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History
f the
ot the
One Hundred and r ortieth Kegiment
Pennsylvania Volunteers
BY
PROFESSOR ROBERT LAIRD STEWART, D.D.
HISTORIAN
PL) BUSHED BY AUTHORITY OF THE
REGIMENTAL ASSOCIATION
1912
,'
Copyrighted 1912
by
WILLIAM S. SHALLENBERGER
Chairman t'ub. Com.
t
©0.A32885* ft
Dedicated to the memory of
our comrades who died in the
bloom of their young manhood
beforf the morning came; and
to ///o.w who have since finished
their earthly course, after enjoy
ing for awhile the priceless
privileges for which they con
tended in the days that tried
men's souls.
Hon. Wm. S. Shallenberger, Chairman Publication Committee.
Rev. John R. Paxton, D.D. Lieut.-Col. Thus. Henry.
Prof. Robt. Laird Stewart. !).!>.. Historian.
Harry J. Boyde, Secretarj Reg'mental Association.
FOREWORD.
In the preparation of this work, which was authorized by the
Regimental Association a year ago, no pains have been spared to
make it an accurate, concise and readable history. In addition to the
material accumulated from official records in the War Department
and Congressional Library, many interesting facts and war-time inci-
dents have been gleaned from local newspaper files, from note books
kept by comrades, and from letters, brown with age and sometimes
scarcely legible, which were written to the homefolk, in the camp,
on the picket line or on the battlefield. In the verification of uncer-
tain statements, the systematically conducted search for additional in-
formation, and the accumulation of material of every sort, the author
has had the hearty support and invaluable assistance of his associates
on the Historical Committee.
With General Shallenberger, Chairman of the Publication Com-
mittee, wise in council, sane in judgment and unwearied in his devo-
tion to the "dear old Regiment," at the Headquarters of official infor-
mation, and with the Secretary of the Association, Harry J. Boyde,
at its Headquarters in Western Pennsylvania, the writer has been in
almost constant communication. Most generously and unselfishly
have these comrades responded to every demand for additional assis-
tance or information, which was made upon their time or patience.
Not less of honor and grateful appreciation should be accorded
also to Dr. John R. Paxton of the Committee, whose generous initia-
tive has made the publication of the book a possibility, in a style
worthy of the noble Regiment, whose achievements it records, and
to Major Henry who gave his cordial assent to the plans of the His-
torian, and who, in the intervals between periods of extreme suffer-
ing, and but a short time before his death, dictated valuable informa-
tion for his use.
With the sanction of the committee this volume goes forth on its
mission, in the hope that it may worthily revive the stirring memories
of the past and help to kindle anew the fires of patriotism which
burned so brightly in the dark days of civil strife.
HISTORY
OF THE
One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment
Pennsylvania Volunteers
CHAPTER I.
ENLISTMENT ORGANIZATION — EQUIPMENT.
All the uniforms were blue, all the swords were bright and
new,
When the Regiment went marching down the street.
All the men were hale and strong as they proudly moved
along,
Through the cheers that drowned the music of their feet.
Oh, the music of the feet keeping times to drums that beat,
Oh the splendor and the glitter of the sight,
As with swords and rifles new and in uniforms of blue,
The Regiment went marching to the fight.
Ella Wheeler Wilcox.
THE One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment of Pennsyl-
vania Volunteers was recruited and hastily equipped
for service in one of the darkest hours in the history
of the Civil War.
The disastrous campaign on the Peninsula of Virginia,
in the series of desperate conflicts which had been fought in
the vicinity of Richmond, opened up the way for a direct
advance of the Confederate Army upon Washington City.
THE ONE HUXDRED AXD FORTIETH REGIMENT
Its defenceless condition at this time, and for several
weeks following-, was a matter of grave concern to President
Lincoln and his Cabinet.
The Army of the Potomac, which should have been its
safeguard, was far away from the line of attack, and power-
less to repel the forces which threatened it.
In this emergency the President issued a call for 300.000
volunteers. As the situation became more acute, the loya!
men of the Nation were aroused as never before, to a sense
of impending peril and the necessity for prompt and vigorous
effort to avert it.
On the J 1st oi July, Governor Curtin. the alert and
intensely loyal "War Governor" of Pennsylvania, issued a
proclamation authorizing the immediate enlistment o\ twenty-
one new regiments of volunteer infantry, to serve for three
years or during the war!
At a notable public meeting, held on the West Common
of Allegheny City, three days later, the Governor prefaced an
impassioned appeal in behalf of the Union cause with three
blunt, startling sentences :
"The Peninsula campaign is a failure!" "The Union
armies haze not been victorious!" "They have been driven
back to the gates of Washington, notwithstanding all reports
to the contrary f
These humiliating facts, uttered with great deliberation
in the presence of an assemblage of more than 1 5,001) persons.
made a profound impression and prepared the way. as no
overwrought, optimistic statement could have done, ior the
thrilling appeals which followed. On this memorable occa-
sion, addresses t>\ rare eloquence, pathos and power were
made bv the venerable chairman, Judge William W'ilkins.
ex-Governor Johnson. Judge McCandless, Hon. Thomas M.
Marshall, Hon. John R. Hampton. Dr. Samuel J. Wilson,
Professor in the Western Theological Seminary, and other
notable speakers and leaders o\ the people. The spirit of this
meeting was as contagious as it was enthusiastic. Its appeals,
sent out through its representatives, and the reports of the
dailv papers, made a like impression throughout the whole of
ENLISTMENT— ORGANIZATION— EQUIPMENT 3
the western portion of the State. In every village and district
and hamlet of this loyal and law-abiding section mass meet-
ings, addressed by able and eloquent speakers, were held;
pledges of loyalty were renewed ; money was freely subscribed ;
recruiting offices were opened ; and, with shrill of fife and roll
of drum, the newly gathered bands of volunteers went about
the streets.
About two weeks after Abraham Lincoln had issued his
call for volunteers, Mr. John S. Gibbons, of New York City,
wrote the words of the familiar song, "We are coming.
Father Abraham, three hundred thousand more." The author
of this stirring lyric, says his friend James H. Morse, "was
a Hicksite Quaker with a reasonable leaning, however, toward
wrath in cases of emergency." The words of the song were
published in the New York Evening Post of July 16th, and
the next evening were read by Josiah Quincy at a large meet-
ing held in Boston, the authorship being attributed to the
poet Bryant. It was set to music and sung by the Hutchinson
family with telling effect. It fell in at once with the sentiment
of the hour and perhaps did more in the way of securing
recruits and of "bringing the uprising it declared" than all
the fervid appeals that were uttered by orator or statesman.
"From Mississippi's winding stream and from New England's
shore" thousands of marching battalions, and newly gathered
companies of raw recruits took up the grand refrain, "We
are coming, Father Abraham, three hundred thousand more."
There were sore hearts at this time among the fathers and
mothers, the sisters and sweethearts of the young men who
were available for active service in all these places; but they
could not say nay to the earnest pleadings of those who were
burdened with the conviction that their time had come to
join the ranks of the country's defenders.
There were but few of the rank and file who responded
to the call to arms, at this time, who were carried away by
the pomp and glamour of military life, or who anticipated a
speedy ending to the struggle which had already proved so
disastrous to our arms. With many a bright young man the
act of enlistment meant the giving up of prospects which for
4 THE OX E HI'. X. AND FORTIETH RE< NT
years had stimulated him to study and self-denial. It meant
the relinquishment oi the advantages and amenities of home
and society; the surrender oi personal liberty to the arbitrary
rule or tickle caprice of some whipper-snapper of an officer,
who might at any time be placed over him. It meant certain
exposure to peril, hardship and suffering; and. perchance, to
an early death in the hospital, prison pen or on the field oi
battle. Over against all these things, which were not lightly
regarded, were the interests, for all time, of the imperilled
country, the degradation and dismemberment of its tlag, and
the clear, unmistakable call to duty, heard in every drum beat
and voiced insistently in every form of public appeal and
proclamation. Moved by such considerations it is not strange
that love of country dominated every other influence and in
the end prevailed.
"It is difficult at this time."' says General Francis A.
Walker, historian of the Second Corps, "it was difficult even
in 1805, to go back to the sentiments and feelings which
moved the citizen soldiery of 1861-iSeo. before custom had
staled the ideas of patriotic sacrifice and martial glory;
before long delays and frequent disappointments had robbed
war of its romance; before the curse of conscription had
come, to make the uniform a thing of doubtful honor, anil to
substitute the "bounty jumper' for the generous volunteer;
while yet all the soldiers in the field were those who sprang
to arms in that great uprising of a free people."
With few exceptions the volunteer soldiery of Western
Pennsylvania were remarkable for their intelligence ami an
exceptionally high standard of manhood and morality. They
were the choicest representatives oi the village and com-
munity; of the otYice and shop: of the school and farm; of the
college and church.
The several companies which made up the complement of
the One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment were recruited in
four of the counties on the western border line of the State,
viz. : Washington, Greene. Reaver and Mercer. The volun-
teers who flocked to their standards were, with few excep-
tions, from the rural districts; were in the same rank and
ENLISTMENT— ORGANIZATION— EQUIPMENT 5
circumstances of life, and readily affiliated with each other
in the new relationships and experiences incident to army life
and discipline.
There were worthy representatives of the German and
Irish settlements of this region in all of the companies, but
for the most part the recruits which made up the rank and
file of the Regiment were descendants of the sturdy, God-
fearing, Scotch-Irish race. With few exceptions, also, they
were boys in years, with all the exuberance and not a little
of the indiscretion of youth; but deep down in heart and life
there were veins of serious thought, and solid, unshaken con-
victions concerning truth and duty. And, when the hour of
decision came, they went to the front with as sublime courage
and as steadfast confidence in the orderings of God's prov-
idence as the Ironsides of Cromwell or the defenders of the
Covenant in Scotland.
A characteristic incident illustrative of this type of our
citizen soldiery, and also of many similar experiences in those
never to be forgotten days of tense feeling and prompt deci-
sion, has been preserved among the records of the company
recruited in Greene county — Company A — of the regimental
organization. The manuscript from which we quote was
written by Professor James C. Burns, of Macomb, Illinois,
a younger brother of John A. Burns, one of the recruits, to a
daughter of this comrade, after her father's death:
When the President's call was issued your father lacked
one day of being nineteen years of age. At the time of the
call he was a Freshman in Waynesburg College. Without
consulting his father or mother he enlisted, packed his books
and his clothing, and came home. How well I remember the
day. I was a lad of eleven years. Father was plowing corn
at tbe upper end of the farm and I was playing under a
service tree. At ten o'clock the dinner horn blew. "Some-
thing is wrong at the house," said father; and, unhitching
the horse, we went home. As we nearcd the house my
mother, with restless step and tearful eye, came out to meet
us. "John has enlisted," she said. Going into the house, we
found him there with J. J. Purman, a fellow student, who
had taught our district school the winter before. Securing:
6 THE ONE HUNDRED AXD FORTIETH REGIMENT
horses from my father, they rode over the township, soliciting
and urging other young men to enlist. They secured a dozen
or more. * * * One summer morning about the last of
July, these recruits assembled at our house to leave for the
front. Many friends came with them. The parting was a
sad one. I can see them even now, and feel the same
swelling in the throat that I felt that July morning as I saw
these men clamber into the two-horse wagons, father driving
one of them, to be driven to Waynesburg. Here they were
joined by eighty or ninety more men from other parts of the
county.
From fragments of realistic experiences such as these
we get the inner history — the real history — of the war for the
preservation of the Union. This student-lad of nineteen, who
could not wait to come home before pledging his young life
to the service of the imperilled country, became one of the
most efficient officers in his company bringing the remnant of
it home, after the war had ended, with the well deserved rank
of Captain. Like many of his comrades in the Regiment,
whose studies had been interrupted by the war. Captain Burns
returned to college and after graduation in the usual course
of theological study, entered the ministry. In this service,
which became the joy of his life, he fought the good fight
under direction of the great Captain of his salvation and, at
length, in peace and confident assurance finished his earthly
course and was summoned to his rest and reward. His college
friend, Mr. Purman. with whom he sallied forth in the hunt
for recruits on that memorable July day, was made First Lieu-
tenant at the organization of the company, and, at Gettysburg,
where he was twice wounded, lost a leg. For bravery and
meritorious conduct in that battle he received a Congressional
medal.
Washington County, which had at this time two notable
colleges within its bounds, contributed five of the companies
which made up the regimental organization. At the county
seat, which was also the seat of Washington College, a fine
company was recruited by David Acheson, a student of the
College at the outbreaking of the war. and two friends —
Isaac Vance and Charles Linton — who had been associated
EN LI ST MEN T—ORGA NIZ. i TION—EQ U IP MEN T 7
with him during a three months' term of service in the Twelfth
Regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteers.
At the date of its organization, Acheson was elected Cap-
tain and his comrades were made its First and Second Lieu-
tenants. It was not distinctively a college company, but the
undergraduates and alumni of the College furnished a goodly
number of its best members and most efficient officers. Cap-
tain Acheson was killed at the head of his company on the
second day of July at Gettysburg. He was at this time the
ranking captain of the Regiment. A man of fine physique
and of rare nobility of character, he was greatly beloved by
all who knew him. His First Lieutenant, Isaac Vance, lost
his left hand in the same engagement.
Another company, known in the regimental organization
as Company "G," was recruited at Canonsburg, the seat of
Jefferson College, by Professor John Fraser. He was assisted
in organizing the company by two alumni of the College,
Wilson N. Paxton and William H. H. Bingham. Bingham
was afterward promoted to the rank of Brevet Brigadier-Gen-
eral and for many years was member of Congress from the
First District of Pennsylvania, and "father of the House."
As originally constituted all the commissioned officers of
the company, with one exception, and a large proportion of
the rank and file were then, or had been connected with this
College. The farewell service on the morning of the depar-
ture of the company — who that was present can ever forget
it — was held in the college chapel. When a little remnant of
its survivors returned, nearly three years later, a royal welcome
was accorded them in the same sacred place of assembly.
Thus it will be seen that in the gathering of the One Hundred
and Fortieth Regiment three colleges were represented. It
should be noted also that the companies which were recruited
outside these college towns had, together with a fair propor-
tion of men of college training, an unusually large force of
alert, intelligent and resourceful men who had been trained
for business careers or in other schools of mental development
and activity.
The following quotation from an address made by the
S THE ONE HUNDRED AS'D FORTIETH REGIMENT
Hon. A. A. Purman at Waynesburg, Pa., October, 1887, on
the occasion of the annual reunion of the Regiment, gives an
inside view of the steps which were taken to affect the con-
solidation of these independent companies. For that reason,
as well as for its kindly words of appreciation, it should have
a place in this record :
The struggle to form the One Hundred and Fortieth
Regiment out of companies from Washington, Beaver and
Greene Counties was spirited, requiring a hasty journey of
Captain Fraser to Beaver to see Colonel Roberts, and tele-
graphic correspondence between Roberts and Governor
Curtin, ending with the kind words of Governor Curtin and
the answer that these companies should be formed into one
regiment.
The effort to form these companies into one regiment
was because of the homogeneity of the men composing the
companies. They were all young men, either from the plow,
or the mechanic's shop, the store counter or the college halls.
* * * What a glorious Regiment it was ! What noble
men composed it, and how nobly the men who have survived
the conflicts of battle and the struggles of the camp and the
field have since borne themselves in all the walks of life.
The three companies from Beaver County, known after-
wards as F, H and I, were mustered into the service of the
United States August 21, 1862, on the public square in front
of the Court House in the town of Beaver by Captain Thomas
H. Norton, of the regular army. "Norton/' says Major
Henry, "had a tine presence and a rich melodious voice, and
the oath was administered in a most impressive manner. This
was on the ground where the soldier's monument now stands,
and it has become historic."
The companies from Washington County were ordered
to Camp Howe, near Pittsburgh, as soon as their organiza-
tions were completed. Here each man in turn was carefully
examined — in puris natural ibis — by a surgeon of the army,
and those who were regarded as physically unfit for the
demands of the service were dropped from the rolls. The
men who were accepted were then mustered as a body into the
service. As each company stood at attention the oath was read
ENLISTMENT— ORG A NIZA TION—EQUIPMEN T g
by an army officer, appointed for that purpose, and every man
with uplifted hand swore allegiance and loyalty to the Gov-
ernment and the flag. From that moment the raw recruit
became a soldier in the army of the United States, subject to
the will of his superior officers and pledged to obey their com-
mands in the battle line or at the cannon's mouth.
In keeping with this new relation he laid aside the garb
of the citizen for the livery of the Nation's defenders. To
facilitate this transfer of garments a tailor from the Quarter-
master's Department measured each man of the company ; and
then, from the stock of ready made clothing- on hand, selected
such pieces as in his judgment appeared to be the nearest to
his record of measurements. It goes without saying, that
some of the recipients of these "ready mades" presented a
very ludicrous appearance as the result of this apportionment.
Jn some cases, exchanges were made to advantage with com-
rades and in others direct appeals to the Quartermaster, on
orders from the company commanders, resulted in the issue
of a iarger supply from which to make selections. Those who
could not be "suited" in either of these ways, were obliged to
make alterations ae their own expense; or to be content with
a decision which virtually amounted to "Hobson's choice."
The outfit provided by the Government for the rank and
file in those days consisted of a dark blue blouse, light blue
trousers, a smart looking frock coat with brass buttons for
dress parade and special occasions, a woolen or mixed wool
and cotton shirt, a suit of underwear, a forage cap, stout
broad-soled shoes and a blue overcoat with heavy cape. While
in this camp the men of the "awkward squad" took their first
lessons in wheeling and facing, saluting and marking time.
Guard mounting, company drill and guard duty occupied the
remaining part of the time which, weather permitting, was
allotted to drill and discipline.
Our stay in this rendezvous camp was suddenly cut short
by the arrival of marching orders. In pursuance of the in-
structions given we left Pittsburgh on the evening of Septem-
ber 4th and arrived at Camp Curtin in the forenoon of the
next day. Here we received a supply of A tents and at once
io THE ONE HL'.XDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMEN f
entered upon the routine of camp life. On the Sabbath fol-
lowing-, the company recruited by Professor Fraser, of Jeffer-
son College, was invited to attend the morning service of the
Pine Street Presbyterian Church. This invitation came
through the pastor, the Rev. Dr. William C. Cattell, a warm,
personal friend of Captain Fraser,
After much washing and scrubbing, we donned our dress
uniforms and falling into line at the hour appointed, marched
away to the church. We expected to be shown to reserved
seats somewhere in the rear of the building, or perchance in
the gallery, but to our great surprise, were marched to the
front pews of the middle block. Opening the hymn book on
the rack before him, the writer saw on its title page the name
of its owner — Simon Cameron — who was then serving his
country as the Secretary of War in the cabinet of Abraham
Lincoln.
It is an interesting fact that one of the young soldiers of
this company, John R. Paxton, an undergraduate of Jefferson
College, became, within a little more than a decade following
this service, the pastor of the Church which had so cordially
invited us to this service. Little did the good doctor, who
addressed us that morning, dream that one of the boys in
blue before him, a private of the rank and file, should be his
successor in that pulpit ; should be famous all over the land for
his brilliant gifts and unique modes of exxpression; and at
length, should go to places of still higher position and influ-
ence at the capital of the Nation and in New York City, where
presidents and congressmen, generals of the army, judges of
the Supreme Court, and millionaires of note would be his
hearers and supporters.
By the consolidation of the companies already mentioned,
the regimental organization was consummated on the eighth
day of September and received the official designation of the
One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment of Pennsylvania Vol-
unteers. Its companies, in conformity to army regulations,
were then designated by letters. The position in the line as
originally indicated was A, F, 1), T. C. H, E, K, G, B. At
COLi »NEL RICHARD P. ROBERTS.
ENLISTMENT— ORGANIZATION— EQUIPMENT n
a later date this order was changed.* Companies A and B
were from Greene and Mercer counties respectively; Com-
panies C, D, E, G, and K, from Washington County and
F. H and I from Beaver.
The field officers chosen at the date of the regimental
organization were Richard P. Roberts, of Beaver County,
Colonel; Captain John Fraser, of Washington County, Lieu-
tenant-Colonel: Captain Thomas B. Rodgers, of Mercer
County, Major.
The staff appointments were: First Sergeant, William S.
Shallenberger, of Company F. Adjutant; Dr. John Wishart,
Surgeon; Drs. W. W. Sharpe and Benj. F. Barrah, Assistant
Surgeons; Rev. Marcus Ormond, Captain of Company H,
Chaplain: and Samuel B. Bently, Quartermaster.
The line officers at date of organization were as follows :
Company A — Captain. John F. McCullough ; First Lieu-
tenant, James J. Purman ; Second Lieutenant, David Taylor.
Company B — Captain, J. T. Giebner; First Lieutenant,
Abram C. Grove ; Second Lieutenant, George Tanner.
Company C — Captain. David Acheson; First Lieutenant,
Isaac N. Vance ; Second Lieutenant, Charles L. Linton.
Company D — Captain, Silas Parker ; First Lieutenant,
Tames Mamon; Second Lieutenant. Matthias Minton.
Company E — Captain, Aaron Gregg; First Lieutenant,
Thomas A. Stone ; Second Lieutenant, Irwin F. Sansom.
Company F — Captain, Thomas Henry ; First Lieutenant,
John B. Stokes ; Second Lieutenant. Alex. H. Calvert.
Company G — Captain, H. H. Bingham : First Lieuten-
ant, Wilson N. Paxton ; Second Lieutenant. Joseph W. Mc-
Ewen.
Company H — Captain, Samuel Campbell : First Lieuten-
ant, Austin Miller ; Second Lieutenant, John B. Vance.
Company I — Captain, James Darrah ; First Lieutenant,
Wm. McCallister ; Second Lieutenant, George A. Shallen-
berger.
Company K — Captain, W. A. F. Stockton : First Lieu-
*For date and order of change see page 68.
12 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
tenant, Alex. Sweeney; Second Lieutenant, Wm. B. Cook.
On the ninth of September, the day following the organ-
ization of the Regiment, marching orders were received and
instant preparations were made, as we supposed, for a move
to the front. Knapsacks, haversacks, muskets and cartridge
boxes were furnished promptly to each company. Forty
rounds of cartridge per man were also issued, and, with no
little excitement and wonderment as to what the future had
in store for us, we took our first lessons in "packing up." To
our great disappointment, we were furnished with antiquated
"Vincennes" muskets, heavy and cumbrous to handle, with
sabre bayonets, which hung in broad scabbards by our sides.
We were assured that some day these awkward weapons
would be exchanged for brand new Springfield rifles, but this
assurance was not made good until some four months later.
On the evening of the 9th, we left Camp Curtin in com-
pany with the One Hundred and Forty-eighth Pennsylvania,
and marched to the station of the Northern Central Railway.
The One Hundred and Forty-eighth, which was thus thrown
into close relations with our Regiment for the first time, was
ever afterward, — until the war closed, — within hailing dis-
tance of it in camp, on the march, and on the battlefield. It
was in touch with the One Hundred and Fortieth for three
months of service on the line of the Northern Central Rail-
way; it marched with it in the beginning of the winter to the
Rappahannock from Washington City; and during its entire
service with the Army of the Potomac, was in the same divi-
sion of the Second Corps. Its young and sprightly Com-
mander, James A. Beaver, was a personal friend of Lieutenant-
Colonel John Fraser who had been the favorite professor
of his college days, and there were many among the rank and
file of each regiment who had much in common and readily
affiliated together. The One Hundred and Forty-eighth
ranked as one of the best drilled regiments in the volunteer
service, and had a splendid record for service at the front in
the famous Division to which it belonged.
The train which had been engaged for our transportation
was not at the railwav station when we arrived, and no one
ENLISTMENT— ORGANIZATION— EQUIPMENT 13
seemed to know when it might be expected. After waiting
for two or three hours by the side of the road, we unrolled our
blankets and disposed ourselves as best we could on the
ground for rest and sleep. About four o'clock in the morning
the belated train appeared. We boarded it at once without
any knowledge of our destination except the apparent fact
that we were heading towards Baltimore. In the afternoon,
about two o'clock, the train came to a stop at Parkton Station
in Maryland, where to our great surprise, we were ordered to
leave it and fall into line by the roadside. After a short
period of rest in a dusty field, we were marched to a position
on higher ground. Here we pitched our tents and for a period
of about three months guarded a section of the railroad which
had been assigned to us. This was not the kind of service
we had expected, but we were all glad to get away from bar-
racks and rendezvous camps, and out into the open, where we
could take our part with those already in the field and realize
that we were closely associated with them in the desperate
contest for the saving of the Nation. Aside from guard duty,
our time was fully occupied while at Parkton in company and
battalion drills and the ordinary routine of camp life.
14 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
CHAPTER II.
CAMP SEWARD PARKTON, MARYLAND.
'Tis the cause makes all
Degrades or hallows
Valor in its fall. — Byron.
THE immediate occasion of our hurried departure from
Camp Curtin was the invasion of Maryland by the
Confederate Army. On the 5th of September, the
day of arrival at Harrisburg, General Lee crossed the Potomac
and pushed rapidly northward in the direction of Frederick.
When midway across the river, as the story goes, he paused,
took off his hat, and rising in his saddle, pointed toward the
Maryland shore. Catching his meaning — or was it arranged
beforehand? — the bands of the regiments following him
struck up the tune of "Maryland, my Maryland."
At once the men within sight and hearing took up the
strain and joined heartily in singing the verses of the song
which from the early days of the Confederacy had been asso-
ciated with it.* It was the general impression of the people
of the South that the inhabitants of this border State were in
full sympathy with the Confederate cause and were only wait-
ing the opportunity to co-operate with them, as they advanced
in destroying railroads and bridges, and in rallying to their
side to repel, as they were wont to put it, the "northern
invader from their shores." This proved to be a fallacious
hope so far as the masses of the people were concerned, but
*Some of the stanzas of this song in the original are more
forcible than elegant, as, for example, the couplet :
"She is not dead, nor deaf, nor dumb:
Huzza ! She spurns the Northern scum."
CAMP SEWARD— PARKTON, MARYLAND 15
there were enough of these sympathizers to act as spies within
our lines and to threaten the security of the bridges and other
vulnerable points on the line of the railroads, upon which
the Union forces were relying for re-inforcements and sup-
plies. Anticipating the evident plan of the enemy to destroy
communications on the Baltimore and Ohio and the Northern
Central roads, the authorities at Washington at once took
steps to defend them. The task assigned to our Regiment,
in connection with the One Hundred and Forty-eighth, was
to guard a portion of the last named road extending from
Parkton to Lutherville, a distance of about twenty miles.
While on this duty, the Regiment was under the command of
Major General Wool, of the eighth army corps, whose head-
quarters was at Baltimore. At Parkton, the headquarters of
the Regiment, four companies, B, F, G, and I, went into camp
as a reserve force, while the rest were distributed along the
road. At times these companies were called to Parkton for
drill or inspection and so long as the weather was favorable
the time, not spent upon guard duty, was fully occupied with
squad, company and battalion drill. In general, the detail for
guard duty came to each man, in turn, every fifth day. From
this service, unless excused by the surgeon, there was no es-
cape. During the twenty-four hours of its continuance, each
man had the round of two hours on his beat and four hours
off. At any time during this period, he was liable to be called
out on the line and was expected to keep his accoutrements on
his person in order that he might be ready for instant duty.
Every survivor of the Regiment, — who was fit for duty — can
recall some dismal nights and dreary days when the rains de-
scended and the floods came and the cold winds blew unmer-
cifully upon him, as he paced his lonely beat, marking off the
long hours of his appointed watch. At such times, when it was
not possible, and would not have been permissible, to have
exchanged one's water-soaked attire for warm, dry clothing,
not even in the interval of the "four hours off," what wonder
if the shivering soldier of the line would be tempted to join
in the old-time wail of the Irish recruit: "Oh-o-ne! Oh-o-ne!
why did I come for a soger!" There were some who took
16 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
such hardships seriously to heart, and actually died of des-
pondency and home sickness. But with others, and these
were by far the larger number, they were lightly regarded
and quickly forgotten, when the days of sunshine and happier
surroundings returned.
One day, during the early part of our stay in Camp
Seward, the Colonel received an intimation that a Confederate
scouting party, some eight miles away, was heading toward
our camp and would probably attempt to surprise its defenders
during the night. To guard against this danger, sixty men
from each company of the battalion were detailed for a recon-
naissance, and were deployed at intervals by the roadside, a
mile or more outside the camp.
Soon after nightfall the command was given to load our
muskets and keep quiet. There was something weird and
uncanny in the hour and the place, as well as in these mys-
terious preparations, and with tense nerves and bated breath,
we awaited the approach of our expected foes. Suddenly,
there came to our attent ears the sharp report of a musket,
and in an instant every man was in his place and ready to
repel an attack. It proved to be a false alarm, however, occa-
sioned by the indiscretion of a nervous sentinel, who thought
he had discerned a lurking enemy amid the dark shadows of
the wood beyond him. After a wait of an hour or more, most
of the men fell into fitful slumbers, trusting to their comrades
on the outposts to give warning of coming danger. We re-
mained in our several positions in the woods all night, but
the enemy for reasons best known to themselves, did not dis-
turb us. We captured one solitary horseman returning from
a store and detained him until morning. He was the only
prisoner who fell into our net and was able to give so good
an account of his movements, that he was allowed to go to
his home in peace. There were some suspicious characters
who were found prowling about the camp, at times, during the
Confederate invasion, who could not give satisfactory evi-
dence of their presence or intentions to the officers of the post
and were sent for further examination, or for safe-keeping, to
Fort McHenrv.
CAMP SEWARD— PARKTON, MARYLAND 17
Access to the camp was allowed, for awhile, to the ven-
ders of pies, doughnuts and cakes of very questionable char-
acter and of various degrees of indigestibility, but when some
persons, who were supposed to be spies, found entrance under
that guise, this inside traffic was summarily prohibited. This
proved to be a wise precautionary measure in the interests of
the health of the men as well as for the safety of the Post.
The "goodies" in general, which men weary of hard tack,
beans and butterless bread eagerly bought of these neighbor-
hood venders, were aptly described — as the boys interpreted
it — by one old woman, not overtidy in appearance, who was
wont to call out as she went up and down the company streets :
"Here's yer cakes and pies en (pizen) things."
One night, in the month of September, the occupants of
a tent — six in number — were rudely awakened by the collapse
of their canvas house, which, as it fell, enmeshed them in its
dripping folds. As one by one they struggled out of the mass
of prostrate canvas, blankets, overcoats, muskets and equip-
ments, a cold, drenching rain poured down upon their un-
sheltered heads and scantily clothed bodies. To right and
repitch the tent under such circumstances was not an easy
matter, and, after it was accomplished, its occupants were,
perforce of circumstances, obliged to sleep the rest of the night
under wet blankets and in wet clothing. It relieved the situa-
tion somewhat, in so far as the feelings of these wrecked tent-
mates were concerned, to know that many of their associates
were involved in the same calamity. In that dark night of
surprise and consternation there were only six tents out of
sixteen in the company street which weathered the gale and
stood erect. On every hand was heard the shouts and calls
of men, who, like the occupants of their own mess, were
crawling out from heavy folds of canvas into the driving
rain. Some were scolding and fretting, some indulging in
the "speech of Ashdod," while others bewildered, or about half
asleep, were sitting still and helpless in the driving rain. The
ludicrous side of the situation soon appealed to everyone
and under the healthful stimulus of this reaction, the damage
to the tents was soon repaired. The day following this un-
18 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
toward experience, we received some practical lessons with
respect to the manner of pitching tents and driving pegs so
as to resist the strain of the contracting canvas when thor-
oughly soaked by heavy or continuous rains.
Our camp, being in an exposed location on a little swell
of ground at the edge of a broad valley, was favorably situ-
ated for the warm weather period of our stay, but when the
cold blasts of November and December overswept it, we fre-
quently had occasion to wish for housing of a more substan-
tial kind than the canvas walls and flapping folds of our
regulation tents.
One morning, about the first of November, we awoke
to find a furious snowstorm raging about us. A cold north-
east wind had drifted the snow against the sides of our tents
and sifted it inside whenever an opening could be found. As
the day wore on the wind increased in velocity and the snow
continued to fall in great feathery flakes covering the ground
outside to the depth of several inches. This was our first
experience of wintry storms in tent life and, because of our
lack of foresight in preparing for it, was a decidedly uncom-
fortable one.
Inside the canvas walls, which were dripping with mois-
ture, there was not enough of dry space to accommodate all
of the ordinary occupants and to those who ventured outside
there was no shelter for their heads and no place to which they
could go, except to the camp fire in the company street. Here
there seemed to be enough smoke at all times to go around,
but it was a difficult matter to get near enough to the fire
to realize any compensating benefit for the outside exposure
to storm and snow which had to be endured, in order to
enjoy it.
Acting on a hint which came from Headquarters the
afternoon of that dismal and long to be remembered day was
spent in collecting stones from the bed of the stream below
the camp with which to build rude fireplaces, topped out with
sticks and mud, inside the tents. Some of them smoked the
occupants out and had to be built over again, but in general
they did good service and made our canvas houses much
CAMP SEWARD— PARKTON, MARYLAND 19
more comfortable during the remaining days of our stay.
Most of the companies along the line of the road had the
use of barracks and were not so much exposed to the rigors
of these fitful and exceptionally severe climatic changes.
Because of these changes, and for other reasons, not so
apparent, there were many cases of serious illness in the sev-
eral companies of the Regiment. The prevalent types of
the most dangerous diseases were malarial and typhoid fevers.
From the first of October until the middle of November the
hospital tent was overcrowded, and ten deaths were reported
up to the date of our transfer from Maryland to Virginia.
In the One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment there was, as
already intimated, a large proportion of professing Christians
who were as loyal to the Master, whose name they bore, as to
the country and the flag they had sworn to defend. In this
Maryland camp, and, where the conditions were favorable, in
other camps, a brief public service of prayer was held morning
by morning in the company streets. This service, led by an
officer or someone selected from the ranks, was held while
the men were in line, immediately after the roll call. The long
line of bowed, uncovered heads in the grey of the morning,
as someone voiced the petitions of the company, was a most
impressive sight, suggestive in many cases of home memories,
and prophetic, also, of a better day when each man, who might
be spared to see it, should be free to worship God once more
at the home altar, with none to molest or make him afraid.
Following this service, the men usually sprinted in a body
to the stream several rods below the camp for their morning
ablutions. Later in the season it was necessary to break holes
in the ice in order to avail themselves of this privilege.
While at Parkton, a committee of officials, appointed by
Governor Curtin, presented the State colors, — a beautiful silk
flag — to the Regiment. This stand of colors was borne along-
side the National flag from that date, and it is now in the
Museum of the new Capitol of the State, with scarcely enough
of its original fabric remaining to make its identity certain.
About the first of December a lot of lumber was deliv-
ered at the railroad station, and a few days later a band of
20 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
carpenters brought it over to the camp and commenced the
construction of company barracks. We naturally inferred that
this meant the continuance of our stay in winter quarters, but
in military affairs it is usually the unexpected that happens.
While the hammers were vigorously pounding away on the
new structure, an order was on its way from Headquarters in
Baltimore, to report at once to Brigadier-General Casey in
the Department of the District of Columbia. The "boys"
were delighted to hear the news of this forward movement
and with hearty enthusiasm began to pack up and prepare for
it. For lack of transportation we did not get away until the
evening of the ioth of December, almost three full days after
the order was received. Had we gone at the date indicated,
we should have reached the Army of the Potomac in time to
take part in the disastrous battle of Fredericksburg. Through
no fault of our officers Ave were hindered from going at that
time, and, looking back from the standpoint of to-day, we are
content that it was otherwise ordered by the Disposer and
Overruler of human events.
■
•v
^w
■jk
Brev. Brig. -Gen. John Fraser. Lt.-Col. Thos. B. Rodgers.
Wm. S. Shallenberger, Adjutant. J. L. Milligan, Chaplain.
Dr. I. Wilson Wishart, Surgeon. Brevet Brig. -Gen, II. II. Bincham.
SOUTHWARD FROM MARYLAND TO DIXIELAND
CHAPTER III.
SOUTHWARD FROM MARYLAND TO DIXIELAND.
On ! brothers on ! for the Flag that is peerless !
Striped from the rainbow and starred from the sky;
On with a sturdy step ! dauntless and fearless !
On to unfurl it in triumph or die.
THE Northern Central Railroad, which we had guarded
with ceaseless vigilance, by day and night, for three
months, furnished the Regiment with transportation
to its terminus in Baltimore in rough freight cars of various
types and patterns. We were favored in having a clear track,
however, and the journey, which covered a stretch of twenty-
nine miles, was shorter than we had anticipated. At the station
we joined forces with the One Hundred and Forty-eighth and
marched through the city, with bands playing and flags flying,
to the station on the Washington side, a distance of nearly
two miles.
All along the line of this march, although at a late hour
of the night, we were welcomed by crowds of enthusiastic
residents who waved flags from windows, doors and balconies,
or came out to the very curb of the pavements to wave hand-
kerchiefs and call out "God Bless you boys," "The Union
forever!" We entered this fair city with forty rounds of
cartridges apiece, not knowing what might befall us there, but
this enthusiastic welcome took us by surprise, and in response
we made the long avenue on which we were marching ring
with cheers and the soul stirring strains of our National an-
thems. At the end of this march we were directed to the
Union Association Hall, where we sat down to a home-like
table covered with clean, white linen and enjoyed an excellent
midnight supper, which had been provided for us. We were
comfortably quartered in the same building for the night and
22 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
until the evening of the next day. This generous entertain-
ment was given at the expense of the city. Up to this date
her loyal citizens had fed and cared for more than fifty
thousand troops, who, like ourselves, were on their way to
the front.
During the daylight period of our stay in Baltimore, the
opportunity was given to those who were not on duty to see
the public buildings, the notable monuments, the bay, the
shipping, and at all these places every courtesy and kindness
was shown them. In the evening the Regiment was entrained
once more as live frcigJit, for the long night run to Wash-
ington. The box cars into which we were crowded, were pro-
vided with rough planks for seats, and the only heating
arrangement within our cramped enclosures was the aggregate
of the blood heat of our bodies. This proved to be insufficient
in its counteracting influence to offset the wintry temperature
outside, and we suffered not a little from chilled hands and
feet as the long night wore away. In the floor of the car
which was occupied by Company G there were two large
circular plates of iron, which suggested to someone the pos-
sibility of using them as makeshift fireplaces. Acting on
his own conception of the fitness of things, the author of this
brilliant idea deliberately cut a little heap of shavings and
slivers from the inside lining of the car and placing them on
the iron plate beside him, called for a match. This was fur-
nished by a comrade beside him and soon the little pile was
blazing merrily. A careful watch was necessary to keep the
fire from spreading to the woodwork around the plate by
those who were fortunate enough to enjoy the benefit of this
novel, but somewhat hazardous, method of toasting their
chilled hands and feet. After feeding the flames for a while
with such material as could be easily secured, there remained
a little bed of glowing coals, which for a few moments, did
good service. To guard against the outbreaking of the fire
to the woodwork by a sudden lurch of the cars or by reason
of the rapid progress of the train, a squad of volunteer firemen
were at hand with a good water supply in canteens.
When the train came to a dead stop on a siding a few
SOUTHWARD FROM MARYLAND TO DIXIELAND 23
hours later, someone ran out to a hay stack near by, and set
it on fire. There were but few, perhaps, of the shivering occu-
pants of the cars on the long- train at rest, who approved of
this act, but no one hesitated to join the rapidly growing
crowd of unfortunates who danced around it and warmed
their chilled limbs by the roaring flames. In view of the
extenuating circumstances it is fair to presume that "Uncle
Sam," upon application of the owner, good-naturedly paid
the bill.
After a wearisome, sleepless journey of ten hours, a con-
siderable part of which was spent upon sidings, we reached
the outskirts of the city. Here we were quartered, awaiting
further orders, until the afternoon of the next day. Wash-
ington at that time was a great military camp and distributing
station for troops and army supplies. The streets were cut
into holes and deep ruts by the almost continuous passage of
army wagons and artillery trains, and all the elevated sites in
and around it were strongly entrenched. Army officers of
all grades were prominent in public places and on the streets,
and everywhere the rumble of wheels, the click of horses' hoofs
and the clang of trailing sabres were heard. Around the
Capitol and especially in the vicinity of its unfinished wings,
there were acres of ground covered with rough-unhewn or
partly dressed stones. The Washington Monument was an
unsightly pile which had been halted in mid air to await the
coming of a better day, but the work of reconstruction and
addition, which had been undertaken before the war, in con-
nection with the great building which represented the hope
as well as the power and dignity of the Nation, went steadily
on through all its vicissitudes and reverses. With pride and
admiration, we looked upon the swelling dome which crowned
the great building, even then of magnificent dimensions ; but
the bronze statue of Liberty, which now towers high above it,
was not swung into its place until a few months before the
close of the war. Was it not a wise ordering of the Great
Ruler of the nations that the place provided for it should
remain vacant until the integrity of the Union should be
assured : until the Nation welded together by indissoluble
24 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
bonds in the furnace blast of war should receive its "new birth
of freedom," and so make good the old-time jubilee proclama-
tion of liberty throughout the land, unto all the inhabitants
thereof.
At three o'clock on the afternoon of the thirteenth of
December, the Regiment left Washington City under orders
to march to Liverpool Point, about sixty miles distant.
We crossed the cast branch, or estuary of the Potomac,
and bivouacked for the night in a muddy field thickly studded
with stubs of cornstalks. In obedience to orders we had
turned in our large mess tents to the Quartermaster's Depart-
ment and had not received the shelter tents, which were to
take their places, when we left Washington City. With a
view to making the best of the situation, we made a frame-
work of fence rails, which fortunately were close at hand, to
keep us out of the mud. Spreading our blankets upon them,
we slept soundly under the stars, within sight of the Dome
of the Capitol. The next day the shelter tents were distributed
and from this time until the close of the war. they were the
only covering provided for the troops, who were in active
service. This tent consisted of four sections. Each section
had button holes on one side and buttons on the other and
every man of the mess was expected to carry one. which he
could utilize in the construction of the tent or as a cover for
his couch. When in camp two of the side pieces were but-
toned together, stretched taut over a slender ridge pole and
made fast on the ground. The third piece formed the back
oi the tent, and a fourth was sometimes utilized as a screen
or veil before the door. When on the march two muskets,
with bayonets placed in the ground, one at either end. fre-
quently served as a substitute for a ridge pole. When pitched
this canvas hut had a maximum height of less than three
feet. It would keep its occupants dry in a heavy shower of
rain, except when someone touched the muslin roof. This
overt act. whether by accident or design, brought the water
down in a continuous stream. On this march our personal im-
pedimenta, including overcoat, blanket, knapsack, haversack,
with three days' rations, shelter tent section, cartridge box, with
SOUTHWARD FROM MARYLAND TO DIXIELAND 25
forty rounds of ammunition, — heavy Belgian muskets, with
sabre bayonets and accoutrements, — averaged sixty-five or
seventy pounds per man. Two of the nights which we spent
while on this march were bitterly cold. The chill wind which
blew up the river came into our tents at every unguarded
opening and the water in the canteens was frozen solidly.
Sometimes when it was too cold to sleep, one or more of
the occupants of the little tents would crawl out and sit for
awhile around the camp fire of the company. But the fires
usually burned provokingly low during the night watches and
when fresh fuel was added, the smoke became so intolerable,
at times, that it became necessary to retreat beyond the zone
of possible heat, or disgustedly to crawl back to the shelter
of the tent. At Liverpool Point where we rested for a few
hours, a Government transport carried the Regiment down
the River and across its broad bosom, — about four miles wide
— to the mouth of Acquia Creek on the Virginia side. Here
we heard for the first time of the repulse and crushing de-
feat of Burnside's army at Fredericksburg. We had hoped
to hear of a great victory which would turn the tide in favor
of the Union, but instead, we were coming to an army which,
while noted for its splendid heroism in reverses, as well as
in battle, was nevertheless defeated, baffled, discouraged and
dispirited. The railroad which was in working order from
Acquia Creek to Falmouth, was crowded with trains filled
with wounded men, who were being transferred from the
field hospitals to Baltimore and Washington City.
After a brief rest at Acquia Creek, — our first bivouac on
Virginia soil, — we marched over a muddy, deeply gashed road,
to Falmouth, a distance of sixteen miles, where a site for a
permanent camp had been selected within sight and almost
directly opposite the city of Fredericksburg. This selection
was made for the reason that an order had been already issued
assigning the One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment to the
First Division of General Couch's Corps, then commanded
by General Winfield Scott Hancock, whose fearless conduct
in battle and superb bearing in the presence of his troops
had already made him one of the most notable and con-
26 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
spicuous leaders of the Potomac Army. In this Division,
which was the largest in the Army, there were four Brigades.
Our Regiment was assigned to the Third and the One Hun-
dred and Forty-eighth to the First. Our position, including
all the relationships with which we were concerned, was in
the Third Brigade, First Division, Second Army Corps, Right
Grand Division, Army of the Potomac. The Brigade was
commanded by General S. K. Zook, and the Right Grand
Division by Major General Edwin V. Sumner. Referring to
the arrival of reinforcements to the ranks of the First Divi-
sion, General Francis A. Walker, the historian of the Second
Corps, says : "Three days after the First Division returned
to camp, it, as the most depleted division, received a reinforce-
ment in the One Hundred and Forty-eighth Pennsylvania,
Colonel James A. Beaver, a regiment which was thereafter,
through all the terrible struggles to the glorious end, to be
associated with the Second Corps, and never to be named
without honor. Two days later, viz., on the 20th of Decem-
ber, came another fine regiment from Western Pennsylvania,
the One Hundred and Fortieth, Colonel Richard P. Roberts,
which was assigned to Zook's Brigade." To it was given the
distinction of serving also, but with a heavier loss, in the same
notable Division until the close of the war.
As we marched to our place of encampment through the
open ranks of a host of spectators from the Irish Brigade and
other neighboring commands, with our comparatively new
uniforms and equipments and full companies, we were chaffed
not a little on the newness of our appearance and the fullness
of our ranks. One called out, "Whose brigade is this?"
"Aw," chimed in another, who had caught sight of our heavy
muskets, "them's the walking artillery." "Luk at them twelve
pounders." Farther on we hear the greeting, "Glad to see
you bys, but ye ought to have been here three or four days
ago. Niver mind bys, ye'll catch it yet," and the like. The
men who were thus disposed to criticise our freshness and
lack of military experience, were the veterans of the Potomac
Army who had just returned from the bloody field of Fred-
ericksburg, and it was pathetic to see the little groups which
Major-Gen. A. Burnside, Commander Army of Potomac.
Major-Gen. E. V. Sumner, Commander Right General Division Army of Potomac.
Major-Gen. Darius Couch, Commander Sec nd Army Corps. Colonel Richard P. Roberts.
Major-Gen. Winfield S. Hancock. Commander First Division Second Corps.
Urig.-Gen. S. K. Zook. Commander Third Brigade, Firsl Division.
SOUTHWARD FROM MARYLAND TO DIXIELAND 27
remained in their company streets, or rallied around their
colors, where once had been full companies and regiments like
our own. From official sources, as well as from the men
themselves, we learned that Hancock's Division had been in
the very thick of the fight over the River and that every
regiment belonging to it had suffered phenomenally heavy
losses in the vain attempts which had been made again and
again to take the impregnable defences on Marye's Heights.
28 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
CHAPTER IV.
WINTER QUARTERS ON THE RAPPAHANNOCK.
We wait beneath the furnace blast
The pangs of transformation;
Not painlessly doth God recast
And mould anew the Nation. — Whittier.
THE location selected for our camp was an open space at
the edge of a strip of woodland, which up to this time
had escaped the hand of the spoiler. It was directly
behind the town of Falmouth and over it could be seen the
spires and fortified heights of the City of Fredericksburg. A
ground plan of the regimental camp was prepared, before any
of the winter huts were erected, on which were laid out w r ith
mathematical skill the company streets and lots, and even the
exact position of each mess of the several companies. Going
into the strip of timber-land beside us with axes furnished by
the Quartermaster's Department, we felled trees, mostly of
pine, right and left, shaped them into logs of suitable length,
and with these constructed the framework of our winter huts.
As only four or five days remained before Christmas, we
worked like beavers to complete our quarters in time for its
celebration. The enclosure of logs which was usually about
four or five feet high was plastered inside with Virginia mud
or clay. An opening large enough for a fireplace was cut
on the back side, and outside this opening a semicircular back
wall was made by driving stout stakes closely together. In-
side this, about eight inches or more, a corresponding wall
of lighter stakes was constructed after the same fashion. The
spaces between these curved lines of staves was then filled
with a mixture of clay.
The portion of the chimney above this rudely constructed
fireplace was made of split sticks, built up like the corncob
WINTER QUARTERS ON THE RAPPAHANNOCK. 29
houses of our childhood days, and thickly plastered with mud
within and without. The inner row of stakes which gave
direction to the curve of the fireplace burned out gradually,
as they became dry, but by that time the mass of mud which
they supported, had become sufficiently hardened to make a
safe and substantial back wall. A drop curtain made of a
section of a shelter tent screened the entrance to the hut
and to a limited extent protected its inmates from the cold
blasts which swept through the company streets.
The roof was made of joined sections of shelter tents.
A ridge pole, supported on notched boards nailed as uprights
to the logs, gave the desired pitch and the muslin cover,
which was stretched over it, was nailed fast to the upper tier
of logs on either side. For a few days following our arrival,
a supply of cod fish was issued to the troops. This ration
was not popular as an article of diet with the men from the
interior, and frequently the larger ones, spread out to their
utmost limit, were utilized as windbreaks on the tops of the
chimneys. Six occupants, designated as bunkmates, were
allotted, at the outset, to each hut. At night they were stowed
away on an upper and lower berth made of a log frame and
slatted with long flexible poles placed closely together, length-
wise. The mattress, which was regarded as an essential fea-
ture of this spring bed, for reasons that are evident, was
usually made of muslin or gunnysack filled with hay, dried
grass, leaves or straw. The lower berth was made a foot or
more wider than the upper one and in the daytime was used
as a divan or sofa. There was enough space between the
berths and the fireplace to admit of seats, including the pro-
jection of the lower berth, for all the occupants. This space
was designated as the kitchen, and the cook for the week had
the post of honor in the chimney corner.
In less than a fortnight, the Regiment cleared five acres
of ground for building and firewood. While in the midst of
this work, an order came from General Burnsides to pack
our belongings, prepare three days' rations and be ready to
move at short notice.
This arrested all our activities and for three days we
30 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
awaited orders to break camp. At the end of this period, the
original order was countermanded, and we resumed the work,
which had been so summarily suspended, on our winter
quarters.
It was evident, however, from several disquieting indi-
cations, that another movement was contemplated against the
enemy before settling down to the quiet and security of a
winter encampment.
The first of January was one of the coldest days of the
season, and the men who were on picket or detailed for other
w r ork outside the camp suffered severely. The days follow-
ing, until a day or two beyond the middle of the month, were
for the most part clear and cold. The ground was frozen so
firm and hard that it was comparatively easy to maneuver
with troops or artillery, and within this time, there was a
succession of daily drills, reviews and inspections of the
Brigade, the Division and the Corps.
The most notable of these parades was the review of the
Second Army Corps, which took place on the seventeenth of
the month. The day was clear and frosty and the sun shining
upon the glittering lines of polished muskets and the swiftly
moving columns of the several brigades and divisions made
the display a memorable one, even to those who had long been
accustomed to such exhibitions of the pomp and circumstance
of war. Generals Burnside, Sedgewick, — temporarily in com-
mand of the Corps in the absence of General Couch — Sumner,
Hancock and other noted leaders of high rank were present
and participated in this grand review. On its rolls the Corps
had a numerical force of about 35,000 men, but the battle of
Frederickburg, sickness, from exposure, and other causes had
greatly reduced this number. To those of us who had not
been accustomed to see such large bodies of men it seemed like
a very great army, despite the record of its losses, and present
day absentees. As the commanding officers rode down the
lines General Sedgewick remarked to Burnside when directly
opposite our front : "General, this is a very fine looking regi-
ment." "Yes," replied Burnside, "Very fine, Sir. Everything
about them looks complete." We were raw enough — "green
WINTER QUARTERS ON THE RAPPAHANNOCK. 3*
enough," as some one in the Irish Brigade expressed it, —
to cheer the brave old commander, for brave he was in his
misfortunes, as well as in his conduct before the face of the
enemy. The most beautiful sight of the day to many of us
was the review of the artillery connected with the Corps.
