F 291 .G36 Copy 1 LETTER f//; HIS EXCELLENCY GOYERNOK BULLOCK, A OF GEORGIA, IN KEPLY TO THE HONORABLE JOHN SCOTT, UNITED STATES SENATOR, Chairman of Joint Select Connnriittee to Inquire into the Condi- tion of the Late Insurrectionary States. LETTER HIS EXCELLENCY GOVEKNOll BULLOCK, OF GEORGIA, IN EEPLY TO THE 5.^^ HOIORABLE JOHN scon, UNITED STATES SENATOR, Chairman of Joint Select Committee to Inquire into the Condi- tion of the Late Insurrectionary States. U.S. A, .1* ATLANTA, GEOEGIA. 1871. /'■•■ EooM OF THE Joint Select Committee to inquire) into the condition of the latb v Insuekectionary States. ) Washinoton, D. C, May 24, 1871. Sir— The sub-committee of the Joint Select Committee of "-»' Congress, appointed to inquire into the condition of the late ^ iamrrectionary Stales, has adopted the follo\Ying resokition; .J On motion of Mr. Blair — Besoh-ed, That the, chairman bo requested to address letters to the executive, or other proper officers of the States comprehended in the reso- lution authorizing the appointment of the Joint Select Committee, askino- statements of the debts and of the rates and amounts of taxation of said States, respectively, at the present time, and to furnish copies of the laws creating said debts and fixing said rates of taxation ; also requestino- copies of the election laws now in force, and those which have been in force in said States, respectively, since the adoption of the present con- stitutions of said States, with such other official documents as the chair- man shall deem essential to this investigation. In pursuance of the duty devolved upon me by this reso- lution, I respectfully request that, so far as relates to the State of Georgia, the statements and copies of laws therein mentioned be furnished as soon as they can conveniently be prepared and forwarded. Under the last clause of the resolution, I am requested to also procure, if it can be furnished, a statement of the amount. of the debts of the several States at the time their respective ordinances of secession were passed. In this connection, (if it can be furnished,) I would be pleased to receive from you a statement, giving the amount, rates, and subjects of taxation in the State of Georgia prior to the passage of the ordinance of secession by said State, (stating, in cases in which slaves were the subject of taxation, their valuation,) and the subjects of taxation now, as well as the rates and amount. Eespectfully, JOHN SCOTT, Chairman of Joint Select Committee, _. And of Sub-committee, &c. His Excellency, EuFus B. Bullock, Governor of Georgia, Atlanta, Georgia. Executive Department, State oi' Georgia, Atlanta, July, 5, 1871. Hon. John Scott : Chairman Joint Select Committee to inquire into the condition of the late Insurrectionanj States, United States Senate, Wash- ington, D. C. : Sir — Upon my return to the Capital, after an absence from the State, I find a printed circular bearing date from the room of your committee, May 24, 1871, addressed to myself. In this printed circular you incorporate a copy of a resolution adopted by your committee on motion of General Frank Blair, which reads as follows : On motion of Mr. Blair — Eesolved, That the chairman be requested to address letters to the Ex- eciitive, or other proper officers of the States comprehended in the resolution authorizing the appointment of the Joint Select Committee, asking state- ments of the debts and of the rates and amoimts of taxation of said States, respectively, at the present time, and to furnish copies of the laws creating said debts and fixing said rates of taxation ; also requesting copies of the election laws now in force, and those v/hich have been in force in said States, respectively, since the adoption of the present Constitutions of said States, with such other official documents as the chairman shall deem essential to this investigation. In pursuance of the foregoing resolution, you request that so far as relates to the State of Georgia, the statements and copies of laws therein mentioned be furnished as soon as they can conveniently be prepared and forwarded. You also re- quest, under the last clause of the resolution, a statement of the amounts of the debts of the several States at the time their respective ordinances of secession were passed ; also a state- ment of the amount, rates and subjects of taxation in the State of Georgia ^jrior to the passage of the ordinance of seces- sion, etc. 6 In responding to the request of the Congressional Commit- tee as presented in the circular referred to, I cannot consent to establish a precedent for the future, by recognizing the right of Congress to in this manner interfere with or inquire into matters which are solely within the control and subject to the supervision of the representatives of the people of this State in General Assembly met; nor can I forego this opportunity of re- spectfully suggesting to the mover of the resolution under which the circular is issued, and to your honorable committee, that the State of Geoi-gia, after much tribulation, has complied with all the requirements which were prescribed by Congress as preliminary to her readmission into the Union The fact of her readmission has been made known to our people, not only through the declaratory