^0^ ^ V ^'^ . 0' 4^ .t^% ^-^ ■Or «^ o "v^e<^\K * Ay ^-*» 0' ^^ **'rr/-^ ^^' Made in the United States of America / The Gorham Press, Boston, U. S. A. ©OtA622510 All; ' i^^^l TO THE MEMBERS AND FRIENDS OF THE FIRST CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH Aurora, Illinois this volume is dedicated in grateful appreciation OF THEIR FIDELITT, LOYALTY AND DEVOTION PREFACE The year 1920 marks the three hundredth anni- versary of the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. The time is opportune, therefore, for telling anew the story of their deeds and emphasizing afresh the ideals and principles of these builders of the nation, for the American Republic is more deeply indebted to this little band of humble men who made the first permanent settlement in New England than to any other of the early settlers who came to our shores. They laid the foundations and other men have builded thereupon. As Baillie has well said: "These men did more for the world than Columbus. He, in seeking India, discovered America. They in pur- suit of religious freedom, established civil liberty, and, meaning only to found a church, gave birth to a nation. In settling a town, they commenced an empire." In re-telling the story of these founders of the Republic, the attempt has been made to trace care- fully the antecedents and consequences of the Pil- grim movement that we may understand more clearly the principles which animated them and appreciate more fully the worth of the heritage which they have 5 6 Preface left us. The writer has availed himself of the results of the researches made by Hunter, Waddington, the two Dexters, Dale, Arber, Powicke, Davis, Pierce, Cater, Crippen, Burrage, Burgess, and others, be- sides the light which has come from the discovery, both in England and Holland, of dociunents and writings hitherto unknown, which have added greatly to our fund of knowledge and without which no ade- quate account of the Pilgrims could now be written. Since this volume is intended for modem readers, no attempt has been made, in quoting from the early writers, to reproduce the antiquated spelling of the original documents. Frank G. Beaedsley. CONTENTS CHAPTBB I. The English Reformation II. The Puritans 35 III. The Separatists 62 IV. The Church at Scrooby .... 92 V. The Emigration to Holland . . .117 VI. Life at Leyden 135 VII. Leaving Holland . . . . . . 157 VIII. The Voyage of the "Mayflower" . 184 IX. The Settlement at Plymouth . . 203 X, Relations with the Indians . . . 225 XI. Tribulations and Triumphs . . . 246 XII. Further Developments .... 272 XIII. The Swarming of the Puritans . . 289 XIV. The Merging of Pilgrims and Puritans 310 XV. The Influence of New England in THE Making of the Nation . . . 331 Index 351 PAQB 9 THE BUILDERS OF A NATION THE BUILDERS OF A NATION CHAPTER I THE ENGLISH REFORMATION To understand the Genesis of the Pilgrim move- ment together with the genius of Puritanism, the beginnings of the English Reformation must be traced. Unlike that on the continent the Reforma- tion in England was not exclusively a religious movement. On the contrary it ran in two streams or currents, the political and religious, which some- times ran parallel, sometimes intermingled, and some- times flowed far apart. Henry VIII is commonly regarded as the chief in- strument in causing the break with Rome and yet he never could have defied the authority of the pope but for events which preceded. England had always taken a more or less independent attitude towards the aggressions and encroachments of the Roman see. Disputes between pope and king were frequent. One of the most serious was that which arose over the appointment of Stephen Langton as archbishop 11 13 The Builders of a Nation of Canterbury contrary to the wishes of King John who banished the monks of Canterbury and vowed vengeance upon Rome. Innocent III replied by placing the kingdom under an interdict. In 1209 the king was excommunicated, and two years later threatened with deposition. In the end John, who was an unpopular monarch and could not count upon the support of liis own people, was obliged to submit, acknowledging Langton as archbishop and surrendering his kingdom to Innocent and his suc- cessors as feudal superiors and receiving it back as a vassal. Other kings proved less servile. Under Edward I, the Statute of Mortmain was enacted which forbade the alienation of lands and tenements to religious bodies in such a way as to cease to render due service to the king. During the reign of Edward III even more rigorous measures were adopted. In 1350 Par- liament passed the Statute of Provisors. This act set forth the evUs which England had suffered by the papal bestowment of benefices upon unworthy men, foreigners, etc., who performed no service for the English people ; and it ordered that the free election of archbishops, bishops, and all other dignities and benefices elective in England should be in accord- ance with the original intention of the endowments. In case of the pope collating to any office, such ap- pointment should be null and void, while those who procured provisions from the pope were to be im- The English Reformation 13 prisoned and fined. In 1352 the Statute of Prae- munire was enacted making it treason for any English subject to be arraigned before a foreign tribunal, or to take any case falling within the juris- diction of the king's court to such a tribunal. This was aimed at the appeals made before the Roman Curia, which had ignored the king's court and had set aside its decisions. Although these statutes were often ignored, they paved the way for the final break with the papacy under Henry VIII. In addition to these political developments there was also a religious preparation for the revolt from Rome. John Wiclif has been called "the Morning Star of the Reformation." Born near the little town of Richmond in Yorkshire, at the age of sixteen or seventeen he entered Oxford University where the greater part of his life was spent as student or pro- fessor. In 1365 Pope Urban V demanded the annual tribute of 1000 marks which King John, 150 years before, had agreed should be paid by himself and his successors in acknowledgment that they held the crown under the pope as their feudal su- perior. The king laid this demand before Par- liament which decided that John had no right to subject his country to such an impost and that any attempt on the part of the pope to enforce it should be resisted to the uttermost. In this controversy Wiclif took a prominent part on behalf of the Eng- lish people and from that time to the day of his 14 The Builders of a Nation death he occupied a position of influence in the po- litical and religious life of the country. He attacked the arrogance and covetousness of the Roman see together with its appropriation of the revenues of English benefices for the enrichment of foreign priests who rendered no service to the English people. He assailed the mendicant orders, and condemned the vices, the irreligion, and the ignorance of the clergy. He denied the doctrine of transubstantiation and opposed auricular confes- sion. He does not seem to have apprehended the doctrine of justification by faith, but in many other respects he anticipated the teachings of Luther and the later reformers. He sent out "poor priests" into the highways and hedges, to the public squares and the market places to preach the gospel in the lan- guage of the people. His most important work, however, was the translation of the Scriptures into the English tongue, which has been the basis of all subsequent translations and, with the writings of Chaucer and Langland, helped to create English literature, Wiclif translated the whole of the New Testament, and with the aid of Nicholas of Here- ford, the Old Testament. Although this translation was never printed, from the number of manuscript copies which have been handed down, it must have been widely circulated. Protected by influential per- sons and the circumstances of his time Wiclif died a natural death, although he was obliged to retire from The English Reformation 15 Oxford and spent the latter years of his life in re- tirement as rector of the church in the quiet parish of Lutterworth. His doctrines were condemned by the Council of Constance in 1415 and his body or- dered taken from the grave and burned. The work of Wiclif was continued by the Lollards or babblers, who, clad in long russet robes, and with staves in hand, went barefoot from village to village preaching the word of God, wherever they could find listeners and distributing hand-copied "passages from Wiclif 's tracts and texts from the Bible among tradesmen and artisans, yeomen and ploughboys, to be pondered over and talked about and learned by heart." Henry Knighton, writing in the time of Richard II, declared that every second man you met was a Lollard. Such was the influence of LoUardry at the time that in 1395 they ventured to petition the House of Commons, maintaining that the pos- session of temporalities on the part of the clergy was contrary to the law of Christ; that the Roman priesthood was not the priesthood ordained of Christ; that the law of celibacy was the occasion of scandalous irregularities; that the doctrine of tran- substantiation led to idolatry; that exorcisms and benedictions pronounced over bread, wine, oil, salt, water, etc., are practices of necromacy ; that prayers for the dead are a false foundation for alms and likely to be displeasing to God ; that prayers offered to images are akin to idolatry; that auricular con- 16 The Builders of a Nation fession exalts the pride of priests and is dangerous to virtue ; that priests have no power to absolve from sin. To suppress Lollardry the Statute De heretico comburendo was enacted in 1401, the preamble of which states that "divers false and perverse people of a certain new sect, of the faith, of the sacraments of the Church, and the authority of the same, damnably thinking, and against the law of God and the Church, usurping the office of preaching, do per- versely and maliciously, in divers places within the said realm, under the color of dissembled holiness, preach and teach these days, openly and privily, divers new doctrines, and wicked, heretical and er- roneous opinions. And of such sect and wicked doctrine, they make unlawful conventicles and con- federacies ; they hold and exercise schools ; they make and write books ; they do wickedly instruct and in- form people; and, as much as they may, incite and stir to sedition and insurrection, and make great ^ strife and division among the people; and other enormities horrible to be heard, do perpetrate and commit." The statute provides that no one shall preach in public or private without license; no one shall speak or write against the Catholic faith as determined by the church; no one shall favor or support such heretical teachers; those having in their possession heretical books were ordered to surrender the same The English Reformation 17 within forty days from the publication of the statute. Offenders and those suspected of heresy were to be arrested and imprisoned until they cleared themselves or abjured their heretical beliefs. Those refusing to abjure or who relapsed, upon conviction before the ecclesiastical courts were to be turned over to the civil authorities and burned "before the people in a high place — that such punishment may strike fear in the minds of others, whereby no such wicked doctrine, and heretical and erroneous opin- ions, nor their authors and abettors in the said realm and dominions, against the Catholic faith, Christian law, and the determination of the Holy Church — which God prohibit — may be sustained, or in any wise suffered." Large numbers of persons, both men and women, were arrested in various parts of the country. Some abjured their opinions, but others, laymen and priests, mechanics and serving men, tradesmen and farmers, were sent to the stake. Persecution con- tinued for many years, until, says Fuller, "the civil wars diverted the prelates from troubling the Lol- lards, so that this very storm was a shelter to those poor souls." Upon the accession of Henry VII the persecution was renewed with vigor, but the Lollards were never wholly stamped out. As late as 1520 the Bishop of Lincoln complained that in his diocese Lollardism was very troublesome. In the course of a single episcopal visitation two hundred heretics' 18 The Builders of a Nation were brought before him. There is sufficient war- rant, therefore, for the observation of Fiske that when Henry VIII defied the papacy "England was half-Protestant already." The inunediate forerunners of the Reformation in England were Colet, Erasmus, and More, the Oxford reformers. John Colet, the son of a lord mayor of London, was bom in 1466. In Italy he studied the writings of Pico, Ficino, Plato and the Bible, and was influenced by the work of Savonarola at Flor- ence. On returning to England he took up his resi- dence at Oxford where he attracted attention by his devotion to the new learning. He lectured on Paul's Epistle to the Romans, directing the attention of his hearers to the scriptures themselves rather than the fanciful and allegorical interpretations of the Schoolmen. He urged the necessity for reform and criticized the laxity of the clergy, saying, "if the clergy lived in the love of God and their neighbors, how soon would their true piety, religion, charity, goodness towards men, simplicity, patience, toler- ance of evil, conquer evil with good ! How would it stir up the minds of men everywhere to think well of the Church of Christ." The only salvation of the church was the reform of the clergy from the pope down to the lowest cleric. "Oh, Jesus Christ, wash for us not our feet only, but also our hands and our Ji^ad! Otherwise our disordered Church cannot be far from death." Associated with Colet were his pupil Thomas More, and Desiderius Eras- The English Reformation 19 mus. Imbued with his teacher's enthusiasm for learning and his zeal for reform More wrote his "Utopia," drawing a contrast between the kingdoms of his time and an ideal commonwealth. Of the influence of Erasmus in preparing the way for the reformation, it was said that Luther hatched the egg which Erasmus had laid. He was accused of inconstancy and inconsistency because, like Luther, he attacked the abuses of the church but unlike the Wittenberg reformer he did not sever his relations with Rome. Lacking the enthusiasm and the moral earnestness of Luther he thought that it was better to purify the church than to create a schism within it. He did a work, nevertheless, of the greatest im- portance. In his Encheiridion Militis Christicmi or "Manual of a Christian Soldier," which, says See- bohn, re-echoed the keynote of Colet's faith, he con-\ demned the adoration of saints and the practice of pilgrimages together with the idea that a godly life consisted in the observance of outward forms and ceremonies. In his Morice Enconiwm, or "Praise of Folly," written in More's house, which was di- rected against the sins of "unholy men in holy or- ders," he satirized the follies, abuses, and corruptions of the church. His greatest work, however, was an edition of the New Testament containing, in parallel columns, the original Greek with a new Latin trans- lation of his own. In the preface to this volume he expressed the wish "that even the weakest woman 20 The Builders of a Nation should read the Gospels — should read the Epistles of Paul; and I wish that they were translated into all languages, so that they might be read and under- stood not only by Scots and Irishmen, but also by Turks and Saracens. I long that the husbandman should sing portions of them to himself as he follows the plough, that the weaver should hum them to the tune of the shuttle, that the traveller should beguile with their stories the tedium of his journey." Henry VIII came to the throne in 1509 when he was barely eighteen years of age. For several years he was an ardent papist, and in 1521 he wrote a book entitled "Assertion of the Seven Sacraments against Martin Luther," for which he was rewarded by the pope with the title Fidei Defensor, "Defender of the Faith," which subsequent English sovereigns have borne from that day to this. No change in the king's attitude took place until he sought a divorce from his wife, Katherine of Aragon. Katherine, the youngest child of Ferdinand and Isabella, was the widow of Henry's elder brother. A few months after their marriage the prince died. Henry VII, wishing to retain her dowry and an al- liance with Spain, caused his son Henry, although he was six years her junior, to be espoused to Kath- erine. To overcome ecclesiastical objections Pope Julius II issued a bull licensing the marriage and the betrothal took place June 25, 1504. Soon after his father's death the marriage of Henry VIII and The English Reformation 21 Katherine was solemnized. For several years they seem to have lived happily together. Two sons were bom, both of whom soon died. Their third child was the Princess Mary who afterwards became Queen of England. After the death of the infant princes and the seeming inability of the queen to give him a male heir, Henry recalled the Mosaic statute which pronounced sterility upon such a marriage as his and he began to entertain doubts as to the lawfulness of the marriage with his brother's widow. He seems, however, to have had no compunctions of conscience until after he had fallen in love with Anne Boleyn, a young waiting maid of the queen. At all events he now sought to put Katherine away and negotiations were entered into with Rome to secure a divorce. At first the pope seemed to be favorably disposed, but not willing to give offense to the emperor Charles V, the nephew of Katherine, matters were delayed for one reason and another. Finally the patience of the king became exhausted by the dila- tory tactics of Clement VH and he decided to take matters into his own hands. By the advice of Thomas Cranmer the universities of Europe and numerous scholars versed in the canon law were ap- pealed to as to the validity of the marriage between Katherine and Henry. Twelve of the universities, including Paris, Orleans, Padua, Bologna, Oxford and Cambridge, decided against it. In January, 1533, the king was privately wedded to Anne Boleyn 22 The Builders of a Nation and later that same year Cranmer, who had been appointed archbishop of Canterbury, pronounced the previous marriage invalid and a few days later ratified the king's marriage with Anne Boleyn, who was now crowned Queen. In March of the following year the pope excommunicated Henry and absolved his subjects from their allegiance. But before this action was reported, the Convocations of Canterbury and York declared that the Bishop of Rome had no more authority in England than any other foreign bishop. By an act of Parliament it was ordered that the king "shall be taken, accepted, and reputed the only supreme head on earth of the Church of England, and shall have and enjoy, annexed and united to the Imperial Crown of this realm, as well the title and state thereof as all the honors, juris- dictions, authorities, immunities, profits, and com- modities to the said dignity belonging; and that our said sovereign lord, his heirs and successors, kings of this realm, shall have full power to visit, repress, redress, reform and amend all such errors, heresies, abuses, contempts, and enormities, which by any manner of spiritual authority or jurisdiction might or may lawfully be reformed." Three years earlier the Convocations of Canterbury and York had been compelled to acknowledge Henry VIII as "the Pro- tector and Supreme Head of the Church and Clergy of England," to which a qualifying clause was added, "in so far as is permitted by the law of Christ." The English Reformation 23 That Henry did not consider this a denial of papal authority is evident from the fact that negotiations with Rome were still continued, but by the Act of Supremacy the break with Rome was consummated. Up to this stage there had been no move towards Protestantism. A change in the headship of the church was all that was contemplated. Other changes were inevitable. In 1535, Cromwell as the king's vicar-general instituted a visitation of the monasteries. Scandal had long been busy about the corrupt morals of the monks. The commissioners reported to Parliament that conditions were even worse than had been whispered and that two-thirds of the monks were leading vicious lives. As a resui t. the dissolution of the monasteries was ordered, the smaller ones immediately and the larger ones a few years later. The vast estates of the monasteries were now confiscated by the crown. The suppression of these houses led to wide-spread dissatisfaction in some sections of England and a rebellion ensued which was promptly suppressed, its leaders being put to death. In 1536, when Convocation met, Cromwell declared that it was the king's pleasure that the rites and ceremonies of the church should be reformed accord- ing to the Scriptures and that nothing should be maintained which did not rest upon their authority. "Ten Articles of Religion" were adopted. They de- clared that the Christian faith is contained in the 24 The Builders of a Nation Bible, and the Apostles', Nicene, and Athanasian Creeds. Only three sacraments were mentioned — baptism, penance, and the Lord's Supper. Baptism was necessary to eternal life, securing the remission of sin and the gift of the Holy Ghost. Penance, consisting of contrition, confession, and the fruits of penance, prayer, fasting, alms-deeds, and good works, was so necessary for man's salvation that no man falling into sin, after baptism, can without penance obtain everlasting life. Confession was to be made to a priest, if possible; his words in ab- solving from sin to be taken as the very words and voice of God Himself. Of the sacrament of the altar it was affirmed that "under the figure and form of bread and wine, is verily, substantially, and really contained and comprehended, the very self- same body and blood of our Savior Jesus Christ which was born of the Virgin Mary, and suffered upon the cross for our redemption." The grounds of justification were the merits of the passion of Christ, and it was to be obtained through contrition, faith, and charity. Images were to remain in the churches, but should not be worshipped. Saints were to be honored and prayed to but not as unto God. The doctrine of purgatory was allowed in so far as praying for the dead was concerned, but the people should not believe that the pope had power to deliver souls from purgatory by pardons or masses. At a meeting of the bishops early in 1537 a com- The English Reformation 25 raittee was appointed to prepare a manual of re- ligious instruction. This book, entitled the "Insti- tution of a Christian Man," contained an exposition of the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, the "Seven Sacraments" and Justi- fication and Purgatory. The book also contained the "Ten Articles," and the three sacraments there described are declared to be of greater dignity and necessity than the others. In 1539 a revision of John Rogers' translation of the Bible, known as the "Great Bible" and licensed by the king, was printed in England. This version was rendered immediately useful by the king's com- mand that a large copy of the Bible should be set up in every church that the people might have access to the same. The clergy were ordered "to expressly provoke, stir, and exhort every person to read the same as that which is the very lively word of God, that every Christian man is bound to embrace, be- lieve, and follow, if he look to be saved." Notwithstanding the progress which had thus been made towards Protestantism, Henry VIII, at heart, was no Protestant and in 1639 the reactionary Statute of the Six Articles was enacted, embracing the following: 1. That in the sacrament of the altar, after the consecration, there remained no substance of bread and wine, but, under these forms, the nat- ural body and blood of Christ were present. 2. That communion in both kinds was not necessary to sal- 26 The Builders of a Nation vation to all persons by the law of God; but that both the flesh and blood of Christ were together in" each of the kinds. 3. That priests after the order of priesthood might not marry by the law of God. 4. That the vows of chastity ought to be observed by the law of God. 5. That the use of private masses ought to be continued; which as it was agreeable to God's law, so men received great benefit by them. 6. That auricular confession was expedient and necessary, and ought to be retained in the church. It was decreed that all who spoke, preached or wrote against the first article were to be adjudged heretics and burnt without any abjuration. Those who preached or disputed against the other articles were to be imprisoned and their goods forfeited for the first offence, and for the second to be punished by death as felons. Marriages of priests and all who had taken vows of chastity were to be dissolved. If they remarried they were to be hanged. In 1543 an act was passed forbidding the use of Tyndale's version and any reading of the Scriptures in assemblies without the king's license. Noblemen and gentlemen might have the Bible read to them. It might be read by householding merchants, but women, artificers, apprentices, journeymen, ser\ang- men, husbandmen, or laborers were not permitted to do so. Instead they might read the "Institution of a Christian Man'* and other works published by royal authority. The English Reformation 27 Notwithstanding these restrictions Protestantism gained ground steadily until the king's death in 1547. Henry VIII could hardly be classed either as a Protestant or a Catholic, for during his reign both were persecuted. A stranger in England at the time remarked "those who were against the pope were burned, and those who were for him were hanged." At heart Henry no doubt was a Catholic, but by the circumstances in which he was placed he was forced into an attitude of opposition to the papacy, and on that account was compelled to coun- tenance and sanction certain changes in the English church. Henry was succeeded by his son Edward VI, who was but nine years of age. In his will the king had provided that a Council composed of sixteen mem- bers should manage affairs during the minority of his son. The Earl of Hertford, Edward's uncle, was made Duke of Somerset, Protector of the Realm and Governor of the king's person. Somerset and Archbishop Cranmer, primate of England, were favorable to Protestantism and opposed to Rome. England accordingly became thoroughly Protestant during Edward's brief reign, at least in so far as it was possible by legal enactments. The obnoxious Six Articles were abolished and the laws against heresy repealed. Communion in both kinds was en- joined. Images were ordered removed from the churches and pictures of the saints were coated with 28 The Builders of a Nation whitewash. The clergy were permitted to marry. An English Liturgy was adopted and Protestant Articles of Faith were promulgated. The Book of Prayer was compiled by Cranmer, who, by correspondence and otherwise, consulted many of the leading Protestant divines in Europe, including Lutherans, Calvanists, and Zwinglians. The tendency toward compromise, however, still pre- vailed. The clergyman was called a "priest." The communion table was styled an "altar." The name of the Virgin was used, especially in the praise of- fered for the saints. The sign of the cross was en- joined in the marriage ceremony, confirmation, anointing the sick, consecrating the water of bap- tism, and twice each in the baptismal and communion services. The old forms of trine immersion, exor- cism, and anointing were retained in baptism. Prayers for the dead were countenanced. This liturgy was prescribed by law and it was en- acted that the clergy should make use of this and no other; and "if any parson, vicar, or spiritual per- son, shall speak in derogation of it, he shall for the first offence, forfeit a yearns profit of one of his preferments, with six months' imprisonment; for the second, lose all his preferments, with twelve months' imprisonment; and for the third, be imprisoned for life; and if any one ridicule the same form of wor- ship, menace the minister for using it, or prevail on him to use any other, he shall, on the first conviction. The English Reformation 29 pay a fine of ten pounds ; on the second, of twenty ; and on the third, forfeit all his goods and chattels, and be imprisoned for life." This liturgy never satisfied the thorough-going Protestants, the king himself wishing further changes. So under Cranmer a committee of divines undertook its revision, which was adopted by Par- liament in April, 1552. In the new Prayer Book the name of the Virgin and the sign of the cross were omitted. Trine immersion, exorcism, and anointing were eliminated from the baptismal service. Prayers for the dead were discontinued. The greatest change was in the observance of the Lord's Supper. In the first Prayer Book the form prescribed was : "When he (the priest) doth deliver the Sacrament of the body of Christ, he shall say to every one these words following: The body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, preserve thy body unto everlast- ing life. And the Priest delivering the Sacrament of the blood, and giving every one to drink once and no more, shall say: The blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was shed for thee, preserve thy soul unto everlasting life." In this form there was noth- ing inconsistent with a belief in the corporeal pres- ence of Christ in the bread and wine, but in the re- vised Liturgy, in place of "The body of our Lord Jesus Christ," etc., it read: "Take and eat this, in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy heart by faith, with thanksgiving. And 30 The Builders of a Nation the minister that delivereth the cup shall say : Drink this in remembrance that Christ's blood was shed for thee, and be thankful." The "Forty-two Articles" setting forth the faith of the Church of England were prepared chiefly by Cranmer, the same year. These "Articles" were thoroughly Protestant in tone and may be described as moderately Calvinistic rather than Lutheran. During the reign of Elizabeth the "Forty-two Ar- ticles" were reduced to Thirty-nine and as such they constitute the basis of the faith of the Church of England to this day. The new Liturgy and the "Forty-two Articles" barely had time to come into general use when Ed- ward VI, never robust in health, died July 6, 1553, in the seventh year of his reign and the sixteenth of his life. Under the reactionary policy of his successor Mary Tudor, the eldest daughter of Henry VIII, "bloody Mary" as she is sometimes called, Protes- tantism was overthrown. The mass was restored and the clergy reduced to celibacy. Those who had married were obliged to separate from their wives. Over eight hundred fled to the continent, including five bishops, five deans, five archdeacons, and more than fifty doctors of divinity. Large numbers of noblemen, merchants, tradesmen, mechanics, and oth- ers left the country. In 1554 with but two negative votes in the House of Commons, Parliament voted The English Reformation 31 to return to obedience to the pope, after which the members of both Houses fell upon their knees be- fore the papal legate, who, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, absolved them "and the whole nation, and the dominions thereof, from all heresy and schism, and all judgments, censures, and penal- ties for that cause incurred; and restored them to the communion of Holy Church." Practically all of the anti-papal enactments of the two preceding reigns were repealed except the restoration of the confiscated church lands which were now in the hands of the lords and commons. Queen Mary, however, rebuilt many of the ruined monasteries and abbeys, and restored a large part of the church property which still remained in the hands of the crown. The sanguinary laws against heresy were revised and during her brief reign, nearly three hundred persons were sent to the stake, the most eminent of whom were Bishops Latimer and Ridley, and Arch- bishop Cranmer. Latimer and Ridley were burned at the same stake. When the torch was applied, the aged Latimer encouraged his companion with these words: "Be of good cheer. Master Ridley, and play the man; for we shall this day light such a candle in England, as I trust, by God's grace, shall never be put out." Cranmer, who had always been a man of policy rather than profound convictions, was in- duced, during his Imprisonment, to recant in the hope that his life might be spared. This, however, S2 The Builders of a Nation did not avail and to atone for his inconstancy, before he was led to the stake he made a total recall of his recantation, concluding with these words : "And for- asmuch as my hand has offended in writing contrary to my heart, my hand shall first be punished; for when I come to the fire it shall first be burned." Cranmer kept his promise and never moved it from the flame save once or twice to wipe his brow, until it was burned away; the only cry of pain that es- caped his lips being the exclamation, "That un- worthy hand." Broken in health and disappointed in love Mary, perhaps, is not to be judged too harshly for the part which she took in these persecutions. She, no doubt, was conscientious in her devotion to the church of Rome, and yet her intolerant zeal did more than anything else to make England Protestant and ready to welcome the changes which took place when her successor, Queen Elizabeth, came to the throne. Elizabeth, the daughter of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn, was not a radical Protestant. She con- tinued for a time to attend mass, and retained a silver crucifix in her own private chapel. Her in- terests, however, were clearly with the Protestant party and from motives of policy rather than other- wise she threw the weight of her influence in their favor. In 1559 Parliament passed an "Act to re- store to the Crown the ancient jurisdiction over the Estate Ecclesiastical and Spiritual, and abolishing The English Reformation 33 all foreign powers repugnant to the same." The Queen was empowered to appoint a court of High Commission "to visit, reform, redress, order, correct and amend all errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, con- tempts, offences, and enormities whatsoever." All ecclesiastical persons and every other person in the service of the crown were compelled to take an oath acknowledging the Queen's highness as the "only Su- preme Governor of the realm — as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Things or Causes, as Temporal." Persons refusing to take this oath were to lose their offices, civil or ecclesiastical, and in the future the taking of this oath was necessary for hold- ing any office under the crown, civil or ecclesiastical, and for all university degrees. An Act of Uniformity was passed that same year requiring the clergy to use the Anglican Liturgy under pain of forfeiting their goods for the first offence; a year's imprison- ment for the second; and imprisonment during life for the third. To secure the conformity of the laity, non-attendance at church "upon every Sunday, and other days ordained and used to be kept as holy- days" was made punishable by a fine of twelve pence for every absence. The Prayer Book of Edward VI was amended by omitting some of the strongest anti-papal items, and in 1563 the "Forty-two Ar- ticles" were reduced to Thirty-nine. That same year an Act was passed requiring all holders of offices, civil or ecclesiastical, to take an oath ac- 34 The Builders of a Nation knowledging allegiance to the Queen and abjuring the temporal authority of the pope. A second re- fusal to take this oath was to be reckoned treason. By these enactments England again became Protes- tant, but as we shall see in the following chapter there were many who believed that the reformation should be carried still farther, and the church brought into closer conformity with the ideals and teachings of the New Testament. CHAPTER II THE PURITANS Except during the reign of Edward VI, the prin- ciple which, in the main, had governed the English reformation was expediency. Henry VIII had no sympathy with the German reformers. His sole pur- j pose in revolting from Rome and assuming the head- ( ship of the English Church was to consummate his I marriage with Anne Boleyn. Some few of the clergy • openly, and others secretly, remained loyal to Rome, ' but the overwhelming majority accepted the changes I under Henry through loyalty to their sovereign and * without any decided convictions upon the subject. , This is evidenced by the ease with which they re- I verted to allegiance to the Roman see under Mary. There were some, no doubt, who were animated by I the spirit of Wiclif and the Lollards, and others who, by reason of the changes which were taking place in the English church, were now brought into \ contact or communication with the reformers on I the continent, and because imbued with their spirit. This was true of Cranmer, Ridley, and others whose influence during the reign of Edward VI was marked. 35 36 The Builders of a Nation The degree to which the English clergy had been in- fluenced by the new spirit is evident from the num- bers, who, refusing to bow the knee to Rome under Mary, had fled to the continent for refuge. Elizabeth was as truly governed by expediency as her father had been before her. She had some strong leanings towards Romanism although she could not recognize the authority of the pope or suffer his interference with English affairs. She was willing that the English Liturg}^ should be used but opposed the marriage of the clergy and in other respects wanted as few changes as possible. It seemed to be her policy to make it as easy as possible for her Roman Catholic subjects to accept the new order of things under her reign. So satisfactory was her attitude to the clergy of England that out of 9400 only about 240 refused to accept her su- premacy in the church, and remaining loyal to Rome surrendered their livings. It is possible that such a policy was the only one that could have weaned England from Romanism. More radical measures might have resulted in disaster and confusion. How- ever, the radical reformers, thoroughly Protestant in their point of view, were dissatisfied with these half-way measures and regarded everything that savored of Rome as inconsistent with the spirit of scriptural and apostolic Christianity. They wished to purge the English church of every vestige of Romanism. Because of their desire to purify the The Puritans 37 church, in derision they were nicknamed Puritans. Although the name Puritan did not originate until sometime between 1560 and 1570, the beginnings of Puritanism may be traced back to the reign of Ed- ward VI if not earlier. At first Puritanism seems to have been concerned chiefly about ecclesiastical vestments, or the garments worn by the clergy when officiating at religious services, but it soon came to include not merely the question of vestments, of forms and ceremonies, but the very constitu- tion of the church itself. At this day the ques- tion of vestments may seem a very trivial one, but it was not so regarded by the early Puri- tans. When England swung loose from the papacy, the robes which the Romish priests had been accustomed to wear continued in use. Very nat- urally the people looked upon those who wore priestly habits as priests. This was not to the liking of the thorough going Protestants. They de- nied that they were priests and did not wish them- selves to be so regarded. They were willing to wear the simple Genevan gown, considering it an appro- priate garment to be used in conducting the services of the church, but the use of the Romish vestments was a bowing of the knee to Rome, and a badge of Anti-Christ. Moreover, after the Marian per- secutions, as Dr. Dale says, *'the vestments were inseparably associated with the most terrible mem- ories. . . . For three years, in town after town, and 38 The Builders of a Nation city after city, the faggots were built up in the market-place, and men, women, and children, some- times alone, sometimes in groups, were burnt for their Protestant faith, while Popish bishops in their Popish vestments looked on. About two hundred and eighty martyrs perished by fire, besides those who suffered cruel wrongs and intolerable tortures in prison but were not burnt. . . . To compel the min- isters of the purer faith to wear the livery of the men who had put the saints of God on the rack and sent them to the flames, was horrible. To be present at any worship where that livery was worn, seemed like condoning the crimes from which the martyrs had suffered. Nor was this all. What Rome had touched — so thought the more earnest Protestants of those days — had pollution in it. Prayers and sacraments were defiled, if the ministers wore the vestments of Anti-Christ." One of the first of the Puritans, although not such in name, was John Hooper. He had been a Cistercian monk but upon the dissolution of the monasteries under Henry VIII had gone to the con- tinent. He returned to England in 1549 and was appointed chaplain first to Somerset and then to Edward VI. In 1550 he was nominated to the see of Gloucester, but refused to wear the "Aaronic habits," as he termed the episcopal vestments, with- out which he could not receive consecration to the office. However, the King and Council were deter- The Puritans 39 mined that he should be a bishop. When they were unable to overcome his scruples by argument they caused him to be shut up in his own house and when this failed they sent him to the Fleet. Finally he agreed to a compromise in which he engaged to wear the obnoxious garments at his consecration and when he preached before the king if he might lay them aside on other occasions. It is not strange that a man of such type should have suffered martyrdom during the reaction under Queen Mary. It was doubtless through the influence of such men as Hooper that when the second Prayer Book of Edward was prepared it was ordered "that the minister at the time of the Communion and all other times in his ministration, shall use neither alb, vest- ment, nor cope ; but, being Archbishop or Bishop, he shall have and wear a rochet ; and being a priest, or deacon, he shall have and wear a surplice only." When Mary Tudor assumed the crown on the death of Edward VI, eight hundred of the clergy, as already stated, who refused to acknowledge the au- thority of the pope, were obliged to flee for their lives to the continent, where they found a refuge at Strassburg, Zurich, Geneva, and elsewhere. Large numbers settled at Geneva where John Calvin, then at the zenith of his power, ruled in ascetic simplic- ity. Here they not only became indoctrinated with the theological conceptions of the great French re- former, but found great satisfaction in the simple 40 The Budders of a Nation forms of church life and worship which prevailed at Geneva. Several of these exiles busied themselves in preparing a new translation of the Bible in Eng- lish. The New Testament appeared in 1557 and the Old Testament in 1560, the cost of printing being met by "such as were of most ability" in the con- gregation at Geneva. This version, called the Ge- nevan Bible, was the Bible of the Puritans and Pilgrims, and remained popular long after the ap- pearance of the King James' version in 1611. After the coronation of Queen Elizabeth the exiles returned from the continent with the desire for a radical reforaiation. They wished to eliminate every semblance of popery and to establish the Eng- lish church upon the simple Genevan model. But the Queen was not so minded. She wished as few changes as possible. Some things she was willing to concede to the Protestants but at the same time she sought to make the service tolerable to the Catholics. In most places the old priests continued to officiate as they had done before — at tlie old altars, in the vest- ments to which they had been accustomed, and in the observance of a ritual, which to all intents and purposes was very similar to that which had been in use before. All this was in harmony with the policy of Elizabeth, and when the radical reformers clam- ored for further changes she remained obdurate, bitterly opposing everything that savored of Puri- tanism. The Puritans 41 At the meeting of Convocation in 1562 it was pro- posed that all holy days except Sundays, Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide should be abolished; that the minister in reading the church service should turn his face to the people and not to the altar that "they might hear and be edified"; that the sign of the cross in baptism should be omitted ; that kneeling at the communion should be optional; that sacra- mental vestments should not be enforced but that the use of the surplice should suffice in "saying divine service and ministering the sacraments'*; and that the use of the organ should be discontinued. The strength of the radical reformers in the lower house of Convocation is apparent from the fact that these proposals were lost by a single vote, and but for proxies, of which the reformers had only fifteen while their opponents had twenty-four, they would have carried. Although defeated in Convocation the Puritans disregarded the directions of the Prayer Book and did as they saw fit. Sir W. Cecil graphically de- scribes the chaotic conditions then prevalent: "Some say the service and prayers in the chancel, others in the body of the church. Some keep precisely the order of the Prayer Book; others intermeddle Psalms in metre. Some read the service with a sur- plice; others without. In some places the table standeth in the body of the church, in others it standeth in the chancel, and in others it standeth 42 The Builders of a Nation altarwise. Communion is administered by some with surplice and cap ; by some with surplice alone ; others with none. Some use the chalice, some a com- munion cup, and others a common cup. Some use unleavened bread and some leavened. Some baptize with the sign of the cross ; others sign not." In 1564, to secure uniformity, a book entitled ** Advertisements partly for the Due Order in tJie Publique Administration of Common Prayers and U singe the Holy Sacraments, and partly for the Ap- parel of all Persons Ecclesiastical, etc.,'* was drawn up by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Winchester, Ely and Lincoln. Accord- ing to its directions "all licenses for preaching granted out by the archbishops and bishops within the province of Canterbury, bearing date before the first day of March, 1564, be void and of none effect.'* In this way all preachers were silenced and it was ordained that only "such as shall be thought meet for the office" should receive a fresh license. Every clergyman before appointment to any ecclesiastical office must promise not to preach without a license; that he will read the service plainly, distinctly, and audibly, so that all may hear and understand; that he will wear the appointed dress ; that he will en- deavor to promote peace among his parishioners; that every day he will read at least one chapter in the Old Testament, and one in the New to increase his knowledge ; that he will "keep and maintain such The Puritans 43 order and uniformity in all external polity, Rites, and Ceremonies of the Church as by the Laws, good Usages, and Orders are already well provided and established" ; and that he will not "openly inter- meddle wath any artificer's occupation, as covetously to seek a gain thereby," if his ecclesiastical living was worth twenty nobles a year. In 1565 the clergy of London were summoned before the Archbishop at Lambeth and required to make the declaration of conformity affixed to the "Advertisements." All but thirty agreed to do so. A year later they were again brought before the ecclesiastical commission, when thirty-seven out of ninety-eight refused to conform. They were sus- pended from the ministry, and if they did not submit within three months were to be deprived of their livings. Of those who were thus deprived some en- tered secular occupations, some went to Scotland, some to the continent, while some were reduced to beggary. In London and elsewhere churches were left destitute because there was no one to conduct the service. As a consequence the followers of these ejected ministers began to meet privately to worship God as the Protestants had done during the reign of Queen Mary. In 1567 a congregation of such, consisting of one hundred persons, were surprised by the authorities at Plumbers' Hall, London, where they had met under pretence of a wedding. A con- siderable number of them were arrested and brouffht 44 The Builders of a Nation to trial for worshipping God contrary to the pre- scribed forms. As one of them said, "So long as we might have the Word freely preached, and the sac- raments administered, without preferring of idola- trous gear above it, we never assembled together in houses." For this offence twenty-four men and seven women were sentenced to the Bridewell, where they were kept a year and then were discharged. In 1569 the Privy Council required the Arch- bishop of Canterbury to furnish the names of all "recusants" openly "forbearing to resort to their parish churches." Soon after, a visitation was or- dered of the parishes under his jurisdiction, which demanded whether any "privily use or frequent any kind of divine service, or common prayer, other than is set forth by the laws of this realm" with the men- tion of any "that keep any secret conventicles, preachings, lectures, or reading contrary to the laws," or any "suspected of heresy, or that maintain any erroneous opinions." In 1571 Parliament legal- ized the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of Eng- land and required subscription to the same by all clergymen. Any minister teaching anything con- trary to these Articles might be deprived of his living. In the meanwhile the Puritans continued to as- semble privately for worship, not in accordance with the order prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer but of the Geneva Service Book. To put a stop to Tlie Puritans 45 such meetings the Queen ordered the Archbishop of Canterbury and all of her ecclesiastical commission- ers to require all church wardens to suffer no one to read, pray, preach, or minister in any church, chapel, or private place without license from the Queen ; the Archbishop, or the bishop of the diocese exercising all diligence in this matter at his peril. Owing to the disabilities under wliich the Puritans were suffering, two of their ministers, John Field and Thomas Wilcox, in 1572, prepared an "Admoni- tion to Parliament for the Reformation of Church Discipline." This "Admonition" consisted of two parts, the first of which set forth a complete scheme of reformation : "Either we must have a right min- istry of God and a right government of his church, according to the scriptures set up (both of which we lack), or else there can be no right religion, nor yet for contempt thereof can God's plagues be from us any while deferred." It is affirmed that "We in England are so far off, from having a church rightly reformed, according to the prescript of God's word, that as yet we are scarce come to the outward face of the same." In "a true platform of a church reformed" three things are essential: (1) the "preaching of the word purely"; (2) the "minister- ing of the sacraments sincerely"; and (3) "ecclesi- astical discipline." There is to be no ecclesiastical heirarchy: "Instead of an Archbishop or Lord bishop, you must make an equality of ministers. 46 The Builders of a Nation Instead of Chancellors, Archdeacons, Officials, Com- missaries, Proctors, Summoners, church wardens, and such like, you have to plant in every congrega- tion a lawful and godly seignory. . . . And to these three jointly, that is, the ministers. Seniors and dea- cons, is the whole regiment of the church to be com- mitted.'* If a reformation is needed elsewhere it is needed in England: "Is a reformation good for France? and can it be evil for England? Is disci- pline meet for Scotland? And is it unprofitable for this realm?" If a reformation is to be effectual it must be thorough : "You may not do as heretofore you have done, patch and piece. . . . But altogether remove whole Antichrist, both head and tail, and perfectly plant that purity of the word, that sim- plicity of the sacraments, and that severity of disci- pline, which Christ hath commanded and commended to his Church." The second part of this treatise recounts the Popish abuses still remaining in the Prayer Book, mentions the objections to the vestments, etc., and admonishes Parliament "to reform God's church according to your duties and callings." As to themselves the writers declare: "If this cannot be ordained, we will by God's grace address ourselves to defend his truth by suffering, and willingly lay our heads to the block, and this shall be our peace, to have quiet consciences with our God." The gov- ernment regarded this "Admonition'* as libelous, and The Puritans 47 being unable to put a stop to its circulation, it being reprinted several times, committed Field and Wilcox to prison. They appealed to Burghley, the Lord Treasurer, but being indicted under the Act of Uniformity they were returned to Newgate. John Whitgift, Master of Trinity and Vice-Chan- cellor of Cambridge, was authorized by Archbishop Parker to reply to this "Admonition." A "Second Admonition" thereupon appeared, which was written by Thomas Cartwright who had been Lady Mar- garet Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, but had been ejected from his professorship because of his Puritan teachings. In this "Admonition" he com- plains that "The laws of the land, the book of com- mon prayer, the Queen's Injunctions, the Commis- sioners' advertisements, the Bishops' late Canons, Lindwood's Provincials, every bishop's Articles in his diocese, my Lord of Canterbury's sober caveats in his licenses to preachers, and his high Court of prerogative, or grave fatherly faculties, these to- gether, or the worst of them (as some of them be too bad) may not be broken or offended against, but with more danger than to offend against the Bible." To this "Second Admonition" Whitgift issued a re- ply which in turn was answered by Cartwright in 1573, supplemented two years later by a "Second Reply" to Whitgift, part of which, however, was not published until 1577. These controversial writings of Whitgift and Cart- 48 The Builders of a Nation wright are of importance because they treat the points at is^sue between the Church and the Puritans. Cartwright contends that the Bible and the Bible only is the rule of faith and discipline; that all pas- tors are of equal rank and that the authority claimed by the hierarchy is illegitimate; that the people should have a voice in the appointment of their min- isters and that for the sovereign, or a bishop, or a private patron to impose a minister upon a con- gregation without its consent was tyranny. Whit- gift, on the contrary, holds that the Scriptures lay down no exact form of church government and dis- cipline and no specific rules for the conduct of Christian worship, but that many things must be left to the judgment and control of the church. He says: "The Scriptures speaketh not one word of standing, sitting, or kneeling at the Communion ; of meeting in churches, fields, or houses, to hear the Word of God; of preaching in pulpits, chairs, or otherwise; of baptizing in fonts, basons, or rivers, openly or privately, at home or in the church. . . . And yet no man (as I suppose) is so simple to think that the Church hath no authority to take order in these matters." Cartwright replies that much must be left to the Church, respecting the details of polity and worship, but it cannot be conceded that the Church has power to change things which God hath established: "to make a new ministry by making an archbishop; to The Puritans 49 alter the ministry that is appointed by making a bishop or pastor without a church or flock ; to make a deacon without appointing him his church whereof he is a deacon, and where he might exercise his charge of providing for the poor ; to abrogate clean both the name and the office of the elders. ... Of the which there is no time nor place nor person nor any other circumstance which can cause any altera- tion or change." In 1575 Archbishop Parker, who had stood for the prerogatives of the Establishment and had loy- ally supported the Queen in her efforts to suppress non-conformity, died and was succeeded by Edmund Grindal, then Archbishop of York and formerly Bishop of Lincoln. He was inclined to deal more leniently with the Puritans than his predecessor had done. About 1571 religious exercises called "prophesyings" came into vogue at Northampton. These "prophesyings" in which the rpinisters of the town and neighborhood participated, were held on Saturday mornings, at first fortnightly and after- wards every week. A sermon would be preached upon a previously assigned passage of scripture, followed by briefer expositions upon the same topic by two or three other speakers. Occasionally a layman would venture to speak and received respectful at- tention. These "prophesyings" attained great popularity and soon extended to various parts of England. Some of the bishops looked with favor 50 The Builders of a Nation upon these exercises, but Parker assured the Queen that they were but the auxiliaries of Puritanism and non-conformity, whereupon she ordered him to sup- press them. When Grindal was appointed Arch- bishop of Canterbury, instead of attempting to sup- press the "prophesyings," he sought only to correct the abuses that had arisen. The Queen rebuked him for what he had done and declared that she would have no more of them. On December 20, 1576, he wrote a letter to her saying: "I am forced, — with all humility, and yet plainly, — to profess that I can- not with safe conscience, and without offence of the majesty of God, give my assent to the suppressing of the said exercises, much less can I send out any injunction for the utter and universal subversion of the same. If it be your Majesty's pleasure, for this or any other cause to remove me out of this place, I will, with all humility, yield thereunto. . . . Bear with me, I beseech You, Madam, if I choose, rather to offend your earthly Majesty, than to offend the heavenly Majesty of God." Enraged at his presumption Elizabeth suspended Grindal from office and ordered him to be confined to his palace until he should submit. The Queen then ordered a letter to be dispatched to the various bishops direct- ing them to see that the "prophesyings" were imme- diately suppressed. After five years the suspension was removed, Grindal having written the Queen that he was sorry that he had offended her, a matter Tlie Puritans 61 more grievous to him than an}- other earth.ly calam- ity. He acknowledged no wrong, only that he had offended the Queen and for that he was sorry. Grindal died in 1583 and was succeeded by Wliit- gift, who had scarcely more than entered upon his arch-episcopal duties, when he issued his famous Articles: "1. That all preaching, catchising, and praying in any private house, where any are present besides the family, be utterly extinguished. 2. That none do preach, or catechise, except also he will read the whole service, and administer the sac- raments four times a year. 3. That all preachers, and others in ecclesiastical orders, do at all times wear the habits prescribed. 4. That none be ad- mitted to preach, unless he be ordained according to the manner of the Church of England. 