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 REPLY TO 
 
 'T. W. H. 
 
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 IN 
 
 Boston Advertiser. 
 
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Lawrence, Kansas, March i, 1903 
 S. C. Smith, 
 li Harrison, Me. 
 
 ^ Dear Sir : 
 
 Having read your article in reply to a communica- 
 tion published in the Bostoii Advertiser, Sept. 15, 1879, 
 on "Early Kansas History," signed "T. W. H.," and 
 recognizing the correctness of your historical state- 
 ments of that important period, we respectfully and 
 earnestly request you to publish the same, believing 
 that the great importance of the facts you set forth 
 with such clearness in regard to one of the most 
 critical periods of the Kansas Conflict should be 
 known and preserved. 
 
 Respectfully yours, 
 
 Paul R. Brooks, 
 Robert Morrow, 
 O. W. McAllaster, 
 C. L. Edwards, 
 S. N. Simpson, 
 C. W. Smith. 
 
LETTER FROM SAML. C. SMITH. 
 
 Harrison, Maine, March 23, 1903. 
 
 To Messrs Paul R. Brooks, Robert Morrow, O. 
 
 W. Mci\LLASTER, C. L. Edwards, S. N. Simpson, 
 
 and C. W. Smith. 
 
 Gentlemen: — Your letter asking me to publish 
 an article on ''Early Kansas History," which I had 
 written and a manuscript copy of which you had 
 read, is received. I will comply with your request, 
 hoping that the recital may show to the present gen- 
 ration the difficulties and dangers that beset us in the 
 struggle to make Kansas free, and the magnitude of 
 the victory won. 
 
 Marc Parrott, whose felicity of expression you 
 well rememlDer, said to me that "the Kansas-Nebraska 
 act made Kansas the Belgium of the contest." It did 
 make Kansas the battle ground between freedom and 
 slavery. It did not banish from Congress the solution 
 of the question and give it to the Squatter Sovereigns, 
 as the authors of the act hoped. Kansas managed to 
 make the issues broad enough to vex the administra- 
 tion, keep Congress in a constant broil, disrupt the 
 old parties in the North and organize the new Re- 
 publican party. 
 
 Kansas could not win the victory alone, against 
 Missouri and the administration. It had to seek the 
 aid of the growing party of Freedom in the North, 
 
4 INIRODUCTION. 
 
 The growth of that party depended much on the 
 policy of the Free State men in Kansas. We had to 
 feel the northern pulse before deciding what to do, so 
 our leaders were always under more or less duress. 
 True, Buchanan was elected, but, as Blaine said, the 
 Republican party came out of the contest with the 
 hope and elation of victory. We nearly captured 
 Illinois, compelling Douglas, subsequently, to oppose 
 the Lecompton constitution, thereby splitting his 
 party and insuring the election of Abraham Lincoln. 
 You will remember how in the old days we were 
 often admonished to keep "right on the record," and 
 how weary we were at the administration. Patience, 
 self-sacrifice and devotion, finally won; but the road 
 was not easy. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 Saml. C. Smith. 
 
KANSAS AND THE EMIGRANT AID CO. 
 
 BY SAMUEL C. SMITH. 
 
 On looking over a file of the Boston Advertiser, I 
 saw, in the number of September 15th, 1879, a letter 
 signed, *'T. W. H." on ''Early Kansas History." 
 
 Referring to the Emigraijt Aid Society it says: 
 
 ''Its associated emigrants were apt to separate on 
 reaching Kansas. What the Society really did was 
 to advertise Kansas, and to direct thither a really 
 superior class of settlers, and this was a very import- 
 ant first step. 
 
 "But these early settlers were like most northern 
 men of that period, men of peace. When Civil War 
 came, new leaders had to come to the front, and new 
 instrumentalites proved necessary. 
 
 "The real crisis in Kansas was in 1856. The year 
 brought a state of things in which the Emigrant Aid 
 Society was practically paralyzed, and it was necess- 
 ary to form a new organization which had no object- 
 ions to buying Sharpe's Rifles. 
 
 "The formation of these Kansas committees in the 
 Free States and the leadership of Brown, Lane and 
 Montgomery were what finally saved Kansas to Free- 
 dom. But for these influences, the Missouri invasion 
 would have swept away every trace of the Emigrant 
 Aid Society and its work." 
 
6 " KANSAS AND THE 
 
 It is not true that the associated emigrants of the 
 Aid Co., were apt to separate on reaching Kansas, in 
 the period of its early settlement. 
 
 The New England emigrant was loyal to his home 
 and clung to his people when in his new home. They 
 may have been peaceful, but they were not degenerate. 
 They knew their rights and were as willing to main- 
 tain them as their forefathers were, to resist tyranny. 
 
 It was in their settlements the first opposition was 
 shown to the Missouri usurpation, where repudiation 
 of its rule was first spoken and organization to defeat 
 it, first made. 
 
 If the Emigrant Aid Co., advertised Kansas and 
 directed thither a really superior class of settlers, who 
 were true to Freedom, it gave to it in. its hour of 
 greatest danger, the men whose opinions and ideas 
 are now, and ever will be the corner stone of its in- 
 stitutions. 
 
 Lawrence, Topeka, Osawatomie, were historic 
 places in the struggle where Free State men fled for 
 safety in times of turmoil; where whatever resistance 
 was made to slavery had organization; where were 
 found the leaders, and where was shaped the policy 
 of the Free State party. 
 
 In, and around these places, in the early days, the 
 Emigrant Aid Co., directed its settlers, and to them 
 it contributed what of care and aid its not abundant 
 means allowed. The Agents of the Emigrant Aid Co., 
 in Kansas were prominent as leaders in the Free 
 State party. 
 
 At the time of which we write the record will show 
 
EMIGRANT AID CO. 7 
 
 that no men in Kansas, had more influence than the 
 agents of the Aid Co., in originating and deciding 
 what action the friends of Freedom should pursue. 
 
