death of the Lord CJiiefe Itijlice, together with the death of Sir John Gilbert, the elder brother vnto Captaine Rawley Gilbert, who at that time was Prefident of that Councell: But found that the old Captaine Pop/mm was alfo dead ; who was the onely man (indeed) that died there that Winter,^^^ wherein they indured the greater extremities ; for that, in the depth thereof, their lodgings and ftores were burnt, and they thereby wondroufly diftreffed. This calamitie and euill newes, together with the refolu- tion 257 Cf. Strachey's account, which fhip, called the Mary and yohn, of fays: " Howbeyt tlie aforefaid late Lord London, wherein Raleigh Gilbert com- Chief Juftice would not for all this hard maunded ; which, with one hundred hanfell and Spanifh mifchief, give over and twenty perfons for planters, brake hi sdeterminacion for planting of a colony ground from Plymouth in June, 1607." within the aforefaid fo goodly a coun- Vide The Hijiorie of Travaile into Vir- try, upon the river of Sachadehoc ; but ginia Britannia, by William Strachey, againlt the next yeare prepared a great- Gent., London, 1849, pp. 163 et feq. er number of planters, and better pro- ^^^ There was one other death, Mafter vifions, which in two fliipps he fent Pattifon having been killed by the In- thither; a fly boat, called the Gift of dians. Vide Purchas his PilgrimeSy God, wherein a kinfman of his, George Vol. V. p. 830. Popham commaunded ; and a good of New England. 207 tion that Captaine Gilbei^t was forced to take for his owne returne, (in that hee was to fucceed his brother, in the inher- itance of his lands in England) made the whole company to refolue vpon nothing but their returne with the Ships; and for that prefent to leaue the Countrey againe, hauing in the time of their abode there (notwithflanding the cold- neffe of the feafon, and the fmall helpe they had) built a prettie Barke of their owne, which ferued them to good purpofe, as eafmg them in their return ing.^^'' The arriuall of thefe people heere in England, was a wonderfuU difcouragement to all the firft vndertakers, [10] in fo much as there was no more fpeech of setling any other plantation in thofe parts for a long time after : only Sir Francis Popham hauing the Ships and prouifion, which remained of the company, and fupplying what was necefTary for his purpofe, fent diuers times to the coafls for trade and fifhing; of whofe loffe or gaines himfelfe is beft able to giue account. Our people abandoning the plantation in this fort as you haue heard ; the Frenchmen immediately tooke the oppor- tunitie to fettle themfelues within our limits ; which being heard of by thofe of Virginia, that difcreetly tooke to their confideration the inconueniences that might arife, by fuffer- ing them to harbour there, they difpatched Sir Samuel Argall, with commiffion to difplace them, which hee per- formed with much difcretion, iudgement, valour, and dex- teritie.^^° For hauing feized their Forts, which they had built 259 Vide Letters of Sir Ferdinando ^^^ Sir Samuel Argall was a bold Gorges to Secretary Cecil, December and unfcrupulous man, intolerant of 111 and 3d, February 7th, and March oppofition and perfiftent in enforcing 20th, 1607, Hatfield House, et pojlea. obedience to his authority. From the day 2o8 The Difcouery and Plantation built at Mount Manfell^^^ Saint Croix, and Port Reall, he carryed away their Ordnance ; hee alfo furprifed their Ship, Cattle, and other prouifions, which hee tranfported to the Collonie in Virginia, to their great benefit. And hereby he hath made a way for the prefent hopefuU planta- tion to bee made in Noua-Scotia, which we heare his Maief- tie hath lately granted to Sir William Alexander Knight, one of his Maieflies moft honourable ^^^ Councell of the Kingdome of Scotland, to bee held of the faid Crowne, and that not without fome of our priuities, as by approbation vnder writing may and doth appeare. Whereby it is man- ifeft that wee are fo farre from making a Monopoly of all thofe lands belonging to that coaft (as hath beene fcan- daloufly by fome obiecfted) That we wiJJt that many would vjidertake the like. \^ day of his arrival in Virginia in 1609 to the day of his difgraceful departure from the colony in 1619, he was ever aftive to advance his private interefts and to make his power felt by thofe about him. One of his arbitrary afls was to court- martial Edward Brewfter, and banifh him from the colony; an a6l which was fubfequently declared illegal by the Court. In 161 3 he abdufted Pocahon- tas, and forced Powhatan to releafe the Englifh held captive by him, as well as to return the rproperty he had taken from the colonifi;s ; an exploit which properly gained him confiderable pop- ularity and was of real fervice to the Colony. His attack upon the French, here defcribed, has been pronounced by one of ourbeft hiftorians "utterly unau- thorized:" but it would not feem upon juft grounds, fmce the Virginia charter conferred the power upon the colonies to "encounter, expulfe, repel, and refill, as well by Sea as by Land, by all Ways and Means whatfoever, all and every fuch Perfon and Perfons, as without the efpecial Licence of the faid feveral Colo- nies and Plantations, fhall attempt to inhabit within the faid feveral Precincts and Limits of the said feveral Colonies." Sir Ferdinando is therefore juflified in commending Argall for expelling the French trefpaflers upon the Englilh domain. 261 This was the Englifh name of Mount Uefert, and was beflowed upon it in honor of Sir Robert Manfell, a mem- ber of the Virginia Company ; but the more appropriate name befi:owed upon it by Champlain has clung to it in fpite of the efforts of the early Englilh colo- nifls to fupplant it by another title. An attempt has recently been made to per- petuate the Englifh name by affixing it to one of the mountains upon the ifland. 263 Vide Sir William Alexander and American Colonization, Prince Society, edited by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M., Bofton, 1873. of New England. 209 In this Interim there were of vs who apprehended better hopes of good that might enfue by this attempt, being [11] thereunto perfwaded, both by the relations of our peo- ple that had indured the many difficulties whereunto fuch a6lions are subiefted chiefly in the Winter feafon ; and likewife by the informations giuen them by certaine of the Natiues, that had beene kept a long time in their hands ; wherefore we refolued once more to trie the veritie thereof, and to fee if poffibly we might finde fomething that might induce a frefli refolution to profecute a worke fo pious and fo honourable. And thereupon they difpatched Captaine Hobfon, of the He of Wight, together with Captaine Herley, Mafter lohn Matthew, Mafter Sturton^^ with two Saluages, the one called Epenow, the other Alanawet, with commil^ lion and dire(ftions fit for them to obferue and follow, the better to bring to paffe what was expe6led. But as in all humane affaires, there is nothing more certaine, then the vncertaintie thereof ; fo fell it out in this ; for a little before fuch time as they arriued vpon the coaft with the forefaid Sauages, who were Naturalls of thofe parts, it happened there had beene one Hunt (a worthleffe fellow of our Na- tion) fet out by certaine Merchants for loue of gaine ; who (not content with the commoditie he had by the fifli, and peaceable trade he found among the Sauages) after hee had made his difpatch, and was ready to fet fayle, (more fauage- like then they) feized vpon the poore innocent creatures, that in confidence of his honeftie had put themfelues into his hands. And flowing them vnder hatches, to the number of twenty ^®3 Cf. the account of this voyage in the twelfth chapter of the Briefe Narratiofi. VOL. I. — 27 2IO The Difcouery and Pla7itatiofi twenty foure, carried them into the Straights, where hee fought to fell them for flaues, and fold as many as he could get money for. But when it was vnderftood from whence they were brought, the Friers of thofe parts tooke the reft from them, and kept them to be inftru6led in the Chriflian Faith ; and fo difappointed this vnworthy fellow of the hopes of gaine he conceiued to make by this new & diuel- liOi proiea.'^ This being knowne by our two Saluages, formerly [12] fpoken of, they prefently contra6led fuch an hatred againfl our whole Nation, as they immediatly fludied how to be reuenged; and contriued with their friends the beft meanes to bring it to pafs ; but Manawet dying in a fhort time after the Ships arriuall there, and the other ob- feruing the good order, and ftrong guard our people kept, fludied only how to free himfelfe out of our hands, and thereupon laid the plot very orderly, and indeed effe6led his purpofe, although with fo great hazard to himfelfe and friends, that laboured his refcue, that Captaine Hob/on and his whole company imagined he had beene flaine. And though in the recouery of his body they wounded the Mafler of our Ship, and diuers other of our company, yet was not their defigne without the flaughter of fome of their people, and the hurts of other, compaffed, as appeared afterward. Hereupon Captaine Hob/on and his companie conceiuing the 26* Smith fays that Hunt "betrayed ceedings to be fo much the more diffi- twenty feauen of thofe poore innocent cult." Vide A Defcription of New foules, which he fould in Spaine for England, by Captain John Smith, Bof- flaues, to mooue their hate againfl our ton, 1S65, pp. 65 et/eq. Nation, as well as to caufe my pro- of New England. 2 1 1 the end of their attempt ta bee fruftrate, refolued without more adoe to returne, and fo thofe hopes, that charge and voyage was loft alfo, for they brought home nothing but the newes of their euill fucceffe, of the vnfortunate caufe thereof, and of a warre now new begunne betweene the inhabitants of thofe parts, and vs. A miferable comfort for fo weake meanes as were now left, to purfue the conclufion of fo tedious an enterprife. While this was a working, wee found the meanes to fend out Captaine lokn Smith from Plymouth, in a fhip, together with M after Darmer and diuers others with him, to lay the foundation of a new Plantation, and to tr)'- the fifhing of that Coaft, and to feeke to fettle a trade with the Natiues : But fuch was his misfortune, as being fcarce free of our [13] owne Coaft, he had his mafls fhaken ouerboord by flormes and tempefts, his fliip wonderfully diflreffed, and in that extremity forced to come backe againe ; fo as the feafon of the yeere being almoft fpent, we were of neceffitie enforced to furnifli him with another fhip, and taking out the prouifion of the firft, difpatched him away againe, who comming to the height of the Wefterne Iflands, was chafed by a French Pirate, and by him made prifoner, although his fliip in the night efcaped away, and returned home with the lofTe of much of her prouifion, and the ouer- throw of that voyage, to the mine of that poore Gentleman Captaine Smith who was detained prifoner by them, and forced to fuffer many extremities, before hee got free of his troubles.^^ tvt , .,un. j- rsl otwithitandmg 265 Vide Smith's account of thefe tranfaflions, in A De/cripdon of New England, Bofton, 1S65, pp. 67-80. 