There were about forty-five guns in this parade and the
marching and countermarching of the several batteries was
a marvel of precision and soldierly discipline.
Immediately following this review orders were issued to
the men of the several divisions to hold themselves in readi-
ness for an advance movement. This was followed on the
20th of January by a general order announcing that the time
had arrived when the commander purposed again to lead the
Army of the Potomac against the enemy and asked the co-
operation of every officer and soldier in the army to the intent
that this undertaking might issue in driving him from his
defences.
There was a brave ring in the wording of this order but
to many, apart from the fickle behavior of the weather at this
season, the conditions for such an advance were not favorable.
The depression which followed the disastrous attempt to carry
Marye's Heights by storm was still felt and many of the men
who had attempted to do that apparently impossible thing
were sore at heart. They were willing to follow the com-
mander who had been appointed over them, since it must be so,
but they felt that in the former campaign they did not have a
fair chance and were not enthusiastic over his leadership. As
a man General Burnside was highly esteemed by all who knew
him and as a Corps commander he had been notably success-
ful, but his failure at Fredericksburg, the whole blame lor
which he generously took upon himself, had discouraged and
well nigh demoralized the entire army. Smarting under the
criticisms which were made by high officials of the govern-
ment as well as in the columns of the public press, he resolved
to make another attempt to engage the enemy before going
into permanent quarters for the winter.
On the 1 8th of January, two days before the beginning
of this movement, the Regiment received a supply of new
32 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Springfield rifles in exchange for the old Vincennes muskets.
There was great joy among the men when this exchange was
made, for the "shoulder cannon," as they were termed, had
become a reproach as well as a burden.
With this new, light and effective weapon in our hands
we felt that we could take our rightful place by the side of the
old campaigners and manfully do our part.
When the movement which General Burnside had care-
fully planned began the weather was all that could be desired.
The sky was clear, the air crisp and frosty, and the roads were
hard frozen and solid. On the left of the line the Grand Divi-
sion under command of General Franklin took the initiative;
for it was a movement from left to right up the river. For
two days the troops of this Division could be seen as they
filed past on some of the hill tops in the rear of our camp.
They were followed by Hooker's Grand Division in the centre.
With blankets rolled up and three days' rations in our haver-
sacks we awaited the order to break camp.
This order was not given to Summer's Grand Division
for the reason that his camps were in full view of the enemy
and also, as we learned afterwards, because it was General
Burnside's intention to follow up the turning movement by a
direct attack, under the lead of General Sumner, on the de-
fences of the City of Fredericksburg.
During the night which followed the movement of Gen-
eral Franklin there was a storm of wind and pelting rain,
which continued with slight intermission or abatement for
two days and nights thereafter. The poor fellows who moved
on Tuesday — the first day of the march — were drenched with
rain and chilled with the wind. — which blew a gale all night
long — as they cowered under the trunks of nearby trees or sat
disconsolately around huge bonfires of pine logs, which with
no little exertion and difficulty were kept burning. On Wed-
nesday the movement was continued, and by that time the
whole of Burnside's army, except our Grand Division, with
its artillery and equipment, was out and exposed to the piti-
less storm. The incessant rain had not only swamped the
surface of the ground in many places but had brought on the
WINTER QUARTERS ON THE RAPPAHANNOCK. 33
"January thaw." The roads and fields were well nigh im-
passable, even for infantry, and the men who were strug-
gling on to reach the points they were expected to occupy
that night, waded at times through mud and slush almost to
their knees. The heavy wagons which carried the pontoons
were mired all along the way and there were not enough
horses or mules in the p^Tiy to pull them out. In some places
batteries were held fast in the mud up to the cannon's mouth.
In one case the attempt was made, without success, to pull out
one piece of artillery near our camp with thirty horses. It is
scarcely possible for one who was not a spectator of such sights
to conceive of the condition of a break-up on Virginia soil
after an immense army, regardless of roads, had passed over
it. The artillery alone which filed past our camp moved in an
almost continuous procession for over twenty-four hours.
Further advance under such conditions was impossible and on
Thursday the wearied, mud-covered and discouraged troops
were ordered to return to their camps. This movement had
gone down into history as Burnside's "Mud Campaign." He
was not to blame for the weather conditions which no one
could foresee, and yet he took a great risk, pre-doomed, as
some regarded it, to failure in making such a venture with a
great army in one of the most uncertain months of the winter
season in the latitude of Virginia. This disastrous attempt
silenced the clamor of the critics in the North who had been
urging a forward movement of the Army of the Potomac,
regardless of time or season, and, for the first time since the
Fredericksburg disaster, the men were encouraged to settle
down and make themselves comfortable in winter quarters.
As soon as the troops of the several commands had returned
to their camps, General Burnside tendered his resignation.
It was accepted and General Hooker was appointed by the
President in his place. Coming to this responsible position at
a time of great discouragement with a brilliant record based
on his fighting qualities, the new commander at once secured
the esteem and confidence of his men by his liberality in grant-
ing furloughs and his unremitting attention to their present
every-day needs. Ovens were built at convenient locations
34 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
within the lines for the baking of soft bread and orders were
issued at once for a generous supply of potatoes, carrots,
onions and other kinds of nourishing foods and vegetables.
The first instalment of these luxuries was hailed with delight.
For nearly two months we had subsisted upon salt bacon, hard
tack and beans and it was good to see a bountiful supply of
bread, vegetables and fresh meat once more. It was not so
strange therefore that the recipients of these luxuries began
to look on the brighter side of the situation, or that with one
accord they were disposed to bless "Fighting Joe" in their
hearts. At a later date boxes from relatives and friends sup-
plemented the "extra rations" of General Hooker; and there
were few messes that did not share in a portion of the good
things that were enjoyed by the folks at home. In one week
near the close of the month of February, 15,000 boxes arrived
from the North and were stacked up in huge piles at the rail-
road station.
During this period of suspended hostilities there were
several visitors from the sections in Western Pennsylvania,
which had representatives in the One Hundred and Fortieth
Regiment, who were always cordially welcomed and in so far
as our limited means and space permitted, were hospitably
entertained. Among those who came from Washington
County were two highly esteemed citizens from the neighbor-
hood of Canonsburg. the Rev. James Sloan, D.D., and Dr.
Emery — a doctor of medicine. — each of whom had a son in
Mess Xo. o of Company G. Both were heavy weight men
physically, as well as mentally, and on their road from the
station to the camp had great difficulty in making their way
through the swampy ground intervening. Dr. Sloan, the
heavier man of the two. was extricated from a slough of the
treacherous Virginia mud, when almost exhausted, by a pass-
ing soldier who kindly came to his aid. There were others
nearby not so considerate, who could not resist the temptation
to call out to their fellows : "Come boys and see the big citi-
zen stuck fast in the mud!" "Oh my!" "Why don't the Arm>
of the Potomac move." At the door of the hut to which
these unexpected visitors were directed an enthusiastic wel-
WINTER QUARTERS ON THE RAPPAHANNOCK. 35
come was given them, but the door itself proved to be too
strait for the admission of the whole of their bodily frames.
After a few moments delay a hand saw was procured and the
entrance was made wide enough to admit them to the com-
forts and generous hospitality of their friends inside.
In Hancock's Division the prescribed routine of camp
life and army regulations was scrupulously observed.
At 6 o'clock in the morning, the bugle at headquarters
sounded the reveille and immediately after the bands of the
several regiments took it up and made the air vibrate with the
rattle of their noisy drums. This was the signal for the awak-
ing of an army of over 100,000 men whose camps occupied a
broad belt in continuous succession from the outposts of Sum-
ner's Grand Division on the right to the outposts of Frank-
lin's on the left, a distance of about nine miles. Before the
ending of this noisy demonstration every man was expected
to be in his place on the company street to answer to his name.
At this time the details for camp, picket or fatigue duty were
announced. A brief space after breakfast was usually spent
in the brushing and dusting of clothing, cleaning and scouring
of guns, brasses and equipments and in putting our little
houses in order for the day. At 8 o'clock the detail for duty
assembled on the color line for "guard mounting" which in-
cluded a thorough inspection of arms, clothing and accoutre-
ments. The detail for picket duty reported for a still more
rigorous inspection at an earlier hour of the morning. Those
who regarded themselves as unfit for duty were summoned to
the surgeons' tent by the "sick call." This was unlike all the
other bugle or drum calls and was interpreted by the boys to
mean: "Come and get your quinine" "come and get your qui-
nine." At 8 o'clock the companies were called out, if the
weather was favorable, for an hour or two of drill and general
maneuvers. In the afternoon at 2 or 3 o'clock the regiments
with flags flying and drums beating, were usually assembled
under the direction of the brigade or division commander for
field evolutions, and the more intricate forms of maneuvers
by regiments and brigades.
The great event which closed the active duties of the day
36 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
was the dress parade. The writer of the "History of a
Famous Regiment/' the Sixty-third Pennsylvania, gives the
following description of this beautiful and imposing cere-
monial :
The regiment, dressed in its best, with everything as
bright as it could be made, the men fell into line by com-
panies and in a few moments a line of iooo men (when the
regiment had its full complement) stood silent and immov-
able like statues. The band, standing on the right of the line,
led by the drum major with his big brass-headed staff,
struck up a slow and solemn air and marched down the
front of the line to the extreme end, then wheeled, and
changing the air to a lively one, returned briskly to their
position at the head again. About one hundred feet in front
of the center of the line the Colonel took his position. At a
command from the Adjutant, the orderly sergeants of the
companies advanced to the front and center, and saluting,
gave their report of the officers and men present and absent.
After the orderlies had returned to their position, the
Adjutant read any orders that related to matters concerning
the service. The commissioned officers then advanced in line
to front and center and saluted the Colonel, who acknowl-
edged it and the parade was dismissed.
After this, until the hour of taps, the men were free to
write letters, play games, tell yarns to entertain their bunk-
mates, or enjoy themselves in any legitimate way that seemed
good to them. When the weather was unusually severe or
stormy those who were not on guard or picket duty, had an
abundance of time at their disposal, and many were the de-
vices with which to while away the passing hours within the
close confines of the winter hut or the regimental camp.
On Washington's birthday the troops in camp had some
experiences which were not so agreeable. A leaf from the
records of Sergeant Fowelson of Company K. gives an inside
view of the manner of its observance in the mess to which he
belonged :
During the night of February 21st there was a heavy
fall of snow accompanied with a strong northeast wind.
When we awoke on the 22d (Sabbath morning) we wit-
WINTER QUARTERS ON THE RAPPAHANNOCK. 37
nessed to satisfaction the romance of soldier life. We found
ourselves literally in a snow drift. The snow had been
forced in by the wind through the many crevices of our
shanty, till everything within was whitened by the intruder.
We were pretty comfortably located when we were wrapped
up in our blankets, covered with snow, and preferred to
remain there, till Boyd, whose turn it was, had "built the
fire and put the kettle on." And then we broke the crust and
huddled around the fire to eat our scanty meal. The storm
continued to rage with unabated fury throughout the day.
The wind howled around our homely shelter like a pack of
wolves. Huddling about the fire with our toes in the ashes
and shivering with the cold, we found some diversion in
listening to the roar of artillery, above the howling of the
storm, as different parts of the army were celebrating the
birthday of Washington. Then followed a night of intense
cold, during which some on sentinel duty froze to death.
Some of the most trying experiences of this exceptionally
severe and stormy winter were on the picket line of the Divi-
sion which was quite close to the river and had no protection,
such as we enjoyed further back in the camps, from the cold
winds, which frequently swept up the valley from the sea.
Under ordinary circumstances every one who was fit for
duty was included in this detail once in a period of five or
six days. It meant to every man on this list a night bivouac
without shelter and for the greater part of it without fire.
The time limit while on this service was two days.
After the regimental inspection, to which reference has
been already made, the picket guard joined the pickets of the
Brigade and were then marched to the Division headquarters
about a half a mile in rear of our camp. Here the body as a
whole was reviewed by General Hancock or some member of
his staff. Then with the consolidated drum corps at the head,
and the drum major dancing and twirling his baton in front
of it, the guard marched and countermarched in the open
space in front of the general's tent. When this performance
was over the pickets of each regiment were taken back to the
front and thence by the most direct route to the station as-
signed them on the line.
During the two days and one night of this service the
38 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
pickets occupied three positions designated as the reserve, the
support and the advanced post. At the first, which was the
nearest to the camp, the luxury of a fire was allowed and
permission was given to rest or sleep. At the second the
occupants were expected to be ready to fall in and go to the
support of the men on the outposts at any hour of the day or
night. At the outposts, which in general were in plain view
of the enemy, the men were stationed in groups of four and
the changes were made every two hours so that each man
served two hours on "post" and four hours off. A portion
of the line assigned to our Division was directly opposite the
City of Fredericksburg, and the whole stretch covered a dis-
tance of about two miles.
Soon after our arrival at Falmouth, a large detail from
the regiment was taken out to the picket line by a German
field officer, who spoke in very broken English. At the picket
reserve we were halted and permission was given to stack
anus and rest. A few moments later we were surprised to
hear the order "fall in." As we were about to move the com-
manding officer said to a lieutenant nearby, "Pis ground vill
not do. It is licv." This announcement was a revelation
to most of us. It meant that some of the old troops were so
plagued with that notorious pest of the march and bivouac,
familiarly known as "gray backs'" that they actually infested
the ground where the pickets had been stationed for a con-
siderable length of time. Knowing that we had no: yet en-
tered upon this experience our German officer was considerate
enough to move us to a new location. Despite every precau-
tion these blood-thirsty parasites, which were no respecters of
persons, would appear suddenly and a: every opportune mo-
ment would sally forth from their hiding places inside the
seams and folds of shirts and undergarments to carry on
their insidious work. When once established in these hidden
retreats the only effective remedy was to plunge the garments
which sheltered them into boiling hot water. While in camp
this could be easily done by those who would take the trouble
or the time from other things, but on the march it was well
nigh impossible.
WINTER QUARTERS ON THE RAPPAHANNOCK. 39
Some of the clays and nights spent upon the picket line
during this winter season were bitterly cold and the men, who
were exposed to the stormy elements without fire or com-
fortable shelter for two-thirds of the time of their period of
duty, had experiences of discomfort and suffering which were
scarcely equalled by Washington's command at Valley Forge.
On the Confederate side we could often see blazing fires on or
near the advance line, while we stamped around on the picket
line or its support to keep our chilled limbs from becoming
frost-bitten or paralyzed with the cold. Directly behind us
wood for fuel was plenty enough, but because of orders, as
changeless as the code of the Medes and Persians, no fires,
except on the reserve, were allowed. On the night of the
22d of February, the exceptionally cold night already alluded
to in the record quoted from Sergeant's Powelson's diary,
twenty-three men of Company D came from the picket line
with frozen feet. The larger number of this detail were so
seriously injured as the result of this exposure that for a
long time they were not able to walk. The officer in charge
of this section of the line conceived it to be his duty, in view
of the situation, to march his detail to their quarters in the
camp. This assumption of responsibility, without orders from
his superior officers, was regarded as a serious offence. A
court martial, convened in haste, listened to the admissions of
the party with respect to this violation of the letter of the law
and sentenced every man belonging to it to a severe punish-
ment, including loss of pay and other privileges and per-
quisites; the heavier penalty being meted out to the officer,
who to save his men, as he supposed, from freezing to death,
had assumed this responsibility. When the plea was made
in his behalf that the act was inspired by a desire to save life,
the general commanding the Division replied that it was not
an unusual thing for men to lose their lives on the picket line.
From his standpoint nothing but an order for recall could
justify such an act, for the reason that these men were placed
on that outpost for the defence of the entire army. The
writer can distinctly recall another experience of prolonged
discomfort a little later in the season. When the reveille
40 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
awoke the men from their slumbers at daybreak that morn-
ing the air was darkened with falling flakes of soft snow.
By the time the usual inspect ions were over the unbroken
mass of snow through which it plodded was more than a foot
in depth. When we arrived at the first station the snow was
Still falling, and. as no shelter had been provided for such an
emergency, we found that the best and only thin? we could
do was to tramp around in a limited space to make a solid
standing place. The temperature was comparatively mild,
but the soft snow had melted on our clothing' as it fell and.
as a result, we were uncomfortably damp through and through.
During the eight hours which we spent in that place some of
the men huddled together in groups on their feet, while others
spread their rubber blankets on the beaten bed of snow and
do.:ed or dreamed the long hours away. When night came on
we were in another position, similar in many respects to the
first, on the support. Here we were to stay until after mid-
night and were permitted to spread our rubber blankets upon
the unbroken bed oi snow. Then in groups of four or five
we lay down to rest, using some of our woolen blankets for
bedding and the rest for a cover. As the snow continued to
fall we soon had more heat than we wanted. The light
downy quilt of closely compacted tlakes of snow which
covered the blankets was warmer than a comforter of down
and almost smothered those beneath it. Shaking this off we
slept on that bed of snow more soundly, perhaps, than when
under more favorable surroundings, we had laid us down to
sleep on our mother's feather beds.
When we reached the outposts on the edge of the river
the heavy snow clouds that had SO long obscured the sky.
cleared away, and a cold, searching wind swept up the valley.
In a short time the sleeves and breasts of our damp overcoats
were fro.cn stiff, encasing us. like the soldiers of medieval
times, in a cumbrous armor exceedingly difficult to manage
while on. and which when on sentry duty we could not take off.
After our release from service on this part of the line we found
a resting place beside a well furnished house which had been
abandoned by its owner or occupants. Either by design or
WINTER QUARTERS ON THE RAPPAHANNOCK. 41
accident, presumably the former, a fire broke out inside the
house and around its blazing timbers we thawed and dried our
clothing and warmed our chilled and stiffened limbs.
These experiences of almost continuous hardships and
discomforts were exceptional. Over against them we can
recall many days of this service, especially in the early spring
time, when it was more enjoyable to be on the picket line
than in the camp. It was an understood arrangement that
there should be no firing on the picket line during the period
when offensive movements were suspended. When a move-
ment was in progress by either army this suspension of hos-
tilities did not apply. In most cases the sentries on the Con-
federate side were near enough to be heard in tones a little
above ordinary conversation, as well as to be seen. In Gen-
eral Orders conversation with the pickets of the enemy was
prohibited, but it was a difficult matter to enforce these
orders when two men facing each other were practically alone,
and wanted to say something.
Hence in general the rule was more honored in the breach
than in the observance. On the one side the common appella-
tion was "Johny Reb" or "Johnnie" on the other it was
"Yank" or "You Yank." In these conversations opinions
relating to the war and its continuance, the merits or demerits
of the several commanders, the probable outcome of the next
movement and other matters of common interest were freely
and frankly discussed. There was at times a great deal of
sharp hitting back and forth and of friendly invitations to
come across and be sociable. This was not always intended to
be understood as banter. At some points where the water was
shallow the opposing parties would wade in and meet each
other, shake hands, and proceed to "swap" tobacco and Rich-
mond papers for coffee and New York Tribunes or Heralds.
Sometimes the "Yanks" would rig up a little boat with these
articles of traffic, set the sail carefully to catch the breeze,
while the pickets of both sides watched with eager interest its
progress from shore to shore. Frequently the little vessel
was captured a good distance from the shore by a Johnnie
who waded or swam out to meet it. Of course this evidence
4-- THE ONE HUNPKED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
of good will was reciprocated ami the little boat was returned
with its cargo of Southern commodities.
In General Gordon's Reminiscences of the Civil War there
LS an instance given of this sort of friendly intercourse which
happily illustrates its nature and significance: While riding
along the line of Confederate posts he noticed some confusion
at one point with an evident attempt to conceal a sudden move-
ment in the high weeds which lined the river hank.
"What is the matter.*' he demanded of one of the sen-
tries, "with those weeds?"
"Nothing at all. sir." was the response; "but," says the
General, "1 ordered him to break the weeds down." There
I found a soldier almost naked. I asked:
"Where do you belong?"
"Over vonder." he replied, pointing to the Union Army
on the other side.
"And what are you doing here, sir?"
"Well. General,* he said. "I didn't think it was any harm
to come over and see the boys just a little while."
"What boys." I asked.
" These Johnnies," he said.
"Don't you know. sir. that there is war going on in this
country?" 1 asked.
"Yes. General," he replied; "but we are not fighting
now." This was almost too much for the dignity of General
Gordan, but. assuming a stern aspect, he said:
"I am going to teach you. sir. tbat we are at war. You
have no rights here except as a prisoner of war. and 1 am
going to have you marched to Richmond, and put you in
prison." This terrible threat brought the "Johnnies" to his
defence, and they cried out, "Wait a minute, General. Don't
send this man to prison. We invited him over here and we
promised to protect him, and if you send him away it will
iust ruin our honor."
The object of my threat had been accomplished. I had
badlv frightened the Northern guest and his Southern hosts.
Turning to the scantily clad visitor. I said: "Now. sir. if I
permit you to go back to your own side, will you solemnly
promise me on the honor of a soldier, that — " But without
waiting for me to finish my sentence, and with an emphatic
"Yes. sir." he leaped like a bullfrog into the river and swam
back.
WINTER QUARTERS ON THE RAPPAHANNOCK. 43
The Second Brigade of Hancock's Division, consisting
originally of the Sixty-third, Sixty-ninth and Eighty-eighth
New York Volunteers, was recruited at the beginning of the
war, from men of Irish birth by Thomas Francis Meagher,
the famous orator who had been exiled from his native land,
because of the prominent part he had taken in the rebellion of
1848. To this brigade were added, when reduced by frequent
losses, the Twenty-eighth Massachusetts and One Hundred
and Sixteenth Pennsylvania.
It was designated from the first as the "Irish Brigade"
and because of the glamour associated with the name it fre-
quently received special mention from the newspaper corres-
pondents for deeds of valor, which it shared in common with
other regiments and brigades of the same command. It was
without doubt a notable brigade, suffered heavy losses as did
all the regiments of its Division, and, as General Walker puts
it, "was until the close of the war one of the most picturesque
features of the Second Corps, whether in fight, on the march
or in camp."
On reviews and other special occasions its gaily attired
commander was always a conspicuous figure. He wore a
handsome silver scabbard by his side, the gift of his Irish
admirers, and rode a well groomed, white horse, with easy
grace and abandon. In each of the regiments of this com-
mand the green flag of Ireland was carried by the side of the
National colors.
One of the events which helped to while away the hours
of the winter cantonment by the Rappahannock was the old-
time celebration of St. Patrick's Day by the officers and men
of this brigade. The director and prime mover was General
Meagher. It was a public affair to which all the troops of
the Corps who were not on duty were invited.
On a high platform erected for the occasion were most
of the notable generals of the army and a score or more of
ladies, who were visitors from the North. The day, March
17th, was fine and the sports of the morning came off blithely
and according to program.
There were hurdle races, foot races, sack races and
44 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
athletic contests of the Irish type. Three of the jockey riders
were thrown at the hurdles in the first course, for the ditches
were wide and the barriers high, and before the race was
ended, several of the contestants were badly bruised and
shaken up. When the horses came in on the home stretch.
General Meagher and his staff had all they could do to keep
the excited Irishmen from crowding in upon the race course,
and freely belabored the offending ones by striking them over
the head and shoulders with his riding whip, — all of which
they seemed to take in good part. After a brief pause for
lunch some ludicrous attempts were made by several contest-
ants to climb a greased pole. The catching of a greased pig,
which had been closely shaved and freely anointed, was the
next item on the program. While preparations were being
made for this contest an unexpected interruption was an-
nounced by the dull roar of artillery on the right of our line.
A few moments later General Meagher received a mes-
sage from headquarters and mounting his horse shouted out
the command, "Back to your quarters every man. The enemy
is making an attack on our right." Instantly there was a
scattering of officers and men in everv direction. On our re-
turn to camp orders were given to be ready to move at a mo-
ment's notice. The roar of artillery was heard for some time,
but we were not called out from the camp. We afterwards
learned that the commotion which had so suddenly broken up
the merrvmaking of the afternoon was caused bv an attack
of our cavalry under General Averill. who for some reason
was pushing the Confederates on the outposts of their left
wing.
A few weeks later the entire Division, including its
ambulance corps, artillery mule drivers and musicians, was
ordered out to witness a military punishment of unusual char-
acter. Three men who had been convicted of cowardice and
desertion in the face of the enemy, at Antietam and Fred-
ericksburg, had been sentenced to the disgraceful ordeal of
"drumming out of the service," and the assemblage of the
Division was for the purpose of carrying out that sentence.
After the men of the several commands had been formed into
WINTER QUARTERS ON THE RAPPAHANNOCK. 45
a hollow square the prisoners were brought inside it at one
end, under the charge of the Provost Guard. One-half of
their heads had been closely shaven, and a broad board with
the word, COWARD, writ large, was fastened on their backs.
Three soldiers with bayonets at a charge were then placed
close behind them. At the word of command the men started
forward with about a hundred drums and half as many shrill
fifes playing the "rogues march" behind them. Its suggestive
"Tee-hee, Tee-hee," sounded in their ears every step of the
long way up one line and down the other. These miserable
men with downcast eyes and tottering limbs, with buttons and
facings cut from their uniforms, had to march about a mile
before they reached the point where they were formally ban-
ished from the camp and the service.
During the three months which were spent in winter
quarters, under command of Major-General Hooker, the men
of all branches of the service had gained greatly in discipline,
effectiveness, military bearing, and the army as a whole was
hopeful, loyal and in splendid condition. The Grand Divi-
sions which had been in existence for some time were broken
up under Hooker's administration, and more stress was laid
upon the organization, equipment and leadership of the several
corps. One excellent feature of his ordering and initiation
was the adoption of "corps badges" to be worn alike by the
officers and men. "These badges," says General Walker,
became very dear to the troops, a source of much emulation on
the part of the several commands, and a great convenience to
the staff, in enabling them, quickly and without troublesome
inquiries, to identify divisions upon the march or along the
line of battle."
While the corps badges differed in form and outline from
each other, they all had red for the First Division, white for
the Second and blue for the Third. The device assigned to
the Second Corps was the trefoil or shamrock. The adoption
of this form of badge was probably suggested by General
Meagher, or given out of courtesy to the men of the corps
who had borne aloft in every battle, with the colors of the
Nation, the green flag of Erin's Isle. The flag which led the
46 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Division, Hancock's flag, as it was called at that time, had a
large, blood-red trefoil in its centre and was a very conspic-
uous object at headquarters, as well as on the march and in
time of battle.
On Wednesday, the eighth of April, four corps of the
army, including our own, were reviewed by President Lincoln,
who was accompanied by Secretary Seward, Mrs. Lincoln and
her two boys. The vast field in which this display took place
was in plain view of the Confederate signal stations in Fred-
ericksburg, and also of thousands of their soldiers, who
crowded the summit of Marye's Heights and the elevations
south of it to witness it. The formation was in three "lines
of masses" of two corps each. The length of each line was
estimated to be more than a mile, and the depth of the three
lines from front to rear, including the spaces between, at about
one-fifth of a mile. The number of men present was esti-
mated at 80,000. The marching of the troops after the caval-
cade, including the commanding general, the President, the
officers of the staff and their escorts, had swept through the
open spaces in the lines of formation, moved in the same
compact order past the reviewing stand. On this, as on every
other visit to the Potomac Army, the President received a
hearty and enthusiastic welcome.
For magnificence of display and widely extended reach
of vision this was, without doubt, the finest military pageant
ever witnessed on this continent. A considerable number of
the men of our Regiment were on the picket line that day
and missed the most imposing features of this great parade.
It was General Hooker's intention to open the campaign
of 1863 by a movement to the right, on the 15th of April, and,
with this in view, our overcoats and other clothing in excess
of present needs was sent to the Quartermaster's Department
for storage during the summer months. Orders were issued
to all the troops to provide themselves with eight days' rations,
five to be carried in the knapsacks and three in the haversacks.
This movement was prevented by heavy rains and well nigh
impassable roads for several days. There was no recall, how-
ever, of the orders, and the men were held in readiness for an
WINTER QUARTERS ON THE RAPPAHANNOCK. a7
advance at the earliest possible moment. The appearance of
the paymaster on the 20th of April, with two months' pay
for each man in crisp greenbacks, was hailed with delight and
contributed not a little to the general good feeling which pre-
vailed throughout the army on the eve of this memorable
campaign.
48 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
CHAPTER V.
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN.
April 28th to May 3d.
Many and many a weary day
Our lion-hearted legions lay,
Waiting and hoping for the strife,
Weary of an inglorious life.
At last the onward orders given,
With cheer on cheer the air is riven!
And 'mong themselves the soldiers say,
Hurrah ! Hurrah ! boys, this the day
We cross the Rappahannock.
Now the encampment's all alive,
And seems like some vast human hive, —
Now rattle and roll the noisy drums,
The long roll beats and calls to arms !
Then "Forward" the commander saith,
The soldiers almost hold their breath
And in the very face of death
They cross the Rappahannock.
THESE beautiful verses happily depict the spirit of tke
Army of the Potomac, as well as the stirring events
Which inaugurated the opening of the campaign of
1863.
A more favorable initiative for the great turning move-
ment which General Hooker had so carefully planned could
scarcely have been imagined. The splendid army which he
had brought up to a high state of discipline and efficiency,
and had inspired with confidence in his leadership, was the
largest and the best equipped military force which had ever
been called into service on this continent. Including all the
arms of the service it numbered nearly 130,000 men. the most
of whom had already proved their mettle and won imperish-
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 49
able renown on many a hard fought battlefield of the pre-
ceding campaigns.
On the 2 1 st of April a feint was made of crossing the
river at Port Royal, twenty miles below Fredericksburg. The
real movement, so long delayed, began on the 27th, when
the Eleventh, Twelfth and Fifth Corps, under the command
of Howard, Slocum and Meade, were sent to occupy Kelly's
Ford, twenty-seven miles above Fredericksburg. This point
was reached on the day following. On the night of the 28th
and the morning of the 29th, this turning force crossed the
river and began the march down its right bank, uncovering as
they advanced the lower fords in the direction of Fredericks-
burg. The Rapidan was crossed at Ely's and Germanna Fords,
and without any serious opposition the flanking column pushed
on toward the Chancellorsville House. To co-operate with it
and carry out the plan, which General Hooker had so care-
fully and skillfully outlined, the First and Third Divisions
of the Second Corps were ordered to hold themselves in readi-
ness to cross the river at United States Ford. The Second
Division was not included in this order and afterwards co-
operated with General Sedgewick's command on the left wing
of the army. As already indicated, every preparation for the
movement on our part was made on the evening of the 27th.
At three o'clock on the morning of the 28th, the reveille
sounded and every man who was fit for duty answered to his
name on the company streets. A short time was allowed for
breakfast after which the blankets were rolled up, the huts
unroofed, and the sections of shelter tents, which for four
months had covered them, were distributed among the mem-
bers of the several messes. While we were all awaiting the
order to move, an incident took place in the company street,
where the writer stood with his comrades, which made a
deep impression upon all who were present. At a given signal,
a young officer stepped to the front and announced that it had
been suggested — the suggestion came from the Lieutenant-
Colonel, as we supposed — that a few moments should be spent
in devotional exercises. To have morning prayers in our
company street on the Sabbath and at other times when the
50 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
weather was favorable, was not an unusual thing, and at this
time, when we were about to face unknown dangers and
unusual experiences, the suggestion seemed to be peculiarly
timely and appropriate. As we bared our heads in the gray
dawn, the leader read in distinct, impressive tones, the beauti-
ful sentences of the 121st Psalm — "I will life up mine eyes
unto the hills." Then followed a brief prayer to Jehovah, the
Keeper of Israel, who made the heaven and earth, beseeching
Him to defend us from all evil in our outgoing and incoming,
whatever might befall, from henceforth and forevermore. The
bugle call to "fall in" quickly followed the ending of this
brief service, and slinging our heavy knapsacks, we awaited
the note which meant "forward." At the word of command,
as it rang out on the still morning air, every musket came to
a shoulder, then to a right shoulder shift, and every foot
instinctively obeyed the familiar signal. At last the command
to which we belonged was in motion, and for us the campaign
of 1863 was begun.
We marched about five miles that morning, and, as we
had more than enough time for our part in the concerted
movement, went into camp in the midst of a dense forest of
pine and cedar. During the night, the pontoon train passed
us on its way to the designated place of crossing, United
States Ford. There was a heavy rain fall during the after-
noon of the day on which we started, and at some places the
road over which we expected to travel was almost impassable.
On Wednesday the 29th, there were showers at intervals and
a force of 2,000 men were out all day in our front making
corduroy roads. In the evening the Division marched about
four miles and bivouacked in the vicinity of the ford. The
Third Division crossed the pontoon bridge soon after its
completion on Thursday. When our turn came the evening
shadows were beginning to fall. On the other side no stops
were made, except to close up the long drawn out files. At
times as the night wore on, we were permitted to rest on
our backs for a few moments, but the orders were imperative
to refrain from unslinging our heavy knapsacks and haver-
sacks until the designated place of bivouac should be reached.
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 5.1
This resting place was about a mile from Chancellorsville,
and we did not reach it until near midnight. Here we con-
nected with the troops of the Fifth Corps in accordance with
the program which had been outlined by General Hooker, be-
fore the movement began. Thus far his plans had been car-
ried out successfully and in view of all the difficulties with
remarkable promptness. With very slight loss he had placed
a strong force of infantry and artillery in a position which
threatened the safety of General Lee's left flank, and on his
own left wing had effected a crossing of the river below and
in front of Fredericksburg. Acting in concert with the flank-
ing forces, General Sedgewick had carried and was actually
occupying the heights which Burnside had tried in vain to
take a few months before.
There was a basis, therefore, for the somewhat boastful
General Order No. 47, which "announced to his army that
the operations of the past three days have determined that our
enemy must either ingloriously fly, or come out from behind
his defences and give battle on our own ground, where certain
destruction awaits •him."
It seems passing strange that the man who dictated these
words should be hesitating and undecided, and finally fall
back to a defensive position without a struggle when in the
very moment of realizing the fruition of his labors and antici-
pations.
Alluding to this unaccountable change of purpose the
historian of the Second Corps says :
While the movements of the Union commander, from
the 27th to the 29th of April, had been not only brilliant but
audacious, it had been observed that, even on approaching
Chancellorsville, General Hooker showed signs of that hesi-
tation which was two days later to thwart his own project.
The concentration of the right wing on the 30th of April
had been effected much less rapidly than it might have been
without distressing the troops, and the morning of the 1st of
May found General Hooker irresolute when victory was
already within his grasp. Sickles' Third Corps, which had
been called up from the left so soon as the occupation of
Chancellorsville was assured, was now crossing at United
52 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
States Ford. With such superiority of numbers on the
Union side, there was no justification for an hour's delay.
The cry should have been "forward," at least until the
turning column, consisting now of four corps and two
divisions, should be deployed before Lee's positions.
The advance which General Hooker finally ordered in
the direction of Fredericksburg, did not begin until about
eleven o'clock. There were three roads available for this pur-
pose and down each one of them detachments of the leading-
corps were sent, preceded by cavalry and a heavy force of
skirmishers. Two divisions of the Fifth Corps taking the
lead, moved on the road next the river and advanced to a
position a little more than two miles beyond Chancellorsville.
Slocum, with the Twelfth Corps, moved down the plank road,
while Sykes Division, supported by Hancock's command, took
the turnpike road which lies between the river and the plank-
roads.
On this advance we had our first experience of the grim
realities of war. The rattle of musketry on the skirmish line
and the bursting here and there of a shell within our lines
were the first intimations that the enemy were in our im-
mediate vicinity. Farther along we met wounded men com-
ing back to the rear. The first of this blood-stained procession
had a handkerchief bound about his forehead, covering, as he
said, a furrow which a ball had made on the side of his head.
When we reached the crest of a low ridge where a halt was
called, shells from the Confederate batteries began to fall in
lively fashion in our immediate vicinity. For some reason,
unknown to us at the time, there seemed to be a great com-
motion among the troops which had preceded us and appar-
ently a number of them were falling back.
A few moments later, an officer of General Hancock's
staff came with an imperative order to fall back at once.
This was quickly followed by the command, "By the right of
companies to the rear." In the execution of this movement,
which had become familiar by frequent repetition on the drill
ground, the several companies were supposed to retire from
the line of battle in parallel lines, thus facilitating a rapid
G h. J. C I . Com. i-t Div. --mi Corp*. Major-Gen. Jos. Hooker, Com. A. of P.
Maj r-Gen. Geo. G. Meade, Com. A. of P. Lieut.-Gen. N son A. Miles, Com. of ist Brigade.
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 53
and orderly retreat. In this case, however, the wilderness
through which we had passed, and in which we had been
deployed, was so dense that we could see but a few steps
ahead, and could only guess at the general direction which
the companies nearest to us were taking. We were happily
unconscious of the fact, which was known to the general
officers, that at this time most of the troops which had preceded
us had been withdrawn and that a large force of Lee's veteran
army under "Stonewall" Jackson, was bearing down with all
speed on our flank, with the hope of cutting us off from the
main body at Chancellorsville. As we struggled along through
the underbrush, we could see but little about us until we came
to an open space in the midst of which was a broad but com-
paratively shallow swamp. While the men were trying to
pick their way around it General Hancock suddenly appeared
on horseback, his face blazing with the heat and excitement,
and with expletives and gestures, which, at times, were charac-
teristic of the man, emphasized his short, curt command : —
"Dash through that swamp or you will all be taken by the
enemy." At this moment he was "Hancock, the Superb."
Then for the first time we realized that the enemy in strong
force was close behind us.
As we reached the turnpike road, we saw before us on the
crest of a steep little hill, the double line of Sykes' regulars,
the command which had preceded us, stretching across the
road and evidently in momentary expectation of receiving the
enemy. There were several guns of the batteries belonging
to this Division, charged with grape and canister, and every
gunner was standing at his post with lanyard in hand, and
ready for the word — "Fire." As we rushed up panting and
breathless between the lines which open to admit us, we were
hastily assigned to a position a few rods back of the Division
which had appeared so timely for our rescue from destruction
or capture. Before we had time to look about us, the Con-
federates charged the line with a terrible blood curdling yell,
— the "rebel yell" — heard by the men of our Regiment for the
first time. With an answering shout of defiance from the
Union side came a crash of musketry and artillery which
54 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
drowned every other sound and darkened the air with clouds
of smoke, heavily charged with sulphurous fumes.
Unable to bear up against the leaden hail which swept
through their ranks from that line of fire on the crest of the
hill, the charging columns of the enemy hesitated, wavered,
and then fell back to the shelter of the woods.
General Walker, in his history of the Second Corps, gives
as a reason for our tardy withdrawal, the fact that General
Couch delayed to give the order allowing Sykes' men to fall
back in rear of his Division, in the hope that the Commander
would reconsider what he regarded as a fatal blunder.
"As the retiring column came nearer to Chancellors-
ville," he says, "the efforts of the enemy to interrupt their
retreat became more vigorous, but, by the skilful conduct of
Hancock's skirmishers, and by the assistance promptly
rendered by Sykes' 'regulars,' Hancock came off safely,
and took position across the turnpike between divisions of the
Fifth Corps on the left and on the right."
With respect to the ground which the advance of the
reconnoitering column had abandoned, the same author
writes :
The position reached, somewhat more than two miles
from Chancellorsville, was one in every way easy to hold.
It afforded room and range for a powerful artillery force,
and could readily have been crowned before night by ninety
guns. The ground in front was largely open; the roads
behind sufficiently numerous for a rapid reinforcement of the
line or for a safe retreat. The field was exactly such a one
as the men of the Army of the Potomac had always been
crying out for — one on which they could see the enemy they
were called to fight. Yet this position General Hooker, in
an evil hour, determined to abandon, not for one further
advanced, but for the low and wooded ground about Chan-
cellorsville, relinquishing the very form and show of aggres-
sion, retreating before the enemy, and taking up a line which
was completely commanded by the high ground already
occupied.
Elsewhere, he savs :
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 55
As Generals Couch, Meade, Sykes and Hancock sat on
their horses in a group close behind the division of the last
named officer, General Meade, looking up the road, ex-
claimed, with great emphasis, "My God, if we can't hold the
top of a hill, we certainly cannot hold the bottom of it."
Colonel Beaver, the Commander of the One Hundred
and Forty-eighth Regiment, was present when an Aide from
Hooker's headquarters delivered the order for withdrawal to
General Couch. The General was much surprised, he tells
us, and said :
"That cannot be, sir!" The Aide insisted upon it, but
the General refused to retire, until he had sent one of his own
staff to ascertain that the order was peremptory. From the
hour of this unfortunate blunder, General Hooker's good
judgment seemed to forsake him. There were those who had
opportunity to see him after his arrival at Chancellorsville,
who openly asserted that he had been drinking freely to cele-
brate his success in the flanking movements and that the dis-
asters which followed the placing of his splendid army in a
defenceless position, together with other strange actions and
omissions on the days following, were directly traceable to the
condition of a befuddled brain.
The historian of the One Hundred and Eighteenth Penn-
sylvania Volunteers, who had the opportunity to see the con-
dition of affairs at Army Headquarters on Sunday, the 3d
of May, says :
The libations, in view of the character and surround-
ings, were quite imposing, and the beverage luxuriant and
expensive. The many abandoned bottles, the broken and
empty baskets, the frequent and suggestive popping of cham-
pagne corks, indicated a free and liberal allowance of this
intoxicant, just then so exclusively confined to army head-
quarters.
Shortly before his death, Carl Schurz summed up the
conflicting opinions relating to General Hooker's condition at
this time in these words :
50 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
There has been much speculation as to whether those
who accused General Hooker of having been intoxicated
during the battle of Chancellorsville were right or wrong.
The weight of the testimony of competent witnesses is
strongly against this theory. It is asserted, on the other
hand, that he was accustomed to the consumption of a certain
quantity of whiskey every day, that during the battle he
utterly abstained from his usual potions for fear of taking
too much inadvertently, and that his brain failed to work
because he had not given it the stimulus to which it had
been habituated. Whichever theory be the correct one,
certain it is that to all appearances General Hooker's mind
seemed, during those days, to be in a remarkably torpid,
dazed condition.
It is certain, also, that General Lee was quick to take
advantage of the change in situation. Ignoring the demon-
stration of Sedgewick, for the present he threw his whole
available force upon Hooker with a view to prevent his ad-
vance beyond the low and practically defenseless position to
which he had retired at Chancellorsville.
While the Confederates were rallying their forces in
front of General Sykes' Division for a second attack, we were
sent to the support of a battery directly behind this line.
When the attack was renewed, we were ordered to lie flat on
our faces in order to allow one or two batteries on slightly
higher ground to fire over us. While in this humiliating
position, with most of our heads lower than our heels, a
score or more of rifled guns worked with a rapidity which
was amazing, sending one screaming shell after another over
our heads into the dense timber in which the enemy were
hiding. While in this uncomfortable situation a sergeant and
four or five men of the Regiment were injured by shells which
had bursted prematurely and scattered their whizzing frag-
ments among us.* The second attempt to carry our position
by assault was as much of a failure as the first and for the
time the contest was ended.
*A fragment of a shell which had struck the ground within
reach of someone was passed down the line of prostrate men from
hand to hand. It was more of a curiosity then than it would have
been a few days later.
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 57
As the Regiment was marching to a new position a herd
of Texas steers, which had been driven, for slaughter, into
the edge of the woods, were stampeded by some bursting
shells and charged madly, with heads down and tails up,
across the open space in which we were moving. To meet
the onslaught of this new enemy, the men who were directly
in the line of their approach were quickly halted and faced
about. As the line of muskets were brought down quickly to
a charge, the frightened animals threw up their heads and,
veering off by the flank, left us in undisputed possession of
the field. This encounter was designated, by "the boys" who
were immediately concerned, as the "charge of the Texas
Steers."
Our new position was in a dismal woods where we spent
the night as a support to the troops in our front. The Con-
federates had planted some batteries on the high ground which
we had abandoned and at intervals through the long hours
of darkness, shelled the section of the woods in which we
were lying. At one time their deadly missiles came so near
to us that we had to hunt for trees to shield us.
The available ones were all so small in girth, however,
that they afforded but a slight protection. Under the circum-
stances, it was almost impossible to sleep. From our position
in the woods, we could see the broad sheet of flame which
issued from the mouth of the guns before we heard the racket
of the shell and this more than anything else, unless we except
the insistent call of a disturbed whip-poor-will, seemed to get
on our nerves.
About three o'clock in the morning, we were moved from
this uncanny location to a position, with the rest of the Corps,
on the line of battle. This was in front of the Chancellor
House, directly across the turnpike road which leads to Fred-
ericksburg. The Union line as a whole, was in very nearly
the form of a horseshoe. The disposition of the troops, May
ist, as given by General Walker, was as follows:
The left was held by Meade's Fifth Corps, extending
southwesterly from Scott's Dam on the Rappahannock, his
front covered by Mineral Spring Run. The Second Corps
58
THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
here took up the line — French on the left, with Hancock ex-
tending across the turnpike and connecting with Geary's Divi-
sion of the Twelfth Corps, not far from the plank road. On
the right of Geary, and somewhat advanced, was Williams'
Division of the same corps, and beyond this the powerful
corps of Sickles, while upon the extreme right lay the Elev-
enth Corps, under Howard, most dangerously "in the air."
Hancock's position was the most exposed on this portion
of the line, and if the attack of May 2d had been made from
the direction of Fredericksburg, as on the day previous, it
would have been the very center of the conflict.
When the Regiment reached the position indicated in
the sketch above, we were provided with tools to construct a
rifle pit. Not knowing what moment we might be attacked,
it was to the interest of every one to work with might and
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 59
main, and in an incredibly short time we had a strong- line
of defense. This was made still more secure by slashing the
timber in our front. The men on the outposts took advantage
of a line of rifle pits which had been constructed the day
before by General Sykes of the Fifth Corps. Owing to the
advanced position of the Division which seemed to invite
attack, the skirmishers, under the command of Colonel Nelson
A. Miles, were posted about three paces apart with strong
reserves and practically formed a single battle line. Company
A, of the One Hundred and Fortieth, was detailed for duty
on this line and shared in the perils to which it was exposed
in the frequent and persistent attacks which were made upon
it that evening and the next day.
At intervals during the day, attacks were made on por-
tions of the line to our right, but these were of short con-
tinuance, and, as we afterwards learned, were diversions to
cover the flanking movement of General Jackson, who spent
most of the long day in moving his compact force of over
twenty thousand men to a point where he could hurl them
with resistless fury upon the unready and unprotected troops
of Howard's Corps, who were posted a mile or more in ad-
vance of any other forces, on our right wing. This moving
column, which made a detour of about fifteen miles, had been
discovered at several points, but Hooker and Howard had
both been obsessed with the idea that it meant a retreat of
the Confederates, and no immediate danger was anticipated.
General Carl Schurz, who commanded a division of the Elev-
enth Corps, says that the first intimation that a heavy force
was bearing down upon them, was given by a number of
deer and rabbits which came bounding out of the woods in
their front. Close behind them were the solid columns of
Stonewall Jackson, and they fell upon the advance line of
Howard's First Division, taking the men who belonged to it
completely by surprise, and crumpling up the feeble force which
opposed them before the troops in their rear could get into
position. Some heroic attempts were made by General How-
ard and his division commanders to rally the panic stricken
men who were thus overpowered, but it was too late to recover
60 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
the lost ground or impede the terrific onslaught of the exulting
enemy. In a few moments of terrible confusion and amid a
pandemonium of discordant noises above which could be dis-
tinctly heard the "savage screech of the rebel yell," the right
flank of Howard's Corps was completely turned and his entire
command forced to flee in helpless rout and confusion. Before
this attack was made the Eleventh Corps was directly in the
rear of our position, or in other words, Howard's men were
facing in an opposite direction on the other side of the horse-
shoe bend. Hence in their mad rush for the rear, hundreds of
them came down pell-mell to our rifle pits and would have
dashed through them, if they had not been opposed, into the
enemy's lines. A few were rallied by General Hancock and
his staff and were placed in position in the rear and to the left
of our line, but the greater number made good their escape
in the direction of the United States Ford.
"The stampede of the Eleventh Corps," says General
Morgan, Chief of the Corps Staff, ''was something curious
and wonderful to behold. I have seen horses and cattle
stampeded on the plains, blinded, apparently by flight, rush
over wagons, rocks, streams, any obstacle in the way but
never, before or since, saw I thousands of men actuated
seemingly by the same unreasoning fear that takes possession
of a herd of animals. As the crowd of fugitives swept by
the Chancellor House, the greatest efforts were made to
check them; but those only stopped who were knocked down
by the swords of staff officers or the sponge-staffs of Kirby's
battery, which was drawn up across the road leading to the
ford. Many of them ran right on down the turnpike
toward Fredericksburg, through our line of battle and picket
line, and into the enemy's line ! The only reply one could
get to argument or entreaty was, All ist veloren ; vere ist
der pontoon?'" 'Although the appearance of thousands of
fugitives from battle, with ambulances, wagons and caissons,
all in a wild stampede," says General Walker, "is apt to be
very disconcerting and demoralizing to a line of battle, the
troops of the Second Corps did not appear in the smallest
degree affected."
It has been said with truth that "there is no logic in a
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 61
panic which for the time deprives brave men of self control,"
but usually such senseless frights are limited to commands
which have not learned in the rigid school of drill and disci-
pline, to stand by each other and rally from the shock of an
unexpected attack. More remarkable, however, than this
illogical panic, is the historic fact that the troops which fled
so ingloriously that day were afterwards numbered among the
heroes who so gallantly stormed the heights of Missionary
Ridge.
In the midst of the noise and confusion which followed
the driving in and breaking up of the Eleventh Corps, and
while as yet the issue of the battle was not definitely known
to us, a military band of brass pieces took position in an open
space between the lines and with shot and shell crashing
around them, played a succession of National airs for ten or
fifteen minutes, beginning with the stirring strains of the
grand old song, born amid battle scenes : — "The Star
Spangled Banner." The effect was indescribable. Sponta-
neously, the men who were yet standing by the flag broke
out into cheers and took heart again. The band which stood
its ground and did this splendid service when pandemonium
seemed to have broken loose, and everything appeared to be
going to pieces, belonged to the Fourteenth Connecticut Regi-
ment. It is said that one or two of the men belonging to it
were slightly wounded by fragments of flying shell and that
some of the instruments were borne away with honorable
scars.
A discordant note, wild, weird and thrilling, which was
heard before this concert began and continued for some time
afterward, was the "rebel yell." At first it came to our ears,
mingled with the awful din indistinctly, then clearer and
nearer indicating unerringly the success of the Confederate
attack. This battle-cry, unlike anything we had ever heard
before, has been described as "a falsetto yelp, which, when
heard at a distance, reminded one of a lot of school boys at
play." The high strung monosyllables "Ki-yi-yi-yi" which
made up the sum and substance of it, when once heard in
their battle setting, could never be forgotten. The marked
62 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
difference between the attacking columns of the blue and the
gray described by the historian of the Sixty-third Pennsyl-
vania in the sentence following, will be recognized as an accu-
rate representation by the veterans of either army :
"When the Union men charged, it was with heads erect,
shoulders squared and thrown back and with a deep-chested
ringing cheer, but when the Johnnies charged it was with a
jog trot in a half-bent position, and though they might be
met with heavy and blighting volleys, they came on with the
pertinacity of bulldogs, filling up the gaps and trotting on
with their never-ceasing 'ki-yi' until we found them face to
face."