statutes enacted by Congress, but also in the reception of our Senators and Representatives into that body. The State of Georgia, therefore, stands in the Union, the peer of every other State, and information touching her needs, her requirements, or her condition, will be made known and presented to Congress by her representatives in that Ijody. I cannot admit that at this day there is anything in the fact of her "late insurrectionary condition" which would :authorize the representatives of the people of other States in Congress to order proceedings toward her which would not ■equally apply to the people of the several States represented by themselves. While I would not permit partisan political feeling to inliu- ence my official action, I can but feel gratified to know that in the position which I have indicated as to the rights of this State in her relations to the other States, I am but repeating the views Avhich have been continuously set forth by the Re- publican party in its several general conventions from the time of its organization iintil tlie present day, and am sustaining the position taken by the Republican party in this State in the conventions which have been held in the course of their efforts to secure her restoration to the Union. A resolution adopted at a convention of the Republican party of Georgia, held in this city in March, 1869, during the trials of reconstruction, reads as follows : 11. That when the Reconstruction Acts of Congress shnJl have been fully comi>lic(l -with, and Georgia shall have been recognized as a State in Ihe Union, we will demand for her every right now gi;aranteed to other states in the Union, and would deprecate any act of Congress looking to the control of the affairs of any one State, that would not equally apply to all the States. I am aware that by an ingenious legal construction it is assumed that the late amendments to the Constitution of the United States have so extended the powers of Congress that a majority of its members, acting in harmony with the Execu- tive, have absolute control over all the functions heretofore universally conceded to be such as purely appertain to the local organization of the States. But as the Executive of one of the States, I most positively dissent from this construction, and as a Republican decline to accept such an interpretation as being approved by the Republican party organization throughout the country. Whatever may be the fine-spun theories of legal gentlemen upon the question of the powers delegated by the late amendments, we may be fully assured that the great mass of the American people regard them as simply such measures as were necessary to guarantee the abo- lition of slavery and prohibit further attempts to destroy the Union; to secure the payment of the debt of the United States, and to prevent the denial of civil and political privileges to citizens on account of their race, color or previous condition of servitude. Any attempt to go beyond this reasonable and well-established opinion of the people for the purpose, and in the hope of obtaining political power, no matter how well devised may be the pretext, will meet with a swift rebuke from an over- whelming majority of American citizens. Any political party that would dare to resurrect and vitalize the issues that were crushed into graves at Appomattox and Greensboro, would meet with like treatment from a large majority of the people South as well as North. No one in the South would now accept the restoration of slavery; no one seeks the repudia- tion of the United States debt. The State of Georgia does >'0T deny or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude; nor does this State deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. How, in the face of these facts, can we justify action towards her that if attempted against New York or Massachusetts would be spumed by an indignant people ? 8 Let us rather adhere to the original and lasting foundation of repubhcanism, so concisely and so ably presented by Jeffer- son when he says: "Equal and exact justice to all meu, of whatever state or persuasion, i"eligious or political ; peace, commerce and honest Iriendship \Tith all na- tions— entangUng alliances with none ; THE SUPPORT OF THE PTATE GOVERNMENTS IN ALL THEIR RIGHTS AS THE MOST COMPETENT ADMINISTRATIONS FOR OUR DOMESTIC CONCERNS AND THE SUREST BULWARKS AGAINST ANTI-REPUBLICAN TENDENCIES ; the preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad ; a jeal- ous care of the right of election by the people— a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are lopped by tae sword of Revolutjion where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolixto acquiescence in the decision of the majority — the vitiil principle of Republics, from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital principle aud immediate parent of despotism; a M-eli disciplined militia — our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them ; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may bo lightly burdened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preserva- tion of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, aud of commerce as its handmaid; the ditfusion of information, and the arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public reason; freedom of religion; freedom of She press; freedom of person under the protection of the haheas corpus; and tiial by juries impartially selected—these principles form the bright con- stellation which has gone before us, and guided our stejis through an age of revohition and x-eformation. The wisdom of our sages and the blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment. ■ They shoiild be the creed of our political foith— the text of civil instruction— the touchstone by AvLich to try the services of those M'e trust; and should we wander from them in moments of error or alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty and safety." I have ventured to say this much that my official action, as the chief Executive of one of the States in the American Union, might not be misunderstood, and my compliance -with the request of your committee be used in the future as a prec- edent against the State ; and also, that as far as any act of mine might go, the Union Republican Party should not be held as indorsing the extreme construction which is sought to be given to the late amendments to the Constitution, By the active exertions of a small political clique, in oppo- sition to the present administration, aided and supported by the State Treasurer and a powerful railroad corporation, which seeks to strangle or absorb every other raili'oad enterprise in the State, willful, malicious, unfounded and unfair statements have been scattered broadcast through the press, for the pur- pose of injuring, to as great an extent as possible, the credit of the State, and thereby prevent tha marketing of such of her securities as I have been authorized aud instructed to. 9 issue, and to render less valuable the State's indorsement on bonds of railroad companies. For personal reasons, therefore, I am gi'atified that an opportunity is given me, by this request, to make known, semi-officially, the exact financial condition of this State. I am advised that the Hon. Madison Bell, Comptroller-Gen- eral of this State, has, in response to a similar circular, given to your committee, in bulk, the statistical uafoi^mation called for ; and I shall therefore only recapitulate the comparative figures, to exhibit the points of information which I under- stand your committee requires. It is proper to state that under our statutes, the Comp- troller-General is the ofiicial check upon all the other depart- ments of the State, and that his office, together with that of the Secretary of State, controls the records, the official j^ro- ceedings, and the transaction of the State's affairs. The office of Treasurer is only clerical — that official being simply the custodian and disburser of such moiieys as may be placed in his hands by the Governor, or from taxes collected through the Comptroller-General. The public debt of the State, as shown by the Comptroller- General's report for 18G1, was $3,688,750. The public debt of the State on the 1st day of July, 1868, a few weeks before the present administration came into office, was $6,256,635 — show- ing an increase of debt between the close of the war and the adoption of the pi'esent Constitution, (the State government, during that time, being under the able administration of Gov- ernor Jenkins, founded upon President Johnson's "procla- mation,") of $2,567,885. The expenses of that State government, as shown by the report of the Comptroller-General, are as follows : October 16, 1866, to October 16, 1867 $2,689, 363 85 October 16, 1867, to August 10, 1868 271,145 56 Making a total expenditure for the twenty-two months of Govex'nor Jenkins' administration of two million nine nuNDKED AND SIXTY THOUSAND FIVE HUNDRED AND NINE DOLLARS AND FOUTV-ONE CENTS. 10 The expenditures of the present administration from Aiigusl 11, 1868, to the first day of Januarj-, 1869, were $ 430,957 77 Same from January 1st, 18G9, to January 1st, 1870 1,857,825 98 Same from Januarj- 1st, 1870, to Januarj' 1st, 1871 1,470,021 02 3Iuking a total, up to the first day of January, 1871, a period of twenty-nine months, under the jjresent adminis- tration, of. 53,758,804 77 Thus showing that, Avith double the voting population, and •double the numbei' of citizens entitled to the care and atten- tion of the State, its courts, etc., and for a period of time .covering great excitement and disorder, the expenses of my ad- ministration have been an average of nearly five thousand dol- iAES PER MONTH LESS than thosB of my predecessor, and this, too, notwithstanding the heavy expenses necessarily incurred by the numerous, and in fact almost continuous, meetings of the General Assembly, made necessaiy by the hesitauc}' of Congress in acting upon the question of the readmission of our State into the Union. The total valuation of property, as returned by the people of this State for taxation in the year ISGO, was — Land §161,764,955 Slaves 302,694,855 City and town property 35,139,415 Money and solvent debts 107,336,258 Merchandise 15,577,193 Shipping and tonnage 943,940 Stocks, manufactories, etc 4,034,252 Household and kitchen furniture 2,374,284 Other property not mentioned 42,427,295 Making a total of $672,292,447 Upon which the rate of taxation was 6i cents on one hun-