2 12 The Difcouery and Plantation Notwithflanding thefe difafters, it pleafed God fo to worke for our incouragement againe, as hee fent into our hands Tafquantum, one of thofe Saluages that formerly had beene betrayed by this vnworthy Hunt before named, by vvhofe meanes there was hope conceiued to worke a peace betweene vs, and his friends, they being the principall inhabitants of that coaft, where the fire was kindled. But this Saluage Tafqiiantum, being at that time in the New- found land with Captain Ma/on, Gouernour there for the vndertakers of that Plantation : Mafter Darmer (who was there alfo, and fometimes before imployed as we haue faid by vs, together with Captaine lohn Smith) found the meanes to giue vs intelligence of him, and his opinion of the good vfe that might be made of his imployment, with the readi- neffe of Captaine Ma/on^^^ to further any of our attempts that way, either with boats or other prouifion neceffary, and refoluing himfelfe to goe from thence, aduifed vs to fend fome to meet with him, at our vfuall place of fifliing, to aid him in his indeuour, that they ioyning together, might [14] be able to doe what he hoped would be verie accept- able vnto all well wifliers of that bufmeffe. Vpon this newes, we difpatched the next feafon Captaine Rocraft, with a Company for that purpofe, in hope to haue met with Captaine Darmer ; but the care and difcretion of Captaine Ma/on was fuch, finding Captaine Darmcrs refo- lution to goe beyond his meanes, that hee perfwaded him firft to goe for England, that prouiding himfelfe there, as was requifite, 2«* This appears to have been the formed between Captain John Mafon forerunner of that warm friendfhip and and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, which clofe affociation which was fubfequently lafted until the former's death. of New England, 2 1 3 requifite, he might proceed in time expedient, which coun- fell he obferued (as fit it was) although our expeiflation of his ioyning with Captaine Rocrajt was thereby difappointed. Yet fo it happened, that Captaine Rocraft at his arriuall in thofe parts, met with a French Barke that lay in a Creeke a fifliing, and trading, which he feized on, and fent home the Mafter and Company in the fame Ship which he went out in. With this Barke and his owne Company, hee meant to keepe the Coafl that Winter quarter, being very well fitted both with fait, and other neceffaries for his turne : but as this was an A61 of extremity (the poore man being of our owne Religion) fo fucceeded it accordingly. For in a fliort time after, certaine of this Captaines company, confpired together to cut his throat, and to make themfelues mafters of the whole fpoile, and fo to feeke a new fortune where they could beft make it. This confpiracie being difcouered to the Captaine, hee let it goe on, till the time that it fliould haue beene put in execution, when hee caught them in there owne traine, and fo apprehended them in the very inftant that they were purpofed to beginne their malTacre. But after he had preuented the mifchiefe, and feized vpon the malefa6lors, hee tooke to his confideration what [15] was beft to be done with them. And beeing loth by himfelfe to difpatch them as they deferued, he refolued to put them afhore, thinking by their hazard that it was poffible they might difcouer fomething, that might aduance the publike; and fo giuing them fome Armes for their de- fenfe, and fome vidluall for their fuffentation, vntill they knew better how to prouide for themfelues, he left them at 2 14 ^^^^ Difcotiery and Plantation a place called Sawaguaiock^^'^ where they remained not long, but got from thence to Menehighon}'^ an Ifland lying fome three leagues in the Sea, and fifteene leagues from that place, where they remained all that Winter, with bad lodg- ing, and w'orfe fare, yet came all fafe home faue one fickly man, which dyed there, the refl returned with the Ship wee fent for Rocrafts fupply and prouifion, to make a fifliing voyage. After thefe fellowes were landed, the Captaine finding himfelf but weakely man'd, and his Ship to draw too much water to coafl thofe places, that by his inflruclions he was affigned to difcouer, hee refolued to goe for Virginia where he had lined a long time before, and had (as hee conceiued) many friends, that would helpe him with fome things that he had occafion to vfe. Arriuing there, he was not deceiued of his expe(ftation ; for Sir Samuel Argall being their Gou- ernour, and one that refpe6led him much for his owne fake, was the readier to helpe him, in regard of the good hee wiflied to the bufmeffe wherein he was imployed. But all this could not preuaile, for after that Sir Samuel Argall C2ime from thence (his departure being more fuddaine then was expecfed) it fell out that the new Gouernour en- tered the Harbour; and finding Rocraft ready to bee gone, fent to him to command him to come aboord to fpeake with him, which he readily obeyed, affoone as he could fit his boat "^'^ Now known as Saco. It is curi- combination of letters here difplayed, ous to note how differently Indian words namely, Sawaguatock ; while the French were reprefented by thofe hearing them, gave it a very different form, namely, Thus the Englifh, in the cafe before Choiiacoet. us, tried to produce the found of the "^^^ The ifland of Monhegan. Indian name of this place by the ftrange of Ne V V England. 2 1 5 boat and men for that purpofe.^^^ And fo leaning his Barke with her great Anker a head, and taking with him the [16] halfe of his company, hee was forced to flay aboard the new Gouernours Ship that night. In the meane while a florme arifing, our Barke wanting hands to doe their labour, droue a fhoare, and there funke. But yet the Gou- ernour and Captaine fo laboured the next day, when they knew thereof, as that they freed her againe, but that occafion forced our Captaine to ffay fo long in the Countrey to fit himfelfe anew, as in the interim a quarrell fell out betweene him and another of that place ; fo as Rocraft was flaine, and the Barque funke the fecond time, and finally difabled from yeelding vs any benefit to this prefent. But we not knowing this difafter, and Captaine Darmer arriuing with his Saluage,^"^ out of New-found-land, dif patched him away the next feafon, in a fhippe we fent againe for the fifhing bufineffe, and affigned him a company to ioyne with Rocraft and his people. Captaine Darmer arriuing there, and not finding Rocraft, was a little perplexed, and in doubt what to doe : yet hear- ing by thofe Mutiners which he found there, that he was gone for Virginia ; he was hopefull of his returne ; and lined in that expe6tation, till fuch time as he heard (by a fhip that 269 This was Sir George Yeardley, ready on his way to England. Sir Fer- who was appointed governor of Vir- dinando puts the matter very mildly ginia in OcSlober, 1618, and was knight- when he fpeaks of Argall's departure ed on November 22d. He failed for as " being more fuddaine then was Virginia on the 19th of January, but expected." owing to florms did not reach Jamef- -'''' Tifquantum, who had efcaped town until April 19th, 1619. On his ar- from Spain by an Englida veffel bound rival he found that Argall had fled from for Newfoundland, as before related, juftice fome time before, and was al- 2i6 The Difcotiery and Plantation tliat came from thence to fifli for the Collony) the confufion of his fortune, and tne end of his mifery in this world. Then he determined to take the Pinnace that the yeare be- fore was affigned to Rocraft for him to make the trade with, and with her to proceed on his defigne, and fo embarked himfelfe, and his prouifion and company in her. And lean- ing the fiflier-men to their labour, he coafted the fliore from thence, fearching euery Harbour, and compaffmg euery Cape-land, till he arriued in Vh'gmia ; where he was in hope to meet with fome of the prouifion, or company [17] of Rocraft, to helpe to fupply him of what he wanted; as alfo to lay a Deck vpon his Pinnace, that before had not any, and now was taught by experience the neceffitie of hauing that defe6l fupplied. But thofe hopes failed him (al being before that time ruined and difperfed) fo farre, as he faw it in vaine to hope for help by that means, and therefore attempted to make the beft of what hee had of his owne. And going to fet his men aworke, they all in a few dayes after their arriuall, fell ficke of a difeafe which hapned at that time in the country, fo as now he was not onely forced to be without hope of their helping of him, but mufl labour himfelfe all he could to attend and fuflaine them; but fo God fauoured him, that they recouered, and in time conuenient he difpatched his bufmeffe there, and put himfelfe to Sea againe, refoluing to accomplifli in his iouney backe to New- England, what in his lafl; Difcouery he had omitted. In his paffage he met with certaine Hollanders, who had a trade in Htidfons riuer fome yeares before that time, with whom he had conference about the ftate of that coafl, and their of New England, 2 1 7 their proceedings with thofe people : whofe anfwer gaue him good content. He betooke himfelfe to the following of his bufineffe, difcouering many goodly Riuers, and exceed- ing pleafant, and fruitful! coafts and Iflands, for the fpace of 80 leagues from Eaft to Wefl, for fo that coafl doth range along from Hudfons Riuer to Cape lamcs?'^ Now after we had found by Captaine Rocrafts relation made the year before, the hopes he conceiued of the bene- fits that coafl would afford, towards the vpholding of the charge for fetling our Plantation by reafon of the commod- ities arifing by fifliing and furres, if a courfe might be taken for the mannaging of that bufinefTe, as was fit for fijch a de- figne ; as well as for the aduancement of the publique [18] good of our whole nation and fatisfaction of euery well difpofed perfon, that had a will to be intereffed therein. It was held to be mofl conuenient to ftren2;then ourfelues by a new Grant to be obtained from his royall Maieftie : the rather, finding that thofe of Virginia had by two feu- erall Patents fettled their bounds^^ and excluded all from intermedling with them that were not free of their Com- pany ; 271 This is Cape Cod, and is one of the coaft made by Smith in 1614. This many inftances illuftrating the tenacity name was adopted by Gorfjes and other with which names when once applied royahfts ; but in fpite of thefe efforts to to places cHng to them, efpecially if local change the name lightly but appropri- reafons exift for fuch application. Cape ately'given it by the old manner, it held Cod was fo named in 1602 by Gofnold, its place againft a royal one heflowed on account of the abundance of cod- upon it by a prince and infcribed upon ti(h which he found in its vicinity; the moft noted chart of the coaft then but Prince Charles, thinking it would extant. be more appropriate to name it in '^'' Vide Hijlorical CoUe^ions, by honor of his royal father, beflowed Ebenezer Hazard, A.M., Philadelphia, upon it the name of Cape James, and 1792. Vol. I. pp. 50-82. Virginia had it was fo defignated on the firfl map of had three charters at this time. VOL. I. — 28 2i8 The Difcottery and Plantation pany ; and had wholly altered the forme of their Gouern- ment, from the firft ground layed for the managing the affaires of both CoUonies, leauing vs as defperate, and our bufmeffe as abandoned. Thefe confiderations (as is faid) together with the necef- fitie of fetling our affaires, bounds and limits, diflincl from theirs, made vs refolue to petition his Maieflie for the re- newing of our Grant5^ By which time the rumour of our hopes was fo publiquely fpread abroad, and the commodities of the Fifli and trade fo looked into, as it was defired, that all that coafl might be made free, as well to thofe of Virginia, as to vs to make their commoditie: How iuft or vniufl that motion was, we will not argue, feeing the bufmeffe is ended. By this meanes, our proceedings were interrupted, and we queflioned about it ; firft, by the Counfell of Virginia, whom we thought to haue bene fully fatisfied therein, be- fore we could haue way giuen vs for a new Patent, both parties hauing been heard by certaine of the Lords of the Councell ; and the bufmeffe by them fo ordered, as we were dire6ted to proceed and to haue our Grant agreeable to the libertie of the Virginia Company, the frame of our gou- ernment excepted ; but this order not being Hked of, it was againe heard & concluded.^'* Laftly, the Patent being paft the Scale, it was ftopt vpon new fuggeftions to the King, and by his Maieftie referred to the Councell to be fettled 273 Vide Colonial Papers, James I., Company, vide The Hijlory of the Vir- Public Records Office, Vol. I. No. 47- ginia Company of London, by Edward 27* For the account of thefe tranf- D. Neill, Albany, 1869, pp. 131, 133, aflions from the fide of the Virginia 165, 175. of New England. 2 1 9 [19] fettled, by whom the former Orders were confirmed, the difference cleared, and we ordered to haue our Patent delivered vs.^^ Thefe difputes held vs almofl two yeeres, fo as all men were afraid to ioyne with vs, and we thereby left hopeleffe of any thing more than that which our owne fortunes would yeeld to aduance our proceedings, in which time fo many accidents hapned vnto vs at home, and abroad, that wee were faine to giue order by the fhips we fent afifliing, for the retiring of Mafter Darmer, and his people, vntil all things were cleared, and we better prouided of meanes to goe through with our defigne : but this worthy Gentleman confident of the good likely to enfue, and refolutely refolu- ing to purfue the ends he aymed at, could not be perfuaded to looke backe, as yet ; and fo refufing to accept our offer, began againe to profecute his Difcouery, wherein he was betrayed by certaine new Saluages, who fodainly fet vpon him, giuing him foureteene or fifteene wounds; but by his valour, and dexteritie of fpirit he freed himfelfe out of their hands, yet was confirained to retire into Virginia again the fecond time, for the cure of his wounds, where he fell ficke of the infirmities of that place, and thereof dyed : "^'^ fo ended this worthie Gentleman his dayes, after he had re- mained ^^ For the Order of Council and To his WorJJiipfull Friend M. SAMUEL Patent iilued to Gorges and others PURCHAS, Preacher of the Word, at the November 3d, 1620, vide Hijlorical Church a little within 'Lndgzie, 'London. Colleclions, by Ebenezer Hazard, A.M., Sir, — It was the nineteenth of May, be- Philadelphia, 1792, Vol. I. p. 99; Ibid., fore I was fitted for my difcouery, when pp. 103-I18. ixoxn Monahiggan I fet fayle in an open 276 The followinjr letter of Dermer P'^nace of five tun for the Iland I told gives his own account of his adventures, TfjS J ^^^^^f. ^\''''f}^': ^°^^ ^^'^ ^ , . . . n- • ., • n.. 