It was about half past five o'clock in the evening when
Jackson broke through the lines of the Eleventh Corps. Be-
fore his progress was checked by the hastily formed lines of
Sickles' Corps, the nearest of the Union forces at hand, he
had advanced nearly a mile and a half to a position directly
in our rear and within a mile of the Chancellor House. While
the issue between the forces hotly engaged at this part of the
battlefield was still in uncertainty, several attempts were made
by the Confederates under McLaws, to drive Colonel Miles
from his entrenched picket line in our front. With rare
courage and ability, this young officer held back again and
again the assaulting columns sent against him and kept his
line intact until after nightfall. In his history of the battle,
Mr. Swinton says :
So delighted was Hancock at the splendid behavior of
his skirmish line that, after one repulse of the enemy, he
exclaimed, "Captain Parker, ride down and tell Colonel
Miles he is worth his weight in gold:" while Couch, turning
to his major-generals who commanded his two divisions,
said, in his quiet but emphatic way, "I tell you what it is,
gentlemen, I shall not be surprised to find myself, some day,
serving under that young man."
While we were thus temporarily at rest between two
fires, one on our skirmish line and the other a mile away in
our rear, General Zook, the commander of our Brigade, came
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 63
down the line with a pale, anxious face and briefly told us
the peril of the situation. "If," said he, "the line in our rear
gives way, you are the last hope of this army. I mean to
hold my ground right here. Will you stand by me?" "Yes,
yes," was the response from every hand. "We are with you,
General." "Yes," cried one of the boys just beside him, "we
will stand by you as long as there is a button left on our
breeches."
Turning our backs on our strong line of defense, we
formed a temporary breastwork with our knapsacks and
awaited the result. For several hours after nightfall, the
battle raged almost continuously, but the progress of the
exulting foe was at length checked in the vicinity of Hazel
Grove, by the determined men who had gone to fill in the
gap-
While trying to reform his troops who had been thrown
into a condition of disorder and inefficiency while charging
through the underbrush, "Stonewall" Jackson was mistaken
for an enemy, and mortally wounded by his own troops,
Heavy losses at other points had made this day's advance a
dearly bought victory, but the Confederates had gained an-
other advantage in position which practically broke up the
Union line of defense and told disastrously upon the still more
desperate and bloody battle of the day following.
64 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
CHAPTER VI.
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN.
May 3rd to May 6th.
Picket line and battle fray,
And weary marching night and day.
WHILE holding his position at the Chancellor House,
General Hooker contracted his lines, necessitating
the moving of troops and the placing of artillery on
the high ground in our immediate vicinity. Hence there was
but little opportunity for sleep that night. Before the dawn-
ing of that Sabbath day, the third day of the conflict, those
who had fallen asleep by the rifle pit were rudely awakened by
the roar of artillery and the bursting of shell. It seemed as if
the little knoll above us was literally crowded with batteries,
and all of them seemed to be vigorously at work.
The ground beneath us heaved and trembled and the
atmosphere was dense with smoke and sulphurous fumes.
Following this came the rattle of musketry, at first like the
popping of fire crackers, and then in a few moments more,
a steady and almost unbroken roar, which told us plainly
enough that the men of Jackson's Corps, commanded now by
General "Jeb" Stuart, were bent upon following up the advan-
tages which they had gained the night before. The object
of this fearful onslaught was to carry the open space, or
platform, on which the Chancellor House stood. Fearful that
he could not hold his ground here, Hooker had constructed a
new line of defense, under the direction of his Engineer
Corps, at Bullocks' clearing to the left and rear of our posi-
tion, for it was of vital importance that the approach to the
river fords should be held.
As matters now stood, the salvation of the army de-
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 65
pended upon holding this line of communication and the
Fifth Corps which had been on our left was shifted to the
new line. During the night the First Corps, under General
Reynolds, came down from United States Ford and was so
aligned as to support the Fifth Corps, if necessary. Mean-
while, the contest for the possession of the plateau, raged
with undiminished fury.
Again and again attempts were made, also, to carry the
line of defense in our front which Colonel Miles was charged
to hold at all hazards. To strengthen it still more, details
of two companies from the One Hundred and Fortieth — A
and B — and other contiguous regiments were added to the
force, which had held it the day before, and with the same un-
flinching courage every attempt to rush it was foiled. "At
last," says General Walker, "after miraculously escaping injury
through nearly four hours of constant exposure, the heroic
young officer, who had so long conducted this gallant defense,
was shot through the body and carried from the field." From
half past five o'clock in the morning until nine, the battle
raged on the right and center with varying degrees of success
and failure. In several spirited dashes, colors and prisoners
had been taken by the men of either side. Thousands had
fallen or were unfitted for duty and yet our battle line in the
main, up to this hour, was still intact. Then came a lull — an
ominous silence on the part of the Confederate Army. It
did not mean withdrawal, but the gathering up of the deci-
mated ranks of the assailants for a final assault. When it
came, it found our troops in that quarter almost out of ammu-
nition. Repeated and earnest requests had been made to
General Hooker for a fresh supply both for the artillery and
infantry, but those whose duty it was to supply it, whether
for lack of orders or some other reason did not deliver it.
As the Confederates advanced from right to left all along
the line with their blood-curdling yells, some of the troops,
who had nothing but the bayonet to resist them, fell back.
In the confusion which followed, a general retreat was ordered
on the right, followed by a giving way in the center. Sullenly
and in comparatively good order, our men withdrew in the
66 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
face of the enemy. In eager, but somewhat cautious pursuit,
the Confederates from two sides of the circle swarmed over
a section of the open space upon the Chancellorsville plateau.
As the troops of the several commands which had faced to
the south, made their way back toward the new line, they
passed close to the line of our Division, which quietly remained
in its place. As on the evening before, our backs were turned
toward the strong intrenchments which we had built for our
protection from the enemy in front. Facing now in the same
direction, we watched with growing anxiety and concern, the
broken columns of the troops who were falling back by com-
panies and squads, followed by the vengeful shells of the
enemy. A few rods from our line, a little group of powder-
begrimed men paused for a moment for some reason and
while clustered together, a well-aimed shell burst in their
midst. Instantly the survivors scattered to right and left,
but some of their number had fallen, perhaps to rise no more,
while others who were wounded were helped off by their
comrades.
Among those who sought the rear with greatly acceler-
ated speed, by reason of the shells which were bursting around
them, was a beautiful young woman, who had fled from the
Chancellor House, now the very center of the concentrated
fire of the enemy. There was a dash of crimson on one side
of her pallid face which indicated a slight hurt. Her strength
and courage seemed to be equal to the occasion, however, and
she was soon beyond the range of our vision as well as of
the destructive fire of her friends — the enemy.
A graphic description of the perilous situation of the
Division as a whole, at this time, and the reason for the delay
in its withdrawal, is given in the History of the Second Corps
by its accomplished Adjutant-General, Francis A. Walker,
from which we take the following quotation :
The field was lost. The center and right had gone out,
and the Confederates were swarming over the plain from
the south and west and establishing their batteries on the
crest they had just captured. But there still remained the
divisions of Hancock and Geary, receiving fire at this time,
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN (fj
of musketry and artillery, from three-quarters of the circle.
Colonel Cross' command had once during the morning
changed front and formed line of battle to meet the troops
of Anderson's division, then threatening to break through
Geary's right. So that when the right and center fell out,
Hancock was in two lines of battle, — one facing toward
Gordonsville, the other only a few hundred rods away
fronting east toward Fredericksburg. Only fourteen guns
were at command, and of these but nine were in condition
to be effective. The nine mentioned, Pettit's six and three
of Thomas, under Lieutenant Donahue, were directed to fire
up the turnpike: the remaining five, belonging to Lepine's
Fifth Maine Battery from the First Corps, had been taken
possession of by General Couch and placed in the peach
orchard behind the Chancellor House. Geary's division at
this moment held the approach from the south along the
plank road. All the other troops were gone; but this little
army lingered on the field to cover the retreat. The gallant
bearing of these troops checked the progress of the enemy's
infantry, who, fearfully punished in the great battle of the
morning, in which they had lost nearly eight thousand killed
and wounded, conceived that they had a new battle to fight:
but the fire of the Confederate artillery had now become
infernal. Lieutenant Donahue, in command of Thomas'
three guns, was mortally wounded. Lepine's battery, in the
peach orchard, was almost instantly cut to pieces; every
officer was killed or wounded, whereupon General Couch re-
quested Lieutenant Kirby, of the First Artillery, to take
command of the battery. Hardly had Kirby reached his new
position when his horse was killed, and a few minutes later
this most heroic and promising young officer fell mortally
wounded. And now a heavy infantry column fell upon the
front which General Geary had maintained with so much
spirit across the plank road. Stubbornly the men of the
Twelfth Corps resisted; but at last that part of the line fell
out, and Geary's command passed, in no disorderly column,
down the road to the Bullock clearing, where the new posi-
tion was being taken up. It was still of great importance to
gain time; to hold the enemy at bay as long as possible,
until the roads leading to the rear should be cleared of
troops, and the broken and disordered brigades should be re-
formed. This necessity pressed strongly upon General
Couch, and nobly did he set himself to discharge the duty.
His example was superb. Of slight stature, and usually of a
simple and retiring demeanor, he became sublime as the
passion of battle and the high-mounting sense of duty took
68 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
possession of every power and faculty, every thought and
feeling, every limb and nerve. His horse was killed ; he wa9
himself twice hit. Nobly, too, was he seconded by the chief
of his First Division (Hancock), whose horse was killed,
and who was only able to secure a re-mount on an animal
hardly large enough to allow the general's feet to clear the
ground.
The Chancellorsville plateau was now a hell of fire — shot
screaming over it from every direction but the northeast;
the house itself in flames; yet Hancock's division, alone
where seven divisions had been, stood in two lines of battle,
back to back, east and west, while the fourteen guns held
the enemy at bay on the south.
At last the word came that the First Division might
withdraw. The long skirmish line, which had so nobly done
its work all the morning and the day before, upon the left,
was quickly, and but for a blunder of one officer would have
been cleanly withdrawn. The guns of Lepine's battery, which
had lost all its officers, all its cannoneers, and all its horses,
were drawn off by the hands of the men of the Fifty-third,
One Hundred and Sixteenth and One Hundred and Fortieth
Pennsylvania; the wounded were removed from the burning
house by Lieutenant W. P. Wilson, of General Hancock's
staff, one of the bravest and coolest of men, with a detail
from the Second Delaware ; and then the heroic rearguard
fell slowly and steadily back toward the new line at the
Chandler House.*
Evidently General Walker relied on official records to
describe the removal of the wounded from Chancellor House.
Zook's report, not filed for so many years, makes clear the
reason for Hancock's eleventh-hour supplementary and per-
sonal appeal to the One Hundred and Fortieth for detail of
Company to complete the work going forward under Lieu-
tenant W. P. Wilson's charge.
From this general description, which throws much light
upon the situation, we come back to the part taken in this last
stand by the men of the One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment.
At the critical moment when all the divisions were falling back,
except our own, we were ordered up to the support of the for-
lorn hope which was still holding the section of the plateau
by the Chancellor House. Leaving our knapsacks at the edge
*See page 317 for mention of additional details for this purpose,
including Company F of the One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment.
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN tg
of the rifle pit, we advanced in double line of battle through
the intervening strip of timber land at such a pace that General
Zook, who superintended our part of the advance in person,
could hardly keep his place ahead of the line. It seemed to
be the eager desire of every man in it to get to the end of
this perilous course, whatever it should bring to him, as soon
as possible. When the Regiment reached the edge of the
woods which came up almost to the house, we were ordered to
lie flat on our faces as a support to Lepine's Fifth Maine Bat-
tery. Here we remained for something over a half hour amid
a tempest of iron hail which might well have appalled the
stoutest veteran. The deadly missiles which were hurled
against this battery ploughed the ground behind it, scattering
dust and gravel over our prostrate bodies, while those which
were aimed a little higher tore the limbs from the trees above
us. Again and again they struck within our lines, also, killing,
wounding and maiming for life, one and another by the side
of those who remained unhurt. The morning was hot and
sultry, and so intolerable was the thirst which parched throat
and lips in this terrible place that some of the men, including
the writer, took the risk of losing life or limb in order to get
a mouthful of tepid water from the canteens by their sides.
As the leaden moments passed, the responses from our battery
became less frequent, as one after another the guns were dis-
abled, and the men who had manned them were killed or
wounded. In his official report of this cannonade, General
Couch says : "The enemy had thirty pieces in position on our
right and advanced some of their guns to within 500 or 600
yards of the Chancellor House." To add to the terror of the
scene, the immense building, in which were nearly two hun-
dred wounded men and several women, was set on fire by
a bursting shell.
Desperate attempts were made by the surgeons in charge
to remove their helpless patients, but outside help was needed,
for the house was burning rapidly, and there was not a
moment to be lost. Riding up to our Regiment, then the
nearest to the burning building, General Hancock directed
Wm. S. Shallenberger, adjutant, to make a detail to assist
7o THE ONE HUNDRED AXD FORTIETH REGIMENT
in the rescue. Company F, in the immediate vicinity, was
promptly selected by him for this perilous duty. Thomas
Henry, the Captain of the company, at once sprang- up and
calling to his men to follow, rushed up to the building, and,
entering- it by the east door, brought out 33 wounded soldiers
and three women. The provost guard and details from some
other regiments in reach assisted in this rescue. So far as
known all of the occupants of the house were removed or
went out unaided, before the roof and side walls fell in. Dr.
Fisher, Assistant Surgeon of the One Hundred and Forty-
eighth Pennsylvania, who had been detailed for duty with the
wounded in the Chancellor House makes mention of a room
full of wounded Confederate, and of several women, all of
whom were taken out by the rescue parties. Captain Henry,
(afterwards promoted to rank of Major) mentions the fact
that he came out of the house with one woman on each ami,
the other holding to his coat tail. They were taken to the
Chandler House, then occupied as a hospital inside the new
line of battle. Alvin Taylor, of Company F. one of the rescue
party, makes the statement, which is corroborated by others,
that Tames A. Carson, the first man to rise in response to his
Captain's command was instantly killed ; another. Joseph
Baker, quickly met the same fate, while four others were
wounded in attempting- to do the work for which they were
detailed.
Meanwhile, at the same end of the line, a detad was
made under charge of Captain Linton, to take off the guns and
caissons of the disabled battery, which had lost all its officers
and nearly all its horses and men. In response to this call,
a number of men from Companies D. C and II. rose to their
feet, threw down their ritles, and following the lead of Cap-
tain Linton, took off two guns and as many caissons into the
woods where they were out of sight and range of the e iemy.*
It is evident from a comparison of records that details of
other commands assisted in the removing- of the remaining
♦For the names of several men on this detail and other interest-
ing facts see page 317.
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 71
pieces. This fact, which we willingly concede, detracts nothing*
from the honor due to the brave men of the One Hundred and
Fortieth Regiment, who took the initiative in this act. Neither
does it detract in the least from the honor due to the men
of Company F, that brave men of other commands assisted
in the rescue of the imperilled occupants of the Chancellor
House.
The silencing and removal of the battery in our front
opened the way for the unhindered advance of the enemy;
and, as nothing- further could be gained by holding our
perilous position, the order was given to withdraw. This
was followed by another order to "fix bayonets," as the men
rose to their feet. It was given in anticipation of a charge
by the Confederate forces, whose skirmishers had already
reached the plateau which we had been holding. Happily for
us the enemy hesitated to take advantage of his opportunity
at this critical moment and we lost no time in falling back
to the rifle pits which we had left. Here we picked up our
knapsacks and under the cover of the guns on the new line,
reached the place assigned us within its defenses.
At the roll call of the several companies it was found
that the heaviest losses had been among the men who had been
posted on the extreme right and left of the regimental line.
In Company F, at the head of the Regiment, three were killed
and two wounded; in Company D, two were killed and four
wounded; in C, one killed and one wounded; in K, four
wounded, while in Company G, at or near the other end of
the line, four, including the Second Lieutenant, Joseph W.
McEwen, were killed. Two of this Company met with the
loss of an arm, one a right arm and the other the left. Three
or four more were injured slightly by fragments of shells.*
*A young soldier belonging to the One Hundred and Forty-
eighth Pennsylvania, who had got lost from his own regiment, fell
in with Company G as we were about to advance to the Chancellor
House, remarking as he did so that he would stand by the One Hun-
dred and Fortieth. He was in the rear rank of the company in
support of the battery and was killed by a shell. No one present
seemed to know his name or company, and his body, which was
mangled beyond recognition, doubtless fills an unknown grave some-
where on that bloody field.
72 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Two of the companies were absent on the picket line which
had been held so bravely by Colonel Miles. The position of
the companies present was as follows : F, D, I, C, H, E, K,
G. In this position. Company F was nearest the Chancellor
House and on the left of the line owing to the fact that the
Regiment had been about faced before we went up to the
Chancellor House.
The losses in the Fifth Maine Battery were six men killed
and nineteen wounded. Captain Lepine, the Commander, was
killed before the battery could be put into position and soon
after both of his Lieutenants were carried off the field des-
perately wounded. Forty-three horses belonging to the bat-
tery were killed or disabled. In a magazine article published
some years ago, a sergeant who stood by his gun until all the
remaining pieces were silenced, gives a thrilling account of
the scene at the Chancellor House in which he was both a
witness and an actor. From this description entitled, "A
Battery at Chancellorsville," we give some brief extracts
which bear directly upon the incidents above mentioned:
When we reached the crest, he says, our Captain rode
rapidly forward to inspect the ground. Turning to the Aide
(of General Couch) he said: "I can take my battery in
here, but no power on earth can take it out again." "Take
it in." And without a thought, except for the doomed men,
and that he might do his duty, he ordered his battery in. It
was past ten o'clock of that sultry Sunday morning. Before
the battery could be put into position Captain Lepine was
mortally wounded and removed from the field.
As we moved out of the belt of woods into the open, a
line of infantry, perhaps six hundred yards from us, opened
from the center to right and left, and moved into the woods
to cover, unmasking three batteries which knew our distance
to a foot, as it seemed to us, so deadly accurate was their
fire. Our right rested on the woods and our left on the
Chancellor House. It did not seem a minute before the air
was full of the pieces from bursting shell, or crackling
spherical case shot, or whistling minnies. No one dared to
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 73
raise a hand unnecessarily for fear of having it pierced by
the one or the other. The air was beaten by the sudden
and doubly continuous shocks of the rapid discharges, till
it palpitated like the heart of an animal too frightened to run
away. A bird would have been beaten about by these com-
mingling waves as a boat is tossed by the whirlpools below
Niagara. The trees in the open were torn into fragments.
The wooden outbuildings were blown into splinters. The
Chancellor House was set on fire. Men and horses dropped
on either hand. Within twenty minutes the four guns next
the woods were silenced. Then those eighteen guns in our
front and the infantry lurking all around us poured all their
fire unchecked on the two guns next the house, which still
kept pounding away at the enemy concealed in the woods.
A chest of ammunition with over forty pounds of powder in
it exploded close by, but no one knew it until the eye noted
its absence. After each of the two guns left had fired
about sixty round there remains one gun with a battered
face and with only the sergeant left to work it : another with
a broken wheel and only the gunner left for duty. All the
rest, officers and men, are dead or wounded or have been
driven back into the woods. The two who are left could do
no more. The gunners spike two of the guns which seem
in danger of immediate capture. The sergeant, however,
succeeds in finding a detail of infantry who fix the prologue
and draw the guns back into the woods.*
This vivid description of one of the most heroic stands
against overwhelming odds in the history of the Civil War,
corresponds in every detail with the observations and experi-
ences of men of the supporting regiments. The report of Gen-
eral Zook, the Brigade commander, which had been lost for
many years, has at last come to light and gives some valuable
information with respect to the events just described. The fol-
lowing quotation is from the portion of it which relates to
the part taken by the One Hundred and Fortieth on the 3d
of May.
On the morning of the 3rd some regiments having been
withdrawn from the rifle pits on my right, the One Hundred
and Fortieth was moved in that direction to maintain con-
*See Report of General Zook, page 74.
74 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT .
nection with those which remained. In this new position
the regiment lost some men killed and wounded. Subse-
quently the One Hundred and Fortieth was moved to the
support of a battery on the right of the Chancellorsville
House, the Fifth Maine.
Half an hour after taking this position the house caught
fire. Being filled with our wounded, a company of the One
Hundred and Fortieth was ordered to assist in their removal,
which duty was well performed under very severe fire.
Another detail of forty men was made to bring off the guns
of the battery above named, which had lost all its officers
and nearly all of its men and horses. This detail first drove
two caissons into the woods out of the enemy's sight and
then returned and removed two guns to the same position.
It was then and there they first saw men of any other brigade.
Some men of the Second and Fourth Brigades assisted part
of the detail to bring off their guns, whilst the remainder
went back for the other three, which they found some men
of the Second and Fourth Brigades were endeavoring to
remove. Lieutenant Linton, of the One Hundred and For-
tieth, in charge of the detail, ordered some of his men to
assist with each gun until they reached a place of safety,
which was done. The gun detail and that for the removal
of the wounded necessarily left their arms with the regiment,
which moved away in obedience to orders during their
absence. In this way some rifles were lost, although many
of the men and some of the officers carried off quite an
armload of pieces. Conspicuous among the latter was Lieu-
tenant Stokes, who abandoned his rations, blankets, etc., for
that purpose. * * * I am happy to express entire satis-
faction with the conduct of my command.
(Signed) S. K. Zook,
Brigadier-General.
Headquarters Third Brigade, First Division,
Second Corps.
May 12, 1863.
This official statement made by the Brigade Commander,
May 1 2th, 1863, — nine days after the events it describes —
effectually disposes of the random assertion, first made by
irresponsible newspaper correspondents, that all the guns of
Lepine's battery were taken off by men of the Irish Brigade.
This famous organization was — in the estimation of some of
these imaginative writers, like the "Black Horse Cavalry,"
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 75
or the "Louisiana Tigers," — supposed to be everywhere pres-
ent and to perform all the deeds of heroism, which were done
in the command to which they belonged. This we might pass
without further comment were it not for the published state-
ment in the sketch of the One Hundred and Sixteenth Penn-
sylvania, prepared for Bates' History of Pennsylvania Volun-
teers, which affirms without qualification that the battalion
then commanded by Colonel Mulholland, regardless of the
deadly missiles which swept that devoted ground, rushed for-
ward, seized the guns and through the mud and mire into
which the ground had been trodden, dragged them off, and
brought them all safely to the point where the reserve artil-
lery was parked." The statement attributing all the credit of
this action to the battalion above named is so manifestly un-
fair, and so flagrantly at variance with the report of General
Zook and the statement of General Walker, already quoted,
who connects with it the Fifty-third and the One Hundred
and Fortieth Regiments — as well as with an accumulation of
evidence furnished by those who were witnesses of it — that
it defeats its own purposes and makes a fuller refutation unnec-
essary. At a later date, January 5th, 1905, Colonel Mulhol-
land admits that in passing down the road after hauling off
the guns he found about a dozen men of the One Hundred and
Fortieth, who had come out of the woods, apparently "off
the picket line," who took hold and "helped us off with one
of the guns." In making this statement, we presume that
he was not aware of the fact that Captain Linton's detail
had already taken off two guns with their caissons into the
woods, nor that the men whom he found coming out of the
woods were not "coming in off picket," but were returning
for the remaining guns which they, his brave men, helped
them to haul off. More than is justly our due as a Regiment,
we do not claim, but we do assert that the initiative was taken
by the detail taken from it under Captain Linton, and that
it afterwards shared in the honor of removing the pieces
which still remained. After a lapse of nearly fifty years, it
seems to be high time to correct such misapprehensions and
misstatements as the above mentioned, founded on imperfect
76 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
knowledge ; and in all fairness, to give honor where honor
is due.
Behind the strong defenses of the new line of battle the
wearied, powder-begrimed men of Hancock's Division, in
whose ears the din of battle had sounded continuously for
seven hours of that Sabbath morning, a quiet, much needed
rest was enjoyed for the remainder of the day. On the after-
noon of the day following a heavy detail was made from the
Regiment for picket duty outside the broad belt of slashed
timber in front of our line. A narrow pathway led down to
the position which was occupied by the men we were expected
to relieve: and the moment we appeared on the other side of
the breast-work, a battery which had been trained upon it
opened fire upon us. This unexpected demonstration greatly
accelerated the speed of the little party, some of whom were
seen to dodge as they ran, but no serious harm was done by the
flying missiles which were hurled against them. Several at-
tacks were made by the enemy on this part of the picket line
during the night, and at intervals the next day. So dense was
the undergrowth in the wilderness section below us that we
could hear the approach of the enemy's skirmish line before
we could see them. During the night it was necessary to be
on the alert every moment to guard against surprise, and yet,
despite this danger, many of the sentries were so overpowered
with weariness that they fell asleep at their posts. When the
officer who was in charge of the picket detail came to the
posts in our section he was greatly excited and cried out in a
despairing tone: "My God! What shall I do! Nearly every
man along this line is asleep." Fortunately for all concerned
our picket line was not attacked at that hour of the night, and
probably for the reason that our opponents had as much as
they could do, at the same time, to keep awake. When the
supports were called out to assist in repelling an attack each
man took to a tree and behind this cover did his part in keep-
ing up a fusillade until the enemy came to a realization of the
fact that we were not to be caught napping. During one ot
these minor engagements Samuel McBride, of Company G,
was struck by a minie ball in the forehead, directly above the
THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 77
bridge of the nose and fell to the ground, as one dead. To
the great surprise of those who were near him he sprang to
his feet after a brief moment of unconsciousness and with a
dazed look staggered back along the pathway through the
slashed timber to the main line. Supposing that he was try-
ing to escape from his post of duty an officer on the works
halted him with a drawn revolver. His attitude toward him
quickly changed, however, when he saw the ball sticking
fast in his forehead. This missile, which the writer held
for a moment in his hand, a few days later, had penetrated
the outer layer of the frontal bones and made a deep dent in
the forehead without inflicting a mortal wound. With this
visible token of devotion on the forefront of his honest face,
young McBride was discharged from the service ; and, for
well nigh forty-five years, has been a preacher of the gospel
in Western Pennsylvania. After one of these encounters with
the enemy the undergrowth below us was set on fire, whether
by accident or design we do not know, but inasmuch as a
brisk wind was blowing our direction it spread rapidly and
came like the crest of an advancing wave upon us. Falling
back from the outposts we joined forces with a body of men
who came to our relief and at last succeeded in beating out
the flames at the very edge of the broad belt of slashed timber.
This accomplished, we went back, through the blackened
waste and smoldering embers, to form the line anew at or near
its former location.
At three o'clock in the afternoon a storm of wind and
rain burst upon us and quickly drowned out the smouldering
fires. For three hours or more the rain came down in tor-
rents, cooling the atmosphere and drenching all who were
exposed to it to the skin. About this time vague rumors came
to our ears that the men on the main line were falling back
from the entrenchments with a view to recrossing the river.
This was confirmed by the arrival of a relief force who took
our places in order that we might have the opportunity to
return to the main line, gather up our belongings and take a
brief rest. A good while before daybreak we were aroused
from the deep sleep into which we had fallen, regardless of
78 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
rain, watersoaked ground or garments, and were hurried off
after those who had preceded us, in the direction of the United
States Ford. The artillery, wagon trains and ambulances
which had gone on during the night made the roads almost
impassable. The mud and water through which we waded
was frequently knee deep and some of the men had its un-
sightly discolorment on their clothing almost to their armpits.
When we reached the open space near the Ford, we
found a great host of men, massed by divisions and corps
waiting for their turn to cross on the pontoon bridges.
"Had the enemy known this," says Carl Schurz, "and
succeeded in planting one battery in a position from which
it might have pitched its shells into this dense mass of
humanity, substantially helpless in its huddled condition,
the consequences would have baffled the imagination. A
wild panic would have been unavoidable, and a large part of
the Army of the Potomac would have perished in the
swollen waters of the Rappahannock. But, as it turned out,
General Lee did not disturb our retreat, and by four o'clock
in the afternoon — Wednesday — the whole army was safely
over."
When the Brigade had crossed the order was given to
march. It was obeyed with alacrity and before nightfall we
were back in our old camp. We occupied the huts we had
left and made ourselves as comfortable as possible until we
could get new supplies to supplement our imperfect and in-
adequate outfit.
The rain continued at intervals for two or three days
after we had reached Falmouth. We left it on the morn-
ing of April 28th. We returned to it on the evening of the
6th of May — eight days thereafter. We left it in high hopes
and with no thought of returning that way. Despite all our
efforts we had suffered a disastrous defeat, the outcome of
which meant the undertaking of a new campaign under cir-
cumstances which could hardly be more favorable or promis-
ing. It goes without saying that the Army of the Potomac
was discouraged and humiliated, but it was not demoralized
nor unwilling to make a new attempt when the order should
THE CHANCELLORS^ ILLE CAMPAIGN 79
again be given. To the men in the ranks there seemed to be
no good reason for abandoning the second line of defence;
for in this we felt secure against any attack which might be
made upon it until the Union army should have been ready to
resume the offensive.
We did not know until it came out later that several
of the leading commanders of divisions and corps favored
the return of the army, because they had lost confidence in
the judgment and efficiency of the General commanding.
"Among those who voted to retreat," says General
Walker, "was the Commander of the Second Corps, whose
observation of General Hooker, from the first to the fifth of
May, had convinced him that no change of disposition and
no accession of numbers would serve to enable that officer to
win a victory, in the condition of mind into which he had
fallen and that a renewal of the fighting would simply mean
fresh disgrace and increased losses."*
This judgment was based upon the ill chosen site of the
low ground about the Chancellor House; upon the failure to
guard his right flank against sudden attack; upon the failure
to meet the emergency arising from lack of ammunition from
supplies near at hand on the morning of the 3rd of May ;
upon the refusal to reinforce the hard-pressed divisions at the
front with fresh troops in easy reach ; and the fact that in the
most critical moments of the same day there were two large
corps of his army, comprising nearly one-half of his present
command, — 37,000 men — who were not called into action to
recover the ground which had been lost or to assist those who
had been compelled for lack of support to abandon the plateau
which they had so long and so courageously held.
The bulk of the losses, according to the official report,
in the Second Corps, amounting to 1,923, had fallen upon
Hancock's Division, whose killed, wounded and missing
reached a total of 1,123.
In the closing of this campaign as a recent writer has
happily expressed it :
♦Walker's History of the Second Army Corps, page 250.
So THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
The Army of the Potomac sounded the depths of humil-
iation for the last time. It is to be baffled and resisted by the
rebels with deathless valor. It is to make appalling sacri-
fices, to fight battles more bloody than any it has yet seen.
It is to witness carnage the historian staggers to describe.
But it is to leave no battlefield except as a victor. Though
its commander is to be changed once more, its defeats have
been chronicled for the last time. While its losses will
startle the world, its failures will furnish no more glaring
headlines.
* Brewer's History of the Sixty-first Regiment, Pennsylvania,
page 58.
fSee General Hancock's letter to his wife, page 417.
NORTHWARD FROM FALMOUTH TO GETTYSBURG 81
CHAPTER VII.
NORTHWARD FROM FALMOUTH TO GETTYSBURG.
THE initiative in the new campaign, which was to carry
us northward to the defense of our own native State,
was made by the Confederate commander on the third
day of June, a little less than a month after the return of the
Union army to its winter camp on the Rappahannock. During
this interval General Lee reorganized his army, dividing it into
three large corps, which he placed under command of his able
Lieutenants Ewell, Hill and Longstreet. The last named
officer joined the Army of Northern Virginia with two divi-
sions of well-seasoned troops soon after the battle of Chan-
cellorsville. Additions were received from other sources at
later dates, making an effective force of about 70,000 or 75,-
000 men.
It was an army elated with recent achievements, proud
of its able Commander, and, as Longstreet has expressed it,
"was in condition to undertake anything."
In the several engagements on the south side of the Rap-
pahannock — May 1st to 5th — the Army of the Potomac had
lost, in killed, wounded and missing, an aggregate of 17,197
men.
A still larger number of "two years" and "nine months"
men whose terms of enlistment had expired on or about the
first of May, withdrew from it, after the return to the north
side of the river. It is true that a number of these honorably
discharged men re-enlisted for a further term of three years,
but to all such a furlough of one month was granted. It
meant much therefore to this army and its Commander to
secure a respite, if possible, from active operations for that
or a longer period of time.
With all the accessions which could be secured up to the
first of June, the Union Army, which before the battle of
82 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Chancellorsville numbered 124,000 men, had an effective force
all told, of less than 85,000.
The days of preparation which were thus necessarily spent
in our winter camp on the Rappannock, were not days of idle-
ness. As soon as we were safely housed and rationed, the old
routine of camp life, guard duty, daily drill and dress parades
was resumed. Picket duty, at regular intervals, was always
in order, but with the return of the springtime, these two-
day excursions by the riverside were regarded as a pleasant
diversion from the ordinary experiences of army life.
If General Hooker had remained in the strongly en-
trenched defenses at Bullock's clearing, to which he fell back
on the third of May, until he was prepared to assume the
offensive, a secret movement looking to the invasion of north-
ern territory would not have been possible and the "Wilder-
ness Campaign" would then have been fought out to the
finish under circumstances more favorable than any that ob-
tained under Grant, one year later. But it was not so ordered
and Gettysburg became a necessity. On the 28th of May,
General Hooker telegraphed to the Secretary of War that the
enemy was preparing for an important movement, but the
object of it was not known to him. In anticipation of this
movement he issued marching rations to his army on the
second of June. Four days later, by his order, Sedgwick's
Corps crossed the river on pontoons and held an intrenched
line on the Fredericksburg side for several davs. He met
with spirited opposition at times from the troops of Hill's
command, but could not get any definite information with
respect to the movements of the rest of the army.
On the 9th of June, General Pleasanton, the Commander
of the Union Cavalry Corps, crossed the river at Beverly Ford
and at Brandy Station met the Confederate cavalry under
General Stuart. As the result of a hard day's battle, one of
the most brilliant cavalry engagements of the war, Stuart's
purpose in screening the march of the Confederate forces was
thwarted and information was obtained which made it certain
that General Lee was heading northward with two of his army
corps, on the westward side of the Blue Ridge, while Hill was
NORTHWARD FROM FALMOUTH TO GETTYSBURG 83
still confronting the Army of the Potomac at Fredericksburg.
With a view to guarding the approaches to Washington
from the lower gaps of the Ridge, Hooker at once put the
vanguard of his army in motion. Thus it came about that the
rival armies moved northward to the Potomac, one on the
west side of this great mountain wall and the other on the
east, crossing it many miles apart, from Virginia to Maryland.
The Second and Sixth Corps were left in the positions they
were occupying until they had sufficient evidence that Hill's
command had also started on its northward march.
On the eve of these great events some important changes
were made in the leadership of the Corps and Division. After
the battle of Chancellorsville, General Couch, for reasons
already hinted at, requested to be relieved from his command
and assigned to duty in another department of the Army.
This request was granted and General Hancock was assigned
to the command of the Second Corps, in his stead.
Brigadier-General Caldwell, who had rendered signal
service as the commander of the First Brigade, was given the
command of the First Division, which up to this and for a
long time after was popularly designated as "Hancock's Di-
vision."
On or about the 20th of June, the positions of the com-
panies in our Regiment were changed for the third and last
time. The order designated, reading from left to right, was
as follows : A, E, H, B, I, K, D, G, F, C. This gave to
Company K the position of color company.
On the night of the 14th, Sedgwick's troops recrossed
the river and followed the corps which had preceded it. The
First Division of the Second Corps, which now became the
rear guard of the entire army, drew in its pickets by the river
side at daybreak in the morning of the 15th, and as soon as
as this detail, which was larger than usual, had reached the
camp the order was given to march. Enveloped in clouds of
finely powdered dust, which had been pulverized and stirred
up by passing trains and troops, we took our place in the line
and moved out to the Alexandria road which led directly to
Acquia Creek. This was the beginning of our long northward
84 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
march — a march of over two hundred miles, including its zig-
zags and detours — which did not end until we had reached
Gettysburg, in our native State.
At Stafford Court House we halted for a brief rest and
then pushed on to Acquia Creek where we bivouacked for the
night. The 15th of June was one of the hottest days in that
unusually torrid summer, and the march over the dusty roads
under the burning sun, was the most trying and fatiguing we
had yet experienced. Hundreds of strong men fell out by the
wayside and were left under the protection of the rear guard
to come up more slowly. All the available ambulances were
rilled by those that were unable to walk and the surgeons re-
ported the death of fifteen men who had fallen in their tracks
from fatigue or sunstroke. The next day was but little better,
and the same experiences of dust and excessive heat were met
and endured.
We camped that night at Wolf Run Shoals on the Ocu-
quan River. A few moments after the order had been given
to break ranks, the stream was fairly alive with bathers. How
refreshing it was to plunge into this clear flood of running
water after the long day's march under a burning sun and
amid the ever present clouds of dust. Up to this time the men
had suffered from excessive thirst. The only opportunity to
get water while on the march, was to make a dash from the
ranks and as quickly to return to them, in order to avoid the
imputation of straggling. Sometimes there was not a drop of
water in sight for miles and too often the only supply we did
find by the way was in muddy streams or stagnant pools,
along whose borders dead horses or mules were lying.
On the 17th the march was resumed to Fairfax Station
on the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, where we remained
in line of battle in anticipation of an attack from Stuart's
cavalry, until the afternoon of the 19th, when the corps pushed
on to Centreville.
On the 2 1 st we moved to Thoroughfare Gap, encamp-
ing for the night near the town of Gainsville at the entrance to
the Gap. On our way to this place, we passed directly over
the battlefield of Bull Run. The second great battle on this
NORTHWARD FROM FALMOUTH TO GETTYSBURG 85
bloody field, under General Pope, had been more disastrous
to the Union Army than the first, and the evidences of this
fearful conflict were visible on every hand. Many mounds
were passed where the dead had been hastily buried by heaping
loose soil over them, which the rains had washed away, leav-
ing skeletons of arms, hands, feet, skulls and other part of
the body more or less exposed. Broken equipments, buckles,
cartridge boxes, belts and torn clothing, some blue and others
gray, were still lying on the surface of the ground. Every
tree and house in sight was riddled with minie balls or torn
and gashed with shot and shell. It was a sad, gruesome and
never-to-be-forgotten sight.
Our object in making this detour from the course to
Thoroughfare Gap was to find out, if possible, what General
Hill was doing with the rear guard of the Confederate Army.
On the evening of the first day of our stay at Gainsville there
was some cannonading in our front, and we were cautioned
to be on the alert against a night attack. A little after
midnight there were indications of a fierce conflict at Hay-
market, about three miles nearer to the Gap, during the con-
tinuance of which the town of Haymarket was burned to the
ground. This conflict, as we afterwards learned, was between
some of our cavalry and the advance guard of General Stuart's
command. The appearance of the famous cavalry commander
of the Confederates at this time, was entirely unexpected and
the disposition which he made of his forces with a view to
cutting off the Second Corps from the rest of the army, made
the situation of Zook's Brigade at Gainesville extremely peril-
ous. For several hours it was entirely cut off from communi-
cation with the rest of the troops of its own division and corps.
From this perilous position we escaped by a rapid march and
by a different route than that which we had expected to take,
on the morning of June 25th. With reference to this critical
situation, General Walker says:
It chanced that, just as the corps was withdrawing from
the Gap, the Confederate cavalry, under General Stuart,
were passing through New Baltimore toward Gainesville,
96 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
upon that raid which was destined to cause to Lee the loss
of nearly his whole cavalry force throughout the highly
critical movement he was conducting. At the little town of
Haymarket, where Hancock's line of march turned to the
north, Stuart opened fire upon our rear division, the Second,
killing or wounding several men. Still further annoyance
was caused hy this unexpected appearance of the Confed-
erate cavalry, inasmuch as Zook's brigade of the First
Division, which was at Gainesville, was temporarily cut off
from communication with the rest of the corps, and several
messengers passing between Hancock and Zook were cap-
tured, among them Captain Johnson, of the Sixth New York
Cavalry, the commander of the corps headquarters' escort.
The hurried march which was made to extricate ourselves
from this Confederate trap was one of the most trying and
wearisome on the long journey northward in pursuit of Gen-
eral Lee. From early morning until far into the night there
were almost continuous showers of rain. Much of the way
before us was up grade and the red Virginia clay clogged our
feet and seriously impeded our progress. At Gum Springs,
one of the halting places of General Braddock on his way to
Fort Duquesne, one hundred and eight years before, we
bivouacked for the night. It was about nine o'clock when
we reached this place and here we rejoined our corps after
several days of isolation and anxious solicitude. We were
wet to the skin and too weary and indifferent to make fires,
much as we longed for a steaming cup of coffee. In some
cases shelter tents were hastily pitched, but most of the men
wrapped their blankets about them and slept under the drip-
ping branches of the pine grove in which we had been halted.
Next morning we started early and marched rapidly through
rain and mud until noon, the rain having ceased a short time
before. By this time the warmth of our bodies had dried the
water-soaked clothing in which we had marched and slept and
when the sky cleared, the discomforts of the way were speedily
forgotten. In the evening we reached Edwards' Ferry on the
Potomac, where we found a long pontoon bridge which had
been recently constructed by the Engineer Corps. Some of
the Army Corps which had preceded us were here in the im-
NORTHWARD FROM FALMOUTH TO GETTYSBURG 87
mediate vicinity. We went into bivouac by the riverside
awaiting our turn to cross, which did not come until after
midnight. We then marched about four miles farther and
wene into camp for a few hours of rest. On the 28th we
reached Monocacy Junction, near Frederick. Before cross-
ing the Potomac, the troops were cautioned against the appro-
priation of live stock or food products of any kind and this
injunction was strictly observed. It was not so easy, however,
to give up the privilege of appropriating the rails or boards
of the fences in the vicinity of the places of encampment. To
provide camp fires for a great army like ours in a friendly
country was not an easy matter, especially where the stay
was only for one night. The men could not go to the forests
and cut wood, nor could they get it anywhere in quantities
sufficient for their needs unless they took it from the fences
beside them. One order was to the effect that we might
take broken rails. This was literally interpreted and the man
who could not find a broken rail to cook his coffee, straightway
proceeded to break the first one that came to hand, and then
carried it away in triumph. The portion of Maryland into
which we were so unceremoniously conducted was rich and
singularly beautiful. This was especially true of the country
in the vicinity of Frederick and the South Mountain.
On the 29th of June the Second Corps made the most
memorable march of this wearisome northward journey. The
order directing it was carelessly laid upon the desk of the
Adjutant-General of the Corps, by the orderly who brought
it, and was not noticed until about eight o'clock in the morn-
ing. It proved to be an imperative order for a march to a
point beyond Uniontown, Md., w r hich was 32 miles from our
place of bivouac. Through that long, sultry day and a part
of the night following, we tramped over the dusty road with
blistered feet and heavy loads without pausing long enough to
make coffee or cook a meal. General Walker speaks of it as
"a day of tremendous exertions" and such in truth it was.
The only drink we could take, without delaying the column,
was the warm, insipid, and oftimes muddy water in our
canteen, and the only solid food available was a mouthful of
SS THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
"hardtack," now and then, which we munched as we moved
along. Giving the bridges to the wagon trains and artillery,
we forded all the streams in our way. as we had done for
days before. Sometimes we stopped long enough on the far-
ther side to pour the water out of our shoes, but in no case
could one tarry long, lest the men behind should be delayed
or thrown out of their position in the line. During the day.
and especially toward evening, hundreds fell out by the way
from mere exhaustion. It was near midnight when the ob-
jective point of the long march was reached and those who
attained to it were probably less than one-third of the entire
corps.
Many of these overspent marchers came up during the
night, and still more, perhaps during the following day, which
was passed quietly in camp.
A pleasant feature of this memorable day was the warm
and enthusiastic greetings we received from men, women and
children in every one of the Maryland towns through which
we passed. At Frederick and Uniontown refreshments were
freely offered at the gates of residences and by the side of the
streets, and many a kind word and "God bless you, boys,"
rang in our ears and cheered our hearts, as we pressed onward
to the greatest battlefield' of the war.
One of the most depressing and painful experiences of
the forced marches which the troops were compelled to make,
during these long summer days, was caused by foot sores in
varying degrees of chafing and inflammation. Some of the
men suffered so much from blistered and swollen feet that
they could not wear their shoes, and there were many, as we
neared the border of Pennsylvania, who had to be carried a
part, or the whole of the time, in ambulances. The man who
did not have a limp in his gait in those trying days was a rare
exception among his fellows.
While in this camp awaiting further developments, we
received the official notification that General Hooker, at his
own request, had been relieved from the command of the
Army of the Potomac, and that Major-General George G.
Meade, the Commander of the Fifth Corps, had been assigned
NORTHWARD FROM FALMOUTH TO GETTYSBURG
to this responsible position in his stead. This was a genuine
surprise to the men of the rank and file, but in general it
was received with favor and ready acquiescence.
Upon assuming the command, General Meade issued the
following order :
J J E A IXJ U A KT Kl< S Al(MY I- 71 J h POTO M A C.
June 28, 1H63.
By direction of the President of the United States, I
hereby assume command of the Army of the Potomac. As a
soldier, in obeying this order — an order totally unexpected
and unsolicited — I have no promises nor pledges to make.
The country looks to this army to relieve it from the devas-
tation and disgrace of a hostile invasion. Whatever fatigues
and sacrifices we may be called upon to undergo, let us have-
in view constantly the magnitude of the interests involved,
and let each man determine to do his duty, leaving to an all-
controlling Providence the decision of the contest. It is
with just diffidence that I relieve of the command of this
army an eminent and accomplished soldier, whose name must
ever appear conspicuous in the history of its achievements;
but I rely upon the hearty support of my companions in
arms to assist me in the discharge of the duties of the
important trust which has been confided to me.
George G. Mkade,
Major-General Commanding.
On the first of July, little knowing what the day was to
bring forth, we started out early from our temporary camp
near Uniontown. After going a few miles on the road we
were halted and ordered back to it. We then took the direct
road to Taneytown, which we reached at noon, having covered
a distance of about fourteen miles. We had heard the boom
of artillery at intervals during the morning, but supposed
it was an indication that the cavalry in our front had met with
some of the advance guards of the Confederate Army. While
we rested at the c<]^c of Taneytown awaiting an order to go
into camp, a messenger came from the front with the start-
ling intelligence that a great battle was in progress with Lee's
army on the northwest side of the town of Gettysburg in
Pennsylvania. There were vague rumors, also, which proved
90 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
to be only too true, that the two corps, which had met the
enemy, the First and Eleventh, had been overpowered and
badly worsted in the conflict, and that General Reynolds, the
commanding officer, had been killed or seriously wounded. A
little later it was reported among the troops that General Han-
command. The official order which explained this hurried
cock had started for the front in hot haste in advance of his
departure was as follows:
Headquarters Army of the Potomac
July i, 1863, 1.10 P. M.
Command ins;- Officer Second Corps:
The Major-General Commanding has just been informed
that General Reynolds has been killed or badly wounded.
He directs that you turn over the command of your corps to
General Gibbon ; that you proceed to the front, and by
virtue of this order, in ease of the truth of General Reynolds'
death, you assume command of the corps there assembled,
viz, the Eleventh, First and Third, at Errrmitsburg. If you
think the ground and position there a better one on which
to fight a battle under existing circumstances, you will so
advise the General and he will order all the troops up. You
know the General's views, and General Warren, who is rally
aware of them, has gone out to see General Reynolds.
(Signed) George G. Meade,
Major-General Commanding.
At half past three o'clock. Hancock appeared on the
ridge, tiow known as Cemetery Hill. On the left the remnants
of the First Corps were forming- under cover of Buford's cav-
alrv brigades, while a broad tumultuous stream of panic-
stricken men, mingled with ambulances, artillery and ammu-
nition wagons were hurrying out along the Baltimore Road.
Behind the rearmost of this struggling host were the advance
of the Confederates who had pursued them closely through
the town. To stop the rush 0! these shattered regiments and
reform them along the line of Cemetery Hill was Hancock's
first and most pressing duty ami in this he was ably seconded
by General Howard, the commander of the Eleventh Corps.
With the splendid tact and ardent enthusiasm which ever
characterized this prince of leaders in the heat of battle, the
EQUESTRIAN STATUE OF MAJ.-GEN. W. S. HANCOCK
SCENE OF PICKETT'S CHARGE.
NORTHWARD FROM FALMOUTH TO GETTYSBURG 91
hesitating were brought to decision, the disheartened were
rallied to their colors, the lines were rectified, batteries of
artillery were planted on the heights and at every available
point a brave front was presented to the enemy. At half past
four a semblance of order had been brought out of the con-
fusion and Hancock sent an officer of his staff to General
Meade with the message that Gettysburg offered a suitable
position for a battle and advised the concentration of the army
at that point. Meanwhile the Second Corps, in anticipation
of this decision, was making a forced march toward it. Gen-
eral Meade was with it when the message of Hancock was
received, and a few moments later, hurried forward with his
staff to the front. An ambulance containing the dead body
of General Reynolds, which was being sent to the rear, passed
us in the evening. Crossing the line between Maryland and
Pennsylvania after nightfall we push on through the dark-
ness, with brief pauses of a few moments only for rest, until
nearly two o'clock on the morning of the 2d of July. We
were then about two miles from Gettysburg and within sup-
porting distance of the troops already assembled there. By
direction of General Hancock, who met us at this point, we
unslung our knapsacks and rested until near the hour of day-
break. Our halting place was in a wheat field and the golden
grain upon which we slept was almost ripe for the sickle.
Some of the men were so overpowered with weariness that
they fell asleep almost as soon as their bodies touched the
ground. There were others, however, equally wearied, per-
haps, in body, whose minds were too active with thoughts of
home and of the day of decision just before them to yield so
quickly to the insistent strain of overwrought nerves or the
drowsy influences about them.
Resting side by side in the grainfield that night were two
young men of the same company, who were residents of the
same town and had been students of the same college. After
a few moments of silence one said to the other: "Stewart, do
you think you will come out of this battle alive and some day
get back to the old home again?" "Well 'Ben' " said his friend
in reply. "We're going into a great battle to-day. Many
92 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
must fall before it is ended. God only knows how it will be
with us." After another brief pause the first speaker replied:
"I've been thinking about this for some time and I have a pre-
sentiment that I will see the end of this war and get back to
old Canonsburg. I would like to sing again in the choir of
the old church on the hill and somehow I feel that this desire
of my heart will be realized." These in substance were the
words spoken. Before the shadows of the night of July 2nd
had fallen over the earth the young soldier, who on the eve of
battle had expressed this hope, was sleeping his last sleep on
the advance line of battle beyond another wheat field, which
will ever be known as the "whirlpool" of the Gettysburg battle.
After a rest of about two hours we were aroused from
sleep, and without waiting to make fires, the command was
given to "fall in," this, as it turned out, was to be the last
stage of the northward journey. The Taneytown road on
which we were marching, brought us past the Round Tops
to the left of the Union line. The Third and Second Divisions
which had preceded us were posted farther to the right along
the ridge of Cemetery Hill.
For some time after its arrival the First Division was
massed in the woods to the right of the Taneytown road.
Here at last we reached the objective point of our long
series of marches and here, as an overruling Providence had
decreed it, was to be settled the issue for weal or woe of Gen-
eral Lee's invasion of Pennsylvania.
THE TURNING OF THE TIDE AT GETTYSBURG 93
CHAPTER VIII.
THE TURNING OF THE TIDE AT GETTYSBURG.
Once this soft turf, this rivulet's sands
Were trampled by a hurrying crowd,
And fiery hearts and armed hands
Encountered in the battle cloud.
Ah ! never shall the land forget,
How gushed the life-blood of her brave, —
Gushed, warm with hope and courage yet,
Upon the soil they fought to save.
Now all is calm and fresh and still;
Alone the chirp of flitting bird,
And talk of children on the hill,
And bell of wandering kine, are heard.
No solemn host goes trailing by
The black-mouthed gun and staggering wane;
Men start not at the battle cry, —
O, be it never heard again !
William Cullen Bryant.