5. That none be admitted to preach, or execute any part of the ecclesiastical function, unless he subscribe the following articles: (a) That the queen hath, and ought to have, the sovereignty and rule over all manner of persons bom within her dominions, of what condition soever they be; and that none other power or potentate hath, or ought to have, any power, ecclesiastical or civil, within her realms or dominions, (b) That the Book of Common Prayer, and of ordering bishops, priests, and deacons, con- taineth in it nothing contrary to the word of God, but may be lawfully used ; and that he himself will use the same, and none other, in public prayer, and 62 The Builders of a Nation administration of the sacraments, (c) That he alloweth the Book of Articles agreed upon in the Convocation holden in London in 1562, and set forth by her Majesty's authority; and he believe all thp articles therein contained to be agreeable to the word of God." A new Ecclesiastical Commission was appointed to enforce the policy of the Archbishop and for their guidance he drew up twenty-four articles to be used in examining such as were suspected of non-con- formity. A jury could be dispensed with, and if wit- nesses were wanting the accused could be compelled to take the ex-officio oath by which he was forced to bear testimony against himself and incriminate others. Short work was made with recusants : Did they wear the surplice? Had they omitted the sign of the cross in baptism or the use of the ring in marriage? Had they required communicants to kneel at Communion? Had they ever said there were parts of the Prayer Book contrary to the Word of God? Did they thi/nk that there was anything in the Book contrary to God's Word? These questions they were compelled to answer and if they refused they could be committed for contempt. The privy council remonstrated against the methods of the Archbishop. Lord Burghley, the Royal treasurer, said of the articles: "I find them so curiously penned, so full of branches and cir- The Puritans 63 cumstances, that I think the Inquisition of Spain use not so many questions to comprehend and en- trap their preys.'* Whitgift replied that he had followed the methods which had been used in other courts and declared that the people against whom these articles had been aimed worked in secret, so that it was impossible to procure witnesses. So thorough were Whitgift's efforts to secure uni- formity and uproot non-conformity that at one time towards the close of Elizabeth's reign and his own life, one-third of all the beneficed clergy in England were suspended. During his primacy the Puritans were hampered in many ways. The freedom of the press was re- stricted. Printing was not permitted outside of London or the two universities, Oxford and Cam- bridge. The number of printers was reduced and no book or pamphlet could be published without the consent of the Archbishop or the Bishop of London. Notwithstanding these restrictions, a series of anonymous pamphlets, known as the Martin Mar- Prelate Tracts, appeared in 1588-1589. These book- lets were printed upon a fugitive press which was traced from Kingston-upon-Thames to Fawsley Manor in Northamptonshire; Coventry; Newton Lane in Manchester ; and Woolston in Warwickshire. After one press had been seized by the authorities another was secured and the printing went on until 54 The Builders of a Nation seven tracts had been published, viz. : The Epistle, The Epitome, The Minerall Conclusions, Hay Any Worke for Cooper, Martin Junior, Martin Senior, and The Protestation. The language of these writings was somewhat coarse but brutally frank, and the clergy from the highest to the lowest were unmercifully scored. In the conclusion of the first tract Martin with easy familiarity addressed the bishops : "Preach faith, and swear no more by it. Give over your Lordly callings ; reform your families and your children : they are the pattern of looseness. . . . Pray her Majesty to forgive you, and the Lord, first, to put away your sins. . . . Write no more against the cause of Reformation ; your ungodliness is made more manifest by your writings. Rail no more in the pulpit against good men ; you do more hurt to your- selves and your own desperate cause, in one of your railing sermons that you could in speaking for Ref- ormation. . . . Study more than you do, and preach oftener; favor nonresidents and papists no longer; labor to cleanse the ministry of the swarms of ignorant guides, wherewith it hath been defiled. Make conscience of breaking the Sabbath by bowling and tabling; be ringleaders of profaneness no longer unto the people ; take no more bribes ; leave your simony; favor learning more than you do, and especially godly learning. . . . All in a word, become good Christians, and so shall you become good sub- The Puritans 66 jects, and leave your tyranny. And I would advise you, let me hear no more of your evil dealing." Although championing their cause Mar-Prelate gave offence to some of the Puritans. In his EpitoTne he complains: "The Puritans are angry with me; I mean the Puritan preachers. And why? Because I am too open; because I jest. ... I did think that Martin should not have been blamed of the Puritans for telling the truth openly.'* In Hay Any WorTce for Cooper he justifies his course: "I am not disposed to jest in this serious matter. I am called Martin Mar-Prelate. There be many that greatly dislike my doings. I may have my wants I know; for I am a man. But my course I know to be or- dinary and lawful. I saw the cause of Christ's government, and of the Bishops' antichristian deal- ing to be hidden. The most part of men could not be gotten to read anything written in the defence of the one, and against the other. I bethought me, therefore, of a way whereby men might be drawn to do both ; perceiving the humors of men in these times (especially of those that are in any place) to be given to mirth. I took that course. I might lawfully do it. Aye, for jesting is lawful by circum- stances, even in the greatest matters. The circum- stances of time, place, and persons urged me there- unto. I never profaned the Word in any jest. Other mirth I used as a covert, wherein I would bring the truth into light. The Lord being the 56 The Builders of a Nation author both of mirth and gravity, is it not lawful in itself, for the truth to use either of these ways, when the circumstances do make it lawful?" The publication of these pamplilets created a de- cided sensation. The bishops were furious and sought to apprehend the author and printer. A proclamation was issued forbidding the reading and owning of such "libels" and all having knowledge of them were required to give notice to the authori- ties within thirty days. The efforts to restrict their circulation had the opposite effect. They were secretly sold at fairs and in the market places. Uni- versity students concealed them in their gowns. The Earl of Essex presented a copy to the Queen. Giles Wigginton, when accused of having a hand in the distribution of the Epistle testified having heard by hearsay "that many Lords and Ladies, and other great and wealthy personages of all estates, have had and read it." Notwithstanding the efforts to unearth the writer of these satires, his name remains a mystery to this day.* By way of reprisal, perhaps, for the Mar-Prelate tracts. Parliament, in 1593, enacted a law providing * Mr. Maskell in his "History of the Martin Mar-Prelate Controversy" (p. 222) offers the suggestion that several in- dividuals collaborated in the authorship of the tracts. Edward Arber in his "Infroductory Sketch to the Martin Mar-Prelate Controversy" (pp. 193-196) attributes the authorship to John Penry and Throckmorton jointly. In this "Congregation^ alism as seen in its Literature" (pp. 192-203) Henry M. Dex- ter presents strong grounds for the belief that Henry Barrowe was the author, but F. J. Powicke in his "Henry Barrowe, The Puritans 57 that "any person or persons, above the age of six- teen years," who "shall obstinately refuse to re- pair to some Church," or "persuade any of Her Majesty's subjects" to deny "Her Majesty's power and authority in Causes Ecclesiastical," or shall "persuade any other person whatsoever to forbear or abstain from coming to Church," or "to come to or be present, at any unlawful assemblies, conven- ticles, or meetings, under color or pretence of any Exercise of Religion, contrary to Her Majesty's" laws, shall, upon conviction, "be committed to prison — without bail or mainprise until they shall conform and yield themselves to come to some Church, Chapel, or usual place of Common Prayer," and should they refuse to recant "within three months, they shall abjure the realm, and go into perpetual banishment ; and if they do not depart within the time appointed, or if they return without the queen's license, they shall suffer death without benefit of the clergy." Notwithstanding these attempts at suppression under Elizabeth, the Puritans continued to increase in numbers throughout her long and eventful reign. The strength of Puritanism at this time is evident Separatist" (pp. 82-85) contests the conclusions of Dr. Dexter and argues that Barrowe could not have written the tracts, but he offers no suggestions as to who did write them. The most recent investigator in this field, William Pierce, in his "An Historical Introduction to the Marprelate Tracts" (pp. 255-308) expresses the opinion that Job Throckmorton was the write but admits "that the identification of Job Throckmorton as Marprelate is not complete." 58 The Builders of a Nation from the fact that on her death in 1603, when James was on his way to London to assume the crown, he was presented by the Puritan clergy with a monster petition, known as the Millenary Petition, which was supposed to have the signatures of a thousand min- isters, although as a matter of fact, on account of the brevity of the time, it had but eight hundred and twenty-five. In this petition they requested that the sign of the cross in baptism and the obligatory use of the ring in marriage be omitted ; that the rite of confirmation, bowing at the name of Jesus, read- ing lessons from the Apocrypha, the use of cap and surplice, and such terms as "priest," "absolution," etc., be discontinued; that the church service be abridged and the music made plainer and simpler ; that the Lord's day be hallowed; that none be made ministers who were unable to preach and that the abuses of non-residence be remedied ; that candidates for Communion be examined as to their fitness; and that discipline be enforced more strictly. Surely these requests were moderate. There was nothing revolutionary about them. No changes in the government of the church were asked. All that the Puritans demanded was the correction of certain abuses within the church. The signers of this peti- tion had hopes that their requests might be granted. The king had been reared in the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, and had spoken disparagingly of the English Church, saying that "its service was The Puritans 59 but an evil said mass in English, wanting nothing but the liftings." In their Petition the Puritans had expressed a readiness to explain their wishes more fully, either by writing or "by conference among the learned." While James received the petition somewhat grievously he acceded to the latter request and ap- pointed a conference to be held at Hampton Court in January, 1604. The Puritans were represented by Dr. Rainolds, Dr. Sparke, Mr. Chadderton, and Mr. Knewstubs. These men, if not openly snubbed and insulted, were treated with scant courtesy by the eighteen representatives of Anglicanism to whose side the king had already committed himself. "No bishop, no king" was the expression which he had used in stating his position. Of Christian liberty he declared, "I will have none of that; I will have one doctrine and one discipline, one Religion in sub- stance, and in ceremony." To the Puritans he said, "I have lived among this sort of men ever since I was ten years old, but I may say of myself, as Christ did of himself: Though I have lived among them, yet since I had ability to judge, I was never of them, neither did anything make me more to con- demn, and detest their courses, than that they did so peremptorily disallow of all things, which had at all been used in Popery." In reply to some plea on behalf of presbyters in the churches, he retorted that it "as well agreeth with a Monarchy, as God 60 The Builders of a Nation and the Devil. Then Jack and Tom, and Will and Dick, shall meet, and at their pleasure censure me, and my Council, and all our proceedings." After asking Dr. Rainolds if they had any further objec- tion to make, he said, "If this be all that they have to say, I shall make them conform themselves, or I will harry them out of the land, or else do worse." Bishop Bancroft thanked God for giving them such a king "as since Christ's time the like had not been," while Wliitgift declared that "he was fully per- suaded, his Majesty spake by the instinct of the Spirit of God.'' At the Convocation which met in London the sum- mer following, and at which Bancroft, who soon after was appointed Archbishop, Whitgift having died, presided, one hundred and sixty-one canons were adopted, declaring that to affirm that the Church of England as established by law is not a true and apostolic Church; that the form of wor- ship as set forth in the Prayer Book, or the forms for administering the Sacraments, the forms used in making bishops, priests, and deacons, or in the rites and ceremonies of the church, or in the government of the church by archbisliops, bishops, deans, arch- deacons, etc., is repugnant to the Word of God, is an offence punishable by excommunication. All who separate from the state church and form new re- ligious societies become ipse facto excommunicate. All persons maintaining that such meetings, assem- The Puritans 61 blies, or congregations are true and lawful churches are also excommunicated. As a result of these regu- lations, promulgated soon after by royal authority, three hundred ministers were driven from their liv- ings. From the turn which affairs were taking it was evident that the Puritans had as little to hope for under James as they had under Elizabeth. King James, called in derision "the wisest fool in Chris- tendom," was vain, opinionated, self-willed, and ob- stinate, by no means disposed to favor those who sought a further reformation of the church, with the consequence that conditions became even more intolerable than they had been before, so that many, both Puritans and Separatists, were obliged to flee from the kingdom. CHAPTER ni THE SEPARATISTS Puritanism, so far at least as its immediate ob- jects were concerned, had failed. The Puritans wished to abolish the use of vestments, to eliminate all traces of Romanism from the church services, and to organize the English church upon the Genevan model, in which the people through their elders should have a voice in choosing their minis- ters who were to be upon a parity without such dis- tinctions as archbishops, diocesan bishops, deans, archdeacons, etc. The system which the Puritans advocated was essentially the Presbyterianism of Scotland and Geneva. The church was still to be a national church, a church composed of all baptized and non-excommunicate inhabitants of England. According to the program of the Puritans this sys- tem was to be established not by withdrawing from the state church, but by bringing the state church into conformity with this model. The Church of England was to remain, but through the regular channels of the law it was to become a Presbyterian rather than an Episcopal church. For this the 62 The Separatists 63 Puritans had hoped and waited. Their hopes for a further reformation rested upon the king, but when James I came to the throne he was as little disposed to favor their program as Elizabeth had been before him, and so for the time being every prospect of realizing their hopes and establishing Presbyterianism was ended. Among the Puritans there were a few, in compari- son with the others a very few indeed, who believed in a further reformation without tarrying for any, and who cut the Gordian knot by withdrawing or separating from the state church. These were the Separatists who believed in the separation of church and state, so far at least as the control of the church by the state was concerned, and who set up separate congregations of their own. Tlie earliest traces of the Separatists are found in Queen Mary's reig^. Governor Bradford in his "Dialogues" says: "In the days of Queen Elizabeth there was a separated church whereof Mr. Fitz was pastor, and another before that in the time of Queen Mary, of which Mr. Rough was pastor, or teacher, and Cuthbert Symson a deacon, who exercised among themselves, as other ordinances, so church censures, as excom- munications, etc." In his "Acts and Monuments** Fox informs us that the church of which Rough was pastor, at first numbered about forty members, then rose to a hun- dred and sometimes to two hundred. An informer, ^he Builders of a NaTwn who went to their meetings to betray them, testified that besides their minister, who at the time he was there was a Scotchman, they had "two deacons that gather money which is distributed to the prisoners, their brethren in the Marshalsea, the King's Bench, the Lollards' Tower, and in Newgate, and also the poor that cometh to the assembly." They addressed each other as "brother," read together, talked to- gether, and elected their own officers. To escape detection they met at various times and in various places. Near the end of 1557 they were arrested at Islington where they had met "for their godly and customable exercises of prayer and hearing the Word of God." Shortly afterwards their pastor, John Rough, was burned at the stake at Smithfield. Cuthbert Symson was not put to death until March 28, 1558. Thrice the good deacon was put upon the rack and tortured to reveal the names of his brethren, but he steadfastly refused and like his pastor received a martyr's crown. Grindal, in a letter to Bullinger in 1568, writes of a Separatist Church in London : "Some London citizens of the lowest order, together with four or five ministers, remarkable neither for their judg- ment nor learning, have openly separated from us ; and sometimes in private houses, sometimes in the fields, and occasionally even in ships, they have held their meetings, and administered the Sacraments. Besides this, they have ordained ministers, elders, The Separatists 65 and deacons, after their own way, and have even excommunicated some who had seceded from their church. . . . The number of this sect is about two hundred, but consisting more of women than men. The Privy Council have lately committed the heads of this faction to prison, and are using every means to put a timely stop to this sect." The church, to which Grindal refers, is the one mentioned, perhaps, by Bradford in his "Dialogues" and concerning which Dr. Waddington discovered additional information in three documents in the Public Record Office, London. The most important of these is a petition in manuscript, signed by twenty-seven members of the church, in which they describe themselves as "We a poor congregation whom God hath separated from the Church of Eng- land, and from the mingled and false worshipping therein used, out of which assemblies the Lord our only Savior hath called us. ... So as God giveth us strength at this day, we do serve the Lord every Sabbath day in houses, and so on the fourth day of the week we meet or come together for prayer and exercise discipline on them which do deserve it.'* They state that the ministers of the Canon Law "have, by long imprisonment, pined and killed the Lord's servants (as our minister, Richard Fitz, Thomas Rowland, deacon, one Partridge, and Giles Fowler, and besides them a great multitude) — whose good cause and faithful testimony, though we should 66 The B wilder s of a Nation cease to groan and cry unto our God to redress such wrongs and cruel handlings of his poor remnant, the very walls of the prisons about this city — as the Gatehouse, Bridewell, the Counters, the King's Bencli, the Marshalsea, and the White Lion — would testify God's anger kindled against this land for such injustice and subtile persecution.'* A second document gives the reasons for sep- arating from the Church of England, and prays that God may "give us strength still to strive in suffering under the cross, that the blessed Word of our God alone may rule and have the highest place." The third document setting forth "The True Markes of Christ's Church^, etc." printed in black letter and signed by the pastor, Richard Fitz, is a reply to slanderous reports about the church. The marks by which the true Church is distinguished are : "First and foremost, the glorious word and Evangel preached, not in bondage and subjection, but freely and purely. Secondly, to have the Sacraments min- istered purely only and altogether according to the institution and good word of the Lord Jesus, with- out any tradition or invention of man ; and Last of all, to have not the filthy canon law, but discipline only and altogether agreeable to the same heavenly and Almighty Word of our good Lord Jesus Christ." These earliest Separatist churches seem to have had little influence in shaping the Separatist move- ment, except such perhaps as their scattered mem- The Separatists 67 bers may have exerted in becoming identified with later Separatist churches. The one man above all others to whom the Separatists were indebted for the statement of their principles and in giving an impetus to the movement was Robert Browne, after whom the Separatists were called in derision Brown- ists. Shakespeare so alludes to them.* Browne was bom in Rutlandshire about 1550. He came from a prominent family, which had an estate at Tolethorp, and was related to that of Lord Burghley, Royal Treasurer under Queen Elizabeth. He was educated at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, receiving his B.A. in 1572. While there he became imbued with the principles of Puritanism. After graduation he went to the neighborhood of London, probably Southwark, where he tells us he taught "scholars for the space of three years." Here he may have come into contact with some of the members of the Separatist Church of which Richard Fitz had been the minister. At this time he says that "he wholly bent himself to search and find out the matters of the church, as how it was to be guided and ordered, and what abuses there were in the ecclesiastical government then used." He was also in the habit of preaching on Sundays to scat- tered companies of Christian people who gathered in the fields and gravel pits about Islington, where * "I had as lief be a Brownist as a politician." Twelfth Night, Act III, Scene II. 68 The Builders of a Nation John Rough, the Separatist minister, and Cuthbert Symson, his deacon, had been seized in the days of Queen Mary. It was doubtless on account of these activities that he got into trouble with "the preacher of the town" and with some of the people because of the principles of religious reformation which he had espoused. He was therefore dismissed from his school, but he continued teaching in the same place until the plague came, when he returned to his home in Rutlandshire. Soon after he returned to Cambridge and began the study of theology at Dry Drayton, under the direction of Rev. Richard Greenham, a prominent Puritan minister, who encouraged him to exercise his gifts in preaching, with such success that he was invited by the Ma3'or, Vicc-Chancellor and others to preach in one of the churches at Cambridge. About this time he began to question the authority of the bishops "by whom many mischiefs are wrought," "To be authorized of them, to be swome, to sub- scribe, to be ordained and receive their licensing, he utterly misliked and kept himself clear in those mat- ters." His friends obtained for him a bishop's license, June 6, 1579, which he refused to accept. His hearers "gathered him a stipend" but he re- turned it and "gave them warning of his departure." The mental stress through which he had been pass- ing brought on an illness, during which he was for- bidden to preach any longer. On his recovery he The Separatists 69 reached the conclusion that "the kingdom of God was not to be begun by whole parishes, but rather of the worthiest, were they never so few — that if there were not only faults but also open and abom- inable wickedness in any parish or company, and they would not or could not redress them — then every true Christian was to leave such parishes, and seek the Church of God wheresoever." Not long afterwards Browne went to Norwich and with Robert Harrison, who had accepted like views, there organized a Separatist Church from among those who were dissatisfied with the Establishment. Browne describes the formation of this church : "There was a day appointed and an order taken for redress of the former abuses, and for cleaving to the Lord in greater obedience. So a covenant was made and their mutual consent was given to hold together. There were certain chief points proved unto them by the Scriptures, all which being particularly rehearsed unto them with exhortation, they agreed upon them, and pronounced their agree- ment to each thing particularly, saying to 'this we give our consent.' " They agreed "to join them- selves to the Lord in one covenant and fellowship together, and to keep and seek agreement under his laws and government." They repudiated "such like disorders and wickedness as was mentioned before" (viz.: the abuses of the English Church). "They agreed of those which should teach them, and watch 70 The Builders of a Nation for the salvation of their souls, whom they allowed and did clioose as able and meet for that charge." They adopted an order of service "for prayer, thanksgiving, reading of the Scriptures, for exhor- tation and edifying, either by all men which had the gift or by those which had special charge before others." If anything was said which "seemed doubt- ful and hard" to any of the members, opportunity was to be afforded for asking explanations. It was agreed that "any might protest, appeal, complain, exhort, dispute, reprove, etc., as he had occasion but yet in due order." They covenanted to "further the kingdom of God in themselves, and especially in their charge and household, if they have any, and in their friends and companions and whosoever was worthy. Furthermore they particularly agreed of the manner how to watch to disorders and reform abuses." Browne and Harrison are supposed to have been chosen pastor and teacher of the church at this time. However, they did not confine their efforts to Norwich, but propagated their doctrines throughout all that region. At Bury St. Edmunds Bro^\^le was arrested, in 1581, at tlie instance of the Bishop of Norwich, who accused him of having taught "strange and dangerous doctrine in all disordered manner," and of having "greatly troubled the whole country, and brouglit many to great disobedience of all law and masristrates." Harrison seems to have The Separatists 71 been arrested at the same time, for in a "Little Treatise" published by him in 1583 he says that he could have escaped but did not think it lawful to withdraw into any other place for the sake of liberty until he had borne open witness for this cause. After their release they went to Middleberg in Zealand with their followers and there established a Sep- aratist Church. At Middleberg, Browne wrote and published sev- eral controversial works, including "A Treatise of Reformation •without Tarrying for Anie, and of the wickednesse of those Preachers, which wUl not re- forme till the Magistrate commav/nde or compell them'' and "A Booke which Shemeth the life and mammers of all true Christians and home vnlike they are vnto Turkes and Papist es, and Heathen folke" besides "A Treatise vpon the 23d of Matthew" In these works Browne elaborated his system as he found it taught in the Scriptures : "The Church planted or gathered is a company or number of Christians or believers, which, by a willing covenant made with their God, are under the government of God and Christ, and keep his laws in one holy com- munion, because Christ hath redeemed them unto holiness and happiness for ever, from which they were fallen by the sin of Adam." "The Church Government is the Lordship of Christ in the communion of his offices : whereby his people obey to his Will, and have mutual use of their 72 The Builders of a Nation graces and callings, to further their godliness and welfare." "The Kingdom of all Christians is their office of guiding and ruling with Christ, to subdue the wicked and make one another obedient to Christ. Their priesthood is their office of cleansing and redressing wickedness, whereby sin and uncleanness is taken away from amongst them. . . . Their prophecy is their office of judging all things by the Word of God, whereby they increase in knowledge and wisdom among themselves." In the church there are various officers, some of divine appointment such as apostles, prophets, and evangelists "who have their several charges over many churches" but who belong to the past rather than the present, while in the individual church there are pastor, teacher, elders, deacons and widows "who have their several charge in one church only." The duties of these officers he defines as follows : "The Pastor, or lie which hath the gift of exhorting, and applying especially. The Teacher, or he which hath the gift of teaching especially : and less gift of exhorting and applying. They which help unto them both in overseeing and counselling, as the most for- ward or Elders. . . . The Relievers or Deacons, which are to gather and bestow the chui-ch liberality. The Widows, which are to pray for the clmrch, with attendance to the sick and afflicted thereof." These officers, however, do not stand between Clirist and The Separatists 73 the ordinary believer; they "have the grace and office of teaching and guiding"; but "every one of the church is made a King, a Priest, and a Prophet under Christ, to uphold and further the kingdom of God." These officers — Pastors, Teachers and Elders, de- rived their "office and message of God" and not from the people, it being the function of the Church merely to discover "who is meet to be chosen" for these offices. "The gatheri/ng of voices and consent of the people is a general inquiry who is meet to be chosen ; when first it is appointed to them all, being duly assembled, to look out such persons among them ; and then the number of the most which agree is taken by some of the wisest, with presenting and naming of the parties to be chosen, if none can allege any cause or default against them." Those who were thus chosen were to be ordained "by some of the forwardest and wisest" in "pronouncing them with prayer and thanksgiving, and laying on of hands . . . that they are called and authorized of God, and received of their charge to that calling." In Browne's judgment the Elders constituted a sort of permanent church Council, having a general superintendence over the members. ''Eldership is a joining or partaking of the authority of Elders, or forwardest and wisest in a peaceable meeting, for redressing and deciding of matters in particular churches and for counsel therein." 74 The Builders of a Nation The individual churches were not independent or- ganizations, but as separate bodies they had duties one to another in "synods" which were the "meetings of sundry churches : which are when the weaker churches seek help of the stronger, for deciding or redressing of matters or else the stronger look to them for redress." The authority of such he ex- plains: "Therefore the meetings together of many churches, also of every whole church, and of the elders therein, is above the Apostle, above the Prophet, the Evangelist, the Pastor, the Teacher, and every particular Elder. For the joining and partaking of many churches together, and of the authority which many have, must needs be greater and more weighty than the authority of any single person." The church must be free from all state control: "Magistrates have no ecclesiastical authority at all, but only as any other Christians, if so they be Chris- tians. . . . The Church is God^s husbandry and not theirs ; it is his building, not theirs. . . . The Lord's kingdom is not by force, as be the kingdoms of this world. . . . We know that Moses might reform, and the judges and kings which followed him, and so may our magistrates: yea they may reform the church and command things expedient for the same. Yet they may do nothing concerning the church, but only civilly, and as civil magistrates, that is they have not that authority over the church, as to be The Separatists 75 prophets or priests, or spiritual kings, as in all outward justice, to maintain the right welfare and honor thereof, with outward power, bodily punish- ment, and civil forcing of men. And therefore also because the church is in a commonwealth, it is of their charge: that is concerning the outward pro- vision and outward justice, they are to look to it, but to compel religion, to plant churches by power, and to force a submission to ecclesiastical govern- ment by laws and penalties belongeth not to them." The books containing these principles were sent over from Middleberg to England, where on June 30, 1583, a proclamation was issued in the name of the Queen describing them as "sundry, seditious, schismatical, and erroneous printed books and libels, tending to the depraving of the Ecclesiastical gov- ernment established within this Realm." All persons possessing them were ordered to give them up, while those distributing them were threatened with the penalty for sedition. Even before the issuance of this proclamation John Copping and Elias Thacker were summarily hanged at Bury St. Edmunds for heresy and circulating the works of Browne and Harrison, some forty copies of their books being burned at the executions. About the same time William Dennis of Thetford in Norfolk was con- victed of the same crime and hanged. Browne's experiences in the church at Middleberg were not happy. Dissensions crept in. Three times 76 The Builders of a Nation he resigned his pastorate and three times he was persuaded to resume it again. Finally in Novem^ber, 1583, he left Harrison, with whom he had disagreed, at Middleberg, and with a few friends sailed for Scotland, where he said "the preachers having no names of bishops did imprison me more wrongfully than any bishop would have done.'* After a few months he returned to England, and after visiting Stamford began preaching at London, where he was rescued from the ecclesiastical authorities by Lord Burghley and sent to his home in Rutlandshire. Some months earlier, February 17, 1585, Burghley had written to Browne's father: "I wish he might better be persuaded to conform himself, for his own good, and yours, and his friends' comfort." This plea, supplemented perhaps by other influences, seems to have been successful for he made his subscription to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Oc- tober 7, 1585, promising to accept the English church as a true church, to obey its bishops, to par- take of its sacraments and to be quiet. His con- formity, however, was not very pronounced for in 1586 he and his wife were cited to appear before the Bishop of Peterborough as recusants. In Novem- ber of that year he was appointed master of St. Olave's Grammar School, Southwark, subscribing to six articles: 1. Not to keep conventicles; 2. To go with the children to church; 3. To conform to the doctrine of the Church of England; 4. To use The Separatists 77 no other catechism than that authorized by public authority; 5. To communicate at the parish church according to law; 6. And, if he be not content to keep these articles, no longer to keep the school- mastership. Bredwell, who wrote against him while he was still at St. Olave's, said that "the man re- maineth of the same judgment against the English assemblies, which he held before, when he passed the seas." In June, 1589, Lord Burghley wrote to the Bishop of Peterborough asking that Browne again be re- ceived into the ministry "as a means and help for some ecclesiastical preferment," asserting that he had "submitted himself to the order and government established in the Church." Two years later he was made rector at Achurch-cum-Thorpe, Northampton, a living in the gift of Burghley, where he remained for more than forty years. He was excommunicated in 1616 by the Bishop of Peterborough and seems, for about ten years, to have been under the ban. This perhaps is not strange for there is no evidence that he ever wholly renounced his earlier opinions, and the rumor was long current in the region where he lived that he preached them in secret to a little group that met in a private room. Thomas Fuller, who when a young man often saw Browne, said, "I will never believe that he ever formally recanted his opinions." In December, 1631, Browne was again excommu- 78 The Builders of a Nation nicated, his death taking place less, than two years later, October, 1633. His end was as tragic as his life had been stormy. He was committed to North- ampton jail, for having struck, in a fit of passion, the constable of the parish who was trying to collect a rate. "Too infirm," said Fuller, "to go, too un- wieldy to ride, and no friend so favorable as to purchase for him a more comely conveyance," he was placed in a cart, on a feather bed, and carried to jail where he died. Dr. Dexter accounts for Browne's return to the Church of England on the ground that his reason had become affected by the persecutions and im- prisonments which he had undergone. He used to say "that he had been committed to thirty-two prisons, and in some of them he could not see his hand at noon day." But from some of his writings which have recently come to light, viz. : the ^^ Retractation ^ and "^ New Year's Guift" it is quite evident that his change of attitude towards the Establishment was brought about not so much because of the per- secutions which he had suffered as the practical breakdown of the experiment at Middleberg, and without repudiating his former views he now looked upon them as an ideal to be approximated so far as the circumstances would permit. Next to Browne in his influence upon the Sep- aratist movement was Henry Barrowe, who was born at Shipdam in Norfolk, about 1546. He came from The Separatists 79 a good family and was educated at Cambridge, where he took his B.A. degree in 1570. Six years later he became a member of Gray's Inn, but it is uncertain whether he ever practiced law. For a time he seems to have led a vain if not a vicious life, of which Lord Bacon wrote: "Being a gentleman of a good house but one that lived in London at ordinaries and there learned to argue in table talk and so was very much known in the city and abroad, he made a leap from a vain and libertine youth to a preciseness in the highest degree, the strangeness of which alteration made him very much spoken of." Barrowe's strange and sudden conversion. Gov- ernor Bradford describes : "Walking in London one Lord*s Day with one of his companions, he heard a preacher at his sermon very loud as they passed at the church. Upon which Mr. B. said to his con- sort, *Let us go in, and hear what this man saith that is thus in earnest.' 'Tush,' saith the other, 'what, shall we go to hear a man talk?' But he went and sat down. And the minister was vehe- ment in reproving sin, and sharply applied the judg- ments of God against the same ; and, it should seem, touched him to the quick in such things as he was guilty of, so as God set it home to his soul and be- gan to work for his repentance and conviction thereby, for he was so stricken as he could not be quiet until by conference with godly men and fur- ther hearing of the Word, with diligent reading and 80 The Builders of a Nation meditation, God brought peace to his soul and con- science, after much humiliation of heart and reformation of life. So he left the Court and retired himself to a private life, some time in the country, and some time in the city, giving himself to study and reading of the Scriptures and other good works very diligently ; and being missed at Court by his consorts and acquaintances, it was quickly hinted abroad that Barrowo was turned Puritan." Barrowe not only became a Puritan but a Sep- aratist and was associated with John Greenwood, a young clergyman of the same persuasion. Green- wood graduated from Cambridge in 1581, and was ordained in the Anglican Church. He had associated with some of the Puritans in the university, and a year or two after entering upon his living had met with a copy of Browne's "Treatise of Reformation witJiout Tarrying for Anie." He was deprived of his benefice in 1585 by his bishop "for the disliking he had to the Order of the Book of Common Praj'er." For a time he served as chaplain to a Puritan noble- man. Lord Rich, at Rockford Hall in Essex. He and Robert Wright jointly conducted ser^^ces in the Hall that drew large attendances of people from the parish church, which brought upon him the dis- pleasure of the bishop. Greenwood sought refuge in London, where he united with a Separatist church. In October, 1587, with twenty others he was arrested *'for being at private conventicles in Henry Martin's The Separatists 81 house in St. Andrews, in Wardropp" and com- mitted to the Clink prison. While in confinement at the Clink, Greenwood was visited by Henry Barrowe, who had no sooner gotten within the walls of the prison than he was arrested by the jailer and taken to Lambeth Palace to be examined by the archbishop and other officials. He was examined again and again, at length being consigned to the Fleet, where he and Greenwood shared the same room. Amidst incredible difficulties they set themselves to writing books in defence of their principles. They had no proper writing ma- terials and were obliged to use such scraps of paper as they could get hold of, or were secretly furnished them by their friends. Their writings were sent out of the prison "sheet by sheet," which for the most part were printed in Holland, without opportunity of reading or correcting "proof.'' Yet within six years they produced in this way about a thousand pages, four-fifths of which were mainly the work of Barrowe. His chief work was "A Brief Discoverie of the False Church" in which he criticizes the ministry of the Establishment with its archbishops, bishops, deans, archdeacons, etc., who have assumed func- tions which were never instituted by Christ. He con- demns the Book of Common Prayer affirming that it was "abstracted out of the Pope's blasphemous book" and even if it were the best ever devised bv 82 TJw BuiUers of a Xation mortal man it ought not to be used as the uniform inile of prayer. Everything in the English church which savored of Romanism, he denounces unspar- ingly, and declares the Canon Law and the Ecclesi- astical Courts to be wholly contrary to the law of Christ. In fine he concludes that in "this their Church of England, all things appear to be out of frame, still in tlie old corruption, and (at the best) but inclining to the primitive and ancient defections from Christ's Testament, nothing being aright or according to the will of God amongst them: seeing wo find all those Scriptures that have foreshewed of Antichrist and his proceedings, truly fulfilled amongst them, all the marks of that painted deceit- ful harlot, the false and malignant Church, to be found upon them ; as also all the vials of God's wrathful judgments to be poured forth upon them; and all their doings." In his "A True Description out of the \\"ord of God, of the Visible Church'" published a year earlier we have Barrowe's views as to the true Church: "This church, as it is universally understood, con- taineth in it all the elect of God that have been, are, or shall be; but being considered more particularly, as it is seen in this present world, it consisteth of a company and fellowship of faithful and holy people, gathered in the name of Christ Jesus, their only King, Priest, and Prophet : worshipping Him aright, being peaceably and quietly governed by His officers The Separatists 88 and laws; keeping the unity of faith in the bond of peace and love unfeigned.'" In the choice of officers, who were to bo ordained "by fasting and prayer'' with ''laying on of hands'' the people were to participate: ''Thus hath every one of the people interest in the election and ordina- tion of their officers, as also in the administration of their offices, upon transgression, offence, abuse, etc., having an especial care unto un^nolable order of the Church as is aforesaid." We find the same officers as Browne had described — pastor, teacher, elders, deacons and widows. The Elders, however, were entrusted with a somewhat larger measure of control in the management of the church than had been true in Browne's scheme. "The office of Ancients (Elders) is expressed in their description, their special care must be to see the ordinances of God truly taught and practiced, as well by the officers in doing their duty uprightly as to see that the people obey willingly and readily. It is their duty to see the congregation holily and quietly ordered, and no way disturbed by the con- tentious, disobedient, forward, and obstinate, not taking away the liberty of the least, but upholding the right of all, wisely judging of times and circxmi- stances. They must be ready assistants to the pas- tor and teachers, helping to bear their burden, but not intruding into their office." After five years the imprisonment of Barrowe and 84 The Builders of a Xaihn Greenwood seems to have been somewhat relaxed and for a tune the hitter was released, but on December 5, 159!^, ^N'ith Francis Johnson he was arrested while worshipping in a house on Ludgate Hill and again committed to prison. Barrowe was now ac- cused of declaring "the Queen's Majesty to be un- baptized," "the state to be wholly corrupteti," and "that all the people in the land are infidels."' Al- though denying and explaining these charges, on March I^^rd Barrowe and Greenwood were convicted at the Old Bailey for writing and publisliing sedi- tious books and sentenced to be hung the next day, but after their irons had been struck off and they were ready to be bound to the cart they were re- prieved. The bishops sent "certain Doctors and Deans to exhort and confer" with them. A week later they "were very early and secretly conveyed to the place of execution" but a second time a mes- senger from the Queen arrived with a reprieve. Barrowe now wrote to ''an honorable lady and countess of his kindred" stating his defence and be- seeching her '"to inform her ^lajesty of our entire faith unto God, unstained loyalty to her Highness, innocency and good conscience toward all men ; in pardoning our oflfence and judgment, or else in re- moving our poor worn bodies out of this miserable jail (the horror whereof is not to be spoken unto your honor) to some more honest and meet place, if she vouchsafe us longer to live, . . . Let not The Separatists 86 therefore, right dear and elect Lady, any worldly or politic impediment or unlikelihoods, no fleshly fears, diffidence or delays, stop or hinder you from speak- ing to her Majesty on our behalf, before she go out of this city, lest we by your defavilt herein perish in her absence, having no assured stay or respite of our lives; and our malignant adversaries ready to watch any occasion for the shedding of our blood." This plea proved unavailing and on April 6, 1593, Barrowe and Greenwood were led forth once more to Tyburn and hanged. A few weeks later John Penry, another Separatist, suffered a like fate. He was bora in Wales in 1559 and graduated at Peterhouse College, Cambridge, in 1583. During his stay at Cambridge he came under tlie influence of Puritanism. Although caring little at this time about the reformation of the church, for a pamphlet which he addressed to Par- liament and the Queen in behalf of the evangeliza- tion of Wales he was brought under the censure of Arclibisliop Whitgift and the Court of High Com- mission. Later he was connected with the publica- tion of the Mar-Prelate Tracts, as printer, but probably not as author. About 1590 he fled to Scotland, and altliough banished by King James he was sheltered by the Scotch clergy and busied him- self with Puritan writings. In September, 1592, he went to London and having embraced Separatist views united with the church at Southwark, of which 86 Thv BuHdrrs of a Natian Barrowe aiul Greenwood wore mombers. A few months hiter he was eonvictod of felony under the statute aijainst uttorinij seditious words and rumors against the Queen. On INIav J2i), loDiJ, he was hanged at St. Tliomas-a-Watering. John Copping, Elias Thaeker, William Dennis, Henry Barrowe, John Cireenwood, and John fenry weix^ not tiie only martyrs to Separatism. The Eng- lisli prisons were filled with men and women who had hearkened to the admonition "Wheivfore come out from among them and separate yourselves'* (Geneva Version). Of these no fewer than twenty- tive, twenty men anil tive women, died in prison, martyrs to their faith just as truly as though they had perished upon the giblx^t or had Ix^en burned at the stake.* Before his exeeution Tenry, despairing of condi- tions in his own land, hail adilressed a letter "to the distressed and faithful congregation of Christ in London, and all the memlKM-s thereof," atlirming his • On the cofRn of Rojror Rippon, a Bnrnnvist, who died in Xewjr.'ito. liiJ>?. >VMS plnorti ttio followiiiir inscription: "lliis is tlu" I'orpso of Hojivr Hippon, a sonant of Christ, who is the last of sixttvn or sovonttvn whioli that groat ononiy of Cuxl, tlie Ari'hbisliop of Cantorlniry, with his High Coninnssionors, havo inurdort'd in Nowgalo within those fivo years, nianifestly for tin' testimony i>f .lesus C^hrist. His .soul is now witli t1»e Lord, and his hitHul erielh for sptnuly vongeanoe against tlmt givat oneni} of llio saints, and against Mr. Hioliard Young, (a justiee i>f the peaoe in London.) wlu> in tliis. and many tlie like points, hatli .'duiseti liis power for the withholding of the U»>misli autiohrisl, prelacy, and priestlKKKl." Many copies of tills iiiMTiption weiv circulaleil. The Separatists 87 adherence to the principles for which he suffered ; exhorting them to pray for him and other sufferers; and urging them to go in a body to some other hind. He entreated them: "I humbly beseech you, not in any outward regard as I shall answer before God, that you would take my poor and desolate widow, and my mess of fatherless oi*phans with you into exile, whithersoever you go, and you shall find, I doubt not, that the blessed promises of my God, made unto me and mine, will accompany them, and even the whole ciiurch for their sakes, for this also is the Lord's promise unto the holy seed." His advice to the London church was accepted and as many as could made their way to Amsterdam. Some of the members, including their pastor, Francis Johnson, were in prison at the time and were unable to join them until later. Johnson had been an ardent Puritan and for a time was pastor of the church of the English merchants at Middlebcrg in Zealand. He had no leanings towards Separatism at this time and learned that Barrowe and Green- wood's books were being secretly printed at Dort. He received authority from the English ambassador to seize and bum these books. This he did, reserv- ing two copies which he read after the rest were destroyed. He was convinced tlicrcby that the Sep- aratists were right and he was wrong. He accord- ingly resigned his pastorate at Middlcberg and returning to England sought out Barrowe in the 88 Tlie Builders of a Xatlon fleet prison, and soon after united with the Sep- aratist churcli, of wliicli, in 159J2, he was chosen pastor. Some years afterwards (in 1605) he caused the book, which he had burned, to be reprinted. The congregation to which he ministered in London met in diiferent places, in the fields and private houses, and sometimes at the dead of night for fear of the bishop's officers. Finally they were discov- ered at Islington, wliere Jolm Rough's congregation had met in the days of Queen Mary, and fifty-six of their number were taken and confined in diiferent prisons in and about London. Francis Johnson, their pastor, and John Greenwood, their teacher, were arrested at tlie house of Edward Boys on Lud- gate Hill. Greenwood was sent to the gallows, but Johnson, after several years' imprisonment, was re- leased. Li 1597 he rejoined his congregation which in the meantime had emigrated to Amsterdam. When James I came to the throne, this conffregra- tion sent over a deputation praying that they might be allowed to live in their native land in peace with- out "the use or approbation of any remnants of popery and human tradition." They also presented a "Supplication" in which they were joined bv their brethren who were still enduring ''grievous perse- cution" in England. In this "Supplication" fourteen "heads of differ- ences" between tliemsclves and the Church of Eng- land were laid down. 1. The church is a divinely The Separatists 89 constituted society. 2. Every particular Church has "power to enjoy and practice all the ordinances" given by Christ to his Church. 3. "Every true visible Church is a company of people called and separated from the world by the word of God, and joined together by voluntary profession of the faith of Christ, in the fellowship of the Gospel." In tliat church no "Atheist, unbeliever, heretic, or wicked liver'* should be received or retained. 4. "Discreet, faithful and able men" should be appointed to preach the gospel. 5. Every church has power to choose its own officers — "Pastors, Teachers, Elders, Deacons, and Helpers." No Antichristian Hier- archy with Popes, Archbishops, Lord-bishops, Suf- fragans, Deans, Archdeacons, etc., should be set over the "Spouse and Church of Christ, nor retained therein." 6. Ministers should continue in the work of the ministry and should not bear civil offices, nor be burdened ^vith the execution of civil affairs such as "the celebration of marriage" and "burying the dead." 7. They that preacli the gospel should live of the gospel and "not by Popish Lordships and Liv- ings, or Jewish Tithes and Offerings" but by volun- tar}' contributions. 8. No congregation should be too large to meet for worship or the administration of discipline. 9. The Church should not be gov- erned "by Popish Canons, Courts, Classes, Customs, or any human inventions, but by the laws and rules which Christ hath appointed in his Testament." 90 Tlie Builders of a Nation The Apocrypha and the Book of Common Prayer should not be used in worship. 10. "The Sacra- ments, being seals of God's covenants, ought to be ministered only to the faithful, and Baptism to their seed or those under their government." 11. All Holy Days except the Lord's Day should be abolished. 12. All the monuments of idolatry such as Popish vestments, etc., should be done away. 13. Popish degrees in theology, compulsory cclibac}^ in colleges, "abuse of the study of profane heathen writers," etc., should be discontinued. 14. "Finally that all Churches and people (without exception) are bound in Religion only to receive and to submit unto that Constitution, Ministry, Worship and Order, which Christ as Lord and King hath appointed unto His Church ; and not to any other devised by Man what- soever." After waiting for some weeks without an answer to their "Supplication" it was suggested by "an honorable personage" that they should state as briefly as possible just what they desired and he would bring it before the king. They replied: 1. That they wished to live in England, just as the French and Dutch churches were allowed to live there, organizing their churches and worshipping God according to their o^vn conceptions of the will of Christ. 2. That they were loyal subjects and were content to leave to his Majesty the redress of those abuses whereof they had complained. 3. The Separatists 91 That they were willing to discuss, either in writing or in a Conference, with such persons as his Majesty might appoint, the fourteen "heads of differences" between themselves and the Church of England. If any reply was made to this statement it is not known. At all events there was no prospect of ces- sation from persecution for the Separatists from a king who, at the Hampton Court Conference, had said of the Puritans, "I shall make them conform themselves, or I will harry them out of the land, or else do worse." CHAPTER IV THE CHURCH AT SCROOBY During the latter years of Queen Elizabeth, and well into the reign of King James, in spite of peril, persecution, and martyrdoms, the Separatists had steadily increased in numbers. Wlien the Act of 1593 (described in a previous chapter), which was aimed as much against the Separatists as the Puri- tans, was under discussion in Parliament, Sir Walter Raleigh, addressing the House of Commons, ex- pressed the opinion that there were twenty thousand Brownists in England, chiefly in London and the eastern counties. There is no doubt that his esti- mate was greatly exaggerated, and yet in the section mentioned they were becoming more or less numer- ous. In the preface to the Confession of the London- Amsterdam Church in 1596 (the church of which Francis Johnson was pastor) allusion was made to the witness of Separatists in London, Norwich, Gloucester, and Bury St. Edmunds. In other places there were companies of serious-minded men and women, who from sciiiplcs of conscience liad with- drawn from the State Church and were accustomed 92 The Church at Scroohy 93 to meet for worship in private homes and out-of-the- way places to escape the surveillance of officers of the crown. How much the early Separatists may have been influenced by the Anabaptists found among the Dutch immigrants who had settled about London and Norwich is uncertain. There were resemblances between the two, viz.: in their rejection of the State Church, and in their appeal to the New Testament as the authoritative guide in church organization and administration. However, when the Separatists were accused of being "Anabaptists" they hotly repudiated the charge. But if there were resem- blances there were diff'erences as well. The Sep- aratists practiced infant baptism, retained oaths, and recognized the duty of a Christian serving the state as a magistrate or soldier if occasion required, all of which the Mennonites and Anabaptists disal- lowed. The early advocates of Separatism in Eng- land were confident that their principles were derived solely from the Word of God, while the absence of Dutch names from their congregations makes it quite certain that there was no direct connection be- tween the two, and yet the very fact that the Separa- tists were numerous in the sections of England where Mennonites and Anabaptists were to be found would lead to the impression that unconsciously the former may have been influenced by the latter. Having traced the origin of the Separatist move- 94 The Builders of a Nation ment and its connection with Puritanism and the English Refonnation, this narrative must now con- cern itself with one of these Separatist churches, viz.: the church of the Pilgrims at Scrooby. The origin of this church and of the Gainsborough con- gregation, of which it originally was a part, is in- volved in more or less obscurity. Just when it was organized is somewhat uncertain although the year 1606 is the commonly accepted date. It seems to have sprung into existence in a distinctively Puritan atmosphere. At an earlier date the section of Eng- land in which Scrooby is situated had been intensely Roman Catholic in its sympatliies, and at the time of the dissolution of the monasteries had risen in revolt. But for some years prior to the organiza- tion of the Separatist churches at Gainsborough and Scrooby, Puritanism had gained a strong foot- hold. Several of the parishes in and about that region had been occupied by Puritan incumbents or lecturers. Richard Clyfton, who was described by Bradford as "a grave and reverend preacher, who by his fervor and diligence had done much good, and under God has been the means of the conversion of many," was rector for several years at Babworth, six or seven miles south of Scrooby. He seems to have been the first to preach those principles which led to Separatism. He became the first pastor or teacher of the Scrooby church and accompanied its members into exile to Amsterdam in 1608. The Church at Scroohy 95 At Worksop, ten or twelve miles southwest of Scroob\', Rev. Richard Bernard, a zealous Puritan di^dne, was rector. He was a Cambridge graduate and for a time seems to have had some leanings to- wards Separatism, but after having been silenced by the Archbishop of York for non-conformity, he saw fit to renounce his former views and make his peace with the church. Another Puritan clergyman, whom Bradford describes as "hotly pursued by the prelates," was Robert Gifford of Laughton-en-le- Moi-then. Thomas Tollerton, who was known as "one of the most zealous Puritans" of that time and afterwards became vicar of Sheffield, was for a time a preacher or lecturer in the neighborhood of Scrooby. The ultimate outcome of this Puritan preaching Bradford has described: "When as by the travail and diligence of some godly and zealous preachers, and God's blessing on their labors . . . many became enlightened by the word of God . . . the work of God was no sooner manifest in them, but presently they were both scoffed and scorned by the profane mul- titude, and the ministers urged with the yoke of subscription, or else must be silenced; and the poor people were so vexed with apparitors, and pursui- vants, and the Commissary Courts, as truly their affliction was not small ; which notwithstanding, they bore sundry years with much patience, till they were occasioned (by the continuance and increase of these 96 The Builders of a Nation troubles, and other means which the Lord raised up in those days) to see further into things by the light of the word of God: How not only these base and beggarly ceremonies were unlawful, but also that the lordly and tyrannous power of the prelates ought not to be submitted unto, wliich thus, contrary to the freedom of the Gospel, would load and burden men's consciences, and by their compulsive power make a profane mixture of persons and things in the worship of God, And that their offices and call- ings, courts and canons, etc., were unlawful and antichristian, being such as have no warrant in the word of God, but the same that were used in Popery and still retained. ... So many therefore of these professors as saw the evil of these things, in these parts, and whose hearts the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for his truth, they shook off this yoke of antichristian bondage, and, as the Lord's free people, joined themselves (by a covenant of the Lord) into a church estate, in the fellowship of the Gospel, to walk in all his wa^^s, made known, or to be made known unto them, according to their best endeavors, whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assisting them." Of the date of this organization, viz. : the church at Gainsborough, Nathaniel Morton, Secretary to the Court for the jurisdiction of Plymouth and a nephew of Gov. Bradford, in his "New England's Memorial," published at Cambridge, Mass., 1669, The Church at Scroohy 97 says: "In the year 1602, divers godly Christians of our English nation, in the north of England, be- ing studious of the Reformation ; and therefore not onl}^ witnessing against human inventions and addi- tions in the Worship of God, but minding most of the positive and practical part of Divine Institu- tions : they entered into Covenant to walk with God, and one with another, in the enjoyment of the Ordi- nances of God, according to the primitive pattern in the Word of God." On the assumption that John Smyth was pastor of the Gainsborough congregation from its organi- zation, the accuracy of the date given by Morton has been questioned. That Smyth could not have been connected with the Gainsborough church in 1602 is evident from a little book entitled ^^The I bright Mommg Starre, or the Resolution and Ex- position of the 22 Psalme. Preached publicly in ' f oure sermons at Lincoln. By John Smith, Preacher of the City. 1603."