'A found fome antient Plantations, not long and IS mterefting in this conneaion : - ^^^^ populous now vtterly void; in other places 220 The Difcottery and Plantation mained in the difcouery of that coaft two yeares, giuing vs good content in all hee vndertooke ; and after he had made the places a remnant remaines, but not free of ficknelTe. Their difeafe the Plague, for wee might perceiue the fores of fome that had efcaped, who defcribed the fpots of fuch as vfually die. When I arriued at my fauages natiue country (finding all dead) I travelled alongft adaies journey W^eftward, to a place called Nummallaquyt, where find- ing Inhabitants, I difpatched a Meffenger a dayes journey further Well to Poconackit which bordereth on the fea ; whence came to fee me two Kings, attended with a guard of fiftie armed men, who being well fatisfied with that my Sauage and I difcourled vnto them (being defirous of noueltie) gaue mee content in whatfoeuer I demanded, where I found that former relations were true. Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and after- wards another at Mastachufit who three yeeres fince efcaped fliipwracke at the North-eaft of Cape Cod, I mull (amonglf many things worthy obferuation) for want of leifure, therefore hence I paffe (not men- tioning any place where we touched in the way) to the Hand, which we difcouered the twelfth of June. Here we had good quarter with the Sauages, who likewile confirmed former reports. I found feuen feuerall places digged, fent home of the earth, with famples of other commodities elfewhere found, founded the Coaft, and the time being farre fpent bare vp for Mon- nahiggan, arriuing the three and [twen]ti- eth of June, where wee found our Ship ready to depart. To this He are two other neere adjoyning, all which I called by the name of King James his lies, becaufe from thence I had the firft motiues to fearch, For that (now probable palfage) which may hereafter be both honourable and profita- ble to his Majeflie. When I had difpatched with the fhips ready to depart, I thus concluded for the accomplifhing my bufineffe, In regard of the fewneffe of my men, not being able to leaue behind mee a competent number for defence, and yet fufficiently furniflr my- felfe, I put mofl: of my prouifions aboord the Samp/on of Cape Ward ready bound for Virginia, from whence hee came, taking no more into the Pinnace then I thought might ferue our turnes, determining with Gods helpe to fearch the Coaft along, and at Virginia to fupply ourfelues for a fecond difcouery, if the firli failed. But as the beft aflions are commonly hardeft in effe6ting and are feldome without their croffes, fo in this we had our ihare, and met with many difficulties : for wee had not fayled aboue forty leagues, but wee were taken with a Southerly ftorme, which drave vs to this ftrait ; eyther we mulf weather a rockie point of Land, or run into a broad Bay no leffe dangerous. Incidit in Syllam, &c. the Rockes wee could not weather, though wee loo fed till we receuied much water, but at laft were forced to beare up for the Bay, and run on ground a furlong off the (hoare, where we had beene beaten to pieces, had wee not inftantly throvvne overboord our prouifions to haue our liues ; by which meanes we efcaped and brought off our Pinnace the next high water without hurt, hauing our Planke broken, and a fmall leake or two which we eafily mended. Be- ing left in this mifery, hauing loft much bread, all our Beefe and Sider, fome Meale and Apparell, vi'ith other prouifions and neceffaries ; hauing now little left befides hope to encourage vs to perfift ; Yet after a little deliberation we refolued to proceed and departed with the next faire winde. We had not now that faire quarter amongft the Sauages as before, which I take it was by realbn of our Sauages ablence, who de- fired (in regard of our long journey) to ftay with fome of our Sauage friends Sawahqua- tooke) for now almoil everywhere, where they were of any llrength they fought to betray vs. At Manamock (the Southerne part of Cape Cod, now called Sutcliffe Inlets) I was vnawares taken prifcmer, when they fought to kill my men, which I left to man the Pinnace; but miffing of their purjiofe, they demanded a ranfome, which had, I was as farre from libertie as before : yet it pleafed God at laft. after a ftrange manner to deliuer me, with three of of New England, 221 the peace between vs and the Saluages, that fo much ab- horred our Nation for the wrongs done them by others, as of them into my hands, and a little after the chiefe Sacheum himfelfe ; who feeing me weigh anchor, would have leaped over boord, but intercepted, craned pardon, and fent for the Hatchets giuen for ranfome, excufing himfelfe by laying the fault on his neighbours; and to be friends fent for a Canoas lading of Corne, which receiued we fet him free. I am loth to omit the florv, wherein you would finde caufe to adm re the great mercy of God euen in our great- eft mifery, in gluing vs both freedome and reliefe at one time. Departing hence, the next place we arriued at was Capavek, an Hand formerly difcouered by the Englifh, where I met with Epinew, a Sauage that had liued in England, and fpeakes indiffer- ent good Englilh, who foure yeeres iince being carried home, was reported to haue beene flaine, with diuers of his Countrey- men, by Saylers which was falfe. With him I had much conference, who gave mee very good fatisfaction in euery thing almoff I could demand. Time not permitting me to fearch here, which I Ihould have done for fundry things of fpecial moment : the wind faire, I flood away iliaping my courfe as the Coaft led mee, till I came to the moft Wefterly part where the Coaft began to fall away Southerly. In my way I difcou- ered Land about thirtie leagues in length, heretofore taken for Mayne, where I feared I had beene imbayed, but by the help of an Indian I got to the vSea againe, through many crooked and Ifreight paffages. I let paffe many accidents in this journey occa- fioned bv treacherie, where wee were com- pelled twice to goe together by the eares, once the Sauages had great advantage of vs in a flreight, not aboue a Bowe lliot, and where a multitude of Indians let flye at vs from the banke, but it pleafed God to make vs vi6lours ; neere vnto this wee found a moft dangerous Catwrack amongft fmall rockie Hands, occafioned by two vnequall tydes, the one ebbing and flowing two houres before the other ; here wee loft an Anchor by the llrength of the current, but found it deepe enough ; from you hence were wee carried in a fhort fpace by the tydes fwiftneffe into a great Bay (to vs fo appearing) but indeede is broken land, which gaue vs light of the Sea : here, as I faid, the Land treadeth Southerly. In this place I talked with many Saluages, who told me of two fundry paffages to the great Sea on the Weft, offered me Pilots, and one of them drew mee a Plot with Chalke upon a Cheft, whereby I found it a great Hand, parted the two Seas; they report the one fcarce paffable for flioalds, perillous currents, the other no queftion to be made of. Hauing receiued thefe directions, I haften to the place of greateft hope, where I purpofed to make triall of Gods good- neffe towards vs, and vie my beft endeu- our to bring the truth to light, but wee were but onely fhewed the entrance, where in feeking to pafl'e wee were forced backe with contrary and ouerblowing windes, hardly efcaping both our liues. Being thus overcharged with weather, I flood alongft the coaft to feeke harbours, to attend a fauourable gale to recnuer the ftreight, but being a harbourleffe Coaft for ought we could then perceiue, wee found no fuccour, till wee arriued betwixt Cape Charles and the Maine on the Eaft fide the Bay Cheftapeak, where in a wilde Roade wee anchored: and the next day (the eight of September) croffed the Bay to Kecough- tan, where the firft newes ftrooke cold to our hearts, the generall fickneffe ouer the Land. Here I refolued with all pofiible fpeede to returne in purfuite of this bufi- neife; fo that after a little refrefliing, wee recouered up the River to James Citie, and from thence to Cape Warde his Plantacon, where immediatelv wee fell to hewing of Boords for a clofe Decke, hauing found it a moft defired courfe to attempt as before As wee were thus labouring to affe6f our purpofes, it pleafed almighty God (who only difpofeth of the times and feafons, wherein all workes Ihall be accomplifhed) to vifite vs with his heauie hand, fo that at one time there were but two of vs able to helpe the reft, my felfe fo fore flraken with 22 2 The Difcouery and Plantation you haue heard : but the fruit of his labour in that behalfe we as yet receiue to our great commoditie, who haue a peace- able plantation at thisprefent among them, where our people both profper, and Hue in good liking, and affuredneffe of their neighbours, that had beene formerly fo much exafperated againft vs, as will more at large appeare hereafter. [20] But hauing pafTed all thefe ftormes abroad, and vndergone fo many home-bred oppofitions, and freed our Patent, which we were by order of State affigned to renew, for the amendment of fome defe6ts therein contained, we were afTured of this ground more boldly to proceed on than before ; and therefore we tooke firfl to conidferation how to raife the meanes to aduance the plantation. In the examination thereof, two w^ayes did offer themfelues : The one was the voluntary contribution of the Patejztees ; The other, by an eafie ranfoming of the freedomes of thofe that had a will to partake onely of the prefent profits, arifing by the trade, and fifliing vpon the coafl. The firft was to proceed from thofe Noble-men, and others that were Patentees, and they agreed by order among them- felues a burning feauer, that I was brought euen feare of danger, let this therefore ferve for vnto deaths doore ; but at length by Gods confirmation of your hopes, till I can bet- affiftance efcaped, and haue now with the ter performe my promife and your defire ; reft almoft recouered my former ftrength. for what I haue fpoken I can produce at The Winter hauing ouertaken vs (a time on leaft mille telles ; farre feparate, of the thefe Coafts efpecially) fubjeft to gufts and Sea behinde them, and of Ships, which fearefull ftormes, I haue now refolued to come many dayes journey from the Weft, choofe a more temperate feafon, both for and of the great extent of this Sea to the generall good and our own fafeties. And North and South, not knowing any bounds thus I haue fent you a broken difcourfe, thereof Weftward. I ceafe to trouble you though indeede very vnwilling to haue till a better opportunity offer it felfe re- giuen any notice at all, till it had pleafed membering my beft loue &c. I reft God to haue bleffed mee with a thorow Yours to command, fearch, that our eyes might haue witneffed Tho. Dermer. the truth, I have drawne a Plot of the From Captaine Martyn Coaft, which I dare not yet part with for his Plantation. 27 Decemb. 