 Though the Emigrant Aid Co., thought it impolitic, 
 as a Company, to purchase Sharpe's Rifles for em- 
 igrants, its members gave generously to supply them, 
 and from that source, and its influences more were 
 supplied than from any other quarter. 
 
 In the Spring of 1855 Gov. Robinson sent Gen. 
 Deitzler East, with a letter to members of the Aid 
 Co., asking for Rifles. They procured them. Gen. 
 Deitzler took them to Lawrence and the ''Stubbs" 
 were armed with them. That noted company, as 
 dear to Lawrence in the early days as the memory of 
 the Tea Party to old Bostonians, was largely com- 
 posed of men who went to Kansas through the agency 
 of the Aid Co. 
 
 In the Autumn of 1855, Gov. Robinson gave to 
 Maj. Abbot, a letter to the same parties asking for 
 rifles for the Wakarusa Co. He procured them. 
 Along both branches of Coal Creek, and on the Wa- 
 karusa, persons who came to Kansas through the Aid 
 Co., had settled, and induced others, who had come 
 in like way and from their localities, to settle. 
 
 The Wakarusa Co., was at that time made largely 
 from these men. When organized, all its officers 
 were from New England. 
 
 The struggle to make Kansas free by the Free 
 State settlers, was difficult and dangerous. Kansas 
 was made a Territory to make it a slave state. The 
 allies of slavery in Congress from the free states, 
 
8 KANSAS AND THE 
 
 promised their help to make it so. Missouri was ex- 
 pected to furnish the means and the men to seize the 
 polls, elect the Legislature, enact the laws necessary 
 to protect and perpetuate slavery, and to crush out all 
 opposition. 
 
 Missouri did its part, and the President, by the 
 selection of Governors, Judges, Marshals, Land Offi- 
 cers, Indian Agents and recognition of the bogus 
 laws as valid and binding, gave to the usurpation, a 
 place where resistance, and denunciation of it, was 
 regarded by him and his party as sedition and trea- 
 son. 
 
 The administration could restrain and check Miss- 
 ouri in its purpose; but the only influence that could 
 restrain the administration and cause it to give Free 
 State settlers any protection against the usurpation, 
 was, public opinion in the Free States. 
 
 The Northern people would not tolerate, nor coun- 
 tenance resistance to Federal authority. This the 
 slave power knew, and therefore sought in every way 
 to provoke such resistance as would warrant the Fed- 
 eral and Territorial power to use force to suppress 
 what they called insurrection and treason. 
 
 The slave power failed to drive the Free State men 
 to such a position, and it was alike unable to enforce 
 the bogus laws. The influence that guided the Free 
 State men in their course, came from localities where 
 the influence of the Aid Co., dominated and from 
 other leaders than those named by "T. W. H." 
 
 There were many periods in Kansas history when 
 the Free State cause was in a critical and crucial 
 
EMIGRANT AID CO. 9 
 
 condition; when a mistake on the part of its leaders 
 would have led to temporary defeat and postponed the 
 triumph of Freedom. 
 
 The Wakarusa War had in its incidents and origin, 
 elements as dangerous as any that ever confronted the 
 Free State cause; but through the wise course of the 
 Free State leaders, strife was averted, and in the 
 Territory and the Nation Freedom was made stronger. 
 
 When the rescuers of Branson took Branson from 
 the scene of the rescue, to Gov. Robinson's house in 
 Lawrence, they took with them a crisis of imperial 
 size. The story of the rescue was told to the Gov- 
 ernor, who told the rescuers to call a Town Meeting, 
 to decide what to do, as the Territorial authorities 
 would, probably, use it as a pretext for attacking and 
 destroying the town. 
 
 That Town Meeting was held. A Committee of 
 Public Safety was chosen, of which Gov. Robinson 
 was made the head. 
 
 It was decided that the rescuers and the rescued 
 should leave the to\yn; that no action be taken on the 
 rescue, either of approval or disapproval; and that the 
 people prepare for defence. 
 
 Gov. Shannon, at the instance of the proslavery 
 leaders, issued a proclamation calling out the militia 
 as a posse, to aid Sheriff Jones; and Missourians, to 
 the number of 1500 or more; came to besiege Law- 
 rence, though its people had nothing to do with the 
 rescue, it having been done five miles from there, and 
 mostly by outside parties when they were asleep and 
 knew nothing about it. 
 
lO KANSAS AND THE 
 
 Why the Free State men adopted the policy they 
 did and what they thought would be its effect, is 
 shown in a speech made by Gov. Robinson to the 
 people of the town d^iring the siege. He said: 
 
 ''At his (Shannon's) bidding, all these Missouri- 
 ans have come here to help him enforce the laws; but 
 when they reach Lawrence they will find nobody has 
 broken any laws, for the people of Lawrence are a 
 law-abiding people. Their real object was to destroy 
 Lawrence; but it was a question whether they could 
 do it without some pretext, and before the American 
 people Shannon would be responsible for their con- 
 duct. Men of Lawrence! Free State men! We 
 must have courage and with it we must have prudence. 
 They are sustained by the U. S. authority, and 
 while they do not think it essential that a good cause 
 for fighting be given them, the authorities will wait at 
 least for what seems to them a plausible excuse be- 
 fore commencing to shed blood. This excuse must 
 not be given them. Each man must be a committee 
 of one to guard the reputation as well as the lives of 
 the Free State men. These may be dark days; but 
 the American people and the world will justify us, 
 and the cause of right will eventually triumph." 
 
 Gov. Shannon and Sheriff Jones may or may not 
 have believed the people of Lawrence rescued Branson, 
 burned ciwellings, resisted the laws and were in open 
 rebellion, but there is no doubt they believed its peo- 
 ple would shield and protect the rescuers from arrest 
 and thus give them what the Administration would 
 call a valid reason to use force and destroy the town. 
 
EMIGRANT AID CO. 11 
 
 Gov. Robinson and the Committee of Safety were de- 
 termined to deprive them, and did deprive them, of 
 any such reason. They denied, on behalf of the peo- 
 ple, each and every allegation averred against them; 
 told Shannon that Jones never attempted to serve 
 process in town, so he had never been resisted and 
 demanded of him to remove his troops from their 
 vicinity, where they were without right, molesting 
 and plundering a peaceful law-abiding people and 
 blocking the highways. 
 