* Another book, printed in Lon- I don, was entered at Stationer's Hall, March 22, ' 1605. It bears the title ".4 Pat erne of Ti-ve Prayer, j A learned and Comfortable Exposition or Commen- jtarie vpon the Lords Prayer — By lohn Smith, Min- ' ister and Preacher of the Word of God." The "Epistle Dedicatory" states that the writer "not * According to the "Lincoln Corporation Minutes" ("Vol. V, p. 14), Smyth was dismissed from his ofBce Oct. 13, 1602. For some time after, however, he continued to claim the title and stipend, even threatening to sue the city for the latter. 98 The Builders of a Nation long since," "delivered" the treatise "to the ears of a few: being then Lecturer in the City of Lincoln." This would indicate that he had already left Lin- coln, probably going to Gainsborough the latter part of 1604 or early in 1605. These facts do not disprove the organization of the Gainsborough church in 1602, they only show that Smyth could not have been connected with it until a later date. Since Smyth was not connected with the church from its formation, the probabilities are that the Gainsborough congregation originated as a lay movement, having at first a very loose form of or- ganization, the members of which entered into a simple covenant "to walk in all His ways, made known, or to be made known unto them, according to their best endeavors, whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assisting them.'* John Murton, who prob- ably was present at the organization of the church, writing in 1620, says that "first one stood up and made a covenant, and then another, and these two joined together, and so a third, and these became a Church, say they." "These people," says Bradford, "became two dis- tinct bodies or churches, in regard of distance of place, and did congregate severally, for they were of sundry towns and villages, some in Notting- hamshire, some of Lincolnshire, and some of York- shire, where they border nearest together. In one of these churches (besides others of note) was Mr. - The Church at Scroohy 99 John Smith, a man of parts, and a good preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor." The churches which were thus formed were at Gainsborough and Scrooby. John Smyth, to whom allusion has thus been made, like most of the early Separatist preachers, was a Cambridge man, enter- ing Christ's College in 1586 and taking his M.A. in 1593. For a time Francis Johnson was his tutor and it has been conjectured that he received his first impulse towards Puritanism through him. He was ordained by William Wickham, Bishop of Lincoln. He seemed never to have held a benefice, but was de- scribed as a preacher or lecturer in the city of Lin- coln. John Cotton, one of the early New England divines, infonns us that "the tyranny of the Eccle- siastical Courts was harsh towards him, and the yokes put upon him in the ministry too grievous to be borne." Hearing of the "forward" people at Gainsborough, eighteen miles away, he came among them the latter part of 1604 or early in 1605. For a period of nine months, he wavered, uncertain as to what course he should pursue. During this time he took counsel with Richard Bernard, Arthur Hilder- sham, and other Puritan preachers, but in the end he was convinced of the "necessity of Separation" and cast in his lot as a private member in the Gains- borough congregation, of which he was finally chosen pastor. Whether he assumed the pastoral office l^efore the two churches were formed is not known, 100 The Builders of a Nation but that he at once took a prominent part in the enterprise seems probable. In 1607, Smjth published at Amsterdam a little manual entitled **Prvnciples and inferences concern- ing the visible church." As so short a time had elapsed since the formation of the Gainsborough- Scrooby congregation, it is altogether likely that tliis "little method," as he termed it, in the main sets forth the principles of church order which were there wrought out. "The visible church" is "a visible communion of two, three, or more saints joined together by cove- nant with God and themselves freely to use all the holy things of God, according to the word, for their mutual edification and God's glory." This is "the only religious society that God hath ordained for men on earth," all others such as "abbeys, monas- teries, nunneries, cathedrals, coUegiates, parishes," are unlawful. INIcmbers are of two sorts, prophets and private persons. Prophets "must first be appointed to this exercise by the church. . . . All that have gifts may be admitted to prophecy. . . . Private persons are men and women; private men present at the exercise of prophecy may modestly propound their doubts which are to be resolved by the prophets." "Women are not permitted to speak in the church in time of prophecy. ... If women doubt of any thing delivered in time of prophecy and are willing to learn, they The Church at Scroohy 101 must ask them that can teach them in private." "To this exercise of prophecy may be admitted unbe- lievers or they that are without." "Officers are of two sorts, (1) Bishops, and (2) Deacons. Bishops also are called Elders or Presby- ters. . . . The Bishops or Elders jointly together are called the Eldership or Presbytery. Eldership con- sisteth of three sorts of persons, or officers, viz. : the (a) Pastor; (b) Teacher; (c) Governors. All the Elders or Bishops must be apt to teach. — The Pas- tor and Teacher have also power to administer the Sacraments." "The Deacons collect and distribute" the church's funds. "Women deacons or widows" must be "sixty years of age" and relieve "the bodily infirmities of the saints." Officers become such by election, approbation, and ordination. "Election is by most voices of the mem- bers of the church in full communion. — Approbation must be after election." Ordination is the dedica- tion of the approved officer to his office by prayer, with imposition of hands. It belonged "to the whole church, — yet, for order's sake the fittest members lay on hands" and ordain in behalf of all. "The church's treasury is holy. None of those that are without may cast of their goods into the treasury lest the treasury be polluted." An excommunicated person, who "is not to be counted as an enemy" but "admonished as a brother," may be readmitted into communion upon 102 The Builders of a Nation repentance, yet special watch must always be kept over him, "Every visible Church is of equal power with all other visible Churches. . . . The erecting of visible churches appertaineth to princes and private per- sons." Rev. Richard Cl3'fton, to whom allusion has al- ready been made, and who also was educated at Cam- bridge, united with the Gainsborough congregation, probably about 1604, when it is supposed that he was removed from his living at Babworth by the enforcement of Bancroft's canons. A year or so later the church received another notable accession in the person of Rev. John Robinson, of whom an antagonist, Robert Baillie, said he was "the most learned, polished, and modest spirit that ever sepa- rated from the Church of England." Robinson, the son of John and Ann Robinson, was bom at Sturton le Steeple,* Nottinghamshire, in 1575 or 1576. He was admitted to Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, in 1592, and doubtless while there first became indoctrinated with the leaven of Puritanism. In 1598 he was made a Fellow in the University. He 'also took orders in the English Church, for he aftei'r^'ards speaks of having "re- nounced our ministry received from the bishops, and * The plaoe of Robinson's birtli, hitherto unknown, has re- cently been brought to light by the discovery of the wills of his father and mother. The Chtirch at Scroohy 103 do exercise another by the people's choice." Of his ministry we know but little except that he served as a preaching Elder or Curate at St. Andrew's Church, Norwich, where he seems to have gotten into trouble with the ecclesiastical authorities, prob- ably for his want of conformity to the ceremonies prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer, and where as Henry Ainsworth, a Separatist contem- porary, says "certain citizens were excommunicated for resorting unto and praying with Mr. Robinson, a man worthily reverenced of all the city for the graces of God in him — and to whom the care and charge of their souls was erewhile committed." From Puritanism he passed over into Separatism. At that time there was a Separatist church in Nor- wich, of which a Mr. Hunt was pastor, made up probably of the remnants of Browne and Harri- son's church, after the latter had emigrated to Middleberg, with others who had since joined them. Robinson seems to have been connected with this church, for in his "Second Mammtwction for Mr. Robinson''^ Ames said "He declared then (when he resigned his fellowship at Cambridge in 1604) to one of his acquaintance, that he had been amongst some company of the Separation before his coming to Cambridge and exercising amongst them had re- nounced his former ministry.'* Robinson, however, did not become a Separatist without an inner conflict. ,He had read some books 104 The Builders of a Nation on the justification of Separation, which "were as sweet as honey unto his mouth," but, he tells us, for a long time he was held back by an overvaluation of the holiness and learning of those who conformed "blushing in myself to have a thought of passing one hair breadth before them in this thing, behind whom I knew myself to come so many miles in all other things ; yea, and even of late times, when I had entered into a more serious consideration of these things, and, according to the measure of grace received, searched the Scriptures, whether they were so or no, and by searching found much light of truth; yet was the same so dimmed and overclouded with the contradictions of these men and others of the like note, that had not the truth been in my lieart as a burning fire shut up in my bones (Jer. 20:9) I had never broken those bonds of flesh and blood, wherein I was so straitly tied, but had suf- fered the light of God to have been put out in mine o^vn untruthful heart by other men's darkness." To the arguments of a friend in the Anglican Church Robinson replied : "My forsaking the Church of England was no rupture (as you speak), but an enforced departure upon the most advised deliber- ations I could possibly take, either with the Lord by humbling myself before him, or with men, for whose advice I spared neither cost nor pains, but sought out in every place the most sincere and judi- cious in the land for resolution to the contrary, The Church at Scroohy 105 as both God and men can witness with me, but with what effect the issue manifesteth." John Bastwick, who matriculated at Leyden Uni- versity in 1617, while Robinson was pastor there, said: "Yea, I can speak thus much in the presence of God, That Master Robinson, of Leyden, the Pas- tor of the Brownist Church there, told me, and oth- ers who are yet living to witness the truth of what I now say: 'That if he might in England have en- joyed but the liberty of his Ministry there, with an immunity but from the very Ceremonies; and that they had not forced him to a Subscription to them, and imposed upon him the observation of them: that he had never separated from it, and left that Church.' " So reluctant was Robinson to leave the Church of England that he seems to have made some efforts to lease a chapel or secure the mastership of a hos- pital, in which greater liberty might have been en- joyed. In "A Common Apology of the Church of England^' (London, 1610, Bishop Hall says: "Neither doubt we to say that the Mastership of the hospital at Norwich, or a lease from that City (sued for with repulse) might have procured that this Separation from the Communion, Government, and Worship of the Church of England, should not have been made by John Robinson." However desirous Robinson may have been to re- tain his connection with the Anglican Church, there 106 The Builders of a Nation was no half-way house into which he might enter, and so he was forced by stress of circumstances to press on to Separatism. Leaving Norwich he united with the Separatist congregation which had been organized at Gainsborough, a few miles distant from the place of his birth. An influential member of this church, and a man whose name bulks large in the subsequent history of the Pilgrims was William Brewster to whose pre- vious life more than a passing reference must be given. Brewster was bom at Scrooby some time in 1566 or 1567, for he deposed at Leyden, June 25, 1609, that he was forty-two years of age. He matricu- lated at Peterhouse College, Cambridge, December 3, 1580, and spent some time there although he seems never to have graduated. After he left the univer- sity he became private secretary to William Davi- son, Secretary of State to Queen Elizabeth. Brad- ford informs us that "Davison found him so discreet and faithful as he trusted him above all other that were about him, and only employed him in all matters of greatest trust and secrecy. He esteemed him rather as a son than a servant, and for his wisdom and godliness (in private) he would converse with him more like a friend and familiar than a master. He attended his master when he was sent in ambassage by the Queen. into the Low Countries, in the Earl of Leicester's time, as for The Chiirch at Scroohy 107 other weighty affairs of state, so to receive posses- sion of the cautionary towns, and in token and sign thereof the keys of Flushing being dehvered to him, in her majesty's name, he kept them some time, and committed them to this his servant, who kept them under his pillow, on which he slept the first night. And, at his return, the States honored him with a gold chain, and his master committed it to him, and commanded him to wear it when they arrived in England, as they rode through the countr}^, till they came to the Court." After the downfall of Davison, in 1587, for the part which he had played in the execution of Mary Queen of Scots, Brewster returned to Scrooby, where his father for several years had held the po- sition of Postmaster on the great North Road. The father dying, in 1590, through the influence of Davi- son, the son was given the appointment as his suc- cessor. This position was one of honor and influence, which, however, did not imply the task of keeping a post-office in the modern sense, nor the forwarding of private mail, but of government dispatches and occasional travellers. At the time when Brewster's father was Post- master every "Post" was required to "have in his stable, or in readiness, throughout the year, three good and sufficient post horses, with saddles and furniture fit and belonging: three good and strong bags, well lined with baize or cotton, to carry the 108 The Builders of a Nation Packet in; and three horns, to blow by the way." Within "one quarter of an hour" after the receipt of a "packet" he was required "with all speed and diligence (to) carry the same, or cause it to be car- ried, to the next Post." From March 25 to Sept. 29, the Post was to ride "Seven miles the hour And in the winter, which is the rest of the year. Five miles the hour, as the way shall fall out." At Scrooby Brewster lived in the great manor- house which belonged to the Archbishop of York. Here Margaret, daughter of Henry VII, tarried over night, in June, 1503, while on her way to Scotland to marry James IV. Here also Cardinal Wolsey spent some time in retirement after he had fallen into disfavor with the king. "Most commonly every Sunday," says Cavendish, "if the weather did serve he would travel unto some parish church thereabout, and there would say his divine sei'vice; and either hear or say mass himself, causing some one of his chaplains to preach unto the people." Edwin Sandys, who was Archbishop of York from 1576 to 1588, leased the manor-house to his son. Sir Samuel Sandys, under whom Brewster occupied it. Of the latter's life at Scrooby Bradford sa^'s : "Af- terwards he went and lived in the country, in good esteem amongst his friends and the gentlemen of those parts, especially the godly and religious. He did much good in the country where he lived, in pro- moting and furthering religion, not only by prac- The Church at Scroohy 109 tice and example, and. provoking and encouraging others, but by procuring of good preachers to the places thereabout, and drawing on of others to as- sist and help forward in such a work ; he himself most commonly deepest in the charge and sometimes above his ability. And in this state he continued many years, doing the best he could, and walking according to the light he saw, till the Lord revealed further unto him. And in the end, by the tyranny of the bishops against godly preachers and people, in silencing one and persecuting the other, he and many more of tliose times began to look further into things, and to see the unlawfulness of their callings, and tlie burden of many antichristian corruptions, which both he and they endeavored to cast off." One other member of the Gainsborough church should receive mention, viz. : William Bradford, who for many years served Plymouth Colony as gover- nor, and who wrote a graphic history entitled "0/ Plimoth Plantation,*' which is the most important of the original sources treating of the Pilgrims, and to which we shall have frequent occasion to refer in these pages. About 1728 the manuscript of this "History" was placed in the New England Library collected by Thomas Prince of Boston, and deposited in the tower of the Old South Church, where it re- mained until the Revolutionary War, when it disap- peared and for some seventy or eighty years its fate and whereabouts were unknown until finally it 110 The Builders of a Nation was discovered in the library of the Bishop of Lon- don at Fulham Palace, and for the first time was printed in full. In 1897, through the efforts of Am- bassador Bayard, the precious document was transferred by the Bishop of London to the state authorities of Massachusetts and is now in the State House at Boston. Bradford was born at Austerfield, probably early in 1589 or late in 1588, for from the parish rec- ords it is learned that he was baptized on the 19th day of March, 1589. His parents seem to have been persons of no mean estate, but he was orphaned in early childhood and reared by two uncles. While yet a lad the Scriptures made a deep impression upon his mind and coming under the "illuminating ministry" of Richard Clyfton he felt it to be his duty to withdraw from the "parish Assemblies" and unite "with some Society of the Faithful that should keep close unto the written Word of God as the rule of their worship." Attempts were made by relatives and friends to dissuade him from such a course, but he was not to be moved, and his lofty moral purpose is revealed in his reply: "Were I like to endanger my life, or consume my estate, by any ungodly courses ; your counsels to me were very seasonable. But you know that I have been diligent and provident in my Call- ing: and not only desirous to augment what I have, but also to enjoy it in your company; to part from The Church at Scroohy 111 which will be as great a cross as can befall me. Nevertheless, to keep a good conscience, and walk in such a Way as God has prescribed in his Word, is a thing which I must prefer before you all, and above life itself. Wherefore, since it is for a good Cause that I am like to suffer the disasters which you lay before me; you have no cause to be either angry with me or sorry for me. Yea, I am not only willing to part with everything that is dead to me in this world for this Cause: but I am also thankful that God hath given me a heart to do so ; and will accept me so to suffer for him." It was of such stuff as this that the future Governor of Plymouth was made, and fortunate it was that he should have had so firm a purpose in view of all the difficulties that he afterwards was to encounter and the hard- ships that were to be endured. In this narrative we have seen fit to consider only those members of the Gainsborough congregation who afterwards were connected with the Scrooby or- ganization. Some time in 1606, probably early in the year, the division was made into two separate congregations. In the autumn of that year the Gainsborough congregation, under the leadership of John Smyth, emigrated to Amsterdam. The rem- nant at Scrooby was left under the pastoral care of John Robinson and Richard Clj'ft'on. William Brewster, in fact if not in name, served the church as ruling elder. According to Bradford, Brewster 112 The BuUdcrs of a Xation was not elected Elder until thev had settled in Lev- den, but before this "'had been an assistant unto him, (viz.: John Robinson, the pastor), in the place of an Elder." Brewster, in reality, was the moving spirit in the enterprise, for, says Bradford, "after they werc joined togetlier in communion, he was a special stay and help unto them. They ordinarily met at his house on tlie Lord's Day (which was a manor of the bishops), and with great love he enter- tained them when they came, making provision for them to his great charge." In this church, if we may judge from the sub- setjuent elaboration of Robinson's principles when he was at Leyden, the eldership was given a position of greater influence in controlling the affairs of the congregation than had been the case with the earlier English Separatists under the leadership of Robert Browne. In his ^*Jn,stipcation of Separation" Rob- inson says : "The Lord Jesus hath given to his church a presbytery, or college of elders or bishops — for the teaching and governing of the whole flock ac- cording to his will; and these the multitude, jointly and severally, is bound to obey, all and every one of them." This certainly looks like reposing great if not unlimited power in the eldership, but in his "A Just and Necessary Apology" he says that min- isters are not to bo obeyed as magistrates "for the authority of the commander, but for the reason of the commandment, which the ministers are also The Church at Scroohij 113 bound in duty to manifest, and approve unto the consciences of them over whom they are set." The authority of the ehlersliip, moreover, was qualified by his insistence that the office "being pub- lic requires answerable and public administration." "The elders in ruling and governing the church must represent the people, and occupy their place. It should seem, then, that it appertains unto the peo- ple, unto the people primarily and originally under Christ, to rule and govern the church, that is them- selves." While permitting the elders to prepare tlie business of the church privately, he repudiated as dissonant with true faith and piety the idea that the "Elders in their consistory represent the church" and that "whatsoever they either decree, or do is agreeing to the word of God whether respecting faith or manners, that also tlie church decreeth and doth, though absent, though ignorant both what the thing is, which is done, and upon what ground it is done by the Elders." As thus qualified and inter- preted, the eldership possessed moral leadership only, rather than authority in shaping and controlling the aifairs of the church. In other respects Robinson^s views as to church organization and administration do not differ materially from the principles com- monly received by the Separatists of tliat age, and as these have received sufficient consideration in the preceding pages, further elucidation is unnecessary. Doubtless it was the persecutions which arose in 114 The Builders of a Nation connection with the enforcement of Bancroft's can- ons that caused the Gainsborough church to emi- grate to Holland. From these same persecutions the church at Scrooby did not and could not escape. As Bradford writes : "They could not long continue in any peaceable condition but were hunted and persecuted on every side, so as their former afflic- tions were but as flea-bitings in comparison of these which now came upon them. For some were taken and clapped up in prison, others had. their houses beset and watched night and day, and hardly es- caped their hands ; and the most were fain to fly and leave their houses and habitations, and the means of their livelihood. Yet these and many other sharper things which afterward befell them, were no other than they looked for, and therefore were the better prepared to bear them by the assistance of God's grace and spirit. Yet seeing themselves thus molested and that there was no hope of their con- tinuance there, by a joint consent they resolved to go into the Low Countries, where they heard was freedom of Religion for all men ; as also how sundry from London and other parts of the Land, had been exiled and persecuted for the same cause, and were gone thither, and lived at Amsterdam, and in other places of the land. So after they had continued together about a year, and kept their meetings every Sabbath in one place or other, exercising the wor- The Church at Scroohy 115 ship of God amongst themselves, notwithstanding all the diligence and malice of their adversaries, they seeing they could no longer continue in that condi- tion, they resolved to get into Holland as they could." The difficulties of such an undertaking were im- measurably great and might well have daunted less courageous souls. Bradford continues: "But to go into a country they knew not (but by hearsay), where they must learn a new language, and get their livings they knew not how, it being a dear place, and subject to the miseries of war, it was by many thought an adventure almost desperate, a case in- tolerable, and a misery worse than death. Espe- cially seeing they were not acquainted with trades nor traffic (by which that country doth subsist), but had only been used to a plain country life, and the innocent trade of husbandry. But these things did not dismay them (though they did sometimes trouble them) for their desires were set on the ways of God, and to enjoy his ordinances; but they rested on his providence, and knew whom they had be- lieved." With a sublime and unwavering faith in God these heroic souls resolved to forsake all of the associa- tions and traditions of the past, to sever those ties which bound them to the mother country, and to venture forth upon an enterprize so hazardous that 116 The Builders of a Nation it held no promise of worldly advantage but only the possibilities of hardship and poverty, if not dis- aster, all that they might worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences and remain loyal to their highest convictions of right and duty. CHAPTEE V THE EMIGRATION TO HOLLAND Although "constrained to leave their native soil and country, their lands and livings, and all their friends and familiar acquaintance," the members of the Scrooby church found this no easy matter to carry through. They were obliged to face difficulties that seemed well-nigh insuperable. The Act of 1593 provided that those convicted of non-conformity who did not conform and submit within three months must "abjure the realm, and refusing to do so, or returning to the realm, shall be deemed Felons" and suffer death "as in the case of Felony without bene- fit of Clergy." Under that act the members of the Separatist Church in London and others had left the country. This act also provided that it should continue no longer than the end of the next Session of Parliament which fell on Feb. 9, 1598. An earlier statute prohibited emigration without the King's license. This was the chief difficulty that confronted the members of the Scrooby church. They were being "harried out of the land" through the course pursued by the ecclesiastical authorities, who were 117 118 Tlie Builders of a Nation the agents of King James, and yet when they wished to they were not permitted to depart in peace. As Bradford pathetically puts it: "Though they could not stay; yet were they not suffered to go: but the ports and havens were shut against them. So as they were fain to seek secret means of conveyance; and to bribe and fee the mariners, and give extraor- dinary rates for their passages. And yet they were of ten time betrayed ; and both they and their goods intercepted and surprised, and thereby put to great trouble and charge." Bradford narrates two occasions when their at- tempts to leave the country were frustrated : "There was a large company of them purposed to get a pas- sage at Boston in Lincolnshire; and for that end, had hired a ship wholly to themselves, and made agreement with the Master to be ready at a certain day, and take them and their goods in, at a con- venient place: where they accordingly would all at- tend in readiness. So, after long waiting and large expenses, though he kept not day with them ; yet he came at length, and took them in, in the night. But when he had them, and their goods aboard; he be- trayed them: having beforehand complotted with the Searchers and other Officers so to do. Who took them, and put them into open boats ; and there rifled and ransacked them : searching them to their shirts for money; yea, even the women further than be- came modesty. And then carried them back into I The Emigration to Holla/nd 119 the town and made them a spectacle and wonder to the multitude; which came flocking on all sides to behold them. Being thus first by the catchpole Offi- cers rifled and stripped of their money, books, and much other goods ; they were presented to the Magis- trates: and messengers sent to inform the Lords of the Council of them; and so they were committed to the ward. Indeed, the Magistrates used them courteously, and shewed them what favor they could ; but could not deliver them till order came from the Council table. But the issue was that, after a month's imprisonment, the greatest part were dis- missed ; and sent to the places from whence they came: but Seven of the principal were still kept in prison, and bound over to the Assizes." One of the seven was Brewster, who ''was chief of those that were taken at Boston, and suff'ered the greatest loss." There is no record of what occurred at the As- sizes, the records of the town of Boston being in- complete, since the pages for that year being at the beginning of a volume are missing. Whatever may have happened did not daunt the courage of these heroic souls, for Bradford, continuing his narrative, says : "The next Spring after, there was another attempt made by some of these, and others, to get over at another place. And it so fell out, that they light of a Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his own, belonging to Zealand. They made an agree- 120 The Builders of a Nation ment with him, and acquainted him with their con- dition : hoping to find more f aitlifulness in him, than in the former of their own nation. He bade them not to fear; for he would do well enough. He was, by appointment, to take them in between Grimsby and Hull, where was a large common a good way distant from any town. Now, against the prefixed time, the women and children, with the goods, were sent to the place in a small Bark; which they had hired for that end; and the men were to meet them by land. But it so fell out, that they were there a day before the ship came: and the sea being rough, and the women very sick ; prevailed with the seamen to put into a creek hard by; where they lay on ground at low water. The next morning, the ship came: but they were fast, and could not stir till about noon. In the meantime, the ship Master, per- ceiving how the matter was, sent his boat, to be getting the men aboard; whom he saw ready, walk- ing about the shore. But after the first boat full was got aboard, and she was ready to go for more; the Master espied a great company, both horse and foot, with bills and guns, and other weapons: for the country was raised to take them. The Dutch- man seeing that, swore his country's oath, Sacra- mente ! and, having the wind fair, weighed his anchor, hoisted his sails, and away! But the poor men, which were got aboard, were in great distress for their wives and children ; which they saw thus The Emigration to Hollajid 121 to be taken, and were left destitute of their helps: and themselves also, not having a cloth to shift them with, more than they had on their backs ; and some, scarce a penny about them; all they had being aboard the Bai^k. It drew tears from their eyes ; and anything they had, they would have given to have been ashore again: but all in vain. There was no remedy. They must thus sadly part." The men who remained on the beach, excepting the few who were needed to help the women and chil- dren, when they realized the danger of arrest, pru- dently made their escape. "But pitiful it was," con- tinues Bradford, "to see the heavy case of these poor women in this distress. What weeping and crying on every side! Some for their husbands that were carried away in the ship, as is before related. Others not knowing what should become of them and their little ones. Others again melted in tears, see- ing their poor little ones hanging about them ; crying for fear, and quaking with cold. Being thus appre- hended, they were hurried from one place to another ; and from one Justice to another; till, in the end, they knew not what to do with them. For to im- prison so many women and innocent children, for no other cause, many of them, but that they must go with their husbands, seemed to be so unreasonable: and all would cry out of them. And to send them home again was as difficult; for they alleged, as the truth was, they had no homes to go to: for they 122 The Builders of a Nation had either sold, or otherwise disposed of, their houses and livings. To be short, after they had been thus turmoiled a good while; and conveyed from one Constable to another: they were glad to be rid of them in the end upon any terms ; for all were wearied and tired with them. Though, in the mean time, they, poor souls ! endured misery enough : and thus, in the end, necessity forced a way for them." Those who sailed away, probably including Brad- ford, "endured a fearful storm at sea, being four- teen days or more before they arrived at their port ; in seven whereof, they neither saw sun, moon, nor stars: and were driven near the coast of Norway. The mariners themselves often despairing of life: and once, with shrieks and cries, gave over all; as if the ship had been foundered in the sea, and they sinking without recovery. But when man's hope and help wholly failed ; the Lord's power and mercy appeared in their recovery: for the ship rose again, and gave the mariners courage again to manage her. And if modesty would suffer me, I might declare with what fervent prayers, they cried unto the LORD in this great distress. Especially some of them, even without any great distraction, when the water ran into their mouths and ears ; and the mariners cried out, 'We sink ! We sink !' : they cried, if not with miraculous, yet with a great height, or degree, of divine faith, 'Yet LORD, thou canst save! Yet LORD, thou canst save!' with other such expres- The Emigration to Holland 123 sions as I will forbear. Upon which, the ship did not only recover; but shortly after, the violence of the storm began to abate; and the Lord filled their afflicted minds with such comforts as every one can understand. And in the end, brought them to their desired haven : where the people came flocking ad- miring their deliverance; the storm having been so long and sore. In which, much hurt had been done ; as the Master's friends related unto him, in their congratulations." Other trials and tribulations may have befallen those who were left behind, but as Bradford says : "In the end, notwithstanding all these storms of op- position, they all gat over at length. Some at one time, and some at another ; and some in one place and some in another: and met together again, ac- cording to their desires, with no small rejoicing." Among the last to get over were their leaders, Rob- inson, Clyfton, and Brewster, who "stayed to help the weakest over before them." Even from the evils which they had suffered good resulted, of which Bradford testifies : "Yet I may not omit the fruit that came thereby. For by these so public troubles, in so many eminent places, their cause became famous, and caused many to look into the same: and their godly character and Christian behavior was such, as left a deep impression in the minds of many. And though some few shrank at these first conflicts and sharp beginnings, as it was 124i The Builders of a Nation no marvel; jet many more came on with fresh cour- age, and greatly animated others." Amsterdam had been selected as their haven of refuge probably for two reasons. First, because of the possibilities of securing employment, the city being a commercial and manufacturing center of no small importance. Here they would have greater opportunities for finding some means of livelihood such as a smaller or less important city could not afford. Second, because of the imm\mity from persecution wliicli it offered. Throughout the long and desper- ate struggle with Spain, which resulted in the estab- lishment of the Dutch Republic, Amsterdam had stood not only for Protestantism but for freedom of thought and speech. On July 5, 1581, William the Silent had been asked by the nobility and cities of Holland and Zealand to become their sovereign and chief, directing him "to maintain the exercise only of the Reformed Evangelical religion, without, however, permitting that inquiries should be made into any man's belief or conscience, or that any in- jury or hindrance should be offered to any man on account of liis religion." Amsterdam accordingly became noted if not no- torious for its tolerance of religious opinions. It was satirically declared: "They countenance only Calvinism, but for Trade's sake they tolerate all others, except Papists ; which is the reason why the TJie Emigration to Holland 125 treasure and stock of most Nations is transported thither, where there is full Liberty of Conscience: you may be what Devil you will there, so you be but peaceable: for Amsterdam is an 'University of all Religions, which grow here confusedly (like stocks in a Nursery) without either order or Pruning. If you be unsettled in your Religion, j^ou may here try all, and take at last what you like best ; if you fancy none, you have a Pattern to follow of two that would be a Church to themselves : It's the Fair of all the Sects, where all the Peddlers of Religion have leave to vend their Toys, their Ribbands and Fanatic Rat- tles: their Republic is more to them than Heaven; and God may be more safely offended there than the States-General.* " Three English Separatist congregations had al- ready immigrated to the city. First, the "Poor English Congregation in Amsterdam" of which little is known, the probability being that it had passed out of existence before the arrival of the exiles from Scrooby, although some remnants may still have been left in the city. Second, the "Ancient Exiled English Church'* from London or Southwark, the church to which the martyrs Barrowe, Greenwood, and Penry had be- longed. Into this church the remnants of Richard Fitz' church had doubtless been gathered. In his "Cotmterpoi/sen" (1608) Henry Ainsworth states 186 The Builders of a Nation that John Bolton was an elder "of that separated church whereof Mr. Fitz was pastor m the beginning ■ of Queen Elizabeth's reign. This is testified to me bj one yet living among us who was then a member of that church." Third, the Gainsborough church, John Smyth, pastor, with which the Scrooby congregation had formerly been connected. On their arrival in Ams- terdam tlie members of this church seem to have joined the '"Ancient Church" from which they after- wards withdrew. The most important of these churches was the "Ancient Church'* of which Francis Johnson was pastor; Henry Ainsworth, teacher; Daniel Studley, George Knyveton, and M. Slade, elders ; and Chris- topher Bowman, deacon. Ainsworth was bom at Swanton-Morley, near Norv^ich, in 1569 or 1570. He spent three years or more at Cambridge, al- though he never graduated. Aftcr^vards he went to Ireland, and then in 1593 to Amsterdam, where he obtained employment, probably as a book-seller's porter. In 1596 he was chosen teacher in the "Ancient Church" which had immigrated to the city. He was one of the greatest Hebraists of his day, his Annotations of the Pentateuch, the Psalms, and other portions of the Scriptures, long being held in high esteem for their insight into the true meaning of Holy Writ in contrast with the allegorical method The Emigration to Holland 127 of interpretation which prevailed at that time. He was the author of no fewer than twenty-eight dif- ferent publications. On their arrival in Amsterdam the members of the Scrooby congregation seem at first to have affili- ated with the "Ancient Church," although it is probable that they still maintained some sort of a separate organization of their own. Of the "Ancient Church" at that time Bradford gives the following description : "Truly there were in them many worthy men ; and if you had seen them in their beauty and order as we have done, you would have been much affected therewith, we dare say. At Amsterdam, be- fore their division and breach, they were about three hundred communicants. And they had for their Pastor and Teacher, those two eminent men before I named (Francis Johnson and Henry Ainsworth) ; and in our time four grave men for Ruling Elders; * and three able and godly men for Deacons : one I ancient Widow for a Deaconess ; who did them serv- I ice many years, though she was sixty years of age ' when she was chosen. She had honored her place, I and was an ornament to the Congregation. She 'usually sat in a convenient place in the Congrega- 1 tion, with a little birchen rod in her hand ; and kept little children in great awe, from disturbing the Congregation. She did frequently visit the sick and weak, especially women ; and, as there was need, called out Maids and young Women to watch, and 128 The Builders of a Nation do them other helps, as their necessity did require: and, if they were poor, she would gather relief for them, of those that were able ; or acquaint the Deacons. And she was obeyed as a Mother in Israel, and an Officer of Christ." Notwithstanding this glowing picture, the Separa- tists at Amsterdam were sorely troubled with dissen- sions which threatened to grow worse with the passage of time. An opponent wrote with bitter satire: "There were more Disputes, Contests and Quarrels, amongst the few Brownists, and other In- dependent Sectaries, which resorted thither the latter end of Queen Elizabeth's, King James the First's time, and so on, than among the whole Dutch Nation ever since they Reformed : 'Tis unaccountable what impertinent Controversies arose between them, even to the Color of Aaron's Ephod, whether it were Blue, or a Sea-green, which made an irreconcilable differ- ence between their Pastors, and consequently the Flocks divided." This, of course, was a gross exaggeration, but the melancholy fact must be recorded that the Separa- tists of Amsterdam were disturbed by serious quarrels over matters which today seem trivial and unimportant. It was characteristic of the early Separatists to keep a close watch upon the conduct of their members and hold them to a strict account for any and all breaches of discipline. Francis Johnson, the pastor of the "Ancient Church," before The Emigration to Holland 129 leaving London had married a wealthy widow. After this marriage she continued to wear the expensive garments to which she had before been accustomed, to the no small scandal of the members of her hus- band's congregation. After the custom of the fash- ionable women of her time she wore whalebone in the sleeves and bodice of her gown, and shoes with high 1 cork heels. Some of the members of the congrega- tion, including the father and brother of the pastor, insisted that she should dress more plainly. She and her husband were willing to make some concessions, so far at least as altering the gown without spoiling I it completely. This, however, was not satisfactory I to the opposing parties, and the quarrel became so ' violent that Johnson's father and brother were • expelled from the church. It would have been ludi- t crous, were it not so tragic, that men and women, j who had made it a matter of conscience to bid adieu * to their native land and emigrate to a foreign shore, I should become involved in bitter disputes about a woman's stays and heels ! This quarrel had ceased at the time when the Scrooby congregation reached the city, but unpleas- ant memories lingered, and the causes for fresh dis- sension were at work, Johnson and all of the elders in his church ascribed practically unlimited author- ity to the eldership. The function of the member- ship of the church was limited to the election of the elders, the latter becoming in fact the rulers of the 130 The Builders of a Nation church, so that "Tell it to the Church" meant "Tell it to the elders." The elders could excommunicate church members, without the consent of the church, but if the elders were guilty of heresy or misconduct, the members of the church had no right to depose or excommunicate them. Ainsworth and a minority of the church opposed this idea, which eventually led to a serious rupture in the church. In the Gainsborough congregation elements of strife were working. John Smyth, their pastor, be- came convinced that there were grave errors in the views of church polity which he had formerly held, declaring that the "triformed presbytery" composed of pastors, teachers, and elders, is "of man's de- vice," "that all the Elders of the Church are Pastors, and that lay Elders (so called) are Anti-christian." He also announced that the reading of the scrip- tures in worship was "the invention of the man of sin" and that it was unlawful in preaching or sing- ing "to have the book as a help before the eye." The preacher must have no texts of scripture before him, not even the Hebrew or the Greek, but must depend solely upon the inspiration and guidance of the Holy Spirit for everything which he uttered. Later he espoused the doctrine of believer's baptism, renouncing the baptism which he and his members had formerly received, rebaptizing himself and them, for which he was nicknamed the Se-baptist or self- baptizer. The Emigration to Holland 131 While all of these dissensions did not take place during the brief year that the Scrooby exiles spent at Amsterdam, the seeds of dissension were there and could not but be very distressing to Robinson, Brewster, and their followers. Bradford says : "And when they had lived at Amsterdam about a year Master Robinson their Pastor and some others of best discerning, seeing how Master John Smyth and his Company were already fallen into contention with the Church that was there before them; and no means they could use, would do any good to cure the same : and also that the flames of contention were like to break out in the Ancient Church itself, as afterwards lamentably came to pass. Which things they prudently forseeing, thought it was best to remove, before they were any way engaged with the same : though they well knew it would be much to the prejudice of their outward estates ; both at present, and in likelihood in the future — as indeed it proved to be." For these reasons they made application to the authorities of the City of Leyden for permission to settle there. This application is recorded in the Court Register of the City and was printed for the first time in 1848 by Professor Kist. It reads as follows: "To the Honorable the Burgomasters and Court of the city of Leyden: With due submission and respect, Jan Boharthse, minister of the Divine Word, and some of the members of the Christian 132 The Builders of a Nation Reformed Religion, bom in the kingdom of Great Britain, to the number of one hundred persons, or thereabouts, men and women, represent that they are desirous of coming to live in this city, by the first of May next, and to have the freedom thereof in carrying on their trades, without being a burden in the least to any one. They therefore address them- selves to your Honors, humbly praying that your Honors will be pleased to grant them free consent to betake themselves as aforesaid." Neither date nor signature is affixed to the appK- cation as recorded, but the reply of the authorities is dated and reads thus: "The Court, in making a disposition of this present memorial, declare that they refuse no honest persons free ingress to come and have their residence in this city, provided that such persons behave themselves, and submit to the laws and ordinances ; and therefore the coming of the memorialists will be agreeable and welcome. "Thus done in their session at the Council House, 12 February, 1609. "Signed, I. Van Hout." Although the authorities thus gave their consent, the matter was not yet settled, for King James the First, through his ambassador. Sir Ralph Winwood, denounced Robinson's congregation to the Council of Holland, as ''ill-conditioned Brownists, not sub- missive to King and Hierarchy — ^banished men, who deserve no sympathy." The Emigration to Holland 133 To this accusation the magistrates replied in a spirit of toleration worthy of the best Dutch tra- ditions : "It is, however, true that in February last a pe- tition was presented to us in the name of Jan Ro- barts, Minister of the Gospel, together with some people of the Reformed Christian Faith, bom in England, requesting that, as they intended taking up their abode in Leyden, they might be granted free permission to do so. We answered officially, stating that we did not refuse free entrance to honest people that behaved honestly and submitted to the Statutes and Ordinances of the city ; and that there- fore the entrance of the Petitioners would be welcome and agreeable to us. "This may be verified by the Petition and by our Reply of which we send your Excellency a copy. "We may add that no further steps have been taken by us in this matter. We were not then aware, nor indeed are we yet aware, that the Petitioners have been banished from England, or that they be- long to the sect of Brownists. "We, therefore, beg your Excellency to forward this information with the accompanying document to the Lord Advocate, so that no misunderstanding may arise between ourselves and Their Excellencies the Ambassadors, or His Majesty liimself ; and that we may be held excused by their Excellencies and, consequently, by His Majesty." 