1619. of Ne vv England, 223 felues to difburfe a hundred pounds apeece, for the ad- uancement of fuch neceffary bufines, as they had in hand. The fecond was to be accompliflied by fetling fuch Hber- ties and orders in the wefterne cities and townes, as might induce euery reafonable man in, and about them, affecting the pubHke good, or a regular proceeding in the bufinefle of trade, to embrace an vniformitie, and to ioyne in a commu- nitie, or ioynte ffocke together: How reafonable or vnrea- fonable thofe orders were, is hereafter to be feene, and iudged by eury well affedled perfon, or any truly louing the publike good of our Nation, whereunto is annexed the dif- ference of trading by ioynte flocke vnder gouernment and order; and the promifcuous trading without order and in a dif-joynted manner, as of late they haue done to the infinite preiudice of others already, as alfo to the loffe of many of themfelues, that contemptoufly and greedily haue leapt into that courfe, as it were in defpite of all Authoritie, whofe reward, in time, will follow. [21] Before thefe Orders were to be tendered to thofe cities and townes, it was defired that there might be letters fent from their Lordfhips, admonifliing them of his Maiefties royall Grant, that prohibiteth any not free of that bufmes, to intermeddle within our limits, vpon paine of con- fifcation of fhip and goods. Thefe letters expreffing withall the eood affe61ion of thofe that were intereffed in the bufi- nelle, to entertaine any that fliould be willing to conforme themfelues to fuch orders, as had in that behalfe beene eflabliflied. But thofe letters how full of iuftice fo euer they appeared, were as diftaftefull, as was the rumor of Order vnto them : for 224 The Difcotiery a7id Plantation for by it euery particular man thought himfelfe ftrait de- barred of libertie to run his owne currant, in which he thought his freedome did onely confift ; and by debarring him thereof, his priuate ends were ouerthrowne, which was to endeauour to preuent his neighbour of the market he aimed at, or the Harbour he refolued to goe vnto, or the prefent trade hee expe6ted to haue by his priuate induftrie, but as for the publique hee cared not, let that fare as it would.^'^ While thefe things were in difpute, and likely to haue taken a good foundation, the news of the Parliament flew to all parts, & then the moft fa61ious of euery place, prefently combined themfelues to follow the bufmeffe in Parliament, where they prefumed to proue the fame to be a Monopolie, and much tending to the preiudice of the com- mon good. But that there fhould be a conformitie in trade, or a courfe taken to preuent the euills that were likely to enfue, or to appropriate poffeffions, or lands after a generous manner, in remote parts of the world, to certaine publique perfons, of the common-wealth, for the taking care, and fpending their time and means how to aduance the enlarge- ment of their Countrey, the honour of their King, and [22] glory of their God; thefe were thought crimes worthy the taking notice of, and the principall Actors in this kinde, muft be firft traduced in priuate, then publiquely called vpon in Parliament, to anfwer fuch other fcandalls as could by malice be inuented. But as this bufmeffe was in itfelfe iuft, and righteous, fo was it as earneftly defired, they might haue had the op- portunitie ''^'^ Various references to thefe trou- Proclamation of the King in Colonial bles may be found in The Records of Papers, James I., Public Records Ofifice, the Council for New England; -aXio vide Vol. II. No. 106. of New England, 225 portunitie to haiie anfwered it before fo vnpartiall ludges, and fo reuerend perfons ; if fo it might haue been without offence to the authoritie of his royall Maieftie, that had extended itfelfe by vertue of his Prerogatiue fo farre off, and without the Lawes of this Realme, and to be put in execution without the pubhke expence, or charge of the common-wealth, or preiudice to any other former imploy- ments of our Nation, and indeed without offence to any that coueted not to put their fickle into the harueft of other men, or whofe enuious & couetous humors ftirred them not vp to fliame themfelues in the conclufion. Thefe troubles thus vnfortunately falling out, haue not- withftanding hindered vs from the hopes we had this yeare,^^^ to giue fome life extraordinarily to thofe affaires, & therefore we are forced of neceffitie to refer the maine of our refolution, till a more conuenient opportunitie, and till we haue gotten our fhips and prouifion fit to ferue our turnes both to giue the Law along thofe coafts, and to per- forme fuch other feruice, as is thereby intended for the publike good of our Aduenturers, and defence of our Mer- chants, that fhall frequent thofe places, according to fuch Orders, as fhall be found behouefuU in that behalfe. The 2^8 The year 1622. This book muft the Stationers' Regifter was made July have been printed near the clofe of the 15, 1622, and the title as there fet down year, as it fpeaks of events which oc- is " A Briefe Relation of the Difcoverie curred late in the autumn. of New England." This is figned in It was printed under the aufpices of the margin, Miftrefs Griffith and John the Council, doubtlefs to attract attention Haviland. Miflrefs Griffith was proba- te its enterprife, as in the Records of the bly the wife of George Griffith, a mer- Council under date of " Saturday laft chant of London, and at an early date of May," it is ftated that " the allowance interefled in American colonization. He of the printing of ye Booke is referred was fubfequently a prominent member to the Earl of Arundell." The entry in of the Laconia Company. VOL. I. — 29 2 26 The Difcoztery and Plantation [23] The Clime and co7idition of the Country, and the prefent eftate of our affaires there. Ou haue heard already the many difafters, calam- ities, misfortunes, oppofitions, and hinderances we haue had, and receiued. Howbeit many I are omitted, in that we defire not to trouble the Reader with more then enough ; or to affright the minds of weake fpirits, that will beleeue there is no better fucceffe to be looked for from fuch attempts : although it be true that the beft delignes doe oftentimes cary with them the moft impediments, whether it be that God will haue it fo, to trie our conftancie, or othervvife to make vs know, that it is he onely that worketh after his owne will, according to the time he hath affigned, and that there is nothing done but by him, as alfo that, that is onely beft which hee will haue to bee done, and that time mofl proper which he hath afUgned for the fame. But by thefe you may imagine (feeing we haue none other helps than our owne fortunes to build vpon) there can no great matters bee performed in thefe ftormes and tempefts. Notwithftanding, you may know wee haue not beene of New England, 227 beene more hindered one way, than blelTed an other: for, as our patience, conftancie, trauels and charge hath been great, fo hath it (indeed) manifoldly beene requited : For, by GODS fauour, and thefe Gentlemens induftrie, we haue made a moft ample difcouery of the moft commodious Country for the benefit of our Nation, that euer hath beene found. For better fatisfadion of the Reader in this behalfe, [24] we haue thought fit, by the way, to acquaint him firfl, with the nature of the place where wee haue fettled our felues, whereby hee may fee reafon for what wee haue done, remembring him likewife, that in fetling of plantations, there is principally to be confidered ; The Aire, for the health of the inhabitans ; The Soile, for fer- tilitie fit for corne, and feeding of cattle wherewith to fijftaine them ; The Sea, for commoditie of trade and com- merce, the better to inrich their publike and priuate State, as it fliall grow to perfe6lion ; and to raife imployments, to furnifh the courfe of thofe affaires. Now for the quality of the Aire, there is none of iuge- ment but knowes it proceedeth either from the generall dif- pofition of the Sphere, or from the particular conftitution of the place. Touching the difpofition of the Sphere, it is not onely feated in the temperate Zone, but as it were in the Center, or middle part thereof, for that the middle part of the Coun- trey flands in the forty fourth and forty fifth degrees of Northerne Latitude, that is twenty degrees from the fiery Tropicke, and as much from the freefing Arcticke Circle: Vnder the fame climate and courfe of the funne that Coit- Jlantijtople, 2 28 The Difcoicery and Plantation fiantinople, and Rome, the Ladies of the World ; Italy, and France, the Gardens of Europe, haue their fituation, within the limits of the fifth and fixt Climate, after the latter computation ; hauing their longeft day fifteene houres and fome odde minutes. Touching the conftitution of the place (which is about fifty degrees by Sea from our Continent wefterly) The Ma- rine parts thereof are fomewhat colder, then the nature of the Clime otherwife affordeth ; for that the beames of the Sunne are weakened, partly by the vnffable refle6fion [25] of the fame vpon the Sea, and partly by beeing laden with abundance of moifture it exhales out of the vaft Ocean, whereby the nature thereof is not fo violently there exprefTed, as in the like parallel further into the maine is accuflomed. Nor is the Sea coafl fo fubie61 to droughts or want of raine in feafonable times, as other parts are of like Latitudes, and by that reafon the fea coafts are at all times more cold than is the Inland. And the Eaflerne coaft which receiueth the rifmg of the Sunne, is likewife colder then are the Weflerne parts, towards the declining of the fame; as our morning aires (for example) euen in the heat of Summer are cold and quicke, when the day and euening are very fweltering. And this makes thofe parts more fuitable to the nature of our people, who neither finde content in the colder Climates, nor health in the hotter; but (as hearbs and plants) affe6l their natiue temperature, and profper kindly no where elfe. And indeed, the hot Countreys yeeld fharper wits, but weaker bodies, and fewer children ; the colder, more flow of conceit, but flronger of body, and more abounding in pro- creation of New England. 229 creation. So that, though the inuention of Arts hath rifen from the Southerne Nations, yet they haue ftill beene fub- ie6l to the inundations, and inuafions of the more Northerly people, by reafon of their multitudes, together with the ftrength of their body, and hardneffe of their conftitutions. But this Country, what by the generall and particular fituation, is fo temperate, as it feemeth to hold the golden meane, and indeed is moft agreeable to the nature of our owne, which is made manifeft by experience, the moft infal- lible proofe of all affertions ; in fo much as our people that are fetled there, enioy their life and health much more [26] happily, then in other places ; which can bee imputed to no other caufe, then the temperature of the Climate. Now, as the Clime is found to bee fo temperate, fo deli- cate, and healthfull, both by reafon and experience ; fuch is the foile alfo, fome parts thereof yeelding wonderfull increafe, both of the Corne, the Natiues haue moft vfe of ; as alfo of our owne, of all forts : with infinite variety of nourifliing roots, and other herbes, and fruits, common among them, but rare with vs. Befides, the Coaft doth abound with moft conuenient Hauens, and Harbors, full of fmgular Iflands, fit for Planta- tion ; repleniflied with Plants and Wood of all forts ; as Oake, Cedars, Spruce, Firre, Pyne, Walnut, Cheftnut, Elme, Saffafras, Plumtrees, and Calamus Aromaticus,^'^ &c. The people are tradlable (if they bee not abufed) to com- merce 2''^ By the Calamus aromaticus Sir cine, but which then had virtues afcribed Ferdinando means the fvveet flag, then to it which would not now be recog- as now ufed as a ftomachic in medi- nized. 230 The Difcottery and Plantation merce and Trade withall, and as yet haue good refpe6l of vs. The Seas are ftored with all kindes of excellent fifli, and in many places vpon the coaft, fit to make Salt in. The Country aboundeth with diuerfity of wild foule, as Tur- keys, Partriges, Swans, Cranes, wild Geefe of two forts, wilde Duckes of three forts, many Doues, efpeciaily when Strawberies are ripe. There are feuerall forts of Deere in thofe parts, and fome that bring forth two, three, and foure young at once, which is a manifeft proofe of the fertility of the Soile, or temper of the Clime, or both together. There is alfo a certaine Beaft, that the Natiues call a Moffe, he is as big bodied as an Oxe, headed like a fallow Deere, with a broad Palme, which hee mues"*^*^ euery yeere, as doth the Deere, and necke like a Red Deere, with a fliort mane, running down along the raines of his backe, his haire long like an Elke, but efteemed to be better then that [27] for Sadlers vfe, he hath likewife a great bunch hang- ing downe vnder his throat, and is of the colour of our blacker fort of fallow Deere, his leggs are long, and his feet as bigge as the feet of our Oxen, his taile is longer then the fingle^^^ of a Deere, and reacheth almoft downe to his huxens,^®^ his fkinne maketh very good Buffe,''^^^ and his flefli is excellent good food, which the Natiues vfe to lerkin 280 This word is from the French ^^^ Hocks or ankles ; a term common vnier, to moult, to chancre, and is ftill in Devonfliire. good French ; as, tin cerf tnue. The ^^^ The dreffed fkin of tlie buffalo or word is ufed by Beaumont and Fletcher wild ox. Etymologifts derive the name in the Little French Lawyer thus: of the color known as buff from this " But I haue mew'd that coat." Ikin, which is of a pale yellow tint 281 That is, the caudal appendage of when dreffed. the deer, in the lingiia of Venery. of Ne V V England. 