 Shannon found what the Committee told him was 
 true. He was anxious to be rid of his troops, whom 
 he feared he could not control, they were so desirous 
 to destroy Lawrence. Finally, he dismissed them, 
 but gave to Gov. Robinson and General Lane, ''Au- 
 thority to use the force under them to preserve the 
 peace and protect the property of the people in that 
 vicinity as in their judgment should best secure that 
 end." 
 
 This authority he gave to them to protect the peo- 
 ple from his own force, whom he and they feared 
 would not retire on being disbanded. A terrific 
 blizzard was effectual in aiding their dispersion. 
 
 The whole country was excited over this strife as it 
 went on. It was everywhere the subject of comment. 
 The course of the Free State men was admired and 
 praised, Freedom gained strength and the Adminis- 
 tration lost favor. In a message to the Legislature 
 under the Topeka Constitution, Gov. Robinson said: 
 
 "It is understood the Deputy Marshal has private 
 instructions to arrest the members of the Legislature 
 
12 KANSAS AND THE 
 
 and the state officers for treason so soon as this ad- 
 dress is received by you. In such an event no resist- 
 ance will be made to the officer. Let what will come, 
 not a finger should be raised against Federal authority 
 until there shall be no hope of relief, but in revolu- 
 tion." 
 
 These were occasions where the people had selected 
 Gov. Robinson as their leader, and the}' show the 
 influence he exerted as the agent of the Emigrant 
 Aid Co., and its policy in the Territory. 
 
 Whether this policy was likely to win support in 
 the North where the Union and the Law were held in 
 sacred respect, and where alone the Free State cause 
 could look, or hope for aid, time has given affirmative 
 answer. 
 
 In May, 1856, the United States Marshal and his 
 posse entered Lawrence, arrested some prominent 
 citizens, then the posse was turned over to Sheriff 
 Jones who used it to destroy the Free State Hotel, 
 belonging to the Emigrant Aid Co. They burnt Gov. 
 Robinson's house, destroyed the presses, type and 
 fixtures of the Herald of Freedom and of the Free State, 
 and engaged in general pillage. 
 
 The shifting of the Marshal's posse to the Sheriff's 
 use, shows the close partnership then existing be- 
 tween the United States officials and the Border 
 Ruffians. 
 
 When either of these parties proposed to commit 
 an outrage likely to provoke resistance it would go 
 skulking behind some legal process. 
 
EMIGRANT AID CO. 1 3 
 
 Robinson, Deitzler, G. W. Brown, Gaius Jenkins 
 and G. W. Smith were prisoners in a camp of U. S. 
 soldiers. The Missouri river was closed to the Free 
 State men and their friends. The clouds were dark 
 and threatening for the Free State men, but they did 
 not despair. If the blood of the martyrs was the seed 
 of the church, each fresh pro-slavery outrage was an 
 additional argument for Freedom, "Suffer that you 
 may be strong" was Gov. Robinson's exhortation to 
 his party. 
 
 The outrages in Kansas, the murderous assault on 
 Charles Sumner in the Senate, for his speech entitled 
 •'Crime against Kansas", and the aggressions of the 
 slave power, were undermining slavery in Missouri 
 and bringing the American people within seven years 
 of the proclamation, that would emancipate every 
 slave. Kansas was sowing the seed for that rich har- 
 vest. 
 
 John Brown, jr., and his company started to aid in 
 the defence of Lawrence, when attacked by the Mar- 
 shal's posse in May, 1856. He halted when within 
 twelve miles of Lawrence, when he learned the posse 
 had done its work. His father, John Brown, was with 
 him. It was at this time in 1856 he first came to no- 
 tice. 
 
 Gov. Geary before the 16th of the following Sep- 
 tember had induced invaders from Missouri, coming to 
 the Territory when he came, to return to their homes. 
 From that time invasions ceased except in spasmodic 
 cases in southeastern Kansas where men on both 
 sides appeared to take pleasure in gunning for each 
 
14 • KANSAS AND THE 
 
 Other. Whatever John Brown did in what ''T. W 
 H." calls the Real Crisis in Kansas in 1856, as a lead- 
 er to resist invasions that would have swept every 
 trace of the Emigrant Aid Co., and its work, he must 
 have done between May 20th and September i6th, 
 when he started with his sons on their long march 
 through Nebraska and Iowa to leave the Territory. 
 
 On the 23d of May, 1856, John Brown, with four 
 of his sons, one son-in-law, and two other persons, 
 started on an expedition. 
 
 On the night between the 23d and 24th, of May 
 John Brown, in command of these men, took five pro- 
 slavery men from their houses, on Pottawatomie 
 Creek. John Brown shot John Doyle in the fore- 
 head, and two of his sons cut and hacked the others 
 to death with short two-edged swords. 
 
 The act caused pro-slavery men in the neighbor- 
 hood to'flee and Free State men to live in constant fear 
 of retaliation of like kind on them. 
 
 The news of this bloody transaction as it spread, 
 inflamed the whole border, increased the bitterness 
 between the parties, caused more raids into the Terri- 
 tory than before, and was followed by more murders 
 of Free State men. It caused great excitement at 
 Leavenworth where the Congressional Committee 
 were holding their sessions, and Gov. Robinson was 
 only saved from a violent death by the strong will of 
 his keeper. Bill Martin, the Kickapoo Ranger, who 
 made both Judge Lecompte and Maj. Richardson 
 aids in his defence. One slept in bed with the Gov- 
 ernor, the other in a bed drawn up just outside his 
 
EMIGRANT AID CO. I5 
 
 door in the hall. The people were never more dis- 
 tressed than during that summer of 1856, after those 
 cruel butcheries. They robbed and shot down many 
 people, burned the homes of Judge Wakefield, Capt. 
 Sam Walker, Erastus Heath and many others, within 
 sight of the United States troops guarding the treason 
 prisoners, and no power was given them to stay the 
 hand of violence. 
 