There are more monuments on the Gettysburg field
than on all other battlefields that have marked the history
of the human race. — Nelson A. Miles, Lieutenant-General,
United States Army.
Waterloo decreed the destiny of France, of England,
of Europe. Gettysburg, not so directly or immediately, but
practically decided the fate of the Confederacy. — General
John B. Gordon, of the Confederate Army.
IN the clear light of the sun, which had risen in a cloudless
of the singularly beautiful and varied landscape which
sky on the morning of the Second of July, all the features
was now spread before us, came out sharply and distinctly.
94 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Our position was on the lower slope of a well defined
ridge which extended almost due south from the Gettysburg
Cemetery, on the crest of the ridge, to Little Round Top, a
bold, rock-covered peak, which closed the view in that direc-
tion. Behind us was the broad, shallow, rock-strewn bed of a
stream, appropriately designated as "Rock Creek." This val-
ley was edged by a strip of timber land, which with breaks
here and there, extended to a more densely wooded section at
the base and along the ridge of Little Round Top. In the
foreground, facing to the west, was a broad, undulating plain,
divided for the most part into fruitful fields with here and
there a clump of trees, or a farmhouse with its outbuildings
and barn. On the horizon line beyond was another ridge
almost parallel with the one upon which we were standing
which bounded the western side of the plain before us. This
we were told was the defensive line of the Confederate army,
but they were so well concealed by a strip of woodland which
skirted the ridge in our front that we should not otherwise
have known of their presence in that location.
It does not appear to have been the original intention of
either of the commanding officers who faced each other on
these ridges to select this place for a decisive battle. It was
rather the logic of events partly beyond control which brought
them here. And yet there were two remarkable features of
the landscape as they found it which made it a most favorable
site for such a contest.
One was the two parallel ridges running north and south,
to which reference has just been made. The western ridge
took its name from the Theological Seminary of the Lutheran
Church which for several years had crowned a well-chosen
outlook on its summit. It was almost continuous and afforded
some choice locations for the planting of artillery. Behind it
the Confederates found a sufficient water supply in Willough-
by Run. Directly south of the town the eastern ridge bends
sharply to the right, forming two rocky and densely wooded
knolls, known as Culp's and Spangler's Hills. In outline it
resembled a fish hook. "Cemetery Ridge forming the shank,
Cemetery Hill the curve, and Culp's Hill the end of the hook."
THE TURNING OF THE TIDE AT GETTYSBURG 95
The line of battle which was formed on the crest of this ridge
was about four and a half miles long. The Confederate line
was nearly the same in outline, but being the outer line was
about five and a half miles long. The right of this line was
held by Longstreet ; the center by Hill ; the left by Ewell.* The
distance between the two ridges varied from fourteen to six-
teen hundred yards.
The second remarkable feature is the convergence of ten
well-kept roads, centering from every point of the compass in
this quaint old Pennsylvania town; almost as regularly as the
spokes of a wagon wheel at the hub. This is the more re-
markable in view of the fact that Gettysburg at that time had
less than three thousand inhabitants.
General Meade utilized four of these roads in concentrat-
ing his army. On the Emmitsburg road Buford's Cavalry,
the First, Third and Eleventh Corps, coming from the south-
west, made their march. From the south the Second Corps
approached by the Taneytown road ; from the southeast the
Sixth and Twelfth Corps by way of the Baltimore Pike, while
from the east came the Fifth corps and the cavalry divisions
under Gregg and Kilpatrick.
On the other side of the town the Confederate forces
under command of Ewell approached from the north and
northeast over the Mummasburg, Carlisle, Harrisburg and
York roads, while those under Hill and Longstreet came
from the northwest and west over the Chambersburg roads.
Thus it appears that General Meade made use of four
of these lines of approach and General Lee of six. As a
recent writer has put it :
From these unusual facilities for the movement and
concentration of large bodies of troops, together with the
conformation of the surrounding hills and fields, it would
seem as if Gettysburg had been designed by nature for a
battlefield.
♦The Confederate corps corresponded with the grand divisions
of Burnside's army. Hence these were only three corps in number.
96 THE ONE HUNDRED AXD FORTIETH REGIMENT
YVe should rather say, in view of all the facts before us,
that it was designed by the Lord of Hosts, the Supreme Ruler
of the Universe, who watches over the destinies of men and
nations, to be the "valley of decision," in which the great ques-
tions so long at issue between the North and the South, relat-
ing to the integrity of the nation and the perpetuation of
human slavery, were to be settled at once and for all time.
The troops which had arrived on the ground up to noon
of July 2d, were disposed as follows:
On the right wing, under General Slocum, were the
Twelfth and First Corps, extending from Culp's Hill to Zeig-
ler's Grove on Cemetery Hill, — the right centre of the line.
South of Zeigler's Grove was the Second Corps ; Hay's Divi-
sion being on the right. Gibbon's in the centre and Caldwell's
First Division on the left. This Division occupied the left
centre of the line, connecting with the Third Corps which ex-
tended to the base of Little Round Top. The Fifth Corps,
under Sykes, marched from Hanover during the night and
on its arrival took position in reserve on or near the base of
Round Top. The Sixth Corps, under Sedgwick, which made
a forced march of about thirty-four miles in eighteen hours,
did not reach the field until four o'clock in the afternoon. It
was posted, as the several divisions arrived, in the rear as a
reserve and portions of it did good service where most needed
in the final conflict on the left, about nightfall.
In connection with the rectification of the line during the
forenoon the First Division was moved from its first halting
place to a position on the west side of the Taneytown road
directly behind the main line of battle. Here in touch with
Gibbon's Division on the right and the Third Corps on the
left, it was massed by brigades in column of regiments.*
While in this position someone remarked that it was an
unusual thing for Hancock's old Division to be held in reserve.
*&
*In the accompanying sketch the positions of the several corps
at 9 o'clock A. M. July 2d is indicated. The Fifth and Sixth did
not arrive until later, and were then assigned temporarily to positions
on the left of the line.
THE TURNING OF THE TIDE AT GETTYSBURG
97
GettysBurg
July 2*1863 \l '?i&und Top ^ ^
Union Lines —____TH REGIMENT.
H,ii C r< -i beyi nd W heatfield.
THE TURNING OF THE TIDE Al GETTYSBURG 117
Longstreet to capture that frowning citadel of rock on the
afternoon of the second day. It was this failure that made
the disastrous charge of the third day a necessity. It was not
111 vain, therefore, that so many of our brave hoys gave tO the
country and the flag, in that valley of decision, the last full
measure of devotion, dying that the nation might live.
On the eleventh of September, 18H9, a new and costly
monument, erected at the expense of the State, which marks
the farthest advance of the One Hundred and Fortieth 'vegi-
ment, was unveiled in the presence of a large number of the
surviving comrades. It bears on its face this official record :
Present at Gettysburg, July 2d, 588 officers and men.
Killed and died of wounds, 3 officers and 50 men.
Wounded, 8 officers and 120 men.
Captured or missing, 3 officers and 59 men.
Total of losses, 24i.f
About an hour after the noise of battle had died away on
the left, General Kwell made a furious attack at Gulp's Hill,
on the extreme right of our line, and a little later hurled a
strong force against the position held by the Klevcnth Corps
on East Cemetery Hill. From 8 o'clock that night until
10 these eastward ridges fairly blazed with the constant fire of
artillery and musketry, and the turmoil of the strife at times
was appalling. At Gulp's Hill the enemy finally succeeded in
taking a portion of the line of defensive works which had
been thrown up by Slocum's corps, but which, owing to the
urgent need for reinforcements for the defense of Little Round
Top, had been left without a sufficient force to hold them.
The attack on East Cemetery Hill was partly successful at
first, but in the end the Confederates were driven back and
the line was re-established as before. Thus it turned out, at
the end of this long day's strife, that the Union line through-
out its entire length, except at Gulp's Hill, had been firmly
held intact as originally established by Hancock and Meade.
The only ground on the left from which the Union Army had
been driven was the untenable position to which it had been
f All of the above losses occurred after 6 o'clock P. M.
ti8 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
committed by the unauthorized advance of General Sickles'
corps.
During the first half of the night which followed these
scenes of strife every effort was made to reach the wounded
men within the Union lines who were lying on the ground
and unable to help themselves, and all who could be found
were at once taken to the field hospital. There were thou-
sands, however, between the lines, or within the lines of the
enemv, who were left where they fell, without attention or
care from any one, to sutler or to die. One oi the most
pathetic incidents connected with this phase of the "Great
Conflict" has been preserved for us in the records of Company
D. This company was near the right of the line on the hill-
crest, and. in common with other companies in that position,
met with severe losses in killed and wounded. Among the
number of those who received wounds which afterwards
proved to be fatal was a corporal. Baden Bebout by name, who
was a devout Christian and a faithful soldier. Mis name is
on the honor roll of his company as one of the men who helped
to haul off the disabled guns of the Fifth Maine Battery at
Chancellorsville. As he lay on the ground awake and suf-
fering - that dark and terrible night Bebout. like Paul and Silas
in the inner prison at Philippi, lifted up his voice to God in
prayer. C. D. Sharp, a comrade and intimate friend, who
was not far away, heard the pleading tones of that midnight
petition and recognized the voice. He had been shot through
both thighs and another ball had struck him in the breast.
When he recovered from the shock he had found it deeply
imbedded in his pocket Bible. Neither of these desperately
wounded men were able to arise from the ground, but, locating
each other by the voice, began slowly and painfully to come
together. At length they succeeded, and side by side opened
their hearts to each other. Two comrades not far away,
Isaac Lacock and Charles Cunningham, recognized their
voices and after the same manner dragged themselves to their
sides. Here the four men, who were near enough to toss small
articles to each other, talked of the nature of their wounds,
the possibility or otherwise of their recovery, and each one,
THE TURNING OF THE TIDE AT GETTYSBURG u<)
in view of his dangerous condition, requested the comrade or
comrades who might survive to bear the last message to the
dear ones at home. When the long looked for morning
arrived they were still between the lines and without any
prospect of immediate relief. At some time during the day
these weary sufferers were carried by some Confederate sol-
diers, to whom they engaged to j>ay two dollars each, to a barn
on the edge of Willonghby Run. Here the Confederate
surgeons amputated Cunningham's leg. Isaac Sharp, from
whose manuscript statement this story is condensed, makes
mention of the fact that an order had been issued to give no
more opiates to Union soldiers, and that for this reason prob-
ably the wounds of the other comrades were not treated.
However this may be, it is a well established fact that they
did not receive any surgical treatment until the morning of
the sixth of July, a period of four nights and three days of
indescribable suffering and apparently hopeless waiting. In
this pitiable condition they were found by Surgeons Wishart
and Sharp after midnight July 6th, and on the morning of the
same day were taken in ambulances to a house in Gettysburg,
where they received every care and attention.
Two of this quartette of sufferers, Bebout and Sharp,
died a few days later. The remaining two were sent home
with sadly maimed and crippled bodies, to live a few years
longer in the community from which they had gone out with
high courage and in the full bloom of young manhood in
defense of the imperiled country and its sacred institutions.
To these men, and many thousands who suffered with them,
this nation owes a debt of gratitude which it never can repay.
Through their toils and sacrifices it has obtained under God
a new birth of freedom and a prosperity unparalleled among
the nations of the earth.
i.-o THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
CHAPTER IX.
HIGH WATER MARK ON CEMETERY HILL.
July 3, 1863.
This is the costliest land beneath the sun,
'Tis priceless, purchaseless and not a rood
But hath its title written clear and signed
In some slain hero's consecrated blood.
ON the morning of the third of July, with the first streak
of dawn, the slumbering hosts on the Gettysburg hills
were rudely awakened by the clamor of human strife
breaking forth and "rising and swelling to fury along the
wooded and rocky slopes of Culp's Hill." It meant the
renewal of the battle for the possession of the works which
Slocum's corps had found occupied by the enemy on their
return to the right the evening before. Long and desperately
the Confederate General, Johnson, struggled to make good
his victory of the night before, but step by step he was forced
back and at length was compelled to withdraw altogether from
his advanced position. There was an occasional outbreak on
the skirmish lines for a little while after the noise of the
contest on Culp's Hill had ceased, but after 10 o'clock there
ensued a strange and unusual period of silence. On the Union
side, now that all the lost ground had been recovered, it meant
the complacent waiting for further developments on the part
of the enemy. On the Confederate side it meant the massing
of a number of batteries on the crest of Seminary Hill,
numbering in all one hundred and thirty-eight guns, with a
view to preparing the way for a desperate assault upon the
position held by the Second and Third Divisions of the Second
Corps. Hence every one of these death-dealing pieces were
trained upon this portion of the line.
THE HIGH WATER MARK ON CEMETERY HILL
121
On this fateful morning the writer was in the field hospi-
tal of the Second Corps to which he had found his way the
night before with a bruised and stiffened limb, caused by the
stroke of a fragment of shell. It was situated on a little slope,
a part of which was woodland, on the edge of Rock Creek
somewhere behind the position held by the Second Division,
and not very far from General Meade's headquarters. Here
acres of ground were covered with wounded, dying or dead
men. At times the stretcher carriers separated the dead from
the living, but meanwhile others passed away in their place*.
Those who could care for themselves sat or lounged on the
ground at the foot of a tree or beside a great rock, but the
larger number were lying on their backs in long rows without
pillow or shelter, for as yet the hospital supplies, somewhere
in the rear, had not arrived. Between the rows of prostrate-
men there were narrow lanes to permit the attendants to pass.
At intervals in the open spaces were long rows of tables
around which faithful surgeons with sleeves rolled up to the
shoulder had been at work since daybreak in two or three
reliefs, each one working so long as his strength would hold
out. In all serious cases chloroform was administered and
thus much suffering was prevented; but, oh, the horror of
the carving and the heaps of human legs and arms on the
ground at the ends of the tables, and the pallid faces and the
smothered moans of anguish, which could not be repressed
These and other sights and sounds that may not even be men-
tioned will remain while life lasts as the saddest reminders
of those days of turmoil, suffering and fraternal strife.
At one o'clock the frightful cannonade, which will ever
be memorable in history, began. The hospital which seemed
to have been almost in the rear of the point selected by Gen-
eral Lee for the concentration of his attack, was, for a time
one of the most exposed sites behind the Union lines. In
swift succession scores of shrieking shells burst in the air and
on the ground scattering their deadly missiles in the midst of
this mass of helpless sufferers, killing some outright and
wounding others. In this emergency those who had the use
of their limbs at once laid hold of the poor fellows who were
iM the o\'i-: nvsnRF.n .ixn fortieth REGIMENT
helpless pulling and dragging them as best they could, to
places of comparative safety. For a few moments the confu-
sion and distress which prevailed was terrible beyond expns
sion. Those who could not move were crying out for help
and many who were partially disabled were attempting to
drag- their maimed or helpless limbs as far as possible from
the immediate danger /one of the plunging shot and shells.
In a marvellously short space of time the most exposed places
were cleared, — for all who could work at this task were
desperately in earnest — and the new location to which all were
transferred in one way or other, afforded a safe refuge for
the rest of the day.
The horrid din of the cannonade which broke so unex-
pectedlv upon this part of the battlefield continued without in-
terruption for about an hour and a half. There were eighty
or more sruns along the ridge behind the Union line which
vigorously responded and it seemed at times that all the titanic
forces of the quaking earth and the rending heavens were
crashing together in deadly strife.
One of the most realistic descriptions of this terrific
cannonade is given by General Walker, the Assistant Adju-
tant-General of the Second Corps, from which we quote as
follows :
At precisely one o'clock two cannon shot in quick suc-
cession, gave the signal, and instantly the Confederate posi-
tion was, for three miles, wrapped in flame and smoke.
Nearly one hundred and forty guns opened at once on the
Union lines. The air shrieked with flying shot, the burst-
ing shells sent their deadly fragments down in showers
upon the rocky ridge and over the plain behind; the earth
was thrown up in clouds of dust as the monstrous missies
buried themselves in the gfound or glanced from the sur-
face to take a new and perhaps more fatal flight ; on every
hand caissons exploded, struck by iron balls which but a
half minute before bad lain in limber chests of batteries
a mile away. All that is hideous in war seemed to have
gathered itself together to burst in one fell tornado upon
Cemetrv Ridge. The effects of this unparalled cannonade,
as seen by the staff galloping along the lines, were, on one
THE HIGH WATER MARK ON CEMETERY HILL 123
side, very great, on the other comparatively slight. The
plain behind the ridge was almost immediately swept of all
camp followers and the unordered attendants of an army.
Headquarters and ammunition wagons went to the rear with
prodigious zeal ; a body of stragglers and men usually absent
from their regiments poured down the Baltimore road to
the rear; even General Meade's headquarters were broken
up by the intolerable bombardment, and the commander and
staff mounted their horses in haste and sought safety nearer
the line of battle. On the contrary, looking to the front,
one saw only thin lines of infantry crouching behind the
stone walls or clinging prone to the ground, the musket
clutched tightly in each soldier's hand as he waited for the
great charge which he well knew was to follow.
The main fury of the cannonade fell, of course, upon
the batteries of the Second Corps, occupying the ground
which Longstrect's columns were even now forming to as-
sault; and well did those gallant officers and men stand in
their place and make answer that day for their cause. Out of
those five batteries were killed two hundred and fifty horses,
and men fell by scores at the guns or bringing ammunition
up through a literal storm of shot and shell. But not a
cannoneer left his post. There was no flurry and no fuss.
Monotonous discharges followed the command, "Number
one, fire! Number two, fire!" as regularly as if the battery
were saluting an inspection officer.
The story of Pickett's charge which followed immediately
after the roar of the Confederate guns had ceased, has been
so often told that it need not be repeated here. It is said that
when Meade saw the retreating remnant of the Division, he
removed his hat and murmured, "Thank God."
A mile away from Meade was Lee ; and we can picture
him as he stood there and saw his last assault repelled,
his studied invasion fail, the flower of his army shot to
pieces, and knowing that his men on that field, lying and
standing, represented the careful gleaning of his country,
he must have seen in the battle smoke above that valley of
death the final end of the Confederacy.*
*The Last Day of Gettysburg, by Lt. Hon. Reeve, New York
Independent, July 7. 1898.
124 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
About four o'clock in the afternoon General Hancock
was brought to the hospital in an ambulance. He fell from
his horse, while directing the movement of a flanking party,
with a painful wound in the groin, which at first was supposed
to be mortal. "While lying on the ground, his wound spout-
ing blood, he raised himself on his elbow and gave the order,
'Go in, Colonel, and give it to them on the flank." Not until
the issue was certainly decided did he allow the stretcher
carriers to take him to the rear.
"History," says Ex-Governor Daniel H. Hastings, "will
never record a grander sight than he presented, when with
Mitchell, and Bingham and other members of his staff he rode,
with corps flag flying, from the right out upon the field in
front of his men and along down the line of battle, whilst the
missiles of the enemy were filling the air about him, bowing
to his expectant men as politely and gallantly as upon review
day." Never was Hancock more superb in battle than on that
memorable day when the men of his command gathered up
thirty-three Confederate battle flags in their front and cap-
tured more than four thousand prisoners.
On him, next to General Meade, rested the responsibility
of checking the advance of the main forces of the enemy on
the second and third days of the conflict and nobly did he
execute the trust which had been committed to his hands.
When he was taken from the ambulance many of the
wounded men crowded about him in anxious solicitude, for
the word had gone out that he was desperately, if not mortally
wounded. Despite his intense suffering he roused himself
to speak to them, not of his wound, but of the result of the
battle. "Boys," he said in a voice that was still strong and
resonant, — "We have won a great victory." "It is the
victory of the war." With hearty cheers the men greeted
this response and then left him in the hands of the surgeons.
With respect to the part taken by the Regiment in this
day's conflict, Colonel Fraser, says in his official report :
On the morning of July 3d the Regiment, pursuant to
orders, constructed breastworks immediately in front of the
(' \r i . 1 ) win \. M i SON.
Boulder on Gettysburg Battlefield wheri I tpl David Acheson was buried.
The Wheatfield "Whirlpool of the Battle" where more than 6,000 were killol or wounded.
THE HIGH WATER MARK ON CEMETERY HILL 125
line. The severe and long-continued artillery fire which
the Confederates opened upon us, prior to their fruitless
attack upon our position in the afternoon of this day, did
no harm to anyone in the Regiment.
Here, in the evening of the same day, in its place among
the shattered regiments of the Third Brigade, the writer found
the One Hundred and Fortieth — a battalion now, — number-
ing about two hundred effective men. In their midst was the
tattered, battle-stained flag which more than five hundred had
followed on the previous day. Behind the slight barrier
which the men had erected they were privileged to see the
charge of Longstreet's troops, who did not so much as break
through their picket line. The storm of shot and shell which
had been so fatal farther to the right swept by them, or
passed over their heads. A few paces to the rear of the line
were a number of dead horses which had been killed beside
the batteries to which they had been attached.
In the history of the One Hundred and Fifty-fifth Regi-
ment of Pennsylvania Volunteers mention is made of an at-
tempt made by Lieutenant George McLaughlin and A. E. Lyon
of that command to reach the scene of the severe fighting of
the day before, beyond the wheatfield.
This was made possible by the temporary withdrawal
of the Confederate pickets after the repulse of the charging
column.
"These officers," says the writer, "had heard of the
death in battle of Sergeant (Captain) David K. Acheson,
of the One Hundred and Fortieth Pennsylvania, who had
been their classmate in Washington College. The officers
named found the position of the Regiment, and evidences
of the terrible fighting under Sickles in the Peach Orchard,
and of the losses sustained by the sight of the number of
unburied bodies of the slain. They were unable, however,
to find the body of their missing classmate, their search
having been interrupted by the opening of the firing by the
enemy, to whose lines they had unwittingly approached too
closely. On a huge boulder in the Peach Orchard ( ?) is
carved and visible to-day the name 'David R. Acheson, 140th
126 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Penna.,' to mark the identical spot where this brave soldier
fell."*
From the records of the Confederate army we know that
General Lee prepared for a retreat by sending- his long- trains
of wagons, many of which were filled with wounded men, in
advance on the evening of the third of July. At the same time
nothing would have pleased him better than to have met a
counter attack that evening in his strong and well-chosen
position. The line on Seminary Hill, which he had held
since the first day's battle was still unbroken and there was
enough artillery in position upon it to have held at bay the
strongest force which could have been sent against it. Despite
all that has been said to the contrary a counter charge at this
time in the condition of exhaustion consequent upon the three
days and nights of hardship and peril to which the Union
army had been exposed, would almost certainly have been
foredoomed to failure.
There are many well-informed persons who have the
impression that the third day's battle was the greatest and
most sanguinary of the series of bloody conflicts on the Gettys-
burg field. But, as a matter of fact, it was not a general en-
gagement at all. It was a disastrous day for Picket's com-
mand, numbering with his supporters about 15,000 men, and
yet the greater part of the forces of General Lee, and also of
our own army were only spectators of this desperate assault
and its repulse. On the Union side the Second and Third
Divisions of the Second Corps with the troops adjacent who
were rushed to their assistance, were the only active partici-
pants at the real point of attack. This conflict notwithstand-
ing the limitations mentioned was the turning point of the
three days' battle and in a sense, of the war for the Union
also. Taken in connection with all that precedes it, the verdict
* The reference to the Peach Orchard seems to have been
owing to a confusion of locations, but the kindly impulse which
prompted this quest in the face of imminent danger will be appre-
ciated by all the comrades and their friends of the One Hundred
and Fortieth Regiment.
THE HIGH WATER MARK ON CEMETERY HILL 127
of history will be in the future, as it has been in the past —
that the "High Water Mark" of the great rebellion was
reached at the bloody angle by the well known clump of trees
on Cemetery Hill, the third day of July, 1863.
During the night following a furious storm of wind and
rain broke over the heads of the thousands of prostrate men
who were resting on the battle line. As one has put it "the
downpour was in proportion to the violence of the cannonade'*
of the afternoon preceding. Everyone was drenched to the
skin in a moment. Floods of water swept down the slopes of
the hills and in some places almost submerged the weary
sleepers who could scarcely be roused to the danger of their
situation. The field hospital, which had been so directly in
range of the enemy's guns in the afternoon was now threat-
ened with a new peril. In the lower levels of the valley the
ground was quickly flooded and it required prompt action to
save some of the helpless patients from drowning. Among
those who were rescued from this danger were a number of
seriously wounded Confederates. The men at the front with
few exceptions had no blankets or wraps and slept behind their
breastworks in the fatigue suits which they had worn in the
heat of the day. So soundly did the writer sleep through that
tempestuous night, that he was not aware, until he awaked
at daylight that he was lying in a pool of muddy, bloody water
which had backed up from the slope of rifle pit. The water-
mark on his clothing, which registered the depth of this sub-
mergence, could never thereafter be effaced by rubbing or
washing.
The Fourth of July at Gettysburg was a day of lower-
ing skies and frequent showers, and yet despite its gloomy
enshrouding it will be regarded as the most memorable anni-
versary of Independence Day since the signing of the Declara-
tion, because of two historic events. One was the retreat of
the army which fought for the disintegration of the Union;
the other was the surrender of the City of Vicksburg to the
Union forces under General Grant.
The movement in retreat from the hills of Gettysburg
began during the day. In the dark and stormy night which
128 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
followed the whole army was withdrawn and by daybreak
was in full retreat. Their unburied dead were left on the field
and thousands of their wounded were left in our hands.
"On the morning of the 4th," says General Morgan,
chief of the corps staff, "the field of battle presented a curi-
ous sight. Parties were gathering up the arms abandoned
by the enemy and sticking the bayonets in the ground, so
that there were acres of muskets standing as thick as trees
in a nursery."
The cavalry and one or two of the army corps were
started in pursuit of Lee's army on the morning - of the fifth.
They captured a number of prisoners and destroyed some be-
lated wagon trains, but the main body of the enemy made
good their escape through Fairfield Gap and other adjacent
openings in the solid mountain wall which had been their
screen, and defence from direct attack, on the upward journey
from Virginia.
In order to reach Williamsport, the objective point of the
Confederate army, it was necessary for General Meade to
make long detours by way of the lower gaps and hence several
days elapsed before the two armies again confronted each
other.
One of this retreating host has given us a glimpse of
some of the dismal experiences which attended the beginning
of this retrograde march toward the Potomac.
The great battle had been fought and lost; the tide of
Southern invasion, which had poured through the moun-
tain passes and surged northward to the Susquehanna, had
touched its high-water mark, and now freighted with debris,
which the war billows had gathered in their shock against
Cemetery Ridge, the ebbing current set steadily toward the
Potomac. An interminable throng of wagons, worn-out
horses and wounded men choked the highways and, ever
passing, still came and came. All arms of the service were
there commingled without distinction ; hundreds of Stuart's
troops, dismounted or rendered temporarily unserviceable
for active duty with their commands, and driving or lead-
ing their broken-down charges, were marching afoot as
THE HIGH WATER MARK ON CEMETERY HILL 129
train-guards; but by far the greater part of this doleful
procession bore slung arms, or bandaged heads, or hobbled
painfully as they went while the transportation was taxed to
its utmost capacity for the conveyance of the more severely
wounded. Through the dismal rain and the muddy paste
of the roads which flowed like thin batter, the teams with
dripping girths plodded and splashed their weary way, send-
ing showers of the hideous mixture right and left over the
pedestrians toiling single file along the narrow, slippery
footpath, or by twos and threes in the fields beyond. It
was a vast moving panorama of misery; the stolid farmer-
folk by the roadside almost forgot their ruined harvests
in the contemplation of so much suffering, and women who
had come to their doorways to see the discomfited "rebels"
go by — remembering, possibly, husbands, sons and brothers
back yonder, and as yet unheard from — turned away from
the spectacle with tears in their honest eyes.*
Gettysburg was the only battle of the war which was
fought north of the Mason and Dixon line and the losses of
the contesting armies were greater than in any other single
battle which was ever fought upon American soil.
"The revised returns," says one of the best authorities,
"show for the Army of the Potomac: killed and wounded,
17,555; rnissing 5,435, total 22,990; and for the Confederate
Army: killed and wounded, 15,298; missing, 5,850, total,
20,448.1 But the returns for the Confederate army are based
upon reports which are confessedly imperfect and conflicting,
some commands are not reported, and in others the regimental
show larger losses than do the brigade returns from which the
foregoing numbers are compiled." General Bingham, in his
address at the unveiling of the monument to General Hancock
at Gettysburg, gives 27,525:}: as the sum of the Confederate
losses, and this is probably nearer the correct number than the
* A Boy in Gray, Scribner's Monthly, Vol. xxii, pages 647
and 648.
■j- General H. J. Hunt, Third Day at Gettysburg, The Century,
Vol. xi, page 463.
I The estimate of 27,525 includes 700 of wounded and prisoners
whose names were omitted from list but appear in the record at
Washington.
ijo THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
total above quoted.*** This would make the total of losses ou
both sides nearly, if not altogether so.ooo. On both sides a
very large number of those reported as missing- were either
killed or captured and many of the wounded as well as of the
captured, died after the official returns of the battle had been
made out.
The data for the comparative strength of the two armies
on the field of battle on the second and third days is also very
unsatisfactory. The losses of the Union army, especially in
prisoners, on the first day were much larger than those in
General Lee's army and to this extent should be counted out.
It should be noted also in making even an approximate esti-
mate that while all but Picket's Division were in the engage-
ment of the second day, that Sedgwick's corps, then the larg-
est in the army did not reach the field until four o'clock in the
afternoon, and but two of its eight brigades were in a posi-
tion to repel the persistent attacks of the enemy. Hence the
total of casualties in this splendid body of veteran troops,
whose courage and endurance was tested to the utmost in their
long march, was only 242. "At the 'points of contact,' " as
General Hunt has expressed it, "the Confederates were almost
always the stronger. On July 1st, 18,000 Federal combatants
contested against at least 25,000 Confederates, and got the
worst of it. On July 2d, Longstreet's 15,000 overcome
Sickles' 10.000 and had to halt when a larger force was op-
posed to them. Williams' Twelfth Corps retook its works
from a larger body of Ewell's troops, as at the contested point
they were opposed by an inferior number; ami then held them,
for Johnson's superior force was as much hampered here by
the nature of the ground as was Meade's on the left, the even-
ing before."
"The Second Corps," says Walker, "had taken into the
fight fewer than 13,000 men. It had lost 4,350, of whom
349 were commissioned officers. Of the total loss only
368 were among the missing. The corps had captured, on
the second and third days, 4,500 prisoners. Gibbons' divi-
sion had lost 1,634; Caldwell's, 1,269; Hay's. 1,291; the
PENNSYLVANIA STATE MONUMENT.
TABLET 140TH REGIMENT IN POSITION.
THE HIGH WATER MARK ON CEMETERY HILL 131
artillery brigade, 149; the headquarters' cavalry squadron,
4; the corps' staff, 3.
In this battle on her own soil the State of Pennsylvania
had a force of sixty-eight regiments of infantry, eight of
cavalry and five notable batteries of artillery, making a total
of 26,628 men. The general casualties in this little army of
her defenders was 5,907.
"The people of each State," says John M. Vanderslice,
"can be justly proud of its troops who fought at Gettys-
burg, and may well render unto them tributes of admira-
tion and homage. And the people of our whole country can
rejoice that there was nothing done by any to tarnish their
record as soldiers. The two great armies of America,
which, for those three memorable days, in the heat and
glare of the July sun of 1863, met in determined, fierce
and deadly combat upon the field of Gettysburg, by their
fidelity, their fortitude and valor, carved the highest niche
in the temple of martial fame and glory for the American
soldier.
" 'All time will be the millennium of their glory.' One
was right and the other wrong. But, in the knowledge of
the subsequent development, progress, peace and prosperity
of our united, common country, victor and vanquished now
alike, believe that in the Providence of God it was right
and well that the issue was determined as it was."f
On the 27th of September, 19 10, one of the most costly
and imposing structures on the Gettysburg field was dedicated
by Governor Stuart, on behalf of the Commonwealth of Penn-
sylvania, to the memory of the soldiers who participated in
the battle. A great concourse of people, including several
thousand veterans, the survivors of the Pennsylvania organ-
izations which took part in the engagement, was present to
witness the ceremonies and listen to the addresses on this
memorable occasion. By an act of the Legislature, free trans-
portation was furnished to all of the surviving participants
* The Third Day of Gettysburg, The Century, Vol. xi, page 463.
f Gettysburg Then and Now, page 328.
132 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
connected with these organizations from every portion of the
State.
Four acres surrounding this memorial structure have been
set aside and designated as Pennsylvania Park to give to it a
worthy and befitting setting.
The space around the base of the memorial arch, or
monument proper, is filled with inscriptions and on the inside
of the arch are recorded the names, beginning with General
Meade, of thirty-four general officers of Pennsylvania who
were intrusted with important commands during the engage-
ment. The most unique feature of the monument, however,
is the record on eighty-six bronze tablets of each command
organized by the State, and the names of every soldier in their
respective commands; thus forever perpetuating the record of
the sons of Pennsylvania who participated in the battle.
The dedication legend, cut deeply into the granite at the
base of this memorial structure reads thus :
"The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in honor of her
sons who on this field fought for the preservation of the
Union, July I, 2, 3, 1863."
On another granite slab is a record of the commands
present. It reads :
Pennsylvania at Gettysburg: 69 regiments infantry, 9
regiments cavalry, 7 batteries artillery. Total present, 34,-
530. Killed and mortally wounded, 1,182; wounded, 3,177;
missing, 860; total, 5,219.
At the request of the chairman of the Memorial Com-
mission a carefully revised list of the officers and men of the
several companies who were present for duty at Gettysburg,
was prepared by committees representing the companies.
These lists after rigid inspection by the Commission were
accepted and the names appearing upon them were then trans-
ferred to the bronze tablet which appears in its place at the
base of the monument. The record thus prepared and safe-
guarded is of more than ordinary historic value, and is here-
with appended without change or abbreviation.
THE HIGH WATER MARK ON CEMETERY HILL 133
ROSTER.
One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment, Pennsylvania
Volunteers, July 1, 2, 3, 1863.
FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS.
Colonel, *Richard P. Roberts.
Lieutenant-colonel, John Fraser.
Major, ^Thomas B. Rodgers.
Surgeon, J. Wilson Wishart.
Assistant Surgeon, William W. Sharp.
Adjutant, fWilliam S. Shallenberger.
Regimental Quartermaster, Saml. B. Bentley.
Assistant Surgeon, Benjamin F. Hill.
NON-COMMISSIONED STAFF.
Sergeant Major, JHenry J. Boatman.
Quartermaster, *R. G. S. Smith.
Commissary Sergeant, Thomas L. Noble.
Hospital Steward, Joseph W. Lawrence.
Killed, 2; wounded, 1; captured, 2.
COMPANY A.
Captain, **fJohn F. McCullough.
First Lieutenant, f James J. Purman.
Sergeants, fjames M. Pipes, John A. Burns, *William A.
Brown, -j-Henry Zimmers.
Corporals, Mark G. Spragg, *Leroy S. Greenlee, Kramer Gabler,
Cornelius J. Burke.
Fifer, Morgan Dunn.
Drummer, James Woods.
PRIVATES.
**John Acklin John M. Lancaster
Oliver Armstrong **Hiram McCullough
Harrison Anderson Lindsey McCullough
Joseph Bane William Ogden
Oliver Burson Joseph Pettit
John Bennett James B. Rinehart
John F. Coen John A. Rush
♦Killed at Gettysburg, f Wounded at Gettysburg. J Captured
at Gettysburg.
134 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
John Cox, Jr.
George N. Dornan
**Bcnjamin Dunstan
Jfjohn VV. Eddy
Michael Eddy
John Fisher
David Frays
•(■George Freeland
♦♦-{-John Gray
•{•George Gray
Simon Geary
Stephen C. Harris
David R. Hoge
Joseph Herrington
John C. Jones
Rezin S. Kent
♦Benjamin F. Loaf.
■{■John Long
f John Meighen
Edward Steel
Nicholas Steel
Simon P. Scott
■{■Henry Scott
♦♦John M. Spragg
fjesse Sprowls
Jesse Stewart
Caleb Strosnider
Keener L. Strosnider
Spencer Stephens
♦♦fNorval L. Troy
fLevi Taylor
Abner W. Taylor
Harrison Woolum
-{■Daniel B. Wychoff
John R. H. Wilson
George W. Wilson
^Benjamin F. Wallace
Oregon Walters
Killed and died of wounds, 3; wounded, 15; captured or mis-
sing, 2, one of whom, John W. Eddy, died in prison at Richmond,
January 27, 1864. Bates' history says Benjamin F. Loar died in
Philadelphia. August I, 1863, of wounds received at Getysburg.
COMPANY B.
Captain, Jason T. Giebner.
First Lieutenant, George Tanner.
Segeants, flames C. Nolan, Ranels C. Craig, John Satterfield,
John Johnson, John Fox.
Corporals, ♦♦fGeorge D. Moore, ♦♦Robert B. Porter. JCharles
W. Giebner, Price Dilley, George Perrine, ♦Thomas G. Eagles,
f James L. Griffin.
Musician. J Thomas J. Cozad.
PRIVATES.
Wilson Bean
William Blair
J Aaron Bolinger
Joseph Breackle
William Brannou
Nathaniel Breast
♦John Buckley
Daniel B. Mayer
Alexander Patten
William Perrine
James B. Porter
Benjamin A. Posten
Samuel B. Rodgers
Tames M. Robb
♦ Killed at Gettysburg, f Wounded at Gettysburg. J Captured
or missing at Gettysburg. ♦♦ Killed in subsequent battle.
THE HIGH WATER MARK ON CEMETERY HILL
1 35
George M. Bennett
Wilson Calvert
■J- Adam C. Dilley
fLewis F. Egbert
John W. Gardner
Adam George
William M. Griggs
^Martin Henderson
^Samuel Holmes
John Jones
♦Allen Kirby
Michael I). Maghan or Mc
Gehan
^George Mears
JCyrus Moreland
♦♦James McCoy
^Samuel McKindley
♦♦Henry C. Montgomery
Killed, 2 ; wounded, 1 1 ;
and Cozad, Holmes, Patton,
prison.
George Rose
John Roberts
John H. Seiple
J William Shaw
(Hugh Shaw
James J. Smith
fGilmer Smith
George W. Smail
Charles Smoyer
fWilliam P. Sutherland
David B. Sinclair
Madison Thompson
fWilliam H. Turner
Charles Vath
Samuel J. Weir
Thomas M. White
♦♦George Young
captured or missing, 9. William Shaw
Moreland subsequently captured, died in
COMPANY C.
Captain, *David Acheson.
First Lieutenant, f Isaac Vance.
First Sergeant, ♦James D. Campbell.
Sergeants, J. Milton Ray, ♦♦William J. Cunningham, fjames
McFarland.
Corporals, James Blake, Eli H. Linton, fjames P. Sayer, •Wil-
liam Horton, Richard Jones, f Samuel Fergus.
PRIVATES.
I William Armstrong John Moore
John Billick fTillinghast Mourie
fjohn Blair ♦Anthony Mull
**Ephraim Brown George Norris
James B. Clemens *Alvin Newman
flsaac Cleaver, Jr. ♦Albertus Patterson
David W. Cleaver Andrew Plants
*Ellis J. Cole William H. Pollock
Philip A. Cooper William Pollock
Samuel Curry Esau Powell
♦Killed at Gettysburg. fWounded at Gettysburg. ^Captured or
missing at Gettysburg. ♦♦Killed in subsequent battle.
ijo THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
tjohn A. Dickey
**I. N. Dowling
Alexander S. Duncan
fNehemiah Gilbert
Aaron Gunn
Mason Hart
Alex. F. Hartford
**Lewis Henry
■{•Clark Irey
fjohn J. Jordan
♦Daniel L. Keeney
♦James S. Kelley
♦♦Thomas W. Long
♦Thomas B. Lucas
^Robert H. Lindsay
fFrank B. McNear
David McCoy, Jr.
fThomas McCune
Hugh B. McNeil
♦Richard Miller
Samuel Mills
♦♦Jackson Prall
■{■Charles Quail
William J. Radclift
Charles Rentz
Samuel Rettick
Austin M. Richards
♦♦Gales Rose
Silas A. Sanders
fPresley H. Shipley
John Smalley
♦*William S. Stockwell
IJames S. Stockwell
John Stockwell
Jonathan Tucker, Jr.
*Simeon VanKirk
William VanKirk
fColin Waltz
♦♦James Wise
jSamuel Wise
fjohn D. Wishart
tTefferson Yonker
Lindsay and Wishart not on muster roll.
Killed, 12; wounded, 20; captured or missing, 2.
Lindsay, who died in Richmond, December, 1863.
Armstrong and
COMPANY D.
Captain, Charles L. Linton.
Sergeants, James B. Vandyke, Henry C. Swart, Fulton Bell,
♦Cephas D. Sharp.
Corporals, JJohn A. Black, jCalvin Ramsey, Leroy W. Day,
♦Beden Bebout, ♦James A. Bebout, fjames M. Hughes.
Musicians, Alpheus Cunningham, Hamilton Parker.
PRIVATES.
J Enoch Baker
Zachariah Baker
fSample S. Bell
♦♦fAbner L. Birch
♦♦James Birch
f Robert Birch
Miller Blatchley
flsaac Lacock
♦♦John W. Lewis
Cyrus Lindley
Jacob McAfee
John B. McDonald
Joseph Meeks
James Miles
♦Killed at Gettysburg. fWounded at Gettysburg. ^Captured or
missing at Gettysburg. ♦♦Killed in subsequent battle. Curry died in
Andersonville.
THE HIGH WATER MARK ON CEMETERY HILL 137
**John L. Brannon **James M. Miller
Charles II. Caine fGeorge S. Moore
fjohn W. Cooper **Judson Peden
fSilas Crispin **Philo Paul
fCharles Cunningham **Peter Phillips
*Lewis Dilley George Redd
**fThomas Doty. William Rutan
fWilson Doty *Simon Sanders
Abner Enox **Emmet Smalley
**Samuel Evans **Amos Swart
JNathan B. Evans -j-Andrew J. Swart
Jacob Frazee Harvey Swart
Enoch French Joseph Swihart
Thomas Glennon **Wm. H. Teegarden
Charles Guttey or Guttery George W. Teegarden
John L. Hathaway Andrew J. VanKirk
James Hathaway yWilliam Williams
Jonathan W. Hughes JHenry Watson
James A. Jackson fjacob Yoders
fjohn Kelley
Killed and died of wounds, 5; wounded, 15; captured or miss-
ing, 4-
COMPANY E.
First Lieutenant, Irvin F. Sansom.
Sergeants, Samuel Potter, **B. F. O'Bryson or O'Bryon, Albert
G. Beeson, John Barkley.
Corporals, Jesse T. Powers, Abraham Moore, JSamuel E. Pritch-
ard, Simon Inks, **Robert Herron.
Musician, Charles King.
PRIVATES.
fLevi Keenan
fjackson Ballsinger George B. Kistler
fHarvey Ballsinger William Lawery
Benjamin Behanna Christopher Lickel
**Franklin Barringer JJames Lytle
fSamuel W. Cady George McMillin
fSamuel Cashdollar William P. McMasters
James Caskey Hugh Patterson
*Killed at Gettysburg. fWounded at Gettysburg. ^Captured or
missing at Gettysburg. **Killed in subsequent battle.
Joseph Meeks, in Andersonville, from October 14, 1863, to May,
1865. Died at Annapolis on release, May 13, 1865.
138 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
James Chubbeck
wiiiiam Chester
Isaiah Collins
**Francis M. Daniels
H. C. Diffenderfer
*Francis M. Hansel
Plummer F. Hall
Daniel Handlin
John S. Hindman
**William Hirst
**Jeremiah Huttenhouer
Benjamin Ingles
John Johnston
•{•Andrew Johnston
Thomas Kelly
Killed, I ; wounded, 6.
William Pile
George W. Pritchard
Alden Rose
Sparks C. Roberts
**Robert Russell
Robert Rudge
William H. Sickles
Jesse Stricklin
William Turner
Robert Wall
William F. White
**Solomon Williams
Joseph Wiltsee
**Joseph J. Woodward
COMPANY F.
Captain, Thomas Henry.
First Lieutenant, fjohn D. Stokes.
Second Lieutenant, **Andrew M. Purdy.
First Sergeant, *John E. Harsha.
Sergeants, Joseph R. Harrah, fRobert Riddle, Carmen Nelson.
Corporals, f Alonzo B. McKenzie, Joseph W. Appleton, ^Joseph
R. Dunlap, f John B. Clark, fSeth Strock, Andrew G. White
Musicians, Taylor M. Stokes, Thomas M. Anderson.
Wagoner, William Pyle.
PRIVATES.
**John Anderson
(on detached duty)
Thomas O. Anshutz
(detached, clerk at bri-
gade headquarters)
Jacob A. Baker
(detached, in ambulance
corps)
*John S. Bell
^George Bell
{Benjamin A. Bonewell
•{•William Bruce
James T. Hays
Seth W. Irwin
**Francis N. Johnston
Samuel A. Johnston
Hugh M. Kerr
Adam H. Kerr
(detached, in ambulance
corps)
James A. Lockhart
James R. Lockhart
Martin W. May
(detached, teamster)
♦Killed at Gettysburg. fWounded at Gettysburg. **Killed in
subsequent battle. ^Captured in subsequent battle and died in prison.
THE HIGH WATER MARK ON CEMETERY HILL
139
William H. Bruce
(detached in Thompson's
battery)
Benjamin Buckley
(detached, in regimental
hospital)
Thomas Clark
Robert H. Cooper
(detached, in Thompson's
battery)
William J. Cooper
(detached, in Thompson's
battery)
•{•Jonathan I. Davis
♦William H. Dinsmore
Samuel M. Dinsmore
fWilliam Doak
**John B. Douds
John Douglass
(detached, in regimental
hospital)
John S. Ewing
Henry Edwards
(detached, in bakery)
Joseph Graham
*Alvin L. Greenlee
fRobert N. Gillen
**+
John E. Moore
(detached, clerk)
Madison Moore
George W. Minesinger
Harrison Miller
Alfred M. McCaskey
{•John ivkManamy
$f John McCullough
Andrew McCullough
George M. Nevin
Andrew Robinson
Madison Reisinger
Henry Stevens
*John P. Small
fThomas Small
Enoch Strain
(in battle, but deserted July
nth, 1863)
|Joseph O. Schley
John H. Short
William Swearingen
*Lewis Swearingen
fRuel W. Strock
|f Alvin M. Taylor
Lewis J. Wagner
♦♦Alexander White
Michael B. Wilson
Total in company, 88 ; total on roster above, j$ ; present in line
of battle with company, three officers and 55 men ; on detached duty,
13 men; musicians, two; absent sick, 15; killed July 2, 1863, three
men; wounded, officers, 1; men, 16; captured, five; subsequently died
of wounds, three men, W. H. Dinsmore, Alvin L Greenlee and J. P.
Small; effectives July 5, 33.
COMPANY G.
Captain, fHenry H. Bingham, detached on staff.
First Lieutenant, |Wilson N. Paxton.
Second Lieutenant, ♦Alexander M. Wilson.
First Sergeant, ♦♦f John F. Wilson.
Sergeants, *Benjamin M. Black, William T. Pollock.
Corporals, James M. Patton, David L. Taggart, fEbenezer H.
♦Killed at Gettysburg. fWounded at Gettysburg. ^Captured at
Gettysburg. ♦♦Killed in subsequent battle.
i 4 o THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Martin, fDunning Hart, ^Joseph L. Moore, James G. Sloan, **f Bank-
head B. Barr.
Musician, Josiah H. Carroll.
Wagoner, John M. Watson.
PRIVATES.
James Allison
♦♦William Armstrong
♦Simon Arnold
John Arnold
♦John Barr
♦♦David W. Berry
James L. Berry
♦David W. Boyd
Addison A. Coleman
James H. Crawford
James M. Daggs
^George Davis
John C. Davis
Ebenezer G. Emery
♦*Alexander Gaston
John L. Gow
♦♦Levi Griffith
James W. Griffith
■{•William S. Greer
David Havlin
fWilliam A. Helt
Joseph Hemphill
•{•James Hinneger
flames W. Hodgson
♦♦Frank lams
J Robert S. Jackson
Joseph B. Johnson
Cornelius D. B. Kirk
James P. Kerr
♦Joseph Lawson
William H. Lemon
♦James Lynn
George W. McGibbony
|James S. McGlumphey
Thomas M. McNary
♦John McNutt
jGeorge R. Murray
John R. Paxton
-[Wayne J. Phillips
James W. Pollock
JJames S. Rankin
John M. Speer
John M. Stewart
y Robert L. Speer
-j-Robert L. Stewart
David H. Sumney
Joshua Weaver
^Thomas Weaver
♦Hugh Weir
Joseph Wilson
David White
James Young
Thomas Weaver died in Richmond, Va., November 2, 1863.
William H. Lemon, wounded and captured in Wilderness, died
in Andersonville, August, 1864.
On roster above 67 names — at Gettysburg 9 killed, 13 wounded,
6 captured. Total, 28. Effectives July 5, 39, details included.
COMPANY H.
Captain, y Samuel Campbell.
First Lieutenant, Austin Miller.
Second Lieutenant, Tohn B. Vance.
♦Killed at Gettysburg. -j-Wounded at Gettysburg. ^Captured at
Gettysburg. ♦♦Killed in subsequent battle.
THE HIGH WATER MARK ON CEMETERY HI EL
141
Sergeants, **Samuel S. Kerr, Thomas N. Thornburg, fArthur
Shields, **James M. D. Mitchel, Addison Lance.
Corporals, William Ewing, Alexander Greer, Walter M. Law-
rence, John G. Robb, Joseph Moody, fThomas Miller.
Musicians, John S. Bryan, Timothy Shane.
PRIVATES.
-{-Hugh Q. Adams
*John Blackmore
James D. Babb
*Johnston Berlin
♦*f William A. Brunton
Thomas Bryerley
♦Samuel W. Barnes
**fjames H. Beal
*William Conlin
William G. Cowan
James Cameron
Richard N. Crouse
John Criswell
James Crooks
♦♦Stewart Campbell
James Dornan
♦♦Alexander Ewing
James Finnegan
**fGeorge Fox
♦♦JJacob R. Fleegel
Robert M. Galbreath
♦John C. Gibb
♦♦William W. Herron
Gibson Hood
James Hood
John W. Hall
♦♦David Keifer
William Kennedy
Wilson W. Latham
Killed and died of wounds, 9 ;
William Martin
James H. Melvin
Thomas E. Moore
David N. Minesinger
James Miller
William McCreary
fCharles M. McCoy
Andrew R. Miller
^Washington McHenry
*James M. Phillips
fjohn Purdy
John A. Robb
Junius M. Strouse
Joseph Swearingen
Samuel Swearingen
James S. Smart
♦♦Hezekiah N. Swaney
David G. Scott
George Summerville
John W. Stephens
♦♦Robert G. Savage
*James A. Taggart
William Thornburg
William N. Uncapher
Jasper Whims
♦♦JDavid R. Whitehill
John M. Green
Alexander Flanegan
*Henry Ewing
wounded, 9; missing, 3.
COMPANY I.
Captain, fWilliam McCallister.
♦Killed at Gettysburg. fWounded at Gettysburg. JMissing at
Gettysburg. ♦♦Killed in subsequent battle.
142 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
First Lieutenant, Thomas C. Nicholson.
Second Lieutenant, Lewis R. Darragh.
Sergeants, fDavid W. Scott, ^James H. Springer, **William C.
Smith, f William A. McMillen, Benjamin F. Wehster.
Corporals, ^William M. Agnew, Thomas B. Hunter, John E.
Harton, James H. Douds, Robert Dickey, Robert W. Anderson.
Musicians, Washington D. Tallon, Henry C. Johnston.
Wagoner, Thomas McCoy.