2 3 1 lerkin ^^* and keepe all the yeere to feme their tarne, and fo prooues very feruiceable for their vfe. There haue beene many of them feene in a great Ifland vpon the Coali, called by our people Moicnt Man/ell, whither the Saluages goe at certaine feafons to hunt them ; the manner whereof is, by making of feuerall fires, and fetting the Countrey with people, to force them into the fea, to which they are natu- rally addi6led, and then there are others that attend them in their Botes with bowes and weapons of feuerall kindes, wherewith they flay and take at their pleafure. And there is hope that this kinde of Beafts may bee made feruiceable for ordinary labour with Art and Induftry. The knowne Commodities of that Country, are Fifli of feuerall forts, rich Furres, as Beuers, Otters, Martins, blacke Fox, Sables, &c. There are likewife plenty of Vines, of three kindes, and thofe pleafant to the tafte, yet fome bet- ter then other. There is Hempe, Flax, Silkgraffe, feuerall veines of Ironftone, commodities to make Pitch, Rofen, Tarre ; Deale boords of all forts, Sparres, Mafts, for Ships of all burdens ; in a word, there comes no commodity out of France, Germajiy, or the Sound, but may be had there, with reafonable labour and induftry. Further, wee haue fetled at this prefent, feuerall Planta- tions along the Coaft, and haue granted Patents to [28] many more that are in preparation to bee gone with all conueniencie. Thofe of our people that are there, haue 2S4 This is beef cut into thin flices flefli, in the lans;uage of the country, and dried in the fun to preferve it for charqiii, of which word owr jerked '\?, a future ufe. Prefcott, the hiftorian, in ftrange corruption, his Conquejl of Peru, calls this dried 232 The Difcouery and Plantation haue both health and plenty, fo as they acknowledge there is no want of any thing, but of induftrious people, to reape the commodities that are there to be had, and they are indeed fo much affe6ted to the place, as they are loth to be drawne from thence, although they were diredled to returne to giue fatisfa6lion to thofe that fent them, but chofe rather to performe that office by letters, together with their excufe, for breach of their duty in that behalfe. And thus you fee there is no labour well imployed, but hath his reward at one time or other. Thefe incouragements haue imboldened vs to proceed, to the engaging of our felues, for the building of fome Ships of good burden, and extraordinary Mould, to lie vpon the Coafl for the defenfe of Merchants and Fiiliermen, that are imployed there, as alfo to Waft the Fleets, as they goe to and from their Markets: and we purpofe from hence- forth to build our fhipping there, where wee find all com- modities fit for that feruice, together with the mofl oppor- tune places that can bee defired. Laftly, finding that wee haue fo far forth preuailed, as to winde our felues into familiarity with the Natiues, (which are in no great number) along the Coafl for two hundred Leagues together, wee haue now difpatched fome of our peo- ple of purpofe, to diue into the bowels of the Continent, there to fearch and finde out what Port, or Place, is mofl conuenient to fettle our maine Plantation in, where wee meane to make the Refidencie of our State and Gouern- ment as alfo to bee affured, what other commodities may be raifed for the publique, and priuate benefit of thofe that are dealers in that bufineffe, and willing to bee intereffed in any of New England. 233 any the Lands there : Whither is gone this yeer al- ready, for Trade and Fifliing onely, thirty Saile of the [29] better fort of Ships, belonging to the Wefterne parts, befides thofe who are gone for tranfportation of the Planters, or fupply fuch as are already planted, whofe return (as is fuppofed) will amount (at the leaft) to thirty thoufand pound, the greater part whereof comes home in Bullion. And therefore as touching the third happineffe of thefe parts, which is the Sea, there needeth no other or greater commendation then this benefit of FifJiing affured vnto vs by common Experience; although it affords many other hopes both in regard of the facilitie of the nauigation, the boldneffe of the Coaft, the conueniency of Roades, Hauens, and Harbours, for performance of all manner of imploy- ments; yet is there alfo found Showes oi Pearle, Ambergrees^ great numbers of Whales, and other merchantable meanes to raife profit to the induftrious Inhabitants or diligent Traders. Heere you may fee to what profit our induftry and charge hath beene imploied ; what benefit our Countrey is like to receiue by it, and whether it bee reafon wee fhould bee fo traduced, as we haue been, wee feeking nothing more then the glory of God, the enlarging of his Highneffe Dominions, and generall good of all his Maiefties loyall fubieds, and ftriuing for the better accomplifliment thereof to keepe Order, and fettle Gouernment in thofe affaires, to preferue from mine and confufion fo faire a foundation, wherein is likely to bee built the goodlieft frame that hath euer beene vndertaken to be raifed by our Nation. VOL. I. -30 J^^^ 234 The Difcouery and Plantation [30] The Platforme of the gouem- ' ment, and Diuifions of the Terri- tories in generall. S there is no Common-wealth that can fland without gouernment, fo the beft gouernments haue euer had their beginnings from one fu- preme head, who hath difpofed of the admin- iflration of luflice, and execution of publike affaires, either according to lawes eflablifhed or by the ad- uice, or counfell of the moft eminent, difcreeteft, and beft able in that kinde. The verity of this is fo cleere, as it needs no example : for that indeed all nations from the beginning, vnto this prefent, follow flill the fame rule in effe6l, howfo- euer they vary in the forme, or fome fmall circumftances. And vpon this generall ground, the Kings of thefe our Realmes did firft lay the foundations of their Monarchies ; referuing vnto themfelues the foueraigne power of all (as fit it was) and diuiding their kingdomes into Counties, Baronries, Hundreds, and the like ; inflituted their Lieuten- ants, or Officers, meet to gouerne thofe Subdiuifions, that the Subie6l might with the more eafe receiue iuftice, and the of New England. 235 the Soueraignes at more leafure the better able to difpofe of matters of greater confequence. This foundation being fo certaine, there is no rea- [31] fon for vs to vary from it, and therefore we haue refolued to build our Edifices vpon it, and to frame the fame after the platforme already layd, and from whence wee take our denomination. So as we purpofe to commit the managing of our whole affaires there in generall, vnto a Gouenour, to be affifled by the aduice and counfel of fo many of the Patentees as fliall be there refident, together with the Officers of State, that is to fay ; The Treafurer for the managing of the treafure and reuenues belonging to that State. The Martiall for matters of Armes, and affaires of warres, be it defenfme or offenfme. The Admirall for maritine bufmeffe ciuill or criminall, and the forces be- longing to the Sea. The mafter of the ordnance for muni- tion, artillery and other prouifions for publique ftore of Armies by Sea or Land ; as alfo fuch other perfons of iudgement and experience, as by the Prefident and Counfell effabliflied here, for the better gouerning of thofe affaires fliall be thought fit. By this Head, and thefe Members, vnited together, the great affaires of the whole State is to be managed, accord- ing to their feuerall authorities, giuen them from their Supe- riours, the Prefident and Councell eflabliflied as aforefaid. And for that all men by nature are befl pleafed to be their owne earners, and doe moft willingly fubmit to thofe Ordinances, or Orders whereof themfelues are authors : it is therefore refolued, that the generall lawes whereby that State is to be gouerned, fliall be firft framed and agreed vpon 236 The Difcottery and Plantation vpon by the generall affembly of the States of thofe parts, both Splrituall and Temporall. For the better diftincftion whereof, and the more orderly proceeding, agreeable (as is faid) to the prefent State of this our Realme, two parts of the whole Territorie is to be [32] diuided betweene the Patentees, into feuerall Counties, to be by themfelues or their friends planted, at their pleafure or befl commoditie. The other third part is to be referued for publique vfes, to be belonging to the State, as their reuenew for defraying of publique charge. But as well this third part, as the two formerly fpoken of, is to be diuided into Counties, Baronries, Hundreds, and the like, from all which the Deputies for euery County, and Baronry, are to be fent in the name and behalfe of the Sub- ie6ls, vnder them to confult and agree vpon the Lawes fo to be framed, as alfo to reforme any notable abufes committed in former proceedings. Yet thefe are not to be afTembled, but by order from the Prefident and Councell heere, who are to giue life to the Lawes fo to be made, as thofe to whom of right it befl be- longs, according to his Maieflies royall grant in that behalfe, as alfo that vnder God, and his Sacred Highnejfe, they are the principall Authors of that foundation. And thus much for the orenerall forme of our Gouernment. In like manner are the Counties to be gouerned by the chiefe Head or Deputy thereof with other Officers vnder him. As his Steward, Comptroller, Treaftirer of his reue- news ; and fo the Baronries by their Stewards, and other inferiour minfters, who are to haue affigned them the power of high and low luflice within themfelues for determining of of Ne vv England. 237 of Controuerfies, with referuation of Appeale in fome cafes to the fupreme Courts. And further, thefe Lords of Counties may of themfelues fubdiuide their faid County into Mannors and Lordfliips, as to them fhall feeme beft, giuing to the Lords thereof power of keeping of Courts, and Leets, as is heere vfed in [3 3] England, for the determining of petty matters, arifing betweene the Lords, and the Tenants, or any other. And there is no leffe care to be taken for the trade and pubHque commerce of Merchants, whofe gouernment ought to be within themfelues, in refpe6l of the feuerall occafions arifing betweene them, the tradefmen, and other the Me- chanickes, with whom they haue moft to doe : and who are generally the chiefe inhabitants of great Citties, and Townes, in all parts ; it is likewife prouided, that all the Cities in that Territory, and other inferiour Townes where Tradef- men are in any numbers, fliall be incorporate and made bodies politique, to gouerne their affaires and people as it fliall be found moft behouefull for the publique good of the fame; according vnto the greatnes or capacity of them, who fliall be made likewife capable to fend certaine their Depu- ties, or Burgeffes to this publique affembly, as members thereof, and who fliall haue voyces equall with any the refl. "DY this you fee our maine drift is but to take care for the ^ well ordering of the bufinefle, feeking by all meanes to auoyd (what we may) the intermedling with any mens monies, or difpofmg of any mens fortunes, faue onely our owne ; leaning to euery particular vndertaker the imploy- ment of their aduentures, and the raifmg of their profits, out 238 The Difcotiery a7id Plantation out of their proper limits, and poffeffions, as fliall feeme befl to themfelues, or their officers, or minifters, whom they im- ploy, and whom they may be bold to queftion, or difplace, as to themfelues fliall feeme moft fitting. And hereby all men may know, that as it is not in our wills to delude and deceiue any, fo wee are carefull not to giue the leaft caufe of fufpicion of any euill in that [34] kinde ; fo much the rather for that wee daily fee by ex- perience, the abufes committed in like cafes by inferiour minifters, to be a notable caufe to dehort^^^ the good difpo- fitions of many otherwife well affe6ted to Plantations, for that they obferue thofe that are fo imployed to grow rich, and their aduentures to come to nothing. And wee further defire that all men