134 The Builders of a Nation When Robinson and the members of his congre- gation bade adieu to Amsterdam and took up their abode in Leyden, they left behind, possibly with some others, their teacher, Richard Clyfton, who at his time of life was unwilling to make another move, and who, in the meanwhile, had embraced Johnson's views as to the power of the elders over the congre- gation. CHAPTEE VI LIFE AT LEYDEN Leyden, to which the members of the Scrooby church now came, Hes fifteen miles from the sea- coast, the intervening country for the most part having been reclaimed from the waters by an intri- cate network of dykes. This city is memorable for the heroic defence made by its inhabitants, when besieged by the Spaniards from May 26 to October 3, 1574. The citizens were reduced to the very verge of starvation. Within a month from the com- mencement of the siege the bread supply was ex- hausted and for a time the people subsisted upon malt cakes, but even these soon gave out and condi- tions became most desperate. The leaves were stripped from the trees that grew in the city and fed to the miserable inhabitants, while the skins of animals were boiled and eaten, not even a drop of blood being wasted. Dogs and cats, rats and mice were esteemed rare luxuries. The very dung-hills were searched by women and children for morsels of food. Multitudes perished but still the city would not yield. Finally the dykes were cut to permit 135 136 The Builders of a Nation Admiral Boisot's fleet to come to the relief of the beleaguered people. A violent equinoctial storm from the northwest on the night of October 1 and 2 sent the waters over the ruined dykes, flooding the country. A large section of the city wall fell on the night of October 2. The Spaniards, panic- stricken by the crash, fled in the darkness. The next morning the fleet drew near without meeting resist- ance, bringing food and relief to the starving inhabi- tants. That day rescued and rescuer repaired to St. Peter^s, the largest cluirch in the city, to offer up thanks to Almighty God for this deliverance. Since tlien October 3 has been observed annually by the people of Leyden as a festival and holiday. Three hundred years ago Leyden had a popula- tion of 100,000 inhabitants, nearly double its pres- ent population, and was already becoming famous on account of its university which was chartered by William of Orange, February 9, 1575, as one of the rewards for the heroic defence of the citizens of Ley- den during the summer previous. The institution was first opened in the ancient cloister of St. Barbe and then removed to tlie chapel of the Jacobins where it still remains. Although tlie university liad been in existence scarcely more than a third of a century at the time wlien John Robinson and his congrega- tion took up their abode in the city it had already begun to attract students from all parts of Europe, dra^^^^ tliither bv the fame of its teachers, Justus Life at Leyden 137 Lipsius, who occupied the chair of history ; Francis Junius, who had been professor of theology; the younger Scaliger, Daniel Heinsius, Gomar, Arminius and others. Then, as now, Leyden was reputed to be a city of great beauty. The chief concern of the newcomers, however, was not the history of the city, its intel- lectual attractions, its canals and bridges, its well- paved streets shaded by linden-trees, the magnifi- cence of its buildings, nor its other beauties natural and acquired, but the means of gaining a livelihood. Says Bradford: "Wanting that traffic by sea which Amsterdam enjoys, it was not so beneficial for their outward means of living and estates. But being now here pitched, they fell to such trades and employ- ments as they best could; valuing peace and their spiritual comfort above any other riches whatso- ever : and, at length, they came to raise a competent and comfortable living; but with hard and continual labor." Various occupations were followed by these new- comers. Some became merchants, tobacco-pipe makers, masons, watch-makers, silversmiths, print- ers, carpenters, etc., but most of them engaged in the textile industries, as wool-combers, carders, bom- bazine weavers, baize weavers, linen weavers, etc. William Bradford became a fustian-worker, and on November 9, 1613, at tlie age of twenty-three was married at Amsterdam to Dorothy May, aged six- 138 The Builders of a Nation teen, of Wisebeach. The granddaughter of Jolm May, Bisliop of Carlisle, who died in 1598, she probably was a member of the "Ancient Church" at Amsterdam, her sister Jacomyne May having mar- ried Jean de I'Ecluse, a book printer from Rouen, who became an elder in the "Ancient Church" after he had left the French Church for "known evils exist- ing among them." William Brewster for a time earned his living by giving lessons in English of which Bradford writes : "After he came into Holland, he suffered much hard- ship ; after he had spent the most of his means, hav- ing a great charge and many cliildren: and, in regard of his former breeding and course of life, not so fit for many employments as others were; especially such as were toilsome and laborious. But yet he ever bore his condition with much cheerful- ness and contentation. Towards the latter part of those twelve years spent in Holland, his outward condition was mended, and he lived well and plenti- fully. For he fell into a way, by reason he had the Latin tongue, to teach many students who had a desire to learn the English tongue, to teach them English: and by his method they quickly attained it with great facility; for he drew Rules to leam it by, after the Latin manner. And many Gentlemen, both Danes and Germans, resorted to him, as they liad time from other studies : some of tlicm being Great Men's sons. He had also means to set up Life at Ley den 139 printing, by the help of some friends; and so had employment enough; and by reason of many books which would not be allowed to be prmted in Eng- land, they might liave more than they could do." In this latter entei-prise he was associated with Thomas Brewer who joined the congregation after it had settled in Lcyden and matriculated at the university. Being a man of means, Brewer probably furnished the greater part of the money to purchase type which Brewster, having no press of his own, sent out, after it had been set up, to some Dutch printer to run off* the sheets. Several books were published in this way, but finally with the issuance of David Calderwood's "Perth Asseiribly" and "A Brief Account of Discipline in the Scotch Church,^' books written in defence of Presbyterianism, which King James was attempting to overthrow in Scot- land in favor of Episcopacy, the luckless publishers, although their names did not appear upon the title pages, brought down upon themselves the wrath of the English government, instructions being sent to Sir Dudley Carleton, the English ambassador at The Hague, to take action in the matter. Under date of July 22, 1619, he wrote: "I believe I have discov- ered the printer of De Regimine Ecclesiae Scoti- canae, whicli His Majesty was informed to be done in Middleburgh, and that is one William Brewster, a Brownist, who hath boon for some years an in- habitant and printer at T.eydon, but is now witliin 140 The Builders of a Nation this three weeks removed from thence and gone back to dwell in London, where he may be found out and examined not only of this book but likewise of the Perth Assembly, of which, if he was not the printer himself, he assuredly knows both printer and author; for, as I am informed, he hath had, whilst he re- mained here, his hand in all such books as have been sent over into Enghmd and Scotland, as, particu- larly, a book in folio, entitled A Confutation of the Rhemish Translation, anno 1618." A month later (August 20) Carleton reported: "I have made good inquiry after William Brewster at Leyden, and well assured that he is not returned thither, neither is it likely he will having removed from thence his family and his goods." Soon after, Carleton sent word that Brewster had been taken, but this was a mistake and in September he writes : "In my last I advertised j'our honor that Brewster was taken at Leaden, which proved an error, in that the schout (bailiff) who was employed by the magistrates for his apprehension being a dull, dininken fellow, took one man for another. But Brewer, who set him on work, and being a man of means, bare the charge of his printing, is fast in the university's prison ; and his printing letters, which were found in his house, in a garret where he had hid tliem, and his books and papers, are all seized and sealed up. I expect to-morrow to receive his voluntary confession of such books as he hath Life at Ley den 141 caused to be printed by Brewster for this year and a half or two years past ; and then I intend to send some one expressly to visit his books and papers, and to examine liim particularly touching Perth Assembly, the discourse De Regimine, and other Puritan pamphlets which I have newly recovered." The Leyden church offered bail for Brewer's re- lease and insisted that in the matter of a trial he should claim the privileges to which he was entitled as a member of the university. The Separatists also stirred up the students to claim these privileges on behalf of their fellow. Finally Brewer consented to go to London but with a pledge from the government that he should be returned in safety. He set out, not as a prisoner, but accompanied by officers of the university from Leyden to Rotterdam, and thence to England in company with Sir William Zouche who was travelling thither. They were de- tained at Flushing by contrary winds and Carleton wrote: "I hope it (the fleet) will carry over Sir William Zouche and Master Brewer to your honor ; who have lain long together at Flushing: and his fellow Brownists at Leyden are somewhat scandal- ized because they hear Sir William hath taught him to drink healths." After a time Brewer was re- leased, and remained in Leyden until after the sail- ing of the Mayflower, but later returned to England, and for promoting Separatist principles suffered a long imprisonment, being confined by the bishops 142 The Builders of a Nation from 1626 to 1640 in King's Bench Prison from which he was finally released by a petition to the House of Lords, but lived only a month after he was set at liberty. Through the connivance of the Ley- den Church, Brewster, though diligently sought by the English authorities, was never apprehended, and after a time the matter seems to have been dropped. During these years at Leyden John Robinson not only busied himself with the duties of his pastorate but wrote a number of treatises, one of which, viz. : "The Answer to a Censorious Epistle^' was probably written at Amsterdam, but the rest appeared while he was at Leyden: "A Justification of Separation from the Church of England" (1610), "Of Religious Communion, Public amd Private** (1614), "A Man/w- mission to a Manuduction** (1615), "The People's Plea for the Exercise of Prophecy" (1618), "Just amd Necessary Apology of Certain Christians" (1624), "Observations Divine and Moral" (1625), "A Treatise of the Lawfulness of Hearing of the Ministers in the Church of England" (published posthumously 1634), etc. These works for the most part were controversial and written in answer to criticisms of and attacks upon the principles of Separatism as they had been worked out in the congregation at Leyden. His "Observations Moral and, Divine" were an exception as these were essays upon a wide range of subjects, covering such topics as "Man's Knowledge of God," Life at Ley den 143 "Of Religion, and Differences and Disputations Thereabout," "Of the Use and Abuse of Tilings," "Of God's Love," "Of God's Promises," "Of Created Goodness," "Of Equability and Perseverance in Well- doing," "Of Heresy and Schism," "Of Truth and Falsehood," "Of Knowledge and Ignorance," "Of Society and Friendship," "Of Health and Physic," etc., etc. These Essays reveal the wide range of Robinson's knowledge and reading, for in them he not only quotes from contemporary writers, but the early church fathers such as Ignatius, TertuUian, Cyprian, Ambrose, Augustine, Anselm, Lactantius, Gregory Nazianzen, Eusebius, Jerome, Basil, etc., and such classical writers as Thales, Plato, Aris- totle, Herodotus, Plutarch, Terrence, Cicero, Sue- tonius, Pliny, Seneca, Epictetus, etc. After he had been in Leyden some few years, Rob- inson became a member of the university, matricu- lating September 5, 1615. Other members of the Separatist community did the same: Thomas Brewer, to whom reference has already been made, February 17, 1615; Robert Brewster, May 22, 1619, and John Greenwood in 1625. Membership in the university carried with it certain privileges, including immun- ity from the liability to which ordinary citizens were subject of acting on patrol in time of war, of hav- ing soldiers billeted upon them in case of siege, of the payment of contributions for public works and fortifications, and of the liability to arrest by others 144 The Builders of a Nation than officers of tlie university ; together with the privilege of purchasing a certam quantity of wine or beer without the payment of a tax. It was probably after Robinson had become a member of the university' that the interesting episode occurred in connection with the Anninian contro- versy, of which Bradford wrote: "In these Times also were the great troubles raised by the Arminians ; who as they greatly molested the whole State, so this city in particular, in which was the chief Uni- versity : so as there were daily and hot disputes in the Schools thereabout. And as the students and other learned were divided in their opinions herein ; so were the two Professors or Divinitj'^ Readers them- selves: the one daily teaching for it, the other against it ; wliich grew to that pass, that few of the disciples of the one, would hear the other teach. But Master Robinson, though he taught thrice a week himself, and writ sundry books, besides his manifold pains othenvise ; yet he went constantly to hear their Readings, and heard the one as well as the other: by which means, he was so well grounded in the controversy, and saw the force of all their arguments, and knew the shifts of the adversary. And being himself very able, none was fitter to buckle with them than himself ; as appeared by sundry dis- putes : so as he began to be terrible to the Arminians. Wliich made Episcopius, the Arminian Professor, to put forth his best strength, and set forth sundry Life at Ley den 146 Theses ; which, by public dispute, he would defend against all men. Now Polyander, the other Profes- sor, and the chief Preachers of the city, desired Mas- ter Robinson to dispute against him: but he was loath, being a stranger. Yet the other did impor- tune him, and told him. That such was the abihty and nimbleness of the adversary, that the truth Avould suffer, if he did not help them. So as he con- descended, and prepared himself against the time. And when the day came; the Lord did so help him to defend the truth, and foil this adversary, as he put liim to an apparent non plus, in this great and public audience. And it caused many to praise God, that the truth had so famous victory ; so it procured him much honor and respect from those learned men, and others Avhich loved the truth." Although busied in these ways Robinson did not neglect the duties of his pastorate. In fact his relations with his congregation in this respect bor- dered closely upon the ideal, of which Bradford gives the following testimonial : "Such was the mutual love and reciprocal respect that this worthy man had to his flock ; and his flock to him : that it might be said of them, as it once was, of that famous Emperor Marcus Aurelius and the people of Rome, That it was hard to judge whether he delighted more in hav- ing such a people, or they in having such a Pastor. Golden Booh, etc. His love was great towards them ; and his care was always lent for their best good, 146 The Builders of a Nation both for soul and body. For besides his singular abilities in divine things, wherein he excelled; he was also very able to give directions in civil affairs, and to forsee dangers and inconveniences: by which means he was very helpful to their outward estates ; and so was, every way, as a common father unto them. — They in like manner, had ever a reverent regard unto him and had him in precious estima- tion as his worth and wisdom did deserve. And though they esteemed him higlily whilst he lived and labored amongst them: yet much more after his death, when they came to feel the want of his help ; and saw, by woeful experience, what a treasure they had lost, to the grief of their hearts and wounding of their souls. Yea, such a loss, as they saw could not be repaired. For it was as hard for them to find such another Leader and Feeder in all respects, as for the Taboritcs to find another Ziska : and, although they did not call themselves Orphans, as the others did, after his death ; yet they had cause, as such, to lament, in another regard, their present condition and after usage." During these years at Leyden, Robinson's congre- gation in all probability worshipped in a private house. They never received any official recognition as a church by the Dutch authorities. Before com- ing to the city they had asked permission to immi- grate thither but there is no record of any petition for a place of worship or anything to indicate that Life at Ley den 147 cin V public building was ever granted b}' the authori- ties for use as a church as was the case with the Eng- lish Presbyterian congregation which was estab- lished at Leyden about the time that the Separatists arrived in the city, and of which Robert Durie was pastor until his deatli in 1616. It was customary, however, for the Dutch government to restrict the worship of new and unusual sects to private houses which were often fitted up with rooms for worship as spacious as any church. It is not known where Rob- inson's congregation worshipped the first year or two that they were in the city, but in the public Register of the city of Leyden there is the record of a conveyance or deed, under date of May 15, 1611, the first paragraph of which reads as follows : "We, Pieter Arentszoon Deyman and Amelis van Hoge- veen, Schepens (Magistrates) in Leyden, make known that before us came Johan de Lalaing, declar- ing, for himself and his heirs, that he has sold, and by these presents does sell, to Jan Robinszoon, Min- ister of God's Word of the English Congregation in this city, Willem Jepson, Henry Wood, and Ray- nulph Tickens, who has married Jane White — jointly and each for himself an equal fourth part — a house and ground, with a garden situated on the west side thereof, standing and being in this city on the south side of the Pieter*s Kerckhoff near the Belfry ; formerly called the Groene Port." For this property the sum of eight thousand guilders, equiva- 148 The Builders of a Nation lent in present values to about sixteen thousand dol- lars, was to be paid, "two thousand guilders being paid down; and five hundred guilders to be paid in May 1612, and annually thereafter, until all be paid." The joint ownersliip of the property to- gether with the additional fact that in the spacious garden connected with it William Jepson built twenty-one cottages, probably as residences for some of the members of the congregation, make it reason- ably certain that in this building the Separatists worshipped during the remainder of their stay in Leyden. This building was torn down in 1681-83, and the building which now stands upon the same site was erected. In recent years a marble slab has been placed upon it ^vdth the inscription : "On this spot lived, taught, and died, John Robinson, 1611- 1625." It would be interesting if we could know what order of worship was followed in the church at Ley- den. Richard Clyfton, who had served the Scrooby church as pastor or teacher, in his *^ Advertisement" (1612), described the order of worship in Johnson*s church at Amsterdam, which was as follows: "(1) Prayer and giving of thanks by the Pastor or Teacher. (2) The Scriptures are read, two or three chapters, as time serves with a brief explanation of their meaning. (3) The Pastor or Teacher then takes some passage of Scripture and expounds and enforces it. (4) The sacraments are administered. Life at Leyden 149 (5) Some of the Psalms of David are sung by the whole congregation, both before and after the exer- cise of the Word. (.6) Collection is then made, as each one is able, for the support of the officers, and the poor." While it may not be stated with cer- tainty, the presumption at least is strong that a similar order of worship was followed by the church at Leyden. Robinson's congregation was free from the dissen- sions and the divisive spirit which had prevailed among the Separatists at Amsterdam. Edward Winslow, an educated young Englishman from Droitwich, visited Leyden in 1617, and was so im- pressed with the spirit of Christian brotherhood that prevailed in the Pilgrim community that he united with them, going with the first party to New Eng- land, signing the Mayflower Compact, and after- wards serving Plymouth Colony as Governor. Of the church at Leyden he wrote: "I persuade myself never people upon earth lived more lovingly together and parted more sweetly than we the Church at Ley- den did; parting not rashly in a distracted humor, but upon joint and serious deliberation, often seek- ing the mind of God by fasting and prayer, whose gracious presence was not only found with us, but His blessing upon us from that time until now.*' Governor Bradford bears similar testimony. In his "Dialogiics" he says : "They lived together in love and peace all their days without any considerable 150 The Builders of a Nation difference or any disturbance that grew thereby, but such as was easily healed in love; and so they con- tinued until with mutual consent they removed into New England." In his "Historic of Plimoth Plajir tation" he says further: "If at any time, any differ- ence arose or offences broke out, as it cannot be but some time there will, even amongst the best of men ; they were ever so met with and nipt in the head betimes, or otherwise so well composed ; as still love, peace, and communion were continued. ... I know not but it may be spoken to the honor of God, and without prejudice to any. That such was the true piety, the humble zeal, and fervent love, of this people, whilst they thus lived together, towards God and his Ways ; and the single-heartedness and sincere affection, one towards another; that they came as near the primitive pattern of the first Churches, as any other Church of these later Times has done, according to their rank and quality." At peace within, what was the attitude of Robin- son's congregation towards those without, towards other religious bodies? The Ley den Separatists manifested a fraternal spirit towards those who in many respects differed with them. In his "Just and Necessary Apology*' their pastor said: "We account the Refonned Churclies true Churches of Jesus Christ, and here in Holland both profess and prac- tice communion with them in the hoi}' things of God ; their sermons such of ours frequent as understand Life at Lei/den 161 the Dutch tongue; the sacraments we do administer unto their known members, if by any occasion any of them be present with us ; and we do desire from the Lord their holy and firm peace." David Calderwood, author of the "Perth Assem- hly,'* published by William Brewster and Thomas Brewer, was obliged to flee from Scotland and for a time remained at Leyden in seclusion, of whom Gov- ernor Winslow wrote: "This man, being very con- versant with our Pastor, Master Robinson; and using to come to hear him on the Sabbath : after Ser- mon ended, the Church being to partake in the Lord's Supper, this Minister stood up and desired he might, without offence, stay and see the manner of his ad- ministration and our participation in, that Ordi- nance. To whom our Pastor answered in these very words, or to this effect : 'Reverend Sir, You may not only stay to behold us ; but partake with us, if you please : for we acknowledge the Churches of Scotland to be the Churches of Christ, &c.' The Minister also replied to this purpose, if not also in the same words : 'That for his part, he could comfortably partake with the Church; and willingly would: but that it is possible some of his brethren of Scotland might take offence at his act; which he desired to avoid, in re- gard of the opinion the English Churches (which they held communion withal) had of us.' However, he rendered thanks to Master Robinson ; and desired, in that respect, to be only a spectator of us." 152 The Builders of a Nation It was one thing of course to manifest a fraternal spirit towards members of the Reformed Churches of Holland, Scotland and France, as seems to have been the practice of the Ley den congregation, but ic was quite a diiferent thing to manifest that same spirit towards the members of the Church of Eng- land from which they had separated because of its corruptions and upon Avhich they were inclined to look as an apostate church. But even here Robin- son's church was not lacking in the spirit of Chris- tian charity. Rev. John Paget, minister of the Scotch Presbyterian Church at Amsterdam, in a controversial work against Ainsworth, entitled "An Arrow against the Separation of the Brownists'" (1618), thus refers to the practice of the Leyden church : "Seeing Master Robinson and his people do now, as divers of themselves confess, receive the mem- bers of the Church of England into their Congrega- tion ; and this without any renunciation of the Church of England; without any repentance 'for their idolatries committed' in the Church of Eng- land: how can you hold them (at Leyden) to be a true Church, and communion with them lawful: see- ing that by y^our reasoning they are tied in the cords of their sin, as well as we.'* Robinson's own views upon this point are of in- terest. In his work "Of Religious Communion" he says "that we who profess a Separation from the English national, provincial, diocesan and parochial Life at Letfden 153 church and churches, in the whole foniial state and order thereof, may, notwithstanding, lawfully com- municate in private prayer, and other like holy exer- cises (not performed in their church communion, nor by their church power and ministry) with the godly amongst them, though remaining of infirmity members of the same church or churches, except some other extraordinary bar come in the way between them and us." Later he acknowledged the propriety of "hearing godly Ministers preach and pray in the public As- semblies" of the English church, and while he could "not communicate with or submit unto the said church order," nevertheless in his "Treatise of the Lawfulness of Hearing of the Ministers in the Church of England" he said: "For myself, thus I believe with my heart before God, and profess witli my tongue, and have before the world, that I have one and the same faith, hope, spirit, baptism, and Lord, which I had in the Church of England, and none other ; that I esteem so many in that church of what state, or order soever, as are truly partakers of that faith, as I account many thousands to be, for my Christian brethren, and myself a fellow-mem- ber with them of that one mystical body of Christ scattered far and wide throughout the world ; that I have always, in spirit and affection, all Christian fellowship and communion with them, and am most ready in all outward actions, and exercises of re- 154 The Builders of a Nation ligion, lawful and lawfully done, to express the same : and withal, that I am persuaded, the hearmg of the Word of God there preached in the manner, and upon the grounds formerly mentioned, is both lawful and, upon occasion, necessary for me, and all true Christians, withdrawing from that hierarchical or- der of church government and ministry and appur- tenances thereof." About the time that these words were written a practical application of the principle involved came up for consideration. A Separatist congregation in London had disciplined a young woman for attend- ing the services of the Church of England, but on her promise to discontinue the practice had restored her to fellowship. Not quite sure that their action in the case had been proper, the London church sought the opinion of the congregation at Leyden. With the unanimous consent of the brethren Robinson re- plied, approving the action of the church in restor- ing the offender to fellowship "though she had continued her practice upon occasion, and without neglect of the church whereof she was a member, how much more leaving it as she did." At peace with themselves, and having a spirit of Christian tolerance far in advance of the age in which they lived, the members of this Separatist congregation stood high in the esteem of their Dutch townsmen at Leyden. Bradford writes : "And, first, though many of them were poor ; yet there was Life at Lei/den 165 none so poor but, if they were known to be of that Congregation, the Dutch, either bakers or others, would trust them in any reasonable matter, when they wanted money: because they had found by ex- perience, how careful they were to keep their word; and saw them so painful and diligent in their call- ings. Yea, they would strive to get their custom; and to employ them above others in their work, for their honesty and diligence. Again, the Magistrates of the Cit}^, about the time of their coming away, or a little before, in the public Place of Justice, gave this commendable testimony of them, in the reproof of the Waloons, who were of the French Church in that city. 'These English,' said they, 'have lived amongst us, now these twelve years ; and yet we never had any suit, or accusation come against any of them: but your strifes and quarrels are con- tinual, &c.' " During these years at Leyden, the church not only enjoyed peace but prosperity, the congregation in- creasing in numbers by reason of those who came over from England until it numbered more than three hundred souls. Mention has already been made of Thomas Brewer and Edward Winslow who rose to considerable prominence among them. John Carver, a wealthy Puritan from Kent, who was in- strumental in effecting the migration to the New World and who became the first governor of Plymouth Colony ; Robert Cushman, who was asso- 156 The Builders of a Nation ciated with Carver in making arrangements for tliis migration ; Samuel Fuller, the good physician of the community at Plymouth, and who with Carver was a deacon in the church at Leyden; Isaac Aller- ton, and others were among those who united with the church after its members had taken up their abode in Leyden. Myles Standish, who was destined to become the military leader of the Pilgrims, al- though not a member, seems to have enjoyed friendly relations with the church at Leyden. With the peace and prosperity which the church enjoyed, it might seem as if it had found a perma- nent home in the Netherlands, but causes were at work which induced this little band of Separatists to leave the Old World and seek a home in the New. These causes we shall consider in the chapter that follows. CHAPTER VII LEAVING HOLLAND Bj interfering with the free exercise of their re- ligious faith and by persecutions more or less severe, the members of the Scrooby congregation had been driven from the land of their nativity. Amsterdam, where tliey first sought refuge, proved an uncon- genial dwelling place because of the strifes and dis- sensions that prevailed among the Separatist congregations which had taken up their abode in the city. At Ley den they were free from these dis- turbing elements and at the same time enjoyed full liberty in carrying out their convictions as to church life and order. That they had intended to make Leyden their permanent home is evident from the purchase of the large house on the Klocksteeg oppo- site St. Peter's Church, which they had fitted up for use as a place of worship, and from the fact that several of their members had become naturalized citizens of Leyden. But with the passage of the years the painful fact was forced upon them that if their principles were to prevail they must seek a home outside of Holland. 157 168 The Builders of a Nation Bradford enumerates the causes which led to their removal: "After they had lived in tliis city some eleven or twelve years — which is the more observ- able, being the whole time of the famous Truce between that State and the Spaniards — and sundry of them were taken away by death ; and many others began to be well stricken in years : the grave mis- tress, Experience, having taught them many things ; those prudent Governors (Robinson and Brewster), with sundry of the sagest members, began both deeply to apprehend their present dangers ; and wisely to foresee the future, and think of timely remedy. In the agitation of their thoughts, and much discourse of things hereabout, at length they began to incline to this conclusion — of removal to some other place. Not out of any newfangledness, or other such giddy humor ; by which men are oftentimes transported to their great hurt and danger: but for sundry weighty and solid reasons; some of the chief of which, I will here briefly touch: "And first, they saw, and found by experience, the hardness of the place and country to be such as few, in comparison, would come to them; and fewer that would bide it out, and continue with them. For many that came to them, and many more that desired to be with them, could not endure that great labor and hard fare; with other* inconveniences, which they underwent, and were contented with. But though they loved their persons, approved their Leaving Holland 159 Cause, and honored their sufferings: yet they left them, as it were weeping, as Orpah did her mother- in-law Naomi (Ruth 1:14) ; or as those Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused and borne with, though they could not all be Catos. For many, though they desired to enjoy the ordinances of God in their purity and the liberty of the Gospel with them; yet, alas, they admitted of bondage with danger of conscience, rather than to endure those hardships. Yea, some preferred and chose prisons in England; rather than this liberty in Holland, with these afflictions. But it was thought that if a better and easier place of living could be had, it would draw many ; and take away these discourage- ments. Yea, their Pastor would often say. That many of those who both wrote and preached now against them ; if they were in a place where they might have liberty and live comfortably, they would then practice as they did." Among those who "preferred and chose prisons in England; rather than this liberty in Holland, with these afflictions," the best known, perhaps, was Henry Jacob, who had studied at Oxford and after- wards took orders in the Anglican church. For some years he remained a stanch Puritan, writing treatises "against the reasons and objections of Mr. Francis Johnson and other of the Separation com- monly called Brownists," but finally in 1610, so it is believed, he united with the church at Leyden. Six 160 The Builders of a Nation years later he returned to England and organized a Separatist church at Southwark, which, in spite of the persecutions sustained during its earher his- tory, has enjoyed a continuous existence to this day and is recognized as the oldest Congregational church in England, although a considerable portion of its membership with the pastor, John Lathrop, emigrated to Plymouth Colony in 1634 and settled at West Barnstable. Notwithstanding the severity of the repressive measures invoked against them by the English authorities, the Separatists could not bo suppressed. In 1631, Bishop Hall of Exeter, writ- ing to Archbishop Laud, said : "I hear to my grief that there are eleven congregations (as they call them) of Separatists about the City [of London] furnished with their idly-pretended pastors, who meet together in brew-houses and such other places of resort every Sunday." As these Separatists seemed to prefer the persecutions of England to lib- erty of conscience in a strange land,* the outlook for the Leyden congregation was not encouraging. Bradford continues: "Secondly. They saw that * Thomas Helwys, a member of the Gainsborough congrega- tion who returned from Amsterdam in 1611 to organize the first Baptist church in England, criticized Robinson and others for fleeing from England on the ground that flight from perse- cution "had been the overthrow of religion in this island; the best, ablest, and greater part being gone, and leaving behind them some few who, by the others' departure, have had their affliction and contempt increased, hath been the cause of many falling back, and of their adversaries' rejoicing." Robinson repli^ that "it was Mr. Helwys who above all, either guides Leavmg HoUand 161 though the people generally bore all these difficulties very cheerfully and with a resolute courage, being in the best and strength of their j^ears ; yet old age began to steal on many of them, and their great and continual labors with other crosses and sorrows hastened it before the time: so as it was not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that, within a few years more, they would be in danger to scat- ter, by necessities pressing them ; or sink under their burdens ; or both. And therefore according to the divine proverb, that 'a wise man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth himself,' Prov. XXII :3 (Geneva Version) ; so they, like skillful and beaten soldiers, were fearful either to be entrapped or sur- rounded by their enemies, so as they should neither be able to fight, nor fly. And therefore thought it better to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage, and less danger; if any such could be found. "Thirdly. As necessity was a taskmaster over them, so they were forced to be such not only to their servants ; but in a sort, to their dearest chil- dren: the which, as it did not a little wound the or others, furthered this passage into strange countries: and if any brought oars he brought sails." In justification of their course he appealed to the flight of Jacob, Moses, David, Jere- miah, Baruch, and Elijah; to the flight of Joseph and Marj- with the infant Jesus into Egj'pt; to the example of our Lord during His ministrj' in keeping out of the way of His enemies until His hour was come; to His direction to His disciples that when persecuted in one city they should flee to another; and to the example of Peter, Paul, and the rest of the apostles. 162 The Builders of a Nation tender parts of many a loving father and mother, so it produced hkewise sundry sad and sorrowful effects. For many of their children (that were of best dispositions and gracious inclinations ; having learnt to bear the yoke in their youth, and willing to bear part of their parents* burden) were, often times, so oppressed with their heavy labors, that, though their minds were free and willing; yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, and became decrepit in their early youth; the vigor of Nature being consumed in the very bud as it were. "But that which was more lamentable, and of all sorrows most heavy to be borne, was that many of their children (by these occasions ; and the great licentiousness of youth in that country, and the manifold temptations of the place) were drawn away by evil examples into extravagant and dangerous courses ; getting the reins off their necks, and de- parting from their parents. Some became soldiers. Others took upon them far voyages by sea; and other some worse courses, tending to dissoluteness and the danger of their souls ; to the great grief of their parents, and dishonor of God. So that they saw their posterity would be in danger to degen- erate and be corrupted. "Lastly, and which was not least, a great hope and inward zeal they had of laying some good foun- dation, or at least to make some way thereunto, Leaving Holland 163 for the propagating and advancing the Gospel of the Kingdom of Christ in those remote parts of the world: yea, though they should be but even as step- ping stones unto others, for the performing of so great a work." Having resolved to seek a home elsewhere, the first question to confront them, of course, was that of a location where they could settle, be free from per- secution and an unwholesome environment, carry out their ideals and insure the perpetuity of their prin- ciples. In 1872, Dr. Henry M. Dexter discovered among the records of the Scotch Presbyterian Church at Amsterdam a document signed by An- tonius Walaeus and Festus Hommius, professors of Theology in Leyden University, in which the state- ment is made that Domine Robinson "minister of the English church in this place, which is called that of the Brownists," being desirous of removing the schism between his "congregation, and the congre- gation of the other English in this country" had declared "many times that, finding here so many difficulties in his congregation in the way of accom- plishing this, he had therefore resolved upon remov- ing with a good part of his congregation to the West Indies, where he did not doubt that he could carry out this design." Liberal offers were made b}'^ the Dutch to induce them to remove into Zealand or to go under them to the Hudson River. Some of the congregation 164 The Builders of a Nation wished to go to Guiana, of which Sir Walter Raleigh and later Robert Harcourt had written in such glowing tenns, but it was feaixxl that the climate might not agree with their ''English bodies," to which was added the further danger lest "the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them long: but would displant, or overthrow, them, as he did the French in Florida, who were seated further from his richest countries; and the sooner, because the}' should have none to protect them; and their own strength would be too small to resist so potent an enemy and so near a neighbor." Others wished to go to Virginia, but "it was ob- jected, That if they lived among the English which were there planted; or so near them as to be under their government ; they should be in as great danger to be troubled and persecuted for their Cause of Religion, as if they lived in England: and it might be worse. And if they lived too far off; they should neither have succor, nor defence from them." Finally they decided "to live as a distinct body b}" themselves, under the general government of ^'ir- ginia ; and by their friends to sue to His ^lajesty that he would be pleased to grant them Freedom of Religion : and that this might be obtained, they were put in good hope by some Great Persons of good rank and quality, that were made their friends.'' HavHlng reached this decision, two members of Leaving Holla/nd 165 the Leyden Church, John Carver and Robert Cush- man, were sent over to England to solicit permis- sion from the King to settle at some point in the territory controlled by the Virginia Company with which negotiations were thereafter to be made. To expedite matters they took witli them a document signed by Jolm Robinson and William Brewster, en- titled *'Seven Articles which the Church of Leyden sent to the Council of England to be considered of, in respect of their judgments : occasioned about their going to Virginia," which read as follows: "1. To the Confession of Faith published in the name of the Church of England, and to every Article thereof; we do (with the Reformed Churches where we live, and also elsewhere) assent wholly. "2. As we do acknowledge the Doctrine of Faith there taught; so do we, the fruits and effects of the same Doctrine, to the begetting of saving faith in thousands in the land. Conformists and Reformists, as they are called: with whom also, as with our brethren, we do desire to keep spiritual communion in peace; and will practice in our parts all lawful things. "3. The King's INIajesty we acknowledge for Su- preme Governor in his Dominions in all causes, and over all persons: and that none may decline or ap- peal from his autliority or judgment in any cause whatsoever: but that in all things olx^licnce is due unto him; either active, if the thing commanded be 166 The Builders of a Nation not against God's Word ; or passive, if it be, except pardon can be obtained. "4. We judge it lawful for His Majesty to ap- point Bishops Civil Overseers or Officers in authority under liim in the several Provinces, Dioceses, Con- gregations, or Parishes, to oversee the Churches, and govern them civilly according to the laws of the land: unto whom, they are, in all things, to give an account; and by them, to be ordered according to godliness. "5. The authority of the present Bishops in the land, we do acknowledge so far forth as the same is derived from His Majesty unto them; and as they proceed in his name : whom we will also therein honor in all things; and him, in them. "6. We believe that no Synod, Classes, Convoca- tion, or Assembly of Ecclesiastical Officers hath any power or authority at all but as the same by the Magistrate given unto them. "7. Lastly, we desire to give unto all Superiors due honor, to preserve the unity of the Spirit with all that fear God, to have peace with all men what in us lieth, and wherein we err to be instructed by any." These seem at first glance like large concessions if not a virtual surrender of their principles, but upon closer inspection we find that there are impor- tant qualifications to the concessions tliat they were willing to make. For example they acknowledge Leaving Holland 167 the King's Majesty "for Supreme Governor in his Dominions in all causes and over all persons," "that in all things obedience is due unto him" provided that "the thing commanded be not against God's Word," and that of course applies to everything that follows, including the authority of the bishops over the "several Provinces, Dioceses, Congrega- tions, or Parishes" to whom they conceded only a "civil" or secular government of the Churches and this must "be ordered according to godliness." As thus qualified there was no deviation from their real principles, the "Seven Articles" not being intended as an exposition of their doctrines as to church or- ganization, so much as a basis by which some agree- ment could be reached with the English authorities. Cushman and Carver were able to enlist the friendly offices of Sir Edwin Sandys, son of the Arch- bishop of York, under whom Brewster had held the manor house at Scrooby. Under date of November 12, 1617, Sandys wrote to Robinson and Brewster stating that the agents of the Leyden congregation had "been in communication with divers select Gentlemen of His Majesty's Council for Virginia: and by the Writing of Seven Articles, subscribed with your names, have given them that good degree of satisfaction, which hath carried them on with a resolution to set forward your desire in the best sort that may be, for your own, and the public, good." 168 Tlie Builders of a Nation Upon the return of Cushman and Carver, a state- ment was drawn up by the church setting forth their requests in writing, which, as the Council had de- sired, was subscribed with the hands of the greatest part of the congregation. This statement was sent to the Council by the hand of John Carver and another member of their company, with a letter signed by Robinson and Brewster setting forth "these instances of inducement: "First. We verily believe and trust the Lord is with us ; unto whom, and whose service, we have given ourselves in many trials: and that he will graciously prosper our endeavor, according to the simplicity of our hearts therein. "Secondly. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of our mother country : and inured to the diffi- culties of a strange and hard land: which yet, in great part, we have, by patience, overcome. "Thirdly. The people are, for the body of them, industrious and frugal, we think we may safely say, as any company of people in the world. "Fourthly. We are knit together, as a body, in a most strict and sacred Bond and Covenant of the Lord; of the violation whereof we make great con- science: and by virtue whereof, we do hold ourselves straitly tied to all care of each other's good, and of the whole, by every one; and so mutually. "Lastly. It is not with us as with otjier men whom small things can discourage, or small discon- Leaving Holland 169 tentments cause to wish themselves at home again. We know our entertainment in England, and in Holland. We shall much prejudice our arts and means bj removal. If we should be driven to return, we should not hope to recover our present helps and comforts : neither indeed look ever, for ourselves, to attain unto the like in any other place, during our lives ; which are now drawing towards their periods." Some members of his Majesty's Privy Council appear to have desired further information touch- ing three points. A letter was accordingly ad- dressed to Sir John Wolstenholme enclosing two notes, a briefer and a longer one, either of which he might show to the Council as he saw fit. In the first it was stated that with respect to the officers in the church, Pastors, Elders, and Deacons ; and the two sacraments. Baptism and the Lord's Supper; they in all points agreed with the French Reformed Churches "according to their public Confession of Faith." They further expressed their willingness to take the Oath of Supremacy if required, and conve- nient satisfaction be not given by their taking the Oath of Allegiance. In the second note they pointed out the slight differences existing between them and the Reformed Churches. Their ministers pray with uncovered heads, the French covered. They choose for elders such as were able to teach, the French did not. Their officers were chosen for life, the 170 The Builders of a Nation others annually. Their officers administered disci- pline publicly before the congregation, while the French did so privately in their consistories. This letter and the accompanying notes were con- veyed to Wolstenholme by Sabine Staresmore, a young Separatist who had joined the church in Lon- don at its organization by Henry Jacob in 1616, but later became a member of the church at Leyden. He was present when the communication was opened and read. Sir John asked who made the ministers? To which Staresmore replied that the power of mak- ing was in the church, to be ordained by imposition of hands, by the fittest members they had, for such authority must either be in the church or from the pope, who was Antichrist. To which Sir John re- torted that what the pope holds good such as the Trinity, we do well to assent to, but that point he would not then dispute. The letters, however, he would not show lest they should spoil all. He had hoped that they would be of the archbishop's mind in the calling of ministers, but it appeared that they diff^ered. Thereupon Staresmore asked what good news he had for him to write on the morrow. To which Wolstenholme replied, "Very good news, for both the king's majesty and the bishops have con- sented." By the consent of the king and the bishops to their settling in the territory of the Virginia Com- pany, we are not to infer that any formal grant Leaving Holland 171 of religious toleration was to be obtained from the king or the ecclesiastical authorities. All that was implied was that if the. members of the Scrooby con- gregation went to America and conducted themselves peaceably they would not be disturbed in their wor- ship. Sir Edwin Sandys had induced Sir Robert Naunton, principal Secretary of State, to appeal to King James on their behalf. Naunton urged his Majesty to give way to such a people who would endeavor the advancement of his kingdom and the advancement of the gospel by all due means, where- upon the king replied that this was a good and honest notion, and asked what profits might be ex- pected in what they intended. "From fishing." "So God have my soul," replied the king, " 'tis an honest trade! It was the Apostles' own calling!" After- wards the king suggested to Naunton that these people had better confer with the Bishops of Can- terbury and London. But Winslow, who is the au- thority for this interview, adds : "Whereupon we were advised to persist upon his first approbation, and not to entangle ourselves with them." Some of the members of the Virginia Company had hoped to have liberty in religion "confirmed un- der the King's broad seal," but as Bradford says, "it proved a harder piece of work than they took it for: for though many moans were used to bnng it about ; yet it could not be effected. For there were divers of good worth labored with the King to 172 The Builders of a Nation obtain it, amongst whom was Sir Robert Naunton, one of his chief Secretaries ; and some others wrought with the Archbishop to give way thereunto: but it proved all m vain. Yet thus far they prevailed, in sounding His Majesty's mind, That he would con- nive at them, and not molest them; provided they carried themselves peaceably : but to allow, or toler- ate, them by his public authority, under his seal; they found it would not be. And this was all, the Chief of the Virginia Company, or any others of their best friends, could do in the case. Yet they persuaded them to go on : for they presumed they should not be troubled." When the agents of the Leyden church returned and reported all that they had been able to accom- plish, according to Bradford, "this made a damp in the business ; and caused distraction. For many were afraid that if they should unsettle themselves, and put off their estates, and go upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, and but a sandy founda- tion. Yea, it was thought they might better have presumed thereupon, without making any suit at all: than, having made it, to be thus rejected. But some of the Chiefest thought otherwise, and that they might well proceed hereupon ; and that the King's Majesty was willing enough to suffer them without molestation: though, for other reasons, he would not confirm it by any public act. And furtliermore, if there were no security in this promise intimated; Leaving HoUand 173 there would be no great certainty in a further con- firmation of the same. For if, afterwards, there should be a purpose, or desire, to wrong them ; though they had a seal as broad as the house floor, it would not serve the turn : for there would be means enough found to call, or reverse, it. And seeing therefore the course was probable ; they must rest herein on God's Providence, as they had done in other things." Other messengers, William Brewster and Robert Cushman, were now dispatched to England to con- clude the negotiations with the Virginia Company and "to procure a patent with as good and ample conditions as they might by any good means obtain. As also to treat and conclude with such merchants and friends as had manifested their forwardness to provoke to, and adventure in, this Voyage." But upon their arrival they found that the Virginia Com- pany had become embroiled by dissensions from within. On one side were the Earl of Warwick, Sir Nathaniel Rich, and Alderman Johnson, who sup- ported Sir Thomas Smith, who for twelve years had served the Company as treasurer. On the other were the Earl of Southampton, Lord Cavendish, and Sir Edward Sackville, who compelled Smith to re- sign his office and elected Sir Edwin Sandys instead. The disputes thus occasioned prevented action in the projects of the Separatists. As Cushman wrote, "the dissensions and factions, as they term it, 174 The Builders of a Nation amongst the Council and Company of Virginia are such, as that since we came up no business could by them be dispatched." At length, however, a patent was obtained under tlie seal of the Virginia Company "not taken out in the name of any of their own, but in the name of Mr. John Wincob, a religious gentleman then belonging to the Countess of Lincoln, who intended to go with them." But as it turned out he did not go, neither was the patent ever used, nor the lands conveyed by it ever occu- pied. So far as is known, neither the original nor any copy of this patent or any description of its grants were preserved. While matters were pending with the Virginia Company, the promise of a way out of their difficul- ties appeared from another quarter. According to Governor Winslow, Dutch traders offered to trans- port the entire congregation to the Hudson River, to provide cattle for every family if they would go under them, and to furnish protection as long as needed, leaving the colony to self-government in the management of its internal affairs. On February 12, 1620, the Stadtholder was petitioned for protection to Robinson^s congregation should they emigrate thither. In this petition the following occurs : *'Now it happens that there is residing at Leyden a certain English Preacher, versed in the Dutch language, who is well inclined to proceed thither to live: assuring the Petitioners that he has the Leavmg Holland 175 means of inducing over four hundred families to accompany him thither, both out of this country and England. Provided they would bo guarded and preserved from all violence on the part of other potentates, by the authority and under the protec- tion of your Princely Excellency and the High and Mighty Lords States General, in the propagation of the true pure Christian religion, in the instruction of the Indians in that country in true learning, and in converting them to the Christian faith: and thus, through the mercy of the Lord, to the greater glory of this country's government, to plant there a new Commonwealth ; all under the order and Command of your Princely Excellency and the High and Mighty Lords States General." Two ships of war were asked for their protection, but on April 11th the States General rejected the petition. According to Bradford negotiations with the Dutch were broken off by the advice of one Thomas Weston, a London merchant, who "came to Leyden about the same time: who was well acquainted with some of them, and a furtherer of them in their for- mer proceedings. Having much conference with Master Robinson and others of the Chief of them; persuaded them to go on, as it seems ; and not to meddle with the Dutch, or too much to depend on the Virginia Company. For if that failed, if they came to resolution, he and such Merchants as were his friends, together with their own means, would set 176 The Builders of a Nation them forth : and they should make ready, and neither fear want of shipping nor money; for what they wanted should be provided. And, not so much for himself, as for the satisfying of such friends as he should procure to adventure in this business, they were to draw such Articles of Agreement, and make such Propositions, as might the better induce his friends to venture." John Carver and Robert Cushman were sent over to London to conclude arrangements and terms with the Merchants. The Articles of Agreement as finally decided upon were as follows : "1. The Adventurers and Planters do agree. That every person that goeth, being aged sixteen years and upwards, be rated at £10: and £10 to be ac- counted a Single Share. "2. That he that goeth in person, and fumisheth himself out with £10, either in money or other pro- visions, be accounted as having £20 in Stock : and in the Division shall receive a Double Share. "3. The persons transported and the Adventur- ers shall continue their Joint Stock and Partnership together, the space of Seven Years ; except some un- expected impediment do cause the whole Company to agree otherwise; during which time, all profits and benefits that are got by trade, traffic, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means, of any person, or persons, remain still in the Common Stock until the Division. Leaving Holland 177 "4. That, at their coming' there, they choose out such a number of fit persons as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon the sea : employing the rest in their several faculties upon the land ; as building houses, tilling and planting the ground, and making such commodities as shall be most use- ful for the Colony. "5. That at the end of the Seven Years, the Capi- tal and Profits (viz. the houses, lands, goods, and chattels) be equally divided betwixt the Adventur- ers and Planters. Which done, every man shall be free from other of them, of any debt or detriment concerning this Adventure. "6. Whosoever cometh to the Colony hereafter, or putteth any into the Stock, sliall at the end of the Seven Years, be allowed proportionately to the time of his so doing. "7. He that shall carry his wife and children, or servants, shall be allowed for every person, now aged sixteen years and upward, a Single Share in the Division ; or, if he provide them necessaries, a Double Share: or, if they be between ten years old and six- teen, then two of them to be reckoned for a person, both in Transportation and Division. "8. That such children as now go, and are under the age of ten years, have no other Share in the Division but fifty acres of unmanured land. "9. That such persons as die before the Seven Years be expired, their Executors to have their part 178 The Builders of a Nation or Share at the Division, proportionate!}' to the time of their life iu the Colony. "10. That all such persons as are of this Colony are to have their meat, drink, apparel, and all pro- visions out of the Common Stock and goods of the said Colony." Two points supposed by the members of the con- gregation to have been settled were omitted from these stipulations, viz. : that they should be the pro- prietors of their houses, and of the improved lands, especially garden and home lots ; and that two days in the week should be given to each of them for their own private employment. Cushman, especially, was blamed for yielding these points but he justified his conduct on the ground tliat if lie had acted otherwise the whole undertaking would have fallen through. The preliminary arrangements having been con- cluded, "they had a solemn meeting and a day of humiliation, to seek tlie Lord for his direction," Mr. Robinson preaching from the text, "And David's men said unto him, See, we be afraid here in Judah ; how much more, if we come to Keilah against the host of the Philistines? Then David asked counsel of the Lord again." I Saml. XXIII :3, 4 (Geneva Version). After the sermon it was decided who should go and who should remain. Those that re- mained, constituting the majority, required the pas- tor to remain with them, while the others desired Leaving Hollamd 179 the ruling elder, William Brewster, to accompany them, whicli was agreed upon. It was also decided hy mutual consent that those who went, on account of the distance and the dangers of the voyage, so that perhaps they should never meet again in this world, should constitute "an absolute church of themselves" but with the understanding that when the remainder came over to them, or if any returned to Leyden, "they should be reputed as members with- out any further dismission or testimonial." Those who remained also promised that "if the Lord gave them life, and means, and opportunity, they would come to them as soon as they could." Preparations were now hastened for their depar- ture. Those who were to embark upon tliis hazard- ous enterprise j\cross the seas sold what property they possessed at Leyden and turned the money into a common purse. A small vessel, the Speedwell, was purchased for use on the voyage and after they had reached America, while a larger vessel, the May- flower, was hired at London to transport them to their destination. Finally the preparations were completed. A solemn day of fasting and prayer was observed upon which Robinson preached the last sermon that these departing Pilgrims should ever hear from his lips, his text being: "And there at the River, by Ahava, I proclaimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves 180 The Builders of a Nation before our God, and seek of him a right way for us, and for our children, and for all our substance." Ezra VIII: 21 (Geneva Version). Says Winslow: "Amongst other wholesome in- structions and exhortations, he used these expres- sions, or to the same purpose: "We were now, ere long, to part asunder; and the Lord knowcth whetlier ever he should live to see our faces again. But whether the Lord had appointed it or not; he charged us, before God and his blessed angels, to follow him no further than he followed Christ: and if God should reveal anything to us by an}' other Insti-ument of his, to be as ready to receive it, as ever we were to receive any truth by his Ministry. For he was very confident the Lord had more truth and light yet to break fortli out of his holy Word. "He took occasion also miserably to bewail the state and condition of the Reformed Churches, who were come to a period in religion ; and would go no further than the Instruments of their Reformation. As, for example, the Lutherans : they could not be drawn to go beyond what Luther saw. For whatever part of God's will, he had further imparted and re- vealed to Calvin ; they will rather die than embrace it. 'And so, also,' saith he, 'you see the Calvinists. They stick where he left them: a misery much to be lamented. Leaving Holland 181 " 'For though they were precious sliining lights in their Times ; yet God had not revealed his whole will to them: and were they now living,' saith he, 'they would be as ready and willing to embrace fur- ther light, as that they had received/ "Here also he put us in mind of our Church Cove- nant; at least that part of it whereby 'we promise and covenant with God, and one with another, to receive whatsoever light or truth shall be made kno^nl to us from his written Word': but withal exhorted us to take heed what we received for tinith ; and well to examine and compare, and weigh it with other Scriptures of truth before we received it. 'For,' saith he, 'it is not possible the Christian world should come so lately out of such thick darkness ; and that full perfection of knowledge should break forth at once.' "Another thing he commended to us, was that we should use all means to avoid and shake off the name of 'Brownist'; being a mere nickname and brand to make religion odious, and the Professors of it, to the Christian World. 'And to tbat end,' said he, 'there will be no difference between the un- conformable Ministers and you ; when they come to the practice of the Ordinances out of the Kingdom.' And so he advised us, by all means, to endeavor to close with the godly party of the Kingdom of Eng- land : and rather to study union than division, viz. : 182 The Builders of a Nation How near we might possibly, without sin, close with them; than, in the least measure, to affect division or separation from them, 'And be not loath to take another Pastor or Teacher,' saith he ; 'for that Flock that hath two Shepherds is not endangered; but secured by it.' Many . other things there were of great and weighty consequence, which he commended to us." From Leyden, accompanied by many of their friends, they journeyed to Delf shaven, fourteen miles distant, and on the day following, July 22, 1620, set sail. Of their departure Bradford says: "That night was spent with little sleep by the most ; but with friendly entertainment, and Christian dis- course, and other real expressions of true Christian love. The next day, the wind being fair, they went aboard and their friends with them ; when truly dole- ful was the sight of that sad and mournful parting. To see what sighs and sobs and prayers did sound amongst them ; what tears did gush from every eye, and pithy speeches pierced each heart: that sundry of the Dutch strangers, that stood on the key as spectators, could not refrain from tears. Yet com- fortable and sweet it was to see such lively and true expressions of dear and unfeigned love. But the tide, which stays for no man, calling them away that were thus loath to depart ; their Reverend Pas- tor, falling down on his knees, and they all with Leaving Holland 183 him, with watery cheeks, commended them, with most fervent prayers, to the Lord and his blessing. And then, with mutual embraces and many tears, they took their leaves one of another: which proved to be the last leave to many of them.'