Robert Baker
George S. Bailey
*John Black
Daniel Bowen
John Borden
George M. Brooks
David D. Brennard
J. Dickson Craig
Joseph H. Champion
fMartin V. B. Chambers
**Samuel Erwin
William H. H. Ewing
Jacob Fisher
fWilliam Frazier
**Israel Ferguson
James B. Fawcett
William P. Gibson
John S. Gillen
Joseph Gilmore
Alexander Gilmore
George E. Hamilton
James Hammond
Joseph T. Johnston
^Marshall T. Johnston
PRIVATES.
John Mitchell
*Edward McMahan
James Miller
^George Marks
David D. McCallister
Lemuel Neville
f James W. Orr
William A. Fribble
**Levi Rhodes
Henry G. Robb
Samuel Reed
Joseph Rodenbaugh
Thomas Rambo
JThomas Shawness
Daniel Shafer
Peter Shevlin
Otis Seely
John F. Southwick
William Usselton
John Todd
William D. Welch
Eli Watson
James Wise
^Patrick Wise
fjohn W. Zimmerly
**Milo McCoy
Killed, 3; wounded, 8; captured or missing, 1. Bates' Records —
Agnew, M. T. Johnston, Marks, Shawness and P. Wise captured at
Gettysburg; all but latter died in prison.
COMPANY K.
Captain, William A. F. Stockton.
♦Killed at Gettysburg. fWounded at Gettysburg. ^Captured at
Gettysburg. **Killed in subsequent battle.
THE HIGH WATER MARK ON CEMETERY HILL
143
First Lieutenant, Alexander Sweeney.
Second Lieutenant, J William B. Cook.
First Sergeant, Benjamin F. Powelson.
Sergeants, Milton R. Boyd, fEdward S. Alexander, *Thomas C
Hays, JSamuel K. Shindle.
Corporals, William R. H. Powelson, George Ralston, fWilliam
Hanhn, ♦♦Joseph S. Graham, John A. McCalmont, David M. Pry.
Musicians, George W. McConnell, Jesse J. Norris.
PRIVATES.
James B. Allison
Abram Andrew
James Arthurs
James S. Berryhill
Lazarus Briggs
George W. Carter
♦Thomas J. Carter
Jesse M. Carter
Andrew Chester
flsaac W. Chisholm
James E. Cochran
fjoseph A. Corbin
Ezra Conway
Benjamin H. Cummins
John M. Day
Michael Dougherty
Henry Dickson
Robert B. Dungan
fBenjamin F. Earnest
James A. Fordyce
William M. Geary
♦♦Joseph S. Guess
Benjamin Hawthorn
♦Robert W. Hull
George W. Johnson
James C. Lyle
James K. P. Magill
**John Makeown
♦♦John Maloy
Robert W. McClurg
James K. McCurdy
Benjamin McCullough
Owen McElfish
fRobert Meldoon
Norris Metcalf
♦William Miller
Isaac Miller
fColin R. Nickeson
James L. Noah
William Porter
Robert A. Pry
William M. Rea
William Scott
Nathaniel Seese
♦Jesse Sprowls
George Sprowls
Oliver Staley
f Johnson Toppin
♦Robert Virtue
Ulysses S. Wheeler
Thomas Wilkins
James Worstell
♦Killed at Gettysburg. fWounded at Gettysburg. tCaptured at
Gettysburg. **Killed in subsequent battle. Corporal Shindle died in
Andersonville, March 17, 1864. Robert Virtue, wounded, lingered
until September 9, 1863.
It will be noted that some of the sick and some on detail were
mustered on June 30, 1863, and some not.
On detached duty: Corporals, John F. Gardner and James L
Noah with artillery train, later in Thompson's battery; Enoch Mounts
144 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
and Benjamin McCullough, with ambulance train: James Arthurs and
Michael Daugherty, with wagon train; Robert McQurg, with Pioneer
Corps; James K, NfcCurdy, with hospital steward; Nathaniel Seesc,
with commissary department.
Siek in hospitals: Corporals, Silas Cooke, George Ralston. Pri-
vates, Peter Andrews. Daniel Puttertoss. John M. Day, Joseph C
Fraiier, George A. Elanlin, John W. Mickeson. (Wounded Chan*
cellorsville, William Stollar and Marshall Wright.)
Total on roster of company, 70 ; details, 0; siek, 10: deserted
]ulv 1. I. Present for duty in action, 50; killed and died ot" wounds,
<>. wounded. 8; captured, 2; deserted. 1 ; effectives July 5. [863, a_\
•II [OR! \L TABLET 140TH PENNA. VOL.
THE RETURN TO VIRGINIA 145
CHAPTER X.
THE RETURN TO VIRGINIA.
Tracks of blood, even to the forest's depths,
And scattered arms, and lifeless warriors,
Whose hard lineaments,
Death's self could change not,
Marked the dreadful path
Of the outsallying visitors.
AT eleven o'clock on the morning of the fifth of July, the
Second Corps left its position on the line of battle and,
striking across lots, reached the Baltimore Pike which
was followed to Littleton, Pa. While crossing the battle-
ground near Culp's Hill we entered a strip of woodland which
was literally riddled with musket balls. Some of the limbs of
the trees bore the marks of more than a score of missiles, and
there was scarcely a tree in sight the bole of which was not
chipped and gashed with minie balls or fragments of shells.
We bivouacked at Two Taverns, a little town about five miles
from Gettysburg, where we remained, because of lack of food
supplies, until the morning of the 7th. Meanwhile each man
of the command was obliged to forage on his own account.
We paid in cash, however, for all the provisions we could
secure. At Taneytown, our next halting place, for we had
diverged from the Baltimore Pike at Two Taverns, the women
of the several households worked continuously, from morning
to late at night, to cook for us, but could not fully supply the
wants of so many hungry men. In all the Maryland towns
on our route of march the residents did their best to furnish
us with bread, cakes and other articles of food at reasonable
rates, and always had for us words of encouragement and
cheer. On the night of the 7th we had heavy showers and
all of the next day marched through the pelting rain and pools
of soft mud. We reached Frederick, Md., in the evening and
i 4 o THE ONE HUNDRED AXD FORTIETH REGIMENT
bivouacked in our water-soaked clothing, on the edge of the
town. Here, as on the upward journey, we found flags flying,
apparently from every house, and despite our seedy appear-
ance and mud stained garments, the good people gave us, as
we passed through, a most cordial welcome. On the outskirts,
south of the city we saw the body oi a Confederate spy swing-
ing from the limb of an oak tree. This man. as we after-
wards learned, had frequently been in our camp at Falmouth,
selling Union medals and stencil plates to the soldiers. These
visits gave him the opportunity to find out all he wished to
know about the strength, equipment and prospective move-
ments oi the army. He was a Virginian and was known,
where he traded, as Richardson. At Frederick he was
arrested on suspicion, tried and and convicted mainly by evi-
dence found on his person. In connection with the death
sentence it was ordered that his body should hang, as a warn-
ing to others who might pass that way. for three days. From
Frederick we marched to the Antietam battlefield on the other
side of the mountain range and bivouacked for seven hours.
Later the Division moved to the vicinity of llagerstown and
halted for a few hours on the campus oi St. James' College.
At the outtlow of a copious fountain, which gushed from the
hillside, the writer undertook to wash a much soiled under-
vest It was impossible to heat water for this purpose, and
with much soaping, plunging and rubbing in cold water, the
garment was carefully rinsed and hung- upon the bayonets of
a stack of guns to dry. About two minutes thereafter the
bugle call rang out — "fall in." By a quick movement it was
saved from a tumble to the dusty ground, as the guns were
being- withdrawn, and when the order was given to march,
and that too in line of battle, it was plain that something-
must be done to get rid of the dripping supernumerary, and yet
quite necessary, garment. The owner had no use for it any-
where, under the circumstances, except on his back and.
despite the claminess of this resisting vesture, which clung
like a tight fitting glove to neck and shoulders, there it had to
go. With much tugging- and pulling it was partly donned,
hastily covered with a blouse, and further operations were
Till: RETURN TO VIRCINIA 147
suspended until it had time to dry out, and resume its normal
conditions.
At Jones' Cross Roads, in the vicinity of the Falling
Water Ford of the Potomac, we again confronted the enemy
in force, and in a strongly entrenched position,
General Lee, having had the advantage of the shortest
route through the mountain gaps, reached this point on the
nth of July. Finding the river, which had been much swollen
by the recent rains, too high for fording he constructed a
strongly fortified defensive line in semi-circular form, extend-
ing from Williamsport to Falling Waters, the usual fording
place of the river. General Humphreys, who has written a
valuable work entited "Getlysburg to the Rapidan," asserts
that Lee's intrenchments at Williamsport were not less form-
idable than those he occupied at Marye's Heights. It was a
position which could not be turned for each of the wings
rested securely on bends in the river. General Meade had
determined to make an effort to carry it by assault on the 13th,
but when he found the works were of unusual strength at
every point where an attack could be delivered, hesitated,
and called a council of war. Notwithstanding the fact that
five out of seven of his corps' commanders were opposed to
such a venture, he decided to make an attack on the next day.
During the night preparations were made to carry out this
purpose and at daybreak the troops were under arms and
ready for the signal to advance.
Caldwell's Division was ordered to take the lead in a
reconnoissance in force and at the word of command we
crossed the earthworks of our own line, passed the outposts
of the pickets, and, after a brief halt, the several companies
of our Regiment with other commands selected for the same
purpose, were deployed as skirmishers in front of the main
body. Advancing rapidly across the intervening space we
expected every moment to receive the fire of the enemy.
When their formidable works loomed up before us a rush was
made to occupy them, and then, to our great surprise and also
to our great relief — it must be admitted — we found them
almost deserted.
[48 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Taking advantage of the dense darkness and heavy rains
of the preceding night, the Confederates had recrossed the
Potomac and made good their escape. When the main body
came up we started in hot pursuit toward the crossing place
at Falling Waters. We followed the cavalry in this pursuit
almost to the ford and gathered up a number of prisoners,
stragglers and deserters. These were all that remained of
General Lee's Army on our side of the Potomac.
Thus ended the "Great Invasion."
From this time onward General Lee fought to the
death in his own native State, for a cause which he must
have known was irretrievably lost. It is scarcely pos-
sible to give to one who was not a participant in the expe-
riences of this Gettysburg campaign an adequate impres-
sion of the hardship's endured by the men of both armies
during its continuance. From the day the Union Army left
the Rappahannock, the troops were exposed to the intense
heat of the mid-summer sun, the chilly dews of the night and
frequently recurring storms of wind and rain, without ade-
quate shelter or protection. Time and again they forded
swollen streams, knee deep or waist deep as they happened to
find them ; marched for days and sometimes by night, also, in
pelting rains, and slept on the ground in wet clothing under
the dripping sky. Some of the forced marches which were
made on the upward journey were in the hottest days of this
exceptionally hot season, and, at the terminus of the northward
course, without time for rest or sleep or even to cook an
ordinary meal, the men were thrown into battle line, and for
two days following were hotly engaged in one of the most
notable battles of modern times. There were some who could
not endure the torture of their shoes on the last days of the
march, and were declared by the surgeons to be unfit for duty,
who went into the battle with shoes partly cut away, and in
one case a comrade known to the writer, went through the
vvheatfield and into the rocky woods beyond without shoes
on his bruised and swollen feet.
The occasion for rapid movements ceased with the retreat
of the enemy to the other side of the Potomac, and, at a more
THE RETURN TO VIRGINIA 149
leisurely pace, the Union Army marched down the river,
through Sharpsburg and thence by way of the Chesapeake &
Ohio canal, to Sandy Hook in the immediate vicinity of Har-
per's Ferry. Here for the purpose of receiving clothing and
much needed supplies, the corps remained for two or three
days. Early on the morning of the iSth we crossed the
Potomac on a pontoon bridge and later the Shenandoah on a
suspension bridge, and, entering Loudon Valley, went into
camp at Hillsboro. Loudon Valley will always be remem-
bered by "the boys" for its acres of ripe, luscious blackberries.
They were of the "Low Blackberry" or "Dewberry" family
and there seemed to be an ample supply at the several camp-
ing places for the entire army.
They were a veritable God-send to the men, who had so
long subsisted mainly on salt pork and hardtack, and the
recommendation of the doctors, to eat freely of them, was
universally and enthusiastically approved.
The series of zigzag journeys which brought us at length
to the Rappahannock, within a few miles of our starting point,
are briefly given by the historian of the Second Corps, as
follows:
On the 19th the march was continued from Millsboro
to Woodgrove ; on the 20th to Bloomfield, where the troops
rested through the 21st. On the 22d the march was re-
sumed, the corps reaching Paris that day, Linden on the
23rd, Markham Station on the 24th, White Plains on the
25th. At Germantown, which was covered hy the march of
the 26th, the corps rested through the three following days,
moving on the 30th to Elk Run, and on the 31st to Morris-
ville, where a long halt was destined to be made. The Army
of the Potomac was now back upon the Rappahannock; and
here opportunity was to be offered for refitting and recruit-
ing, after the terrible losses, both of men and of material,
which had been sustained.
Morrisville on the Orange and Alexandria Railroad,
about six miles from Kelly's Ford, was in the midst of an open
stretch of country which was well adapted for camping pur-
poses. The distance from Falmouth to Gettysburg and re-
ISO /'///•' ONIi HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
turn to this place lias been estimated, in round numbers, at
450 miles, With the exception of a reconnoissance in force
at United States Ford on the Rappahannock (Augusl 3] Sep-
tember |tli) the Regimenl with its associated commands, re-
mained quietly in this camp until the [2th o\ September,
when a new forward movement was made to prevent the
enemy from sending reinforcements to the hard pressed C 'on-
federate ai mics (A the West.
On the [2th of August, General G. K. Warren, who had
a short time before been made a Ma jor ( ".eneial of Volunteers
for gallantry and eminent service at Gettysburg, was assigned
to the command o\ the Second Corps. This splendid officer
was warmly welcomed by officers and men and SO long as
he remained in this responsible command proved to be a
worthy substitute for General Hancock, who tor several
months, was unfitted for active service by the severe wound
which he had received on the Gettysburg field.
On the morning i^ the [2th of September the Second
Corps broke eamp ami, marching to Rappahannock Station
by the edge ^^ the river, bivouacked for the night, 'flic next
morning we followed the cavalry across the river and assisted
in driving back the enemy through Culpepper, where a sharp
engagement took place. Then advancing rapidly to the Rapi-
dan we held the fords until the rest of tlu' army came up.
From this date until the Sth of October the two armies
Confronted each other along the line oi this narrow and
easily fordable stream. The Confederates held a Strongly
fortified position along the slope id' the Orange Mountain
range and at some points their line o! defence seemed to be
a very shoi t distance away. The pickets were so close to-
gether on either side of the river that it was exceedingly
dangerous to make any demonstration which involved the
exposure oi the sentinels or their officers. Aside from this
the troops were not exposed to serious danger or discomfort.
It was the season o\ the year when outdoor life was most
enjoyable ami the weather in general was Favorable for such
maneuvering and marching as was deemed to be necessary to
THE RETURN TO VIRGINIA 151
prevent the enemy from sending reinforcements to the armies
of the West.
During the slay of the army at Morrisville and vioinily,
there was a number of military executions for desertion to the
enemy. Most of the men who suffered this extreme penally
were "bounty-jumpers" or "professional deserters." Accept-
ing the pay that was offered as a bounty for enlistment, they
took the first opportunity to desert to the enemy and then
working their way hack to the North were ready to repeal this
dastardly attempt at some other recruiting station where their
identity was not known or likely to he questioned. To meet
such cases of flagrant disloyalty and betrayal of trust it was
necessary to brand the crime of desertion with a form of
punishment which should be swift and sure, as well as shameful
and dishonorable.
The fust military execution for this crime in the Division
to which we belonged took place on the 2d of October in an
open space on the north side of the Rapidan l\ivcr. The
entire Division was drawn up in line on three sides of a
hollow square to witness this dread administration of military
justice.
When all the troops had arrived on the ground, and the
lines had been carefully dressed, the silence thai had become
oppressive was broken by a distant bugle call.
Then from the lit 1 1t: mound-like hill on which the Head-
quarters of the Division was located, came a slowly-moving
procession. I'ir.t came the I'rovosl Marshal wilh the in-
signia of his office; then the Division brass band, playing the
Dead March in Said, followed by a tile of thirteen picked men
with loaded muskets; next came four men bearing a rough
pine coffin on their shoulders, and, directly behind ibis grue-
some object walked the condemned man, a private of the
Sixty-sixth New York, arm in arm with the chaplain. An-
other file of men, the reserves, brought up the rear of this
mournful procession. With slow and measured tread, keeping
time to the funeral dirge, the prisoner and his escort wound
down the hill, passed between the lines and balled af ;i
freshly-dug grave, at the open end of the square. Here, amid
152 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
solemn stillness, the warrant for the execution was read. This
was followed by the offering of a brief prayer, the last fare-
well of the officer in charge, and then the condemned man
unbuttoned his coat exposing a clean, white shirt. A hand-
kerchief was bound over his eyes and he took his seat on
the coffin. A moment later the Provost Marshal stepped aside
and unsheathed his sword. For an instant it glittered in the
air, and, with the flash came a rattling volley of musketry,
and all was over. After the file of men had fired they stood
at attention, like statues, in line. The Provost Marshal took
his position in front of them with drawn sword and there,
before their victim, they stood until the whole Division had
passed the spot. Then they all filed away to their camps,
the dead man was buried, and military justice was satisfied.
In the One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment there was
but one conviction for desertion and this was at a later date
and had a happier issue than the case above mentioned. With
some of the extenuating circumstances which determined this
issue there is interwoven an interesting, true story which is
worth the telling in this connection. The substance of it is
gathered from approved documents belonging to the records
of one of the companies, but in view of these circumstances
and the good record for courage and fidelity to duty of this
soldier after his reprieve and return to his Regiment, we
withhold the name.
This deserter, at the time of his enlistment, was but nine-
teen years old. He was regarded by his comrades as a "bold,
heedless, profane dare-devil boy." He had seldom attended
either church or school and was utterly devoid of a sense of
restraint to the claims of home, church or society. As one
has put it, "he knew neither the meaning nor the nature of
a moral obligation, and obedience to others was a virtue yet
to be learned in an awful but effective experience. Withal
he had a kind heart and courage worthy of a Sheridan."
While at Camp Howe, near Pittsburg, he returned to his home
with some of his old associates, without permission, and after
a few days came back of his own accord. At Parkton, Mary-
land, in the fall of 1862. he stepped aboard a freight train
////■ RETURN TO VIRGINIA |
.iiid in a few < I ■' i y s was hack in Western Pennsylvania, "enjoy
mg the wild, free life "I hi:, boyhood home " I'Yoin this csca
pade he was bronjdil back by a United States Marshal tO hi
Regiment, but for some reason no charges were |)ieferred
against him. In the battles of Chancellorsville and Gettysburg
lie was brave lo recklessness and in no ease whric courage "■
hardship was required did he shrink from duty or play false
to the rigorous demands «>f service required of a soldier m
the front. Willi Ihe sibling' scenes of army life he was in his
element, but he could noi endure the tedious monotony of the
camp during the long halls, and, when confined io iis routine
duties in winler quarters, was as restless as an nntanied animal
m a cage. In Ihe man Inn;- and countermarching of his Regi
menl in Virginia, during Ihe summer ami .hiIiiiiiii of [863,
he was always in his place and ready for duly, but when the
Army of the I'olomac. settled down on Ihe K'apidan for the
winier, he consulted his own preferences, stole quietly away,
and for Ihe (bird lime was reported as a deserter, lie was
found some lime afterward at his home by an officer who was
sent lo arrest him, was brought back to his Regiment, I ried
by a court niarlial and sentenced lo be shot to death with
musketry, at a dale which was designated by the presiding
Judge. "For Ihe first lime in his life," says one of the officer;
of his company, "the boy realized that there was an authority
above him which he was bound to obey."
lie ceased to lake food, to wash or comb, and with his
wan face and unkempt hair presented ;i ghastly appearance.
One of the officers of the company, who had persuaded this
country lad to enlist, and had pledged him his protection and
support in so far as thai was possible, was worried over the
imposition of this Sentence, which Seemed to him to be iiniiec
essarily severe, but the action of Ihe court martial had been
approved by the Commander of the Army and from that
decision ihere was no appeal.
During the interval between the sentence and its execu-
tion, President Lincoln made a brief visit to General Meade
and reviewed a part of Ihe army. Hearing of this visit the
young officer, who for the reason given was specially intei
154 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
ested in the condemned man's fate, determined on his own
responsibility to secure, if possible, an interview with the
President and lay the case before him. In this he succeeded.
With a directness of manner and evident honesty of purpose
which gave weight to his appeal, he rehearsed the facts which
had led to this conviction, placing over against them as the
basis of his appeal, the lack of education and moral training
of the young man and emphasized the unquestioned courage
he had shown in the performance of his duties at the battles
of Chancellorsville and Gettysburg. In view of these extenu-
ating circumstances, he asked for a remission of his sentence.
The great-hearted President listened to this plea with close
attention. Then turning to General Meade, who was also
present at this interview, said : "General, we need such men
and we ought to bear with their frailties. Can you not post-
pone this execution until further orders?" It goes without
saying that the further orders never came, and the soldier
who was thus saved from a disgraceful death, was returned
to his Regiment and served with it faithfully until the close
of the war. In one of the battles before Petersburg he received
a painful wound in his hand, resulting in the loss of a thumb,
but he refused to go to the hospital or to be absent from
duty, and on the 21st of May was honorably discharged with
his company.
While in its most advanced position on the line of the
Rapidan, the One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment was trans-
ferred from the Third to the First Brigade of the Division.
General Nelson A. Miles had recently been assigned to the
command of this Brigade and the transfer, for this reason
mainly, was enthusiastically endorsed by the rank and file, as
well as by the officers of the Regiment.
Our position on the Rapidan was the farthest point
reached on the return journey from Gettysburg. The reason
for its abandonment in more haste than was seemly, in the
judgment of the troops who occupied it, will be given in the
next chapter.
A RACE FOR VANTAGE GROUND, NORTHWARD 155
CHAPTER XI.
A NOTABLE FLANK MOVEMENT AND A RACE FOR VANTAGE
GROUND, NORTHWARD.
' Ah me ! what perils do environ
The man that meddles with cold iron;
What plaguey mischiefs and mishaps
Do dog him still with after-claps.
— Butler's Hudebras, Part 1, Canto in.
ON the 5th of October the Second Corps was relieved by
the Sixth and marched back about twelve miles, to the
north side of the town of Culpepper. The view from
this place was singularly beautiful and impressive. The cleared
land was level or gently rolling to the base of the Blue
Mountain Range which towered up, without any intervening
foothills, several thousand feet toward the sky.
On the 8th of October it was evident from several indi-
cations that General Lee was about to make an aggressive
march of some kind. In confirmation of this intention, the
movement of a column of troops was reported the day follow-
ing on our right. Under the impression that this was the be-
ginning of a flank movement in that quarter, the Union troops
were withdrawn to the north side of the Rappahannock. This
was accomplished on the nth. While at Bealton Station
awaiting further orders, General Meade received information
which led him to believe that the move to the right was a feint
and that the real point of attack was to be at or near Cul-
pepper. Acting on this erroneous information, which came
from the officer in charge of his rear guard, Meade, to the
surprise of everyone — the "J°'h. n m es " included — turned about
and recrossed the river with the Second, Fifth and Sixth
Corps. This force advanced on the south side as far as
Brandy Station and with the help of Buford's Cavalry, drove
156 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
the Confederates back toward the town of Culpepper. The
advance of the Second Corps at Brandy Station on that beau-
tiful afternoon of the 12th of October, has been described as
one of the rare opportunities offered during the war for the
movement of troops in battle, in level, open country, affording
a fine view of their magnificent array and maneuvering that
could not fail to inspire all who witnessed it.
In a flat, open space about a mile wide the Second Corps
was drawn up in nine lines, a brigade in each line, with the
regiments formed in close columns by divisions. Between
each line were the brigade commanders and their staffs and
colors, with their aides riding rapidly from point to point,
as it became necessary to carry instructions to the regi-
mental commanders. Around each regiment were the sur-
geons and their helpers. Following in the rear of all was
the ambulance corps with the stretchers, ready to do their
humane work of caring for the wounded. Then to the left
could be seen the artillery, keeping up with the infantry,
all plainly seen at one time. Presently, in front, as far as
the eye could see, a flash was seen, then smoke; soon the
report is heard and a shell comes crashing toward us, burst-
ing over our heads, quickly followed by many others; yet
the lines slowly advanced, making no reply. The line of
skirmishers slightly in advance of Caldwell's Division, which
was in the lead, hurried rapidly forward, closely followed
by the main line, but when very near the enemy's guns, the
firing ceased and the battery with its supports quickly re-
tired. As they disappeared in the distance our lines halt
and the battle is over. Thus was one of the finest opportuni-
ties for a fair open-field fight lost. But that sight can never
be forgotten by those who saw and noted it. Over 15,000
men, veterans, tried by the fire of many battles, and by the
march of many campaigns, — there formed in line of battle,
advancing amid shot and shell as quickly and orderly as
if on parade or drill, and the whole field was seen at a
glance.*
It was evident from this adventure that the main body
of the enemy was to be found somewhere else and during
*Condensed from History of the One Hundred and Sixth Penn-
sylvania Regiment, page 221.
A RACE FOR VANTAGE GROUND, NORTHWARD 157
the same evening positive information came through General
Gregg, of the Cavalry, that the Confederate Army in full
force, had turned the right flank of our army and was moving
rapidly northward with a view to cutting off our communica-
tion with Washington City. The necessity for prompt action
to meet this emergency had now become urgent and messen-
gers were sent in hot haste to the forces assembled around
Brandy Station, with orders to withdraw at once to the north
side of the river. The troops of the Second Corps started a
little before midnight and retraced their steps to Bealton Sta-
tion, crossing the Rappahannock for the third time in less
than as many days. From Bealton, which was reached about
daylight, the march was continued to Fayetteville in the vicin-
ity of the famous Sulphur Springs. Here a halt was made
to prepare a cup of coffee and in three-quarters of an hour
the march was resumed. On this forced march the Second
Corps was the rear guard of the army and the First Divi-
sion held the post of honor as the rear Division of the Corps.
"The day's march," says General Walker, "was long
and wearisome. The distance covered was not great, but
such were the delays and interruptions due to the pres-
ence of another corps (the Third) on the road in front and
to the necessity of guarding continually against attacks upon
our left flank, that it was not until nine o'clock in the even-
ing that the corps bivouacked on the south side of Cedar
Run, not far from the little village of Auburn."
Before daylight we were aroused from our broken slum-
bers and moved out like spectres in the fog which hung over
the valley. About a fourth of a mile from the fording place
of the stream the Division was halted on a bare knoll or
ridge to give time for the rest of the column to come up.
About this time a force of cavalry and infantry belonging to
Rodes' Division of Ewell's Corps fiercely attacked General
Gregg, who with his Cavalry Division, was holding the ap-
proaches to the road leading to the ford. Seeing that he was
hard pressed by superior numbers, General Warren sent Car-
roll's Brigade to his assistance. During the progress of this
158 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
spirited contest, Caldwell's men were allowed to unsling knap-
sacks, stack arms and make preparations for a hurried break-
fast.
"While thus engaged," says the historian of the corps,
"in their domestic duties, a bolt, out of what was anything
but a clear sky, brought every man to his feet. Through
the mist down the road to Catlett's the very line of our
communication with the rest of the army, the destined ave-
nue of our escape, were seen flashes in quick succession,
and the rush of shells was heard, followed by the sharp
crack which told that the fuses had done their deadly work.
"The First Division, massed upon the hill, which was
literally packed, presented to the battery, thus terribly un-
masked, such a mark as few gunners ever had offered to
them. For the instant there was a great deal of excite-
ment and, of course, some confusion among Caldwell's men,
who ran instantly to arms, while the unexpected foe made
the most of his opportunity by a rapid and well-directed
fire."
The confusion referred to in a general way in the above
description was very great for a few moments in the imme-
diate vicinity of the bursting shells. Horses which broke loose
from their holders dashed madly across the field, promising
tins of coffee were upset on the fire or abandoned, batteries of
artillery were rushed up to positions in front of the troops
and neither officers or men seemed to know just what to do.
Some officers gave the command to lie down ; others to fall
back. Before anything could be done, eleven men were killed
and many more were wounded. As soon as possible our artil-
lery took position and opened upon the enemy while the men
of the Division were placed behind them on the reverse side
of the hill.
About the same time a charge was made by Hay's Divi-
sion in advance of ours and the daring foe, who, amid the
fog, had literally crept up under our noses, was driven from
his position. The leader of this force, who, on the lifting of
the fog, had found himself in a position to do this damage
was the famous General J. E. B. Stuart. His command at
A RACE FOR VANTAGE GROUND, NORTHWARD 159
the time consisted of two brigades of cavalry and seven pieces
of artillery. He himself had been caught between the mov-
ing columns of the Union Army and not knowing how to
get out in the darkness, had hidden his troops in a dense pine
wood near the road to Catlett Station. It is said that this
hiding place was close to the headquarters of General Meade,
and that, had he known of that proximity, he might have
crowned his exploits by carrying to Richmond, the Com-
mander of the Army of the Potomac.
"The closeness with which the corps was environed at
this time," says General Walker, "may be judged from the
fact that shots from Stuart's guns passed clear over our
troops and fell among the advancing lines of Ewell on the
other side, actually checking their advance. And for a time
it seemed very much as if the Second Corps was caught in
a trap and would be baited to death by its exulting enemies."
This, in fact, was the purpose of the Confederate Com-
mander throughout the day, and especially as it was drawing
to a close when the head of the much harassed column ap-
proached the vicinity of Bristoe Station. Here a determined
effort was made by a force under Hill more than double the
effective strength of Warren's command, to cut it off from
the rest of the army. In this they were favored by the prema-
ture withdrawal of the rear Division of the Fifth Corps which
had moved on toward Centreville Heights without waiting for
the arrival of the Second with which they were supposed to
maintain a close connection. In this crisis hour the only sup-
port available was General Gregg's cavalry command. By a
masterly movement, under direction of General Warren, Hay's
Division, which was in the lead took possession of a railroad
cut in which it not only resisted successfully a furious charge
made upon it, but making an aggressive onslaught in a critical
moment, captured two battle flags, five guns and four hundred
and fifty prisoners. This position was held until the other
divisions came up. Close behind Caldwell's command was
Ewell's Corps with which the rear guard had several spirited
contests.
160 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Between the forces of Ewell and Hill, which thus en-
vironed the Second Corps, the result, despite every effort
which could have been made, would almost certainly have
been its surrender or annihilation. Happily for the Union
cause there was no order for the combined assault which
Warren, with sinking heart, had anticipated, and Bristoe Sta-
tion has passed into history as one of the most brilliant vic-
tories in the face of overwhelming odds, in the story of the
war. Under the cover of darkness, the command, numbering
less than 8,000 men, withdrew from the overwhelming force
which had threatened its destruction, "marching in ghostly
silence, across the enemy's front, within three hundred yards
of their skirmishers and half-cannon range of their smooth-
bore guns. Crossing Broad Run, partly by the ford and
partly by the railroad, the infantry made their way over the
great plain stretching toward Manassas, and, between three
and four o'clock on the morning of the 15th, the jaded troops,
who, of the sixty-nine hours that had elapsed since they left
Bealton on the morning of the 12th, had been in column on
the road, or in line of battle, or skirmishing or fighting with
the enemy more than sixty, carrying the heaviest loads I have
ever known troops to carry in campaign, were allowed to
throw themselves upon the ground, on the left bank of Bull
Run, near Blackburn Ford, and for the time, rest from their
labors."*
In this neck and neck race for a position commanding the
approach to Washington, the men in blue, although frequently
beset and harassed by the flanking columns of the enemy,
were eventually the victors. Foiled in his purpose to reach
Centreville in advance of the Union Army and disappointed
in his attempt to crush a part of it while drawn out on the
way, General Lee retreated to the position he had formerly
occupied on the peninsula between the rivers.
Returning with the Union Army in leisurely fashion, the
Second Corps went into camp in the vicinity of W'arrenton
* Walker's History of the Second Corps, page 361.
A RACE FOR VANTAGE GROUND, NORTHWARD 161
Junction, where a stay amid pleasant surroundings was made
for about two weeks.
In his official report, General Miles, commanding the Bri-
gade, makes the following reference to the part taken by the
One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment at Bristoe Station :
"In the attack at Bristoe, the One Hundred and Fortieth
Pennsylvania, was placed on the right of Captain Pickett's
battery, About six o'clock P. M. I was ordered to send one
Regiment — the One Hundred and Fortieth Pennsylvania — to
support the batteries of Gregg's command, which was sta-
tioned on the Brentville road, where it remained for two hours,
or until the command was ordered to Centreville."
Referring to the same engagement, Colonel Fraser re-
ports under date of October 17th as follows:
About 2.30 P. M., when the Regiment was marching
to Bristoe Station, a brisk cannonade ahead of us was heard.
The Regiment was immediately marched at double quick
for a considerable distance and was placed in support of
Pickett's battery on a small hill in front of the enemy's
position and near Bristoe Station. About 6 P. M. the Regi-
ment was moved from this position, under a brisk artillery
fire, to another part of the same hill, to support Captain
Martin's battery, where it remained until it was ordered to
join the column of the Second Corps on the march to
Centreville. The conduct of officers and men of my com-
mand throughout the operations and engagements of the
14th inst. deserve my commendation for gallantry and
coolness.
General Meade expressed his appreciation of the conduct
of the Second Corps at Bristoe Station in the following
General Order:
(General Orders. Headquarters Army of the Potomac.
No. 96.)
October 15, 1863.
The Major-General commanding announces to the army
that the rear guard, consisting of the Second Corps, was
attacked yesterday while marching by the flank.
The enemy, after a spirited contest, was repulsed, los-
162 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
ing a battery of five guns, two colors and four hundred and
fifty prisoners.
The skill and promptitude of Major-General Warren,
and the gallantry and bearing of the officers and soldiers
of the Second Corps, are entitled to high commendation.
By command of Major-General Meade.
S. Williams,
Assistant Adjutant-General.
While in general the regulations concerning the appro-
priation of live stock in Dixie were rigidly enforced, there
were times on the march when the hungry men were allowed
to exercise a wise discretion in this matter, provided it was
not done too openly or defiantly. Benjamin F. Powelson,
First Sergeant of Company K, now the Pastor of the First
Presbyterian Church of Boulder, Colorado, furnishes an in-
stance of a still hunt of this sort which can hardly be regarded
as exceptional. We give him the privilege of telling his own
story :
During the many marchings of the Second Corps in
Virginia in the fall of 1863, there was more or less of for-
aging by the soldiers, on opportunity, to better their con-
dition, as rations were scarce and the boys were indeed
hungry. One day a fine-sized pig was found by a squad of
Company K's hungry boys, and it was "appropriated." But
as bad luck would have it, the provost guard came along too
soon and the boys were taken in tow. The guards either
had spoils enough or overlooked what their prisoners were
trying to conceal under their blouses — the pig which they
had cut in pieces. So they were brought to brigade head-
quarters when the camp was reached in the evening. Gen-
eral Miles took in the situation at a glance. Putting on as
sober a face as possible, he warned the boys never again to
get under the care of the provost guard and dismissed them.
Of course the excused culprits sent up to the General, a lit-
tle farther on, in point of time, a good roast from one of
the hindquarters. And, so far as known, the boys were
never caught again by the guards.
On the 7th of November the Corps broke camp and
started upon the second stage of the return to the line of the
A RACE FOR VANTAGE GROUND, NORTHWARD 163
Rapidan. Crossing the Rappahannock at Kelly's Ford, the
troops advanced with but little opposition on the part of the
enemy to the open ground near Brandy Station, which the
army had occupied before the beginning of the Confederate
flanking movement. As our lines advanced, Lee's army with-
drew to its former position behind the Rapidan River. The
camp of the Second Corps was located, with every prospect
of a stay for the winter season, at Berry Hill in the vicinity of
Stevensburg. It was evident that the Confederates had located
in this vicinity, a short time before, with the same expecta-
tions; for they had constructed comfortable little cabins of
pine clapboards, tightly shingled, with snug bunks inside. In
the vicinity of this winter camp they had also made corduroy
roads and other improvements with a view to making their
stay as comfortable as possible. In some of the huts we found
dough just made up which the owners had not the time to
bake, while in others flour was scattered around which they
could not carry away. Thus it turned out that the flanking
movement ended just where it began, and at its close the two
armies occupied virtually the same positions which they had
held before they started on this northward race.
1 64 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
CHAPTER XII.
WINTER ON THE RAPIDAN.
The winter of 1863-64, on the banks of the Rapidan
was passed in preparation by both armies for that wrestle
of giants which was to begin in May in the Wilderness and
end at Appomattax in the following April.
John B. Gordon, Major-General Confederate Army.
BEFORE the preparation period to which General Gordon
refers, an aggressive movement was made by the
Union Army in the beginning of the winter season,
which has passed into history as the "Mine Run Campaign."
"The object of this well-conceived movement," says Gen-
eral Walker, "was, by a rapid march, to get inside Lee's line
of defense at Mine Run, and there to bring on a fight on a
fair field, with the possible added advantage of finding the
two Confederate Corps of Hill and Ewell so widely apart, for
convenience of winter quarters, as to allow them to be beaten
in detail. From the first, however, the movement was embar-
rassed by delays and blunders."
Some of the delays might have been avoided, but others
were caused by the fickle climate of Virginia at this changeful
season of the year. On the night preceding the day which
had been designated for this preconcerted move, there was a
succession of heavy showers which continued with occasional
intermissions until noon of the next day. By this time the
roads were in bad condition and the order was countermanded.
The period of rainfall which had so summarily disarranged
the plans of General Meade was followed by a cold wave and
in a few hours the roads, although rough and rutty, were so
solidly frozen that they were everywhere available for the
passage of the artillery and army trains. In the hope that
this change of weather would be favorable to his purpose, the
WINTER ON THE RAPIDAN 165
Commanding General gave orders to his corps commanders
to resume the deferred movement on the next day, — the 26th
inst.
Early on the morning of that day the troops of the
Second Corps broke camp and took the road to Germanna
Ford. On their arrival at this designated crossing they were
halted for several hours in consequence of the failure of the
co-operating column, under General French, to appear at the
next ford above. When, at last, the order was given to ad-
vance, the One Hundred and Fortieth and the Eighty-first
Pennsylvania were deployed as skirmishers. Holding their
rifles above their heads this courageous little vanguard dashed
across the river, wading up to their armpits in its icy cold
water, and took possession of the opposite landing. The Con-
federates, who had made a show of defending it, quickly with-
drew and the engineers began to lay the bridges. The rains
had so swollen the river that the estimated number of pon-
toons were not sufficient and a second delay was experienced,
while additional boats were secured from the reserve train in
the rear. After the crossing was effected, the men were pushed
rapidly forward, but instead of reaching Robertson's tavern
as had been contemplated, with a view to attacking the posi-
tion of the enemy the next morning, they were obliged in
consequence of the approach of darkness, to halt and bivouack
at Flat Run Church, about four miles beyond the ford. When
Robertson's Tavern was reached the next morning, about ten
o'clock, it was no longer possible to take the enemy by sur-
prise. The failure of General French to appear with his sup-
porting columns on the right prevented a general engagement
that day and meanwhile the Confederates, working day and
night, had constructed a strong line of defence behind Mine
Run, which could not be carried except by direct assault. On
the 28th the whole army confronted this intrenched line, which
General Morgan, the Chief of Staff after careful scrutiny de-
scribed as a position of "almost impregnable strength." See-
ing the futility of an attack directly in his front and being
unwilling to give up the purpose for which the movement thus
far had been made, General Meade entrusted to Warren, the
-j
t66 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
command of a flanking column consisting of a force of about
16,000 men, including his mvn corps, which lie directed to
march to the left behind the rest of the army and attack the
extreme right of the enemy's lines. This turning column,
despite every effort to hasten its movements, did not come into
a position to attack until near the going down of the sun on
the evening of the 29th, and in anticipation of an assault the
next morning, the weary troops went into bivouac. The light
of the next morning revealed a strongly fortified chain of
earthworks. The men who were designated to lead the as-
saulting column gave such articles of value as they had in
their possession, with a last message to loved ones at home,
fully realizing that they were to lead a forlorn hope, in which,
if success should crown their attempt, many must fall by tnc
way.
"No one doubted," says Walker, "that the contest would
be long and furious and obstinate ; and, as the cold of the last
day of November grew more and more intense, it was impos-
sible to think without a shudder of the fate of the wounded
of the coming tight." It had been arranged that the artillery
on the right and centre should open on the enemy at eight
o'clock when Warren should immediately assault. The young
commander, upon whom this responsibility had been laid, had
been studying the position in his front during most of the
night and more carefully from the early dawn of the morning
and, a short time before the signal was to be given, "suddenly
announced that he would not attack unless he received renewed
instructions from General Meade ; and at once rode off to
consult the Commander of the Army of the Potomac."
This decision was based upon his own quick perception
of the extreme peril of the undertaking and in view of all the
attending circumstances it was a braver act than if he had led
the assaulting column in person. General Meade at once ac-
quiesced in his decision and, on the next day, December 1st,
issued orders to withdraw during the night. A long and
almost continuous march of a night and a day, by way of
Culpepper Mine Ford, brought the weary troops of the Sec-
ond Corps back to the comfortable quarters which they had
WINTER ON THE RAPIDAN 167
left seven days before. This night of marching, like the night
preceding it, was intensely cold and in several places blazing
fires were kindled in the woods on either side of the road-
ways to warm the chilled bodies of the men, as well as to light
the way through the wilderness which environed them. In
some places fire had spread to the underbrush on either side
of the road and we literally marched through a region of
heated air which, for the time, was a pleasant relief from the
biting cold outside of it.
Throughout the whole of this brief campaign there was
much suffering from the cold winds and especially on the
skirmish and picket lines, where fires could not be kindled.
In some places of greatest exposure the pickets were re-
lieved every half hour. Instances were reported where sentries
were frozen to death on their posts and others, with limbs
badly frozen, were brought in on stretchers by the ambulance
corps.
The following report of the Brigade Commander, Gen-
eral Miles, under date of December nth, gives some inter-
esting details with respect to the part which was taken by the
One Hundred and Fortieth, as well as of the brigade in
general :
My brigade started from camp on Mountain Run on
the morning of the 26th ult. and crossed the Rapidan at
Germanna Ford. Two Regiments (Eighty-first and One
Hundred and Fortieth) forded the river. Marched within
a mile of Wilderness Tavern and there bivouacked. On
the morning of the 27th, marched until the head of the
column met the enemy, near Robertson's Tavern. During
the day the brigade held several positions, but was not en-
gaged, the division being held in reserve. Remained here
for the night. The enemy having fallen back during the
night we again advanced, finding the enemy at Mine Run,
strongly intrenched. Remained on line during the entire
day, the 28th.
At 6 A. M., the 29th, the brigade marched to New Hope
Church. Near this point I received orders from General
Caldwell to advance on the left of the railroad cut and
deploy the Sixty-first New York, the Eighty-first and the
Twenty-sixth Michigan as skirmishers, at one pace intervals,
108 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
the One Hundred and Fortieth Pennsylvania marching by
the right of companies to the front as a support. I ad-
vanced in this order three miles without any other support
than of my own brigade, driving the enemy's cavalry and
infantry until my right was within 500 yards of the enemy's
works. Here my right flank was much exposed to their in-
fantry, artillery and Stuart's cavalry on my left. I was
obliged to halt and wait for more than an hour for other
troops to come up. So unexpected and rapid was this
advance that the enemy seemed to be taken by surprise and
were dislodged at every point without halting. While wait-
ing for support to arrive the enemy advanced a line of in-
fantry to within 200 yards of my immediate front, at the
same time opening a fire of artillery from one section. My
order to advance was welcomed by a cheer from the whole
line, which gallantly charged them, and, after a short but
sharp conflict, the enemy broke and fled in great confusion.
The line was then halted. Occasional firing was kept up
until 7 P. M., when a portion of the skirmish line was with-
drawn to the wood in rear.
On the morning of the 30th the brigade moved to the
right, with right resting on Orange Plank Road, and re-
mained there that night and next day, December 1st, until
8 P. M., when the brigade marched to our present camp
on Mountain Run, crossing the Rapidan at Culpepper Mine
Ford at 9 A. M., December 1st, and arrived at camp at
5 P. M.
During the entire movement the officers and men of the
brigade sustained the reputation they won on former occa-
sions, and returned to camp after the seven-days' march
without any stragglers or a single man missing.
I am much indebted to Col. H. Boyd McKean, Eighty-
first Pennsylvania, for the able manner in which he con-
ducted the skirmish line. Col. Farrar, Twenty-sixth Mich-
igan; Col. Fraser, One Hundred and Fortieth Pennsylvania,
and Lieut. -Col. K. O. Broady, Sixty-first New York, are de-
serving of favorable mention. — N. A. Miles.
In his official report Colonel Fraser mentions the fact
that 6 officers and 180 men of his command were detailed for
picket duty on the night of the withdrawal from Mine Run.
This detail kept up a brave show by keeping the fires burning
along their line until about two o'clock in the morning when
they also withdrew and by rapid marches rejoined their Regi-
WINTER ON THE RAPIDAN 169
ment on the north side of the Rapidan. The casualties re-
ported were one killed and two wounded.
The series of campaig-ns of the fateful year 1863, closed
with the Mine Run venture, and the troops went into per-
manent camps for the winter. The well-earned rest from
marching- and conflicts of almost daily occurrence with some
portion of the enemy's forces, was uninterrupted, with one
exception, for a period of five months. The camp sites were
soon cleared of all rubbish, comfortable, canvas-covered cabins
were erected and in this location, which was more sheltered
than the winter camp of the year before, the troops in general
had more comforts and less hardships than at any other time
during the period of the war. The completion of the railroad
to the vicinity of the camp insured the prompt delivery of
army supplies of all kinds and there was no lack of soft bread,
vegetables and even of delicacies, which, for the most part,
were sent in boxes from friends and the home folk in the
North. Two saw mills and a grist mill in the vicinity of the
First Division camp were appropriated and manned by sol-
diers, who understood how to run them, during- the period
of our stay. The saw mills furnished lumber for ordinary
building purposes as well as fragrant cedar boards for the
lining and wainscoting of the officers' mess room and tents
and out of the ranks of the soldiers, details of willing workers
could always be secured to do first-class work in wood or
stone. The authorized enlistment and mustering in of a Divi-
sion band of carefully selected musicians from Boston and
other cities was completed in the fall of 1863. This band
which had a membership of thirty-two, soon became famous
in army circles and was greatly in demand on all public occa-
sions as well as at the Headquarters of the Division to which
it belonged. To provide a suitable place for it in the winter
season, a "Music Hall" of large proportions was built of the
lumber furnished by the mills. It was used for concerts, balls,
lectures and church services. Mrs. Lippincott (Grace Green-
wood), Anna Dickenson, Vice-President Hamlin and other
platform speakers of that time, gave interesting lectures in
this building before large and appreciative audiences. Dur-
170 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
ing one Sabbath service which was held in it, the hand of
thirty-two pieces accompanied the congregation in the singing
of the One Hundredth Psalm. There was something inex-
pressibly grand in the rich and full chorus of the male voices,
with such an accompaniment to the blessedly familiar tune
"Old Hundred." There were tears in the voices as well as in
the eyes of many who joined in that song - of praise, as mem-
ories of home and visions of its peaceful worshipping assem-
blies rose before them.
One of the gayest of the assemblies which were enter-
tained within its walls, was a full dress ball on the night of
I Ik- 22d of February. This assembly was in honor of the
ladies, families of the officers and visitors, numbering not
far short of two hundred, at the various headquarters of the
several commands throughout the army.
The interior of the hall was beautifully and tastefully
decorated for the occasion with regimental and headquarter
Hags of all the arms of the service. "A camp scene," as one
has described it, "was arranged on an elevated platform with
shelter tents, camp utensils, drums and bugles, stacked arms,
accoutrements, and two brass Napoleon guns, highly polished.
It was a very brilliant affair throughout, to which the hand-
some dresses of the ladies, some of whom had come down
from Washington for the occasion, and the showy uniforms
of the officers, greatly contributed."*
With such accessories and accompaniments the execution
of the "Lancers," which the writer, by courtesy, was permitted
to witness, was a fascinating medley and inter-weaving of
bright colors and graceful movements, with none of the ob-
jectionable features which are connected with so many of the
Twentieth Century dances.
Tin' One Hundred and Fortieth was not dependent upon
the arrangements made for occasional religious services in the
large building at the headquarters oi the Division, but under
the direction of its officers, erected a comfortable building
* History of One Hundred and Sixth Pennsylvania Volunteers,
page »33"
WINTER ON THE RAPIDAN 171
which was used for this purpose regularly and exclusively.
It was a frame building covered with a canvas roof and heated
with a small stove. It was large enough to scat 150 or 200
fersons.
Here services were held regularly morning and evening
on the Sabbath ; and on Wednesday evening, there was a serv-
ice of prayer and praise, as in the churches at home.
Before starting on the Mine Run campaign, the Rev.
J. Lynn Milligan, who had been recently appointed Chaplain
of the Regiment, in the place of the Rev. Marcus Ormand,
whose resignation had been accepted June 8th, 1863, — ap-
peared in camp, and, by his pleasant manner, unflinching cour-
age in the performance of the duties of his office and his sym-
pathetic interest in the affairs of the men, quickly won their
hearts and secured their confidence. As the result of his faith-
ful labors in this winter camp a deeper spiritual interest was
awakened and some who had been indifferent to the claims of
the gospel gave evidence in their lives, as well as by profession,
that they had become sincere followers of Christ.
The principal occupations of the troops aside from the
routine duties of the camp, which were seldom, if ever re-
mitted, were building corduroy roads over boggy places, erect-
ing buildings for officers or public assemblies, daily drills,
when the weather was favorable, and frequent reviews of
corps or division commands. We were a good live miles or
more from the Confederate picket line, with the Rapidan
River as an additional safeguard between the outposts. 1 fence
the details for picket duty were not so large nor so frequent
as in the previous winter on the Rappahannock.
An advanced picket line was maintained at Kelly's Ford
on the Rapidan, about five miles from camp, to which the
First Division contributed its quota of officers and men.
Those who were detailed for this service usually remained on
the line for three or four days.
The only interruption to the peaceful tenor of our lives
during the winter was a reconnoissance in force, in which
the Second Corps took a prominent part, on the 6th and, 7th
of February. The order for this unexpected movement reached
172 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
the Headquarters of the Division at seven o'clock in the morn-
ing- and a half hour later the troops, with three days' rations
in their haversacks were in line and ready to march.
The designated crossing of the river was Morton's Ford
where a strong line of the enemy's skirmishers was encount-
ered. Some troops of the Third Division were at once thrown
forward and without stopping at the river brink, dashed
through the ford and captured most of the opposing force on
the other side. The Division under General Hays followed
and wading across after the same fashion pushed the enemy's
heavy reinforced line of skirmishers back step by step into
their intrenched line. A pretense of assaulting the works
was kept up during the day and near its close there was a
sharp conflict in which the troops which were actively engaged
met with a loss of more than two hundred in killed, wounded
and missing. During the night all of the Union forces, ex-
cept a strong skirmish line supported by artillery, was with-
drawn to the north side of the river. In the afternoon of
the 7th, the skirmishers rejoined the main body and orders
were given to return to camp. The object of this demonstra-
tion was to prevent General Lee from sending reinforcements
to attack the army under General Butler, who had been
ordered to attempt to take the city of Richmond by surprise.
The program assigned to the Second Corps was faithfully
carried out, but the co-operating force under Butler, for some
reason failed to make good. The First Division, being the
supporting column, came out of this fruitless undertaking
without the loss of a man. The whole affair as described by
a comrade of Company F, was "a march nine miles out and
the same back to camp in mud knee deep." It had rained, as
usual, during the progress of this movement.