fliould bee perfwaded, wee couet not to engrolfe any thing at all vnto ourfelues, but that wee fliould bee exceeding glad to finde more of our Nation, fo free in difpofltion, as to partake with vs, as well in the profit, as in the future trauell, and charge thereof; without looking backe to our expenfe, or labour already paft, to the end that all our hands being vnited together, the worke may bee fo much the fooner aduanced, well knowing and freely confeffing, that it is fufficient to giue content to a multitude, and that of all forts. For fuch as are truly Pious, fliall finde heere the opportunity to put in pradtlfe the workes of piety, both in building of Churches, and raifing of Colledges for the breeding of youth, or maintenance of Diuines and other learned men. If they be fuch as affecft Glory, and to continue there memory to future ages, they may 286 fo dijfuade : the oppofite of ex-hort. of Ne V V England, 239 may haue heere the meanes to raife Houfes, Parifties, yea Townes, or Prouinces, to their Names and Pofterity. Doe they aime at wealth ? heere is the way for their induflry to fatiate their appetites in that, if they be not vnfatiable. Doe they long after pleafure ? here is as much to be had as may content any, not meerely voluptuous, or onely prodigall. Doe they afpire to be Commanders? here is the place where they may haue command of their owne friends, or tenants, if they be of any worth, or meanes extraordinary wherewith to tranfport any numbers. If othervvife of experience and vertue, it is likely they may attaine places of gouernement for the publique State. So as you fee there wants no [35] occafions, or opportunity to inuite, or giue fatisfadlion to fuch as haue patience to attend the time. And indeed we fliall be glad, that this, or any thing elfe may induce a free and noble refolution, in any well a£fe6led perfon, to endeuour the aduancement of thefe ends, together with vs, in that they fhall finde them agreeable to honour, and honeflie ; and if there bee any that can adde ought vnto our endeuours, by their aduice or otherwife, there is none that fliall more readily embrace the fame then wee ; whofe intents are onely framed for the profperity of the bufi- nefTe, as is already faid, and as we hope will all thofe be, that fhall affent to ioyne with vs, both in the labor, profit, and honour, without refpe6l to the weakenefTe of the mo- tiue, by which it hath beene heeretofore mooued, or any thing faue the worke it felf. F'or by it you fhall finde the Honour of our God, our King, and Nation, will bee aduanced, without effufion of Chriflian bloud, or queftion of wrong to the prefent Inhabitants. For that they themfelues both defire 240 The Difcouery and Plantation defire it, & we inted not to take ought, but what they that are there, are willing wee fhould bee feized of, both for the defence of them againfl their Enemies, and their prefer- uation in peace among themfelues, & propagation of the Chriftian Faith, which with wonderfull alacrity many of them feeme to giue eare vnto, and for whofe fpeedy conuerfion wee intend to bee as carefull as of our owne happinefTe ; and as diligent to build them houfes, and to prouide them Tutors for thir breeding, and bringing vp of their chil- dren, of both fedls, as to aduance any other bufinefTe what- foeuer, for that wee acknowledge our felues fpecially bound thereunto. And this being done, to referre the fuccelTe, to the Author of Heauen and Earth, to whom be all Honour and glory. FINIS. INDEX. INDEX. A. Abenaki, the, ^T- Acadia, 137, 157. Achims, Mary, 127 ; Tiiomas, 127. Adams, Cliarles Francis, Jr., 158. Adelantado, the, 32. Africa, 12. Agamenticus, 156, 183, 185. Aiken, Robert, 184. Aldworth, Robert, 156. Alexander, Sir illiam, 123, 124, 137, 145, 208. Alfred, 183. Alger family, 175. Amazon River, 102. Ambergris, 233. America, 12, 62, 64, 65, 89, 126, 128, 137, 151- Amiens, 15. Anabaptifts, 154. Androfcoggin River, 'j'j. Annapolis, 157. Ar6tic Ocean, 12. Argall, Sir Samuel, 207-208, 214, 215. Armada, 15, 26. Arnold, Godfrey, 155. Arundel, Thomas Howard, Earl of 64, 66, ^T, 103, 225. Afhton, 181, 188, 189, 194, 195. Afhton Court, 151. Afhton Manor, 151, 152. Aihton Phillips, 151, 171, 196. Affacomet, 204. Atlantic Ocean, 86, 88, 112, 117. Azores, the, 11, 76. B. Babington, 6. Bacon, Lord, 102, 117. Bacon Papers, 24. Bagg, Sir James, 20, 149, 150. Bagnall, Walter, 155. Baillie, Robert, 184. Baker, Sir Richard, 33, 34. Bale, 155. Baltimore, Lord, 68. Banks, Sir John, 177. Barbadoes, 132, 194. Barrett, William, 189. Bath, Earl of, 30, 39, 43. Bayonne, 24. Beachy Head, 143. Beauchamp, John, 155. 244 Index, Beaumont, Francis, 230. Beech Lane, 46. Belknap, the Rev. Jeremy, 133. Bell, Ann, in. Bell, Charles H., 132. Bell, Edward, iii. Bell, Robert, 195. Belli Laurea Auftriaca, 112. Berkfhire, 72. Bermudas, 72. Beft, Elias, 78. Beverley, Robert, 68. Biddeford, 132, 182. Birch, Thomas, 5, 44, 95, 1 34. Black Point, 155, 182. Blefdyck, Nicholas, 155. Bligh, William, 149. Blount, Sir Chriftopher, 41, 48, 49, 50. Blue Hills, 128. Blytheman, John, 37. Bohemia, in. Bonaventure, 28. Bonython, Richard, 153, 182. Bordeaux, 71. Borough, Chriftopher, 16. Bofton, England, 155. Bofton, Maflachufetts, 130, 183, 190. Bowcer, Sir Jo., 126. Bradford, Gov. William, 106, no, 112, 113, 160, 166. Bradfhaw, Richard, 155. Breft, 39. Brevoort, J. C, 64. Brewfter, Edward, 208. Briftol, England, 105, 151, 156, 157, 158, 160, 171, 188, 189, 192, 193, 205. Briftol, Maine, 183. Briftow. See Briftol. Britifli Mufeum, 36, 45, 48, 92, 129, 192, 195. Brittany, 20. Brooke, Sir William, 28. Brooks, Hugh, 152. Brooks, John, 152. Brooks, Dr. N. C, 67. Brown, John Marfliall, 64. Bruce, John, 63. Buckingham, Duke of, 59, 95, 133, 134, 135. 137, I38» I39> 141. 142, 144, I45» 149, ISO- Buffalo, 230. Buffe, 230. Bull, Dixie, 158, 159. Burdett, George, 183. Burgefs, the Rev. George, "JT- Burghley, Lord, 17. Burke, John, 73. Burrage, the Rev. Henry S., 65, 68, 104, 106. Byzant, Emperor of, 11. Cabala fine Scrinia Sacra, 112, 121, 134- Cabots, the, n. Cadiz, 23, 24. Calamus aromaticus, 229. Calvert, George, 122. Camden, William, 4, 6, 16, 23, 33, 34, 36, 42, 44, 45. Cammock, Thomas, 155, 156. Campbell, Lord John, 73. Canada, 136, 150, 151, 157. Cannonicus, 128. Capavek, 221. Cape Breton, 70, 157. Cape Charles, 221. Index. 245 Cape Cod, 104, 105, 108, 109, 217, 220. Cape Elizabeth, 155. Cape James, now Cape Cod, 217. Cape of Good Hope, 63. Cape Porpoife, 155, 189. Capuchins, the, 66. Cardiff, 189. Carentan, 4. Carew, George, 78. Carew, Sir George, 20, 24, 28, 29, 56. Carew Manufcripts, 56. Carleton, Sir Dudley, 36, 37, 102, 103, 125. Cafco Bay, 131, 148, 154, 156, 174, 175, 190. Cathay, 12. Cecil, Sir Robert, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 39. 41, 42, 43i 45. 53, 56, Sly 58. 59. 60, 69, 70, 72, 74, 75, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 85, 89, 90, 92, 93, 205, 207. Cedars, 229. Cerri, Monfignor Urbano, (>"], 68. Challons, Capt. Henry, 70, 73, 79, 89, 204, 205. Chamberlain, Henry, 2. Chamberlain, John, 36, yj. Chambly River, 152, Champernoun, 1 1. Champernoun, Francis, 182. Champlain, Sieur Samuel de, 64, d^., 150, 151, 208. Charles I., 121, 124, 133, 134, 137, 138, 141, 145, 157, 162, 171, 179; works relating to his reign, 138, 141, 142, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150, 158, 159, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 176, 177, 178, 179, 181. Charles River, 147. Charleftown, 133. Charlton Houfe, 53, 58. Chatham, 106. Chefapeake Bay, 221. Cheftnut, 229. Choiiacoet, 214. Church of England, 159, 162, 163, 165, 174, 187. Cleeve Bay, 175. Cleeve family, 175. Cleeve, George, 132, 174, 175, 189, 190, 191, 193. Clerkenwell, i, 2, 3, 13. Cobbett, William, 6. Coke, Sir Edward, 117, 118, 126. Coke, Sir John, 146, 147, 149, ISO. Cole, Baffet, 141. College Court, 54. Colles, John, 36. Collins, Arthur, 10, 34, 42, 44. Colonial Papers, 158, 159, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 176, 177, 178, 179, 181, 218, 224. Columbus, Chriflopher, 64. Combe Sydenham, 175. Compton Caftle, 11. Conception Bay, 105. Connedicut, 178, 178 n. Conftantinople, 227-228. Conway, Lord Edward, 138, 140, 141, 144, H5, 146, 147, 149- Corbitant, 105. Cornwall, 21, 127 Corporation of Plymouth, 91, 92. Cottington, Lord, 179. Cotton, Jofiah, 128. Cotton Manufcripts, the, 30, 48. Council for planting, ruling, and gov- 246 Index, erning New England, 114-115, 116- 117, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 128, 131, 132, 136, 145, 147, 153, 163, 164, 166, 167-169, 170, 176, 189. Council of Virginia, 218. Courtleet, 186. Courtney, Sir William, 30. Cowper, William, 7. Cradock, Mathew, 162, 176. Cranes, 230. Cripplegate Ward, 46. Cromwell, Oliver, 151, 193. Cumberland, George, Earl of, 63. Cuper's Cove, 105. Dade, Henry, 163. Dalrymple, the Rev. E. A., 67. Damarifcotta River, 156. Danver, Sir Charles, 56. Darell, 72. Dartmouth, 17, 18, 19. Davis, Capt. James, at Sagadahoc, 78, 82, 86. Davis, Judge John, 106. Davis, Sir John, 46, 56. Davis, Capt. Robert, 78, 81, 87. Deane, Charles, 64, 124, 125, 131, 159, 167, 170, 171. Dean, John Ward, 123, 127, 152, 171. De Afton, Sir John, 151, 152. De Chevreufe, Due, 142. Deer, 230. D'Effiat, Marquis, 137, 142. De la Cofa, Juan, 64. Delaware, Lord, 72, 128. Delft, 154. Delft Haven, 112. De IMontmorency, H., 96. De Monts, Sieur Pierre de Guaft, 64. Deptford, 147. Dermer, Capt. Thomas, 103, 104-105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 210,211,212,215- 216, 218, 219-222. Deftiny, the, 102 De Tillieres, Comte, 136. Devonlhire, 20, 21, 22, 30, 31, 32, 39, 127, 230. D'Ewes, Sir Simonds, 5, 172. Dexter, the Rev. Henry Martyn, 106. Dieppe, 139, 140, 142, 144, 150. Digby, 78. Difraeli, Ifaac, 6. Dodrington, Edward, 37. Domeftic Correfpondence, 16, 17, 22, 23, 32, 33, IS^ 38. 40, 43, 72, 73. 1^, 2,7, 91, 102, 103, 122, 125, 127, 135, 138, 141, 142, 144, 145, 146, 148, 150, 162. Dorfet County, 2. Dover, 133. Doves, 230. Downs, 76. Drake, Sir Francis, 13, 175. Dreadnought, the, 28. Drewrie, Sir Drew, 46. Drury Houfe, 46. Ducks, 230. Dudley, Thomas, 160. Dummer, Richard, 189. Dunfter, 175. Durham Houfe, 48. Durham, the Bilhop of, 48. Dutch Eaft India Company, 144. Index, 247 Dutch, the, 27, 119, 122, 125, 157, 158, 165, 179- Dutch Weft India Company, 125. E. Eaft India Company, di^ 122, 145, 147. Eaft Indies, (>'>). Edgecomb, Sir Richard, 41, 176. Edlyno, Bernardo, 37, 38. Edmands, Lady, 5. Edward II., 2. Edward III., 2. Egerton, Thomas, Lord Keeper, 50, 51, 52- Elbridge, Giles, 156. Eleott, 32. Elizabeth, Queen, ^-d, 8-9, 10, 13, 14, IS, 16, 24, 25, 38, 42, 44, 51-52, 58 ; books relating to her reign, 5, 6, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 28, 29, 32, 33, 35, 37, 38, 40, 43. 44, 65, 73, 93. Elks, 230. Elm, 229. Emigration, 161, 177, 187, 188. Encyclopedia Britannica, 73. Endicott, John, 147. England, 6, li, 13-14, 16, 26-27, 32, 33, 36, 41, 65, 66, 84, 89, 92, 93, 95, peace with Spain, 63, 74; number of veffels that failed in 1622, 127; ordered private veffels to affift the French, 141, 146 ; Champlain taken to, 151 ; mentioned, 4, 9, 15, 20, 33, 38, 40, 42, 67, 68, 72, -](>, 79, 80, 81, 82, 86, 90, 91, 93, 96, 97, 98, 104, 105, 108, 112, 122, 125, 126, 128, 136, 139, t43, 147, 150> 151, 155, I73> 174. 175- ^11^ 178, 180, 181, 183, 184, 187, 188, 189, 190, 204, 207, 212, 215, 221, 237- Englifti annals, a noted year in, 13. Englifti mariners, 139, 140. Engliih, the, 14, 19, 22, 27. 32, 33, 34, 36, 74, 84, 86, 90, 94, 102, 106, 109, 119, 120, 141, 157, 157 «• Epenow, 104, 109, no, 204, 209, 221. Effex, Earl of, a patron of Gorges, 21, 23, 25-26, 33, 53 ; to command the expedition againft Spaia, 22, 23, 27, 44 ; diftieartened, 28-29 ; jealous of Ralegh, 30, 56 ; in favor with the Queen, 36; in command of expedi- tion to Ireland, 37-38 ; fuccefs, 41- 42 ; policy unheeded, 42 ; in prifon, 42, 44 ; revenge, 44, 45 ? letter to Gorges, 45; determined to call a new Council, 46-47 ; ordered to lay down his arms, 51 ; liberated prif- oners, 52 ; Gorges' efforts for, 52-53 ; his arreft, 53 ; confidered Gorges a traitor, 54, 56-57 ; executed, 57 ; mentioned, 24, 48, 56, 144. Effex, Earl of. Parliamentary General, III. Effex Houfe, 48,51, 52. Effexfliire, in. Europe, 63, 64, 228. Exeter, Caftle of, 2. Exeter, England, 18, 98. Exeter, New Hampftiire, 133. Fairfax, Lord, 195. Falmouth, 28, 32. 