* CHAPTER VIII THE VOYAGE OF THE "MAYFLOWER" Of their departure from Leyden, Bradford wrote: "So they left that goodly and pleasant city, which had been their resting place near twelve years : but they knew they were pilgrims and looked not much on these things ; but lift up their eyes to the heavens, their dearest country, and quieted their spirits." This appears to have been the first use of the term Pilgrims, by which these heroic Separatists after- wards came to be known, who braved the perils of the stormy deep and endured untold hardships on sea and land, that on virgin soil they might erect a new commonwealth dedicated to civil and religious liberty. The Speedwell set sail for Southampton after their sorrowful farewells at Delfshaven, to which Winslow adds these particulars : "And after prayer per- formed by our Pastor, where a flood of tears was poured out; they accompanied us to the ship: but were not able to speak to one another, for the abun- dance of sorrow to part. But we alone going aboard, the ship lying to the key and ready to set sail; the 184 The Voyage of the "Mayflower"' 185 wind being fair, we gave them a volley of small shot and three pieces of ordnance: and so lifting up our hands to each other; and our hearts for each other to the Lord our God, we departed — and found his presence with us, in the midst of our manifold straits he carried us through." With fair winds and a prosperous voyage they soon reached Southampton, where the Mayflower, which had sailed from London, was in waiting with the English emigrants on board. At Southampton, the Pilgrims met with vexatious delays. Allusion has already been made to the "Conditions of Agree- ment" signed on behalf of the congregation by Cushman and Carver, with the important omissions in the matter of houses and lots as private property, and the two days in the week that the colonists were supposed to have for their own affairs. It appears that the Pilgrims were not apprised of these changes until after their arrival at Southampton, and when Weston came up from London "to see them dis- patched ; and to have the Conditions confirmed," they refused on the ground that these were not in accord with the original "Agreement," nor could they yield without the consent of the rest of their company at Leyden. Weston took offence at their refusal and abruptly returned to London, telling them "they must then look to stand on their own legs" and leaving unpaid bills amounting to nearly £100, to meet which they were forced to dispose of 186 The Builders of a Nation some of their provisions, "some three or four score firkins of butter; which commodity they might best spare, having provided too large a quantity of that kind." A letter, signed by many "of the Chiefest of the Company," was sent from Southampton to the Mer- chants and Adventurers stating that the changes in the Articles had been made by Cushman without their knowledge or consent. In fact any authority on his part to make such changes was disclaimed. Nevertheless they were ready to make reasonable amends saying, "Yet since you conceive yourselves wronged as well as we; we thought meet to add a branch to the end of our Ninth Article as will almost heal that wound, of itself, which 3^ou conceive to be in it. But that it may appear to all men, that we are not lovers of ourselves only; but desire also the good and enriching of our friends, who have adven- tured your monies with our persons : we have added our last Article to the rest, promising you again in behalf of the whole Company, That if large profits should not arise within the Seven Years, that we will continue together longer with you; if the Lord give a blessing. "This, we hope, is sufficient to satisfy any in this case; especially friends: since we are assured that if the whole charge were divided into four parts ; three of them will not stand upon it, neither do re- gard it, &c. We are in such a strait at present as The Voyage of the "Mayflower" 187 we are forced to sell away £60 worth of our pro- visions, to clear the haven ; and withal put ourselves upon great extremities : scarce having any butter, no oil, not a sole to mend a shoe, nor every man a sword to his side; wanting many muskets, much armor, &c. And yet we are willing to expose ourselves to such eminent dangers as are like to ensue, and trust to the good Providence of God rather than his name and truth shall be evil spoken of." The proposition to extend the time another seven years if "large profits" were not forthcoming, was never acceded to by the Merchants and Adventurers. In a footnote Bradford adds, "It was well for them that this was not accepted." The upshot of the whole matter was that the Pilgrims finally sailed away without having signed the changed "Condi- tions." During this delay at Southampton two letters were received from John Robinson, their pastor at Leyden, one to John Carver, his brother-in-law, in which he reaffirms his intention of joining them on the other side of the Atlantic at the first oppor- tunity, and the other to the whole company, in which he reminds them first daily to renew their repentance with God both for sins known and unknown, since "sin being taken away by earnest repentance, and pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up unto a man*s conscience by his Spirit: great shall be his security and peace in all dangers ; sweet, his comforts in all 188 The Builders of a Nation distresses; with happy deliverance from all evil, whether in life or in death." Next having this heavenly peace with God and their own consciences, they are not to give or take offence easily', for in his own experience "few or none have been found, which sooner give offence, than such as easily take it : neither have they ever proved sound and profitable members in societies, which have nourished in themselves that touchy humor." If occasions of offence with our fellow men are to be avoided "how much more heed is to be taken that we take not offence at God himself; which yet we certainly do, so oft as we do murmur at his Providence in our crosses, or bear impatiently such afflictions wherewith he pleaseth to visit us. Store we up therefore patience against the evil day ! with- out which, we take offence at the Lord himself in his lioly and just works." A common care should be exercised for the gen- eral good, and all self-seeking avoided as a deadly plague. "Let every man repress in himself; and the whole body, in each person (as so many rebels against the common good), all private respects of men's selves ! not sorting with tlie general conveni- ency. And as men arc careful not to have a new house shaken with any violence before it be well settled, and the parts firmly knit: so be you, I be- seech you brethren, much more careful that the The Voyage of the "Mayflower"' 189 House of God, which you are and are to be, be not shaken with unnecessary novelties or other opposi- tions, at the first settling thereof.'* Finally in becoming a body politic and setting up a civil government, since they were "not furnished with any persons of special eminency above the rest" to be chosen as rulers, he admonishes them : "let your wisdom and godliness appear, not only in choosing such persons as do entirely love, and will diligently promote, the common good ; but also in yielding unto them all due honor and obedience in their lawful administrations. Not beholding in them, the or- dinariness of their persons ; but God's ordinance for your good: nor being like unto the foolish multitude who more lionor the gay coat, than either the virtu- ous mind of man, or glorious ordinance of the Lord." "These few things therefore, and the same in few words," he concludes, "I do earnestly commend unto your care and conscience: joining therewith my daily incessant prayers unto the Lord, that he (who hatb made the heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters; and whose Providence is over all his works, especially over all his dear children for good) would so guide and guard you in your ways (as inwardly by his spirit; so outwardy by the hand of his power) as that both you, and we also for and with you, may have after matter of prais- 190 The Builders of a Nation ing his name, all the days of your, and our lives. Fare you well in Him! in whom you trust, and in whom I rest. "An unfeigned well-wisher of your happy success in this hopeful voyage, "I. R." (John Robinson.) This letter "which had good acceptance with all, and after fruit with many" was read before them all, after which arrangements were made for the voy- age, a governor and two or three assistants being chosen for each ship "to order the people by the way; and see to the disposing of the provisions." Ninety passengers were assigned to the Mayflower and thirty to the Speedzifell. The names of these ships are not mentioned by any of the earlier writers who simply allude to them as the "larger" and "smaller" vessel. For the names Mayflower and Speedwell, we are indebted to a later writer, Nathan- iel Morton, who mentions them in his "New England Memorial," published in 1669. The name of the "larger" vessel, however, has been confirmed by the early official records of Plymouth Colony, under date of 1623, in one of the headings of allotments of land made to the colonists, where the phrase oc- curs, "which came over in the Mayflower.^' Among the passengers were several who had not been members of the congregation at Leyden. Of these the "Adventurers" contributed two with their families, Christopher Martin from Billerica in Essex, The Voycbge of the "Mayflower^* 191 who with his wife and two servants, Prower and Langmore, comprising his entire household, "died in the first sickness" at Plymouth, and William Mul- lins from Dorking, in Surrey, near London, who being a man of some means invested £500 in the ven- ture. Two months after reaching Plymouth he passed away, while his wife, his son Joseph, and Car- ter, his man-servant, were victims of the "first sick- ness." Some of the members of the family had remained in England, and of those on this side of the water, his daughter, Priscilla Mullins, was left alone. She was afterwards wedded to John Alden, a cooper, who, at the age of twenty-one, entered the employ of the Pilgrims at Southampton, for one year. He developed into one of the most useful men in the colony, being assistant to every governor ex- cept Carver, and serving in this capacity not less than forty-three years. He was also treasurer of the colony thirteen years and served as deputy from Duxbury eight times, sometimes holding two posi- tions at once. His marriage with Priscilla Mullins has been immortalized in Longfellow's "The Court- ship of Miles Standish." Stephen Hopkins who joined the company at Southampton, also became a man of influence in the colony and for a number of years was a member of the governor's Council. Myles Standish, who afterwards rendered an invaluable service to the Pilgrims as their military leader and who had been a soldier by profession, seems to have 192 The Builders of a Nation joined the expedition at Southampton. However, not all of the English emigrants were a credit to the company. One such, and there were others, was John Billington, who, less than ten years after the landing at Plymouth, was executed for the murder of John Newcomen. Bradford says of him: "He and some of his had been often punished for miscar- riages before, being one of the profanest families amongst them. They came from London, and I know not by what friends shuffled into their com- pany." On August 15th the two vessels set sail from Southampton but they had not proceeded far when Captain Reynolds of the Speedwell complained that his ship was leaking, so that he dared not "put fur- ther to sea till she was mended." Both vessels there- upon put into Dartmouth where "she was thoroughly searched from stem to stem." In a letter written at Dartmouth Cushman says: "We put in here to trim her ; and I think, as others also, if we had stayed at sea but three or four hours more, she would have sunk right down. And though she was twice trimmed at Hampton ; yet now she is as open and leaky as a sieve: and there was a board, two feet long, a man might have pulled off with his fingers ; where the water came in as at a mole hole." After some loss of time and considerable expense the Mayflower and the Speedwell again put out to sea and after sailing a hundred leagues or more be- The Voyage of the "Mayflower"" 193 yond Land's End, Captain Reynolds again an- nounced that his vessel was leaking and could scarce be kept afloat with much pumping. They accord- ingly put back to Plymouth where they were de- tained a fortnight. No special leak was found but owing to the general weakness of the ship, as was supposed, tliey decided to send it back to London and proceed with the other ship, twelve of the pas- sengers of the Speedwell being crowded into the May- flower, while the other eighteen, including Cushman and his family, having grown faint-hearted, returned on the Speedwell, of which Bradford says : "Those that went back were, for the most part, such as were willing to do so ; either out of some discontent, or fear they conceived of the ill success of the Voyage : seeing so many crosses had befallen, and the year time so far spent. But others, in regard of their own weakness and charge of many young children, were thought least useful, and most unfit to bear the brunt of this hard adventure: unto which work of God and judgment of their brethren, they were con- tented to submit. And thus, like Gideon*s army, this small number was divided: as if the Lord, by this work of his Providence, thought these few too many for the great work he had to do." It was afterwards discovered that the unsea- worthiness of the Speedwell was occasioned by the treachery and rascality of Captain Reynolds. Bradford says : "Afterwards it was found that the 194 The Builders of a Nation leakiness of this ship was partly caused by being overmasted, and too much pressed with sails. For after she was sold, and put into her old trim: she made many voyages, and performed her sei-vice very sufficiently ; to the great profit of her owners. But more especially, by the cunning and deceit of the Master and his company ; who were hired to stay a whole year in the country: and now fancying dis- like, and fearing want of \nctuals, they plotted this strategem to free themselves ; as afterwards was known, and by some of them confessed." After being "kindly entertained and courteously used by divers friends" at Plymouth, the Mayflower again set sail, September 16th, with favoring winds "which continued divers days together, and was some encouragement to them." Nevertheless many were affected with sea-sickness, which is not to be won- dered at in view of the conditions under which they were travelling. At sea, the weather in Northern latitudes is seldom warm, and the only fire on board was that used in cooking, which probably was built on a flat hearth on deck, so that the only warmth to be derived was from increasing the supply of their clothing. The passengers were obliged to sleep with little comfort in rude bunks or hammocks. The food was far from satisfactory, consisting mainly of salted meats and hard sea biscuit. When we take into consideration that besides the sailors, one hun- dred and two passengers, with all of their belong- The Voyage of the "Mayfloieer" 195 ings together with the equipment necessary to the establishment of a new connnunity in a new world, were crowded into one small vessel it is not strange that sea-sickness was prevalent even amongst those who had become used to hardships and hard fare. An incident happened in connection with the sea- sickness which Bradford considered "a special work of God's Providence." He says: "There was a proud and very profane young man, one of the sea- men ; of a lusty able body, which made him the more haughty. He would always be contemning the poor people in their sickness, and cursing them daily with grievous execrations, and did not let to tell them, That he hoped to help to cast half of them over- board before they came to their journey's end; and to make merry with what they had. And if he were by any gently reproved, he would curse and swear most bitterly. But it please God, before they came half seas over, to smite this young man with a griev- ous disease; of which he died in a desperate manner and so was himself the first that was thrown over- board. Thus his curses light on his own head : and it was an astonishment to all his fellows ; for they noted it to be the just hand of God upon him." * The favoring winds continued for a time followed * Diirine: the voyage aoross one of the Pilgrim company died, viz: William Butten, a ser\\ant of Dr. Fuller. One was lx>rn, Oceanus, the son of Stephen Hopkins, making their number, on reaching the new world, one hundred and two, precisely what it was when they left England. 196 The Builders of a Nation by the equinoctial gales which came upon them with terrific force so that "the ship was shrewdly shaken'' and her "upper works made very leaky," referring to the built-up part of the vessel at the stern, and while it made their quarters very uncomfortable it was not so serious as the injury to the hull which happened later, when one of the main beams amid- ships was bowed and cracked, which created "some fear that the ship could not be able to perfonii the voyage." Observing the "niuttcrings" of the sail- ors, some of the principal men among the passengers entered into consultation with the captain and the ship's officers whether it were not better "to return, than to cast themselves into a desperate and inevit- able peril." For "their wages' sake," since they were now half-way across, the sailors were willing to proceed if not obliged "to hazard their lives too desperately." The captain assured them that his ship was strong and firm under water, and if the wrenched beam could only be forced back into place all would be well. Providentially, so it seems for this juncture, one of the passengers had brought over from Holland "a great iron screw," probably a jack- screw, by which the beam was raised into its place, where it was secured by having a post fitted under it, and "otherwise bound." After repairing the beam and calking the decks and upper works, the captain and the ship's carpenter assured them that there would "be no great danger, if they did not overpress The Voyage of the "Mayflower" 197 her with sails. So they committed themselves to the will of God and resolved to proceed." But storm succeeded storm, and for days together "the winds were so fierce and the seas so high" that no sail could be spread and the ship was driven be- fore the gale under bare poles. Crowded below for safety, with their clotliing and bedding drenched by the waves which dashed over the vessel, the poor passengers suffered no end of discomfort and incon- venience. During one of these severe storms, a young man, John Rowland, venturing on deck was thrown by a lurch of the ship into the sea. But says Bradford, "it pleased God that he caught hold of the topsail hailyards, which hung overboard and ran out at length; yet he held his hold, though he was sundry fathoms uiider water, till he was hauled up, by the same rope, to the brim of the water; and then, with a boathook and other means, got into the ship again, and his life saved. And though he was something ill with it : yet he lived many years after ; and became a profitable member, both in Church and Common Wealth." On November 20th Cape Cod was sighted. It had been the plan of the Pilgrim company "to find some place about Hudson's River for their habitation." When therefore they learned of their present locality "after some deliberation liad amongst themselves and with the master of the ship they tacked about and resolved to stand for the southward." "But," con- 198 The Builders of a Nation tinues Bradford, "after they had sailed that course about half the day, they fell amongst dangerous shoals and roaring breakers, and they were so far entangled therewith, as they conceived themselves in great danger: and the wind shrinking upon them withal, they resolved to bear up again for the Cape ; and thought themselves happy to get out of those dangers before night overtook them, as by God's good Providence they did. And the next day, they got into the Cape Harbor; where they rid in safety. . . . Being thus arrived in a good harbor, and brought safe to land; they fell upon their knees and blessed the God of heaven : who brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and delivered them from all the perils and miseries thereof; again to set their feet on the firm and stable earth, their proper ele- ment." According to Nathaniel Morton the failure of the Pilgrims to reach the Hudson River was the result of a plot between the Dutch and Captain Jones, of which Morton, in 1669, claimed to "have had late and certain intelligence." Of this plot he says: "Nevertheless, it is to be observed, that their putting into this place, was partly by reason of a storm by which they were forced in ; but more especially by the fraudulency and contrivance of the aforesaid Master Jones. Master of the ship. For their inte'^- tion, as is before noted, and his engagement, wt; to Hudson's river: but some of the Dutch, hnvin.f? The Voyage of the "Mayflower" 199 notice of their intentions; and having thoughts, about the same time, of erecting a Plantation there likewise, they fraudulentljjiired the said Jones (by delays while they were in England; and now under pretence of danger of the shoals, &c.) to disappoint them in their going thither." It is but fair to state that later investigators have questioned the accuracy of Morton*s "late and cer- tain intelligence" and contend that the Dutch could not have bribed Captain Jones. Be this as it may, their arrival in Cape Cod Harbor placed them out- side of the jurisdiction of the Virginia Company. Necessity therefore was upon them to make pro- vision for some form of civil government. This was no new idea, for it had been suggested in Robinson's pastoral letter written to them while they were at Southampton. Possibly it had been discussed, among their leaders at least, before they had left Leyden. But now circumstances hastened such ac- tion. According to Bradford it was "occasioned partly by the discontented and mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongsttliem had let J^ from them in the ship — That when they came on shore they would use their own liberty ; for none had power to command them, the patent they had being for Virginia, and not for New England, which be- longed to another Government, with which the Vir- ginia Cojnpany had nothing to do. And partly that such an act by them done (this their condition con- 200 The Builders of a Nation sidered) might be as firm as any patent, and in some respects more." In Cape Cod Harbor in the cabin of the May- flower, the immortal Compact, the forerunner of constitutional liberty in America was adopted: "In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread Sovereign Lord King James ; by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland King; De- fender of the Faith ; &c. Having undertaken for the glory__of God, and advancement of the Christian faith, and honor of our King and country, a Voyage to plant the first Colony in the northernjparts of Virginia ; do, by these presents, solemnly and mu- tualh^, in the presence of God and one of another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a XjL^il Body Politi c, for our better ordering and preserva- tion ; and furtherance of the ends aforesaid : and, by virtue hereof, to enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, Offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general_go_od of the Colony ; unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names. Cape Cod, 11th of Novem- ber, in the year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord King James, of England, France and Ireland 18; and of Scotland 54. Anno Domini 1620." The Voyage of the ''Mayflower*' 201 John Carver John Turner William Bradford Edward Winslow William Brewster Isaac Allerton Myles Standish John Alden Samuel Fuller Christopher Martin William Mullins William White Richard Warren John Howland Stephen Hopkins Edward Tilley John Tilley Francis Cook Thomas Rogers Thomas Tinker John Rigdale Edward Fuller Francis Eaton James Chilton John Crackston Jolin Billington Moses Fletcher John Goodman Degory Priest Thomas Williams Gilbert Winslow Edmund Margeson Peter Brown Richard Britteridge George Soule Richard Clarke Richard Gardiner John Allerton Thomas English Edward Dotey Edward Lister i^\ The forty-one names appended to this document comprised all of the males in the Pilgrim company except thirteen minors, nine servants, and two sail- ors, who were employed by them temporarily. Brad- ford does not give the names of the signers, the list being supplied by Nathaniel Morton, who is supposed 202 The Builders of a Nation to have had access to tlie original document or other early papers containing the names. After the adop- tion of the Compact they elected as their Governor, Mr. John Carver, "a man godly and well-approved amongst them." CHAPTER IX THE SETTLEMENT AT PLYMOUTH In quaint but touching language Bradford de- scribes the situation which confronted the Pilgrims on their arrival in the new world : "Being thus passed the vast ocean ; and a sea of troubles before, in their preparation, as may be remembered by that which went before: they had now no friends to wel- come them; nor inns to entertain or refresh their weather-beaten bodies ; nor houses, or much less towns, to repair to, to seek for siiccor. It is re- corded in Scripture, as a mercy to the Apostle and his shipwrecked company, 'that the Barbarians showed us no small kindness' in refreshing them, Acts XXVIII (Geneva Version) : but these savage bar- barians, when they met with them, as after will appear, were readier to fill their sides full of arrows than otherwise. As for the season, it was winter: and they that know the winters of that country, know them to be sharp and violent, and subject to cmiel and fierce storms ; dangerous to travel to known places, much more to search an unknown coast. Besides, what could they see but a hideous 203 204) The Builders of a Nation and desolate wilderness, full of wild beasts and wild men ; and what multitudes there might be of them, they knew not. Neither could they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah to view from this wLldeniess, a more goodly country to feed their hopes: for which way so ever they turned their eyes, save upward to the heavens, they could have little solace and content in respect of any outward objects. For summer being done, all things stand upon them with a weather-beaten face; and the whole country full of woods and thickets, represented a wild and savage hue. If they looked beliind them, there was the mighty ocean which they had passed; and was now as a main bar and gulf to separate them from all the civil parts of the world. . . . What could now sustain them, but the Spirit of God, and his grace?" With the Mai/ flower safely anchored in Cape Cod Harbor, the first question of importance which con- fronted these new arrivals was the finding of a suit- able location for their settlement. Although the harbor was one in wliich a thousand ships might easily ride, it was not readily accessible from the place of anchorage, because the shore, owing to the shallowness of the water, was three-quarters of a mile distant. To reach the shore it was necessary therefoi*e to wade "a bow-shot or two," which caused many to contract coughs and colds from the freezing weather. Nevertheless, on the very day of their arrival, November 21, 1620, fifteen or sixteen The Settlement at Plymouth 205 well-armed men went ashore, to fetch wood, since their supply was nearly exhausted, and also "to see what the land was ; and what inhabitants they could meet with." The sand-liills reminded them of the dunes of Holland, but with a black soil underneath of a much better quality. The country round-about was covered with forests consisting of trees of oak, pine, ash, birch, holly, walnut, juniper, and sassa- fras. The members of this scouting- party found neither habitation nor inhabitants, and returned at evening, having filled their boat with juniper, which on account of its fragrant and pungent odor they burned most of the time they were anchored in the harbor. The next day, being Sunday, was observed with worship. On Monday they unshipped their shallop, a small sail-boat of twelve to fifteen tons, which had been stowed away between decks on the Mayfloxcer. It was supposed that a few days only would be necessary to put this little craft in shape, but owing to the fact that it had been cut down for stowing below, and that on account of the crowded condi- tions on the vessel, it had been used as a sleeping place by some of the passengers, sixteen or seven- teen days were required to calk it and put it in repair. That day, however, the people went ashore to refresh themselves and to view the wonders of a strange country, while the women carried the soiled clothes with them to wash in the fresh water, which 206 The Builders of a Nation was very necessary owing to the length of time which had been spent on ship-board. The men tried to catch some fish, but were able to secure only a few small ones near the shore. They gathered some clams, however, but when they attempted to eat them, both passengers and sailors were made sick. They saw a great number of fowl, and in the waters near by, whales could be seen playing, which for the want of proper instruments they were unable to take, causing much regret, especially in view of the fact that the captain and his mate, who were experienced in fishing, expressed the opinion that they might easily have obtained oil to the value of three or four thousands pounds sterling. The original plan was to use the shallop in ex- ploring the coast and finding a suitable place for habitation, but the ship carpenter was able to make such slow progress in putting it into shape, that several of the men, impatient at the delay, decided to make an exploration on land without it. Therefore on Wednesday, November 25th, a company of sixteen men, equipped and armed with corselet, sword and musket, set out under command of Capt. Myles Standish, "unto whom were adjoined for counsel and advice, William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley." Proceeding in single file for a mile or more they saw half a dozen Indians with a dog. When the latter spied the Pilgrims they "ran away with might and main." Standish and his men set The Settlement at Plymouth 207 out after them as it was the way which they intended to go, and although they traced their foot-prints for about ten miles, they were unable to overtake them. When night came on they kindled a fire and sta- tioned three sentinels who divided the watch by the simple expedient of burning the fuses of their match- locks, which burned away very slowly, and when six inches was consumed others were roused up to take their places. The next morning they again started in pursuit of the Indians' tracks, hoping to find their dwellings. They followed the trail around East Harbor, nearly to the shore of the ocean and then into a wood with underbrush so dense, that it tore their very armor (the steel plates of their corselets probably being fastened upon leather) in pieces. About 10 o'clock they came into a valley where they saw a deer and found springs of water, "of which" says the old nar- rative, "we were heartily glad, and sat us down and drank our first New England water with as much delight as ever we drank drink in all our lives." Thence turning towards the shore, which was about four miles distant from where the Mayflower was anchored, they built a great fire, the signal previ- ously agreed upon, to let those on board know that they were safe. Later they came upon a piece of ground where maize had been grown and not far away were some little mounds of earth, one of which was marked with 208 The Builders of a Nation a wooden bowl and an earthen jar. Opening it they found a bow and arroAvs, somewhat decayed, where- upon they concluded that it was an Indian grave. So they covered it again, for they thought it might be odious to the natives to disturb the sepulchres of their dead. At length they came to the iniins of a house and near by they found a great iron kettle. Within a mound, which they opened, there was a quantit^^ of shelled com, and in a basket thirty-six whole ears, "some yellow, and some red, and others mixed with blue; which was a very goodly sight." They were undecided what to do with the corn and the kettle. Finally they decided to take the kettle and as much of the com as they could carry, in- tending later, if they could find the owners, to return the kettle and compensate them for the loss of their com. The rest of the com they buried again. They also discovered the Pamet River, near which was an old palisade, which they judged must have been constructed by Europeans. On the river they saw two Indian canoes, one on each side. They now retraced their steps, returning to the fresh water pond, where they built a fire, and con- structed a barricade, stationing sentinels as they had done on the preAnous night. It proved to be a rainy night, causing them a great deal of discomfort. On the following morning, after trimming their muskets which had been rendered unser\aceable by the rain, they set out on the homeward march. The iron The Settlement at Plymouth 209 kettle, which had become a source of embarrassment because of its weight, they sank in the pond. On their return they discovered an Indian deer trap, a contrivance consisting of a bent sapling with a noose of braided rawhide. Stephen Hopkins sur- mised its nature, and William Bradford, being the last to arrive, was permitted (probably a practical joke) to get his leg caught, to the no small amuse- ment of the other members of the party, showing that these grim Pilgrims were by no means devoid of a sense of humor. They also saw three buck, which their historian (supposedly Edward Winslow) pithily remarks they preferred having to seeing. They saw besides several partridges and great flocks of wild geese and ducks. At length after much tramping, sometimes through the tangled thickets, sometimes on the sand, and sometimes up to their knees in water, they reached their starting place, where, after they had shot their muskets, the long boat came to take them back to the ship, to which they brought the com which they had taken, and "so," says Bradford, '*like the men from Eschol carried with them the fruits of the land, and showed their brethren; of which, and their return, they were marvellously glad, and their hearts encouraged." At last the shallop being repaired, on Monday, December 7th, a second expedition set out for a further exploration of the country. This time the 210 The Builders of a Nation party consisted of twenty-four amied men of the Pil- grims, and ten sailors, including Captain Jones of the Mayflower, who havmg volunteered to accom- pany them, was asked to take command. Owing to the roughness of the weather the shallop was able to make but little headway and so they were constrained, some in the shallop and some in the long boat, to row to the nearest point on shore, which they finally reached by wading up to their knees in the icy waters. "It blowed and did snow all that day and night; and froze withal." It was thought that some who afterwards died "took the original of their death there." After reaching shore they plodded on through the snow drifts for some miles and camped out that freezing night to await the shallop. The following morning, tlie storm liaving abated, at 11 o'clock the boat arrived which sailed along the coast from East Harbor to the mouth of the Pamet River. They marched up the river followed by the shallop for four or five miles. The Pilgrims were in favor of going farther but Captain Jones, "wearied with the marching, was desirous we should take up our lodging." "So," says one of the pai-ty, "we made there our rendezvous for the night, under a few pine trees : and, as it fell out, we got three fat geese and six ducks to our supper; which we ate with soldiers' stomachs, for we had eaten little all that day." The next morning, leaving the larger branch of The Settlement at PlymmUh 211 the Pamet River, which the}' had been following, they inarched northward to the smaller branch in search of more corn, since it was in that neighbor- hood that they had found the first on their previous expedition. They secured what they had left behind and discovered other pits from which they unearthed about ten bushels, which they regarded as a token of "God's good ProAndcnce" since it provided an ample supply for seeding the next Spring. It was the intention of the Pilgrims, according to Brad- ford, to give the Indians "full satisfaction when they should meet with any of them, as about six months afterward they did to their good content." By this time Captain Jones had wearied of the expedi- tion and taking the "weakest people, and some that were sick, and all of the corn" returned homewards, leaving eighteen of the Pilgrims "to make further discovery." That night was spent in the vicinity, but the next morning they proceeded five or six miles further, coming to another mound covered with boards and larger than any they had yet found. On opening it, says the narrator, "we found first a mat, and under that a fair bow ; and therej another mat ; and under that, a board about three-quarters long finely carved and painted, with three tynes or broaches on the top like a cro\ATi. Also between the mats, we found bowls, trays, dishes, and such like trinkets. At length, we came to a fair new mat: and under that, 212 The Builders of a Nation two bundles ; the one bigger, the other less. We opened the greater, and found in it, a great quan- tity of fine and perfect red powder; and in it, the bones and skull of a man. The skull had fine yellow hair still on it; and some of the flesh unconsumed. There were bound up with it, a knife, a pack-needle, and two or three old iron tilings. It was bound up in a sailor's canvass cassock, and a pair of cloth breeches. The red powder was a kind of embalm- ment; and yielded a strong, but no offensive, smell. It was as fine as any flour. We opened the less bundle likewise ; and found of the same powder in it, and the bones and head of a little child. About the legs and other parts of it were bound strings and brace- lets of fine white beads. There was also by it a little bow, about three-quarters long; and some other odd knacks." It is supposed that the body with the "fine yellow hair" was the remains of a sailor who had fallen into the hands of the natives, a French vessel having been wrecked on the shores of Cape Cod some years before. During that day, they saw for the first time some Indian "houses'* (wigwams or tepees) which were described as follows : "The houses were made with long young sapling trees, bended and both ends stuck in the ground. They were made round like an arbor, and covered down to the ground with thick and well wrought mats ; and the door was not over a yard high, made of a mat to open. The chimney The Settlement at Plymouth 213 was a wide open hole in the top : for which they had a mat, to cover it close when they pleased. One might stand and go upright in them. In the midst of them were four little trunches knocked into the ground; and small sticks laid over, on which they hung their pots and what they had to seethe. Round about the fire, they lay on mats; which are their beds. The houses were double matted: for as they were matted without; so were they within, with newer and fairer mats. In the houses, we found wooden bowls, trays, and dishes ; earthen pots ; hand baskets made of crab shells wrought together: also an English pail or bucket; it wanted a bail, but it had two iron ears. There were also baskets of sun- dry sorts (bigger and some lesser; finer and some coarser. Some were curiously wrought with black and white, in pretty works) ; and sundry other of their household stuff. We found also two or three deer's heads : one whereof had been newly killed, for it was still fresh. There was also a company of deer's feet stuck up in the houses. Harts' horns, and eagles' claws, and sundry like things, there were. Also two or three baskets full of parched acorns, pieces of fish, and a piece of broiled herring. We also found a little silk grass, and a little tobacco seed ; with some other seeds which we knew not. Without, were sundry bundles of flags, and sedge bulrushes, and other stuff, to make mats. There was thrust into a hollow tree, two or three pieces of veni- 214 The Builders of a Nation son; but we thought it fitter for the dogs than for us. Some of the best tilings, we took away with us ; and left the houses standing still as they were." Night now coming on, they hastened back to the shallop and returned to the Mayflower, having made many interesting discoveries, but finding as yet no suitable location for their community. During their absence. Peregrine White, the first child in New Eng- land of European parentage, was born on board the Mayflower. Francis Billington, the small son of John Billington of unsavory reputation, had gotten hold of some gunpowder, firing off a musket or two, and making some "squibs." He also discharged a fowling piece in his father's cabin, where a keg of gunpowder was stored, but fortunately no damage was done. The return of this second exploring party was followed by a spirited discussion on the part of the Pilgrims as to the selection of their site. Captain Jones urged haste as he was anxious to return to England. Some were in favor of settling where they were. Robert Coppin, their pilot, told of "a great navigable river and good harbor in the other head- land of the Bay, almost right over against Cape Cod, being, a right line, not much above eight leagues distant ; in which he had been once : and because that one of the wild men, witli whom they had some truck- ing, stole a hai*ping iron from them, they called it Thievish Harbor." Finally it was decided to make The Settlement at Plymouth 215 a third and last attempt to find a location suitable for settlement. Ten men were selected for this expedition — Capt. Standish, Gov. Carver, Bradford, Winslow, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, Howland, Warren, Hopkins, and Dotey, besides the captain's mates, Clarke and Coppin, with five sailors, including two in the em- ploy of the Pilgrims, John Allerton and Thomas English. On Wednesday, December 16th, they em- barked, the weather being as Bradford says, "very cold, and it froze so hard as that the spray of the sea lighting on their coats, they were as if they had been glazed." Skirting along the coast on the inner side of the cape, they sailed southward past the mouth of the Pamet River and came to Wellfleet Bay. Then they directed their course eastward to- ward the shore, where they saw ten or twelve Indians busy cutting into strips some "black thing." Sail- ing past they landed on the coast some four or five miles away at what is now Eastham, where they encamped for the night, building a fire, constructing a barricade, and stationing sentinels. The following day in two parties they explored the bay, finding two grampuses which had been washed ashore by the storm. Going to the place where they had seen the Indians on the previous day, they found some pieces of a grampus from which they learned that this was the "black thing" which they had been cutting. They found an In- 216 The Builders of a Nation dian bui-ying ground, some corn-fields, and a deserted settlement but saw no people. Returning to the shore they hailed the shallop but it could not ap- proach until the tide had risen, so they made a camp as on the former night. At midnight they heard "'a great hideous cry" and the sentinels shouted "'Arm! Arm!" ISvo muskets were fired and the noise ceased. The next morning at daybreak the}' carried their arms down to the shore in readiness for the shallop and returned for breakfast. While they were eating the strange noise which had alarmed the sentinels was again heard and one of the party came running with the cry : "Men ! Indians ! Indians !" A shower of arrows followed. Fortunately some of the men had prudently retained their muskets, so when the rest rushed to the shore to recover their arms, Cap- tain Standish fired a shot from his "snaphance" or flintlock, and after him another did likewise. Two others were about to fire when tlie captain com- manded them not to shoot until they had taken care- ful aim. "The cry of the Indians," says Bradford, "was dreadful, especially when they saw their men run out of the rendezvous towards the shallop to recover their arms." According to Mourt's "Re- lation," "their note was after this manner : 'Woath ! Woach ! Ha ! Ha ! Hach ! Woach !' " The Pilgrims valiantly stood their ground after they had recov- ered their arais and quickly routed their enemies. The Settlement at Plymouth 217 Says Bradford: "There was a lusty man, and no less valiant, stood beliind a tree within half a musket shot, and let his arrows fly at them. He was seen shoot three arrows, which were all avoided. He stood three shot of a musket, till one taking full aim at him, and made the bark or splinters of the tree fly about his ears, after which he gave an ex- traordinary shriek, and away they went all of them." After the flight of the Indians, Standish and his men picked up eighteen arrows tipped with brass, buckhom, and eagles' claws. As it was not easy to find these arrows among the dried leaves under the snow doubtless many more were shot. Providen- tially, so these Pilgrims thought, none of them were hit, although some of the coats which they had hung up in the barricade were "shot through and through." Sailing westward after this encounter, they met with violent storms, so that in the middle of the afternoon the wind having increased and the sea being very rough, the hinges of their rudder broke, requiring two men to steer as best they could with a couple of oars. To add to their troubles, the vio- lence of the storm increasing and night coming on, every inch of canvas that the boat could carry was spread, when the mast broke "in three pieces and their sail fell overboard." The tide was in their favor, however, and bore them into the harbor. That night they anchored near Clark's island in 218 The Builders of a Nation Duxbury Bay, keeping watch in the rain and landing the next morning. "But," saj's Bradford, "though this had been a da}^ and night of much trouble and danger unto them, 3^et God gave them a morning of comfort and refreshing (as usually he doth to his children), for the next day was a fair siinshining day, and they found themselves to be on an island secure from the Indians, where they might dry their stuff, fix their pieces, and rest themselves, and gave God thanks for his mercies, in their manifold deliv- erances. And this being the last day of the week, they prepared there to keep the Sabbath." In Mourt's ^'Relation" it is recorded "On the Sabbath Day we rested," a simple yet eloquent testimony to the reverance of the Pilgrims for God's holy day. On Monday, December 21st, they entered Ply- mouth Harbor (the Thievish Harbor of Coppin), which they sounded "and found it fit for shipping; and marched into the land, and found divers corn- fields, and little running brooks, a place (as they supposed) fit for situation; at least it was the best they could find, and the season, and their present necessity, made them glad to acept of it." Whether the party which now went ashore landed on Plymouth Rock, or whether it was the larger part)' from the May^ower on December 26th, is un- certain ; possibly both landings were made on the historic rock, which in 1775 was broken into two pieces in an attempt to remove it to the town square. The Settlement at Plymouth 219 where a large fragment was deposited at the foot of a liberty pole. In 1834< it was placed in front of Pilgrim Hall and an iron railing built around it. Forty-six years later it was reunited with the larger fragment near the wharf, and a granite can- opy resting on four pillars placed above it, where it symbolizes the solid foundations upon which the Pilgrims builded, and is an object of interest to all present-day visitors at Plymouth. This last exploring party returned four days later to the main company and reported their discoveries. It was a sad home-coming to William Bradford, who learned that on the day of their departure his wife, Dorothy May, had fallen overboard and was drowned. As quickly as possible their vessel was gotten in readiness for the brief voyage, but owing to contrary winds they were unable to reach the place until Saturday, December 26th, when the May- ftower peacefully furled her sails in Plymouth Har- bor. On Monday they went ashore with the shallop to explore the region, finding timber in abundance, a great variety of herbs, sand, gravel, clay suit- able for pottery, a great quantity of stone "and the best water that ever they drank." The next two days were spent in further exploration, and after due deliberation, being greatly influenced by the great hill which overlooked the harbor, first called Fort Hill, but afterwards, Burial Hill, where 220 The Builders of a Nation they could plant their ordnance, they decided in favor of Plymouth as the permanent site for their community. Some of the company remained on shore that night, but a severe storm prevented work and cut off all conununication between ship and shore until Saturday, January 2d, when as many as possible went ashore and "felled and carried timber to pro- vide themselves stuff for building." Monday was Christmas (Old Style), but according to theii chronicle on that day "no man rested." The firsi necessity was the erection of houses for their ac- conmiodation, and in order to put up as few dwellings as possible, they assigned the unmarried men to the different families, thereby reducing the number oi houses to be built to nineteen, including "the com- mon house, in which,'* says Bradford, "for the firsi we made our Rendezvous." This building, twent} feet square, was intended for general use until tlie others could be erected and then it was to serve as a common meeting place. Within four days, th( timber work of this building was completed and the roof half thatched, when as a protection against pos- sible attacks by the Indians it was thought best tc construct a platform on the hill where their cannor could be planted. On a highway running parallel with the Towr Brook, known since 1823 as Leyden Street, lots wert assigned to the different families, three rods ir The Settlement at Plymouth 221 length and half a rod in width being allotted each person. "We thought," says their liistorian, "this proportion was large enough, at first, for houses and gardens, to impale them around; considering the weakness of our people: many of them growing ill with colds for our former Discoveries in frost and storms ; and the wading at Cape Cod had brought much weakness amongst us, which increased every day, more and more; and after was the cause of , many of their deaths." On January 19th, the "com- I mon house" being nearly finished, work was com- menced on these family dwellings, which were rudely constructed of logs thatched with sea grass, the chimneys being of sticks or stone plastered with clay, ' and having windows of oiled paper, with rough shut- I ters and doors. Rude as these houses were they I went up slowly, for we are told "Frost and foul weather hindered us much. This time of the year j seldom could we work half the week.'* ( While these houses were in process of erection, I but little exploring was done, and from fear of the ! Indians the colonists did not venture far from the I settlement. On one occasion, however, when John I Goodman and Peter Browne were cutting thatch j they started in pursuit of a deer which they had I seen. Without being able to overtake it they suc- ceeded in losing themselves and were unable to find I their way back. They spent the bitter cold night j at the foot of a tree without food and having no 222 The Builders of a Nation weapons but the sickles which they held in their hands. They were much alarmed by "two lions (probably wolves) roaring exceedingly." It was late the next afternoon before they found their way back to the settlement. Twice the thatch on their "common house" was burned, having caught fire from the sparks which fell from the chimney. On one of these occasions Carver and Bradford, who were within confined to their beds by illness, narrowly escaped being blown up, as a number of loaded muskets and apparently a quantity of gunpowder were stored there, but for- tunately only the thatch burned, leaving the tim- bers unharmed, so that the injury was soon re- paired. On January 30th, a shed to shelter their provi- sions was completed, and the next day being Sunday, it was decided that the whole company should come ashore and for the first time conduct their services of worship in the "common house." It is a note- worthy fact that from that day to this, in the toAvn of Plymouth there has been no cessation in the regu- lar services of the Sabbath day, a splendid tribute not only to the New England Sabbath, but to the persistence of the lofty principles, which animated the Pilgrim Fathers. During these early months the mortality among the settlers was something appalling. The close and unhealthy crowding on board the Mayflower, the Th^ Settlement at Plymouth 223 exposure and severity of the winter, together with the labor and hard fare incident to their enterprise from its very inception, combined to exact from them a toll of death that was staggering in its proportions. Bradford described the situation as follows: "But that which was most sad and lament- able was, that in two or three months time half of their company died, especially in January and February, being the depth of winter, and wanting houses and other comforts ; being infected with the scurvy and other diseases, which this long voyage and their inaccommodate condition had brought upon them ; so as there died some times two or three of a day, in the foresaid time; that of one hundred and odd persons, scarce fifty remained." The dead were buried at night, probably on Cole's Hill which was nearer the landing, the very graves being levelled and smoothed over so that the Indians might not discover how few and weak the settlers were becoming. So greatly was their strength re- duced that, says Bradford, "in the time of most distress, there was but six or seven sound persons, who, to their great commendations be it spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but with abundance of toil and hazard of their own health, fetched them wood, made them fires, dressed them meat, made their beds, washed their loathsome clothes, clothed and un- clothed them; in a word, did all the homely and necessary offices for them which dainty and queasy 224 The Builders of a Nation stomachs cannot endure to hear named; and all this willingly and cheerfully, without any grudging in the least, showing herein their true love unto their friends and brethren. A rare example and worthy to be remembered. Two of these seven were Mr. William Brewster, their reverend Elder, and Myles Standish, their Captain and military commander, unto whom myself and many others, were much beholden in our low and sick condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these persons, as in this general calamity they were not at all infected either with sickness, or lameness." This time of trial and tribulation, when their faith, no doubt, was tested to the uttermost, was succeeded by the dawning of better days : "The spring now approaching, it pleased God the mor- tality began to cease amongst them, and the sick and lame recovered apace, which put as it were new life into them, though they had borne their sad affliction with much patience and contentedness, as I think any people could do. But it was the Lord which upheld them, and had beforehand prepared them ; many having long borne the yoke, yea from their youth." CHAPTER X RELATIONS WITH THE INDIANS Although the Pilgrims, as has already been stated, in leaving Holland had been animated by "a great hope and inward zeal — of laying some good founda- tion, or at least to make some way thereunto, for the propagating and advancing the Gospel of the Kingdom of Christ in those remote parts of the world," nevertheless on their arrival they discovered that the natives were "readier to fill their sides full of arrows than otherwise." Notwithstanding the absence of any intent on their part to injure or wrong the Indians, the latter had made an unpro- voked attack upon them when they were exploring the region about Wellfleet Bay. After that experi- ence the Pilgrims lived in constant dread of an attack by the natives. During the first weeks at Plymouth, the Indians manifested no disposition to molest them. One day, however, one of the Pilgrims while hunting saw a dozen Indians apparently making their way towards the settlement. Hastening homewards with the infor- mation, a guard was hurriedly called by Myles 225 226 The Builders of a Nation Standish, but the Indians did not appear, although Standish and one of the other settlers missed some tools which they had left in the woods when the alarm had been given. It was deemed best, therefore, to organize themselves for defence, and on Saturday, Feb, 27, a meeting was called for the purpose, Myles Standish being elected captain of the guard that was formed. While their meeting was in progress two Indians appeared on the hill just south of the settle- ment, afterwards known as Weston's Hill, across the brook a quarter of a mile awaj', signalling the white men to come to them. Standish and Hopkins were sent to parley with them. They had a musket, which, as they approached, was laid on the ground as a token of peace, but the Indians retreated, and "a noise of a great many more was heard behind the hill ; but no more came in sight." The Pilgrims had brought with them on the May- flower five cannon, which in comparison with modem artillery would seem almost like toys, but which were an invaluable means of defence against the Indians or other enemies. Only one of these had been mounted, but on the following Wednesday the rest were brought to shore, and with the assistance of Captain Jones and his sailors dragged up on the high hill commanding the settlement, and so planted as to ward off an attack on the part of the natives. On March 26th a second meeting was called to perfect their military organization, since the former Relations with the Indicms 227 meeting had been interrupted by the appearance of the Indians, This meeting had hardly been called to order, when a solitary Indian clothed with noth- ing but a fringe about his loins came walking down the street past their houses and right into their assembly, saluting them in English and saying, "Welcome ! Welcome !'