On the 23d of February, the day following the military
ball, the Second Corps was reviewed by General Meade in the
presence of Vice-President Hamlin and other distinguished
visitors, including a large number of ladies. Miss Hamlin,
the daughter of the Vice-President, Mrs. Curtin and daughter
of Governor Curtin's household were among the number of
invited guests at the Division Headquarters. The former rode
\'
Major-Gen erai V \ Humphreys,
Major-Gen krai P [I. Sheridan. Generai l ' S. Grani Major-Generai G. K. Warrkn.
Maior til Nl km I'. C Bari ow
WINTER ON THE RAPIDAN 173
On horseback along the lines with the cavalcade of General
Meade. This review was regarded by all who witnessed it as
one of the most brilliant affairs of its kind during the winter
season. At its close General ECilpatrick, whose splendid corps
was included in the pageant, lead his command in a charge
across the open plain.
Thrilling beyond description was the flashing of the
drawn sabres and the thunder of the horses hoofs as with a
blood-curdling yell they swept onward with a might that
seemed to be irresistible, against an imaginary foe. Ten days
later this splendidly equipped and officered corps was making
a raid in rear of General Lee's army within sight of the city
of Richmond.
On the ioth of March, Lieutenant General Grant was
assigned fcO the command of all the armies of the United
States and on the 24th clay of the same month he came down
to the Army of the Potomac and established his field head-
quarters at Culpepper Court House. With this army he re-
mained, not for the purpose of superseding General Meade,
but with a view to co-operating more closely with him in the
contemplated movements to be directed against the Army of
Northern Virginia. The arrival and disposition of new re-
cruits and re-enlisted men gave the opportunity for a thorough
reorganization of the army. With a view to greater efficiency
the five army corps were reduced to three. This was done by
breaking up the First and Third and distributing the several
divisions among the troops of the Second, Fifth and Sixth.
The first was transferred entire to the Fifth Corps to which
General Warren was given the command. The Third Divi-
sion of the Third Corps was given to the Sixth Corps, com-
manded by General Sedgwick and the two remaining Divisions
were assigned to the Second Corps and formed its Third and
Fourth Divisions. Previous to this, the old Second Corps had
been consolidated into two Divisions known as the First and
Second.
As the result of these changes, General Caldwell was
transferred to another command and Brigadier-General Bar-
low, who had been desperately wounded at Gettysburg and
174 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
who was already famous as a "fighting General," was assigned
to the command of the First Division in his stead. The Corps
as thus reorganized numbered more than 25,000 men and was
again commanded by Major-General Hancock. General Miles
was also continued in command of the First Brigade. The
command as a whole was reviewed by General Grant on the
22d of April. The weather for several days preceding
had been unsettled and stormy, but the day of the re-
view was one of the most beautiful of the season. As the
remaining days of the month of April wore away, the
roads began to harden and every indication from the Head-
quarters of the army betokened an advance which many hoped
and prayed would be the last and final struggle for the cause
of liberty and the Union. The time had now come, says Gen-
eral Walker, when this newly reinforced corps was to be
thrown into one of the most furious campaigns of human
history, the strength of a regiment, the strength of a brigade,
to be shot down in a day, with as many more the next ; a
month to be one continuous battle, only interrupted by long
and fatiguing marches; two, or three, or four officers com-
manding the same Regiment or Brigade in a single week.
Or, as another has expressed it : "The Army of the Potomac
was about to enter upon a campaign in which it should fight
more days, lose more men and suffer more sacrifices in two
months than it had in all its two years' operations."
THE BATTLES OF THE WILDERNESS 175
CHAPTER XIII.
THE BATTLES OK THE WILDERNESS.
Soldiers ! the eyes of the whole country are looking
with anxious hope to the blow you are about to strike in the
most sacred cause that ever called men to arms. Remem-
ber your homes, your wives and children, and bear in mind
that the sooner your enemies are overcome, the sooner
you will be restored to enjoy the benefits and blessings of
peace. . . .
While clear consciences and strong arms, actuated by a
high sense of duty, fighting to preserve the Government
and the institutions handed down to us by our forefathers —
if true to ourselves — victory, under God's blessing, must and
will attend our efforts. — General Meade's Address to the
Army of the Potomac at the beginning of the Gampaign
of 1864.
WHEN the foregoing appeal was issued, General Meade
had under his command an effective force of 105,000
men. This did not include Burnside's Corps which
had returned from the West and was then at Warrington,
Virginia.*
In the advance movement, which Grant had carefully
mapped out, the Union Army had the advantage of superior
numbers, and, to a limited extent, the choice of routes.
* The composition of the several commands with which we
were most closely affiliated at the opening of the campaign was as
follows :
Major-General Winficld S. Hancock. Commanding the Corps
Brigadier-General Francis C. Barlow,
Commanding 1st Division
Colonel Nelson A. Miles Commanding 1st Brigade
Major Lemuel Savicrs. ........ .Commanding 26th Michigan
Lieutenant-Colonel K. O. Broady,
Commanding 61 st New York
Colonel H. Boyd McKean Commanding 81st Pa. Vols.
Colonel John Eraser Commanding 140th Pa. Vols.
Colonel George P. McLean. .. .Commanding 183d Pa. Vols.
176 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
The Confederates had the inner and shorter lines of com-
munication; the advantage of familiarity with every foot of
the "great and terrible Wilderness," in which they sought to
baffle and entangle the Union Army; and also of strongly
intrenched positions which they had learned how to make al-
most impregnable to attacks by direct assault.
The weird and awe-inspiring region, which will ever be
known in history as "The Wilderness," has been fittingly de-
scribed as a "labyrinth of forests, in many places filled with
tangled underbrush, penetrated by few roads, and these, for
the most part, narrow and easily obscured. The advantage
possessed by an advancing force concealing its movements,
was more than neutralized by the ease with which the enemy,
familiar with the ground, could form ambuscades or direct
sudden attacks on columns while marching."*
In the general order for the advance, the Fifth and Sixth
Corps were directed to cross the Rapidan at Germanna Ford
and the troops of these commands broke camp at four o'clock
May 4th. The Second Corps, with Gregg's Cavalry, consti-
tuting the left column of the army, were ordered to cross at
Ely's Ford, about 6 miles below Germanna. This being the
longer route of the two, Hancock left his winter camp at
eleven o'clock on the night of the 3rd. This all-night march,
through a dense pall of darkness, was the first of a series of
similar movements under the cover of darkness, which for
more than a month were the rule rather than the exception.
Following Gregg's Cavalry, we crossed the river on pon-
toons in the early morning of the 4th and the advance of the
Division reached the site of the Chancellorsville House a few
hours later.
On the very ground which had been ovcrswept by the hot
blast of flaming batteries and furrowed by plunging shot and
shell a year before, we bivouacked for the night. It was the
same army, on the same errand as before, and in the same
beautiful month of May, but how changed the scene, as we
*Col. Banes, Assistant Adjutant-General Second Rrigade, Sec-
ond Corps.
THE BATTLES OF THE WILDERNESS 177
awoke from our slumbers invigorated and refreshed. Every-
thing above us and around us seemed to be singularly attrac-
tive, peaceful and joyous in the light of that beautiful May-
day morning. The sky was cloudless and richly tinted with
the rosy colors which outran the appearance of the rising sun,
the air was pure and fragrant with the breath of flowers, the
fresh, young leaves were trembling in the morning breeze, the
wood was vocal with the song of birds; and the bugle blast,
echoing far and wide, was calling forth from grassy couches,
the prostrate forms of the men who had slept in battle line
on the earth in undisturbed peace and security. So complete
and rapid had been the transformation, in that one short year,
that at first glance hardly a trace of the dreadful struggle
remained. Nature, as if in pity for the ruin wrought, had
spread over all a beautiful mantle of green bedecked with
choicest flowers; and, out of corruption and decay, ghastliness
and death, had called forth myriad forms of life and grace
and beauty. In looking about us, however, we had not far
to go to see again the wreckage of the battle, and down in the
edge of the wood below where comrades one after another
had fallen to rise no more ; where the low moan of agony had
been heard from pallid lips; where the bodies of the dead
were lying with only a slight covering of leaves and soil, the
spell of the beautiful May-day was broken, the awful din of
the deadly strife was heard again and memories, revived by
these unquestionable evidences of disorder and strife, repro-
duced every salient feature of that battle scene. Thank God,
the time has come, for which so many brave men longed and
prayed, in those dark and evil days, when all these scenes of
strife are only memories. But, may God forbid that the time
should ever come when the evidences which yet remain
should fail to recall in the generations following the reality
and magnitude of the struggle and the costliness of the sacri-
fice by which the blessings of permanent peace, Union and
Liberty have been secured.
During the long and fatiguing march to Chancellorsville
the borders of the roads over which the troops of the several
commands marched were literally strewn with blankets, over-
178 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
V
coats, dress coats, boots, knapsacks, cooking utensils and other
impediments which had become burdensome, or at least were
not necessary, for present use. With these weights thrown
aside, in this improvident fashion, it became easier to carry the
fifty rounds of heavy ball cartridge and the three days' rations,
which, at the outset, every man of the rank and file was ex-
pected and required to carry on his person.
In his memoirs, General Grant mentions the fact that the
wagon trains which crossed at Ely's Ford behind the Second
Corps, numbered more than four thousand. "With a wagon
train that would have extended from the Rapidan to Rich-
mond stretched along in single file and separated as the teams
necessarily would be when moving, we could still carry only
three days' forage and about ten to twelve days' rations be-
sides a supply of ammunition."*
On the evening of the 4th the three army corps were on
the south side of the Rapidan and ready to co-operate in an
advance for the next day. Warren had made the farthest
advance in the direction of the enemy and was in position at
the Wilderness Tavern, while Sedgwick was in supporting
distance on the south bank of the river. Burnside's Corps,
which had been ordered to the front, was already on its way
and, by an all-night march, reached the ford and was ready to
cross on the morning of the 5th. A general advance of the
lines as thus disposed was ordered at five o'clock on the morn-
ing of the 5th and simultaneous with this advance began the
two days of deadly strife in the very heart of the "Wilder-
ness." In the series of indecisive conflicts which followed
the battle lines swayed to and fro, now on the right and again
on the left, but at no point could a commanding officer see
more than a thousand men, and in many places the commander
of a regiment could not personally direct the movements of
one-half of his companies. "At no time," says General Gor-
don, "was one-half of the two lines in active strenuous battle."
As the troops advanced through the tangles of undergrowth,
the battle lines were broken and confused and frequently the
* Memoirs, vol. 2, page 188.
THE BATTLES OF THE WILDERNESS 179
only evidences of the unseen foe was the flash of flame and the
ceaseless rain of niinie balls which came from dense thickets
of cedar, scrub pine, bristling chinkapin, or other barriers
and entanglements which confronted them. In most cases
the only effective mode of attack was to send in a brigade at
a time which remained until it had exhausted its fifty or sixty
rounds of cartridges and then withdrawing it to give place
to another, which was similarly equipped. What was true
of one hour in a close conflict on the evening of the 5th, as
described by General Gordon, was true for the most part, of
the two dreadful days in which this conflict raged with but
slight intermission :
Alternate confidence and apprehension, he says, were
awakened as the shouts of one army or the other reached
our ears. So distinct in character were these shouts that
they were easily disccrnable. At one point the weird Con-
federate "yell" told us plainly that Ewell's men were ad-
vancing. At another the huzzas, in mighty concert, of the
Union troops warned us that they had repelled the Con-
federate charge; and as these ominous huzzas grew in
volume, we knew that Grant's lines were moving forward.
"There were features of the Battle of the Wilderness,"
says General Horace Porter, "which have never been
matched in the annals of warfare. For two days nearly
200,000 veteran troops had struggled in a death grapple,
confronted at each step with almost every obstacle by which
nature could bar their path, and groping their way through
a tangled forest, the impenetrable gloom of which could
only be likened to the shadow of death. The undergrowth
stayed their progress, the upper growth shut out the light
of heaven. Officers could rarely see their troops for any
considerable distance, for smoke clouded the vision and a
heavy sky obscured the sun. Directions were ascertained
and lines established by means of the pocket compass, and
a change of position often presented an operation more like
a problem of ocean navigation than a question of military
maneuvers. It was a battle with the ear, and not with the
eye. All circumstances seemed to combine to make the
scene one of unutterable horror. At times the wind howled
through the tree-tops, mingling its groans with the groans
of the dying, and heavy branches were cut off by the fire
of the artillery and fell crashing upon the heads of the
i8o THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
men, adding a new terror to battle. Forest fires raged; am-
munition trains exploded ; the dead were roasted in the con-
flagration ; the wounded, roused by its hot breath, dragged
themselves along with their torn and mangled limbs, in the
mad energy of despair, to escape the ravages of the flames;
and every bush seemed hung with shreds of blood-stained
clothing."
In Hancock's line on the extreme left of the army the
One Hundred and Fortieth shared in the advancements and
vvithdrawments, the attacks and repulses which fell to the lot
of General Miles' ever-ready and undaunted Brigade through-
out the two days of conflict which have been so graphically
described. We are indebted to comrade Silas Cooke, of
Company K, through his friend, Sergeant Ben. F. Powelson,
the historian of that company, for the following account of
one spirited repulse, when the Confederates were massing to
break the Union lines in a weak place :
Colonel Fraser, thinking we had better be doing some-
thing, as the balls were falling thick about us, received
permission of General Miles to go in on a charge. The
Colonel gave his orders and, it goes for the saying, they were
executed. We went in on the double-quick (the double-quick
of the One Hundred and Fortieth was always a run), yell-
ing like mad, halted as we reached the position beyond, and
over a small remnant of the Irish Brigade, then fired front,
then right, then left, then front until no enemy returned our
fire. Prisoners reported that we broke by these volleys three
lines of battle, and, night coming on, they gave up their
charge, thinking a large force was in their front. General
Hancock gave us great praise for it. So quickly was it
done that but few casualties occurred. Cooke was hit on
right thigh by a spent bullet, cutting clothing and breaking
a pocket knife, badly bruising but not disabling him.
In this series of engagements the official report of cas-
ualties (May 5th-7th) was three enlisted men killed and ten
wounded. Owing to a misunderstanding of orders Barlow's
Division, which had been detached temporarily to aid General
Gibbon in anticipation of an attack on the Brock Road, was
not sent to the position designated for it by General Hancock
THE BATTLES OF THE WILDERNESS 181
on the left of his line, where it would have been in the
thick of the conflict during the fierce charges and counter-
charges which were made there on the 6th of May. This
accounts for the comparatively small proportion of casualties
in the One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment and in other
Regiments of the command. Referring to this misunderstand-
ing General Walker says : "Whatever may be the true explana-
tion, the consequences of the failure to send forward the Di-
vision of Barlow, the largest Division in the army, were
momentous." Elsewhere he states that the enemy having dis-
covered the gap in our position, where Barlow's Division
should have been, broke through the Union lines at that point
and turned what had been a decided victory into a humiliating
defeat.
The total losses of the Union Army during the two days
of this wilderness conflict, as given by General Humphrey,
Chief of Staff, were 2,265 killed ; 10,220 wounded and 2.902
missing, making a total aggregate of 15,387. The Confederate
losses as gathered from imperfect data have been given ap-
proximately at 1 1 ,000.
On the 7th of May there were occasional outbreaks of
musketry firing on the picket line, but there was no disposition
on either side to attack in force or bring on a general engage-
ment. In the afternoon General Grant issued orders for a
flank movement to the left with a view to occupying the de-
fensible ground in the neighborhood of Spottsylvania Court
House, about thirteen miles to the southwest.
Warren abandoned his position in the centre soon after
nightfall and moved along the Brock road in rear of the
Second Corps. He was followed as soon as the way was
cleared by Sedgwick and Burnside who took a more round-
about route by way of Chancellorsville.
In his Memoirs, page 210, Vol. 2; General Grant says:
Warren's march carried him immediately behind the
works where Hancock's command lay on the Brock Road.
With my staff and a small escort of cavalry I preceded the
troops. Meade with his staff accompanied me. The great-
est enthusiasm was manifested by Hancock's men as we
i82 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
passed by. No doubt it was inspired by the fact that the
movement was south. It indicated to them that they had
passed through the "beginning of the end" in the battle just
fought.
Referring to the same, or a similar incident James Ford
Rhodes, quoting from Dana and others says :
"When the faces of the men were set toward Richmond,
Grant, in their estimation, was exalted. The soldiers sang
and stepped forward with elastic step." "The spirits of
the men and officers are of the highest pitch of animation"
was the word which Dana sent to Stanton. "The men
burst out into cheers, swung their hats, clapped their hands,
threw up their arms and greeted their general as a comrade.
They were glad that he was leading them onward to Rich-
mond instead of ordering them to fall back to the camp
which they had just abandoned."
During the night Hancock's Corps remained in position
on the line and early the next morning, May 8th, advanced to
Todd's Tavern, which was about midway on the road to
Spottsylvania, thus becoming, as Grant had indicated in his
marching orders, the right of the army. On his arrival at
Todd's Tavern General Hancock sent out a detachment, under
command of General Miles, consisting of his own brigade,
a brigade of Gregg's cavalry and a battery of artillery, to
occupy a position on the Gatharpin road, a mile or more in
advance of the corps. The purpose was to guard against
surprise and to meet the possible approach of a force of the
enemy from that direction. Here the command remained
without serious disturbance until late in the afternoon. When
about to retire, under orders, to the main body two brigades
of the Confederate army commanded by General Mahone,
appeared suddenly on the road which Miles was guarding and
at once opened fire on his skirmishers. "The collision was
sharp," says General Walker, "but Miles, twice facing about,
beat back the enemy advancing upon him."
In the official reports of this brief, but spirited engage-
ment which have been consulted, the list of casualties has not
THE BATTLES OF THE WILDERNESS 183
been given, but for the time in which the troops were under
fire they were greater in proportion than in either of the two
preceding days. The Adjutant of the Regiment, Wm. S.
Shallenberger, received a wound at this time which proved to
be so serious that, to the great regret of the entire Regiment,
he was discharged on surgeon's certificate six months later.
There was a touch of the ludicrous as well as of the tragic in
this "collision" which in the annals of the Regiment is known
as the ''Cracker Fight" at Todd's Tavern. Two versions of
it have been preserved for us in the records of Companies F
and K which we give with slight adaptations as written:
On May 8th occurred the battle of Todd's Tavern, or
better known to the company as the "cracker fight," from the
fact that the Commissary had just issued crackers and the
boxes were piled up in plain view of the enemy, when sud-
denly they made a charge and our boys were driven back.
Abel Hunter, who was guarding the crackers, remained
at his post, and as our Brigade soon rallied and opened fire,
Hunter became the target of the fire of both, and soon after,
reinforcements coming up, the ground was retaken and
Hunter was found wounded, from the results of which he
lost his leg.*
The account given by the historian of Company K is as
follows :
Company K took part in a charge on May 8th at Todd's
Tavern, in which the loss, for the time it was engaged,
was very heavy. Comrade Isaac Miller says that it was
known as the "Cracker Fight," because Commissary Noble
was in the act of issuing rations of crackers when the onset
came. Silas Cooke says that the One Hundred and Fortieth
(except K and another company) were on picket, under
Captain McCullough. K and the other company were lying
in the edge of a woods, along which a road ran, turning
into the woods just where they lay; and the rebels came up
on the opposite side of the valley, opened fire. General
Miles, riding along, was compelled to seek shelter. Abram
Andrews, of K, was struck and bruised somewhat. As Gen-
* History of Company F, by Andrew G. White, page 18.
184 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
eral Miles passed on, Colonel Broady thought he would do
something, and ordered part of his Regiment, lying to the
right, to charge out over an open field in front and down
into the valley in open view of the Confederates. Then he
ordered our two companies to charge on the left of his men,
and to cheer as we went in. And there in one volley many
of Company K fell. Cook was first in file. The one in his
rear and six to his left were killed or wounded. The
killed were John Maloy and John R. Tucker. Many of the
wounded were left on the field, as the Union lines were
pushed back. I cannot refrain from relating what Isaac
Miller told me in a letter written August 19, 1864. A sad
story, indeed ! He was severely wounded in the leg and
thigh at the foot of the company. John Maloy was at the
head of it, and, when stricken, both fell and lay the com-
pany's length apart. They could not move, but could talk
to each other.
Miller lay there for five days, then the rebels carried
him back to a barn, and later to their field hospital. He
plead for Maloy. But they said he was too far gone. On
the eighth day he died, so they told Miller; and then at
Miller's appeal they promised to bury him. Who could
keep the tears back when told how one of our brave com-
rades thus suffered and gave up his life in the service of
his country? . . . Cook says that Tucker fell before him
at the rail fence where we stopped to fire, pierced in the
temple by a musket ball, and there George Sprowls had his
hair combed by another that took the cap from his head.
Then came the order to fall back to the main line. It was
a beautiful but, for us, a sorrowful Sabbath day.*
On the afternoon of the 9th, Hancock was directed to
come into closer touch with the rest of the army, assembled
in the immediate vicinity of Spottsylvania and advanced his
command about four miles to the north side of the Po River.
With a view to securing- a position on the other side which
would threaten the left flank of General Lee's line of defence
three of the divisions were ordered to cross at once. The
banks of the stream were steep and heavily covered with pine
timber but the troops advanced in the face of every difficulty
and driving the enemy's skirmishers before them occupied the
* Segt. Ben. F. Powelson's History of Company K, pages 32-33.
THE BATTLES OF THE WILDERNESS 185
open space beyond it, which they were directed to secure. Bar-
low's Division took the lead in this movement and about nine
o'clock at night all the troops were over and in position. We
were now, as General Grant puts it, "across the left flank of
Lee's army, but separated from it, and also from the re-
mainder of Meade's army by the Po River." If this crossing
could have been followed by a prompt and well supported ad-
vance it would undoubtedly have resulted in breaking up the
Confederate's strongly fortified line of defence, but the late-
ness of the hour and the darkness of the night prevented
further movements of an aggressive character. When the
morning came it was too late to continue this turning move-
ment without great loss of life. General Lee, realizing the
danger from this quarter had sent heavy reinforcements from
his extreme right during the night, and thus was ready to
checkmate the Union commander's game. Abandoning this
project Grant determined to make a general assault in
front of Warren's position and for this purpose ordered Han-
cock to withdraw two of his divisions to the north side
and take command of the assaulting column. In pursuance
of these instructions the divisions of Gibbon and Birney re-
crossed the river, leaving the First Division in a position of
great peril. In his Memoirs Grant says :
The enemy seeing Barlow's division isolated from the
rest of the army, came out and attacked with fury. Barlow
repulsed with great slaughter and with considerable loss to
himself. But the enemy reorganized and renewed the as-
sault. Birney was now moved to the high ground overlook-
ing the river crossings built by our troops and covered the
crossings. The second assault was repulsed again with
severe loss to the enemy, and Barlow was withdrawn with-
out further molestation.
The following account of the crisis hour in this perilous
withdrawal in the face of a vastly superior force of the enemy
is taken from a valuable outline history of the campaign of
1864, written from daily notes by Lieutenant Charles T.
Hedge, of Company A:
186 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
The Confederates had massed a large force against our
right and was driving it back to the river. The center had
also given way and the men were coming out of the woods
by hundreds, all making for the one little pontoon bridge
across the stream. I think the greater part of our corps
would have been driven into the river had it not been for
our brigade, which had been withdrawn from the skirmish
line on the left and came to their help. We formed a line
in front of the pontoon bridge and checked the Rebs till
our broken columns could form again. In our rear there
were also two of our batteries, on the other side of the
river, which threw shells over our heads into the Confeder-
ate ranks. But the only thing that saved our extreme right
was a tire which broke out in the edge of the woods just as
our men were giving way. It was probably kindled by a
bursting shell, and, fortunately for us, the wind was blow-
ing strongly toward the enemy.
Soon the trees in a dense woods for nearly half a mile
on the extreme right were on fire. The Confederates could
not advance through it, and that respite gave our men time
to reform near the bridge. As quickly as possible they re-
crossed the river, one regiment at a time, under cover of
the artillery, which kept up a continuous fire. The One Hun-
dred and Fortieth was the last regiment to cross, and it
stood in the line tiring all the time the others were crossing
and barely escaped capture or destruction, as the Rebs ad-
vanced on it when they saw that all the rest had gone over.
During the fierce conflict on the right of the Division a
section of Arnold's battery, when ordered to retire from its
advanced position, was saved with difficulty from the burning
woods. There was one piece, however, which was dragged
by the frightened horses attached to it, between two trees
where it remained so firmly wedged that it could not be
moved and had to be abandoned. This, says General Walker,
was the first gun ever lost by the Second Corps.
While these stirring events were taking place on the
right of the Union line several desperate attempts were made,
under direction of General Grant, to carry some portions of
the enemy's intrenchments at the left and center. These as-
saults were bloody and fruitless. The losses that day approxi-
mating 2,050 killed and wounded in the Second Corps alone.
THE BATTLES OF THE WILDERNESS 187
The brunt of the losses of necessity fell upon the assaulting
columns. Thus ended one of the notable days of the Wilder-
ness battles. It is not technically designated as such, but it
was in reality within the limits of the Wilderness region. It
differed from the section north of it in the proportion of open
spaces, which were larger, as well as more frequent but the
tangle of underbrush which fronted a great part of Lee's line
of defence was as dense and as difficult to penetrate as that
which confronted our troops on the ground of the first and
second days' battles.
In summing up the results of the 10th of May, General
Grant says in his Memoirs : "The enemy had not dared to
come out of his line at any point to follow up his advantage,
except in the single instance of his attack on Barlow. Then
he was twice repulsed with heavy loss, though he had an en-
tire corps against two brigades.
Referring to the same affair the Historian of the Second
Corps says :
As Hancock, riding up rapidly from the center, re-
joined his troops on the south bank of the Po, the skirm-
ishers of Heth, advancing from the direction of Glady's
Run, were sharply engaged with the skirmishers of the First
Division, a division that had long made skirmishing a pro-
fession. It is a melancholy fact that three men out of four
who entered the service of the United States left it, if alive,
without ever having seen a really good piece of work of
this character. Indeed, most regiments in the service had
as little idea of skirmishing as an elephant. But to Bar-
low's brigades the very life of military service was in a
widely extended formation, flexible yet firm, where the sol-
diers were thrown largely on their individual resources, but
remained, in a high degree, under the control of the reso-
lute, sagacious, keen-eyed officers, who urged them forward,
or drew them back, as the exigency of the case required,
where every advantage was taken of the nature of the
ground, of fences, trees, stones and prostrate logs; where
manhood rose to its maximum and mechanism sank to its
minimum, and where almost anything seemed possible to
vigilance, audacity and cool self-possession.
188 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
In view of its record from the Rapidan to Appomattox
it may be affirmed, without laying ourselves open to the charge
of making an invidious distinction, that the One Hundred and
Fortieth was one of the notable regiments of the Division to
which this difficult and dangerous duty was most frequently
assigned. Its officers and men possessed the qualifications in
eminent degree which General Walker describes as essential
to success on the skirmish line, and in the history of nearly
every engagement or pursuit between the points above named,
the Regiment as a whole, or in details from its companies,
proved its efficiency and pre-eminent adaptability to this high
grade of military service.
STORMING OF THE SALIENT AT SPOTTSYLVANIA 189
CHAPTER XIV.
THE STORMING OF THE SALIENT AT SPOTTSYLVANIA.
Oh, grander in doom's stricken glory
Than the greatest that linger behind;
They shall live in perpetual story,
Who saved the last hope of mankind 1
For their cause was the cause of the races
That languished in slavery's night,
And the death that was pale on their faces
Has filled the whole world with its light !
— Will Winter.
ON the nth of May there was a lull in the fierce storm
of deadly strife which had raged along the lines
throughout almost the whole of the previous day. It
was the preparation period for a still more deadly and desper-
ate conflict, one of the most notable in the long history of the
war, but the troops who were to be the active participants in
it, knew nothing of the nature or the extent of these prepara-
tions.
In the early morning of the day General Grant sent his
famous dispatch to Hallock, in which he refers to the Union
losses in the six preceding days as approximately 20,000
men, and added the significant words: "I propose to fight it
out on this line if it takes all summer."
There was a heavy rainfall during the afternoon and
presuming that this was to be followed by a night of darkness
and rain, the author of this relentless and tersely expressed
purpose worked out a plan of assault upon one of the enemy's
strongholds which was to be delivered at daybreak of the
next morning. The point selected for this assault which has
since become famous as the "Bloody Angle," was a large
salient or "obtrusive portion" of the Confederate line enclos-
ing a space, "acorn shaped" in outline, about a half mile in
width and three-fourths of a mile in length. The three ex-
190 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
posed sides of this area were defended by strongly constructed
fortifications of heavy logs and earth and the batteries of
artillery planted within it were so placed as to sweep the open
spaces in front along all the lines of approach. The position
was made still more secure against sudden attack by heavy
slashings of timber and undergrowth bound together by inter-
lacings of telegraph wire.
Line
Hanc ock I ,
andron
House
The Second Corps was selected by the commanding gen-
eral to make this assault and to Barlow's Division was given
the post of honor directly in front of the apex or outer end of
the obtruding portion already described. In order to come
into position for the attack it was necessary for the corps to
STORMING OF THE SALIENT AT SPOTTSYLV ANIA iqi
make a night march of several hours, passing from the right
wing behind the lines of the Fifth and Sixth Corps to the
left center of the Union line.
In describing the outworking of Grant's plan of attack,
Adjutant Muffly, of the One Hundred and Forty-eighth Penn-
sylvania, says:
Early on the evening of the nth, Hancock had assem-
bled his division commanders and given them their orders.
He carefully explained the plan of attack and spoke with
earnestness upon the minutest detail of the march and as-
sault. But important as was his council with his immediate
subordinates, the consultations which followed between divi-
sion and brigade and regimental commanders were no less
dramatic and significant. The night was very dark, and the
rain beat mercilessly down upon the unsheltered troops,
whether they were in the tangled forest or the open field.
It was between 8 and 9 o'clock when the brigade command-
ers of the First Division of the Second Corps were called
by its commander.
In a dense and gloomy forest, in a secluded spot cleared
for the purpose, Barlow met his brigadiers — Brooke, Brown,
Miles and Smyth. . . . Barlow's Division was to be honored
with a position of great peril and importance, and now his
brigades were to be assigned to their work. The flickering
light of a lantern shed its dim, uncertain rays over the
dreary woods, and on a little group huddled together in the
dismal storm to map out the plan of the morrow's desperate
business. By the lantern's faint, unsteady beam, now flar-
ing its red glare upon a thoughtful face, almost beaten out
by wind and rain, Barlow traced upon the moist earth the
plan of the deadly assault. It was a rude map, but the
brigadiers followed each outline with eagerness, and when
the Druid Council was over, each understood the part he
was to play and hastened to his command to summon his
Colonel to a similar council.
After these preparations had been made the men of the
several commands were permitted to take a brief rest, in their
water-soaked garments, on the ground. About ten o'clock the
order was given "fall in." The dripping blankets or sections
of shelter tents which had served for a covering were quickly
19* THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
rolled up. a much-needed supply of rations was issued, tin
cups and plates wore securely fastened to prevent rattling
noises and soon after each man, in his appointed place, was
stumbling along in the thick darkness and pelting rain. That
midnight march, with all that it signified, was one of the most
memorable in the history of the Regiment; and. indeed, in the
history of the war. After an hour or more had passed the
heavy rain fall was succeeded by a dense, chilling, searching
mist amid which the men moved like phantoms of the night.
No words were spoken aloud, no commands were given ex-
cept in whispers and by the sense of touch rather than by
audible sound each man realized that the comrades of his file
were close at hand.
With a dark lantern in his hand which once in awhile
flashed back a beam of feeble light, Major Mendell, of the
Engineer Corps, led the way over muddy roads and through
tangled underbrush until at length the earthworks at the
designated part of the Union line were crossed. Behind or in
close proximity to them was a double line of sleeping soldiers,
but the work laid out for us was not along that battle line.
This never-to-be forgotten night march had for its objective
the carefully constructed stronghold of the enemy's defensive
line and the halt was not ordered until the head of the column
was in easy reach of the skirmish line in its front. Describ-
ing the march and the formation of the troops for the assault.
General Morgan, says :
The troops showed a little nervousness, perhaps. At
one point where the command was closing up on the head
of the column a runaway pack-mule, laden with rattling
kettles and pans, bursting suddenly through the ranks,
seemed to threaten a general stampede. At another, the acci-
dental discharge of a musket startled the column into the
momentary belief that the corps had run into the enemy's
lines. Having arrived at the Brown House about mid-
night, the column was passed quietly over the entrench-
STORMING OP THE SALIENT AT SPOTTSYLV ANIA 193
ments and as near to the picket line of the enemy as pos-
sible, and the formation of the lines began. The ground
was thickly wooded, with the exception of a clearing some
four hundred yards wide, running to the Landron House,
thence curving to the right toward the salient of the enemy's
works. Barlow's division was formed across this clearing
in two lines of masses, each regiment being doubled on the
centre. Brooks' and Miles' brigades constituted the first
line, and Smyth and Brown the second. Birney formed on
Barlow's right in two deployed lines. Mott formed in rear
of Birney, and Gibbon's division, which had joined sooner
than was expected, was placed in reserve. It was nearly
daylight when these preparations were made.
When the designated time for the assault, 4 o'clock, had
arrived it was still too dark to see distinctly and Hancock
waited until 4.30 before he gave the fateful order. In his
official report he says :
The men, in obedience to this order, rolled like an
irresistible wave into the enemy's works, tearing away what
abatis there was in front of the intrenchments with their
hands, and carrying the line at all points in a few minutes,
although it was desperately defended. Barlow's and Birney's
divisions entered at almost the same moment, striking the
enemy's line at a sharp salient point, immediately in front
of the Landron House; a fierce and bloody fight ensued with
bayonets and clubbed muskets; it was short, however, and
resulted in the capture of nearly four thousand prisoners
of Johnson's Division of Ewell's Corps, twenty pieces of
artillery, with horses, caissons and material complete, sev-
eral thousand stands of arms and upwards of thirty colors.
Among the prisoners were Major-General Edward John-
son and Brigadier-General George H. Steuart, of the Con-
federate service.
The enemy fled in great confusion and disorder, their
loss in killed and wounded being unusually great. The
interior of the intrenchments presented a terrible and ghastly
spectacle of dead, most of whom were killed by our men
with the bayonet when they penetrated the works. So thickly
lay the dead at this point that in many places the bodies were
touching and piled upon each other.*
It seems fitting- to include with this report a vivid descrip-
194 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
tion of the assault by General Miles, the commander of the
Brigade with which the One Hundred and Fortieth was con-
nected, in his latest work entitled, "Serving the Republic."
This the writer is very confident will be read with more than
ordinary interest by the men who served under him in the
First Brigade, and later in the First Division of the Second
Army Corps.
Marching from its position near Po River, under cover
of night, our division formed en masse with two brigades in
front and two in rear, or forty men deep; the Second and
Third Divisions in two lines on the right and left; the last
brigade moving into position and, without a halt, forming
what is tactically called "double column on the centre." Thus
we moved forward in the gray of the morning for one of the
most desperate assaults ever made. It was impossible to
see but a few yards in front of us and, without skirmishers
or advanced lines, the troops moved in a solid mass over the
undulating ground up to where they suddenly came upon
the pickets of the enemy, who fired their rifles and then re-
treated back to their lines. The fire was not replied to. The
men had been ordered to remove the caps from their loaded
rifles and use nothing but their bayonets until they had
gained the enemy's position.
The column moved steadily on, passing as best it could
over the obstacles of felled trees and cut brush, until it came
in front of the intrenched line of battle with a strong line
of chcvoux-dc-jrisc in front, that at first seemed impass-
able; yet the momentum of this column, forty men deep,
all crowding forward, was irresistible. On reaching the
chevaux-dc-frise thousands of strong men literally raised it
up and tore it to pieces and rushed under or over it to the
line of works with their bayonets fixed. It was the first
time during the war that I had actually seen bayonets crossed
in mortal combat; it was a crash and a terrible scene for
a few moments. The superior numbers of the Union assail-
ants soon overpowered the Confederate defenders, who had
* In his description of this assault, General John B. Gordon,
of the Confederate Army — "Reminiscences of the Civil War, page
27 — says: "In all its details, its planning, its execution and its
fearful import to Lee's Army, this charge of Hancock was one of
that great soldier's most brilliant achievements.
STORMING OP THE SALIENT AT SPOTTSYLVANIA 195
held to their position with great pertinacity. They had
been able during that time to load and discharge their rifles
three times into the great mass of Union troops, where every
shot took effect in the heads or shoulders of the advancing
men. The same was done with the batteries of artillery;
the guns were fired three times before they were captured.
As the Union column swept en masse over the fortifi-
cations, the Confederates threw down their arms. Gen-
eral Stcuart and Johnson with four thousand Confederate
soldiers, thirty stand of colors and twenty pieces of ar-
tillery were captured.
The assaulting column pressed forward through the
broken line for some distance, and was then met by a coun-
ter-charge. The ground was fought over by the troops
charging back and forth for ten hours of that day, and pre-
sented a spectacle of horror without a parallel. Probably
on no other one field of like area of the great Civil War
did as desperate fighting and heavy loss occur. During that
time the infantry fire was so terrific that standing trees
were cut down by musket balls alone, and one solid oak,
twenty-two inches in diameter, was cut down entirely by
the infantry fire during the engagement. Its stump is now
in the National Museum at Washington. Batteries attempt-
ing to go into action were completely disabled and thrown
into a disordered mass by the drivers and horses being killed,
and the bodies of men who fell, killed or wounded on the
ramparts were riddled by scores of bullets. It was the only
ground that I ever saw during the war that was so com-
pletely covered with dead and wounded that it was impos-
sible to walk over it without stepping on dead bodies.
"All day long," says the historian of the Second Corps,
"and even into the night the battle lasted, for it was not
until 12 o'clock, nearly twenty hours after the command
'Forward' had been given that the firing died down, and the
Confederates, relinquishing their purpose to retake the cap-
tured works, began in the darkness to construct a new line
to cut off the salient. During this all-day conflict the
trenches had more than once to be cleared of the dead to
give the living a place to stand. A chilling rain fell dur-
ing the greater part of the day and also of the night. This
added greatly to the discomfort of the wounded men,
many of whom had not sufficient covering to protect them
from the cold."
In the above descriptions, which deal mainly with the
ig6 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Division as a whole, we have practically the description of
the part taken by every regiment of the command. It was a
unit, for the time, of tremendous momentum, when once
started, and in the rush which followed when the grim red
outlines of the earthworks loomed up in the gray of the morn-
ing there was but little, except the regimental colors, to dif-
ferentiate the struggling masses of the eager, onrushing men.
A short time before the order was given to advance,
Colonel Fraser came down the line to each company in turn,
telling them in whispered words that the Division was about
to assault the works in front, and that every man was ex-
pected to do his duty in his appointed place. In a communi-
cation sent to the writer a short time before his death, Major
Henry gave his recollection of a cheering word from the
Brigade commander. "In the fierce charge that was made,"
he wrote, "General Miles cried out, 'I know the One Hundred
and Fortieth will not fail me'."
One of the best accounts of the battle by a participant in
the Regiment has been left on record by Lieutenant C. T.
Hedge, to whose valuable notes reference has been made be-
fore, from which we quote as follows :
As soon as all were formed we fixed bayonets and were
ordered forward. We had only gone about one hundred
yards when we found we had to cross a small stream. The
banks were very steep, and the line was thrown into some
disorder in crossing. It took but a few moments to
straighten it out, and we again started forward. We soon
came to the Confederate picket line which was only a short
distance in front of the works. A few of them fired, but the
most were taken before they had time to get back. As soon
as the pickets fired upon us the Irish Brigade, which was on
our left gave a yell, and started forward on a run. The
whole line then started forward at the same gait and soon
we were in front of the works. The Rebs were taken by sur-
prise, but there were enough of them awake to give us a
warm reception. There were heavy slashings of timber in
front and before the most of our men could get through it
the Rebs were pouring a heavy fire on them at close range.
Our Regiment happened to strike a place where the slashing
was not so heavy and the One Hundred and Fortieth was
Stump of tree which was cut off by
balls at Spottsylvania, May 12, 1864.
STORMING OF THE SALIENT AT SPOTTSYLVANIA 197
one of the first, if not the first to enter the works. The Con-
federates fought us hand to hand after we reached this van-
tange ground and many of our men were wounded by bay-
onet thrusts. Day was just breaking when we routed their
forces and took possession of the salient. We took about
8000 ( ?) prisoners and eighteen pieces of artillery that
morning. Soon after we had occupied the works the Con-
federate troops of another command attempted to retake
them and charged us several times, but failed to break our
lines. We were at a disadvantage for the reason that our
artillery had not yet come up. Several of our Regiment —
myself among the rest — turned four or five pieces of the
captured artillery on the assaulting columns of the Rebs and
fired them nearly an hour, before our artillerymen came up.
The battle lasted until nightfall. Our regimental loss ex-
ceeded a hundred. Colonel Fraser was wounded in the
charge and Captain McCullough assumed command of the
Regiment"
"In this charge," says Sergeant Powelson, "General
Miles had command of the First Brigade, First Division.
The One Hundred and Fortieth was a part of this brigade,
and of the Regiment he then and ever after spoke well.
General Miles, the lines having been formed for the charge,
sent his horse to the rear, and placing himself at the head of
the brigade, led it in the charge. And he and members of
his staff testify that the One Hundred and Fortieth was the
first regiment to enter the rebel works. And we deem it
worthy to be here recorded that, when the Second Corps
marched back through the region in the vicinity of this battle,
after the surrender of Lee, General Miles claimed the stump
of the tree, cut down by the dreadful rain of the missiles of
war in that 'bloody angle' at Spottsylvania, and took it. And
Captain Sweeney, then on his staff, by order, conveyed it to
Washington and turned it over to Secretary Stanton with
General Miles' compliments."
This splendid, but dearly bought victory, which has been
characterized as one of the bravest, bloodiest assaults in the
annals of war, cost the Division a loss far in excess of any
other command in the army. "It is not possible," says General
Walker, "accurately to distinguish between the losses of the
1 2th of May and those of the days preceding and following.
Surgeon McParlin, in charge of the hospital service of the
ro8 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Army of the Potomac, reported the wounded of the several
corps on the 12th as follows:
The Second Corps 2,043
" Fifth " 970
" Sixth " 840
3.853
"Making allowances for the killed. General Humphreys
estimates the total killed and wounded at four thousand, seven
hundred and thirty-two; the missing as not in excess of five
hundred."
In the assault, and the long day's battle following it, the
One Hundred and Fortieth suffered a loss of fifty-two in
killed and mortally wounded. This was nearly as large as the
loss at Gettysburg, which reached a total of sixty-one.
Three color bearers of the Regiment were stricken down
in succession in this desperate conflict, Powers, Biddle and
Beeson. As the flag fell from the hands of Sergeant Beeson,
it was picked up by Corporal David Taggart, of Company G,
one of the color guards, who carried it from that day until the
surrender of General Lee at Appomattox. This blood stained
banner was one of the first, if not the first to wave over this
fiercely contested rood of Virginia soil.*
"Among the changes in the personnel of the corps inci-
dent to the action we have recorded," says General Walker,
"were the promotions of Colonels Miles. Brooke and Carroll
to he brigadier-generals of volunteers. Three finer examples
of fiery valor in hattle, of the steady and faithful performance
of duty, even to the dreariest work of routine in camp and
on the march, could not have been found in one group in all
the armies of the United States. * * * Generals Miles
and Brooke had been conspicuous on every battlefield since
Sunday morning at Fair Oaks, not more for their indomi-
table valor than for their command over men ; their calm
intelligence, over which the smoke of battle never cast a
cloud; their restless energy in assault; their ready wit and
abounding resources amid disaster."
*For fuller account of the regimental battle flag and its bearers
^ee page . . .
STORMING OF THE SALIENT AT SPOTTSYLVANIA 199
During the all-day conflict of the 12th, there were some
pieces of artillery between the lines which the Confederates
attempted to recover, on several occasions. Attempts were
also made from the Union side to bring off one or more of
these guns, but so deadly was the fire at close range over the
space on which they stood, that it was out of the question for
either side to move them.
On the 13th a detail from the One Hundred and Fortieth
and some other regiments of the Brigade succeeded, after a
brisk engagement with the enemy, in bringing off two of the
guns with their caissons, thus swelling the capture to twenty.
They were so badly cut up, however, with minie balls that
they were valuable only as trophies.
On the 18th of May an attempt was made to advance
through the captured salient and attack the Confederate line,
then strongly entrenched, beyond it. Barlow's Division was
again in the assaulting column and moved forward alongside
of the division of General Gibbon up to a broad belt of slashing
which was found to be almost impenetrable, in the face of the
deadly fire which swept the ground from the enemy's rifle
pits. Finding that the loss of life would be out of proportion
to any possible advantage to be secured General Hancock
advised a discontinuance of the attack, and General Meade
accepting his judgment in the premises, directed him to with-
draw his troops.
Thus ended the last concerted attempt to break up the
Confederate line of defence at Spottsylvania. General Hum-
phreys' estimate of the entire losses of the Army of the
Potomac and of Burnside's Corps during the military opera-
tions around Spottsylvania Court House, from May 8th to
19th, inclusive, is 14,679. Of this number he estimates that
13,268 were killed or wounded, the remainder, 1,411, were
numbered among the missing. The losses of Barlow's Division
were 406 killed; 1,803 wounded; 380 missing; a total of
2,589 out of 5,457, the aggregate loss of three divisions of the
Second Corps.
200 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
CHAPTER XV.
ON TOWARD RICHMOND.
Soldiers, your work is not over, the enemy must be
pursued, and, if possible, overcome. The courage and forti-
tude which you have displayed render your commanding
general confident that your future efforts will result in
success.
While we mourn the loss of many gallant comrades, let
us remember that the enemy must have suffered equal, if not
greater, losses. We shall soon receive reinforcements, which
he cannot expect.
Let us determine, then, to continue vigorously the work
so well begun, and under God's blessing, in a short time the
object of our labors will be accomplished. — Extract from
General Meade's address to the Army of the Potomac, May
13, 1864.
GENERAL Grant having determined to make a flank
movement to the left gave directions to Hancock to
take the lead in this movement, and secure a position
on the right bank of the Mattapony River, if practicable, in
advance of the rest of the army. The object of this advance
was to open the way to the North Anna River, which he was
anxious to reach before the enemy should be in position to
destroy the bridge, or dispute the fordings, at the points where
he expected to effect a crossing.
The start was made at 1 1 P. M. of the 20th on the road
leading to Bowling Green. By a rapid all-night march the
corps reached Guinea Station, on the Fredericksburg and
Richmond Railroad, at daybreak, and the north bank of the
Mattapony a little before noon. Our route during the whole
of the daylight tramp was through an open country which as
yet had been untouched by the ravages of war. On every
hand there were occupied houses and abundant evidences of
wealth, fertility and prosperity. It was a striking contrast
ON TOWARD RICHMOND 301
to the dreary wilderness in which the army had been enmeshed
and harried, ofttimes by unseen forces, for nearly three weeks,
and with cheerful faces and spontaneous snatches of song, —
the favorite being- "Ain't I glad I'm out of this wilderness," —
the troops relieved the monotony of the steady, wearisome
march. A brigade of cavalry in our front drove the enemy
from a line of rifle pits which they were holding on the north
side of the Mattapony, captured sixty or more of their number
and saved the bridge from destruction.
Coming up soon afterward, our Division crossed on thi-
bridge and deployed in line of battle on an open space beyond
the river bed. It was followed by Tyler's Heavy Artillery
and Gibbon's Division, Birney being held on the north side
in reserve. Intrenching the line which he decided to occupy,
Hancock awaited the arrival of the main body of the army.
On the evening of the 22d the three corps came up or were
within easy support. The next morning Grant gave orders to
push on with all speed to the North Anna, where Lee was
already posted, with a part of his army to resist the further
advance of the Union troops toward Richmond.
The Second Corps, starting at five o'clock in the morning,
reached the Chesterfield Ford about midday. The intrench-
ments which guarded the bridge were carried by assault in
front of Birney's Division and the way was thus opened for
an advance. The next morning Birney crossed the bridge,
driving the skirmishers of the enemy before him and held the
ground on the opposite side until two pontoon bridges were
thrown across the stream. The divisions of Gibbon and
Barlow then crossed on these bridges and the whole line ad-
vanced to a position within striking distance of the Confed-
erate line of intrenchments. In this advance the One Hundred
and Fortieth did good service, as usual, on the skirmish line.
After testing the position of the enemy at several points,
General Grant decided to withdraw his two wings, both of
which were on the south side of the river and in constant
peril, and make trial of another flanking movement to the left.
By a concerted action all the troops across the river were
quietly moved over on the night of the 26th, and after going
202 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
far enough eastward to avoid an attack on his exposed flank
the "indomitable commander of the Union Army" resumed his
march southward toward Richmond, his objective being the
Pamunkey River, formed by the union of the North and South
Anna. Sheridan, with two divisions of cavalry, led the flank-
ing column, and was followed by the corps of Wright, Warren
and Burnside. Hancock was left behind to cover the rear of
the army until the morning, and for this reason his men — it
was a rare experience — escaped an all-night march. The
advance of the flanking column reached Hanovertown, some
twenty miles from their starting point, about the time that the
rear guard of Hancock's command left the North Anna. The
enemy did not dispute the passage of this stream, and on the
morning of the 28th the Union Army was concentrated on the
south side of the Pamunkey and in communication with a new
base of supplies at White House, the head of navigation on
this river.
During the latter part of the summer of 1864 the officers
in command of the several regiments of the Army of the
Potomac were required to give an outline of the movements
and operations of their commands from the beginning of the
spring campaign until the first of July, under five epochs,
which, for the sake of uniformity, were definitely defined.
It fell to the lot of Major Henry, then commanding the
One Hundred and Fortieth Pennsylvania, to make this report.
The First and Second Epochs cover the operations of the
Regiment up to the withdrawal of the corps from its position
near Spottsylvania Court House, and the substance of the
report relating to that period has been included in the fore-
going narrative.*
The reports relating to the remaining epochs will be given
in their appropriate setting in the language of Major Henry:
*To the foregoing statements should be added the losses reported
by Major Henry in the Second Epoch, dating from May 8-21, as
follows: Killed, 34 enlisted men; wounded, 6 officers and 120 men;
captured or missing, 9 enlisted men, total, 169. This report includes
the assault of the Salient at Spottsylvania.
ON TOWARD RICHMOND 203
Third Epoch.
May 22d-June 1st.
Colonel Fraser having been wounded at Spottsylvania
the command of the Regiment devolved upon Captain John F.
McCullough. On the morning of the 21st of May we
marched with the brigade toward Milford Station, on the
Frederick and Richmond Railroad, passing through Bowling
Green. We reached the station about midday, crossed the
Mattapony and threw up heavy works. We remained in this
position until the morning of the 23d, when we moved with
the brigade to the North Anna River. We crossed the river
on the afternoon of the 24th and the Regiment was deployed
as skirmishers, driving the skirmishers of the enemy into
their works.
The Regiment was relieved in the evening by the One
Hundred and Eighty-third Pennsylvania Volunteers, when
we returned to the brigade, behind the bank of the river,
where we remained until the night of the 26th, when we re-
crossed the river and supported a battery until the next day,
when the army was well in motion. The regimental loss
on the march to the North Anna and the fighting on that
river, was three enlisted men killed and nine wounded.
The historian of Company K gives a realistic touch to
an incident connected with the withdrawal of the Regiment
from the North Anna, from which we quote as follows :
At the time the army was withdrawn to the north side
of the river Company K, then in command of Lieutenant
Kerr, was among the troops that covered the movement, and
the men were deployed on the northern bank as pickets or
skirmishers. The south side bank was twenty-five or thirty
feet higher than the north one, and was lined with old rifle
pits. The rebels followed and occupied these, from which
they kept up a lively fire for some time. The river was
narrow, sixty or seventy feet wide, and Company K had no
protection but a few trees, which they hugged tightly, and
could only take a shot now and then. Late in the day the
enemy ceased firing. On reconnoitering, the true condition
was found out. Earlier in the day (as was ascertained
later) the order had been given calling off the pickets.