248 Index, Familifts, the, 154, 155. Farley, Henry, 50. Fayal, 30. Fenner, George, 37, 38. Ferrol, 25, 30, 31. Ferryland, 151. Fir-trees, 229. Fifh, 231. Fifliing, 96, 99, 100, 106, 107. Flax, 231. Fleetwood, William, 5. Flemings, the, 76, "]"]. Fletcher, John, 230. Florida, 71. Flufhing Hill, 14. Force, Peter, 68. Forefight, the, 28. Fort Popham, 77. Fofter, Jofeph, 67. Foxes, 231. Fox, Capt. Luke, 157. France, 15, 33,92, 122, 123, 133, 136, 137, 138, 141, 147, 148, 150, 151, 157, 228, 231. Frederic, Prince, in, 112. French Correfpondence, 96. French King, the, 137. French Revolution, 7. French, the, 36, 64, 74, 79, 84, 96, 99, 106, 108, 119, 137, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 150, 151, 157, 207. Frobifher, Martin, 16. Fulford, Thomas, 127. Fuller, Thomas, 73. Furs, 231. Fynes, Lady Frances, 2. G. Gardiner, Sir Chriftopher, 158, 159, 160. Gardiner, Samuel Rawfon, 112, 121, 134- Glascock, William, 5. Gatehoufe, the, 54, 57-58. Gates Colony, 82. Gates, Sir Thomas, 128. Geefe, 230. Genoefe, the, 138. George, David, 154. George's Ifland, ^T- Germany, 112, 231. Gerrard, Sir Thomas, 65, 66. Gibbs, Anthony, 58. Gibfon, the Rev. Richard, 174. Gift of God, the, 74, 76, 77, 81, 82, 83, 87, 206. Gilbert, Adrian, 11. Gilbert, Amey, 75. Gilbert, Ayer, 75. Gilbert, Elizabeth, 75. Gilbert, Humphrey, 75. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 11, 12, 62 65, 66, 67, 74, 75, 80. Gilbert, John, 75. Gilbert, Sir John, 11, 75, 81, 87, 88, 206. Gilbert, Capt. Ralegh, 69, 74-75, 76, T], 78, 80, 82, 85, 89, 205, 206, 207. Glanvyle, Mr., 126. Godfrey, Edward, 182, 193. Golden Hind, the, 12. Goldfmiths' Row, 173. Goodell, Abner C, Jr., 7. Goodman, Dr. Godfrey, 95, 112, 134. Goodwin, John A., 160. Goodyear, Mofes, 156. Gorgeana, 185. Gorges, Ann, in. Gorges, Arthur, 27, 29. hidex. 249 Gorges, Cicely, 2, 4. Gorges, Edward, i, 2, 3, 13. Gorges, Edward, Jr., 3, 4, 27, 36, 37, 173- Gorges, Lord Edward, 165, 167, 169, 170. Gorges, Elizabeth, 149, 151. Gorges, Ellen, in. Gorges family, 3, 4, 11, 13, 151. Gorges, Ferdinando, Jr., 156, 196. Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 2, 3, 4-7 ; command in Holland, 14, 15 ; com- mand at Plymouth, 15, 20, 21 ; cap- tured prizes, 16, 17, 19; the Low Countries, 19-20, 21 ; patronage of Effex, 21, 25, 34-35, 38, 46, SI ; at- tacks from the Spanifh, 22, 24 ; dif- pleafure of the Lord Admiral, 24; coaft defences, 24, 35; equipped a pinnace at his own expenfe, 25, 40 ; expedition againft Spain, 27 ; again in charge at Plymouth, 29; at Dev- onfhire, 30 ; without authority, 31, 34 ; letters to the Council and Cecil, 31-32; fituation of Falmouth, 32; prefled Cecil for an anfwer, 33, 34; fergeant-major, 37; involved in dan- ger by EiTex, 39 ; letter to Ralegh, 39 ; confefTed a mifdemeanor, 40 ; reimburfed himfelf, 41 ; looked after prizes, 45; went to London, 45, 46; oppofed rebellious fchemes, 46, 47 ; met Ralegh, 48,49; urged to return to Plymouth, 49 ; attempted to affifl Effex, 51, 52, 53; imprifoned, 54, 57-58 ; confronted Effex, 54-55 ; prepared a defence, 56 ; his pofition at Plymouth lofl, 57, 58 ; reftored to his command at Plymouth, 59 ; im- provements at Plymouth, 60, 61 ; VOL. I. — 32 Indian prifoners, 68 ; fent a fliip to America, 70 ; fhip captured, 71, 72; co-operated with Popham, 72-73 ; Capt. Pring, 73 ; hoftility to Spain, 74, 75 ; Popham's colony, 79-80, 81 ; no government aid, 83 ; ftatefman- like views, 84, 85 ; defpatched a third fliip, 88 ; at Plymouth, 89, 95 ; Chal- lons' efcape, 89-90 ; end of corre- fpondence with Cecil, 92 ; affairs at home, 92, 93-94, loi ; correfpond- ence with SaHfbury, 93, 94, 95, loi ; fiffiing, 96, 99; Capt. John Smith, 97 ; expedition under Hobfon, 97, 98; fent out Capt. Smith, 98; fail- ure, 98-99; expedition under Vines, 99-100 ; failure, 100 ; expedition to Guiana, 102; inventory of Ralegh's fhip, 102; letter from Dermer, 103, 104-106; miftakes in his works, 104 ; fhip under Rowcroft, 106 ; fail- ure, 107-108 ; letter from Dermer, 108-109, 1 10; marriage and domef- tic affairs, in; colony under the Plymouth Company, 113; London Company oppofed him, 114-119; royal favor, 120, 125, 126, 177 ; his name on the Plymouth Patent, 120 ; fon married, 121 ; his opinion of the approaching war, 122; head of the Council for New England, 122; built a new ftyle fhip, 122; loan from Eaft India Company, 122; avoided by Alexander, 123 ; ordered to convey land to Alexander, 123 ; Mafon a great help, 124, 172, 212 ; at Portfmouth, 126 ; fifhermen upon his grant, 126-127; married Mary Achims, 127 ; obtained, with Ma- fon, a grant, 127, 163; fent his 250 Index. fon to New England, 127, 128; re- ceived a feparale grant, 128; new fchemcB, 131 ; death of his wife, 131 ; troubled about his patent, 131- 132; depended upon Vines, 132; patron of the Hiltons, 133; letter to Buckingham, 134-135 5 "^^ ad- mirer of Buckingham, 135, 149; diflurbed by war and encroach- ment, 136-137, I45» '57. 158; or- dered to France, 138; demanded an inventory, 138-139' H3 ; the French not to command his fhip, 140, 143 ; memorial to Conway, 140- 141 ; did not bend to Buckingham, 142 ; left the coafl, 143 ; fympathy of the people, 1 44 ; returned to his Plymouth command, 144,. 146 ; coafl defence, 146-147 ; controverfy with Eafl India Company, 147 ; threatened invafions, 148, 149 'i tliird marriage, 149 ; again a widower, 149; his enemies at work, 149. 150 ; fourth marriage, 151; at Afh- ton Phillips, 151-152, 171; '"te''- efled in colonization, 152 ; divided the Province of Maine with Capt. Mafon, 1 52 ; applied for a royal charter, 1 52 ; to eflablifh a factory at Pifcataqua, 153 ; fent out a colo- ny under Neale, 152-153; various grants, 154. 155-156; thrown from his horfe, 158; his relations with Maffachufetts and Plymouth, 158, 160 ; coolnefs towards Warwick, 161 : againft New England, 161, 163, 164, 165. 166; defired the Maf- Cachufetts Charter annulled, 163, 178 ; letter to the King, 164 ; to Windebank, 165, 166 ; appointed Governor of New England, 166, 169-170, 172, 177; territory af- figned to, 170 ; almoft regal powers, 170, 180; pufhed forward his af- fumption of government, 171 ; fhip deflroyed, 172 ; death of Capt. Mafon, 172, 176 ; crippled, 172, 173 ; William Gorges as governor, '73-174; conveyed land to Cleeve and Tucker, 175, 189; labored to eflablifh his authority, 178-179 ; not received with favor, 179-180 ; Neale attempted to fupplant him, 180 ; received Charter for Prov- ince of Maine, 180 ; intended to vifit New England, 181 ; his plans of government, 181-183; court con- vened, 183 ; lofs of friends, 184- 185 ; gave a charter to people at Agamenticus, 185-186 ; the royal caufe, 188, 192, 195 ; before Parlia- ment, 189; territory given to Kigby, 190; the attack upon Briflol, 192- 193 confervative views, J 93; Vines in charge of liis American interefts, 193-194; Joffelyn in charge, 194; attention to his Brief Narration, 194- 195; its value, 194-195 ; date of his will, 196; date of his burial, 196; end of his eflate in Maine, 196; his charaaer, 145, 1 59-160, 1 79-' 80, '97- 1 98 ; mentioned, 1 3, 28, 29, 69, 7 « , 74, 75,76,80, 104, 105, 107, 109, no, 171, 173, 205, 208; his Brief Narration, date of printing, 82, 88,97, 104, 106, 115, 156, 183, 200, 204, 225. Gorges, Honoria, m. Gorges, Jolin, 2, in, 121, 196. Gorges, Ralph de, 2, 4. Gorges, Ranolph de, 4. Index, 2qi Gorges, Robert, 2, iii, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 14S, 154, 163, 174. Gorges Society, 68, 106, 132. Gorges, Theobald de, 2. Gorges, Thomas, 182, 183, 190. Gorges, Sir Thomas, 58, 151. Gorges, Triltram, 149. Gorges, Capt. William, 156, 173, 174, 175- Governor and Company of Maffachu- fetts Bay, 150, 163, 164. Gravefend, 138, 143. Great Dean's Yard, 54. Great Neptune, the, 138, 143, 144. Great Rebellion, the, 184. Grenville, Sir Richard, 16. Grey, Lord, yj. Griffith, George, 200, 225. Griffith, Miftrefs, 200, 225. Groyne, 26, 40. Guinea, 7, 102. Gulf of Mexico, 136. H. Hakluyt, Richard, 23, 64, 66. Halliwell, James Orchard, 172. Haman, Capt. Thomas, 204, 205. Hamilton, Marquis of, 173. Hampden, John, 193. Harlow, Capt. Edward, ']'$>^ 83. Harrington, Sir John, 10, 42, 44, 59. Harris, William, 93. Hart's College, 4. Haflings, Francis, 36. Hatfield Houfe, 22, 25, 34, 53, 58, 59, 60, 70, 72, 75, 79, 84, 85, 93, 205, 207. Hatton, Sir Chriftopher, lo. Havana, 71. Haviland, John, 200, 225. Hawkins, Sir John, 7, 10, 17, 22. Hawkins, Sir Richard, 97. Hayes, 11. Hazard, Ebenezer, 62, 69, 114, 128, iSo, 185, 217, 219. Heale, Sir W., 126. Hemp, 231. Henrietta, Princefs, 133, 137. Henry III., of England, 151. Henry HI., of France, 15. Henry IV., of England, 168. Henry VIII., of England, 48. Hentzner, Paul, 8. Herley, Capt., 209. Hertford, Marquis of, 188. Hext, Edward, 36. Hilton, Edward, 133. Hilton, William, 133. Hobfon, Capt., 97, 98, 104, 109, 204, 209, 210. Hoe, the, 39. Holborne, Mr., 171. Holingfhed, Raphael, 6. Holland, 92, 93, 103, 112, 121. Hollanders, 14, 59, 60, 216. Hooke, William, 182. Hopkins, Samuel, 6. Howard, Lord Thomas, 22, 23, 24, 27, 59. Hudfon River, 105, 112, 125, 157, 2i6> 217. Hudfon's Bay, 157. Huguenots, the, 150. See Proteflants in France. Humphreys, John, 160. Hungerford, 72. Hunt, Capt. Thomas, 96, 103, 209, 210, 212. Huntworth, 72. Hutchinfon, Thomas, 128. 252 Index. I. India, 157. Indians, 86, 105, 106, 108, 109. Innocent, Pope, XL, 66, 68, Infula Sanda Crucis, 67. Ireland, 15, 36, 37, 41, 42, 44. Irifli, the, 34, 37. 3^. 42. Ironftone, 231. Ifle of Wight, 31. Italy, 228. J- James City, 221. James I., 58, 59, 60, 71 ; gave charter to Gorges, 69, 85, 92 ; drove the Pu- ritans to Holland, 103 ; his fon King of Bohemia, in, 112 ; diffolved Par- liament, 120; defired the Spanifh marriage, 121, 133 ; confidered the return of captured poiTeffions to the French, 136-137 ; mentioned, 68, 80, 82, 83 ; books relating to his reign, 72, 1% 76, 87, 91, 93, 95, 10 1, 102, 103, 112, 122, 123, 125, 127, 134, 135, 218, 224. James, the, 171. James, Capt. Thomas, 158. Jameftown, 76, 82, 86, 91, 108, 109, 128, 129. Jerked meat, 231, Jerkin, 231. Joris, David, 154. 155. JofTelyn, Henry, 182, 193, 194. JolTelyn, Sir Thomas, 182. K. Kecoughtan, 221. Kennebec River, "jf^ 127, 147, 153. Ker, John, 162. Killigrew, Sir John, 16. King James's Ifles, 220, Kirke, Sir David, 150, 151, 152. Kirke, Gervafe, 150. KnoUys, Sir Francis, 50. Laconia, 152, 153. Laconia Company, 225. Lake Champlain, 152, 176. Lake of the Iroquois, 152, 176. Lambeth Palace, 24, 81. La Nef, Ifle of, 92. Lanfdovvne Manufcripts, 17. Laud, William, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 171, 177, 178, 179, 184. Lawday Court, 186. Legat, Capt., 45. Leicefter, Earl of, 14. Levant Company, the, loi. Leverett, Thomas, 155. Levett, Chriftopher, 129, 130, 131, 148, 154. Leviflon, Thomas, 162. Lewis, Thomas, 153. Lincoln, Countefs of, 121. Lincoln, the Earl of, 2. Lindfay, Lord, 165. Lingard, John, 6. Lifle, 14. Littlecote, 72. Littleton, Mr., 56, Locke, Thomas, 102, 103. Lok, Michael, 65. London, i, 2, 10, 44, 45, 46, 54, 59, 63, 66, 78, 89, 96, 97, 98, 109, 122, 124, 133, 146, 148, 15s, 160, 162, 163, 173, 225. Index, 253 London Company, 69, 91, 97, 98, 112, 113, 114, lis, 116, 117, 120, 132. London Eaft India Company, 145, 147. Long Afliton, 151, 196. Long Ifland, no. Long Illand Sound, 109. Lotichius, 112. Low Countries, 20, 21. Lower Afhton, 151. Ludgate, 51. Lygon, Cicely, i, 2. Lygonia Patent, 190, 191, 194. Lygonia, Province of, 155, 189, 190. M. Machegonne, 175. Madeira, Ifland of, 71. Madre de Dias, the, 17. Maine, 64, 65, 66, 6-], 68, 73, 75, 80, 82, 91, 127, 132, 152, 153, 170, 177, 180, 181, 182, 183, 185, 187, 189, 190, 191, 194, 196. Maine Hiftorical Society, 64, 87, 88, 106, 129, 131. Major, R. H., 64. Malaga, 104, 105. Mai tra vers, Lord, 171. Manamock, 220, Manawet, 104, 204, 209, 210. Manida, 68 ; Maneday, Maneddo, 204. Manfell, Sir Robert, 208. Maria, 124, 133. Mariana, 124. Markham, Clements R., 7. Martha's Vineyard, 109, no. Martins, 231. Martyn, Capt. John, 222, 222 n. Mary and John, the, 74, 76, 77, 78, 81, 82, 86, 87, 206. Maryland, 67. Maryland Hiftorical Society, 68. Mafon, Capt. John, 103, 105, 107, 123, 124, 166, 172, 212 ; received a grant, 124, 127 ; named Mariana, 124, .'63 ; joint grant with Gorges, 127, 133 ; his territory divided from that of Gorges, 152, 153 ; encroachments, 157) 163; wifhed the MaiTachufetts Charter annulled, 163, 166 ; gover- nor of Newfoundland, 212 ; death of, 172, 176,297; mentioned, 123, 127, 150, 170, 171. Maflachufetts Archives, 180. MaiTachufetts Bay, 130, 290. Maflachufetts Bay Colony, 120, 128, 133. 