 In the Atlantic Monthly the chapter of T. W. H.'s 
 * 'Cheerful Yesterdays" that refers to his Kansas trip 
 in the Autumn of 1856, says the Free State men gen- 
 erally approved of this deed of John Brown's. They 
 did not approve of the deed, as the evidence now ex- 
 isting shows it to have been. They justified it as a 
 matter of self defense, as it was first represented to 
 be. 
 
 At tliat time Free State men had no belief in pro- 
 slavery stories of Free State outrages, nor had pro- 
 slavery men any more faith in the statements of Free 
 State men. 
 
 Free State men did not believe the pro-slavery 
 statements of the Pottawatomie Massacre; nor did 
 they believe that John Brown, a professing Christian, 
 a praying man, a courageous man, New England 
 born and educated, could commit murder, or kill any 
 one except in a fair fight, or permit or ask his own 
 sons to do so. 
 
 T. W. H. compliments W. A. Phillips', ''Conquest 
 of Kansas" as the best book of the time and place. 
 Phillips page 316, says: 
 
 'Tt was one of those stern and remorseless acts 
 
l6 KANSAS AND THE 
 
 in Civil War which make the delicate and sensitive 
 shrink, but it is wrapped in profound mystery." 
 
 On page 317 he says: 
 
 ' 'Terrible stories have floated through the news- 
 papers, distorted and misrepresented by those whose 
 interest it was to misrepresent them. From all I can 
 learn, five of these pro-slavery men had assembled 
 in one their houses, to arrange plans for an attack on 
 one man whose life they had threatened that night, 
 when a party of seven or eight guerillas, not young men, 
 but stern, determined men, attacked them, and in the 
 scuffle, every pro-slavery man was killed." 
 
 Is not this statement a gross distortion and misrep- 
 resentation made by one whose interest it was to mis- 
 represent? 
 
 On page 332 he says: 
 
 "Whether with reason or not I cannot say. but he 
 [John Brown] was regarded as a participator if not 
 the leader in the Pottawatomie affair." 
 
 John Brown wrote to his family just after the mas- 
 sacre, and 'relating to it; ''There are but very few 
 who wish the real facts about these matters to go 
 out." 
 
 It was an act which those who were guilty of doing 
 would not willingly confess; but would seek to justify. 
 The partisans of the guilty taught to disbelieve, by 
 experience, pro-slavery stories of Free State atrocit- 
 ies, thinking it impossible for John Brown to commit 
 the deed as described by his opponents, gladly wel- 
 comed the justification and descriptions of the act 
 then given by John Brown's friends. But John 
 
EMIGRANT AID CO. I7 
 
 Brown, subsequently, over and over again, denied 
 being present at the time the deed was done. So 
 persistent were those denials urged by his friends and 
 biographers, most people came to believe he was not 
 there. 
 
 Finally, the revival of interest in early Kansas 
 history caused by the quarter century anniversary of 
 the settlement of Kansas, held at Bismarck Grove, in 
 1879, induced an investigation of this question. 
 
 Dec. 6th, 1879 James Townsley, who went with 
 John Brown, his sons, son-in-law and a Mr. Winer, 
 on that bloody expedition in May, 1856, made his 
 statement of what was then done. It corroborates 
 in all essential particulars the affidavit of Mrs. Mahala 
 Doyle, whose husband John Brown shot in the fore- 
 head, while two of his sons cut and slashed with two- 
 edged weapons two of her sons to death, and the testi- 
 mony of other pro-slavery witnesses to the crime. 
 
 It proves John Brown was there, though he had re- 
 peatedly denied that he was; that there was no fight, as 
 Phillips said that he learned, for the men were called 
 from their houses at night one by one and slaughter- 
 ed. 
 
 Townsley's statement was sent to F. B. Sanborn 
 who took it to John Brown, jr., who said ''it was in 
 the main correct." Townsley is a witness who was 
 associated with the Brown family, and was also a mem- 
 ber of the Free State party, and neither one can justly 
 discredit him. 
 
 In view of the facts as now known, no one who 
 once believed the act justifiable because of a belief 
 
l8 KANSAS AND THE 
 
 that it was done in self-defence and in a fair fight, 
 should be blamed for changing his opinions in regard 
 to it, or for expressing the conviction that a man 
 guilty of such butchery would by a civilized people, 
 be given the gibbet rather than a laurel wreath. 
 
 When the treaty of peace was made which closed 
 the Wakarusa War, John Brown from the top of a 
 dry goods box began denouncing it and strove to 
 make division among the people. He was promptly 
 checked. This was his first public interference in 
 Kansas affairs. 
 
 On Dec. 20th, 1858, Brown made a raid into Miss- 
 ouri. His party killed David Crews, kidnapped a 
 negro woman, took wagons, horses etc., robbed a Mr. 
 Martin of a mule, from another man five negroes, two 
 horses, a yoke of cattle, ox wagon, gun, saddle and 
 clothing, then fled into Kansas. George A. Crawford 
 at Fort Scott saw him and protesting against his vio- 
 lence, told him, "We are settlers you are not, you 
 strike a blow and leave. The retaliatory blow falls 
 on us. Being a Free State man, I myself was held 
 personally responsible for the acts of Capt. Brown." 
 
 Capt. Brown left Kansas with his booty, passing 
 through Nebraska, and Iowa, reaching Cleveland, 
 Ohio, where he sold at auction some of it; but Free 
 State men who lived in Southeastern Kansas had to 
 pay the penalty. 
 
 This closed his Kansas career. 
 
 June 2nd, 1856, John Brown and Capt. Shores 
 with forces under their command attacked the camp 
 of Capt. H. C. Pate and compelled him and his men 
 
EMIGRANT AID CO. 1 9 
 
 to surrender. Col. Sumner with the United States 
 Dragoons released Pate and ordered both parties to 
 disperse. 
 