This had to be done stealthilv. From individual to indi-
20 4 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
vidual the word was to be quietly passed — "fall back to the
rear." All went well till it came to George Johnson, who
was hard of hearing and did not catch the command, nor
was he in a position to notice the withdrawing. So he and
all those in the company that were to his right were left.
Having no orders to retire, they stayed at their posts. So
near sunset, being assured by two negroes, who had crossed
the river, that the Johnnies "had sure done gone," they got
together, Ralston taking command. All were at sea, not
knowing where the Regiment had gone. But they went
directly back from the river. A few miles on they saw some
cavalry in camp. Happily they were friends, and gave the
all right signal to the boys. It was Gregg's cavalry, and he
directed them to remain with his command until their Regi-
ment could be located.
To this story John A. McCalmot, of the same company,
adds the statement that he and another comrade, anticipating
trouble from the enemy when they should occupy the
breastworks on the south side, and not having trees which
would be available as a protection from sharpshooters, dug
holes in the sand with their bayonets and tin plates, in which
they were protected as long as they hugged the ground
closely. As the sun mounted toward the zenith this refuge
in the hot sand became so oppressive that they decided to
"cut and run," with a view to seeking a refuge in the earth-
works some distance to the rear. These they reached in
safety, but had to run the risk of being killed or wounded
by the shower of minie balls which followed them as soon as
they were discovered.
Such experiences as the above were not uncommon on
the picket or skirmish line. In many cases it was necessary
to seek cover, and when this was not at hand the men made
such good use of their bayonets and tin plates that they soon
had a fairly good protection for their heads and the exposed
parts of their bodies.
On the morning of the 29th of May General Meade
ordered his corps commanders to move southward in support
of a cavalry reconnoissance until they should meet the enemy
in force and definitely determine the position they had chosen
for the next stand in defense of the Confederate capital. As
the result of this advance it became evident that the main body
of Lee's army had already reached the Chickahominy River,
ON TOWARD RICHMOND 205
which was directly across Grant's line of march, and had
strongly intrenched themselves with the determination of dis-
puting his passage. At or near the headwaters of Totopotomy
Creek, a tributary of the Pamunkey, Hancock found a strong
force of the enemy in advance of Lee's line behind intrench-
ments of a formidable character with swampy ground in their
front.
The advanced rifle pits of the enemy's skirmish line were
taken by Barlow's Division on the evening of the 30th and
afforded a shelter for a time behind which the men labored, as
they had opportunity, to make their position more secure.
Between the lines thus drawn there was a continual fire of
musketry, sharpshooters and occasionally of artillery most of
the day. About two o'clock in the afternoon General Miles
called Captain McCullough aside and gave him some special
instructions, presumably relating to the dislodging of a band
of advanced sharpshooters or a battery of artillery which was
infilading a portion of his line. As the General turned away
Captain McCullough ordered the Regiment to fall in. Spring-
ing over the rifle pit he called upon the men to follow. The
order was instantly obeyed and as soon as the line was formed
a rapid advance was made toward the Confederate lines. From
the moment the little battalion — for such it was at that time —
appeared in full view of the vigilant enemy it became the
target for the sharpshooters and light artillery men, who were
in easy range as the men rushed down the hill. At the edge
of the swampy ground which lay between them and the Con-
federate works a deadly volley of musketry was poured into
their ranks. Several fell and among the number the regi-
mental commander. The wound was mortal and soon after-
ward he died from loss of blood, the ball having cut the
femoral artery. Captain Campbell, of Company H, then
assumed command of the Regiment, moving it quickly by the
right flank to a temporary shelter behind a little knoll.
"After McCullough was wounded," says Lieutenant
Hedge, "no one knew what orders General Miles had given
him. We had to lie in that position all that day until night-
»6 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
fall, for it was certain death either to advance or retreat.
We had to lie flat on the ground all the time. Every man
that raised his ho. id was shot by sharpshooters. After we
had been in this position about an hour the Rebs managed
to move a piece of artillery down on our left so as to rake
our line. Bang came a shell, the first intimation we had of
our danger, which swept down the line, striking in Company
E. It tore two men to pieces and wounded several others.
Our batteries quickly got the range of it, however, and after
it had fired a few more shots disabled it. As above intimated,
we remained between the two lines until after dark, when we
fell back to our works without further loss."
"The loss to the Regiment in this engagement," says
Major Henry, "was eight killed and seven wounded." It will
be noted that the proportion of those who were mortally
wounded far exceeds the usual average in battle.
In his report under date of October 30, 1864, General
Miles says :
Captain McCullough, a very gallant and promising
young officer, commanding the One Hundred and Fortieth
Pennsylvania Volunteers, was killed at Totopotomy Creek.
Captain McCullough had received notice of his appoint-
ment as Colonel of the One Hundred and Eighty-third Penn-
sylvania Volunteers a short time before his death, but his
commission did not reach the headquarters of the Regiment
until some days afterward.
At a reunion of the Regiment held at Waynesburg, Pa.,
October , Chaplain J. L. Milligan, LL.D.. gave the
following graphic description of the engagement and the last
moments of the brave Commander who led this forlorn hope :
1
In the town of Jefferson, in this county (Greened,
there is a spot of ground that is sacred, made so by the
remains of as brave and true a soldier as ever drew a sword
or shouldered a gun, and that man is Colonel J. F. Mc-
Cullough. On May 30, 1864, on the banks of the Totopotomy
Creek, Virginia, lay the Union Army. Across the creek and
beyond in the woods were the enemy. They were annoying
ON lOWAl'H RICHMOND TffJ
. ral Barlow was division commander and General
Miles brigade commander. It was desired to discover the
strength of the enemy or rather to remove the annoying
cause. Captain McCullough was chosen for the task, and
given charge of the Regiment. They had gone but a little
distance until the enemy was engaged. 'J here were sixteen
casualties — eight killed and the same number wounded.
'iTiis was a very large percentage of the men engaged. Col-
onel McCullough was fatally wounded, the large artery in
the leg being severed. His men wanted to carry him back to
the rear, but he would not let them, telling them to move
forward and "don't mind me." He was found some time
afterwards by Chaplain Milligan, who knelt by him and told
he was dying. McCullough was very weak from loss of
blood and soon expired.
Finding- his way blocked once more by a strongly in-
trenched force all along- his front, General Grant ordered
another movement by the left flank. This was the last move
of the kind possible in the advance on Richmond from the
north and it brought the Union troops once more face to face
with Lee's recently reinforced army, which was determined
to hold the approaches to the Chickahominy at all hazards.
On the first of June a supporting - column of infantry,
which had followed Sheridan, occupied Cold Harbor, having
carried by assault a portion of the enemy's intrenched line of
battle. To make good the possession of this important position
General Hancock was ordered to abandon his intrenched line
on the Totopotomy — the extreme right of the army — and
hasten with all speed to the left wing which as yet had only a
precarious hold upon the ground they had so recently won.
The urgency of the movement appears in the following order
from General Meade, which reached Hancock late in the
evening:
You must make every exertion to move promptly and
reach Cold Harbor as soon as possible. At that point you
will take position to reinforce Wright on his left, which it is
desired to extend to the Chickahominy. Every confidence
is felt that your gallant corps of veterans will move with
vigor and endure the necessary fatigue.
308 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
This meant a long, all-night march and those who made
it are not likely to forget the intense heat of that sultry night
or the dense clouds of dust which were stirred by the advance
of this marching host and which almost suffocated the horses
of the trains and artillery as well as the patient, plodding men.
The designated position was not reached until about seven
o'clock on the morning of June 2d, and by that time the troops
were so much exhausted that the attack which had been
ordered at daybreak was postponed until five o'clock in the
evening. While preparations were being made to deliver this
assault a cloud of dense blackness, charged with a super-
abundant supply of electric energies, suddenly appeared near
the horizon line and overspread the sky. "Its dark bosom,"
as one has described it, ''was incessantly riven by lightning
and the thunder boomed louder than the artillery above the
waiting armies. The wind swept by in fierce gusts, bending
the trees like wands in its path, and everything betokened a
wild and stormy evening. Soon the burdened clouds opened,
and the rain came down in a perfect deluge, turning the fields
into standing pools and swelling the Chickahominy into a
turbid flood. The order for the attack had, therefore, to be
countermanded, and the drenched army went into bivouac for
the night."
The two armies which thus confronted each other at close
range were now upon the old battlefield of McClellan and Lee
two years before. Richmond, the Confederate capital, was
only six miles away, and at some points of the line the spires
of its churches could be seen. The army which defended it
was now at bay, having drawn up all the forces which could
be spared from other quarters to augment its strength of
attack or resistance. Hoke, from North Carolina, had come
with a brigade of fresh troops, Pickett had arrived with his
division from Richmond and Breckenridge with a considerable
force of reinforcements drawn from the Shenandoah Valley,
in all, according to Grant's estimate, probably not less than
15,000 men.
The position which Lee had chosen was a very strong one
and the natural features were such that neither flank could be
ON TOWARD RICHMOND 209
turned. His right rested on the Chickahominy, with swampy
ground in front, and his left was securely defended from
approach by a strip of swampy woodland and undergrowth.
Every part of the line defended by carefully constructed earth-
works and in front of the section which Barlow's Division
directly faced there was an advanced line of Confederate in-
trenchments. Behind this line and less than three miles away
were the forts, which had been built long before, and of late
had been greatly strengthened, for the protection of the city
of Richmond.
After the abatement of the storm, which had hindered a
concerted attack on the afternoon of the 2d, General Grant
issued an order for a general assault at 4.30 of the next
morning. Before the breaking of the day the column of assault
was formed, with Barlow and Gibbon in front and Birney's
Division as reserve. In Barlow's Division the brigades of
Miles and Brooke were deployed, and the One Hundred and
Fortieth, as usual, was in the front line.
"At the appointed hour," says Grant in his Memoirs,
"Barlow pushed forward with great vigor, under a heavy
fire of both artillery and musketry, through thickets and
swamps. Notwithstanding all the resistance of the enemy
and the natural obstructions to be overcome, he carried a
position occupied by the enemy outside their main line where
the road makes a deep cut through a bank, affording as good
a shelter for troops as if it had been made for that purpose.
Three pieces of artillery were captured here, and several
hundred prisoners. The guns were immediately turned
against the men who had just been using them. No assis-
tance coming to him, Barlow intrenched under fire and con-
tinued to hold his place."
"The result of the assault," says General Miles, "was a
loss to the enemy of approximately two thousand, and to the
Union troops thirteen thousand, including many of the best
men of our army. Three young colonels, with whom I
served from the time they were lieutenants, bivouacked that
night together and slept under the same blanket; they were
laughing and speculating as to the results of the morrow.
When dawn came they all gallantly led their regiments and
were all dead in fifteen minutes."
210 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
With more minuteness of detail, Headley, in his "History
of the Great Rebellion," describes the part taken by Hancock's
Corps, from which we quote as follows :
The morning was dark and gloomy and a gentle rain
was falling as the firm-set lines moved out from behind
their breastworks and began to advance over the field.
Hancock, on the left, first came up to the enemy's works.
Barlow, with four brigades, formed the extreme left; and
this gallant commander carried his troops for half a mile,
through woods and open spaces, under a heavy fire, square
up to the rebel works.
These were the immortal brigades which made the gal-
lant dash into the works at Spottsylvania, and here, enacting
again their heroic deeds, they sprang with a shout over the
enemy's parapets, capturing the guns, colors and several
hundred prisoners. This was the key to the rebel position,
and could this gallant charge have been properly supported,
Lee's army, in all probability, would have been driven over
the Chickahominy.
********
The whole of Hancock's Corps advanced simultaneously
with Barlow's Division and came, like it, upon the works
and made desperate efforts to carry them.
Deafening yells, rising from behind the hostile in-
trenchments, answered with shouts all along our lines —
incessant explosions of artillery and crashing volleys of
musketry — the long, low, sulphurous cloud hanging in the
damp air above the combatants — the never-ceasing stream of
wounded borne back to the rear, made the summer morning
one of gloom and terror to the beholder. * * *
The brunt of the battle was borne by Hancock's Corps,
which also gained most of the advantage that was even
temporarily secured. The Army of the Potomac had again
flung itself against the rebel works in vain, and rent and
bleeding fell back, but not to its original position. A lull
came in the battle, and the anxious question asked by all
was: "Will the assault be renewed?"
*******
The two armies remained in this relative position all
day, neither making any decided demonstration. But just
after dark, the rebels came down on Hancock's Corps in one
of their tremendous charges. Our brave troops, however
had moved too often on formidable works without flinching
ON TOWARD RICHMOND 211
to be driven from behind their own entrenchments by any
force; and as the dark mass became well defined in the gray
gloom, they poured volley after volley of musketry with a
coolness and precision that made the hostile lines melt away
as though swallowed up by the night, while the deadly bat-
teries tore huge gaps through the dim formations.
Thus ended the Battle of Cold Harbor, or, as it has
sometimes been called, of Chickahominy.
In the early part of the afternoon, it being apparent that
further assaults would be attended with great loss, General
Meade issued an order directing that for the present all offen-
sive operations should be suspended. Corps commanders were
directed, however, to intrench the advanced positions they had
gained and to seek to move against the enemy's works by
regular approaches from these advanced positions. Under
such circumstances, not at all favorable to security or rest by
day or night, the two armies faced each other in that region
of swamps and malaria for about twelve days.
"This," says Lieutenant Hedge, "was the worst place the
army was ever in. The Rebs had the best position. The two
lines where our Division lay were not more than 200 yards
apart. The sharp shooters of the enemy could pick our men
off a half a mile in rear of our line, and the only safe place
was close to or under the protection of our works. A con-
tinual picket fire was kept up and men were killed or
wounded all hours of the day and night. Some were killed
by random balls while sleeping. During these long and
anxious days we had to drink water out of a dirty swamp
in which were dead horses and mules."
Between the lines for some days after the assault of
the third there were many unburied dead and also a number
of wounded men who could not be reached by either side,
for the reason that every man who for any reason exposed
his person became thereby a target for sharpshooters and
picked rifle men on the lines, who were constantly on the alert.
To reach the wounded men of both sides who were suffer-
ing untold agonies of fever and thirst. General Grant pro-
posed that to General Lee that either party, when a battle
2ia THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
was not raging, should be authorized to semi unarmed men
bearing litters, between the picket or skirmish line, to pick
up the dead or wounded, without the danger of being fired
on by the other party. To this apparently fair proposition
( ieneral Lee replied that he feared it would lead to misunder-
standing and proposed instead that a flag of truce should
be sent. Understanding by this that a white flag would be
respected on this errand, General Grant replied: "I will send
immediately, as you propose, to collect the dead and wounded
between the lines of the two armies, and will instruct that
you be allowed to do the same. I propose that the time for
doing so be between the hours of 12 M. and 3 P. M. to-day.
I will direct all parties going out to bear a white Hag and
not to attempt to go beyond where we have dead or wounded,
and not beyond or on ground occupied by your troops." To
this proposal, offered in all sincerity, in the interests of suf-
fering humanity, strange as it may seem, General Lee would
not consent, but insisted that when either party desired such
permission, it should be asked for formally by flag of truce.
He also informed General Grant that he had directed that
any parties he may have sent out — with a white flag — as men-
tioned in his letter, should be turned back. Regretting the loss
of time which had resulted from this formal correspondence,
Grant then asked for a cessation of hostilities to allow time
for this humane service, and left the fixing of the hours to
the Confederate commander.
"Lee acceded to this," says Grant in his Memoirs, "hut
delay in transmitting the correspondence brought it to the
7th of June — forty-eight hours after it commenced — before
parties were got out to collect the men left upon the field.
In the meantime all but two of the wounded had died."
In this transaction it must be evident to the candid reader
that the Union commander gave evidence of unquestioned
sincerity of intention, as well as of true nobility of character,
and we cannot but wish for his own sake, as well as for the
sake of our suffering comrades, that the commander of the
Confederate army had met his proposals in the same trust-
ON TOWARD RICHMOND 213
ful, generous spirit and with the same directness of purpose.
In a little booklet written by Mancan Sharp, which gives
a brief record of the men from Amity and its environs who
enlisted during the war, we find a brief account relating to
Samuel Evans, of Company D, one of the helpless sufferers
who spent one night and the greater part of two days be-
tween the lines at Cold Harbor before he was brought in.
"Samuel Evans," says the writer, "was wounded twice
and lay between the lines, hut whether dead or alive
was not certainly known for awhile by his comrades. His
faithful friend, John Hathaway, watching closely saw his
blanket move. Against the advice of his comrades he
insisted on going to his friend. With a canteen of water
he deliberately stepped out, and in full view of a strong
Confederate line, walked to where his friend was lying.
He made him as comfortable as possible; not a gun was
fired. When he started back a hundred guns or more were
fired at him. He was hit and knocked down. He grabbed
a rebel haversack from the ground to make them think they
had not hit him. He reached our lines in a fainting condi-
tion. Comrade Evans soon passed away and was brought
home and is buried at Ten Mile."
During the almost daily artillery duels between the
Union and Confederate batteries at Cold Harbor the occu-
pants of the tents at corps and division headquarters were
exposed to greater danger than the men at the front.* At
Barlow's headquarters, near the edge of a little patch of
woods, the trees were topped with solid shot, and on one
occasion the limb of a tree was cut off and fell upon the
table while the cook was preparing an evening meal. One
day the Captain of the Provost Guard reported the round-
*"Thc headquarters of the Corps," says General Walker, "were
riddled by bullets, and on the night of the 7th the Assistant Provost
Marshal, Captain Alexander M. McGuire, Seventy-fourth New York,
was killed by a solid shot while standing at the door of General
Hancock's tent. It was, indeed, a hideous time. No one who was
was exposed to the fury of that storm will ever forget how the
horrors of the battle were heightened by the blackness of the night."
ai4 /■///•: ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
ing up of some stragglers and skulkers who had sought the
roar for safety. With a grim humor, characteristic of the
man, Harlow ordered (hat these men should he tied in an
opeil Space near his own tent, which he had noticed had been
more frequently swept by bursting shells and dying missiles
than other portions of the field. Here they were kept under
a heavy fire for several hours, with a view to impressing
upon them the lesson that the post of duty was the safest
place for a Union soldier. One of the number was severely
wounded, and the others, if not harmed, were, at least, badly
frightened.
The official report of the movements oi the Regiment
from the North Anna to the withdrawal from Cold Harbor.
as given by Major Henry, is as follows:
Fourth Epoch.
June 2d — June 15th.
On the 27th the Regiment marched with the brigade and
crossed the Pamunkey River about noon, taking position on
the left of the Sixth Corps. In the evening the Regiment,
which had been sent to support the cavalry at Hawe's Shop,
rejoined the brigade about midnight. On the 2Qth, at noon,
the Regiment was deployed on the left of the brigade and
moved in the direction of Totopotomy Creek. We were
released from the picket line about 10 o'clock and rejoined
the brigade in the earthworks, where we remained until 2
P. M. of the 3X8t. The Regiment was then ordered to cross
Totopotomy Creek, which it did, under a very heavy and
severe fire of musketry and artillery. Captain McCullough
was killed in this engagement and the command developed
upon Captain Samuel Campbell. At dusk the Regiment was
withdrawn and rejoined the brigade.
On June 1st we supported artillery and marched that
night toward Cold Harbor, which place we reached about 9
A. M. On the 2d, at 12 M., the Regiment moved with the
brigade to the left and deployed as skirmishers. Marching
with the color company in reserve, we relieved the First
Penna. Cavalry and drove the enemy's skirmishers into their
line of works. We then charged the works, in connection
ON TOWARD RICHMOND
^'5
with the Twenty-sixth Michigan, and two companies of the
Second N. Y. Heavy Artillery, but owing to the superior
numbers of the enemy, were forced to fall back across the
road, where we remained under heavy fire until after dark,
when we were relieved by the Fifth N. IF. Vols.
On the 3d the Regiment supported the pickets on the
left and threw up earthworks. Here we remained until the
night of the 6th, when we advanced the line and threw up
more and stronger works, remaining in this position until the
night of the 13th.
The Regiment lost in the operations at Totopotomy and
Cold Harbor one commissioned officer and nine enlisted men
killed; twenty- four enlisted men wounded and nine missing.
The following statement gives the casualties in each
command of the First Brigade within the period covered by
the four designated epochs :
Casualties May 5-7, 1864.
Command
Totals
Staff 1
26th Mich 7
61st N. Y 3
81st Pa
140th Pa 13
183d Pa
Killed
Officers Men
Wounded Cap. or Miss
Officers Men Officers Men
r
7
3
ro
Casualties May 8-21.
Staff 1
26th Mich 167
61st N. Y 102
81st Pa -pj
140th Pa 169
183d Pa 161
2
1
35
9
34
10
1
6
5
2
6
2
"5
74
61
120
107
Casualties May 220 to June ist.
Staff
26th Mich. .
*2d N. Y. H.
61st N. Y. ..
81st Pa
140th Pa. . . .
183d Pa. ...
Art.
1
18
9'
3
2
25
36
5
7
9
11
1 r
74
2
1
15
20
11
2
4
9
33
7
1
2
210 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Casualties June 2d to June 15TI1.
Command Killed Wounded Cap. or Miss.
Totals Officers Men Officers Men Officers Men
26th Mich 28 . . 3 . . 19 . . 6
5th N. Hamp 231 2 41 5 146 2 35
2nd N. Y. H. Art 215 1 20 4 170 1 19
61st N. Y 22 1 1 1 16 . . 3
81st Pa 44 1 7 • • 33 • • 3
140th Pa 40 . . 5 . . 23 12
183d Pa 95 1 4 5 7i •• M
In the judgment of military writers General Grant's
supreme effort to drive through the intrenched lines of the
Confederates at Cold Harbor on the 3rd of June was the cost-
liest and most sanguinary assault for the time of its continu-
ance in the history of the war.
"Here," says General Morgan, "the Second Corps re-
ceived a mortal blow, and never again was the same body
of men." Of this battle General Hancock said: "In an
hour's assault, 3,024 men fell." "He might well speak of it,"
writes the historian of the 145th Pennsylvania, "as a loss
without precedence. Indeed, since the army crossed the Rapi-
dan, the losses of the Second Corps had been without
precedent. Grant had used it as the hammer head with
which he had pounded Lee for four weeks."*
With the noble frankness which was ever characteristic
of the man General Grant has left this testimony in his
Memoirs: "I have always regretted that the last assault at
Cold Harbor was ever made. No advantage whatever was
gained to compensate for the heavy loss we sustained. In-
deed the advantages other than those of relative losses were
on the Confederate side."
♦Pennsylvania at Gettysburg, Volume II, page 711.
ON THE SOUTH SIDE OF RICHMOND 217
CHAPTER XVI.
A SUMMER CAMPAIGN ON THE SOUTH SIDE OF RICHMOND.
"O ! God of our fathers ! this banner must shine
Where battle is hottest, in warfare divine!
The cannon has thundered, the bugle has blown —
We fear not the summons — we fight not alone !
O ! lead us, till wide from the gulf to the sea,
The land shall be sacred to Freedom and Thee!
With love for oppression ; with blessings for scars —
One Country — One Banner — the Stripes and the Stars."
Edna Dean Proctor.
THE withdrawal of the army from its defensive works at
Cold Harbor, in close proximity to the enemy, without
confusion or loss, and its transfer to a new base of sup-
plies and active operations, without opposition or detention,
was one of the most masterly movements of the war. From
Cold Harbor to Petersburg-, the objective point of the move-
ment, was, by the route chosen, a distance of fully fifty miles,
while to the Confederates the distance to be travelled was not
more than thirty-four.
By the former route two bridgeless rivers were to be
crossed, one of which — the Chickahominy — had so overflowed
its banks that it looked more like a lowland swamp than a
river, and the other, the majestic James, was at the point of
crossing, a tide-water stream a half mile in width. "So well
had it been planned," says General Walker, "so prudently and
so vigorously had its first stages been executed, that the Con-
federates were not only outmarched but distinctly outgen-
eraled."
At 9 o'clock on the night of the 12th, Barlow's Division
moved cautiously and silently by the left flank, under cover
of the intrenchments, toward Barker's Mills. The night was
clear and the moon was shining brightly; but the usually alert
218 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
and agressive enemy in our front did not seem to realize that
anything suggestive of a withdrawal of the army was actually
taking place, and that, too, almost under their noses. In the
same quiet manner the pickets were withdrawn after the main
column had reached the rear, and was well on its way. War-
ren's Corps which had started from a concealed position on the
reserve line led the advance. The cavalry, which preceded it,
forded the crossing of the Chickahominy and, driving the
cavalry pickets before them, held the ground until a pontoon
bridge was thrown across. By the morning of the 13th War-
ren's Corps had effected a crossing at this point and held the
roads leading to Richmond until the rest of the army had
passed over. The Second Corps, with Barlow's Division in
the lead, reached the Chickahominy about noon and at once
crossed it on the pontoon bridge which Warren had con-
structed, and used. Pushing on with brief halts for rest we
reached Wilcox Landing in the vicinity of Charles City Court
House, on the James River, about 9 o'clock at night. This
long and tedious march of fully twenty-five miles, one-half of
which was made after night, was cheerfully endured by the
men who were only too glad to escape from the malarial
swamps and ill-omened lowlands of the Chickahominy River.
A fleet of transports, ferry boats from northern rivers,
excursion steamers, with double and triple decks, and for-
midable looking war vessels, dotted the broad expanse of the
great river, and in one way or another aided in the crossing of
the army. Soon after our arrival the Engineer Corps finished
the construction of a pontoon bridge which required the
anchorage of one hundred boats to complete the stretch from
shore to shore. On the evening of the 14th the Second Corps
commenced to cross the river. Some of the troops crossed on
transports as soon as the boats were available, and others took
the bridge, over which a continuous stream of infantry, artil-
lery and heavy wagon trains was passing during the night.
About daybreak on the morning of the 15th the entire com-
mand with four batteries of artillery was safely landed on the
south side of the James. The remaining portions of the
ON THE SOUTH SIDE OF RICHMOND 219
wagon trains and artillery were ferried over in the early part
of the forenoon.
The other corps followed in the order indicated. By the
close of the day the whole army, without the loss of a man
or of any part of its equipment, was in position to advance
toward its new objective, the City of Petersburg.
The aggregate losses up to this day, which marks a new
epoch in the history of the campaign, was 39,259. In con-
nection with this estimate, which is given in the Memoirs of
General Grant, the statement is made that "at the crossing of
the James River, June 14th and 15th, the army numbered
about 115,000. The aggregate of losses of the One Hundred
and Fortieth during this period, as reported by Major Henry,
was fifty-four killed and 118 wounded. The number missing
does not seem to be included in this estimate.
In the hope of receiving rations, which had been promised
him on the south side of the river, General Hancock did not
give the order to advance in the direction of Petersburg until
half past ten. It appears also that through some misunder-
standing, or failure to receive definite instructions, Hancock
did not know that he was expected to support the Eighteenth
Corps in an attack ordered on the works at Petersburg that
morning, when as yet they were feebly manned, and hence
did not push on with his accustomed vigor and decision. Re-
ferring to his wait for rations, as ordered, General Grant says,
"He (Hancock) then moved without them, and on the road
received a note from General W. F. Smith, asking him to
come on. This seems to be the first information that Hancock
had received of the fact that he was to go to Petersburg, or
that anything particular was expected of him. Otherwise he
would have been there by four o'clock in the afternoon." An-
other cause of delay was owing to a mistake in the order of
march which involved, before it could be rectified, an in-
crease of about five miles to the day's march. After a long
stretch of about twenty-five miles, Barlow's Division, which
was marching in the rear of the Corps, went into bivouac
within supporting distance of General Smith, about midnight.
The divisions which were in the lead arrived earlier in the
220 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
evening, but not in time to take part in the assault on the
works. While on the march we heard the long roll of mus-
ketry punctured at intervals by discharges of artillery, but did
not know until the next morning that General Smith had
captured a part of the strongly intrenched Confederate lines,
and that, had we been in position to follow it up that night,
the City of Petersburg might easily have fallen into our hands.
The assault, which carried with it the earnest of results so im-
portant, was made at seven o'clock in the evening. The brunt
of it fell upon the colored troops of this command who ad-
vanced with splendid enthusiasm capturing five redans with
their connecting rifle pits, covering a distance of about two
and a half miles. Fifteen guns and about 300 prisoners were
taken within these strongly constructed defences. As we ad-
vanced the next morning over the ground on which this
deadly conflict had raged, for about two hours, we found the
dead bodies of a large number of the colored troops, who had
fallen in the charge made upon the works.
By this time Lee's army had appeared in force, con-
structed a new line of works and the opportunity to take Peters-
burg by surprise had passed. Under Hancock's direction an
assault was made on the enemy's works on the morning of
the 1 6th and with heavy loss, another redan was captured.
Referring to the operations which followed on this day
General Grant says :
Meade came up in the afternoon and succeeded Han-
cock, who had to be relieved, temporarily, from the com-
mand of his corps on account of the breaking out afresh of
the wound he had received at Gettysburg.* During the day
Meade assaulted and carried one more redan to his right and
two to his left. In all this we lost very heavily. The works
were not strongly manned but they all had guns in them
which fell into our hands; together with the men who were
handling them in the effort to repel these assaults.
*General Birney succeeded to the command of the Second Corps
during General Hancock's stay in the hospital.
ON THE SOUTH SIDE OF RICHMOND 221
The First Division, on the extreme left of the Corps, and
Birney's Corps bore the brunt of these assaults, one of which
Barlow led cap in hand. Describing the operations of this
evening and the next day (June 17th) Major Henry says:
"The fight lasted all night and our line was advanced, but at
terrible cost. As at Cold Harbor, the intrenched picket line
was so close to the pickets of the enemy that the men could
hear their conversation, and the least exposure meant im-
mediate death. Lieutenant Andrew M. Purdy, of Company F,
rising up to give an order, was instantly killed. Later in the
day another attack was made in which the Regiment partici-
pated and the Corps carried the hill upon which Fort Stead-
man was afterward built."
During the night of the 17th the enemy fell back to an-
other line which had been already selected and was to some
extent fortified. On the morning of the 18th our troops oc-
cupied the abandoned line of the enemy and prepared for a
general assault which was delivered about noon. Meanwhile
the Confederates had reinforced and greatly strengthened their
interior line and the Union troops were repulsed at every point
with terrible slaughter. On this day, which Walker char-
acterizes as "one of the bloody days of the Army of the Poto-
mac," Barlow's Division supported the attacking column and
hence the losses were not so heavy in it as on some of the
minor conflicts in which it was engaged.
"The attack of Mott, from the Hare House," says the
same writer, "was especially memorable on account of the
heroic bearing and monstrous losses of the First Maine
Heavy Artillery, which that General — determined to try
what virtue there might be in the enthusiasm of a new,
fresh strong regiment, not yet discouraged by repeated
failures — had placed in his front line. The charge, sup-
ported by the older regiments, was a most gallant one,
though unsuccessful, the Maine men advancing over a space
of three hundred and fifty yards swept by musketry, and
only retiring after more than six hundred of their number
had fallen, the heaviest loss sustained by any regiment of
of the Union armies in any battle of the war."
222 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
This was the last of a series of assaults upon intrenched
positions, ofttimes repeated and persistenty made, from Spott-
sylvania to Petersburg. So many of them had been costly
victories or comparative failures, that the older troops were
losing the enthusiasm which had carried them through the
earlier conflicts : and the raw, undisciplined men who had
taken the places of their former comrades could not be de-
pended upon in such hours of emergency.
Up to this date the losses in the several conflicts before
Petersburg were nearly ten thousand. Preparations were now
made for a regular siege and approaches which for the most
part, were made under cover of strongly constructed earth-
works.
Before anything of importance was undertaken, however,
the men were permitted to take a few days of much needed rest.
In summing up the results of the several assaults on the
lines before Petersburg, including the dates already mentioned,
General Grant concludes with this statement :
If General Hancock's orders of the 15th had been com-
municated to him, that officer, with his usual promptness,
would undoubtedly have been upon the ground around
Petersburg as early as four o'clock in the afternoon of the
15th. I do not think there is any doubt that Petersburg itself
could have been carried without much loss: or, at least, if
protected by inner detached works, that a line could have
been established very much in rear of the one then occupied
by the enemy. This would have given us control of the
Weldon and South Side railroads. It would also have saved
an immense amount of hard fighting which had to be done
from the 15th to the 18th, and would have given us greatly
the advantage in the long siege which ensued.
Referring to the disposition of the troops, he says :
"The Army of the Potomac was given the investment
of Petersburg, while the Army of the James held Bermuda
Hundred and all the ground we possessed north of the James
River. The Ninth Corps, Burnside's, was placed upon the
right at Petersburg; the Fifth, Warren's, next; the Second,
ON THE SOUTH SIDE OF RICHMOND 223
Birney's next; then the Sixth, Wright's, broken off to the
left and south. Thus began the siege of Petersburg.*
Strictly speaking the Second and Sixth Corps were at this
time in rear, and to the left, of the regularly fortified line. It
was a position "in reserve" which meant that they were in place
to extend their lines farther to the left or to go to the aid of
any part of the line where their services might be required.
As a matter of fact the Second Corps became the "shuttle com-
mand" of this line of defenses, moving back and forth from
left to right, and right to left, as the web of the Army's history
was being woven, and always bringing up against the enemy
in positions which, with scarcely an exception, had to be
carried promptly by assault.
The first of these movements was made on the 21st of
June with a view to extending the intrenched line from the
left of the Fifth Corps so as to threaten, if not destroy, the
Confederate source of supplies by way of the Weldon Railroad.
In this advance Barlow's Division which was on the left
of the Corps pushed forward, driving the Confederate cavalry
before them to a point west of the Jerusalem Plank Road, with-
in two miles of the Weldon Road. During the night the Sixth
Corps came up within supporting distance, in anticipation of
a united forward movement on the morrow.
Owing to an error in formation, a gap was left between
the two advancing corps, on the 18th, which was noticed by
the Confederate general, A. P. Hill, who was looking for
an opportunity to turn the right flank of Wright's Corps.
Thrusting a heavy column which he had at hand into this gap,
Hill vigorously attacked a flanking brigade, which Barlow
had thrown out on his left, forcing it to give way, and then,
in rapid succession, struck the flanks of the other parts of
the command, rolling them up and compelling them to fall
back with a heavy loss. "Both corps recovered and re-
formed," says Lossing, "and a fierce attack on the brigade of
* Grant's Memoirs, pages 288-9.
224 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
the ever-gallant General Miles, of the Second, was repulsed."
Says General Walker:
The whole affair was over in a very short time. Noth-
ing but the extraordinary quickness and precision of the
Confederate movements on this occasion would have made
such a result possible. The Second Corps had been defeated
almost without being engaged. There had been very little
fighting and comparatively small loss, except in prisoners.
Of these, the Second Corps had lost seventeen hundred;
more than it had at Antietam, Fredericksburg and Chancel-
lorsville combined. Four guns, moreover, the only ones
ever taken from the Second Corps by the enemy, except
that abandoned, disabled one on the banks of the Po, were
the trophies of the Confederate triumph. The whole oper-
ation had been like that of an expert mechanician who
touches some critical point with a fine instrument, in ex-
actly the right way, producing an effect seemingly out of
proportion to the force exerted. The enemy's success was
of course facilitated, if not indeed, made possible, by the
thickets through which our troops were moving and by
their own intimate knowledge of the ground.
Our brave Colonel — John Fraser — who had been as-
signed to the command of the Fourth Brigade, on the day
preceding this engagement, resolutely held his ground in obe-
dience to the order sent him by the Division commander, until
most of his command had fallen back. It was then too late
to escape, and he fell into the hands of the enemy. In the
official report of this disastrous battle, made by his successor
in command, Lieutenant-Colonel Wm. Glenning, Sixty-fourth
N. Y. Vols., September 13th, we find the following record:
The brigade was ordered to move toward the Weldon
Railroad on the 21st, and in the evening formed line on the
left of the Third Division and intrenched. On the 22d, ad-
vanced a mile through a dense woods and, with the re-
mainder of the division, was attacked and pressed back to
the breastworks, losing a large number of prisoners, among
them the gallant commandant, Colonel Fraser, One Hun-
dred and Fortieth Pennsylvania Volunteers.
ON THE SOUTH SIDE OF RICHMOND 225
After this disastrous engagement, which General Walker
characterizes as the most humiliating episode in the experi-
ence of the Second Corps down to that period, there was a
lull in active operations in our front, and, for the first time
in nearly two months of weary marching, of constant ex-
posure to peril and privations and of excessive exertions, we
were permitted to go into camp, pitch tents and deliberately
prepared to make ourselves comfortable.
Our position was directly behind the fortifications which
fronted the Weldon Railroad. With a strong line of pickets
in front and a strong line of defenses before us, which could
be quickly occupied in case of need, we were comparatively
secure against sudden attack. Farther to our right the troops
of the Fifth and Ninth Corps occupied the line of forts,
redans and bomb proofs which fronted the city of Petersburg.
This portion of the line was defended with siege guns, Cohorn
mortars and thickly planted batteries of artillery, with guns
of varying size and caliber. When all these engines of de-
struction were trained upon the enemy, as at times they were,
the hillcrest on which they were placed seemed to be aflame
with lightning-like flashes and the solid earth quaked with
the horrid din of the quick and almost continuous discharges
of mortars and siege guns and the bursting of their enormous
shells. This racket, which usually began on the extreme
right, came down the line in diminishing cadence to the left
of the position then held by the Fifth Corps. It seldom
amounted to much when it reached our front, and we soon
learned to go to sleep, if not in the midst of it, a half hour or
less after it has ceased.
The summer of 1864 was notable for its intense heat
and long-continued period of drought. From June 3d to the
19th of July the heavens were as brass, and during that
stretch of forty-seven days there was no sign of rain. Every
movement of the troops was accompanied by suffocating clouds
of finely pulverized dust, and it penetrated to every covered
place and hidden nook in field or camp. Water could be
obtained only by digging wells, and at every camping place
226 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
it was necessary for each regiment to dig and care for its
own well.
Captain Henry, of Company F, commanded the Regi-
ment at this time, and its present effective force was about
150 enlisted men. It was sad and pitiful to see companies
which once numbered more than a hundred men reduced to
a little band of ten or twelve, while less than the original
number of two of its companies rallied around a sadly tat-
tered, powder-begrimed stand of colors.
The withdrawal of the Sixth Corps from the left, under
orders to hasten to the defence of Washington, made it nec-
essary to contract the lines, and with a view to this the troops
were ordered out of the works preparatory to leveling them
to the ground. After this had been done all along our front,
the Division was massed some two miles to the rear. On the
evening of the 12th of July, the Brigade was sent out with
Gregg's Cavalry on a reconnoissance. Some of the cavalry
pickets of the enemy were found, but they fell back as the
Union forces advanced.
The Brigade returned to its starting point about midnight
and the next morning moved with the corps to a position in
rear of the Fifth and Ninth Corps. General Hancock having
returned from the hospital, had resumed his command about
the first of the month, and was now directing the movements
of the Corps. On the afternoon of the 26th we broke camp,
and, marching most of the night, reached Deep Bottom on
the morning of the 27th. The James was crossed on a pon-
toon bridge which had been constructed by General Butler.
At daybreak Barlow's Division made an assault on the
enemy's advanced works at Bailey's Creek driving the Confed-
erates from the position they were holding and capturing a
four-gun battery of 20-pound Parrotts.
The whole line was engaged at times during the day,
and the rapid concentration of the enemy on the north side,
while it prevented a direct attack on the city of Richmond,
accomplished the purpose Grant had in mind with respect to
the impending assault in front of Petersburg. "Five-eighths
of the hostile army," say Walker, "were now on the north
ON THE SOUTH SIDE OF RICHMOND 227
bank, confronting Hancock and Sheridan, while, far away to
the south, Burnside's Ninth, Ord's Eighteenth, and Warren's
Fifth Corps, stood ready to enter Petersburg through the
hideous avenue which might at any time be laid open by the
explosion of Burnside's mine." With two divisions of his
corps and Sheridan's Cavalry, Mott having been sent to rein-
force the troops on the south side, Hancock stood off the
attacks of the larger half of Lee's Army during the 28th and
the day following when the situation became exceedingly
perilous. Fortunately for that little command, no direct attack
was made by the enemy on the 29th and at nightfall it was
withdrawn to the south side of the James. The march was
continued through the night and at daybreak, the head of
the column reached Burnside's position in time to witness the
terrific explosion of the mine which hurled a vast mass of
earth and rock into the air, destroying the occupants of the
fort and leaving in its stead an enormous rift in the ground
thirty feet deep, sixty wide and one hundred and seventy long.
For reasons, which need not be mentioned here, the attempt
to break the enemy's intrenched line at this point was a disas-
trous failure. Hancock had faithfully carried out his part of
the program by making a successful diversion on the right of
the line and was back again after an all-night march in time
to support the column designated for the assault, but in con-
sequence of blunders, hesitation and downright cowardice on
the part of some of the responsible agents who were concerned
in its execution, the precious moments of opportunity were
allowed to pass and the victory anticipated, and which was
actually in their grasp, was turned into a disastrous defeat.
The Regiment, which had been left behind on picket duty
when the Division was withdrawn, crossed the river on the
morning of the 30th and rejoined the Brigade, which had con-
tinued its march to its old camp, in the neighborhood of the
Deserted House, in the early part of the afternoon.
Major Henry's report, which covers the period designated
as the Fifth Epoch, gives a summary of the operations and
movements of the Regiment from its withdrawal to the south
..s THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
side of the James until its return to the above mentioned
reserve camp.
rhe report is as Follows :
KlbTH KIWI I.
June [2th>30th, inclusive.
On the night of the lath of June the Regiment quietly
withdrew from the line of works at Cold Harbor and
marched with the brigade to and across the Chickahominy
River at Long Bridge. We continued the march that day,
and halted in the evening at Wilcox Landing on the James
River, where we threw up a light line of works.
On the night of the 14th. moved with the brigade
across the river and halted on the south side until noon
tor the purpose of drawing rations.
On the afternoon of the 15th the Regiment marched
with the division in the direction of Petersburg, halting at
midnight near the Friend House. Early in the morning
of the 16th, moved with the brigade to the left oi the Eigh-
teenth Corps, In the evening moved to the right, near the
Friend House and supported the Third Brigade in a charge;
drove the enemy into their works and threw up intrench-
mentS within 200 yards of the enemy's lines. Remained
here until the morning of the iSth. when we advanced and
occupied the Confederate works, driving them from the
Norfolk Railroad at a large brick culvert. We were re-
lieved from duty on the picket line on the night of the
toth and rejoined the brigade in the earthworks. Here we
remained until the night of the Joth, when we were re-
lieved by troops of the Ninth Corps. On the 21st moved
with the brigade to the extreme left of the Line, near the
Williams House. On the 22d, supported the Second and
Third Brigades while engaged with the enemy. Went into
camp near the Williams House on the 23d and remained
in this position until the 10th of July, when we moved far-
ther to the left on the Jerusalem Blank Road and relieved
the pickets of the Sixth Corps. We remained on picket
until the afternoon of the I2th, when the Regiment moved
with the brigade and some cavalry toward the Wcldon
Railroad, returning about midnight.
On the morning of the 13th, marched with the brigade
to, and encamped near, the Deserted House, where we re-
mained, doing fatigue duty until the evening of the 26th,
when we broke camp, inarched to and crossed the Appo-
ON THE SOUTH SIDE OF RICHMOND 220
mattox. On the morning of the 27th we crossed the James
River. Were ordered on picket duty and remained on the
line until 9 A. M., when we rejoined the brigade. The
Regiment also did picket duty near the New Market Road
until the night of the 29th, when we were withdrawn.
Crossing the James River on the morning of the 20th we
rejoined the brigade about one o'clock in the afternoon,
near the Friend House. 'J he Regiment lost in the oper-
ations in front of Petersburg 1 commissioned officer and
4 enlisted men killed and two commissioned officers and
24 men wounded. Two enlisted men were missing.
All of which is respectfully submitted,
(Signed; Thomas IIknky,
Major Commanding One Hundred and fortieth Regiment
Pennsylvania Volunteers.
From the 31st of July until the 12th of August, we re-
mained in the old camp in the neighborhood of the Deserted
f louse, when another attempt was made to surprise the enemy,
and, if possible, to enter Richmond from the north side of
the James River. Acting on the impression that Lee had been
reinforcing Karly, who was then operating in the Shenandoah
Valley, General Grant directed Hancock to take charge of a
force consisting of the Second Corps, two Divisions of the
Tenth Corps, under General Birney, and Gregg's Division of
Cavalry to operate as circumstances might direct at Deep Bot-
tom, on the extreme right of the Union line. Marching at
noon on the 12th of August, the Corps bivouacked at City
Point after a long and exhausting march through the ever-
present dust and the intense heat.
I fere we found a fleet of sixteen vessels awaiting us and
at noon of the 13th we embarked, under the impression that
we were about to follow the Sixth Corps to the North in
pursuit of General Early. About sunset the vessels, crowded
with troops and gaily bedecked with fluttering banners, swung
out one after the other into midstream and, with music and
song and hearty cheers — for all the bands were playing and all
the troops were in exultant mood, — moved slowly and majes-
tically down the river.
A few hours after nightfall, our formidable fleet came to
230 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
a dead stop and the vessels wove anchored. Somewhere about
midnight an order was sent to the Captain of each ship to turn
about and proceed under full head of steam to Deep Bottom.
The order was promptly obeyed and at two o'clock in the
morning we reached the dilapidated landing place at Deep
Bottom, in the immediate vicinity of the battle ground of the
previous month. This unexpected change in the program was
a sore disappointment to the troops in general, who were quite
as much misled by the movements of the fleet on the evening
before as were the Confederates themselves.
It was not theirs, however, to reason why. and the vision
of northern fields and camps amid green pastures, was put
awav as a dream of the night. Owing to imperfect facilities
for disembarking, the attack on the enemy's lines which was
arranged for daybreak was not made until after nine o'clock.
By that time the Confederates had strongly reinforced this
part of their line and the assault which was delivered at vari-
ous points upon it, during the day was not successful. One
of the chief discouragements of this day's battle was the in-
tense heat of the sun.
"The temperature of the day," says General Walker,
"was something dreadful. The columns, moving out from
the landing, literally passed between men lying on both sides,
dead from sunstroke. Before noon General Mott reported
to me that, in two small regiments of his division, one hun-
dred and five men had been overcome by heat. The rays
of the August sun smote the heads of the weary soldiers
with blows as palpable as if they had been given with a
club."
On the morning of the 16th, Terry's Division of Birney's
Corps, with a Brigade of Mott's Division and a Brigade of
colored troops, carried the works in their front, capturing three
hundred prisoners and three stand of colors, but soon after
were driven out of them and compelled to retire.
"In the meantime, Gregg, supported by Miles' 'fighting
Brigade,' of Barlow's Division, had been operating on the
Charles City Road, with the view of drawing the Confederates
ON THE SOUTH SIDE OF RICHMOND 231
out of their intrenchments. He drove their van some distance,
but he was soon driven back, and no special advantage to the
Union cause was obtained."*
In this engagement the Confederate Commander, General
Chambliss was killed. The troops reached a point only seven
miles from Richmond.
On the 17th there was more or less of skirmishing at some
points on the line, but everywhere the defensive works of the
enemy seemed to be well manned.
On the 1 8th, General Barlow, in consequence of the out-
breaking of severe wounds received at Antietam and Gettys-
burg, and of physical depression resulting therefrom, was
obliged to relinquish his command of the Division and was
succeeded by General Miles. This worthy successor to one of
the most illustrious military leaders of the war, led the First
Division from this date, with rare ability and a uniform meas-
ure of success until its return, with the victorious Army of the
Potomac, to Washington City.
After spending two or three more days at Deep Bottom,
with a view to holding a large part of the enemy in that posi-
tion, to facilitate a flank movement on the left, Grant directed
General Hancock to withdraw his command to the lines before
Petersburg. The return march was made by way of Bermuda
Hundred on the night of the 20th. It was a night of darkness
and continuous rain and the troops plodded along through
mud and pools of water, arriving at the camp they had left
nine days before, by daylight of the 21st.
Says Powelson of Company K : "It was a never-to-be-
forgotten tramp; tramp all the night through darkness, rain
and mud, awful and yet laughable, when men got lost, when
hats, shoes, caps, etc., disappeared as the boys stumbled on in
brush and darkness."
In explanation of this demonstration north of the James,
Grant says in his Memoirs, Vol. 88, page 321 :
* Lossing's Civil War in America, page 354.
232 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
To prevent reinforcements from being sent out from
Richmond, I had to do something to compel Lee to retain
his forces about his capital, I therefore gave order for
another move to the north side of the James River, to
threaten Richmond. A threatening position was main-
tained for a number of days, with more or less skirmishing
and some tolerably hard fighting, although it was my object
and my instructions that anything like a battle should be
avoided, unless opportunities should present themselves
which would insure great success. There was no par-
ticular victory gained on either side; but during that time
no more reinforcements were sent to the valley.
During the brief period of this demonstration north of
the James River the One Hundred and Fortieth had three
commanders. Captain Stockton, of Company K, who led it
at the outset of the movement, became so ill from exposure,
that he was obliged to go to the hospital on the morning of
the 1 8th. Captain Pipes, of Company A, then assumed the
command on the 20th and he in turn was succeeded by the
ranking Captain (Major) Thomas Henry, of Company F.
The following account of the movements in detail, of the
Regiment from the morning of its debarkation at Deep Bottom
was written by Lieutenant Hedge, of Company A, soon after
the events it describes :
It was still dark when we landed from the transports.
As soon as daylight appeared our Regiment and the
Twenty-sixth Michigan were deployed as skirmishers and
ordered forward. After advancing through the woods about
a mile, we found the Confederate skirmishers, whom we
drove from their position after some hard fighting.*
We fought and maneuvered around for about two days.
One morning our Brigade was sent out on a reconnoissance
in the direction of Richmond. The cavalry was in advance.
After marching three or four miles we encountered a force
of rebel cavalry, which gave way for a time. Presently
* The One Hundred and Fortieth and the Twenty-sixth Mich-
igan were so often sent out together on the skirmish line, that they
were sometimes designated as the "Twin Skirmish Regiments" of
the Brigade.
ON THE son in SIDE OF RICHMOND 233
our cavalry was checked and the Brigade was ordered tor-
ward. Our Regiment and the Twenty-sixth Michigan were
deployed as skirmishers and were ordered to advance. The
Rebs were on a high piece of ground with a swamp in
their front, through which we were obliged to k () - I'eyond
it was a line of rifle pits, defended by a battery of ar-
tillery. The Rebs held us in check for sonic time, but at
length we charged and carried the rifle pits, taking a few
prisoners. It was here that the Confederate General Cham-
bliss was killed. J saw him fall. Our object having been
accomplished, we marched back to Deep Bottom.
During the continuance of this movement the Regimen!
sustained a loss of one enlisted man killed, nine wounded and
four captured or missing.
While the Second Corps was holding its ground at Deep
I tot torn, General Warren, after one or two desperate conflicts,
in which he had met with heavy losses, succeeded in wresting
the Weldon Railroad from the enemy's hands. Pending the
attempt which the Confederates were sure to make to recover
this important line of communication, Hancock was ordered
to continue his march with two Divisions of his Corps from
the old camp, in which he had tarried long enough to allow his
men to make coffee and eat a hasty meal, to the Gurley House
in the rear of the Fifth Corps. This position was reached
late in the afternoon, and the men bivouacked for the nighl
in a muddy field under a downpour of rain. Of this march,
during which many fell out utterly exhausted, Hancock says:
It was om- of the mosl fatiguing and difficult per-
formed by the troops during the campaign, owing to the
wretched condition of the roads.