* He informed them that his name was Samoset, and that he was a sagamore or chief from Monhegan, a place to the north, distant a day's sail or five days' journey by land. He had learned his broken English from fishing crews which frequented there. From Samoset the Pilgrims learned that the place where they had settled was called by the Indians Patuxet or "Little Bay," all of the former inhabi- tants of which had been swept away by a plague which had visited that region, four years previously, leaving no one to dispute their title to the place. They also learned that their nearest neighbors were the subjects of a sachem or king named Massasoit, and that to the southeast on the Cape was another tribe, the Nausets, seven of whom with a score of the Patuxets, Captain Hunt, "under color of trucking" had carried away and sold into slavery. This made the Nausets very angry with the English and eight months previously they had slain three members of Captain Dermer's crew. These were the Indians who had attacked the Pilgrims on Cape Cod. Samoset was told about the tools which had dis- 228 The Builders of a Nation appeared the month previously, and was given a message to the Indians demanding their return. As evening drew on, the Pilgrims were quite willing that their visitor should depart, but as he seemed to mani- fest no disposition to do so he was lodged for the night in Stephen Hopkins' house, with a watch to see that he had no evil intentions. The next morning having been given a knife, a bracelet, and a ring, he departed, promising to return in a day or two with some of Massasoit's men, their nearest neigh- bors, "with such beavers' skins as they had" to traffic Avith them. The next day, which was Sunday, Samoset, true to his word, returned bringing five others, who were better dressed, having on breach-clouts, long leggins and deer-skin coats. They left their weapons at a distance from the settlement and returned the stolen tools. They sang and danced for the English, and having brought three or four beavers' skins wished to traffic, but on account of the day the Pilgrims refused, requesting them to return with a better supply when they "would truck for all." Having been hospitably entertained and each having been given some trifles, they were dismissed, except Samo- set, who "either was sick, or feigned himself so," and remained until Wednesday. On the following day Samoset returned with four others, one of whom was Tisquantum, or Squanto, as he came to be called, who was the only survivor Relations with the Indians 229 of the tribe of Patuxets, which had once occupied the region about Plymouth. He was among the Indians who had been kidnapped by Captain Hunt in 1614 to be sold into slavery in Spain. Somehow he managed to escape, and making his way to London, he was employed by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and afterwards by a merchant who was treasurer of the Newfoundland Company. After having spent more than three years in London, where he had become more familiar with the streets of the city than were many of the Pilgrims, he was brought back to Plymouth by Captain Dermer, nearly a year before, only to find that the tribe to which he belonged had been completely wiped out of existence by the plague. Samoset and Squanto announced that "their Sagamore Massasoit war> hard by, with Quadequina his brother, and all their men." The approach of Massasoit was awaited with interest, as he was the chief of their nearest neighbors and everything depended upon him as to whether these Indians should be friends or foes. In about an hour he appeared on the hill south of the settlement with about sixty warriors. The question now arose which party should trust the other, Squanto acting as their interpreter. Finally Edward Winslow was sent to say that the Pilgrims wished to be at peace with the Indians and to trade with them. He took with him two knives and "a copper chain with a jewel to 230 The Builders of a Nation it" as a present to Massasoit, and to Quadequina, a knife and "a jewel to hang in his ear." He also presented them with a quantity of biscuits, some butter and "a pot of strong water" (liquor). After partaking of the food and drink Massasoit mani- fested great interest in Winslow's sword and armor which he wished to buy. But the latter refusing to part with them, assured him that his sovereign, King James, saluted him with peace and good will, accept- ing him as his friend and ally. He also informed the king that Governor Carver wished to see him, "to truck with him, and to confirm a peace with him, as his next neighbor." Being satisfied with this interview Massasoit, leav- ing Winslow in the custody of his brother as a hostage, crossed over the brook with twenty unarmed warriors. He was met on the other side by Captain Standish with a half dozen musketeers and after salutations was escorted to an unfinished house, where a green rug and three or four cushions had been placed. Governor Cai-ver immediately appeared, accompanied by a drummer, a trumpeter, and "some few musketeers." Having kissed the hand of the chief and being kissed in return, the Governor called for some "strong water" of which Massasoit "drank a great draught that made him sweat all the while after." In jMourt's "Relation^^ Massasoit and his men were described as follov/s : "In his person, he is a Relations with the Indians 231 very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech. In his attire, little or nothing differing from the rest of his followers: only in a great chain of white bone beads about his neck ; and at it, behind his neck, hangs a little bag of tobacco, which he drank (smoked) and gave us to drink. His face was painted with a sad red like murrey; and oiled both head and face, that he looked greasily. All his followers likewise were in their faces, in part, or in whole, painted: some black, some red, some yellow, and some white; some with crosses, and other antic works. Some had skins on them, and some naked: all strong, tall, all men in appearance." After tlie exchange of courtesies, they proceeded to enter into a treaty of peace with the following stipulations : "1. That neither he, nor any of his, should injure, or do hurt, to any of our people. "2. And if any of his did hurt to any of ours; he should send the offender, that we might punish him. "3. That if any of our tools were taken away, when our people were at work ; he should cause them to be restored: and if ours did any harm to any of his, we would do the like to them. "4. If any did unjustly war against him; we would aid him. If any did war against us, he should aid us. 232 The Builders of a Nation "5. He should send to his neighbor confederates, to certify them of this, that they might not wrong us; but might be likewise comprised in the Condi- tions of Peace. "6. That when their men came to us, they should leave their bows and arrows behind them; as we should do our pieces, when we came to them. "7. Lastly, that doing thus, King James would esteem of him as his friend and ally." This treaty, which remained in force more than half a century, having been concluded, Massasoit was conducted to the brook by the Governor, six or seven hostages being left behind. Soon after Quade- quina appeared with a retinue and was treated with a like hospitality, after which the hostages on both sides were returned. That night the Indians "and all their wives and women with them" camped in the woods a half mile away. The Pilgrims prudently kept watch "but there was no appearance of danger." The foUoNving morning several of the Indians came again "hoping to get some victuals" as the Pilgrims conjectured. Captain Standish and Isaac AUerton visited their camp, and were welcomed by the Indians "after their manner" being given "three or four ground-nuts and some tobacco." Finally after Gov- ernor Carver had sent for the "King's kettle" and filled it with peas, they took their departure. Samo- set and Squanto, however, remained behind, the latter catching a quantity of eels for the settlers. Relations with the Indians 233 and showing them how they might be caught by treading in the mud of the stream and then taking them with his hands. That day they resumed the business from which they had been hindered on previous occasions by the coming of the natives and "concluded both of Military Orders, and of some Laws and Orders: as we thought bchoveful for our present estate and con- dition." They likewise re-elected John Carver, for governor, "a man well approved among us." On the 15th of April, after having been detained for various reasons, viz. : the rearing of homes, the fear of the savages, the mortality among the settlers, followed by a like mortality among the sailors so that Captain Jones returned with no more than half of his crew, the Mai/flower finally weighed anchor for the return voyage. With tear-dimmed eyes, and fast- beating hearts, the settlers must have watched the departure of the little vessel, the last connecting link between them and the old world, until it had dis- appeared from sight. Although half of their number had perished, not one of the Pilgrim company re- turned on the Mayflower. It is interesting to note that this vessel in 1629 made a second voyage to the new world, with another company of emigrants for Plymouth Colony. The corn planting season was now upon them, and in this tliey received valuable assistance from Squanto, their Indian ally, who, says Bradford, 234 The Builders of a Nation "Stood them in great stead, showing them both the manner how to set, and after how to dress and tend it. Also he told them except they got fish and set with it (in those old grounds) it would come to nothing, and he showed them that in the middle of April they should have store enough come up the brook, by which they began to build, and taught them how to take it, and where to get other pro- visions necessary for them ; all which they found true by trial and experience." Twenty acres were planted to Indian corn and six acres to barley and peas. While this seems like a very small acreage, it must be remembered that the Pilgrims, having no domestic animals, were obliged to work their ground in the most laborious manner, entirely by hand labor. This arduous toil proved too much for one of their number. Governor Carver, who being greatly debilitated by the cares and toils of the preceding winter, came out of the field, where he had been planting, "it being a hot day" and com- plaining "greatly of his head" took to his bed, soon passing into a delirium, "so as he never spake more till he died which was within a few days after." His death caused "great heaviness amongst them" but they laid him away "in the best manner they could, with some volleys of shot by all that bore arms." His wife "being overcome with excessive grief" for the loss of her husband "died within five or six weeks after him." William Bradford was thereupon Relatione with the Indians 235 chosen governor to succeed Carver, with Isaac AUer- ton as assistant. On May 22nd, an incident occurred of unusual interest, when Edward Winslow, whose wife, Ehza- beth, had died March 24)th, was wedded to Susannah White, whose husband, William, had passed away February 21st. Doubtless the peculiar conditions incident to a pioneer community hastened this mar- riage, which was performed with a civil ceremony, probably by Governor Bradford, as the Pilgrims in common with the Puritans opposed a religious cere- mony at weddings or funerals. Of this wedding Bradford wrote: "May 12 (May 22 New Style) was the first marriage in this place, which according to the laudable custom of the Low-Countries, in which they had lived, was thought most requisite to be performed by the magistrate, as being a civil thing, upon which many questions about inheritance do depend, with other things most proper to their cognizance, and most consonant ^vith the scriptures, Ruth 4, and no where in the gospel to be laid on the ministers as a part of their office. 'This decree or law about marriage was published by the States of the Low-Countries Anno 1590. That those of any religion, after lawful and open publication, coming before the magistrates, in the Town or State-house, were to be orderly (by them) married one to an- other' Petcts Hist, fol: 1029. And this practice hath continued amongst, not only tliem, but hath 236 The Builders of a Nation been followed by all the famous churches of Christ in these parts to this time, — Anno: 1646." In June or July an embassy, consisting of Edward Winslow and Stephen Hopkins, with Squanto as a guide, was sent to their new friend Massasoit "to bestow upon him some gratuity to bind him the faster unto them; as also that hereby they might view the country, and see in what manner he lived, what strength he had about him, and how the ways were to his place, if at any time they should have occasion." Travelling fifteen miles they came to Namasket, where the Indians received them kindly and fed them on "a kind of bread" called "maizum" which was made of Indian corn, and shad-roe eaten with wooden spoons. They travelled eight miles further on, where a number of Indians had collected to fish for bass. There they spent the night in the open air as the Indians had erected no shelter. The next moraing they continued their journey, six Indians accompanying them, carrying their arms and clothing, and bearing them upon their backs across the fords. In the country through which they passed they saw few natives, the country having been greatly wasted by the plague four years before, and in many places bones and skulls were lying above the ground where houses and dwellings had been. Late that afternoon they arrived in Pokanoket, the sachem's village, but ^Massasoit was absent, and had to be sent for. On his arrival he was saluted Relations with the India/ns 237 with a volley from their muskets. He welcomed them and took them into his house where the ambassadors requested the continuance of peace and friendship, but stated that it would be impossible for them to freely entertain crowds of Indians owing to the shortage of their food supply. They placed in his hands a copper chain with a medal attached, which tlie governor had sent with the request that if any messenger were sent he should bring this chain with him as a token of his authority. They also presented the chief with a bright red horseman's coat and offered to pay for the com which they had taken the winter before. Last of all an exchange of seed for corn was requested. Massasoit was delighted with the presents and putting the coat on his back, with the chain around his neck, elicited the admiration of his subjects. He promised a continuance of peace and friendship, stated that his men "should no more pester" them as they had done and agreed to help with com for seed. It grew late but he offered them no supper, as indeed he had none, and finally Winslow and Hopkins pro- posed that they go to rest, but the sleeping arrange- ments were far from satisfactory, for according to their account, "He laid us on the bed with himself and his wife; they at one end, and we at the other: it being only planks laid a foot from the ground, and a thin mat upon them. Two more of his chief men, for want of room pressed by and upon us : so that 238 The Builders of a Nation we were worse weary of our lodging, than of our journey." The next day several of the sachems came to see them. The Indians spent tlie forenoon gambling for skins and knives. The Pilgrim envoys challenged the natives to shoot with them for skins and when this was declined they shot at a mark with "hail shot" which astonished the Indians "to see the mark so full of holes." About one o'clock jNIassasoit brought two fish which he had shot, but this did not afford a very satisfactory meal to the forty who shared it, so the hungry Pilgrims were obliged to buy a partridge from some of the natives, having had but one meal in thirty-six hours. "Very importunate," continues their narative, "he was, to have us stay with him longer : but we desired to keep the Sabbath at home; and feared we should be light-headed for want of sleep. For what with bad lodging; the savages' barbarous singing, for they use to sing themselves asleep ; lice and fleas vWthin doors ; and mosquitoes without : we could hardly sleep all the time of our being there. We much feared that if we should stay any longer, we should not be able to recover home for want of strength." Friday moniing at daj'-break, the two Pilgrims started on their homeward journey, arriving at Plymouth Saturday night, tired and hungry, but having accomplished their mission in binding the RelatioTis with the Indicms 239 Indians more closely to them in the ties of peace and friendship. Not long afterwards John Billington, Jr., stray- ing from home lost himself in the woods and after subsisting for five days on berries was picked up by the Nausets, who had attacked them on the shore of Wellfleet Bay. Ten men were selected as a rescue party, and the shallop gotten ready for their voyage. During the day they encountered a violent \ thunder storm, and that night they anchored near Cummaquid (now Barnstable) where they were stranded by the fall of the tide. On the morrow they saw some Indians, seeking lobsters, by whom they were invited ashore and I kindly treated. They met lyanough, their sachem, t and an old squaw, three of whose sons were kid- napped by Captain Hunt. She wept bitterly on see- 1 ing the Englishmen, but they expressed their sorrow ' for the loss which she had sustained and assured I them that all Englishmen were not like Hunt. She * was appeased somewhat by a few trifles which they ( gave her. I After dinner they continued their voyage to the ' Nausets, where the shallop was grounded by the low 1 tide. lyanough and Squanto, who had accompanied i them, were sent to tell Aspinet, the sachem of the Nausets, the object of their visit. At evening with \ not less than a hundred of his men Aspinet came i bearing upon his shoulders the lost boy decked with 240 The Builders of a Nation beads. Peace was made between them and two knives were given for the return of the boy, one to Aspinet and the other to the one who had "first entertained the boy, and brought him thither." From the Nausets, the Pilgrims heard a rumor to the effect that the Narragansetts had raided Pokanoket and had taken Massasoit prisoner. As the ten men upon this expedition were among the ablest in the colony and by their treaty with the Indians were under obligations to help them if they could, they made haste to return. The winds, how- ever, were contrary, and they discovered that they were short of water, but the Indians offered willing assistance, lyanough taking a casket and leading a party a long way through the woods at night for water, and then carrying it back to the shallop. They finally reached Plymouth without mishap, learning that while Massasoit had not been taken by the Narragansetts, a plot was on foot to discredit him with his own people because of his friendship with the English. Squanto and Hobomuk, another friendly Indian, going to Namasket to ascertain the cause of the disturbance, were captured by Corbitant, the chief of the Pocassets, who denounced the friendly rela- tions between the Indians and the whites. He threatened the lives of Squanto and Hobomuk. While Corbitant was holding a knife at the throat of Squanto saying, "If he were dead the English had Relations with the Indians 241 lost their tongue," Hobomuk being "a strong and stout man" made his escape, and hastened to Plym- outh announcing that Squanto had been slain. Upon receipt of this intelligence, the colonists decided to send ten men under the leadership of Captain Standish with Hobomuk as their guide, to avenge the death of Squanto uj)on Corbitant their "bitter enemy." Having come within a few miles of Namasket, they halted until midnight with the plan of surrounding Corbitant's dwelling, each mem- ber of the company being "appointed his task by the Captain." At night, Hobomuk, their guide, lost his way, which in view of his familiarity with the country was very surprising, the probability being that he was overcome by his fears. This discouraged the Pilgrims somewhat, as they were wet, it having rained during the day, and weary with the weight of their armor and weapons. However, one of their number, either Winslow or Hopkins, who had been to Namasket before, soon found the trail, and march- ing forwards, they beset the house according to the strategy which had been planned. The Indians, taken by surprise, attempted to escape but, says the nar- rator, "in this hurly burly we discharged two pieces at random" which frightened all of the inhabitants and slightly wounded two, a man and woman. From the Indians, the Pilgrims learned that Corbitant had gone away leaving Squanto un- harmed,, who with Tokamahamon, another friendly 242 The Builders of a Nation Indian, welcomed the whites and assured the others that no harm was intended. So careful were the English not to hurt the women that the Indian boys "often cried Neen squaes, that is to say, 'I am a woman': the women also hanging upon Hobomuk, calling him toman, that is, 'friend.' " The next morning the Pilgrims assured the Indians who remained, Corbitant and his faction having taken to flight, that although Corbitant had escaped this time, yet if he continued threatening them and provoking others against them, if any harm should come to Massasoit, or if hereafter Cor- bitant "should make any insurrection against him" or injure any of his subjects, they would revenge it upon him to the overthrow of him and his." This expedition had a very salutary eff*ect upon the Indians and after an absence of two days and one night Captain Standish and his men returned to Plymouth, bringing with them the wounded man and woman to have their wounds dressed and cared for by Dr. Fuller, the Pilgrim physician. Friendly relations with the Indians having been strengthened by these various expeditions, the Colonists decided to send some of their number to the Indian villages around Massachusetts Bay, where the natives were reputed to be hostile. On Tuesday, September 28th, a party set out in their shallop, under the leadership of Standish and Wins- Relations with the Indicms 243 low. Sailing at midnight with the tide, they hoped to arrive early the next moniing, but did not reach the Bay until late that afternoon, so they anchored for the night and landed early Thursday morning at Squantum, near Quincy. They were kindly received by Obbatinewat, the sachem, of whom it was said "though he lives in the bottom of Massachusetts Bay, yet he is under Massasoit. . . . He told us, He durst not then remain in any settled place ; for fear of the Tarentines : also the Squaw Sachem, or Massachusetts' Queen, was an enemy to him." They then crossed the Bay to where Charlestown now stands, being much impressed with the "harbors for shipping" and the "very good fishing ground." On this side of the Bay, where they saw several ruined forts, indicating the warlike character of the inhabitants, the men apparently had fled at their approach, leaving the squaws in possession. "Here," says their narrator, "Tisquantum would have had us rifle the savage women ; and take their skins, and all such things as might be serviceable for us : 'for,' said he, 'they are a bad people ; and have often threatened you.' But our answer was, 'Were they never so bad; we would not wrong them, or give them any just occasion against us. For their words, we little weighed them: but if they once attempted anything against us, then we would deal far worse than they desired.' Having well spent the day, we returned to 244 The Builders of a Nation the shallop ; almost all the women accompanying us, to truck. Who sold their coats from their backs; and tied boughs about them: but with great shame- fastness ; for indeed they are more modest than some of our English women." Sailing that night by the light of the moon they reached Plymouth the follow- ing day. Although the contrary opinion has long been prev- alent, none of the early American colonists could have dealt more justly and fairly with the Indians than did our Pilgrim Fathers. Writing at the end of the first year Edward Winslow said : "We have found the Indians A'^ery faithful in their Covenant of Peace with us ; very loving and ready to pleasure us. We often go to them ; and they come to us. Some of us have been fifty miles by land in the country with them : . . . Yea, it hath pleased God so to possess the Indians with a fear of us, and love unto us, that not only the greatest King amongst them, called Massasoit ; but also all the Princes and peoples round about us, have either made suit unto us, or been glad of any occasion to make peace with us ; so that seven of them at once have sent their messengers to us to that end. Yea, an isle at sea, which we never saw (Capamack), hath also, joined together with the former, yielded willingly to be under the protection, and subjects to, our Sovereign Lord King James. So that there is now great peace amongst the Indians themselves, which was not formerly; neither Relations with the Indians 245 would have been but for us : and we, for our parts, walk as peaceably and safely in the wood as in the highways in England. We entertain them familiarly in our houses ; and they, as friendly, bestowing their venison on us." CHAPTER XI TRIBULATIONS AND TRIUMPHS The autumn of the first year at Plymouth was ap- proaching. Notw-ithstanding the mortality among the colonists during the first few weeks of the settle- ment, the colony had been fairly prosperous. Seven houses and four public buildings, including the "common house" and storehouses for community supplies, had been erected, peace had been secured with the Indians, furs had been stored and timber prepared for shipment to England, as soon as the next vessel arrived, and although some of their crops had failed, the corn had done reasonably well. It seemed, therefore, an appropriate time for an oc- casion of rejoicing and thanksgiving, which, wrote Edward Winslow, was observed as follows: "Our harvest being gotten in, our Governor sent four men on fowling; that so we might, after a more special manner, rejoice together, after we had gathered the fruit of our labors. They four, in one day, killed as mucli fowl as, vnilx a little help besides, served the Company almost a week. At which time, amongst other recreations, we exercised our Arms ; many of 246 Tribulations and Triumphs 247 the Indians coming amongst us. And, amongst the rest, their greatest King, Massasoit, with some ninety men; whom, for three days, we entertained and feasted. And they went out, and killed five deer: which they brought to the Plantation; and bestowed on our Governor, and upon the Captain, and others." Not long after the observance of this first New England Thanksgiving, the Nauset Indians brought word that a ship had been sighted off Cape May. This intelligence was received with no httle dismay, for it was feared that it might be a French ship with hostile intentions. Governor Bradford, says Winslow, commanded one of their cannon "to be shot off, to call home such as were abroad at work. Whereupon every man, yea, boy that could handle a gun, was ready ; with full resolution that, if she were an Enemy, we would stand, in our just defence, not fearing them." But instead of an enemy, the vessel turned out to be the Fortune with thirty-five additonal colonists, including William Brewster's eldest son, John Wins- low, a brother of Edward, Philip de la Noye, and Robert Cushman. Unfortunately these colonists were an embarrassment for the time being rather than a help, for while their harvest had been suf- ficiently bountiful for their own needs, they were hardly in a condition to care for so large an addi- tion to their number until the next harvest. These 248 The Builders of a Nation new-comers moreover were poorly equipped to be- come the members of a pioneer conmiunity. Of their supplies on board the Fortune, Bradford wrote that "there was not so much as biscuit-cake or any other victuals for them, neither had they any bedding, but some sorry things in their cabins, nor pot, nor pan, to dress any meat in ; nor overmany clothes, for many of them had brushed away their coats and cloaks at Plymouth (England) as they came. But there was sent over some Burching-lane suits in the ship, out of which they were supplied. The planta- tion was glad of this addition of strength, but could have wished that many of them had been of better condition, and all of them better furnished with pro- visions ; but that could not now be helped." Winslow writing to a friend in England at this time gives the following advice to those planning to come to them: "Trust not too much on us for corn at this time : for by reason of this last company that came, depending wholly upon us, we shall have little enough till harv^est. Be careful to come by some of your meal, to spend by the way. It will much refresh you. Build your cabins as open as you can; and bring good store of clothes and bedding wnth you. Bring every man a musket, or fowling piece. Let your piece be long in tlie barrel; and fear not the weight of it, for most of our shooting is done from stands. Bring juice of lemons; and take it fasting. It is of good use. For hot waters, Anni- Tribidations and Triumphs 249 seed Water is the best ; but use it sparingly. If you bring anytliing for comfort in the country ; butter, or sallet oil, or both, are very good. Our Indian corn, even the coarsest, maketh as pleasant meat as Rice: therefore spare that, unless to spend by the way. Bring paper and linseed oil, for your win- dows ; with cotton yam for your lamps. Let your shot be most for big fowls ; and bring store of powder and shot." The Fortune brought a letter from Weston of the Adventurers complaining bitterly because the May- flower had returned with no profitable cargo from the colonists, and intimating that their weakness, of which he had heard, was a weakness of judgment rather than of their hands, and that if one-quarter of the time which they had spent in discoursing, ar- guing and consulting had been expended in other ways, better results would have been produced. Gov- ernor Bradford made reply to this letter which had been addressed to Carver, in part as follows : "Touching him, he is departed this life, and now is at rest in the Lord from all those troubles and in- cumbrances with which we are yet to strive. He needs not my apology; for his care and pains was so great of the common good, both ours and yours, as that therewith (it is thought) he oppressed him- self and shortened his days; of whose loss we can sufficiently complain. At great charges in this ad- venture, I confess you have been, and many losses 250 The Builders of a Nation may sustain ; but the loss of his and many other honest and industrious men's lives, cannot be valued at any price. . . . But it pleased God to visit us then, with death daily, and with so general a disease, that the living were scarce able to bury the dead; and the well not in any measure sufficient to tend the sick. And now to be so greatly blamed, for not freighting the ship, doth indeed go near us, and much discourage us." At the end of a fortnight the Fortime sailed on her homeward voyage, laden with beaver skins, sas- safras, and lumber to the value of five hundred pounds sterling, equivalent in present day values to perhaps four times that amount. 111 fortune, how- ever, befell the Fortwne, for when she had almost reached England, she was captured by a French man-of-war, and taken to Isle Dieu, where her cargo was confiscated and her passengers pillaged, some of whom were left without a hat to their heads or a shoe to their feet. Robert Cushman, who was aboard, managed to save most of the papers that the Pilgrims were sending over, including Bradford's and Winslow's Journal, known as Mourt^s Relation. However, a letter written by Governor Bradford, "containing a general Relation of all matters there" was confiscated. At the end of fourteen days the Forttme was released and permitted to proceed to England. Christmas occurred two days after the departure Trihvlations and Trvumphs 251 of the Fortune. The Pilgrims looked upon this day as a heathjen holiday and went to work as usual. Some of the new-comers told the Governor that it went against their consciences to work on that day. He informed them that if it were a matter of con- science they might be excused until they were better informed. Returning at noon, he found them in the street pitching the bar, playing at stool ball, a game similar to modem cricket, and other sports. Governor Bradford accordingly took away their im- plements of sport, grimly telling them that he also had some scruples of conscience at their indulging in play while the others were at work. If it were a matter of devotion they must remain indoors, but no playing or revelling in the streets would be tol- erated. Not long after the departure of the Fortune, the Narragansetts began making threats against the colonists, their chief Canonicus finally sending a messenger to Plymouth "with a bundle of arrows tied about with a great snake-skin ; which their interpre- ters told them was a threatening and a challenge." The Pilgrims, however, were not to be intimidated. The governor, therefore, "with the advice of others, sent them a round answer, that if they had rather have war than peace, they might begin when they would ; they had done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, or should they find them unprovided. And by another messenger sent the snake-skin back 262 The Builders of a Nation with bullets in it ; but they would not receive it, but sent it back again." Notwithstanding this bold front, the colonists re- alizing the seriousness of the danger which had threatened, and the precariousness of their position as well, resolved to strengthen the defences about Plymouth. During February and the first week in March, a palisade was constructed entirely around the settlement including the hill upon which their cannon had been placed. At each of the four cor- ners of the fortification, bulwarks or bastions were thrown up and so constructed that they could com- mand the intervening walls with musketry. In three of the bastions there were gates, where sentinels were stationed at night. This fortification having been completed. Captain Standish organized his forces into four squadrons or companies, each of which had its own leader, to whom the men were to resort in case of alarm, and whose orders in his absence they were to obey. To guard against the practice of the Indians discharging lighted arrows to set the houses on fire, one of these companies was appointed a fire- brigade, so that if an alarm of fire were given, they should immediately surround the house thus endan- gered, facing outwards to prevent treachery if any were intended. In case of fire in the house of a member of this guard, he was to be excused from duty, presumably that he might look after his own possessions. Tribulations and Triv/mphs 253 Owing to the shortage in the foo d sup ply, oc- casioned by the addition to their numbers from the arrivals on the Fortune, it was decided to send an expedition to the Indians about Boston Bay, to pro- cure, if possible, additional supplies of food. This expedition, composed of eleven colonists and two Indians, Squanto and Hobomuk, set out in the shal- lop under command of Captain Standish. Scarcely had they cleared the harbor, and, the wind having failed, were taking to their oars, when three cannon were fired on shore, which was the alarm signal, so that they hastened back to the settlement. There it was learned that an Indian of Squanto's family had come running with a wound in his face which was still bleeding, and had announced that a hostile party under command of Massasoit and Corbitant was on the way to attack the settlement. Hobomuk discredited the whole story and stoutly maintained that Massasoit was friendly to the whites. Hobomuk's wife, therefore, was sent to Mas- sasoit's town and upon her return declared that the town was not only quiet, but that Massasoit was greatly offended, telling her to assure the governor that in case of hostilities he would give the white men warning according to the treaty between them. The story which the Indian had told was the result of a plot on the part of Squanto. His importance as an interpreter for the Pilgrims had turned his head, and he thought that by fomenting trouble be- 254 The Builders of a Nation tween them and Massasoit, their ally, he would rise even higher in the esteem of the whites as their only friend. He had been in the habit of threatening the Indians by sending them word that the whites in- tended to kill them "that thereby he might get gifts to himself, to work their peace." He had also told the natives that the white men kept the plague bur- ied in their storehouse, which they could send forth at their pleasure upon whatever people they would without stirring from home. The ground being broken up in one of the storehouses where some gun- powder had been buried, Hobomuk asked what it meant, and Squanto replied that "that was the place wherein the plague was buried." Hobomuk distrust- ing the story asked one of the Pilgrims if it were true, and he was told that the plague was controlled by the white man's God, who could send it against their enemies. It was this circumstance that led Hobomuk to distinist Squanto and caused his un- doing. Governor Bradford sternly rebuked Squanto for his treachery, but since he was their only interpreter, he could not well be dismissed. Word was sent to the Indians that they need not fear the whites unless they began hostilities. The expedition to Boston Bay was then resumed, which turned out fairly suc- cessful, in spite of stormy weather. In the mean- while Massasoit had visited Plymouth, and having learned all of the particulars of Squanto's treachery Tribulations and Triwrnphs 255 was much enraged. Soon after his departure he sent a messenger to the governor asking that Squan- to be delivered over to be put to death. Governor Bradford admitting tliat he deserved to die, never- theless owing to his usefulness to the colony, asked that he might be spared. INIassasoit, however, was not satisfied, for the mes- senger soon returned with divers others, offering Bradford "many beavers' skins for his consent there- to ; saying, That, according to their manner, their Sachem had sent his own knife, and them therewith, to cut off his head and hands, and bring them to him." The governor stated that it was not their custom to sell men's lives, and sent for Squanto to make his own defence. But the latter blamed Hobo- muk for his downfall. After this hearing Bradford I was about to turn Squanto over to the Indians, but j just at this juncture it was reported that a vessel had been sighted in the harbor. Fearing that it might be an enemy, the governor informed Massa- i soit's messengers that inquiries must first be made in regard to this boat before Squanto could be de- livered into their hands, whereupon they departed in a rage. The new arrival proved to be a shallop from the Sparrow, a vessel which Weston had sent on a fishing expedition to the Maine coast, with letters from the latter and seven passengers. In these letters Weston informed the Pilgrims that he had sold out his in- 256 The Builders of a Nation terests in the Plymouth colony and was attempting to establish a colony of his own. He coolly re- quested that the seven men intended for his colony be cared for at Plymouth until the main contingent arrived. This shallop also brought a letter from the cap- tain of a fishing vessel, John Huddleston, "whose name they had never heard before," informing them of an Indian massacre wherein "many good friends in the south-colony of Virginia, have received such a blow, that four hundred persons large will not make good our losses. Therefore I do entreat you (although not knowing you) that the old rule which I learned when I went to school, may be sufficient. That is, Happy is he whom other me n^s harm s doth make to beware." The food question at Plymouth had become a most pressing one. Long before this they had been re- duced to short rations and now "in a manner their provisions were wholly spent and they looked for a supply, but none came." The kindly tone of Captain Huddleston's letter induced them to apply to him for assistance. This necessitated a voyage both ways of nearly two hundred and fifty miles, but such were the exigencies of their situation that Ed- ward Winslow was sent with the shallop on this er- rand. Huddleston not only received Winslow kindly and spared what he could but wrote to others to do likewise. "By which means," says Bradford, "he got Tribidations and Triumphs 257 some good quantity and returned in safety. . . . But ■what was got, and this small boat brought, being divided among so many, came but to a little, yet by God's blessing it upheld_tii£iil. till harvest. It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day to each person ; and the Governor caused it to be daily given them, otherwise, had it been in their ovm custody, they would have eat it up and then starved. But thus, with what else they could get, they made pret- ty shift till corn was ripe." Although food was sorely needed, A^et in view of Huddleston's warning, they were unable to devote all of their attention to com raising. "This summer," wrote Bradford, "they built a fort with good timber, both strong and comely, which was of good defence, made with a flat roof and battlements, on which their I ordnance were mounted, and where they kept con- ( stant watch, especially in time of danger. It ser^'ed them also for a meeting house, and was fitted accord- ingly for that use. It was a great work for them in this weakness and time of wants ; but the danger of the time required it, and both the continual ru- mors of the fears from the Indians here, especially the Narragansetts, and also the hearing of that great massacre in Virginia, made all hands willing to dispatch the same." The summer of 1622 was a trying summer for the Pilgrims. Weston's expedition arrived in the Char- ity and the Swan, bringing fifty or sixty settlers of 258 The Builders of a Nation low grade. Finding the cars of gi'een com to be a toothsome food, they robbed the corn-fields of the colonists mercilessly, thereby reducing the crop of com upon which they were to depend for their next year's sustenance. Fortunately they remained but six weeks, sailing for Wessagusset, afterwards known as Weymouth, the site of Weston's colony, but leaving several sick behind to be cared for by the Pilgrims. During the summer the Sparrow and the Discovery arrived at Plymouth. The latter was commanded by Captain Jones, formerly of the May- flower. From him they obtained a supply of beads and other commodities for use in trading with the Indians. Owing to the depredations of Weston's men, the corn crop proved insufficient for their needs so that they were obliged to send several expeditions north and south to purchase food from the Indians. "They secured a large quantity of corn and beans from the Nausets on Cape Cod, but to the south trade was at a stand-still owing to the plague and the bad feeling which had been engendered by the treatment which the Indians had received from the colonists at Weymouth. To add to the embarrass- ments of the Pilgrims, early in the autumn their friend Squanto had died, praying "that he might go to the Englishmen's God in heaven" and be- queathing "sundry of his things to sundry of his English friends as remembrances of his love." On board the Discovery was a "gentleman," says Tribulations and Triwinplhs 259 Bradford, "by name Mr. John Pory ; he had been secretary' in Virginia, and was now going home pas- senger in this ship, . . .and after his return did this poor plantation much credit amongst those of no mean rank." In a letter to the Lord of Southamp- ton Pory wrote in glowing terms of Plymouth Colony: "it pleased Almighty God (who had bet- ter provided for them than their own hearts could imagine) to plant them upon the seat of an old town, which divers [years] before had been abandoned of the Indians. So they both quietly and justly sat down without either dispossessing any of the natives, or being resisted by them, and without shedding so much as one drop of blood, which felicity of theirs is confirmed unto them even by the voices of the sav- ages themselves, who generally do acknowledge not only the seat, but the whole seignory thereto belong- ing, to be, and do themselves disclaim all title from it, so that the nght of those planters to it is alto- gether unquestionable, ... a favor which since the first discovery of America God hath not vouchsafed, so far as I could learn, upon any Christian nations within that continent. . . . To describe to your Lordship the excellency of the place, first, the harbor is not only pleasant for air and prospect, but most sure for shipping both small and great, being land- locked on all sides. The town is seated on the ascent of a hill, which besides the pleasure of variable ob- jects entertaining the unsatisfied eye, such is the 260 The Builders of a Nation wholesomeness of the place (as the Governor told me) that for the space of one whole year [i. e. the second year], of the two wherein they had been there, died not one man, woman, or child. This healthfulness is accompanied with much plenty both of fish and fowl every day in the year, as I know no place in the world that can match it. . . . From the beginning of September till the end of March, their bay in a manner is covered with all sorts of waterfowl, in such sort of swarms and multitudes as is rather admirable than credible. . . . Touching their fruit I ^nll not speak of their meaner sort as of raspes, cherries, gooseberries, strawberries, delicate plums and others, but they have commonly through the country five several sorts of grapes, some where- of I tasted, being fairer and larger than any I saw in the South Colony. ... In this land (as in other parts of this main) they have plenty of deer and of turkeys as large and as fat as in any other place. "So much of the wholesomeness and plent}'^ of the country. Now as concerning the quality of the peo- ple, how happy were it for our people in the South- ern Colony, if they were as free from wickedness and vice as these are in this place! And their industry as well appeareth by their building, as by a sub- stantial palisade about their [settlement] of twenty- seven hundred foot in compass, stronger than I have seen any in Virginia, and lastly by a blockhouse which they have erected in the highest place of the Tribulations and Trmmph^ 861 town to mount their ordnance upon, from whence they may command ail the harbor. As touching their correspondence with the Indians, they are friends with all their neighbors, as namely with those of Conahasset, and Massachuset to the north, with the great king of Pokanoket to the southwest, with those of Pamet, Nauset, Capawack and others to the east and south." In March of the following year (1623) word was brought to the colonists that their friend and ally, Massasoit, was dangerously jll„ at Sowams. Indian custom required a visit to the chief at such a time. With Hobomuk as interpreter and guide, Edward Winslow and John Hamden, "a gentleman of Lon- don," who had spent the winter at Plymouth "and desired much to see the country" hastened to Massa- soit's \allage. Attempts have not been wanting to identify this John Hamden with the celebrated Eng- lish patriot of the same name, but sufficient evidence is lacking to establish such a fact, interesting as it might be. After the party had been on the journey two days, they were told by some Indians whom they met that Massasoit w as dea d. Hobomuk wished to re- turn, but Winslow decided that it was better to pro- ceed since Corbitant, their former enemy, would probably be Massasoit's successor if he were dead. Hamden "was willing to that or any other course that might tend to the general good." On their ar- 262 The Builders of a Nation rival at Sowams, they found that Massasoit was still alive but in a very critical condition. It was almost impossible to enter his dwelling as the Indians had thronged to see their dying chief. "There were they," says Winslow, "in the midst of their charms for him: making such a hellish noise, as it distem- pered us that were well ; and therefore unlike to ease him that was sick." For two days the patient had not slept and was nearly blind. He was able to un- derstand that Winslow had arrived to see him and requested that he come near. Winslow did so in- forming him that Governor Bradford was sorry be- cause of his condition and had sent such things as were likely to do him good in this extremity. In con- formity with the sachem's desire Winslow took charge of the case, administering some simple rem- edies and insisting upon quiet to induce sleep "which was the principal thing he wanted." Within a day or two he was on the road to recovery and gratefully said: "Now I see the English are my friends, and love me: and whilst I live, I will never forget this kindness they have shewed me." As a proof of his gratitude he revealed to Hobo- muk a plot of the Massachusetts Bay Indians against the Weymouth colony, which they proposed to massacre and with them the colonists at Ply- mouth. This plot, he charged Hobomuk to make known to Winslow on t]ie homeward journey, and with it the advice not to wait until they had been Tribulations and Tritimphs 263 attacked but to strike the first blow. The colonists at Weymouth being a sorry lot had wronged the In- dians in many ways until finally their supplies hav- ing become exhausted, the natives refused to sell them food upon any terms, so that the plan of mak- ing a raid upon the Indian stores was discussed. Be- fore doing so they wrote to Governor Bradford for advice, but he opposed the idea because of the results which would be sure to follow, viz. : the hatred of the savages together with the fact that their ill-gotten gains would last but a little time, when they would be under the necessity of seeking food from those whom they had made their enemies. Numerous circumstances confirmed the suspicions of the Pilgrims as to this plot, and after fully de- liberating upon the matter at their annual election vigorous measures were decided upon. Captain Stan- dish was dispatched on April 4, 1623, with eight men in the shallop to Weymouth, presumably upon a trading expedition. Having reached Weymouth he found the settlers scattered, with the Indians coming in and out of their dwellings at their pleasure. Up- on Standish's advice the men were called home and ordered upon pain of death to remain. Four or five Indians, who had begun to suspect his designs and had assumed a defiant attitude, surrounding Stand- ish and sharpening their knives were inveigled into one of the dwellings with an equal number of his own men. The contest, witliout fire-arms, which fol- 264 The Builders of a Nation lowed, was short, sharp, and decisive. Three of the Indians were slain and a fourth was hanged, besides two others who were killed by Weston's men. The natives were terrorized and soon took to flight. The head of Witumat, one of the leading conspirators, was taken to Plymouth and set up on the fort. Wes- ton's settlement, however, was abandoned, some of the colonists going to Plymouth, and the rest to join their friends at the Eastern fisheries. "This," said Governor Bradford, "was the end of these that some time boasted of their strength, (being all able lusty men), and what they would do and bring to pass, in comparison of the people here, who had many women and children and weak ones amongst them; and said at their first arrival, when they saw the wants here, that they would take another course, and not fall into such a condition, as this simple people were come to. But a man's way is not in his own power; God can make the weak to stand; let him also that standeth take heed lest he fall." Soon after Weston came over in disguise to visit his colony, but was shipwrecked, and after having been robbed by the Indians, succeeded in reaching Plymouth in rather a sorry plight, of which Brad- ford remarked, "A strange alteration there was in him to such as had seen and known him in his for- mer flourishing condition ; so uncertain are the mutable things of this unstable world." Remem- bering his "foraier courtesies" the Pilgrims received TrihidatioTis and Triumphs 265 him kindly and furnished him with supplies. "But he requited them ill, for he proved after a bitter enemy unto them upon all occasions, and never re- paid them anything for it, — but reproaches and evil words." Until the spring of 1623, Plymouth colony had been upon a communistic basis. The houses of the settlers were individual property but the crops were raised in common for their general consumption. The results, however, did not justify the continuance of the scheme. "At length," wrote Bradford, "after much debate of things, the Governor (with the ad- vice of the chief est amongst them) gave way that they should set com every man for his own particu- lar, and in that regard trust to themselves ; in all other things to go in the general way as before. . . . This had very good success ; for it made all hands very industrious, so as much more com was planted than otherwise would have been by any means the Governor or any other could use, and saved him a great deal of trouble, and gave far better content. The women now went willingly into the field, and took their little ones with them to set com, which before would allege weakness, and inability ; whom to have compelled would have been thought great tyr- anny and oppression." The Plymouth governor moralizes upon the fail- ure of a scheme which in theory had seemed so at- tractive, but which in the end had militated not only 266 The Builders of a Nation against self-interest but self-respect : "The experi- ence that was had in this common course and con- dition, tried sundry years, and that amongst godly and sober men, may well evince the vanity of that conceit of Plato's and other ancients, applauded by some of later times ; — that the taking away of prop- erty, and bringing in community' into a common- wealth, would make them happy and flourishing; as if they were wiser than God. For this community (so far as it was) was found to breed much con- fusion and discontent, and retard much employment that would have been to their benefit and comfort. . . . Upon the point of all being to have alike, and all to do alike, they thought themselves in the like condition, and one as good as another; and so, if it did not cut off those relations that God hath set amongst men, yet it did much diminish and take off the mutual respects that should be preserved amongst them. And would have been worse if they had been men of another condition. Let none object this is men's corruption, and nothing to the course itself. I answer, seeing all men have this corruption in them, God in his wisdom saw another course fitter for them." A drought had followed the early planting season and continued several weeks, so that "the most courageous were now discouraged." It was therefore resolved "to humble tliemselves together before the Lord by fasting and prayer." Religious services Tribulations and Triumphs 267 were held "some eight or nme hours." When they assembled "the heavens were as clear and the drought as like to continue as ever," but when they dispersed the clouds had "gathered together on all sides. And, on the next morning distilled such soft, sweet, and moderate showers of rain, continuing some fourteen days, and mixed with such seasonable weather; as it was hard to say, Wliether our with- ered com, or drooping affections, were most quick- ened or revived. Such was the bounty and goodness of our God." The Indians learning of this through Hobomuk "admired the goodness of their God to- wards them, that wrought so great a change in so short a time." Winslow, who tells the story, goes on to relate that "having these many signs of God's favor and acceptation, we thought it would be great ingratitude, if secretly we should smother up the same ; or content ourselves with private thanks- giving for that which by private prayer could not be obtained. And therefore another Solemn Day was set apart and appointed for that end: wherein we returned glory, honor, and praise, with all thank- fulness to our good God, which dealt so graciously with us; whose name (for these, and all other mer- cies towards his Church and chosen ones), by them, be blessed and praised, now and evennore." In July, 1623, the ship Anne arrived from Eng- land, followed a few days hitcr by the pinnace Little James, bringing about a hundred additional colo- 268 The Builders of a Nation nists, including' several from Leyden, among them George Morton and his family; Fear and Patience, the two daughters of Elder Brewster; the wife of Dr. Fuller; Mrs. Southworth, who afterwards mar- ried Governor Bradford; and Barbara, who became the wife of Myles Standish. Surprises awaited these new-comers in the lines of care which they saw writ- ten upon the faces of those with whom they had parted at Delfshaven three years before, the tattered condition of their clothing, the log huts in which they lived, and their scanty fare ; "the best dish they could present their friends mth was a lobster, or a piece of fish, without bread, or anything else but a cup of fair spring water." Some wished themselves back in England, others wept fearing a like fate, but "some of their old friends rejoiced to see them, and that it was no worse with them, for they could not expect it should be better, and now hoped they should enjoy better days together." A third or more of the new arrivals had come at their own expense and were in no sense bound to the Adventurers. It was therefore decided that these, who were called "particulars," should be free from the general employments of the company, except the common defence and other public services, that they should be subject to the laws already made or there- after to be made for the public good, that each male above the age of sixteen should contribute a bushel of Indian corn annually towards the maintenance of TrihuLations and Triumphs 269 the government, and that until the expiration of the partnership between the Colony and the Adven- turers, they should be debarred from trading with the Indians in furs and other commodities. The Arme was soon laden with lumber, beaver and other furs, for the return voyage. Edward Winslow went over to report on the progress of the colony and to provide necessary commodities for the grow- ing community. This year's harvest more than jus- tified the abandonment of the commvmistic system. "Instead of famine," wrote Governor Bradford, "now God gave them plenty, and the face of things was changed, to the rejoicing of the hearts of many, for which they blessed God. And the effect of their particular planting was well seen, for all had, one way and other, pretty well to bring the year about, and some of the abler sort and more industrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as any general want or famine hath not been amongst them since to this day." In 1623 Robert Gorges, to whom a tract of land extending ten miles along the coast of Massachusetts Bay and thirty miles into the interior had been granted for £160, was appointed "general Governor of the country." He attempted a settlement at the deserted village of Weymouth, but returned in a few months to England "not finding the state of things here to answer his quality and condition." He had brought with him Francis West as Admiral, to regu- 270 The Builders of a Nation late the fishing, and an Episcopal clergyman, Wil- liam Morrel, who spent a year at Plymouth studying Indian anthropology and natural history, after Gorges' return to England. Says Bradford: "He had I know not what power and authority of super- intendency over other churches granted him, and sundry instructions for that end; but he never showed it, or made any use of it; (it should seem he saw it was in vain) ; he only spake of it to some here at his going away." On November 5th (Old Style), a disastrous fire threatened the town with extinction. Some sailors from the Paragon and the Swan, who "were royster- ing in a house'* either maliciously or in celebration of Guy Fawke's day built too great a fire "which broke out of the chimney into the thatch" with the result that three or four houses were burned. "The house in which it began was right against their store-house, which they had much ado to save, in which were their common store and all their provisions ; the which if it had been lost, the plantation had been overthrown." By covering it over with wet blankets this disaster was averted. After this fire several of the "particulars" who had come over in the Awne took passage for Virginia, "some out of discourage- ment and dislike of the country; and others by rea- son of (the) fire that broke out, and burnt the houses they lived in, and all their provisions so they were necessitated thereunto." Tribtdations and Triumphs 271 During the first three years at Plymouth, the few criminal trials were conducted by the whole assem- bly, the governor presiding and executing sentence. But on December 27, 1623, trial by jury was insti- tuted, it being enacted in the first statute entered in the Colony Record-book that "all criminal facts, and also all matters of trespass and debt between man and man, shall be tried by the verdict of twelve hon- est men, to be empanelled by authority in the form of a jury upon their oath." CHAPTER XII FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS At the annual election, in March, 1624, William Bradford having served three consecutive terms as governor entered a protest against re-election on the ground that "if it was any honor or benefit, it was fit others should be made partakers of it; if it was a burden, (as doubtless it was,) it was but equal others should help to bear it." Notwithstanding this protest the Pilgrims had too high a regard for his administrative abilities and the invaluable serv- ices which he had rendered, to permit his retirement at tliis time. He was accordingly re-elected, but with five Assistants instead of one, to divide the duties and responsibilities of this office. Later the number of Assistants was increased to