 In June, 1856 he wrote to his wife:- "Since then, 
 we have, like David of old, had our dwellings with 
 the serpents of the rocks, and wild beasts of the 
 wildernesss being obliged to hide away from our 
 enemies." (This was the statement Brown made 
 to his family in the first letter he wrote them after 
 the Pottawatomie murder. ^ 
 
 July 4th, 1856, Brown was reported to be in camp 
 near Topeka, with a small number of men. Later in 
 the month, Capt. Sam Walker on his way to carry a 
 note of warning to Lane in Nebraska, came across 
 Brown with about twenty men going north, out of 
 Kansas. Here for the present we will leave him. 
 
 In March, 1856, Lane was elected a Senator under 
 the Topeka Constitution. A memorial to Congress 
 praying to admit Kansas into the Union under it, was 
 prepared, signed by the different members of the 
 Legislature and given to Lane to present to that 
 body. 
 
 On April 7th, 1856, Senator Cass of Michigan 
 sometimes called the "Father of Squatter Sovereign- 
 ty" at the request of Lane, presented what he 
 claimed was the Legislature's memorial to the United 
 States Senate. Douglas examined it and charged 
 that the signatures were in one handwriting and that 
 there were various interlineations and erasures, all 
 calculated to cause doubt of its genuineness, Pugh, 
 of Ohio, said it looked as though the person having 
 
20 KANSAS AND THE 
 
 it in charge had watched the progress of the debate 
 in that body and stricken out propositions to accom- 
 odate it to the present stage of discussion. Cass 
 asked leave to withdraw it and return it to Lane, 
 which was given him. 
 
 Lane made affidavit that the memorial was the 
 work of a special committee of the Legislature, ac- 
 cepted by it, then sent back to the Committee for 
 revision and that committee gave him (Lane) the 
 power to do so, and he had done it, after his arrival 
 in Washington. He had mislaid the signatures and 
 his private secretary had signed the names. 
 
 The memorial was silent on the Black Law res- 
 trictions of the Constitution, which caused Douglas 
 to charge him with suppressing it — withholding what 
 he dared not defend. 
 
 Lane demanded an explanation, that would remove 
 imputations on his integrity and motives, threatening 
 a challenge to duel, if not done. Douglas replied 
 that he knew of no exculpatory facts, and no duel 
 followed. 
 
 In June, 1855, Lane and others met at Lawrence 
 and resolved that the best interests of Kansas required 
 the immediate organization of the Democratic party. 
 
 The attempt failed. 
 
 That same month at Lawrence S. N. Wood at a 
 Free State meeting moved that the party sink all 
 minor issues in its efforts to overthrow the usurpation 
 and secure a Free State. 
 
 To that policy the friends of the Emigrant Aid Co., 
 gave cordial assent. 
 
EMIGRANT AID CO. 21 
 
 It did not seem to suit those persons who had vain- 
 ly sought to organize the Democratic party. A call 
 for a convention at Big Springs was issued, ''to con- 
 struct a National platform, upon which all friends of 
 making Kansas a Free State, may act in concert." 
 
 A platform holding all minor issues in abeyance to 
 secure that end was not broad enough for these gen- 
 tlemen. Lane thought he could add the needed 
 words to secure concert of action, and had the con- 
 vention declare its opposition to negroes, bond or 
 free, coming to their proposed Free State, and also 
 declare, that the Free State party was not an abol- 
 ition party. 
 
 The Black Law provisions of the Topeka Constitu- 
 tion were Lane's contribution to the Free State plat- 
 form. 
 
 The Constitutional convention supplemented the 
 Big Springs platform, with a resolution endorsing 
 squatter sovereignty. "Pass it," said Delahy and 
 ''your constitution will go through like a bullet." 
 Before Lane presented his memorial, he had learned 
 to the contrary. 
 
 The Democratic party under the lead of Douglass, 
 opposed a measure, that had been so carefully prep- 
 ared to suit its taste. This action forced its oppon- 
 ents to favor the measure. Many of them had no 
 sympathy with lovers of a Black Law and haters 
 of Abolitionists, and knew if Kansas was then admit- 
 ted with its Senators and Representative, slavery and 
 not Freedom would gain these votes. 
 
 The desire to gain the support of that opposition, 
 
22 KNASAS AND THE 
 
 may have caused erasures and interlineations to meet 
 points discussed and the suppression of all reference 
 to the Black Law. 
 
 Fortunately for Freedom, the slave power had de- 
 termined to keep its clutch on Kansas, given it by the 
 Border Ruffian, and extend its dominion west, and 
 south to the Pacific coast. 
 
 It could safely have admitted Kansas as a compro- 
 mise measure, with its Congressional delegation. 
 
 By doing so, the perplexing Kansas question, would 
 have been settled at once, the unity of the Democrat- 
 ic party preserved, and its continuance in power pro- 
 longed. 
 
 In the latter part of July, 1856, Sam Walker says, 
 Gov. Robinson gave him $200, and furnished him a 
 horse, to go with a few men whom he should select, 
 to Nebraska, see Lane, who was thought to be coming 
 with arms and men to aid the Free State men, and 
 tell him, that it was the purpose of the Territorial 
 authorities, to intercept him with a force, on his way 
 to Topeka. 
 
 While enroute, Walker came across John Brown, 
 with some men going out of the Territory. 
 
 Walker saw Lane, who seemed to feel sorely be- 
 cause members of the National Kansas Committee, 
 there present; thought it impolitic for him to have 
 charge of the expedition. 
 
 Walker says, that he took a letter from the agents 
 of the committee to Lane, to that effect, and that 
 Lane said, "Walker, if you say the people of Kansas 
 do not want me, it is all right, and I'll blow my brains 
 
EMIGRANT AID CO.^ 23 
 
 out. I can never go back to the states and look the 
 people in the face, and tell them, that as soon as I 
 got these friends of mine fairly into danger, I had to 
 abandon them. I can't do it. No matter what I say 
 in my own defence, no one will believe it. I will blow 
 my brains out, and end the thing here." 
 