158, 159' 160, 163, 166, 167, 171, 172, 176, 177, 178, 181, 183, 190, 191, 196, 220. Maflachufetts Charter, 163, 166, 178. Maflachufetts Hiftorical Society, 16, 120, 130, 132, 148, 160. Mafts, 231. Mather, the Rev. Increafe, 178. Matthew, Mafter John, 209. Maurice, Prince, 92. Mawoofhen, 75. Mayflower, the, 113. Maynard, Lord William, 177, 178. Merrimac River, 124, 127, 147, 152. Merrych, Richard A., 152. Mexico, II. Middlefex County, i. Minehead, 189. Molefworth, Capt. William, 146. Monhegan, Ifland of, 91, 92, 96, 106, 108, no, 214, 220. 254 Index. Monopoly by Council for New Eng- land, 1 1 6- 1 17. Montague, 36. Moors, the, loi. Moofe, 230. Morgan, Sir Thomas, 25. Morrell, the Rev. William, 129, 174. Morton, Thomas, 158, 159, 160, 161, 170, 172, 189. Mofquito Cove, 105. Mount Defert, 208. Mount Edgecomb, 41. Mount Manfell, named for Sir Robert Manfell, 208 ; now Mount Defert, 208; mentioned, 231. Mourts, G., 106. Murphy, Henry C, 64. Mufcongus River, 155, 156. Mufcovy, 12. Myddleton, Thomas, 19. N. Nailfea, 58. Narraganfett Bay, 128. Narrows, the, 109. Nafeby, the Battle of, 194, Naumkeag River, 124, 127. Neale, Walter, 126, 153, 180. Nef, Ifle La, 92. Neill, Edward D., 72, 76, 78, 82, 87, 218 ; his Virginia Carolorum, 72, ' 78. Netherlands, the, 13, 14, 21. Newbury, 133, 189. New England, 65, 66, 68, 74, 78, 81, 83. 97, 98, 99. ioo» loi. 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, no. 113, 115, 117, 119, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 136, 145, 148, 154, 155, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, 171, 172, 174, 176, 177, 178, 181, 183, 184, 188, 189, 190, 195, 201, 203, 204, 216. New England Hiftoric Genealogical Society, 7 ; Regifter, 'Ji. Newfoundland, 11, 82, 102, 103, 104, 105, 123, 151, 212, 215. Newfoundland Charter, the, 151. New France, 157. New Hampfhire, 133, 152, 153. New Hampfhire Hiflorical Society, New Plymouth, 120, 129, 130, 132, 146, 147, 153. See alfo Plymouth Colony. Newport, Capt. Chriftopher, 76. New Somerfetfhire, 170, 174, 175. Newton, the Rev. John, 7. New York, 6, 64, "Ji, 77, 109. Nicholas, Edward, 142, 143, 149, 150. Nonconformers, 61. Normandy, 4, 15. North America, firft (hip built in, 82. Northam, New Hampfliire, 133. Northern Colony, 114. North, Lord, 103. North Sea, 94. North Virginia, 69, 70, 91, 95, 96, 97, 114. Norton, Lieut. -Col. Francis, 156. Norumbega, 65, 66. Nova Scotia, 123, 137, 150, 151, 218. Nummaftaquyt, 220. Index, 255 o. Oaks, 229. O'Brien, the Rev. M. C, 75. Odiorne's Point, 154. Old Bailey, 86. Oldham, John, 153. Olney Hymns, the, 7. Orient, the, 12. Ortelius, d^. Otters, 231. Oxford, Earl of, in. Ox, wild, 230. Pacific Ocean, the, 117. Panama, 16. Paris, 15, 133. Parker, Henry, 36. Parker, Sir Nicholas, 37, 58. Parker, Sir William, 57. Parma, Duke of, 14. Partridges, 230. Pattifon, Mailer, 206. Patuxets, the, 104. Paul the Apoftle, 116. Pawlet, Lord, 158, 188, 189. Pearls, 233. Peckham, Sir George, 65, 66. Pedro del Caflillo, 24. Pejepfcot River, 155. Pehnt, 127. Pemaquid, 82. Pemaquid Indians, 104. Pendennis Caftle, 16. Pennington, Admiral Thomas, 139, 140, 143. Penobfcot River, 65, 155. Pentecoft Harbor, d"]. Pequakets, 75. Pequots, 178. Perfons, Father, 66, 67. Philip III., 61,71, 133. Philippi, 116. Pierce, John, 120, 121. Pilgrims, the, 105, 106, 124, 132, 160. Pine, 229. Pirates, Englifh, 94-95, loi ; Turkifh, loi. Pifcataqua, 130, 133, 152, 153, 170. Pitch, 231. Plum-trees, 229. Plymouth Colony, 86, 106, no, n3, 120, 129, 131, 133, 158, 160, 161, 165, 167, 178. Plymouth Company, 69, 91, 96 ; Sir Richard Hawkins, prefident, 97 ; difappointed Capt. Smith, 98 ; three fhips for Smith, 100 ; French en- croachments, 106 ; laft adventure of Gorges under, no; Plymouth col- onifts on their territory, 113, 120; unfuccefsful, n3-ii4; troubled, by the London Company, n5; title changed, 115. Plymouth, Corporation of, 91, 92. Plymouth, England, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 45, 57, 58, 59, 60, 71, 74, 75, 1(^, 78, 81, 82, 83, 86, 89, 91, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100. loi, 102, 104, 108, 126, 127, 144, 146, 148, 149, 153, 156, 157, 171, 176, 206. Pocahontas, 208. Poconackit, 220. Point Comfort, fort at, 78. Poole, William F., 86, 87, 90. Poor, John A., tj. 256 Index. Popham Colony, 73, 74, 78, 82, 86, 87, 90, 99, 174- Popham, Sir Francis, 79, 88, 96, 206, 207. Popham, Capt. George, 75, 80 ; com- manded the Gift of God, 74 ; ftarted for the New World, 74-75, 76, 205 ; at George's Ifland, 'j'], 87 ; prefident of the colony, 78 ; built the Vir- ginia, 78 ; fent the Gift of God to England, 82; death of, 85, 88, 206. Popham, Sir John, Chief Juflice, 50, 51, 52, 68, 72-73, 86, 89-90, 204; death of, 79, 81, 86, 87, 206; bio- graphical notice of, 72-73. Popham, Lady, 73. Portman, Henry, 36. Port Royal, 157, 208. Portfmouth, 126. Powhatan, 208. Prefcott, William H., 231. Preflon Pans, 162. Prince Society, 123, 127, 132, 152, 158, 171, 208. Prince, the Rev. Thomas, 106, 133, 161. Pring, Capt. Martin, 73, 204, 205. Privy Council, 16, 19, 20, 24, 29, 31, 32, 36, 37> 39» 40, 43. 48, loi, 125, 130, 148, 157, 176, 177- Proteftants of England, 15, 61, 62; of France, 138, 139, 150; of Spain, 121. Public Record Office, 14, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25. 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33. 35. 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 43, 45, 58, 59, 65, 72, 73, 76, 83, 87, 91, 92, 96, loi, 102, 103, 122, 125, 127, 135, 138, 141, 142, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150, 158, 159, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 218, 224. Purchas, the Rev. Samuel, 23, 27, 29 65, 68, 100, 104, 106, no, 206, 219. Puritanifm, 4, 61, 179. Puritans, 6, 61, 93, 103, 112, 162, 163. Q- Quebec, 151, 157. R. Ralegh, Sir Walter, Gilbert's patent given to, 12,62; expedition to Se- ville, 16; attends to the Queen's interefts, 17, 18; expedition againft the Spanifh, 22, 23, 27; captured Fayal, 30 ; againft EfTex, 34, 48, 49; command at Devonfhire, 39; in prifon, 59; his charter lapfed to the Crown, 68; expedition to Guinea, 101-102; ruined, 102; mentioned, II, 28, 29, 31, 40, 48, 56, 64, 72 ; the Spanifh Alarum, 26-27. Ramfay, the Abbot of, 46. Ramufio, Giovanni Battifta, 65. Ratcliff, Philip, 159. Records of the Council for New Eng- land, 224, 225. Redcrofs Street, 46. Reformed Church, the, 155. Relatio Iteneris, 68. Report of Mayor of Plymouth, 20. Revolution, War of the, 172. Reynolds, Carew, 28. Rhode Ifland Hiftorical Society, 128. Index. 257 Richelieu, Cardinal de, 157. Richelieu River, 152. Richmond Patent, 21. Richmond's Ifland, 82, 155. Rigby, Sir Alexander, 190, 193, 194, 196. River of the Iroquois, 152. Rochelle, 139, 147. Rochefter, 142. Roman Catholics, 61, 62, 65, 66, 93, 112, 121, 154. Romans, the, 179. Rome, 154, 228. Roquemont, Charles de, 151. Rofier, James, 65, 67, 92, 104, 106, 204. Rofin, 231. Rofwell, Sir Henry, 147, 150, Rowcroft, Capt. Edward, 106, 107, 108, no, 212-217. Rundall, Thomas, 65. Rupert, Prince, 193. Rufhworth, John, 184. Ruffell, Sir Wilham, 14. Rutland, the Earl of, 37. Rye, New Hampfhire, 153. Rye, W. B., 9. Rymer's Fcedera, 157, 163, 173. S. Sabino, 77, 89, 90. Sables, 231. Saco, 15, 100, 174, 175, 182, 183, 214. Saco River, 107, 132, 153. Sagadahoc, IT^ 80, 82, 85, 88, 89, 91, 96, 131, 155, 170, 174, 189, 206. St. Clements' Ifland, 67. VOL. I. — 33 St. Croix, 208. St. Domingo, 45. St. George's Ifland, 91. St. James Church, Clerkenwell, 3. St. Lawrence River, 152. Saint Leger, Sir William, 144. St. Lucas, 17. St. Margaret's Church, Weftminfter, III. St. Mary, Church of, 175. St. Nicholas, Ifland of, 20, 21, 58. St. Paul's Churchyard, 49. St. Paul's Crofs, 49, 51. St. Peter's, 54. St. Stevens, 205. Salem, 75. Salifbury, Earl of, 93, 94, loi. Sampfon, the, 108, 220. Sandy Hook, 109. San Juan de Porto Rico, 71. Sargent, William M., 171. Saffacomoit, 204. Saffafras, 229. Sawaguatock, 214. Saw-mills, 156. Saxon models, 181. Schroeckh, 155. Scotland, 58, 112,208. Scots, Mary Queen of, 13. Scott, Sir Walter, 73. Sebenoa, 'j'j. Secret Hiftory of the Court of James I., 95> 134- Seguin Ifland, 'j'j. Seville, 16. Seyer, the Rev. Samuel, 189, 193. Seymour, the Rev. Richard, ^^, 78, 81. Shea, John Gilmary, 68. Sherborne, 40. 258 Index. Sherborne Caftle, 2. Sherley, Sir Anthony, 29. Sherley, James, 160, 166. Sherley, Sir Thomas, 21, 25, 45. Silas, 1 16. Silkgrafs, 231. Silverfmilhs, 173. Skettwarroes, 68. Slafter, the Rev. Edmund F., 64, 123, 151, 208. Sluys, 14. Smith, Capt. John, his location of No- rumbega, 65 ; whaling voyage, 96 ; employed by Gorges, 98-99, 211; in the Plymouth Company, 100 ; letter to Bacon, 102 ; enthufiaf- tic to fettle New England, 102, 104; fent out to meet Dermer, 211, 212; taken prifoner, 211; named Cape James, 217; mentioned, 104, 105; his Defcription of Nevir Eng- land, 97, 99, 210, 211 ; his General Hiftory of Virginia, 83, 87, 88, 96, 106, no. Smyth family of Afliton, 155. Smyth, Sir Hugh, 151. Smyth, Thomas, 188, 189. Sokokis, 75. Somers Colony, 82. Somerfet County, 151. Somerfetfliire, 58, 72, 175. Somers, Sir George, 128. Sorel River, 152. South America, 11, 102. Southampton, Henry, Earl of, 47, 66, 67, 83. Southern Virginia Company, 76, 91, 96, 97. South Virginia, 69. Spain, 14, 15, 16, 30, 32, 36, 37, 60, 61, 63» (^1, 74, 75, 79, §5, 92, 94, 96, 97, 103, IDS, 136, 137, 146, 148, 150, 151, 210, 215. Spaniards, the, 13, 14, 22, 30, 31, 32, 40, 41, 43, 59, 60, 62, 74, 86, 89, 102, 134, 179- Spanifh Monarch, 13, 24, 26, 92, 121, 134- Spanifli, the, 11, 15, 16, 20, 23, 33, 37, 39, 89,90, 105, 119, 133, 204. Sparks, 178. Spars, 231. Spruce, 229. Spurwink River, 175. Squibb, Capt. Thomas, 129. Squirrel, the, 11, 12. Stallenge, William, 24, 35, 38, 39, 45- State Papers, 14, 16, 20, 21, 24,27, 28» 29, n^ 65. States-General, 125. Stationers' Regifter, 225. Stevens, Henry, 64. Stith, William, 73, 75. Stogumber, 175. Stokes Bay, 144. Stow, John, 2, 7, 46, 49, so, 54. Strachey, William, %T, 88, 206. Strafford, Thomas, Earl of, 184. Straits of Magellan, 63. Strand, the, 51. Stratton, John, 155. Strype, John, 2, 50, 54. Sturton, 209. Sutcliff Inlets, 220. Sutcliff, the Rev. Matthew, 98. Swans, 230. Sweet flag, 229. Sydenham, Sir George, 175. Sydney, Sir Robert, 42, 44. Index, 259 T. Tadoufac, 150. Tar, 231. Temple Bar, 51. Thames, the, 19, 43. 48> Si> 162, 178. Thompfon, David, 130, 132, 154. Thornton, J. Wingate, 75. Throgmorton, Capt., 28. Tifquantum, 68, 103, 104-106, 108, 109, 212, 2[5. Topfliam, 87. Torbay, 11. Tower of London, 53, 59. Treaty of Commerce, 157. Treffey, Thomas, 27. Trelawny Papers, 129. Trelawny, Robert, 156-157- Trumbull, Benjamin, 178. Tucker, Daniel, 70, 7i> 72- Tucker, Richard, 175, 191. Turkeys, 230. Turks, 1 01. Turner, Mr., 78, 81. Tuthil-ftreet, 54. Tyrone, 38, 41. V. Van de Woord, Admiral, 27. Vanguard, the, 138, 142, 143. Venice, 37, 38. Vere, Sir Francis, 28. Vere, Sir Thomas, 29. Verrazano, Giovanni da, 64, 65. Villeaucleres, Mons., 142. Vines, Richard, 15, 100, 132, 153, 156, 182, 189, 190, 191, 193, 194- Virginia, 62, 65, 66, 68, 69, 72, 78, 81, 85, 102, 103, 107, 108, no, 112, 114, 127, 128, 129, 132, 136, 137, 207, 208, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220. Virginia Company, 208, 218. Virginia, the pinnace, 78, 82, 86, 87, 88, 91. Vivian, Col., 127. Vivian, John, 4. W. Walnut, 229. Ward, Capt., 108, 220, 221. Wardour, 64, 67. Warwick, Robert, Earl of, 103, 122, 147, 150, 154, 160, 161, 194. Warwick, the barque, 153. Walt Spite, the, 27. Way mouth, Capt. George, fent out by Gorges and others, 64-65, 66, 67 ; his fmifter fame, 68 ; crofs fet up at George's Illand, 77 ; named that illand, 92; feized five natives, 104, 204. Wellington, 73. Wells, 188. Wenape, 104, 204. Wentworth, Thomas, Earl of Strafford, 126, 184. Weftern Iflands, 211. Weft, family of, 128. Weft, Capt. Francis, 128, 129, 130, 132. Weft Indies, 11, 71. Weft, John, 128. Weft, Thomas, 128. Weftminfter, 2, 54, 6'j, in, 164. Weftminfter Court, 186. Weftminfter Hall, 184. 26o Index. Weilon. Thomas. 124- WTiales. 253, \Mial:n§. 9t>. \\liite Crois Sa^eet 46. White, Father Andrevr, 6S. \\*hyte. Roxvlard. 4^. 44. \\ ■.".■.\r.ij, Roger. icS. \V:lli;on Freemanors- 175. WTllbn. Arthur, 93. 95, 134- Wlnachahanat, 133. WlncoK John. I2i. NMndebvank. Sir Francis, 165. 166, i6~. 179. iSi. 1S5. Winter. John, 175. Wimhrop, John. 15. 16. 133, 155, 160. i6i, 163, 173, 175, 176, 190, 191. Wmwood. Sir Ral^. 93. Woroefter. Earl ol 5a Wcarcefteniire, 2. Woftenholm, Sir George, 145. Wraxall. 2. 3. 4. 53. 5S. 151. 173 Wright, Thon^as. 5. Writtle, III. Wrokeihale, Richard de, 4. Y. Veaniler. Sir George, 129. 215. York County, 1S3. York. England, 14S. Your.i:. Alexander. 106. 133, 171. publications of tije prince ^ocietj>» Sir Ferdinando Gorges HIS PROVINCE OF MAINE. V Volume I. 7F0fc