seven, the town meeting and the Governor with his Assistants constituting the only government at Plymouth until 1638, when the colony having expanded until it em- braced other towns and communities, it was "enacted by the Court, for the ease of the several colonies and towns within the government, that every town should make choice of two of their freemen, and the 272 Further Developments 273 town of Plymouth of four, to be Committees or Deputies to join with the bench to enact and make all such laws and ordinances as should be judged to be good and wholesome for the whole." These Depu- ties were not to be paid out of the general fund, but by the towns which sent them. Deputies who proved "insufficient or troublesome" might be dismissed by their associates and the Assistants, when their town should "choose other freemen in their place." The ; government as thus constituted consisted of two branches, the Governor with his seven Assistants and the Deputies from the towns. Both branches sat and acted together, the Governor presiding. This remained the only legislative body so long as the , separate existence of Plj^mouth Colony continued. ] In the spring of 1624, Edward Winslow returned I on the Chnrity from his trip to England bringing I much needed supplies and "three heifers and a bull, I the first beginning of any cattle of that kind in the land." Just when horses were introduced into Ply- ' mouth is not known. Horses were owned at Salem as early as 1629. Six years later a consignment was I brought to Boston in the James and that same year horses were brought to the Boston market in Dutch ships from Holland. According to Thatcher "the first notice of horses on record is 1644, when a mare belonging to the estate of Stephen Hopkins, was ap- praised at six pounds sterling." Horses, therefore, must have been introduced into Plymouth before 274< The Builders of a Nation that date, possibly as early as at Boston, and per- haps through the same channels. Besides cattle and supplies Winslow brought over a ship carpenter, who "was an honest and very in- dustrious man," who "quickly built them two very good and strong shallops — and a great and strong lighter, and had hewn timber for two catches" but unfortunately he soon sickened and died. Another man whom the Adventurers sent at the same time to make salt, proved to be "an ignorant, foolish, self-willed fellow" who made only trouble and waste. With them came John Lj'ford, an Anglican clergy- man of Puritan sympathies whom the Adventurers attempted to force upon the church at Plymouth. Cushman expressed the hope that he was "an honest plain man, though none of the most eminent and rare." Winslow and himself were present at his appointment and only "gave way to his going, to give content to some" there. The Pilgrims would have much preferred their own minister, John Robinson, together with the rest of their congregation at Leyden, but in letters which Winslow brought from Robinson we get an inkling as to the reason for their detention : "the adventur- ers allege nothing but want of money, which is an in\nncible difficulty, yet if that were taken away by you, others without doubt will be found. For the better clearing of this, we must dispose the adventur- ers into three parts ; and of them some five or six (as Further Developments 275 I conceive) are absolutely bent for us, above any others. Other five or six are our bitter professed adversaries. The rest, being the bod}', I conceive to be honestly minded, and lovingly also towards us; yet such as have others (namely the forward preachers) nearer unto them, than us, and whose course so far as there is any difference, they would rather advance than ours. . . . And I persuade my- self, that for me they of all others are unwilling I should be transported, especially such as have an eye that way themselves ; as thinking if I come there, their market will be marred in many regards. And for these adversaries, if they have but half the wit to their malice, they will stop my course when they see it intended, for which this delaying serveth them very opportunely. And as one resty jade can hinder, by hanging back, more than two or three can (or will at least, if they be not very free) draw forward, so will it be in this case. A notable experiment of this, they gave in your messengers' presence, con- straining the company to promise that none of the money now gathered should be expended or employed to help any of us toward you." The Adventurers, as a body, it seems, did not at all sympathize with the Separatist principles of the Pilgrims and sent over Lyford with the purpose of subverting the existing order, although it was under- stood that he was to hold no official position in the colony until they had exercised "their own liberty 276 The Builders of a Nation and discretion" about choosing him to office. How- ever, he was kindly received, given "a larger allowance of food out of the store than any other had" and was asked to counsel with the Governor and his Assistants "in their weightiest business" as Elder Brewster had done. "When this man," says Bradford, "first came ashore he saluted them with reverence and humility as is seldom seen, and indeed made them ashamed, he so bowed and cringed unto them; . . . yea, he wept and shed many tears." He soon sought church mem- bership among them, making "a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgment of liis former dis- orderly walking, and his being entangled with many corruptions, which had been a burden to his con- science, and blessed God for this opportunity of freedom and liberty to enjoy the ordinances of God in purity among his people, with many more such like expressions." Notwithstanding these hypocritical avowals of Lyford he was soon consorting with certain malcon- tents among the "particulars" who had come over in the Anne, especially with John Oldham, the "chief stickler in the former faction among the par- ticulars." About tlie time when the Charity was ready to return, Lyford spent much time in writing letters, which he was seen showing to his "intimates" and at which they chuckled in their sleeves. Suspect- ing the defamatory character of these epistles, Gov- Further Developments STSfT ernor Bradford intercepted them on board the vessel. In these letters charges were made against the civil management of the colony, alleging religious intol- erance ; discrimination against the "particulars" ; unjust and unequal distribution of provisions; and waste of tools and vessels. He advised "that the Leyden company, Mr. John Robinson and the rest, must still be kept back, or else all will be spoiled," that "such a number" should be "provided as might oversway them here," and that another should be sent over to supersede Capt. Standish who "looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempt." 01dham*s letters are not described, but in "a letter from one of their confederates" it was stated that "Mr. Oldham and Mr. Lyford intended a reformation in church and commonwealth." These letters Governor Bradford prudently kept until circumstances forced him to show his hand. Within a short time, when Oldham was required to take his turn as a sentinel in the fort he "refused to come, fell out with the Captain, called him a rascal, and beggarly rascal, and resisted him, drew his knife at him ; though he offered him no wrong, nor gave him no ill terms, but with all fairness required him to do his duty." The Governor hearing the tumult, undertook to quiet it, but he raved "more like a furi- ous beast than a man" calling them traitors and rebels, "but after he was clapt up awhile he came to himself" and was released upon good behavior. Fin- 278 The Builders of a Nation ally Lyford and his accomplices, without a word to the Governor, Church or Elder, withdrew themselves and set up public worship of their own. Governor Bradford felt that the time for action had come and summoning the court with the whole company, charged Lyford and Oldham with secretly plotting against them. The charge was indignantly denied, but when Lyford's letters were produced he was struckdumb. Oldham tried to raise a mutiny "among those present,' but "all were silent being struck with the injustice of the thing." Lyford "confessed he feared he was a reprobate, his sins were so great that he doubted God would not pardon them, he was unsavory salt, &c., and that he had so wronged them as he could never make them amends, confessing all he had written against them was false and naught, both for matter and manner." The leaders in this conspiracy were ordered to leave the colony, Oldham at once, being permitted, however, to leave his family beliind until provision could be made for them, but Lyford was permitted to remain six months longer. He subsequently pro- fessed deep penitence, publicly confessing his sins to the church "with tears more largely than before." He was forgiven only to be discovered in further plots, writing a second letter to the Adventurers with the result that he was expelled. He went first to Nantasket, then to Salem, and at last to Virginia, where he died. Further Developments 279 In this second letter Lyford complained that "they have had no ministry here since they came," to which Bradford made answer "the more is our wrong, that our pastor is kept from us by these men's means, and then reproach us for it when they have done. Yet we have not been wholly destitute of the means of salvation, as this man would make the world believe; for our reverend Elder hath labored diligently in dispensing the word of God unto us, before he came; and since hath taken equal pains with himself in preaching the same ; and, be it spoken without ostentation, he is not inferior to Mr. Lyford (and some of his betters) either in gifts or learning, through he would never be persuaded to take higher office upon him." In 1625 Oldham again appeared in Plymouth, but conducting himself more insolently than before, he was summarily and ignominiously expelled. They "appointed a guard of musketeers which he was to pass through, and every one was ordered to give him a thump on the breech, with the butt end of his musket, and then was conveyed to the water side, where a boat was ready to carry him away. Then they bid him go and mend his manners." The expulsion of Lyford and Oldham brought about strained relations between the colonists and the Adventurers, finally resulting in a rupture among the latter, "for," says Bradford, "the Company of Adventurers broke in pieces here- 280 The Builders of a Nation upon, and the greatest part wholly deserted the colony on regard of any further supply, or care of their subsistence." Two-thirds of the Adventurers "deserted the colony" but the balance remained friendly, and writing of the defection of the others said "though we are persuaded the main cause of this their doing is want of money, (for need whereof men use to make many excuses), yet other things are pretended, as that you are Brownists, &c." The amount due from the colonists at this time was not less than fourteen hundred pounds sterling, and although the friendly Adventurers now sent cattle and goods, yet they were at such "dear rates" that "sundr}^" of the colonists complained. In 1625 Captain Standish was sent to England in the interests of the colony, but he arrived at a most inopportune time. King James had died at the end of March, and was succeeded by his son Charles I, who under the influence of William Laud, subse- quently Archbishop, was bending all of his energies in the enforcement of uniformity. London was suffer- ing from the pla^e which resulted, within a short time, in forty thousand deaths in the city. Owing to these reasons and doubtless too to the opposition which must have been engendered by the dissensions which had taken place among the Adventurers, Stan- I dish returned, the following April, having "taken up / one hundred and fifty pounds (and spent a good i deal of it in expenses) at fifty per cent, which he Further Developments 281 bestowed in trading goods and such other most need- ful commodities as he knew requisite for their use." He brought back the melancholy tidings of the deaths of Robert Cushman, who had been the right hand man of the colonists with the Adventurers, and Jolm Robinson, their pastor, who after a brief illness had passed away March 1, 1625. Writing from Leyden of his death, Roger White said: "If either prayers, tears, or means, would have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he faithfully finished his course, and performed his work which the Lord had appointed him here to do, he now resteth with the Lord in eternal happiness. We wanting him and all Church Governors, yet we still (by the mercy of God) continue and hold close together in peace and quietness ; and so hope we shall do, though we be very weak. Wishing (if such were the will of God) that you and we were again united together in one, either there or here ; but seeing it is the will of the Lord thus to dispose of things, we must labor with patience to rest contented, till it please the Lord otherwise to dispose." Of Robinson's funeral Winslow wrote: "When God took him away from them and us by death, the University and ministers of the city accompanied him to his grave with all their accustomed solem- nities ; bewailing the great loss that not only that particular Church had whereof he was pastor, but some of the chief of them sadly affirmed that all the 282 The Builders of a Nation Churches of Christ sustained a loss by the death of that worthy instrument of the Gospel." The pastor of the Pilgrim Church was buried under the pavement of St. Peter's at Leyden, the record, with the usual Dutch mistakes in spelling English names, being as follows: "1625, -1 March. John Roelands, Preacher of the English Community by the belfry — buried in the Peter's Church." The receipt for his burial is entered thus : "1625, 10 March. Open and hire for John Robens English Preacher — 9 florins." Robinson's wife Bridget and three children, Mercy, Fear, and James, seem to have remained in Leyden, but his eldest son Isaac after- wards joined the Pilgrim community at Plymouth. The following March (1625) Isaac Allerton, as the agent of Plymouth Colony, made an arrange- ment with the Adventurers whereby William Brad- ford, Myles Standish, Isaac Allerton, Edward Wins- low, William Brewster, John Rowland, John Alden, and Thomas Prince assumed the entire indebtedness of the colony amounting to £1800, payable in nine annual installments, the first of which fell due in 1628. These eight also agreed to pay off the other debts amounting to £600, for which they were to have for the space of six years a mojiopply of the trade of the colony, each of the colonists to pay them annually three bushels of corn or six pounds of tobacco ; and they also were to have the use of the three boats belonging to the colony with "the whole Further Developments 283 stock of furs, felts, beads, corn, wampumpeag, knives, etc., that was now in store, or any way due upon account." They further agreed to import annually £50 worth of hose and shoes to be sold to the colonists for corn at six shillings per bushel. If the trade profits were insufficient to meet the annual payments in London, the deficiency was to be made up proportionately by the settlers, who were described and enrolled as purchasers. To meet this liability, the land was now divided into shares of twenty acres, every "purchaser" to have one share besides the land he already possessed, and an ad- ditional share for each member of his family. By this arrangement the "particulars" described before were placed on an equal footing with the rest. No subdivision was made of the meadow land, which was held in common, but every season each "purchaser" was assigned a certain portion which he was per- mitted to mow for the use of his cattle. In 1627 Plymouth was visited by Isaac De Rasieres, secretary of the colony of New Amster- dam, for the purpose of establishing trade relations between the two colonies, which continued for several years. We are indebted to him for a description of Plymouth at this time which he wrote in a letter to Holland : "New Plymouth lies on the slope of a hill stretching east towards the sea-coast, with a broad street about a cannon shot of eight hundred (feet) long, leading down the hill, with a (street) 284 The Builders of a Nation crossing in the middle, northwards to the rivulet, and southwards to the land. The houses are constructed of hewn planks, with gardens also enclosed behind and at the sides with hewn planks, so that their houses and court-yards are arranged in very good order, with a stockade against a sudden attack ; and at the ends of the streets there are three wooden gates. In the centre, on the cross-street, stands the Governor's house, before which four patereros are mounted, so as to flank along the streets. Upon the hill they have a large square house, with a flat roof, made of thick sawn planks, stayed with oak beams, upon the top of which they have six cannons, which shoot iron balls of four and five pounds, and com- mand the surrounding country. The lower part they use for their church, where they preach on Sundays and the usual holidays. They assemble by beat of drum, each with his musket or firelock, in front of the captain's door; they have their cloaks on, and place themselves in order, three abreast, and are led by a sergeant without beat of drum. Behind comes the Governor, in a long robe; beside him, on the right hand, comes the preacher, with his cloak on, and on the left hand the captain, with his side-arms and cloak on, and with a small cane in his hand; and so they march in good order, and each sets his arms ) down near him. Thus they are constantly on their . guard night and day." In 1628 Plymouth Colony was under the necessity Further Developments 285 of interfering with the settlement known as Mount Wollaston, near Quincy, which had been established three years before by Captain Wollaston. He soon left the settlement and after his departure, Thomas Morton, who was described by Bradford as "a kind of pettifogger of Fumivall's Inn," gained the as- cendency, changing the name of the settlement to Merrymount, and indulging in every species of de- bauchery. To cap the climax he sold arms and ammunition to the Indians. This the Pilgrims de- ' cided was not to be tolerated, and after sending two letters to no purpose, remonstrating with such a course, they dispatched Captain Standish with a i band of Musketeers to take Morton by force. The latter resisted, but was brought to Plymouth and j sent to England to be dealt with by the Council for I New England. Thus ended the revels of Merry- 1 mount and what might have been a serious menace I to the peace of the colony. I That same year AUerton brought over from Eng- ( land a young minister by the name of Rogers, but ! he proved to be "crazed in his brain" and was soon I sent back at considerable expense to the colony. The I year following the Rev. Ralph Smith, who had come j over to the Bay Colony, was found at Nantasket by I some of the Plymouth people "weary of being in that uncouth place, and in a poor house that would ; neither keep him nor his goods dry. So, seeing him to be a grave man, and understood he had been a 286 The Builders of a Nation minister, though they had no order for any such thing, yet they presumed and brought him. He was here accordingly kindly entertained and housed, and had the rest of his goods and servants sent for, and exercised his gifts amongst them, and afterwards was chosen to the ministry, and so remained for sundry years." In August, 1629, thirty-five members of the Ley- den congregation came over on the Mayjlower on its second voyage to the new world. A second party from Leyden arrived some time afterwards. These two parties were brought over at a cost to the Plymouth Colony of five hundred and fifty pounds, while the cost of maintenance until the second hai*vest after "was little less than the former sum," which says Governor Bradford, shewed "a rare ex- ample herein of brotherly love, and Christian care in performing their promises and covenants to their brethren, too, and in a sort beyond their power; that they should venture so desperately to engage them- selves to accomplish this thing, and bear it so cheer- fully ; for they never demanded, much less had, any repayments of all these great sums thus disbursed." Notwithstanding the number of colonists sent to the new world, the Leyden Church continued its separate existence for many years. In 1644, when 15,567 florins were contributed by the Reformed Churches, for the relief of their brethren in Ireland, this little congregation sent 558 florins, a sum equiv- Further Developments 287 alent in present values to one thousand dollars. Finally with the discontinuance of the English im- migration thither, the Ley den Separatists in 1658 were merged into the Reformed Church of Holland. Early in 1630 the Council for New England issued a patent to "William Bradford, his heirs, associates, and assigns," defining for the first time the boun- daries of Plymouth Colony, and including a tract of land extending for fifteen miles on each side of the Kennebec River, which was acquired for a fishing and trading station. This patent empowered Brad- ford and his associates "from time to time to frame and make orders, ordinances, and constitutions," not contrary to the laws of England, and "for their several defence, to encounter, expulse, repel, and resist by force of arms, as well by sea as by land" all attempts "to inhabit or trade with the savage people of that country" within the limits of their plantation, or any attempt to destroy, invade, detri- ment, or annoy "their said plantation." No Royal Charter was ever granted, and this patent, the original of which is in the office of the Register of Deeds at Plymouth, remained the sole foundation for the government of Plymouth Colony until its incor- poration with Massachusetts in 1692. In 1631 Isaac Allerton who acted as agent for the eight men who had assumed the financial obligations of the colony, came near involving them and the colony in financial ruin by mismanaging their funds 288 The BuUders of a Nation and contracting debts amounting to nearly five thousand pounds in addition to one thousand pounds still due the London Adventurers. "'Though the partners," savs Bradford, ''were thus plunged into great engagements, and oppressed with unjust debts, yet the Lord prospered their trading, that they made yearly large returns. . . . Also the people of the plantation began to grow in their outward estates, by reason of the flowing of many people into the country, especially into the Bay of Massachusetts; by whicli means corn and cattle rose to a great price, by which many wei^e much enriched, and commodities grew plentiful." By 1633 their obligations, accord- ing to Fiske and Morton Dexter, had been met in full. This, however, seems to be a mistake, for in 1634 Edward Winslow was sent over to England to effect a settlement with the Adventurers, but he was not successful. The accounts kept getting more and more tangled until 1641 when a composition was decided upon, the eight partners who had assumed the obligation of the colony giving a bond for £2400 "for payment of £1200 in full satisfaction of aU demands," £400 to be paid within two months and the remaining £800 to be paid at the rate of £200 per annum. So finally after more than twenty years the colon v was freed from debt. CHAPTER XIII THE SWARMING OF THE PURITANS In a preceding' chapter the rise of English Puri- tanism has been traced to the primacy of Archbishop Bancroft. The latter, who had vigorously enforced uniformity and had treated the Puritans with unre- lenting severity, died in 1610 and was succeeded by I George Abbot, a man of milder temper, who, said Clarendon, "considered religion no otherwise, than 1 as it abhorred and reviled popery, and valued those I men most, who did that most furiously. For the strict observation of the discipline of the church, or the conformity to the articles or canons estab- lished, he made little inquiry, and took less case; . . . I he adhered wholly to the doctrine of Calvin, and, for his sake, did not think so ill of the discipline as he ought to have done. But if men prudently forbore a public reviling and railing at the hierarchy and ecclesiastical government, let their opinions and private practice be what it would, they were not only secure from any inquisition of his, but accept- able to him, and at least equally preferred by him." If Abbot was tolerant towards the Puritans, this 289 290 The Builders of a Nation was not true of King James, who published his famous "Book of Sports" in 1618, enjoining certain amusements as suited to Sunday afternoons, such as dancing, archery, leaping, vaulting. May-games, Morris-dances, etc. This book gave great offence to the Puritans who were strict Sabbatarians, and Ab- bot forbade the reading of the king's letter in his church at Croyden. Trask, a Puritan minister, who wrote a reply to the king's book, was sentenced to be placed in the pillory at Westminster, then whipped to the Fleet, and confined during the king's pleasure. By means of lectureships, which had been endowed by prominent Puritan laymen, Puritan preaching through Sunday afternoon lectures had continued in many parishes where the incumbent was absent, or obnoxious, or incompetent. In 1622 James, through Archbishop Abbot, forbade the discussion of such themes as predestination or grace before a general audience by a preacher of less rank than a dean. As these were the themes which were foremost in the minds of the Puritans, the issuance of such an order was distinctly hostile to the Puritan "lectureships." King James died in 1625, and although Abbot remained Archbishop of Canterbury until his death in 1633, after the accession of Charles I to the throne, his influence in eccesiastical affairs grew less and less as the new king looked more and more to William Laud for counsel and direction in all matters pertaining to the church. Laud had been The Swarmmg of the Puritans 291 made bishop of Saint David's in 1621, but when. Charles came to the thione his promotion was rapid, being made Bishop of Bath and Wells, Bishop of London, Chancellor of Oxford University, and finally, upon the death of Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury. Laud seemed bent on a restoration of the Church of England to the papacy. At his instigation, the king issued a proclamation in 1626, "that the king ; will admit of no innovation in the doctrine, discipline or government of the church, and therefore charges all his subjects, and especially the clergy, not to publish or maintain, in preaching or writing, any new inventions or opinions, contrary to the said ■ doctrine and discipline established by law." Impos- |ing forms and ceremonies were introduced into public 1 worship, while altar-pieces, pictures, images, and I crucifixes adorned the English churches. Tlie Re- iformed doctrines were everywhere discouraged. In 1629 a series of Injunction were issued, forbidding *Sunda3' afternoon lectures and substituting the use jOf the Catechism instead ; requiring that "every pLecturer do read Divine Service, according to the Liturgy printed by authority, in his Surplice and JHood, before the Lecture"; that all Lecturers j"preach in Gowns, and not in Cloaks, as too many no use"; that no Lecturer should be permitted to preach unless he were willing to take a Living and lactually do take one if procured for him; and that 292 The Builders of a Nation no persons of an estate "under Noblemen, and Men qualified by Law" be allowed to have private chap- lains in their houses. Holding that ordination by bishops was essential to a valid ministry, Laud severed the ties which had united the Church of England with the Churches of Germany and Switzerland on the ground that the latter were not true churches. The Dutch and French churches, which up to this time had been permitted to exercise their own worship in England, were required to conform to the Establishment. The importation of the Genevan Bibles, with notes pre- pared by Calvinistic or Puritan divines, was pro- hibited. Hundreds of laymen were excommunicated for refusing to kneel when they partook of Com- munion. In opposition to a Puritanical observance of the Sabbath, King James' "Book of Sports" was re-issued. Chief Justice Richardson had forbidden all village wakes on Sunday and had ordered the publication of this prohibition by the clergy in time of service. For this he was reproved by the Arch- bishop, and in republishing the "Book of Sports" the king declared that "these feasts with others shall be observed, and that our justices of the peace shall see them conducted orderly, and that neighborhood and freedom with manlike and lawful exercises be used." The Star Chamber and Court of High Commis- sion were employed by Laud in enforcing uniformity. The Swarming of the Puritans 293 Non-conformists were punished with ruthless sever- ity. For addressing "An Appeal to Parliament" against the prelates, Dr. Edward Leighton, father of Archbishop Leighton, was sent to Newgate with- out examination, and there put in irons, kept for fifteen weeks in a loathsome place exposed to snow and rain, without receiving a copy of his indictment, or being permitted to be visited by his wife or friends. Finally he was sentenced by the Star Cham- ber Court, Laud standing with uncovered head and thanking God for this victorj' over his enemies, to pay a fine of £10,000, to suffer perpetual imprison- ment, and after having his ears cut, his nose slit, his face branded, and his body scourged, to stand in a pillory, first in Palace-yard and afterwards at Cheapside. Thence he was taken to the Fleet where he remained until liberated by Parliament ten years later. Leighton's case was of course extreme, and al- though milder treatment as a rule was accorded non- conforming ministers, yet because for conscience's sake they could not yield in the matter of vestments, or services, or the observance of the Sabbath, they were deprived of their livings, prohibited from preaching in the fields or private houses, forbidden to teach school or take private pupils, or to engage in business or practice medicine. Moreover, they were liable to heavy fines and imprisonment. Tlie repressive measures of the crown, together 294< The Builders of a Xation with the success of the experiment at Plymouth, "Mourt's Relation" having been published at Lon- don in 1622 and Winslow's ''Good Xeus from Xeiv England" in 1624, induced thousands of English Puritans to migrate to the New World. As a re- sult from twenty to thirty thousand persons from the well-to-do English middle classes sailed for New England between the years 1630 and 1640 that in peace and security they might worship God accord- ing to the dictates of their own consciences. These emigrants, unlike the Pilgrims, were not Separatists. They had no thought or intention of separating from the Church of England. They wished only to escape from the observances and re- strictions of the English Church that had proved obnoxious. Rev, Francis Higginson, afterwards pastor at Salem, on leaving England in 1629, said: ''We will not say as the Separatists were wont to sav at their leaving Enorland, Farewell Babvlon ! Farewell Rome! But we will say, Farewell Dear England ! Farewell the Church of God in England, and all the Christian friends there ! We do not go to New England as Separatists from the Church of England; though we cannot but separate from the Corruptions in it : But we go to practice the posi- tive Part of Church Reformation, and propagate the Gospel in America." John Winthrop's company on leaving England in 1630 took the pains to send from Yarmouth "Tlie The Swarming of the Puritans 295 humble Request of his Majesty's loyal Subjects, the Governor and the Company late gone for New Eng- land; to the rest of their Brethren in and of the Church of England ; for the obtaining of the Prayers, for the removal of suspicions, and misconcep- tions of their Intentions" begging their fathers and brethren to take notice "of the principals and body of our Company, as those who esteem it our honor to call the Church of England from whence we rise, our dear Mother; and cannot part from our native country where she especially resideth, without much sadness of heart and many tears in our eyes, ever acknowledging that such hope and part as we have obtained in the common salvation we have received in her bosom, and sucked it from her breasts. We leave it not, therefore, as loathing that milk where- with we were nourished there; but, blessing God for the parentage and education as members of the same body, shall always rejoice in her good and un- feignedly grieve for any sorrow that shall ever betide her." The earliest attempt at a Puritan settlement was made on Cape Ann in 1623 by a little company of fishermen under the patronage of John White, a noted Puritan divine of Dorchester, England. A year or so later Roger Conant, an ardent Puritan, was sent over to superintend the enterprise. John Lyford after his expulsion from Plymouth made his way thither and was received as a minister. The 296 The Builders of a Nation communit}', however, did not prosper and it soon was abandoned b}' the Dorchester Company, after which most of the settlers returned to England. Conant decided to remain. He wrote Mr. White that there was a better opportunity for a colony at Naumkeag, and suggested that it "might prove a receptacle for such as upon the account of religion would be will- ing to begin a foreign plantation in the New World." White promised to assist and those who had re- mained removed to Naumkeag. The rascally Ly- ford, pretending to have had a call from Virginia, persuaded most of the company to relinquish their purpose to remam and accompany him thither. A few remained with Conant who announced his in- tention of standing finn though all should forsake him. Through Wliite's efforts a patent was obtained from the Council of New England, under date of March 19, 1628, in accordance with which the Coun- cil "bargained and sold unto some knights and gen- tlemen about Dorchester, namely. Sir Henry Ros- well, Sir John Young, knights, Thomas Southcoat, John Humphrey, John Endicott and Simon Whit- comb, gentlemen, that part of New England lying between the Merrimac river and the Charles river on the Massachusetts Bay." Captain John Endicott was chosen governor of the new plantation and with his wife and about forty others sailed for New England, June 1st, on the Abigail, Henry Gauden, The Swarmmg of the Puritans 297 master, arriving at Naumkeag on the 6th of Septem- ber, following. There were some differences at first with Conant's compaay, but these having been ami- cably adjusted, the name of the place was changed to Salem, meaning "peace." No sooner had these new settlers arrived than they began to die off as had the colonists at Plymouth. A messenger was dispatched to the latter place and Dr. Fuller, their physician, was sent to minister relief. He also took occasion to explain more fully the principles of the Pilgrim Church, of which more shall be said in a subsequent chapter. Endicott wrote back a favorable account of the voyage to New England and their impressions of the new country. As a consequence a number of men of social standing and competent estate be- came interested in the undertaking. The Company having been greatly enlarged by these men, a royal charter was granted, March 4, 1629, to the original patentees and twenty other persons under the title of the "Governor and Company of the Massachu- setts Bay in New England." The corporation thus formed was authorized to elect annually from their own number, a Governor, a Deputy Governor, and eighteen Assistants, and "they shall have full power and authority, and are hereby authorized by power derived from His Majesty's Letters Patent to make, order, and establish all manner of wholesome and reasonable orders, laws, statutes, ordinances, direc- 298 The Builders of a Nation tions, and instructions not contrary to the laws of the realm of England ; a copy of which orders from time to time shall be sent to the Company in Eng- land." The Company was to meet four times a year, or oftener if occasion required, while the Governor, Deputy, and Assistants were to meet once a month. Matthew Cradock was elected Governor, and one of the first steps taken by the corporation was the crea- tion of a government for the colony itself, consisting of a Governor (Captain Endicott being retained), a Deputy Governor, and twelve Counsellors, three of whom were to be chosen by the planters whom Endi- cott had found in the colony on his arrival. Pro- vision was made for the allotment of land to the shareholders, each of whom was to receive two hun- dred acres for each £50 invested. If he went over to the colony he was to have in addition fifty acres for himself and fifty acres for each member of his family. Emigrants, not shareholders, were to be allotted fifty acres, and fifty acres additional for every servant exported ; the Governor and Council being empowered to grant more land to such emi- grants "according to their charge and quality." Soon after the issuance of this charter extensive re-inforcements were sent to the colony in New Eng- land. Six vessels were gotten ready and a license was procured from the Lord Treasurer for the em- barkation of "eighty women and maids, twenty-six children, and three hundred men, with victuals, arms. The Swarming of the Puritans 299 and tools, and necessary apparel," besides "one hundred and forty head of cattle, and forty goats." Four ministers accompanied the expedition, Francis Bright, Francis Higginson, Samuel Skelton, all or- dained clergymen of the Church of England, and Ralph Smith, a Separatist. When the views of the latter became known it came near costing him his passage, but finally he was permitted to sail with the company, orders being sent to Endicott "unless he will be conformable to our government, you suffer him not to remain within the limits of our grant." He did not long remain, however, soon going to Nan- tasket, and thence, as we have already learned, to Plymouth, where he became the pastor of the Pilgrim Church. Of conditions in the new world Higginson wrote back: "When first we came to Naumkeag, we found about half a score houses, and a fair house newly built for the Governor. We found also abundance of com planted by them, very good and well-liking. And we brought with us about two hundred pas- sengers and planters more, which by common con- sent of the old planters, were all combined together into one body politic, under the same governor. . . . But that which is our greatest comfort and means of defence above all others is, that we have here the true religion and holy ordinances of Almighty God tauglit among us. Thanks be to God, we have here plenty of preaching and diligent catechizing, with 300 The Builders of a Nation strict and careful exercise and good and commend- able orders to bring our people into a Christian con- versation with whom we have to do withal. And thus we doubt not but God ^Wll be with us ; and if God be with us, who can be against us?" Within four weeks after their arrival the Salem planters proceeded to organize themselves into a church, Samuel Skelton being chosen pastor, and Francis Higginson teacher, "every fit member vot- ing." "Mr. Higginson, with three or four of the gravest members of the church laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, using prayer therewith. This being done, there was imposition of hands on Mr. Higgin- son also." The following covenant was adopted: "We Covenant with the Lord and one mth an other; and do bind ourselves in the presence of God, to walk together in his ways, according as he is pleased to reveal himself unto us in his Blessed word of truth." An elder and two deacons were nominated, but their election was deferred for the reason that other able men might be sent over from England from whom a choice might be made. A step of far-reaching consequence in the colo- nization of Massachusetts was taken at the meeting of the Governor and Assistants of the Massachusetts Company on July 28th, 1629, when it was proposed by Matthew Cradock, the Governor of the Company, that in order to induce persons of worth and quality to emigrate with their families to the settlement and The Swarming of the Puritans 301 for other weighty reasons it was expedient to "trans- fer the government of the plantation to those that shall inhabit, and not continue the same in sub- ordination to the Company here as it now is." Ac- tion upon this matter was postponed until the next meeting on August 29th. In the meanwhile, twelve of their number, including Sir Richard Saltonstall, John Winthrop, Thomas Dudley, and Isaac John- son, held a private meeting at Cambridge, when they agreed to be ready by March 1st to embark with their families for New England, provided that the government of the plantation's patent be transferred to those who should inhabit the same. At the meet- ing on August 29th an order to that effect was drawn up and exexcuted. As Cradock was not going out, at the meeting on October 20th John Winthrop was chosen governor for the ensuing year. On March 23, 1630, Winthrop and his associates set sail from Southampton in the Arbella and three other vessels. Two others had preceded them in February and March, while ten other vessels fol- lowed in May and June. Winthrop and his company "found the colony in a sad and unexpected condi- tion, above eighty of them being dead the winter before, and many of those alive being weak and sick, all the corn and bread amongst them all hardly suf- ficient to feed them a fortnight." The new settlers were obliged therefore to feed the planters as well as themselves. Salem did not appear to be a suit- 302 The Builders of a Nation able place for the capital of the colony, so Win- throp located first at Charlestowai, while others set- tled at Medford, Watertown, Roxbury, and Dor- chester, where a company sent out by Rev. John White had located and organized a church a few weeks pre^^ousl3^ On July 30, 1630, a church was organized at Charlestown by Governor Winthrop, Isaac Johnson, Thomas Dudley, and Rev. John Wilson, with the fol- lowing covenant : "In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, and in Obedience to His holy will and Divine Ordinance, "We whose names are hereunder written, being by His most wise, and good Providence brought to- gether into this part of America in the Bay of Mas- sachusetts, and desirous to unite ourselves into one Congregation, or Church, under the Lord Jesus Christ our Head, in such sort as becometh all those whom He hath Redeemed, and Sanctified to Himself, do hereby solemnly, and religiously (as in His most holy Presence) Promise, and bind ourselves, to walk in all our ways according to the Rule of the Gospel, and in all sincere Conformity to His holy Ordi- nances, and in mutual love, and respect each to other, so near as God shall give us grace." On August 23rd, officers were installed as follows: Teacher, John Wilson ; Ruling Elder, Increase Now- ell ; Deacons, William Gager and William Aspin- wall. These men were set apart by imposition of The Swarming of the Puritans 303 hands but as Winthrop tells us "with this protesta- tion by all, that it was only a sign of election and confinnation, not of any intent that Mr. Wilson should renounce his ministry he received in Eng- land." Winthrop soon removed to Boston, which became the capital of the colony. The first year proved a trying one. In the early autumn Lady Arbella Johnson, sister to the Earl of Lincoln, and her hus- band Isaac, two of the chief promoters of the colony passed awa}'. Between April and December it was estimated that two hundred of the new-comers had died. About a hundred returned to England, but for the most part the colonists remained undaunted. Winthrop writing to his wife said: "The Lord is pleased to humble us ; yet He mixes so many mercies with His corrections, as we are persuaded He will not cast us oif, but in His due time will do us good, according to the measure of our afflictions. . . . We may not look at great things here. It is enough that we shall have heaven, though we should pass through hell to it. We here enjoy God and Jesus Christ. Is not this enough.'' I do not repent my coming; and if I were to come again, I would not have altered my course, though I had foreseen all these afflictions." At first the Governor and his Assistants consti- tuted the only government in the colony. In October, 1630, it was decided that in this Body should be vested the making of laws and the election of the 304 The Builders of a Nation Governor. Seven months later it was further de- cided that the Assistants need not be elected each year but should hold office during good behavior, or until they were removed by a special vote of the freemen. In 1632 as a result of a protest from Watertown against paying a tax for fortifications at Newtown, it was decided that the Governor and his Assistants should be elected by the whole body of freemen, and that two deputies from "every plan- tation" should "confer with the Court about raising a public stock." Two years later it was enacted that two or three deputies should be chosen by the freemen of each town, who should represent them "in the public affairs of the Commonwealth" in the making and establishment of laws, granting lands, and all other matters of public interest except the election of Magistrates and other officers "wherein every freeman is to give his own voice." For some years the Assistants and Deputies met and voted to- gether, but differences having arisen it was decided to meet separately, each body having a veto upon the other. The Puritans were coming over to New England in such numbers that by 1634 nearly four thousand had landed in Massachusetts and some twenty vil- lages had been established on or near the shores of the Bay. As early as 1634 a few persons from Watertown had begun a settlement at Wethersfield in Connecticut. In the autumn of the following year The Swarmmg of tJie Puritans 305 a company from Roxbury and Watertown with their goods and cattle migrated westward and made the beginnings of a settlement at Windsor, but winter coming on before their houses were completed many perished from the cold, others returned, while only a few were sufficiently resolute to remain. In 1636 the Newtown congregation under the leadership of their pastor, Thomas Hooker, settled at Hartford. By May, 1637, 800 persons were living in Wethers- field, Windsor, and Hartford. At the first meeting of the General Court of Connecticut, in 1638, Hook- er preached a sermon in which he laid down the fol- lowing principles : "I. That the choice of public magistrates belongs unto the people by God's own allowance. II. The privilege of election, which be- longs to the people, therefore must not be exercised according to their humors, but according to the blessed will and law of God. III. They who have the power to appoint officers and magistrates, it is in their power, also, to set the bounds and limitations of the power and place unto which they call them." These principles were soon after embodied in the Constitution of Connecticut, which was the first written constitution ever adopted that created a government. The early settlers of Connecticut were harassed and threatened by the Pequot Indians. A Wethers- field man was taken and roasted alive. Ten others were massacred and two girls were carried away cap- 306 The Builders of a Nation tive. Massachusetts and Plymouth were appealed to for assistance. Before the latter could respond, seventy-seven men from Connecticut and Massachu- setts, under Captains Mason and Underhill with the co-operation of four or five hundred Mohegan, Nar- ragansett, and Niantic Indians made a night attack, May 20, 1637, upon a walled or fortified village con- taining several hundred Pequot Indians. The wig- wams within were fired and the Indians were prac- tically exterminated, only two of the whites being killed. This horrible victory put such a fear of the English into the hearts of the natives that peace be- tween the two races continued years afterwards. In April, 1638, New Haven was settled by John Davenport with a company of Puritans from Lon- don, Hereford, Kent, and elsewhere in England. Other settlements were founded and in 1639 a theoc- racy was set up, the landed-proprietors voting that the "Scriptures do hold forth a perfect rule for the direction and government of all men in all duties which they are to perform to God and men as well in the government of families and commonwealths as in matters of the church." They pledged themselves to be governed by biblical rules in the organization of their church and in the "choice of magistrates and oflicers, making and repealing of laws, dividing al- lotments of inheritance and all things of Hke na- ture." In 1662, the New Haven Colony was incor- The Swarmvng of the Puritans 307 poratcd with Connecticut, when the latter received a royal charter. For a dozen years the Puritan immigration into New England continued at high tide, notwithstand- ing efforts wliich were made in England to annul the charter of Massachusetts. In 1634 a number of ships, ready to sail, were detained in the Thames by an Order in Council on the ground that "the fre- quent transportation of great numbers of his Majesty's subjects out of this kingdom to the plan- tation called New England, amongst whom divers persons known to be ill-affected, discontented not only with civil but ecclesiastical government here, are observed to resort thither, whereby such con- ' fusion and distraction is already grown there, espe- 1 cially in point of religion, as, beside the ruin of the I said plantation, cannot but highly tend to the scan- ' dal both of church and state there." j A year later, Mr. Cradock, who had informed the I Privy Council that the charter of the colony had j been transported to Massachusetts, was ordered to produce the same that the proceedings of the colony might be compared with the charter. He, therefore, sent a request to Governor Dudley to forward the same to England, but the latter replied that he could not do so without an order from the General Court which would meet the following September. In the meanwhile Mr. Edward Winslow of Plymouth was 308 The Builders of a Nation sent to England to intercede on behalf of the colo- nists of Massachusetts Bay. For speaking at Sepa- ratist meetings, at the instigation of Archbishop Laud he was sent to the Fleet and kept in confine-B! ment for seventeen weeks. Proceedings against the colony being renewed, the alarming report reached Boston that the charter was about to be declared void and a royal governor sent over to rule the colony. The citizens of Boston determined upon anned resistance. Orders were is- sued to erect fortifications on Castle Island and at Charlestown and Dorchester. The Governor was appealed to and orders were given for training militia companies and supplying them with proper arms. A beacon was set up on Beacon Hill at Bos- ton to give notice to the surrounding country of the approach of an enemy. In 1637 the worst fears of the colonists were real- ized. Quo warranto proceedings were instituted against their charter and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, an enemy of the Puritans, was appointed royal gover- nor. The colony, however, was preserved from royal interference by the trend which events were taking in England. The issuance of the writ of ship-money aroused all England, while the attempt to introduce the Episcopal liturgy in St. Giles' Church, Edin- burgh, resulted in the Solemn League and Covenant. Events were shaping, b}' which Charles I was not only to lose his throne but his head, and proceedings The Swarming of the Puritcms 309 against Massachusetts were dropped. The triumph of the Parliamentary Party brought an end to the Puritan emigration, however, for having secured their liberties at home there was no especial reason why they should seek a home across the seas, so that after 1640 the English emigration to the new world for the time being almost wholly ceased. CHAPTEB, XIV THE MERGING OF PILGRIMS AND PURITANS The Pilgrims were Separatists who looked upon the Church of England as a corrupt if not an apos- tate church. The Puritans had no thought of sepa- rating from the church of their fathers. They sought only to purify the church of its corruptions and all that savored of Romanism. John Robinson, who with the flight of the years had grown more tol- erant towards those who differed with the Separa- tists, in his farewell address to the Pilgrims on their departure to the new world, had said : "there will be no difference between the unconformable Ministers and you; when they come to the practice of the Ordinances out of the kingdom." He advised them "rather to study union than division, viz.: How near we might possibly, without sin, close with them (viz.: the Puritans); than in the least measure, to affect division or separation from them." Scarcely had the first Puritan settlement at Salem been planted when a serious epidemic caused Gover- nor Endicott, who understood that the Pilgrims had 310 The Merging of Pilgrims and Puritans 311 a physician "who had some skill that way, and had cured divers of the scurvy, and others of other dis- eases, by letting blood and other means" to write asking for help. Dr. Fuller, who was also a deacon in the church at Plymouth, was accordingly dis- patched to them, and not only ministered to their physical infirmities, but he explained the principles of the church at Plymouth so clearly and satisfac- torily that the Puritans at Salem organized their church upon the same basis. When other commu- nities were planted and churches were organized they followed the Congregational model of the Pil- grims rather than the Presbyterian system of John Calvin, to whose teachings in other respects both the Pilgrims and Puritans adhered. In grateful recognition of the services of Dr. Full- er, Governor Endicott wrote to Governor Bradford : "It is a thing not usual, that servants to one master and of the same household should be strangers ; I as- ( sure you I desire it not, nay, to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you. God's people are all marked with one and the same mark, and sealed with one and ' the same seal, and have for the main, one and the same heart, guided by one and the same spirit of truth; and where tliis is, there can be no discord, nay, here must needs be sweet harmony. ... I ac- knowledge myself much bound to you for your kind love and care in sending Mr. Fuller among us, and rejoice much that I am by him satisfied touching 312 The Builders of a Nation your judgments of the outward form of God's wor- ship. It is, as far as I can yet gather, no other than is warranted by the evidence of truth, and the same which I have professed and maintained ever since the Lord in mercy revealed himself unto me; being far from the common repoi^t that has been spread of you toucliing that particular." When the church at Salem was organized they proceeded upon the Plymouth basis. Charles Gott writing to Governor Bradford, under date of July 30, 1629, said: "The 20th of July, it pleased the Lord to move the heart of our Governor to set it apart for a solemn day of himiiliation for the choice of a pastor and teacher. The former part of the day being spent in prayer and teaching, the latter part about the election, which was after this manner. The persons thought on (who had been ministers in England) were demanded concerning their callings; they acknowledged there was a twofold calling, the one an inward calling, when the Lord moved the heart of a man to take that calling upon him, and fitted him with gifts for the same; the second was an outward calling, which was from the people, when a company of believers are joined together in cov- enant, to walk together in all the ways of God, and every member (being men) are to have a free voice in the choice of their officers, etc. Now, we being persuaded that these two men were so qualified, . . . we saw no reason but we might freely give our The Merging of Pilgrims and Puritans 313 voices for their election after this trial. So Mr. Skelton was chosen pastor, and Mr. Higginson to be teacher; . . . And now, good sir, I hope that you and the rest of God's people (who are acquainted with the ways of God) with you, will say that here was a right foundation laid, and that these two blessed servants of the Lord came in at the door, and not at the window." August 6th being "appointed for another day of humiliation for the choice of elders and deacons, and ordaining of them," Mr. Higginson drew up a cov- enant to which the members gave their assent, after which they proceeded to the ordination of the of- ficers. Governor Bradford and others from Plymouth were invited to attend this function, but they "com- ing by sea were hindered by cross winds that they could not be there at the beginning of the day, but they came into the assembly afterward and gave them the right hand of fellowsliip, wishing all pros- perity and a blessed success unto such good begin- nings." The Plymouth Church, therefore, was a determining factor in shaping the polity of the New England Churches. In 1644 Rathband, in his "Brief Narration of Some Church Courses, etc.," wrote that he had been told by "Mr. W.,* an emi- * Probably Edward Winslow, who in his "Hypocrisy Un- masked" (1646), said that the Church at Plymouth, when consulted by the new-comers gave its warrant "from the book of God" for every point in its practice. "Which being by them well weighed and considered, they also entered into 314 The Builders of a Nation nent man of the Church at Plymouth . . . that the rest of the Churches in New England came at first to tliem at Plymouth to crave their direction in Church courses, and made them their pattern." Governor Winthrop, who with Rev. John Wilson of Boston and others visited Plymouth in 1632, gave a brief but graphic account of the church service which was held on that occasion, which also sheds an interesting light on the spirit of fellowship then manifested between the Pilgrims and Puritans : "On the Lord's day there was a sacrament, which they did partake in; and in the afteraoon, Mr. Roger Williams, (according to their custom) propounded a question, to which the pastor, Mr. Smith, spake briefly ; then Mr. Williams prophesied ; and after the Governor of Plymouth spake to the question ; after him the Elder; then some two or three more of the congregation. Then the Elder desired the Governor of Massachusetts and Mr. Wilson to speak to it, which they did. When this was ended, the Deacon, Mr. Fuller, put the congregation in mind of their duty of contribution; whereupon the Gov- ernor and all the rest went down to the deacon's seat, and put into the box, and then returned." Although the churches of Massachusetts were or- ganized upon the Plymouth model, thus drawing Pil- covenant with God and one another to walk in all his ways revealed or as they should be made known unto theni, and to worship him according to his will revealed in his written word only, etc." The Merging of Pilgrims and PuHtans 315 grims and Puritans together in the bonds of Chris- tian fellowship, we must not infer that all the dif- ferences and distinctions were straightway obliter- ated. While the Puritans were quite ready to adopt the Congregational principle in the formation of their churches, unlike the Pilgrims they persisted in maintaining the union of church and state to which they had been accustomed in the mother country. In 1631 the General Court of Massachusetts en- acted "that for time to come no man shall be ad- mitted to the freedom of this body politic, but such as are members of some of the churches within the limits of the same." Four years later it was en- acted further "that no person, being a member of any church which shall hereafter be gathered with- out the approbation of the magistrates, shall be ad- mitted to the freedom of this commonwealth." In other words, membery of churches, and only such churches as were established by law, were eligible to citizenship. In 1638 a law was passed requiring freemen to contribute to the support of the churches. It was this union of church and state that led to those acts of intolerance for which the descendants of the Puritans are compelled to make apology to this day. Through persecution and suffering the Pilgrims had learned tolerance. In the Mayflower Compact no religious test was adopted. By a late law, 1671, those receiving the franchise were required to be of S16 The BuihUrs of a Xatiom ">olx?r and peaceable oonversAtion. orthodox in the fundamentab of relio^on" but church membership never wa> made a requisite to citizenship. Mvles Standish. a leading citizen and the commander of their military forces, was never a member of the church at Plymouth, and by some he is thought to have been a Roman Catholic. Lyford made the ac- cusation **that the church have none but themselves and separatists to live here," to which Governor Bradford replied ''They are willing and desirous that any honest men may live with them, that will carry th«nselves peaceably, and seek the common good, or at least do them no hurt." Lyford and Oldham were expelled, not upon religious grounds, but because they were conspiring against the com- monwealth. In 1645 a majority of the House of Dd^ates was in favor of a proposition **for a full and free toleration of religion to all men without ex- ception against Turk, Jew, Papist, Socinian, Fami- Hst, or any other.'