 Walker says he replied — "General, the people of 
 Kansas would rather have you than all the party at 
 Nebraska City. 1 have got fifteen good boys of my 
 own. If you will put yourself under my orders, I'll 
 put you through all right." Lane consented to go. 
 Old clothes were got and nitrate of siTver used to dis- 
 figure him. Old John Brown and his men went back 
 with them. Lane arrived at Topeka August loth. 
 On that day, he wrote to the prisoners in camp near 
 Lecompton, that he was ready to rescue them, advis- 
 ing them to escape if they could; if they couldn't he 
 w^ould attack their guard. He reminded them that 
 time was all important. "My whereabouts cannot 
 long be concealed from the Blood-hounds, who are 
 seeking my blood," 
 
 On the morning of August 13th, William Hutchin- 
 son at Lawrence, told Col. James Blood that Lane 
 was concealed over his store, and had assumed the 
 name of Capt. Joe Cook. Blood saw him and told 
 him, "In my opinion there is no necessity of your 
 hiding, you are in no more danger than the rest of 
 us." 
 
 Hutchinson and Blood were a sub-committee of the 
 Executive Committee, chosen at Topeka Convention. 
 July 4th. 
 
H 
 
 Kansas and the 
 
 They had decided to attack and disperse the pro- 
 slavery bands, located at Franklin and Fort Saunders. 
 
 The attack on Franklin was made on the night of 
 the 13th of August. 
 
 Lane rode down with the party and sat on his horse 
 as others did, while the fight was on. Finally, a load 
 of hay drawn by a squad of men, led by Caleb S. 
 Pratt, was backed up to the cabin sheltering the 
 enemy, set on fire and caused a quick surrender. 
 
 On the 15th of August, the force went to attack 
 Fort Saunders, Lane assuming command. The Fort 
 was found deserted. 
 
 That night. Lane left for Nebraska. Walker says, 
 "In the evening Lane called us all together ahd 
 turned the command over to me without another word 
 of explanation. Put spurs to his horse and galloped 
 away towards Topeka, followed by about fifteen men. 
 This is the last we saw or heard of him for a long 
 time. When we did hear of him, he was building a 
 fort near Nemaha. Lane never gave any reason for 
 his strange conduct on that occasion." 
 
 On the i6th, the attack was made on Fort Titus, 
 the force under the command of Col. Sam Walker. 
 The F^ort was captured, and Titus with others made 
 prisoners. 
 
 John Brown was in the march on Fort Saunders, 
 and at the capture of Titus with a small command. 
 During Lane's absence, he was down at Osawatomie 
 and with others sought to defend it, when the attack 
 was made on it, August 30th, but was compelkd to 
 flee. On that evening as Capt. J. M. Anthony went 
 
EMIGRANT AID CO. ±^ 
 
 down in the ravine to milk his cow, having had no- 
 thing to eat since morning, he was surprised to see 
 John Browm coming toward him, Brown was equally 
 surprised, and inquired if it were Mr. Anthony; he 
 also inquired if every body was killed and the town 
 burned. At that great battle of Osawatomie, Mr. 
 Partridge only was killed, and three men in Gen. 
 Reid's army of invasion slightly wounded. Brown 
 then returned to Lawrence. 
 
 While Lane was away Shannon resigned. Wood- 
 son, acting governor, declared the Territory in a 
 state of insurrection, and called on law abiding citi- 
 zens to rally to suppress it. 
 
 On Aug. i8th, 1856, Gen. William P. Richardson 
 of the first divison Kansas Militia, wrote to Gen. 
 Smith in command, at Fort Leavenworth, telling him 
 a state of war existed in Douglas County, and other 
 parts of the Territory; that he had ordered out his 
 whole division, to rendezvous at various points, and 
 asking Gen. Smith how far his orders required him to 
 interfere with the movements of that militia. 
 
 Sept. ist, Acting Gov. Woodson ordered Col. Cook 
 of the United States Dragoons, to invest Topeka, 
 disarm the people, level breast-works, and forts, and 
 intercept invaders coming on "Lane's trail." Law- 
 rence had no outlets east or north. Missouri held 
 possession of them. Now it was proposed to use the 
 U. S. Troops to disarm the people to the west and 
 close the road north so that Missourians might with 
 greater safety, attack and destroy it. The time was, 
 near for the man who told Col. Sam Walker, "I'll blow 
 
26 KANSAS AND THE 
 
 out my brains, if you say the people of Kansas don't 
 want me," to show whetlier he was worth more than, 
 "The whole party at Nebraska City." 
 
 Lane got back from Nebraska near the first part of 
 September, having been absent about a fortnight. 
 He led a force to oppose the force that attacked 
 Osawatomie, but accomplished nothing. 
 
 On September 5th, Lane led a force against Le- 
 compton, to demand the immediate and unconditional 
 surrender of all Free State prisoners there held. He 
 was informed that all prisoners had been released and 
 provision made to send them to Lawrence the next 
 day. Col. Cook with the U. S. Troops intervened, 
 telling the Free State men, they had made a mistake 
 in coming, as the Territorial Militia were dismissed 
 that morning; to which Marc Parrott replied, "Col. 
 Cook, when we send a man or two men, or a dozen 
 men, to speak with the Territorial authorities, they 
 are arrested and held like felons. How, then are we 
 to know what is going on in Lecompton? Why, we 
 have to come here with an army to find out what is 
 going on; how else would we know. 
 
 Lane kept himself in seclusion, while Col. Cook 
 was present. John Brown was with the expedition. 
 
 On the loth of September, the treason prisoners 
 were released. When within one mile of Lawrence, 
 they were met by the Stubbs Company, Lane and his 
 staff, and escorted to Massachusetts street, where 
 crowds of people had gathered to greet tliem. In the 
 evening Rev. Mr. Nute, E. B. Whitman and John 
 Wilder came in from Leavenworth where they had 
 been confined in a dungeon. 
 
 I 
 
EMIGRANT AID CO. 2^ 
 
 That night, or the next day, Lane again started for 
 Nebraska. 
 
 Col. Cracklin published in the Lawrence Tribune, 
 that a day or two before the arrival of ruffian 2700, 
 Lane presented him with a commission as Lieutenant 
 Colonel; that Gov. Robinson saw him and congrat- 
 ulated him on his promotion and told him that he had 
 reliable information that a large force was on its way 
 to attack Lawrence, that our force was small and 
 would be more so by the absence of Col. Harvey, 
 who intended to start that night on a private expedi- 
 tion; and the *'Stubbs" were not to leave without 
 orders from head quarters, but the Stubbs went 
 away with Col. Harvey. Cracklin says, "To my 
 sorrow I found they had disobeyed orders." 
 
 Lane, on his. way to Nebraska had met a force 
 north of Topeka and sent to Col. Harvey for help. 
 
 Lawrence was thus deprived of some of its best 
 drilled and armed men when the enemy was close up- 
 on it. 
 
 On the 14th of September, the enemy arrived at 
 Lawrence, two or three days after Lane disappeared. 
 
 When the enemy were nearing town, in sight of it, 
 and something for defence must be done, Maj. Abbott 
 was giving orders as leader, claiming authority from 
 Lane so to do. At the same time Col. Cracklin was 
 acting as leader by the same authority, and Capt. 
 Cutler of the Stubbs has said that Col. Harvey 
 claimed the right to disregard the orders of Lieut. 
 Col. Cracklin because he outranked him. 
 
 Luckily, for Lawrence, that the exigencies of the 
 
2^ KANSAS AND THE 
 
 Presidential campaign compelled the President, 
 through Gov. Geary, to intervene for its protection, 
 and send the invaders home. 
 
 John Brown was in Lawrence at that time, but he 
 had no command, was not elected or chosen leader. 
 He made no speech. Col. Cracklin attacked the 
 enemy's advance guard on the evening of Sept. 14th, 
 and turned them back to Franklin, only a very few 
 shots being fired by our forces and none by the in- 
 vaders. Gov. Geary, with Col. P. vSt. George Cook 
 intervened with his regiment and battery, and pre- 
 vented a bloody conflict. 
 
 This ended the invasions from Missouri, until the 
 time of the Civil War. 
 
 The student of history will look in vain for any act 
 done by Capt. Montgomery, as a leader or private in 
 what "T. W. H." calls the Real Crisis in Kansas in 
 1856. 
 
 If, at that time, the men he has named, led the Free 
 State men with Sharpe's Rifles against slavery, turn- 
 ing the tide in favor of Freedom, it must be found on 
 the occasions herein named. 
 
 It was the revolt of the people in the North against 
 the acts of the administration in Kansas, that caused 
 it to send Geary to the Territory, flying fast, to put a 
 check on the purposes of Woodson the Nero of the 
 strife, and give peace and protection to its people. 
 
 Thoughtful men can read the history of the deeds 
 done by these leaders, and judge whether they would, 
 or did, strengthen or weaken that northern revolt, 
 and whether Kansas would not have fared better with- 
 out them. 
 
EMIGRANT AID CO. 29 
 
 The struggle continued in another form; ballots, 
 instead of bullets were the weapons used. 
 
 The election of Buchanan convinced the friends of 
 Freedom in and out of Kansas, that an effort must 
 be made by the Free State men to elect the Territori- 
 al Legislature. Gov. Walker and Sec. Stanton, 
 promised to protect the polls from invasion and count 
 the votes honestly. Gov. Robinson and other Free 
 State men favored keeping the Topeka State Govern- 
 ment alive, for use in case the people were cheated 
 as in the election of March, 1855, and of voting. 
 
 Gov. Walker and Sec. Stanton were true to their 
 promise, although an attempt was made to defraud. 
 
 Walker and Stanton discarded the fraudulent re- 
 turns, v, hich act gave the Free State men possession 
 of the Legislature. Lane at hrst opposed voting, but 
 afterwards favored it. 
 
 Brown and his followers never favored voting and 
 did what they could to thwart it. 
 
 Meantime, the Lecompton Constitution was framed. 
 Its provisions compelled the voter to vote for ^'Con- 
 stitution with Slavery", or ''Constitution without 
 Slavery"; but whether he voted "Yes" or "No" he 
 voted for the Constitution, which protected slavery 
 already in Kansas. 
 
 John Calhoun of the land office, a servile tool of 
 slavery by the schedule of the Constitution, was given 
 the power to receive, assort and count the votes un- 
 der the instrument. Sec. Stanton called the Terri- 
 torial Legislature together to provide for a fair sub- 
 mission of that Constitution to the people. He knew 
 
30 KANSAS AND THE 
 
 it would cause his removal, if he did so; that did not 
 deter him. No man has ever done better service for 
 a people, or a truer service for Freedom, than F. P. 
 Stanton, by issuing that Proclamation. He deserves 
 the lasting gratitude of the people of Kansas. 
 
 Under the election so provided, the Constitution 
 was defeated. Under the election provided by the 
 Constitution, where the votes were counted by Cal- 
 houn, it was sustained. Shall we strive to elect the 
 State officers under that instrument, and to possess 
 its government, was then the absorbing question 
 with Free State men. 
 
 Thomas Ewing, Gov. Robinson and other Free 
 State men said ''Yes, we must try." So also said 
 prominent members of the Republican party in let- 
 ters to those men. 
 
 Other Free State men said "No" among them Lane, 
 Brown and Montgomery. A Free State Convention 
 decided not to vote. W. Y, Roberts, G. W. Brown, 
 S. N. Wood, Thomas Ewing, Gov. Robinson and 
 others, thouglitthe decision of that convention should 
 be bolted, and a Free State ticket put in the field. 
 It was done, and as soon as done Lane ceased open 
 opposition, while Brown and his friends continued to 
 oppose 
 
 The election took place. Calhoun decided the 
 pro-slaver}^ ticket was elected. On its announce- 
 ment, Ewing induced the Territorial Legislature to 
 create a board to investigate the frauds of the election, 
 and six men were chosen, among them, Ewing. L. A. 
 McLean, Calhoun's clerk, was summoned and swore 
 
EMIGRANT AID CO. 3 1 
 
 that Calhoun had taken all the returns to Washing- 
 ton. Some one told Ewing that McLean lied; that 
 McLean the night before he gave his testimony had 
 buried a large candle box under a wood pile. That 
 box was seized and brought before the Board. It 
 held the returns and exposed the fraud. 
 