* Through the refusal of the governor to put the question it failed of enactment. In 1664 Plymouth was visited by the Royal Commis- sioners who had come thence from Boston. They recommended that all of orthodox opinion and civil life be admitted to the Lord's Supper and their children to baptism. To this the reply was made, that none were forbidden to observe such worship as they preferred, but imtil the institution of soioe Thi" Merging of PUgrims ami Puritans 317 roiTiihir worsliip of their own tla\v should attend and support the churches ulready in existence. These principles of religious toleration, tlie Pil- grims ever consistently maintained. Roger Wil- liams was exiled by the authorities of jMassachusetts Bay, but prior to that he iiad served as an assistant to the pastor at Plymouth, where he was kindly treated and charitably spoken of, although regarded as a man "very unsettled in judgment." When Mrs. Hutchinson was banished from INIassachusetts for Antinomianisni, she was permitted to settle at Anuidneck in the bounds of the Plymouth patent, al- though the colonists did not approve of her teach- ings. The Baptists, who were persecuted in Massa- chusetts, were tolerated in the Pilgrim colony. On account of his antipedobaptist views, Henry Dunster was forced to resign the presidency of Harvard Col- lege in 1654 but he was permitted to accept the pas- torate of the church at Scituate in Plymouth Col- ony, where he remained until his death in 1()59. The first Baptist church organized in Wales emigrated to Rehoboth in Plymouth Colony, but in July, 1667, the General Court decreed that "their continuance at Rehoboth, being very prejudicial to the peace of tiiat church and that tovra, may not be allowed; . . . Yet in case they shall remove their meeting unto some other place, where they may not prejudice any other church, and shall give us any reasonable satis- 318 The Builders of a Nation faction respecting their principles, we do not know- but thev niJiy bo permitted by this government so to do.** The church thereupon removetl to Swansea, where it was not only permitted to dwell in peace but was placetl on an eijual footing with the other churches of the colony.* Through the iniluence of Massachusetts restrictive laws were passeii against the Quakei-s, but these were opposed by many of the leading citizens, especially the early settlers, and were never rigorously enforced. The first Quaker **meetings" or churches established in America were in Plymouth Colony, at Sandwich and Scituate, botli of which were organized before 1()60. The blood of no martyr ever stained the fair name of Plymouth. During the witchcraft delusion which swept over New England the death penalty was enacted, but only two persons were ever brought to trial and after examination the cases against them were dismissed. The Pilgrims left behind them an honored record of religious toleration, showing tliat they were not only far in advance of the age in which they lived, but were animated by the broadest spirit of Christian charity. * As an evidence of how far the rilgrini5 were in advance of tlie spirit of their time, mention need only Im? made of the fact that more than one hundred years later, on the eve of tlie Americ;ui Revolution. James Maiiist^n was stirred to in- dignation on seeing a Baptist minister in jail, wliere he had long been confined for the crime of preaching the gospel, it l>eing unlawful at that time for any jvrson not an Episci>pal clergyman to conduct a religious service in Virginia ! The Merging of Pilgrims and Piiritcms 319 It wtts otherwise in the Puritan Commonwealth of Massachusetts Bay. As early as 1629, two brothers by the name of Browne had refused to fellowship with the churcli at Salem, and had gathered a company to worship according to the Book of Common Pray- er, for which they were charged with mutiny and sedition, and were sent back to England as criminals. In 1631, Philip RatlifF, after being fined forty pounds and having had his ears cut off, was banished for "uttering malicious and scandalous speeches against the government and church of Salem.'* In 1635 Roger Williams, pastor of the church at Salem, was banished because he insisted that the civil authorities were without authority in religious matters, that the oath to obey the laws of the colony could not be taken by an unregeneratc person, that it was a sin to listen to ministers of the Church of FjHgland, and that the Royal Charter was null and void because the king could give the colonists no right to the soil since it belonged to the Indians, and repentance, therefore, should be made for having accepted a charter from the king. Roger Williams was banished not so much for conscience's sake, but because his seditious views were likely to bring the colonists into conflict with the royal authorities. He was inclined, moreover, to be contentious. On going to Boston he refused to have communion with the church because its members did not publicly repent for once having been connected with the Established 320 The Buii^iers of a Xation Church in Enghmd. While his sentence of banish- ment was being deferred on account of the inclem- ency of the season, he refused to have prayers with his wife because she did not choose to separate her- self from the church of wliich he had lately been pastor at Salom. After going to Rhode Island he embraced Baptist views, but within a short time separated himself from the Baptist church which he had organized. In view of all of the circumstances it is not strange, perhaps, that the Massachusetts authorities should have insisted upon his separation from them for the peace and welfare of the com- monwealth. In 1637 Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, a woman of some ability and considerable personal magnetism, who liad secured quite a following in Boston, including a number of influential persons, was banished because she tauglit that the person of the Holy Ghost dwells in a justified person, and that no amount of good works is to be taken as an evidence of justification. Owing to differences of opinion which had origi- nated through the propagation of inmiersionist views, the General Court of Massachusetts, in 16-44, passed an ordinance subjecting to banishment all who should "openly condemn or oppose the baptism of infants, or go al>out secretly to seduce others from the approbation or use thereof* and should "obstinately continue therein." In 1646 a law was passed defining heresy and condemning to banish- The Merging of Pilgrims ami Puritans 321 ment all who were convicted of the same. In 1647 the Jesuits were forbidden to enter the colony. Those who came were to be banished, and if they re- turned they should be sentenced to death. In 1656 two Quaker women arrived in Boston from the Island of Barbadoes. After an imprison- ment of five weeks they were sent back to the place whence tiiev had come. Soon after eight other Quakers arrived from London and they too were imprisoned. Laws were soon enacted banishing mem- bers of this sect. The Quakers, continuing to come, were treated Avith increasing severity. At first a Quaker returning after banishment was to be flogged and sentenced to imprisonment at hard labor. For a second offence his ears were to be cut off, and if he returned a third time his tongue was to be bored with a red-hot iron. Finally in 1658 a law was passed sentencing to death those who persisted in returning after they had been banished. Under this law four Quakers were hanged upon Boston Com- mon — Marmaduke Stevenson and William Robinson in 1659, Mary Dyer in 1660, and William Leddra in 1661. It must not be supposed that these iniquitous laws met with general approbation. Many were op- posed to them, and the law providing for capital punishment passed tlie lower house by a majority of only one vote. The bill would have failed entirely but for an illness which prevented the presence of one of the members opposed to the bill. Those who 322 The Builders of a Nat ion were put to death were offered their liberty if they ■would only leave the colony, but they chose rather to give their lives as a witness against an unright- eous law. The very severity of these measures served as its own corrective. The execution of the Quakers re- sulted in such a revulsion of public sentiment that the law making it a capital offence for them to re- turn after banishment was suspended in 1661, al- though for several years public whippings, fines and other punishments were inflicted upon the members of this sect. There could be no justification for such severely restrictive measures, and the treatment of the Quakers in Massachusetts constitutes a dark chapter in Puritan history which neither time nor apology can erase. Gradually the barriers of religious intolerance were broken down. The persecution of the Quakers was the last attempt to control religious opinion by force. In 1665 a law was passed conferring the right of suffrage upon all Englishmen who could produce certificates from clergymen to the effect that they Mere orthodox in belief and were not vicious in life. The Charter granted by William and Mary, in 1692, decreed that "forever hereafter there shall be liberty of conscience allowed, in the worship of God to all Christians (except Papists)." It was only by a long, slow, and painful process, however, that the Puritans of Massachusetts Bay came to those prin- The Merging of PUgrivu and Puritans 323 ciples of religious toleration, which at the first had been practiced at Plymouth. Notwithstanding the sharp differences which had distinguished them, the Puritans and Pilgrims had been drawn together in the bonds of Christian fel- lowship. In 1643 thev were brought into even closer relations in a confederation of the colonies of Mas- sachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven which was called the United Colonies of New Eng- land. Commissioners from these four colonies met at Boston in May, and agreed upon Articles of Con- federation. The reasons for this union were the conmion aims of the constituent colonies: their scat- tered settlements : the surrounding colonies, more- over, consisting of "people of several nations and strange languages" who might prove injurious to them and their posterity: the perils to which they were exposed from the natives who had "formerly committed sundry insolencies and outrages upon sev- eral plantations of the English, and have of late combined against us:" as well as "those distractions in England" which added to the general weakness of the colonies. *Tor themselves and their pos- terity" it was agreed "jointly and severally" to "en- ter into a firm and perpetual league of friendship and amity, for offence and defence, mutual advice and succor upon all just occasions, both for preserv- ing and propagating the truth of the Gospel, and for their own mutual safety and welfare." SM The Builders of a Nation The Articles of Confederation provided for the appointment of two Commissioners from each of the four colonies. Tliese Commissioners were to meet once a year, or oftener if extraordinary occasion de- manded. In case the eight Commissioners did not agree, then if six of the eight were of the same mind they were empowered "to settle and determine the business in question." But if six could not agree then the matter was to be referred to the four gen- eral courts of the colonies, and if they decided upon united action, it was to be "prosecuted by the con- federates, and all their members." The Conmiissioners were authorized "to hear, ex- amine, weigh, and determine all aifairs of war, or peace, leagues, aids, charges, and numbers of men for war, divisions of spoils, and wliatsoever is gotten by conquest ; receiving of more confederates, or plantations into combination with any of the con- federates, and all things of like nature." The "charge of all just wars — in men, provisions, and all other disbursements" was to be borne by each colony in proportion to the number of males be- tween sixteen and sixty years of age, and that "ac- cording to their different charge of each jurisdiction and plantation, the whole advantage of the war, (if it please God to bless their endeavors,) whether it be in lands, goods, or persons, shall be proportionably divided among the said confederates." Massachu- The Merging of PUgrhns aTid Puritans 325 setts being the larger colony, was to furnish one hun- dred men "sufficiently armed and provided for such a service and journey, and each of the rest forty- five so armed and provided, or any lesser number, if less be required according to this proportion." If one of the colonies were endangered it might call up- on its nearest neighbor for assistance but in case of grave danger the entire forces of the United Colonies could be called out. Provision was also made for the extradition of fugitives from justice who had fled from one colony into another. This Confederation served a very useful purpose as a mediator in disputes with the Swedes of Dela- ware, with the Dutch of New Amsterdam, and in de- termining the relative merits of the claims of certain French traders in the North. At the second meet- ing of the Commissioners, in 1644, they "com- mended to the several General Courts, as a matter worthy of due consideration and entertainment, the maintenance of poor scholars at the College at Cam- bridge," and approved a plan for "every family, able and willing to give, throughout the plantations, to give yearly towards that object but the fourth part of a bushel of corn, or something equivalent thereunto." This College was founded in 1636, when the General Court of Massachusetts voted to give £400 in two annual installments towards a school or college. Two years later John Harvard died at 326 The Builders of a Nation Charlestown, bequeathing his library and one-half of his estate to the institution, which in his honor was named Harvard College. Disputes having arisen between the Mohegans and Narragansetts as the result of differences occasioned by the settlement of the Pequot war, which threat- ened to involve the colonies in hostilities with the natives, the sachems of the Narragansett and Nian- tic Indians were summoned before an extraordinary session of the Commissioners at Boston in 1645, and they agreed to a "firm and perpetual peace, both with all of the English of the United Colonies and their successors, and with Uncas, the Mohegan sa- chem, and his men, . . . and all other Indian Saga- mores and their companies, who were in friendship with, or subject to, any of the English." A tribute of "two thousand fathom of good white wampum" in four installments was exacted and four children of their chiefs were left as hostages for the execution of this compact. In subsequent years much of the Commissioners* time was consumed in questions relat- ing to the Indians, enforcing treaties, appointing governors, superintending the administration of justice, etc. In 1649, the Commissioners of the United Col- onies were authorized to disburse the monies col- lected by the "Society for Promoting and Propagat- ing the Gospel of Jesus Christ in New England." The evangelization of the natives was one of the de- The Merging of PUgrims and Puritans 327 termining motives in planting the New England col- onies. On the great seal of Massachusetts was the figure of an Indian with the Macedonian inscription, "Come over and help us." The Plymouth colonists had come "with a great hope and inward zeal'* for "the propagating and advancing the gospel of the kingdom of Christ in those remote parts of the world." Squanto, Hobomuk, and others influenced by the Pilgrims had embraced Christianity. ^Tien Winslow was returning from the sick-bed of Massa- soit he lodged over night with Corbitant, to whom he explained with other things the Ten Commandments, "all which," says Winslow, "they hearkened unto with great attention; and hke well of. Only the Seventh Commandment they excepted against ; thinking there were many inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied to one woman." In spite of in- dividual efforts, Indian missions languished among the Pilgrims, doubtless owing to the want of men and means. It was otherwise, however, in the larger and more prosperous colony of Massachusetts Bay, where ex- tensive Indian missions were carried on at Martha's Vineyard by the Mayhews, father and son, and at Xatick by Rev. Jolm Elliot, who translated the Bible into the Indian Tongue, The New Testament was published at Cambridge, Mass., in 1661, and the Old Testament in 1663. This was the first Bible printed in America. Other translations were made bv Elliot 328 The Builders of a X at ion- — ''A Catechism," an "Indian Psalter," an "Indian Primer," Baxter's "Call," Baylev's "Practice of Piety," etc. Churches were organized among the natives and some hundreds were converted. Tliis work excited a deep interest in England. Edward ^Vinslow of Plymouth published an address to "The Parliament of England and the Council of State" on its behalf, with the result that an Ordinance was passed in 16i9 creating the aforementioned "So- ciety for Promoting and Propagating the Gospel of Jesus Christ in New England." Several hundred pounds were collected annually in England and dis- bursed tlirough the Commissioners for the United Colonies. After the Restoration, the Society was re-organized with the assent of the king, the Com- missioners being made acquainted with the change and with the desire of the new corporation to con- tinue the work through their agency. Through their confederation the United Colonies were able to take concerted action during King Phil- ip's War. Philip was the son of Massasoit, whose treaty with the Pilgrims was faithfully kept for more than fifty years. After the death of his father Philip became estranged from the whites and began preparing for war. He succeeded in enlisting other tribes so that most of the natives in New England wore arrayed against the whites. Swansea was at- tacked June 20, 1675, several men. women, and chil- di'en beinc^ killed. The alarm was immediately The Merging of Pilgrims and Puritans 329 spread throughout the colonies. Three hours after the tidings had reached Boston, a company of men, armed and equipped, was ready to set out for the [ndian country. By the following winter a thousand men from all parts of New England were in the field. A night attack was made upon a fort of the Narragansetts and seven hundred Indians were slain. By spring the natives were on the defensive. Philip became a fugitive, finally being overtaken in a Rhode Island swamp by Captain Church of Ply- mouth, and slain by one of his own race. The In- dians were defeated in this war and their power in New England was forever broken, but at terrible cost to the whites. Twelve towns were totally destroyed, while forty others were the scene of fire and slaugh- ter. One out of every twelve men of military age had met death at the hands of bloodthirsty savages, while the colonies had been brought to the very verge of bankruptcy through the debts which had been incurred. In various ways, through their church life and the action of the United Colonies, the Pilgrims and Puritans had been welded together into one people with common aims and interests. In 1684 the charter Df Massachusetts was abrogated, and two years later Sir Edmund Andros arrived in Boston as the Royal Governor. His tyrannical administration was hateful in tlie extreme but it ended with the overthrow of James II and he was sent in irons to 330 The Builders of a Nation England. When a new charter was granted to Massachusetts in 1692, Plymouth Colony was merged therewith, ending forever its separate iden- tity and uniting its fortunes and interests with the larger Colony. CHAPTER XV THE INFLUENCE OF NEW ENGLAND IN THE MAKING OF THE NATION To no inconsiderable extent the character of a country is determined by its early settlers. Other elements subsequently may modify conditions, but in the main the principle holds good. Diverse ele- ments went into the making of the thirteen original colonies which united to form the American republic. New England was settled by the Pilgrims and Puri- tans. The Dutch founded New Amsterdam and mingled with the English in the colony of New York. Pennsylvania and New Jersey were colonized by Quakers who were persecuted in the mother country and cruelly treated by the authorities of Massa- chusetts Bay. To Pennsylvania also came Mennon- ites, Lutherans, members of the Reformed (German) Church, besides many other minor German sects. A colony of Swedish Lutherans settled in Delaware. Maryland was colonized by English Roman Cath- olics who came seeking the freedom of worship which had been denied them at home, ^'irginia and the South were settled largely by Cavaliers who came 331 33g The Builders of a Nation over in considerable numbers in the daj^s of Crom- well and the English Commonwealth. Many Scotch- Irish Presbyterians found a home in Pennsylvania, Virginia, and the South, whither came also many persecuted Huguenots from France. All of these colonists came to our shores in the quest of civil and religious freedom, and therefore are entitled to due credit for the part which they played in the making of the nation. Nevertheless, in the shaping of our national life and character, in determining our free institutions, our churches, schools and com- monwealths, and in the development of the North and West, the New England colonists proved to be the dominant factor. When the New Charter was granted by William and iNfary to INIassachusetts in 1692, portions only of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut had been settled. During the century that followed practically all of the territory now embraced within the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Mas- sachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, had been occupied, and the settlers of the new communities and commonwealths thus springing into existence, in the main were descendants of the Pilgrims and Puri- tans. In 1719 a hundred and twenty families of Scotch-Irish immigrants settled at Londonderry, New Hampshire, Considerable numbers of Scotch- Irish also settled in Maine and other parts of New England. A few French Huguenots came to New New England in tlie Makmg of the Nation 333 Hampshire, but for the most part these States were settled bj the old Pilgrim and Puritan stock. Tliis was true likewise of Vermont, whither came many from Connecticut and the western half of Massa- chusetts. In fact so largely was Vermont settled by Connecticut people that at one time it was com- mon to speak of it as New Connecticut. Prior to the Revolution nearly all of Long Island had been occupied by New England people, who also had made settlements at Woodbridge, Newark, Eliza- beth, Middletown, and elsewhere in New Jersey. To Eastern and Southeastern New York, especially to Westchester, Dutchess, and Putnam Counties, con- siderable numbers of sturdy New Englanders came to build homes and establish communities. The first settlement in Delaware County, then far to the west of the Hudson River, was established at Cherry Valley in 1741, by Scotch-Irish from Londonderry, New Hampshire. Four or five years later Orange County was settled by Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Long Island people. Northwestern Pennsyl- vania, and the Wyoming Valley, the scene of the ter- rible Indian massacre during the Revolution, were occupied by settlers from Connecticut. Even in the far South settlements were planted by New Englanders. In 1695, with the avowed purpose of promoting "the extension of religion in the south- em plantations," Rev. Joseph Lord of Dorchester, Massachusetts, and a company of people who had al- 334 The Builders of a Natwn ready been organized into a church, embarked in two ships for South Carolina, where under an oak they observed tlie Lord's Supper on February 2, 1696, and began a settlement which they called Dorchester, where a Puritan or Congregational Church was soon erected. In 1752 a new settlement was planted at Medway (afterwards corinipted into INIidway), Georgia, by families fi'om Dorchester, South Caro- lina, wliich was practically depopulated by this exo- dus, altliough families of New England stock are still to be found in that Section of the State. The Medway community furnished two signers of the Declaration of Independence, six congressmen, two of whom were United States senators, four gover- nors, two judges of superior courts, the first United States' minister plenipotentiary to China, and many others who achieved distinction in church and state. Through his mother. President Theodore Roosevelt was a descendant of the old Medwav Conffreffational Church. In 1773 an attempt was made by Phineas Lyman of Suffield, Connecticut, to establish a colony in Miss- issippi. During that and the following year four hundred families, in the traditional New England way with a minister at their head, departed from Massachusetts and Connecticut for Mississippi. Some travelled by sea, others down the Ohio River on flat-boats, and still others made their way through Tennessee. A settlement was made on the Big Black New England m the Making of the Nation 336 River, seventeen miles above Natchez. Many died during the early years of the settlement, and the War for Independence coming on prevented further emigration thither, but many families of New Eng- land origin are still to be found about Natchez. Emigration from New England to other sections was necessarily checked by the outbreak of the Amer- ican Revolution, but after that conflict had ended, it began again with renewed vigor. Northern, Cen- tral, and Western New York was peopled by New Englanders. The settlers who had fled from Wyo- ming Valley, during the Revolution, returned with many others. The Northeastern counties of Penn- sylvania, as well as the newer counties of the state. Elk, Erie, Crawford, Bradford, McKean, Schuykill, Tioga, Susquehanna, Venango, Warren, and Alle- gheny, received a large New England element. When the Ordinance creating the Northwest Ter- ritory was enacted by Congress in 1787, a million and a half of acres in Ohio were granted to the Ohio Land Company, which had been organized the year previously at the "Bunch of Grapes" Tavern, in Boston, by General Rufus Putnam and other Revolu- tionary soldiers, chiefly from Massachusetts. A set- tlement was started at Marietta, General Putnam and a company of forty-eight pioneers going down the Ohio River in a boat, which, not inappropriately had been christened The Mayflower. The town, laid out on conventional New England lines, was first 336 The Builders of a Natioi% called Adelphia, but soon was re-named Marietta in honor of the French Queen Marie Antoinette. Other New England settlers within a short time joined the community which prospered from the first. The Northern section of the state, known as the Western Reserv^e, which formerly had been owned by Con- necticut, was peopled in the main by settlers from the "nutmeg" state. In all of the settlements found- ed by New Englanders in Ohio, schools and churches were soon established, and a ^-ide-reaching influence was exerted upon the life of the new commonwealth. New England elements entered largely into the making of Michigan, directly from the New England states and indirectly from New York and Ohio. In Indiana there were fewer settlers from New England, although in some sections of the state they were more or less numerous. Northern Illinois, Southern Wisconsin, and considerable portions of Iowa were settled by persons of New England birth or ante- cedents. From the United States census of 1850 it has been learned that in the six states of Ohio, In- diana, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Iowa, for- ty-five per cent of tlie inhabitants, not natives of those states, were "either natives of New England or of the States largely settled by New England emigrants." With the abrogation of the Missouri Compromise and the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill open- ing up the territories of the Great West to slavery New England in the Making of the Nation 337 should their inhabitants so decide, Immigration So- cieties were organized in New England to people this section with settlers who would dedicate the soil to freedom. Lawrence, Kansas, which became the bat- tle-ground in the conflict, was settled largely by New Englanders, who decided the fate of that common- wealth. Not only into Kansas but to Nebraska, Minnesota, the Dakotas, and all of the states of the Great West and Northwest, New Englanders have gone, plaj'ing a prominent part and exerting a dom- inant influence in shaping the institutions of those commonwealths, so that it may, without exaggera- tion, be said that the people of New England birth or ancestry have been the most important single element in the making of the Northern, Western and Northwestern States of the American Republic. The religious influences of New England have been perpetuated in the Congregational denomination, with nearly a million communicants and probably twice that number of adherents. However, the relig- ious influences that have gone out from New Eng- land have not been confined to a single denomination. In 1801 a "Plan of Union" was entered into by the Presbyterian General Assembly and the Congrega- tional Association of Connecticut to "prevent aliena- tion and promote union and harmony in those set- tlements which are composed of inhabitants from tliose two bodies." In the outworkings of this "Plan" the results were disproportionately in favor 33S The Builders of a Nation of the Presbyterians, it being estimated that not less than two thousand churches, which otherwise would have been Congregational, became Presbyterian. But even the Presbyterians did not absorb all of the overflow, for in many of the smaller communities in the newer states, New England Congregationalists, instead of attempting to organize churches of their own, magnanimously united with Methodist, Baptist, or other churches which had already pre-empted the field, so that the religious influence exerted by the New England element in our population has been much wider than the Congregational denomination. Aside from the numerical strength of Congrega- tionalism, and the overflow into the Presbyterian and other denominations, in an inspirational way in- fluences have gone forth from the churches of New England which have afl*ected the religious life of the whole nation. The religious spirit of New Eng- land has been essentially missionary. Allusion has already been made in the preceding chapter to the missionary purpose of the Pilgrims and Puritans, and to the missionary activities of Elliot and the Mayhews. King Philip's War dealt a staggering blow to this work. Some of the more recent converts lapsed back into paganism and aided Philip in his contest with the whites. The great bulk of the "praying Indians," however, remained firm, but in that conflict, distrusted b\' the whites and hated by their dusky brethren, they were between the upper New England in the Making of the Nation 339 and nether millstones. Many of them were mas- sacred, and the ground which had been lost was never recovered, although Elliot continued his labors al- most to the time of his death in 1690. John Ser- geant, Jonathan Edwards, David Brainerd, Eleazar Wheelock, Samuel Kirkland, Marcus Whitman, and many others of New England birth or parentage have since been conspicuous in their labors for the conversion of the American aborigines. The earliest attempts to promote home mission- ary work may be traced to New England. In 1774, the Congregational Association of Connecticut rec- ommended that subscriptions be taken in the churches for the support of missionaries "to the scattered back settlements in the wilderness to the northwestward." A committee was appointed to re- ceive funds, but the work contemplated was inter- rupted by the commencement of the Revolutionary War. In 1788 and 1791 the matter was again brought to the attention of the churches, and con- tributions were taken for the purpose. In 1793 nine pastors left their flocks temporarily and went out to labor, four months each, in the new settlements of Vermont and New York. In 1798, the Connecticut Missionary Society was organized "to Christianize the heathen of North America, and to support and promote Christian knowledge in the new settlements within the United States," Within eight or nine years every state in New England had organized a 340 The Builders of a Nation similar society, and in 1826 a national society was organized, supported by Congregationalists, Pres- byterians, and members of the Reformed (Dutch) Church. The foreign missionary work of this country re- ceived its initial impulse in New England. During the summer of 1806 a group of students at Williams College, Massachusetts, went out into the fields one day for religious conversation and prayer. A thun- der shower arising, they sought the side of a friendly haystack for shelter. The moral darkness of Asia was the theme of their conversation, and one of their number, Samuel J. Mills, proposed to send the gospel to that distant continent. This was objected to because of the impossibility of such an undertak- ing, but Mills replied, "We can do it if we will." A society was formed for the purpose, but later the center of interest was transferred to Andover Theo- logical Seminary, wliither Mills and others had gone to prepare for the ministry. In 1810 a memorial was addressed by Mills and three others to the Gen- eral Association of Massachusetts, asking to be sent as missionaries to the heathen. As a result the Amer- ican Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions was organized for the evangelization of the non- Christian nations. When application was made to the Massachusetts legislature for a charter for this society, it was opposed by one of the members on the ground that the supply of Christianity in this New England in the Makmg of the Nation 341 country was so limited that none could be spared for export, to which the reply was made that religion was a commodity, the character of which was such, that the more of it was exported, the more remained at home. After some delays a charter was granted in 1812. To the influence of the American Board, the work of every other foreign missionary society in this country, directly or indirectly, may be traced. Educational developments in America have been the result largely of New England influences. The first free public school was established by the Dutch at New Amsterdam, but the cause of education in the province progressed so slowly that by 1656 only three schools had been opened. In the South the de- velopment of schools was even more tardy, for as ilate as 1671, Governor Berkely wrote: "I thank God, there are no free schools nor printing, and I hope (We shall not have these hundred years; for learning 'has brought disobedience and heresy and sects into I the world, and printing has divulged them and libels against the best government. God keep us from jboth!" - ^ I No schools were opened in Plymouth Colony until J1635, the reason being as Governor Bradford inti- imates "for want of a fit person and hitherto means to (maintain one." It was not until some years later 'that a school system was set in operation by the iauthorities of the colony. For the educational be- 'ginnings of the country, therefore, we must look to 342 The Builders of a Nation the Puritan Colony of Massachusetts Bay. The Bos- ton Latin School was opened in 1635, other schools being established at Charlestown and Salem not long afterwards. In 1639, the first school in America supported by direct taxation was opened at Dor- chester. The ^lassachusetts General Court, in 1642, enacted legislation encouraging education, but since it did not prove effective, five years later, the follow- ing Ordinance, which has been termed "the mother of our school laws," was adopted: "It being one chief project of that old deluder, Satan, to keep men from the knowledge of the Scrip- tures, as, in former times, keeping them in an un- known tongue, so in these later times, by persuading from the use of tongues ; so that at last the true sense and meaning of the original might be clouded and corrupted with false glosses of deceivers ; and to the end that learning may not be buried in the graves of our forefathers, in church and common- wealth, the Lord assisting our endeavors : "7/ is therefore ordered by this Court and author- ity thereof that every township within this jurisdic- tion, after the Lord hath increased them to the number of fifty householders, shall then forthwith ap- point one within their town to teach all such children as shall resort to him, to writ^ and read; whose wages shall be paid, either by the parents or masters of such children, or by the inhabitants in general, by way of supply, as the major part of those who order New England in the Making of the Nation 343 the prudentials of the town shall appoint; provided that those who send their children shall not be op- pressed by paying much more than they can have them taught in adjoining towns. "And it is furtlier ordered that where any town shall increase to the number of one hundred families or householders, they shall set up a grammar-school, the master thereof being able to instruct youths so far as they may be fitted for the university ; and if any town neglect the performance hereof, above one year, then every such town shall pay five pounds per annum to the next such school, till they shall per- form this order." As has already been noted, in 1636, Harvard Col- lege was founded "to advance Learning and per- petuate it to Posterity ; dreading to leave an illit- erate Ministry to the Churches, when our present Ministers should lie in the Dust." Yale College was founded in 1701. The College of New Jersey, found- ed largely by New England men and money, was opened in 1748. Brown University was established under Baptist auspices in 1764. Dartmouth Col- lege, first opened as an Indian school, was chartered by George III in 1769. Benjamin Franklin, a sturdy New Englander, was chiefly responsible for the establishment of the University of Pennsylvania. Besides these institutions there were only four others of college rank in the colonies at the outbreak of the Revolution. S-i-i The Builders of a Nation In the subsequent history of the country, schools, academies, colleges, and universities, almost with- out number, have been established by New England- ers. In New York, Hamilton and Union Colleges ; in Penns^'lvania, Allegheny College; in Ohio, Ohio and Western Reserve Universities, and Marietta and Oberlin Colleges ; in Michigan, the Universit}' at Ann Arbor, and Olivet, Hillsdale, and Adrian Colleges ; in Indiana, Wabash College; in Illinois, Illinois, Rock- ford, Knox, and Wheaton Colleges, the State Uni- versitA'^, and indirectly Northwestern University; in Wisconsin, Beloit, Ripon, and Northland Colleges; in Iowa, Grinnell and Tabor Colleges ; in Minnesota, Carleton College; in Kansas, the State University, Washburn and Fairmount Colleges, and Kansas City University; in Nebraska, Doane College; in South Dakota, Yankton and Redfield Colleges ; in North Dakota, Fargo College; in Colorado, Colorado Col- lege; in Oklahoma, Kingfisher College; in Oregon, Pacific University ; in Wasliington, Whitman College ; and in California, Pomona College. In nearly every one of the states mentioned many other schools have been founded with the assistance of New England men and money. In the establishment of state insti- tutions. Universities, Nonnal Schools, and Agricul- tural Colleges, and in shaping the public school sys- tems, men and women of New England birth, an- cestry, or training have ]ilayed no unimportant part. It is not too much, tliorefore, to say that the educa- New England m the Makmg of the Nation 345 tional life of the nation has been determined very largely by New England influences. The ideals and ideas of Pilgrims and Puritans have not only left their impress upon the religious and educational life of the nation but upon the state as well. De Toqucville says: "They brought with them into the New World a form of Christianity which I can not better describe than by styling it a democratic and republican religion. This sect con- tributed powerfully to the establishment of democ- racy and a republic." The church of the Pilgrims was the simplest form of pure democracy. The adoption of the Mayflower Compact was but the application of the principles of their church to the government of the state, the heads of families covenanting to live together in peace and harmony under just and equal laws en- acted for the common good. The early New England town meeting, in which every freeman had an equal voice and an equal vote, was simply a meeting of the church for the consideration of civic aff*airs. At first there was no distinction between the town meet- ing and the church meeting. "Church officers and town officers were chosen at the same meeting, and the church records and the town records were one." Wherever New England influences have predom- inated, the town meeting or some modification of it has prevailed. In New York, where the town meeting had first been introduced by way of Long Island, 346 The Builders of a Nation and where greater powers were given to the town- ship officers than in Massachusetts, to the usual New England town officers a supervisor was added to receive and disburse the monies of the town, keep accounts, sue or be sued in the name of the town, and cause the town survey's to be made. The super- visors of each of the towns in the county constitute a board of supervisors, which meets once a year to legislate for the county, have charge of its accounts, and audit aU bills and outstanding debts against the to^vns. In Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, and various other states, the toAvn meeting idea is found, some- times modified as in New York, making the town subordinate to the count}', and elsewhere giving greater powers to the town as was and is the case in New England. Until 1638, the town meeting, with the Governor and his Assistants, constituted the only government in Plymouth, but the colony having expanded so as to include other to^^^ls, it was decided to fonn a house of Deputies, composed of two or three repre- sentatives from each of the towns and four from Plymouth. Six A'ears earlier as the result of a pro- test from Watertown against the principle of taxa- tion without representation, every town in Massa- chusetts Colony was authorized to appoint two deputies to confer with the Governor and his Assist- ants as to the raising of public funds. In 1634< New England in the Makvng of the Nation 347 the government of the colony was made represen- tative, two or three deputies being chosen from each town. As early as 1619 a House of Burgesses had been established in Virginia, but it is through Massa- chusetts rather than Virginia that most of the states in the American Commonwealth trace their lines of descent in representative government. The Declaration of Independence was but the outgrowth of those principles of freedom which prompted the early settlers to forsake their ances- tral homes and the land of their birth to embark upon a hazardous enterprise on this side of the sea. John Adams said; "The principles and feelings which contributed to produce the Revolution ought to be traced back for two hundred years, and sought in the history of the country from the first plan- tations in America." In the New England colonies long before the out- break of the Revolution all of the rights of sover- eignty had been exercised. Without the advice, con- sent, or assistance of the mother country, legislatures had been established, laws had been enacted, all of their own officers from constable to governor had been elected by the free choice of the citizens, treaties had been made, armies had been raised, and wars had been waged. They even had their own coinage, viz. : the famous pine tree currency, shillings, etc. More- over the people had resented the aggressions of the mother country such as the abrogation of charters 348 The Builders of a Nation and the appointment of royal governors. When, therefore, parliament undertook to tax them with- out representation, they resisted and submitted their cause to the stem arbitrament of arms. In that struggle New England took the foremost part. She was the first to defy the tyranny of the mother country. Upon her soil the first battles for freedom were fought and in the long war which followed she furnished a majority of the soldiers who fought for independence. After the war had ended and it became necessary to provide a form of government for the territories soon to be opened up for settlement west of the AUe- ghenies, Congress passed the Ordinance of 1787, for the Northwest Territory, out of which the great States of Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois and Wis- consin have come. The Ordinance provided that the whole area should be divided into territories, each of which might become a state as soon as it had sixty thousand inhabitants. Liberal provisions were made for the encouragement of popular education. Free- dom of faith and worship were guaranteed together with the right to trial by jury. Most important of all, slavery was forever abolished within the bounds of the Northwest Territory. Of this document Theo- dore Roosevelt has said : "The ordinance of 1787 was so wide reaching in its effects, was drawn in accord- ance with so lofty a morality and such far-seeing statesmanship, and was fraught with such weal for New England in the Making of the Nation 349 the nation, that it will ever rank among the fore- most of American state papers, coming in that little group which includes the Declaration of Indepen- dence, the Constitution, Washington's Farewell Ad- dress, and Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation and Second Inaugural." The one man above all others who was instrumental in shaping the Ordinance was Manasseh Cutler, a New England clergyman, at that time an agent of the Ohio Company, and afterwards a member of the American Congress. In the subsequent development of our national life, in the warfare waged against duelling, intemper- ance, and slavery, and in the preservation of the Union during the Civil War, the determining factor was the New England element, embracing not alone the people of New England, but of those common- wealths where the descendants of the Pilgrims and Puritans predominated. The Confederate soldiers were not far wrong in nicknaming their opponents Yankees, for it was the Yankee blood that triumphed in that struggle. In the settlement of the newer portions of the country and in shaping the religious, educational, and civic institutions of our country, no section has exerted a greater influence than New England. In the last analysis that influence must be traced back to tlie colonists of Plymoutli and Massachusetts Bay, particularly the former, for as Governor Hutchinson said : "The settlement of this colony 350 The Builders of a Xation occasioned the settlement of Massachusetts Bay, which was the source of all the other colonies of New England. Airginia was in a dvinij state, and seemed to revive and flourish from the example of New England." The Pilgrim Fathers, who crossed the seas and laid the foundations of civil and religious freedom, therefore merit the high honor of being called the Builders of a Nation. INDEX Abbot, George, 298, 290 Abigail, the, 301 Act of 1593, 56, 57, 92, 117 Act of Supremacy, 33 Act of Uniformity, 33 Admonition to Parliament, 4^5- 47 Admonition, the Second, 47 "Advertisements," 42, 43 "Adventurers," 175, 176, 177, 186, 187, 190, 269, 275, 279, 280 Ains worth, Henry, 102, 126, 127. Alden, John, 191, 201, 282 AUerton, Isaac, 156, 201, 232, 235, 282, 285, 287 Allerton, John, 201, 215 Amsterdam, 88, 94, 111, 124- 131, 134, 149, 163 Ames, William, 103 Anabaptists, 93 Andros, Edmund, 329 Anne, the, 267, 269, 270, 276 Arbella, the, 301 "Articles" of Whitgift, 51 Bacon, Lord, 79 Baillie, Robert, 5, 102 Bancroft, Archbishop, 60, 289 Baptists, 317, 318, 319 Barrowe, Henry, birth and education, 79, 80; his con- version, 79, 80; becomes a Separatist, 80; his imprison- ment, 81 ff.; his principles, 81-83; execution, 84, 85, 86; referred to, 125 Bastwick, John, 105 Bernard, Richard, 95, 99 Bible, King James' version, 40 Bible, the Great, 25 Billington, John, 192, 201, 214, 239 Boleyn, Anne, 21, 22, 34 Book of Conunon Prayer, 28, 29, 33, 39, 41, 44, 46, 51, 60, 81, 103 "Book of Sports," 290, 292 Boston, Lincolnshire, 118, 119 Boston, Massachusetts, 253, 303, 308, 314, 316, 326 Bradford, William, birth, 110; becomes a Separatist, 110; marriage, 138; signs May- flower Compact, 201, 206, 209; death of his wife, 219; elected governor of Ply- mouth, 235, 251, 254, 255, 262, 272, 273, 276, 277, 282, 287; quoted, 63, 79, 95, 96, 106, 107, 108, 110, 111, 112, 114, 115, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 127, 131, 137, 144, 145, 149, 150, 154, 155, 158, 159, 171, 172, 173, 175, 182, 184, 192, 193, 195, 197, 198, 199, 209, 211, 215, 216, 218, 220, 221, 223, 224, 234, 235, 248, 249, 256, 257, 259, 264, 265, 269, 270, 276, 286, 288 351 352 Index Brewer, Thomas, 139-142, 143, 155 Brewster, William, birth and education, 106; secretary to "William Davison, 106; post- master at Scrooby, 107, 108; his home the meeting place of the Pilgrims, 108; ruling elder, 11^?; arrested at Bos- ton, 119; employment at Ley den, 138-141 '; accom- panies Rlgrims to America, 179; signs Mayflower Com- pact, 201, 224, 247, 276, 279, 282 Bright, Francis, 299 Britteridge, Richard, 201 Brown, Peter, 201, 221 Browne, Robert, education and early life, 67, 68; be- comes a Separatist, 69; or- ganizes a church at Nor- wich, 69, 70; goes to Middle- berg, 71 ; statement of his principles, 71-75 ; circula- tion of his books prohibited, 75; returns to England, 75; returns to the Established Church, 76, 77, 78 ; his death, 78; referred to, 80, 103 Brownists, 67, 92, 128, 132, 133, 141, 159, 163, 181, 280 Burghley, Lord Treasurer, 47, 5^, 53, 67, 76, 77 Burial Hill, 219 Calderwood, David, 139, 151 Calvin, John, 39, 180, 289, 311 . .. Calvinism, 28, 30, 180 Cambridge University, 67, 79, 80, 85, 95, 99, 102, "lOS, 106 Cannonicus, 251 Cape Cod Harbor, 197, 199, 200, 204 Carleton, Sir Dudley, 139-141 Cartwright, Thomas, 47-49 Carver, John, 155, 156, 165, 167, 168, 185, 187, 201, 202, 215, 2-22, 230, 232, 234, 235, 249 Charlestown, 243, 302 Charity, the, 273, 276 Charles I, 280, 290, 291, 308 Chilton, James, 201 Chruch of England, 22, 23, 27- 30, 35, 40, 44-51, 58, 62, 81, 82, 92, 104, 291, 292, 295, 310 Clarke, Richard, 201 Clvfton. Richard, 94, 102, 110, 111, 123, 134 Colet, John, 19, 20 Common House, 220, 221, 222, 246 Commons, House of, 15, 30, 92 Conant, Roger, 295 Conditions of Agreement, 176, 178, 185-187 Congregationalism, 311, 337, 338, 339, 340 Cook, Francis, 201 Coppin, Robert, 214, 218 Copping, John, 75, 86 Corbitant, 240, 241, 242, 253, 261, 327 Council of Constance, 15 Council of Virginia, 165, 167, 168 Crackston, John, 201 Cranmer, Archbishop, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 35 Cromwell, 23 Cushman, Robert, 155, 165, 167, 168, 173, 185, 186, 192, 193, 247, 250, 381 Dartmouth, 192 Davenport, John, 306 Davison, William, 106, 107 Del f shaven, 182, 184, 268 Dennis, William, 75, 86 De Rasieres, Isaac, 283, 284 Dermer, Captain, 227, 229 Dexter, Morton, 288 Index 353 Dexter, Henry M., 78, 163 Discovery, the, 258 Dorchester, 303 Dotey, Edward, 201, 215 Dudley, Thomas, 301, 307 Dunster, Henry, 317 Eaton, Francis, 201 Edward I, 12 Edward, III, 12 Edward VI, 27-30, 33, 35, 38, 39 Elizabeth, 30, 30-34, 35, 36, 40, 45, 49, 50, 56, 57, 63, 84, 92, 106 Elliot, John, 337, 328 Endicott, John, 296, 297, 298, 310, 311 English, Thomas, 201, 215 Erasmus, 18-20 Field, John, 45-47 Fiske, John, 288 Fitz, Richard, 63, Q5, 66, 67, 135, 126 Fletcher, Moses, 201 Fortune, the, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 253 "Forty-two Articles," 30, 33 Fuller, Edward, 201 Fuller, Samuel, 156, 201, 242, 268, 297, 311, 314 Fuller, Thomas, 17, 77, 78 Gainsborough, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 106, 111, 114 Gardiner, Richard, 201 Geneva, 39, 40, 62 Genevan Bible, 40 Goodman, John, 201, 221 Gorges, Robert, 269 Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 229, 308 Gott, Charles, 312, 313 Greenwood, John, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 88, 125 Grindal, Archbishop, 49, 50, 51, 64 Hall, Bishop, 105 Hamden, John, 261 Harcourt, Robert, 164 Harrison, 69, 70, 103 Hartford, 305 Harvard College, 325, 326, 343 Harvard, John, 325 Helwys, Thomas, 160, 161 Henry VIII, 11, 13, 18, 20-23, 25, 27, 30, 32, 35, 38 Higginson, Francis, 294, 299, 300, 313 High Commission Court, 33, 85, 292 Hobomuk, 340, 241, 242, 253, 254, 255, 261, 263, 367, 337 Hooker, Thomas, 305 Hooper, John, 38, 39 Hopkins, Stephen, 191, 195, 301, 206, 209, 215, 226, 236, 237, 241 Hout, van, I., 132 Howland, John, 197, 201, 215, 283 Huddleston, John, 256, 257 Hudson River, 163, 174, 197, 198 Hunt, Captain, 227, 229 Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, 317, 330 Hutchinson, Thomas, 349, 350 Indians, 203, 306, 307, 311, 212, 215, 216, 217, 230, 335- 245, 246, 247, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 258, 261-264, 305, 306, 326, 337, 328, 338, 339 Innocent III, 12 Jacob, Henry, 159, 170 James I, 58-61, 85, 88, 92, 171, 200, 230, 232, 244, 280, 290 James, the, 373 Jepson, William, 147, 148 354 Index Johnson, Francis, 84, 87, 88, 92, 99, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 159 Jones, Captain, 198, 199, 210, 211, 214, 226, 233, 258 Katherine of Aragon, 20, 21 King Philip's War, 328, 329, 338 Langton, Stephen, 11, 12 Latimer, Bishop, 31 Laud, WilUam, 280, 290, 291, 292, 293, 308 Leighton, Edward, 293 Leyden, 131-134, 135-156, 157, 172, 182, 184, 281, 286 Lister, Edward, 201 Little James, the, 267 LoUards, 15-17, 35 Luther, Martin, 14, 19, 20, 180 Lyford, John, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 295, 296, 316 Margeson, Edmund, 201 Mar-Prelate Tracts, 53-57, 85 Martin, Christopher, 190, 201 Mary, Queen of England, 21, 30-32, 34, 39, 43, 63 Mason, Captain, 306 Massasoit, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 236, 237, 240, 242, 243, 247, 253, 254, 255, 261, 262, 327, 328 Mayflower, the, 141, 179, 185, 190, 192, 193, 194, 204, 205, 207, 210, 214, 218, 219, 222, 226, 233, 249, 258, 286 Mayflower Compact, 149, 200, 315 Med ford, 302 Mennonites, 93 Merrymount, 285 Millenary Petition, 58, 59 Missions, 338-341 More, ITiomas, 18, 19 Morrel, William, 270 Morton, George, 268 Morton, Nathaniel, 96, 190, 198, 201 Morton, Thomas, 285 Mourt's Relation, 216, 218, 230, 250, 294 MuUins, Priscilla, 191 MuUins, WU. un, 191, 201 Narragansetts, 240, 251, 306 Naunton, Sir Robert, 171, 172 Nausets, 229, 239, 240, 258 New England influence in America, 331-350 New Haven, 306 Noye, de la, Philip, 247 Oath of Supremacy, 169 Oldham, John, 276, 277, 278, 279 Oxford University, 13, 159 Paget, John, 152 Paragon, the, 270 Parker, Archbishop, 49, 50 Parliament, 22, 30, 44, 45 Penry, John, 85-87, 125 Pequots, 305, 306 Pilgrims, organization of their church, 94, 96, 97, 98; re- moval to Amsterdam, 114, 115, 117-124; removal to Leyden, 131-134; purchase of a house in which to wor- ship, 146-148; order of worship, 148, 149; harmoni- ous spirit, 149, 150; rela- tions with other churches, 150-154; respect of the people at Leyden, 154, 155; reasons for leaving Ley- den, 158-163; decide to emi- grate to America, 164; statement of principles, 165, 170; farewell to Ley- Index 355 den and Holland, 178-184; at Southampton, 185-192; delay at Dartmouth, 192; at Plymouth, 193, 194; voyage on the Mayflower, 194-20^; the May flow v^r Compact, 201; explorations, 206, 209, 214; landing rt Plymouth Rock, 218; ti'ibrtality the first winter, 222; treaty with the Indians, 231; first thanksgiving, 246; commu- nistic experiment, 265 ; drought at Plymouth, 266; government of the colony, 272 ; religious toleration ; colony merged with Mas- sachusetts, 330 Plvmouth, 218, 219, 221, 225, 229, 238, 240, 241, 244, 252, 254, 256, 258, 264, 283, 287, 297, 313, 314, 316 Pory, John, 259, 260, 261 Presbyterianism, 62, 311, 337, 338, 340 Priest, Degory, 201 Prince, Thomas, 282 "Prophesyings," 49, 50 Protestantism, 18, 23, 25, 27, 29, 30, 32, 34, 37, 38, 40, 43 Puritanism, 11, 35-61, Q^, 63, 94, 95, 289, 290, 307, 308, 309, 31 ■> Quadequina, 229 Quakers, 318, 321, 322 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 92, 164 Rathband, William, 313 Reformation in England, 11- 33 Revolutionary War, 347, 348 Reynolds, Captain, 192, 193 Ridley, Bishop, 31, 35 Rigdale, John, 20 Rippon, Roger, 36 Robinson, John, birth and education, 102 curate at Norwich, 103; becomes a Separatist, 103, 104; reluc- tance at leaving the Church of England, 105, 106 pastor of the church at Scrooby, 111, 112 his principles, 112, 113 his church forced into exile, 114-115; difficulties of this undertaking, 117-124; removal of church to Ley- den, 131-134; his writings, 142, 143; malriculates at the University of Leyden, 143, 144; controversy with the Arminians, 144, 145; his care of the flock, 145, 146; his catholicity of spirit, 150-154; farewell address to the Pilgrims, 179-182; letter to the Pilgrims at South- ampton, 187-190; letter to Plymouth, 274, 275; his death, 281, 282 Rogers, Thomas, 201 Rome, Church of, 11, 14, 19, 22, 23, 27, 31, 32, 34, 36, 37 Rough, John, 63, 64 68, 88 Roxbury, 302, 305 Salem, 278, 297, 300, 301, 319 Samoset, 227, 228, 229, 232 Sandys, Archbishop, 108 Sandys, Samuel, 108 Sandys, Sir Edwin, 167, 171, 173 Schools, 341, 342, 343, 344 Scrooby, 94, 99, 106, 108, 111, 114, 117 Separatists, 61, 62-91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 99, 103, 275, 294, 310 356 Index "Seven Articles" of the church at Leyden, 165-167 Shakespeare, "William, 167 Skelton, Samuel, i?99, 300, 313 Smith, Ralph, 2^6, 299, 314 Smyth, John, 97, 98, 99; his principles of church order, 100-10?; his church removes to Amsterdam, 111, 11+, 1?6; troubles at Amster- dam, 130 Soule. George, 201 Sinithworth, Mrs., 268 Sjiarrow, the, 255, 258 Speedwell, the, 179, 1^4, 190, 192 193 Squa'nto, 228, 229, 232, 233, 236, 239, 240, 241, 243, 253, 254, 255. 258, 327 Stnndish, Barbara, 268 St.uidish, Mvles, 156, 191, 201, 206, 215, 217, 224, 2-2Q, 230, 232, 241, 242, 252, 253, 263, 268, 280, 282, 316 Star Chamber, 292 Staresmore, Sabin, 170 "Supplication'' of the Sepa- ratist Church at Amster- dam, 88-91 "Ten Articles of Religion," 23, 25 Thacker, Elias, 75 Thanksgiving, the first, 246 "Tliirty-nine" Articles," 30, 33, 44 Tiller, Edward, 201, 206, 215 Tillev, John, 201, 215 Tinker, Thomas. 201 Turner, John, 201 Underbill, Captain, 306 United Colonies, 323-329 Vestments, 37, 38, 42 Virginia Company, 165, 170, 172, 173, 199 Waddineton, John, 65 Warren," Richard, 201, 215 Watertown, 302, 304, 305 "West, Francis, 269 Weston. Thomas, 175, 185, 249, 255, 257, ^o?', 264 Wethersfield, 304, 305 Wevmouth, Ho^, 262, 263, 269 White, John, 295, 296, 302, 303 White, Perecrine, 214 White, Roger, 281 White, William, 201, 235 Whitgift, John, 47, 48, 51, 62, 53, 60, 85 Wiclif, John, 13, 14, 35 Wilcox, Thomas, 45-47 Williams, Roger, 314, 319, 320 Williams, Thomas, 201 Wilson, John, 302, 314 Wincob, Jacob, 174 Windsor, 305 Winslow, Edward, 149, 171, 174, 180-182, 184, 215, 229, 230, 241, 242, 244, 246, 261, 2G-2, 267, 274, 288, 294, 307, 313, 317, 155, 185, ?35, 201, 208, 236, 237, 247, 248, 281, 282, 327, 328 rWinsIow, Gilbert, 201 Winslow, John, 247 Winthrop, John, 294, 301, 302, 303, 314 Witchcraft, 318 Wolsey, Cardinal, 108 Wolstenholme, Sir John, 169, 170 Zouche, Sir William, 141 H 77 7fi ^Ao ^-^^^^^ '"- • Xft t» • ^v/x^*^ ^^^^^v .._, .« ^X> * • , 1 • A^ O * o » ' - O ^--^ O ^ - -o V^ >^ o. ^oK ^ ^^^ JAN 7 8 K^ ^SM N. MANCHESTER. ^'^'^^ai^ INDIANA