 Ewing says the exposure struck the Lecompton- 
 ites dumb. 
 
 Eveiy incident was telegraphed and published every- 
 where. A statement was signed by the presiding 
 officer of both houses, and Gov. Denver was sent to 
 the President and it was given him in presence of a 
 number of Senators. In a day or two, Ewing follow- 
 ed with the report of the Board, an abstract of the 
 candle box returns, and a Memorial to Congress, all 
 of which he caused to be printed and laid on the desk 
 of each member. The bill for the admission of Kan- 
 sas dropped dead. 
 
 The English Bill was forced through by the ad- 
 ministration offering great quantities of land, if Kan- 
 sas would vote to accept the Constitution. But, 
 Kansas by a vote of 1 1,300 against and 1,788 in favor, 
 rejected the lands and the Constitution. 
 
 To the people of Lawrence of the early days, who 
 now survive, the place has consolation and pleasures. 
 
 It was a child of the Emigrant Aid Co., it took the 
 name of its treasurer, and gave to its principal street 
 the name of the state where that Company was organ- 
 ized. It was a settlement made in the interests of 
 Freedom, and its people have striven to keep it true 
 to that purpose. 
 
32 KANSAS AND THE 
 
 It was the store-house, fortress, asylum, and Coun- 
 cil Chamber of the Free State men. 
 
 Its history is the history of the struggle. Hardly 
 an incident in the strife wherever in the Territory it 
 happened, but had some root there. 
 
 When the Free State men had possession of the 
 Legislature, it always moved its sessions to Lawrence. 
 
 On Massachusetts street in Lawrence, the bogus 
 code was repealed. On the night of the da}^ of its 
 repeal, on the same street, the code was publicly 
 burned. 
 
 That act proclaimed that the Emigrant Aid Co., 
 had won the victory in the strife with the Blue 
 Lodges, and that Kansas was Free. 
 
LETTER FROM S. N. SIMPSON. 
 
 Kansas City, Kansas, Dec. 29, 1902. 
 S. C. Smith. 
 
 My dear friend: — As I take my pen to address you, 
 the question arises, where in our history shall I begin? 
 Will it be with the battle at Franklin, our mutual 
 acquaintance with Gov. and Mrs. Robinson, our 
 personal friendship, or the great victory for freedom 
 obtained in Kansas? 
 
 Indeed, my friend of the early day in Kansas Terri- 
 tory, the above subjects are so interwoven that to 
 touch one reaches them all. 
 
 That battle at Franklin looked gloomy after we had 
 failed in our first attack and lost one man. 1 remem- 
 ber saying that the fort must be taken, even if we had 
 to go up and pry the logs out. We decided to try 
 the effects of a load of hay, some dry lumber, with tar 
 and rosin. After our load was ready, as I recollect, 
 Caleb Pratt took hold of the tongue of the wagon first, 
 then Capt. Bickerton, then S. C. Smith, S. N. Simp- 
 son, Ed Russell, Reuben Randall, until nine men 
 placed the wagon all on fire against the log fort. 
 
 The white fiag soon went up. 
 
 The midnight hour witnessed our first victory. 
 What a moment that was, as we moved the wagon, 
 and in the bright light received the prisoners and the 
 cannon that had been turned over to the enemy a 
 
34 
 
 KANSAS AND THE 
 
 few months before at Leavenworth, together with the 
 prospect of a victory at Washington Creek and at 
 Titus's, near Lecompton, within a few hours. 
 
 It is claimed by some who do not yet understand 
 the early history of the Free State struggle, that the 
 fighting qualities of Gen. Lane and John Brown were 
 needed to secure the freedom of Kansas. 
 
 These parties had nothing to do with our organiza- 
 tion before the battle at Franklin. 
 
 I had visited Dr. Robinson, then held a prisoner by 
 United States troops, and received from him the by- 
 laws of the vigilance committee in California and in 
 consultation with Turner Sampson and Milton Guest 
 at my office, we decided to organize a like committee. 
 Dr. Robinson said that we should be prepared to strike 
 a blow for ourselves before the help coming through 
 Iowa and Nebraska should arrive. 
 
 The battle at Franklin, was to our cause, what the 
 battle of Bunker Hill was to the revolutionary cause. 
 
 I first met Dr. Robinson in September, 1854, and 
 soon after aided in his election as Captain of a com- 
 pany to defend ourselves on the town site, which was 
 successful. Gen. Lane and then John Brown came 
 later. 1 enjoyed a very close acquaintance with all 
 the prominent men who had a part in our history. 
 They all worked hard, but if Lane or Brown had been 
 the leader at the beginning of our contest or at any 
 subsequent period, Kansas would have been a slave 
 state. 
 
 The great need from the very first was to have 
 peace in the Territory until we should have settlers 
 
EMIGRANT AID CO. 35 
 
 -enough from the North to have an influence as well as 
 to secure the sympathy and cooperation of the North- 
 ern states also that the Slave State settlers might 
 have time to become acquainted with the Free State 
 neighbors. I had talked these matters all over many 
 times with Dr. Robinson before the other parties had 
 arrived in the Territory. 
 
 It was Dr. Robinson's good judgment and courage 
 together with the experience in California which 
 brought about conditions which enabled us to secure, 
 €ven in spite of the course pursued by later leaders, 
 and to so control events which prevented the later 
 extremists from upsetting all the good work that had 
 been done before their arrival. 
 
 I do not believe in living very much in the past, 
 the present and the Eternal future interests us most, 
 and still when our past lives have been connected so 
 directly with states like Kansas and her history has 
 played such a part in the life of our Republic, we feel 
 that the spirit of the past cannot be separated from 
 the present and future. 
 
 I thank you very heartily for your visit. I shall 
 not fail to call upon you when I visit New England. 
 Yours as ever, 
 
 S. N. Simpson. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 I 
 
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