The next day the Regimenl assisted in tearing up several
miles of the Weldon Railroad and on the 2/itli the hoops had
destroyed the ties and rails of the track bed as far as Malone's
Crossing, some three miles south of Reams Station. To facili-
tate this work of destruction, large piles of ties were gathered
at intervals and upon these wire [aid, or rather balanced, a
number of rails. When the pile was fired the rails would
834 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
droop down at either end, as the middle portions became
heated to the melting point, and, in general, they were so
warped and twisted that they could not be used again in the
reconstruction of the road. In the beds of glowing coals which
were left after this work of destruction, the troops "cooked
coffee" and roasted the ears of Indian corn which they found
in abundance as they pushed their way southward, without de-
lay or molestation, to Malone Crossing. In the evening Miles'
Division, which had been foremost in this work, returned to
a line of intrenchments which were occupied by the rest of
the Corps, at Reams Station. This position was twelve miles
south of Petersburg and about four miles south of the left of
Warren's intrenched line.
During the night a large force of Confederate troops
were reported to be on the move toward the left and for this
reason the main body of the troops were held in position in
the earthworks during the early part of the day. In the after-
noon the Confederates suddenly appeared in front of the posi-
tion held by General Miles, and, with the wild, weird yells,
which had become so familiar to our ears, drove in the skir-
mish line and boldly assaulted the line of works. This attack
and another which followed soon after, were repulsed with
heavy loss to the assailants.
Meanwhile a number of Confederate sharpshooters,
posted in the treetops and other hidden outlooks, directed their
fire upon the batteries in the open with such extraordinary
success that several gunners were picked off at their posts,
and one hundred and thirty-four horses were killed or disabled.
Later in the day the enemy received reinforcements, and,
with a force now greatly in excess of Hancock's command.
renewed the attacks at several points. Failing in these, a de-
structive artillery fire was concentrated upon the right of the
line and following it — about half past five o'clock — a double
column of the enemy, under command of General Heth,
emerged from the woods and made a furious charge upon
that part of it which was held by General Miles. They were
met by a withering fire a few rods beyond it, but rallying, they
closed up their broken lines and renewed the assault. Unfor-
ON THE SOUTH SIDE OF RICHMOND 235
tunately for the Union cause they struck a section in this
advance which was held by conscripts and raw recruits who
broke and fled in confusion, seeking shelter in a railroad cut
a few rods to the rear. With wild yells and the consciousness
of victory within their grasp, the Confederates swarmed into
the gap which had thus been opened, pounced upon the bat-
teries behind it, now left without support, and turned them upon
the troops who were still at their posts, to the right and left.
To abandon the line which was thus broken up was a necessity,
but Hancock and Miles, with rare ability and splendid courage,
rallied the men of the older regiments, on whom they had so
often relied in emergencies, and prevented the retreat from
becoming a disastrous rout. These men, knowing the impor-
tance of standing together, rallied in squads and battalions,
stubbornly contesting the ground and at length held a line
some distance in the rear from which they could not be driven.
The historian of the Second Corps has given a graphic
description of the events immediately following the breaking
of the intrenched line, from which we take the following quo-
tations :
The victorious Heth had yet to reckon with a few in-
domitable spirits. Calling up a portion of his old regi-
ment, the Sixty-first New York, which still remained firm,
Miles threw it across the breastworks, at right angles, and
commenced to fight his way back, leading the regiment in
person. Only a few score of men — perhaps two hundred in
all — stood by him; but with these he made ground, step by
step, until he had retaken Dauchey's battery and had re-
captured a considerable portion of the line, actually driv-
ing the enemy into the railroad cut. Miles had by this time
transferred the fighting to the outside of the intrenchments
on the right, where he sought to take in flank and rear,
the Confederates who had leaped the line at the northwest-
ern angle, or were still coming up. As fast as his small
party was dissipated, it was reinforced by little handfuls of
men, personally collected by his own staff and by the ap-
peals and exertions of General Hancock, who, galloping
to the front, exposed himself far more conspicuously than
any private soldier in his efforts to restore the fortunes of
the day. His horse was shot under him; a ball cut his bridle
236 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
rein in two; the corps flag, which always followed him
closely, was pierced by five balls; another splintered the flag
staff, and the brave and brilliant Brownson, Commissary of
Musters, fell beside it mortally wounded.
While these events were taking place in the immediate
front, the enemy attacked the left of the line and a Brigade of
Hampton's dismounted cavalry, passing around it, attempted
to break through an attenuated line of Union cavalry directly
in our rear.
The writer, who was on detached service in the Adjutant-
General's office of the Division at this time, was seated on a
log at the temporary Headquarters, preparing a report, which
had been ordered from the several brigades, when this fusillade
broke out from the rear. With the line breaking up in our
front and a force of the enemy of unknown strength directly
in our rear, it seemed for a few moments as if we were all in a
fair way to be escorted directly to Richmond. It was a position
in which, for the time, there was no rear and no place which
was not swept by artillery fire or musketry balls. Fortunately
for all concerned, the brave boys of Gregg's Cavalry were
equal to the occasion and thwarted all the persistent attempts
of the enemy to penetrate into our left, or rear.
After a brief pause on the second line, Hancock withdrew
his command from its perilous position, assigning to General
Miles the covering of his retreat.
General Heth, apparently satisfied with the victory he had
won, made no attempt to follow beyond the second line which
Hancock had established.
"It is not surprising," says General Morgan, Chief of
the Corps Staff, "that General Hancock was deeply stirred
b the situation, for it was the first time he had felt the bit-
terness of defeat during the war. He had seen his troops
fail in their attempts to carry the intrenched positions of the
enemy, but he had never before had the mortification of
seeing them driven and his lines and guns taken as on this
occasion. . . . Riding up to one of his staff, in Werner's
battery, covered with dust and begrimed with powder and
smoke, he placed his hand upon the staff officer's shoulder
ON THE SOUTH SIDE OF RICHMOND 237
and said: 'Colonel, I do not care to die, but I pray God I
may never leave this field.' "
As another has expressed it :
The battle of Reams Station — the first and only dis-
aster that ever befell the splendid Second Corps — was lost
by the defection of a single regiment.
In this engagement the Confederates claimed the capture
of seven standards and nine cannon, but Grant, in his Memoirs,
asserts that the actual loss, out of the batteries engaged, was
only five guns. The fact should not be overlooked, however,
that this apparent victory of the enemy did not give to them
the control of the Weldon Road.
It never went out of our possession from the 18th of
August, when Warren's Corps seized it, to the close of the
war, and all the supplies which formerly passed over it from
the south, had to be carried in wagons for a distance of about
thirty miles.
At the opening of the Wilderness campaign the whole
number of men reported as present for duty on the rolls of
the One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment was 490; at the
date of the battle of Reams Station this number was reduced
to 187. These figures include the men of the several com-
panies present for duty on detached service also, and inasmuch
as this number was unusually large in our Regiment, because
of the fitness of its rank and file for special service, the actual
number of those available for duty with the companies was
always considerably less. It is not probable, therefore, that
the number of those who were actually present with the com-
panies exceeded 160 or possibly 150, the number that was
given by the writer, in a letter to the home-folk, a short time
before. At the battle of Reams Station the losses were not
so heavy, as in other engagements in which it had a part, for
the reason that its position was not so directly assailed as
on some parts of the line on which the Brigade with which
it was connected, was posted.
The official report of the battle made by Colonel James
238 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
C. Lynch, the Commander of the First Brigade, which we
quote below, gives some interesting facts relating to the oper-
ations of this fateful afternoon, and also throws light upon
the nature of the service required of the One Hundred and
Fortieth :
In accordance with orders from General Miles, I di-
rected Captain Henry, commanding the One Hundred and
Fortieth Pennsylvania, to make a reconnoissance with his
Regiment on a road running to the Jerusalem Plank Road,
to a point on the Reams Station and Wood Shop Road,
near the right of my line. Captain Henry moved out about
three-fourths of a mile, meeting no enemy, and established
his skirmish line across the road, his right connecting with
the left of the picket line of the Division. He occupied this
position during the afternoon, and did not rejoin the Brigade
till after its withdrawal from Reams Station.
The main portion of this brigade did not become engaged
until 4 P. M., when the enemy, having made a successful
assault on the works on my left, broke through and at-
tacked my left and rear with vigor, causing considerable
confusion, and for a few moments Knight's guns were in
the hands of the enemy; but several colors having been
halted, men were rallied around them without regard to
organization, and by a prompt advance we recaptured three
of the guns and nearly all of the rifle pits previously occu-
pied by the Brigade.
About this time I was directed by General Miles to
move across the railroad and attack the enemy on his left
flank, for which purpose I had a force of about 200 officers
and men, in which nearly every regiment in the First and
Second Divisions were represented.
<
On the evening of the 24th, the day preceding the above
described engagement, Captain J. M. Pipes, of Company A,
was placed in command of a detail which was sent out to the
picket line. The left of this line rested on the Weldon Road,
and the right was next to the cavalry.* Here the detail re-
mained all night and until late in the afternoon of the next
day. When the lines were broken up to the left it was moved
*Condensed from records of Company A.
ON THE SOUTH SIDE OF RICHMOND 239
back and out of the range of Pegram's battery, which had
vigorously shelled a little gully or depression in which the
command had taken temporary refuge. Soon afterward a
staff officer, who was assisting in rallying the men, rode up
and requested the Captain to throw his men into line and help
to check the enemy in his attempt to flank this portion of the
line. Acting promptly upon this request, Captain Pipes de-
ployed his men and moved rapidly across the field toward the
rear. Here the men of his command availed themselves of
the protection of rocks and stumps within reach, and opened
fire on the enemy, who were trying desperately at this time,
to break through the left flank and rear. Later in the even-
ing when the conflict was almost over, Captain Pipes was
struck by a musket ball which shattered his right arm and
lodged in his side. With the aid of two comrades he walked
back to the rear and at length came up with his Regiment,
and, with his little command, fell in with it.
As soon as possible thereafter his wounds were bandaged
and he was sent to City Point, ten miles distant, in an ambu-
lance. For distinguished gallantry at Gettysburg, July 2,
1863, and in this battle, where he merited special recognition
for his timely and efficient aid in a critical moment, and where
he lost his good right arm, Captain Pipes was awarded a
Congressional Medal of Honor.
A short time before General Heth's successful assault on
our front, Colonel Beaver, of the One Hundred and Forty-
eighth Pennsylvania, was brought up in an ambulance, and
being the ranking officer, took command of the Fourth Bri-
gade. A few moments later, while watching the movements
of the men on the skirmish line, the Colonel was struck by a
ball which shattered his right leg and he was taken back to
the rear in the ambulance which had brought him to the front.
After watching the skillful work of Dr. Wishart, the
greatly beloved Surgeon of the One Hundred and Fortieth,
in amputating Colonel Beaver's leg, Captain Pipes took the
table and suffered the loss of his right arm, which was ampu-
tated at the shoulder.
Reams Station was the last of the series of battles and
240 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
flanking expeditions in which the First Division was actively
engaged during the memorable summer campaign of 1864.
Returning from this position on the extreme left of the line,
we occupied a portion of the reserve line near the Williams
House. From this date until the 24th of September, the
troops were engaged, for the most part, in strengthening the
works in their immediate front. After nightfall on the 24th
of September, the First and Second Divisions relieved the
Tenth Corps in the main line and on the fifth of October, the
First Division was transferred to the line of works in front
of Petersburg extending from Fort Morton to the river, with
reserves in rear of Forts Haskill and Sullivan. From the
Headquarters of the Division which was within the range of
thirty Confederate Parrott guns, a considerable part of the
Union and Confederate lines could be seen, and at the nearest
points a stone could be thrown from one line into the other.
During the Boydtown Plank Road Expedition — October
26-28 — in which the Second and Third Divisions took part,
the Division of General Miles covered a stretch in the trenches
of about three and a half miles in length. Not content with
this responsibility he sought to aid his associates on the left
by sending a storming column against a small fort near the
crater on the night of the 27th of October which was taken
and held for a short time. This and a similar movement
directed against the enemy skirmish line was intended as a
diversion and was not followed up.
After the return of the other Divisions from the expedi-
tion to Boydtown Plank Road the First Division was relieved
from duty on this part of the line, and, for some time there-
after, remained in reserve.
WINTER QUARTERS IN THE TRENCHES 241
CHAPTER XVII.
WINTER QUARTERS IN AND ABOUT THE TRENCHES.
Let war be so carried on that no other object may
seem to be sought, but the acquisition of Peace. — Cicero.
WITH the exception of the expedition to the Boydtown
Plank Road, in which General Miles' Division had no
part, the Second Corps spent the autumn months in
comparative quiet in the trenches, or directly behind the line
of forts. Instead of the usual routine of drill and parade the
men were employed in handling the pick and shovel, and the
works, which were thus constructed from day to day, were
marvels of engineering skill, and at some points almost im-
pregnable to attack by direct assault.
Every precaution was taken also to safeguard their de-
fenders from the merciless fire of sharpshooters, within easy
range, or the deliberately aimed siege guns and cohorn mor-
tars. In the construction of a new line, heavy timbers were
used to build up and strengthen the earthworks. At intervals
all along the main line, forts of varying strength and resistive
power were built and garrisoned.
As a rule, the trenching was done after nightfall and
details from the several Regiments, which were usually bivou-
acked in some sheltered spot in the rear during the daytime,
would go out and work all night in the trenches. Where the
trenches on the main line were exposed, by reason of their
direction or unfavorable location, to artillery fire, they were
protected by a roof of timber over which was thrown a thick
covering of earth. These were known as bomb proofs and
access to them was made secure by zigzag covered ways from
points not so much exposed in the rear or second line. In
some places these covered ways were wide enough and deep
enough to admit the passage of ammunition and supply wagons.
77//: ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Flie picket posts in front oi the main line were burrows in
the ground large enough to shelter two or three men. The
earth which was scooped out for this purpose was banked up
on the side next the enemy and a narrow slit or embrasure
between two logs, or some similarly guarded outlook, served
as a loophole through which to take observations or direct a
deliberate and deadly tire upon any portion of the human
frame which for an instant might be exposed to view on the
side opposite.
It was not an uncommon thing for a Union or Confed-
erate sentry to test the accuracy of his opponent's fire by plac-
ing a tin can on top of the embrasure or elevating his cap a
little above it. So deadly was this sort of target practice at
short range that, in a little while, by tacit consent rather than
by formal agreement, the pickets on both sides ceased to the
at each other in the daytime and often saluted or conversed
together like comrades or old friends. This unwritten law
did not apply, however, at night when constant vigilance was
necessary to guard against surprise. Hence for months there
was not one night perhaps, during which one could not hear,
when wakeful, the popping of musketry or the discharges, at
times, of artillery. Communication with the picket posts was
also had through zigzags or covered ways, and in front of
these posts for a considerable distance, there was a protection
of slashed timber, deep ditches or chcz'ait.r-clc-frise.
The One Hundred and Fortieth did its full share of the
construction work we have described during the autumn and
winter months, but from the 24th of September until the 1st
of November, it shared with the Division the privilege — if
privilege it may be called — of dwelling in fortifications and
bomb proofs made ready to hand, where the lines were the
closest to the position of the enemy, and garrison duty was
the most exacting. This part of the line, as already noted,
extended from Fort Morton directly opposite the city of Pet-
ersburg, to the Appomattox River. It included Forts Haskell
and Steadman, which was afterward in the hands of the enemy
for a short time, and Fort McGilvary on the right of the line.
PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
WINTER QUARTERS IN THE TRENCHES 243
Almost directly opposite Fort Morton, the left of the line held
by the Division, was the crater of the exploded mine.
On the 17th of October, while the Regiment was in this
position, President Lincoln and Secretary Stanton, accom-
panied by General Grant and other officers of high rank, rode
along the lines and were accorded a hearty greeting by the
troops who, with the exception of those needed for garrison
duty in the trenches, were assembled in rear of the works.
The President wore a high silk hat and a frock coat, and, as
one has put it, "had the appearance of a country farmer rid-
ing into town, wearing his Sunday clothes." But his ungainly
appearance, alongside of Grant, and other accomplished horse-
men, detracted nothing from the royal welcome he received :
and when his wan, careworn face was lit up with a smile
which the cheers and shouts of the men in blue had evoked,
they saw only the great and good man who loved them all
with the devotion of an indulgent father and who, for the
sake of the imperiled Nation, was giving sleepless nights and
days of unremitting toil in the interest of the cause which they
had espoused. In the rear of one of the breaks of the line
was a motley group of recently freed slaves who for a long
time before the President's appearance had been waiting on
tip-toe to see him pass by. When the cheers of the troops
announced his progress down the line, their enthusiasm could
not be restrained. Some in kneeling posture and others with
outstretched arms, or waving turbans, shouted aloud their
exclamations of gratitude and heartfelt praise — "God bless
de good Marse Lincom; De Lord save Marse Lincom; De
Lord bless good Fader Abraham. Glory, Hallelujah, de yeah
of Jubilee hav suah come."
It was worth a lifetime of detraction and abuse and
unappreciated labors to have, so near its close, such a tribute
of honor and affection from the honest hearts of the represen-
tatives of a race from which, under God, he had stricken the
fetters of irksome bondage and crass ignorance.
On the first day of November our Division was relieved
from duty in the trenches and went into camp about a mile to
the rear, in a sheltered, and comparatively safe location.
244 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Under the impression that this was to be a winter camp, —
the officers sharing this impression with the men, — huts and
chimneys were being erected and for five days this agreeable
delusion was cherished. Then, in a most unexpected moment,
an order came to move back to the line of fortifications we had
been holding. The men did not go into the works, however,
but were massed behind them in reserve.
On the day of the general election, November 8th, the
polls were opened in each Regiment and those who were en-
titled to the privilege, cast their ballots for the presidential
candidate of their choice. The polling place of the One Hun-
dred and Fortieth was in a bomb-proof and most of the votes
cast in the several Regiments were in the forts or trenches.
The official report of the votes cast in General Miles'
Division is as follows :*
Headquarters Second Army Corps,
November 8, 1854.
Genl. Geo. G. Meade:
The following is the result of to-day's election in the
First Division of this Corps:
81st Pa. Vols Lincoln 23 McClellan..
140 th
183d
53d
145th
148th
1 1 6th
26th Mich. Vols.
5th New Hamp
147
53
118
78
127
54
122
26
44
55
47
75
21
72
58
28
29
753 429
Majority for Lincoln 324
(Sgd.) Winfield S. Hancock,
Major-General.
The following communication taken from the above men-
tioned volume, page 684, is interesting, as a matter of record,
and gives incidentally a deserved tribute of appreciation to
* Rebellion Records, Vol. 42, Series 1, page 561.
WINTER QUARTERS IN THE TRENCHES 245
Colonel Fraser, who was then held as a prisoner under fire of
the Union batteries at Charleston, South Carolina :
Headquarters First Division, Second Army Corps,
November 22, 1864.
Major Septimus Carncross,
Assistant Adjutant-General Second A. C.
Major: — I have the honor to request that efforts be
made to effect the exchange of the following-named officers
of this Division:
Col. John Fraser, One Hundred and Fortieth Pa. Vols.,
a very valuable officer, captured June 22, 1864, while in
command of the Fourth Brigade, and now confined at
Charleston, S. C. ; also
Capt. John S. McEwan, Seventh N. Y. Vol. Artillery
and Judge Advocate of this Division, captured at Deep
Bottom, July 28, 1864, released on parole and now at Albany,
N. Y., a good officer and much needed at the present time.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
(Sgd.) Nelson A. Miles,
Brigadier-General of Vols., commanding.
On Thanksgiving- Day, November 24th, an abundant sup-
ply of good things was sent to the troops for general dis-
tribution from all parts of the North. When the mess at the
Headquarters of the Division, numbering eleven all told, re-
ceived a notification that a box was at the Commissary Depart-
ment which had been assigned to them, no time was lost in
sending a delegation to secure it. To our great surprise it
was a large store box, which, when opened, was found to con-
tain six turkeys, a boiled ham, four cans of peaches and the
same number of stewed green corn; about two bushels of
apples, cakes galore, and several fine clusters of fresh Catawba
grapes. This superabundant store of dainties was the gift
of a little band of "loyal supporters of the flag, and warm
friends of the men at the front," from Jersey City, N. J.
Like all the rest it was sent, without reference to State or
local limitations, for distribution to the enlisted men of the
army and navy. Suffice it to say that every mess in the Army
of the Potomac had a feast of good things, similar to our own,
from a supply that seemed to be inexhaustible.
246 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
On the 26th of November, General Hancock resigned the
command of the Second Corps in order to undertake the or-
ganization of a new corps to be composed entirely of veteran
soldiers.
His farewell order is worthy of preservation and we give
it place without condensation or abbreviation :
Headquarters Second Army Corps,
Before Petersburg, November 26, 1864.
General Orders, No. 41.
Soldiers of the Second Corps:
Being about to avail myself of a brief leave of .ab-
sence, previous to entering upon another field of duty, in
accordance with instructions, I transfer the command of this
Corps to Major-General A. A. Humphreys, U. S. Vols.
I desire at parting with you to express the regret I feel
at the necessity which calls for our separation.
Intimately associated with you in the dangers, priva-
tions and glory which has fallen to your lot during the
memorable campaigns of the past two years, I now leave
you with the warmest feelings of affection and esteem.
Since I have had the honor to serve with you, you have
won the right to place upon your banners the historic
names of
"ANTIETAM," "FREDERICKSBURG," "CHANCEL-
LORSVILLE," "GETTYSBURG," "WILDERNESS,"
"PO," "SPOTTSYLVANIA," "NORTH ANNA,"
"COLD HARBOR," PETERSBURG,"
"REAMS STATION," "BOYD-
TOWN ROAD,"
and many other contests.
The gallant bearing of the intrepid officers and men
of the Second Corps on the bloodiest fields of the war, the
dauntless valor displayed by them in many brilliant assaults
on the enemy's strongest positions, the great number of
guns, colors, prisoners and other trophies of war captured
by them in many desperate combats, their unswerving devo-
tion to duty and heroic constancy under all the dangers and
hardships which such campaigns entail, have won for them
an imperishable renown and the grateful admiration of their
countrymen. The story of the Second Corps will live in
history, and to its officers and men will be ascribed the
WINTER QUARTERS IN THE TRENCHES 247
honor of having served their country with unsurpassed fidel-
ity and courage.
Conscious that whatever military honor has fallen to me
during my association with the Second Corps has been won
by the gallantry of the officers and soldiers I have com-
manded, I feel that in parting from them I am severing
the strongest ties of my military life.
The distinguished officer who succeeds me is entitled
to your entire confidence. His record assures you that in
the hour of battle he will lead you to victory.
(Sgd.) Winf'd S. Hancock,
Major-General Vols.
While the survivors of the Second Corps will ever cherish
with pride and affection the memory of their great leader, the
peerless Hancock, they will also remember with a like affection
in kind, if not in degree, his noble and high-toned successor,
General A. A. Humphreys, who led them to the final victory
of the war at Appomattox.
On the 29th of November, the Second Corps was relieved
from duty on the line in front of Petersburg by the Ninth,
and at midnight we broke camp and marched to the extreme
left of the line, near Fort Welch. Here the Regiment was
permitted to build huts for winter quarters when not at work
on the fortifications, which were being constructed with great
care for the purpose of strengthening our exposed position.
There was but little firing along this part of the line, and we
could see the tents of the Confederate Army within easy range
of several of the Union batteries. The last movement of the
year was a reconnoissance on the Vaughan Road across
Hatcher's Run to Armstrong's Mill on the ninth of December.
In this the Division as a whole took part, but the One Hundred
and Fortieth, being in front as skirmishers, lost heavily in
proportion to the numbers engaged.
In the official report of Brigadier-General George N.
Macy, Twentieth Massachusetts Infantry, commanding First
Brigade, dated December 12th, 1864, reference is made to
the part taken by the One Hundred and Fortieth in this ad-
vance as follows :*
♦Rebellion Records, Series 1, Vol. 42, part 1, page 263.
248 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Major: — I respectfully submit a report of the part
taken by my command in the late reconnoissance across
Hatcher's Run Ford;
*******
I would express great satisfaction with my entire com-
mand. The skirmishing was done by the One Hundred
and Fortieth Pa. Vols., Captain Stockton commanding, in
a gallant manner and with large loss, considering the num-
ber engaged.
To Maj. W. R. Driver,
Assistant Adjutant-General First Division.
With this we give a very modest report of the same expe-
dition by Captain Stockton, under date of December ioth:f
Captain McCallister, A. A. G. First Brigade.
Captain: — In compliance with orders just received, I
have the honor to submit the following report:
On the morning of the 9th inst. our Regiment took up
the line of march with the rest of the Brigade, and moved
in the direction of Hatcher's Run.
While on the Vaughan Road we were ordered to deploy
as skirmishers, with our center resting on the aforesaid
road, and to advance until we came up with the cavalary
videttes, and then to aid them, if possible, beyond the creek.
The officers and men, as usual, complied strictly to
given orders, and conducted themselves with gallantry and
great credit to themselves and the common cause.
(Sgd) W. A. Stockton,
Captain Commanding Regiment.
On the morning of the 10th the Division was ordered to
withdraw and returned to the camp in good order despite the
persistent annoyances of the enemy who followed them closely
for a part of the way.
Major Henry gives the losses as 2 killed and 8 wounded.
Elsewhere he makes mention of 4 killed, which may mean that
two afterwards died of wounds received in this engagement.
The captures in turn of Atlanta, Savannah, Fort Fisher,
Charleston and Wilmington were announced to the enemy,
fVol. 42, part 1, page 275.
WINTER QUARTERS IN THE TRENCHES 249
by order of General Grant, with a salute of 100 shotted guns,
which, at a given signal, broke forth suddenly in the stillness
and darkness of the night. The roar of the guns, to which the
enemy vigorously responded, the outbursts of flame, darting
from the muzzles of siege and rifled guns, the curving flight
of the fiery missiles rising from the mortars embedded in the
places here and there on the line, the bursting of bombs and
shells, mingled at intervals in the horrid din with the stirring
strains of scores of army bands, and the cheers of the men in
the trenches made a most impressive celebration, for a purpose,
of the resistless might and ultimate triumph of the Union
arms.
From the beginning of the siege of Petersburg there were
many^deserters from the Confederate Army to the Union lines.
After the election of Abraham Lincoln the number rapidly
increased, and every new victory of the Union arms thereafter
tended to increase the demoralization of the discouraged host
which was disintegrating, without the possibility of recovering
their lost ground or lost numbers, day by day. "Every night,"
says General Miles, "during the winter of 1864 and 1865,
there were received along the line of intrenchments before
Petersburg and Richmond, numbers of men who crept through
their picket lines, dropped their arms, and came to us as indi-
viduals or in squads, amounting in the aggregate to thou-
sands." In his Memoirs, General Grant gives it as his opinion
that the Confederates, at this time, "were losing at least a
regiment a day, taking it throughout the entire army, by
desertions alone," or as Mr. Nicolay has expressed it, "Deser-
tion grew too common to punish." After the fall of Fort Fisher
was announced, seventeen deserters sought refuge in front of
our Division, and the next night sixteen more came in. When
General Gordon, one of the frankest and most fairminded of
the Confederate writers, affirms that amid all their discourage-
ments, "desertions were exceedingly rare," we are inclined to
believe that this may have been true of his command, owing
perhaps, to his own intense loyalty to the Confederacy, and
personal winsomeness, but it certainly could not have been
true of the army in general which he represented.
250 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
s
An interesting item of evidence to the contrary, from our
viewpoint, is given by the historian of the Sixty-third Penn-
sylvania Volunteers :
Deserters came in along our front every evening and
reported short rations and consequent dissatisfaction among
the enlisted men. Finnegan's Brigade of Mahone's Division,
composed principally of Florida troops, occupied the rebel
works in our immediate front, and the Finnegan boys and
the Kearney veterans had become very well acquainted
during the numerous truces they had voluntarily made. So
many deserters now came in every night from the Florida
command that they became a source of considerable an-
noyance to the staff officers at brigade headquarters, who
were awakened at all hours of the night to receive them.
One of the officers, in a spirit of fun, sent a polite note
one evening to General Finnegan, requesting him to "come
over and take command of his Brigade, most of which was
apparently on our side of the intrenchments, or, if not con-
venient to come personally, to have his details report
promptly before nine o'clock P. M.
The short rations, which, without doubt, contributed to
the ultimate defeat and surrender of Lee's Army, resulted not
so much from impoverishment of the country, for afterwards
we found communities where pantries and storehouses were
well filled, but from the tightening and strengthening of the
cordon, which Grant had been slowly drawing around the cities
of Petersburg and Richmond.
During the months of January and February, and up to
the twentieth of March, but little was attempted except to ex-
tend our lines to the left, as opportunity afforded, and then
to strengthen them, as thus extended. At one time, about the
middle of February, one of these movements was ordered
which made it necessary to abandon our cosy winter quarters
and the troops were obliged to build a line of strong intrench-
ments before they could put up any huts to shelter them from
the snowstorms and the piercing cold winds which prevailed for
several days. As a result of these movements our lines were
extended without serious opposition to Hatcher's Run, five
miles beyond the left of the position which we had regarded as
WINTER QUARTERS IN THE TRENCHES 251
the extreme outpost of the army, in that direction, some three
months before.
Thus the way was prepared for the great flank movement
which was to put an end to the siege of Petersburg, within
the space of five days and in as many more, to force the sur-
render of the hitherto invincible Army of Northern Virginia.
252 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1865. THE BEGINNING OF THE END.
We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be
enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not
break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory,
stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every
living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will
yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched,
as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. —
Abraham Lincoln.
THE campaign of 1865 was short, sharp, and almost im-
mediately decisive. The preparation hour was long
and the outlook at times discouraging, but the crisis
hour was in its results like the breaking forth of the long pent
up waters of a mighty stream. At the beginning of the cam-
paign on the south side of Richmond, Grant made strenuous
efforts to drive the army of Lee from its position at Peters-
burg. Failing in this he accepted the situation, as it was, and
made preparation for a winter siege and an extension of his
lines, especially to the left, with the double purpose of cutting
off the supplies of the Confederate army and of holding it
intact, or at least the greater part of it, in his front until the
co-operating armies of Sherman and Thomas in the South,
and Sheridan in the Shenandoah Valley, had accomplished the
tasks which had been assigned to them. As the winter season
wore away his chief concern was to prevent General Lee from
abandoning the intrenchments, from which, a few months be-
fore, he had sought to drive him.
Meanwhile the effective force of the Army of the Poto-
mac had been increased by the return of the men who had been
disabled by wounds or sickness as well as greatly improved
in efficiency by daily drills, inspections and reviews, except
when the inclemency of the weather prevented. Hence when
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 253
marching orders came the Second Corps was ready to go forth
with its old-time enthusiasm and invincible courage.
The organization of the Second Corps, in so far as we
were directly concerned, at the opening of the campaign of
1865, was as follows:
Major-General A. A. Humphreys Commanding Corps
Brevet Major-General Nelson A. Miles,
Commanding First Division
Colonel George W. Scott Commanding First Brigade
Captain W. A. F. Stockton,
Commanding One Hundred and Fortieth Pa. Vols.
The most reliable estimate of the relative strength of the
two armies, upon the resumption of active operations in the
spring of 1865, is given by General Humphreys as follows :
Armies of the Potomac and of the James under General
Grant, 101,000 infantry; 9,000 artillery, with 369 guns; cav-
alry, 14,700. Aggregate of all arms, 124,700. Army of
Northern Virginia under General Lee, 46,000 infantry; 5,000
artillery; cavalry, 6,000. Aggregate of all arms, 57,000.*
Wih this notable disparity in numbers there seemed to be
but little hope of success to the Confederate cause at the open-
ing of this campaign, except when its defenders were sheltered
behind formidable breastworks : and, with the certainty of being
outreached and outflanked when the roads would admit of a
general movement, this advantage could not be reckoned
among the probabilities, when the clash of arms should again
be resumed.
Weary of the long continued strife and bloodshed and
of the failure of every effort to secure a lasting and honorable
peace, the commander of the Union armies, with the pledged
strength, sympathy and resources of the Nation behind him,
was determined to avail himself of every legitimate advantage
which would tend to bring the war to a speedy close. On the
24th of March he issued orders to his army commanders,
* Other estimates, based on more recent research, give the
aggregate as near 65,000.
254 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Meade, Ord and Sheridan, each of whom had a separate com-
mand, to be prepared for a general movement against the
enemy on the 29th.
With the hope of thwarting this anticipated movement,
or possibly of delaying it until he could withdraw success-
fully from Petersburg, General Lee ordered Gordon, one
of the ablest and most daring of his generals to assault
Fort Steadman, a noted stronghold of the Union line. After
more than a week of planning and preparation this assault
was delivered before daybreak on the morning of the 25th.
The garrison, taken completely by surprise, made no effective
resistance and the assailants, numbering more than 20,000
men, took possession of the fort and a considerable portion
of the adjacent line of rifle pits.* It was a well-planned and
admirably executed sortie, but it was a shortlived triumph
for the reserve forces in the vicinity were quickly brought into
action and, under the lead of General Hartranft recaptured
the fort and its belongings, inflicting a heavy loss upon the
enemy and taking about 2,000 prisoners. This disastrous as-
sault, says General Walker, took nearly 4,000 men from Lee's
weakened army, only making the fatal result more certain.
In his description of this assault General Gordon gives a
fine illustration of the spirit of genuine chivalry and of good-
natured regard which ofttimes characterized the dealings of
the rank and file of both armies, in their relations to each other,
when not engaged in actual strife.
After describing the manner in which the obstructions in
his own front were removed to give rapid exit to his men, he
says:
The noise made by this removal, though slight, attracted
the attention of a Union picket who stood on guard only a
few rods from me, and he called out:
♦The statement is made on good authority that when Gordon's
skirmishers silently stole through the darkness they were mistaken
for an unusually large number of deserters, this being a favorite
point for deserters to pass into the Union lines.
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 255
"What are you doing over there, Johnny? What is
that noise? Answer quick or I'll shoot."
The pickets of the two armies were so close together
at this point that there was an understanding between them,
expressed or implied, that they would not shoot each other
down except when necessary. The call of this Union picket
filled me with apprehension. I expected him to fire and
start the entire picket-line to firing, thus giving the alarm
to the fort, the capture of which depended largely upon
the secrecy of my movement. The quick mother-wit of the
private soidier at my side came to my relief. In an instant
he replied :
"Never mind, Yank. Lie down and go to sleep. We
are just gathering a little corn. You know rations are
mighty short over here."
There was a narrow strip of corn which the bullets
had not shot away still standing between the lines. The
Union pickets promptly answered: "All right, Johnny; go
ahead and get your corn. I'll not shoot at you while you
are drawing your rations."
While this fraternal dialogue was progressing between
the two sentries, the last of the obstructions were removed,
and I ordered the private to fire the signal for the assault.
He pointed his rifle upward, with his finger on the trigger,
but hesitated. His conscience seemed to get hold of him.
He evidently felt that it was hardly fair to take advantage
of the generosity and soldierly sympathy of his foe, who had
so magnanimously assured him that he would not be shot
while drawing his rations from the little field of corn. His
hesitation surprised me, and I again ordered: "Fire your
gun, sir." He at once called to his kind-hearted foe and
said: "Hello, Yank! Wake up we are going to shell the
woods. Look out, we are coming." And with this effort
to satisfy his conscience and even up accounts with the
Yankee picket, he fired the shot and rushed forward in the
darkness."
It is not strange that the men of whom these private
soldiers were the representatives, should cordially fraternize
together, a few days later, when the long-continued strife
should be over, or that they should continue to cherish this
spirit of brotherhood and comradeship so long as life, and
opportunity to greet each other should be given them.
256 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
This diversion on the part of the enemy did not materially
change the prearranged plan of General Grant, for the army as
a whole broke camp on the 29th, the day appointed : but it did
make some change in the disposition of the troops on our part
of the line, and brought on a series of sharp engagements
which resulted in the breaking up of the Confederate line of
works, from end to end, a few days later.
When the men of the One Hundred and Fortieth were
rudely awakened from their slumbers at four o'clock on the
morning of the 25th, by the crash of volleys of musketry and
the roar of artillery, it seemed as if a great disaster was im-
minent. Staff officers and orderlies were hurrying back and
forth with looks that betokened surprise and consternation,
and everywhere the troops were massing in rear of the works
or forming into line. The extent of the disaster was soon
reported from division headquarters and we waited in our
place for further developments. Soon the roar of battle was
renewed on the right and the hearty cheers which came down
the line from that quarter were the first intimations of the re-
versal of the disastrous assault of the early morning.
In order to test the strength of the enemy on the left of
the line an advance was ordered along the entire front of the
Sixth and Second Corps. This advance was stubbornly dis-
puted, but at length the strongly intrenched picket line of the
Confederates was taken and utilized as a line of defence.
About four o'clock in the afternoon, the Confederates
came out of their intrenchments and attempted to retake it,
but were beaten back with heavy loss. After sunset another
persistent assault was made by a heavily reinforced column.
They came out in good order and, as the bugle sounded the
charge, rushed forward yelling like demons, but were firmly
met by the men of the First Division and repulsed.
In this series of engagements Captain John F. Wilson, of
Company G, one of the bravest and most highly esteemed
officers of the Regiment was mortally wounded.
James S. McGlumphey of the same company was also
seriously wounded. Sergeant Graham, of Company K, was
killed.
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 257
The following report of this day's conflict which has re-
cently been found in the Rebellion Records, Series I. Vol. 51,
page 300, seems to indicate that Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas
B. Rogers who had been exchanged a short time previous, had
returned to the front, and, reporting to his brigade comman-
der assumed command of the Regiment. For some reason
not explained, however, Captain Stockton appears as the com-
mander of the Regiment in all subsequent reports after date
of the 29th.
Headquarters One Hundred and Fortieth
Pennsylvania Volunteers.
March 26, 1865.
Captain :
In compliance with orders this day received, I have the
honor to make the following report of operations of the
One Hundred and Fortieth Pennsylvania Volunteers during
the engagement of yesterday. After arriving on the ground
beyond our picket line, in obedience to orders of the Brigade
Commander, I formed my command on the line of rifle pits
that had been abandoned by the enemy's pickets, taking
position between the Sixty-first New York, on the left, and
the Twenty-sixth Michigan on the right. Several attacks
of the enemy were repulsed: one between 3 and 4 and the
other between 5 and 7 P. M. After dark I sent out videttes
of my own Regiment, who remained on post until relieved by
the Eighty-first Pennsylvania, under orders from the Brigade
Commander.
I then deployed my Regiment so as to connect on the
right with the Twenty-sixth Michigan, which had moved
farther to the right, and remained in this position until we
were ordered to fall in and march back to camp. The
officers and men of the Regiment behaved well, as they
always had done.
I regret to have to mention that Captain John F. Wilson
was severely wounded in the action. He is a gallant, faith-
ful and efficient officer, and his loss will be felt by the
Regiment. One enlisted man was killed and three were
wounded.
I have the honor to be very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
(Signed) Thomas B. Rogers,
Lieutenant-Colonel Commanding,
258 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
One Hundred and Fortieth Pennsylvania Volunteers.
Captain William McCallister,
Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.
On the night of the 28th the Second Corps was relieved
from duty in the intrenchments by two divisions of the
Twenty-fourth Corps, and in the early morning of the 29th
moved with the Fifth Corps, Sheridan's cavalry being in the
advance, to its designated position, on the left as indicated by
General Grant on the 24th.
This point was reached about 10 o'clock at night. There
was a heavy rainfall during the night which continued with
slight intervals of sunshine, all of the day following.
The object of the consolidation of two infantry corps and
Sheridan's large command, at this place, was to strike a blow
at some point on the South Side Railroad, the one line of
communication which was still open toward the Southland
and its resources. The objective most available was the con-
vergence of five wagon roads, known as Five Forks. It was
about five miles to the left of the Union line and in order to
defend it against a force so formidable. Grant rightly judged
that Lee would be compelled to extend his line to the breaking
point.
This menace to his most exposed flank was too formid-
able also to be left to the men who were already defending it,
and, at the risk of losing ground at other points, the Confed-
erate commander hurried reinforcements thither from other
parts of the line. The operations of the Union troops on the
30th were delayed somewhat by the rain, which continued to
fall most of the day, flooding the low country on the line of
march and rendering the roads impassable in places for trains
of artillery. Some progress was made, however, by the troops,
who plodded on through swamps and mud in the direction of
the White Oak Road. In this advance, as usual, the One
Hundred and Fortieth was on the skirmish line. At the close
of the day the enemy was driven inside his intrenchments,
along Hatcher's Run, but no attempt was made to assauit this
portion of the line. On the morning of the 31st the Confeder-
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 259
ates took the initiative. Massing a force of cavalry and in-
fantry under General Pickett on their extreme right they at-
tacked a portion of Sheridan's Corps, which had advanced
the previous day from Dinwiddie Court House to Five Forks,
driving them back after a desperate all-day conflict toward
Dinwiddie. A second attack during- the day was made upon
Warren's Fifth Corps, which resulted in driving back two of
his divisions for some distance, but, with the aid of Griffin's
Division and the timely assistance given by two brigades of
General Miles, a countercharge was made and the lost ground
recovered. Meanwhile the brigade with which the One Hun-
dred and Fortieth was connected assaulted the works in its
immediate front but without success, as they were still strongly
manned. In making this attempt the One Hundred and
Fortieth charged across an open space, swept by the fire of the
enemy, in which five enlisted men were wounded. The loss
of the First Division of the Second Corps during the day were
45 killed; 245 wounded and 41 missing.
On the first day of April Sheridan's Corps, supported by
the Fifth Corps, attacked the concentrated force of the enemy
at Five Forks, and, after a hard fought battle, in which the
Confederates fought with great gallantry, they were at length
put to flight and utterly routed. This crushing blow to the
right wing of Lee's army decided the fate of Petersburg and
Richmond, and, as Mr. Nicolay puts it, "should have ended
the war." The trophies for the victors were a number of guns
and colors and the loss to the Confederates was a large number
of men killed and wounded and over five thousand who were
made prisoners. "The flying troops, says General Grant, "were
pursued in different directions, the cavalry and Fifth Corps
under Sheridan pursuing the larger body which moved north-
west."
On the morning of this memorable day we were posted
along the Boydtown Plank Road and distinctly heard the roar
of Sheridan's guns, about five miles distant. At nightfall the
Regiment moved forward to the White Oak Road. About
9 o'clock a demonstration was made in our front to test the
260 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
strength of the enemy and for some time thereafter a brisk
fire of musketry was kept up.
During - its continuance General Miles was ordered to
move his Division to Five Forks, about five miles distant, and
report to Sheridan. In order to conceal this movement from
the enemy the camp fires were put out and the skirmish line,
then actively engaged, was left in its place. Behind this line
the Division moved silently until the White Oak Road was
reached. It was then near midnight, and, without halt or in-
terruption, the column pushed on until it reached its destina-
tion, about three o'clock in the morning. Here we rested for
an hour or two and were then ordered to return by the way we
came to our former position. This was to us a night of
wonders and surprises. Its intense darkness had been lit up
along a line of about thirty-five miles by almost continuous
flashes from siege guns, mortars, musketry and field artillery.
Knowing that the left wing of the Confederate army had been
utterly crushed and that its defenders were fleeting in precipi-
tous haste before the squadrons of Sheridan's host, these fiery
portents in the sky gave assurance that the men of the Sixth
and Ninth Corps were also doing their part in breaking up the
line, which for so long had defended Petersburg and Rich-
mond.
The order we had just received was in itself a surprise,
and it meant another weary march of five miles, but the men
were in fine spirits notwithstanding, and little regarded the
length of the way or the weariness of the flesh, in their eager
desire to have a part in the general breaking up.
When we arrived at the part of the line to which we had
been ordered, it was announced that the Confederates were
leaving their works. Without waiting for orders the men
dashed forward at a double-quick and with a wild chorus of
cheers entered and took possession. A few stragglers and
some of the rearguard fell into our hands, but the main body
retreated in the direction of Sutherland Station on the South
Side Road. "Never shall I forget," says General Miles, "the
exultation that thrilled my very soul as our troops swept over
the line of fortifications soon after dawn on that memorable
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 261
day of April 2, 1865. It was then apparent to all that the
supreme crisis of the Confederacy had been reached and that
the hour of its downfall had arrived." In the midst of this
excitement Sheridan appeared and again the whole line broke
out into another chorus of hearty cheers. With a deprecating
wave of his hand the General silenced this outcry and called
out in ringing, far-reaching tones, "Save your wind, boys,
you'll need it before the day's work is done."
Then, as the order was given to pursue the fleeing Con-
federates, every man in his place started eagerly forward. In
a valuable letter written to his father a few days after these
events took place, Captain Burns describes the first stage of
the pursuit, as follows :
The column started off, every man for himself, at a dead
run, hallooing, throwing their hats in the air, and before I
was aware my company numbered just two men, the rest
having gone on ahead. After awhile the column was reor-
ganized and moved forward in proper style. When we had
advanced a mile or more we caught up with the retreating
rebels and pitched into them. The One Hundred and For-
tieth was ordered out to support our skirmish line that was
about to be drawn in. I was sent forward to the line with
the left wing of the Regiment. I had to lead it over an
open field exposed to a severe musketry fire. In doing this
I had nine men wounded, not from Company A, however.
Shortly after the remainder of the Regiment was brought
out and the line ordered forward; so forward we went, and
back went the rebels, first through an open field. Then came
our chance, and we improved it. I have often seen them
run, but never did I see them make the time in "two forty"
so easy before. They threw away everything they had and
lit out at full speed. We captured quite a squad of them and
two pieces of artillery. At Sutherland Station we struck the
South Side road. We were then relieved and went into camp
three miles beyond, tired, weary, our Sabbath day's labor
ended. I have often heard of such and such being a hard
way of serving the Lord. That day I realized it. So closed
the second of April.
The battle at Sutherland Station, which Captain Burns
described from his standpoint, was one of the most stubbornly
262 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
contested engagements of the campaign. The Confederates
held a strongly intrenched position and repulsed two direct
assaults which were made upon it. It was at length carried
by a well-executed flank movement with a loss to the enemy
of two pieces of artillery, one battle flag and 600 prisoners.
During this part of the pursuit the First Division was isolated
from the rest of the corps. From the 3rd to the 5th inclusive
the command marched with the corps toward Amelia Court
House on the Richmond and Danville Railroad, where Lee's
army was holding a fortified position until he could secure
some much needed supplies. Early on the morning of the
6th we fell in with the rear guard of General Lee's army in
the immediate vicinity of Amelia Springs, a celebrated Vir-
ginia watering place. Here the discovery was made that the
Confederates, thwarted in their purpose to go south by way
of Danville had turned westward, and were moving by way
of the Deatonsville road toward Farmville on the Lynchburg
Railroad. The direction of the column was changed at once
and with a heavy force of skirmishers in front and flankers by
the side of the road the Division started in pursuit of the
fleeing enemy. Their rear guard, which was a heavy column
of infantry and a battery or two of artillery was encumbered
by a long wagon train and upon this the skirmishers and their
supports pounced down several times during the day, causing
great confusion and cutting off men, wagons and pieces of
artillery, at several points on the way. Referring to this day's
pursuit General Miles says in his official report :
The pursuit of the enemy was continued all that day,
the troops moving in line of battle over all kinds of ground,
preceded by a long and heavy skirmish line, the line being
always on the right of the road. The skirmishers were
almost constantly engaged with the rear guard of the enemy,
but the great length of the line enabled us to expel them
from all their positions by overlapping their flank. At one
position taken up they were successfully charged by the
Twenty-sixth Michigan and the One Hundred and Fortieth
Pennsylvania Volunteers, who captured 100 prisoners.
Whenever it appeared probable that the enemy might
THE BEGINNING OP THE END 263
check us the skirmish line was reinforced by a regiment
habitually on the right. Proceeding in this manner, we ad-
vanced rapidly in line about sixteen miles, being often in
sight of the wagon train of the enemy and capturing a great
many prisoners. Upon arriving at the vicinity of Sailor's
Creek, about sunset, the enemy were found strongly posted
on a commanding ridge of ground, covering the creek and
evidently determined to make a fight in order to gain time for
the crossing of the train. I gave orders for the First
Brigade (Colonel Scott) to take the position. The Brigade
advanced splendidly, charged with a cheer, and drove the
enemy in confusion into and across the creek, capturing two
guns, four colors, his entire train of about 250 wagons,
ambulances, etc., together with mules, horses and all appur-
tenances, and a large number of prisoners.
The Third Brigade followed closely on the right of the
First, crossed the stream at once, drove the enemy from the
other side and possessed themselves of the crest. The First
Brigade then crossed and went into position on the other
side also.
The Fourth and Second were moved down to the bank
of the creek without crossing, and at 8 P. M. the command
bivouacked.
The captures by the Division on this day were twelve
battle flags, three guns, the enemy's train and several hun-
dred prisoners.
Many of the captured wagons belonged to the head-
quarters of brigades and divisions, as well as of regiments and
contained officers' equipments of all kinds, including a number
of costly swords and other souvenirs which had been presented
to their owners by cities and corporations. In other wagons
were liberal supplies of office equipments and luxuries of vari-
ous kinds belonging to the personal effects of officers of high
grade, such as barrels of apple-jack, trunks and army chests
well filled with toilet and fancy articles, heaps of crisp, new
Confederate notes of denominations large and small, animal
pets, etc. A litter of bright-eyed, rollicking puppies was
rescued from one of the wagons, before the torch was applied,
and fell to the lot of the Major-General commanding the Divi-
sion, who frequently enjoyed their antics in front of his tent
in the days of relaxation which followed the surrender of
264 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
General Lee's army. The day's loss to Lee at all points on this
retreat was fully 8,000 men, including several of his general
officers who were taken prisoners. Sheridan's hasty report of
operations on his front ended with these words, "If the thing
is pressed, I think Lee will surrender." When Grant tele-
graphed this to Lincoln, he received the laconic reply, "Let
the thing be pressed."
On the day following, April 7th, the pursuit was con-
tinued to High Bridge, where the Lynchburg railroad crosses
the Appomattox. Here the Confederates made a stand with
a strong force of their best available troops, but finally gave
way and occupied another position behind a line of breast-
works, near the intersection of the old Stage road and the
Farmville plank road. The Twenty-sixth Michigan and the
One Hundred and Fortieth being on the skirmish line were
the first to draw the fire of the enemy in this position, and in
this, their last battle, met with a repulse : and, for the time in
which they were engaged, a very heavy loss. In comparing
the accounts which describe this engagement it appears that
the full strength of the Confederates was not known until the
skirmishers in their impetuous charge had gone too far to
recede with safety. The letter of Captain Burns, to which
reference has been made, gives some interesting facts which
throw light upon the somewhat confused accounts which have
come down to us.
"The next day," he writes, "we found the enemy at Farm-
ville about 3 P. M. The Regiment was again on the skirmish
line with our twin Regiment, the Twenty-sixth Michigan.
This day the enemy put their best troops in the rear and we
thought we would drive them with our skirmish line, as
usual, and so we pressed upon a whole division in rifle pits,
went up within two rods of them and fought them with only
one to ten. Whenever they showed a head it generally
dropped. I knew that if we did not get reinforcements soon
we would be compelled to fall back, for already our ammuni-
tion was getting scarce. Before our reinforcements came they
threw a fresh brigade on our right flank and were closing
in around us. I never regretted to leave a position so badly,
for if we could drive them from it I thought we should rout
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 265
the whole army. On they came, the bugle in front sounding
the charge, and over they came. Another moment and I
could shake hands with them. To be captured while I had
my limbs I could not think of. The treasonable colors were
already floating up the bank behind us. There was then
only a gap of some thirty rods open in our rear for retreat;
but even this seemed sudden death or mortal wounds, for they
were then only from two to three rods from us. Seeing our
critical condition, I asked the Father of Mercies to preserve
me and began to retrace my perilous steps. I had to go a
hundred yards or more before I was loose from their flanks.
As soon as I was nearly out of their grasp I stepped behind
a small tree, six or eight inches in diameter, to watch the
progress of the battle, which a moment before was a one-
sided affair, but now began to reveal a brighter side, for
reinforcements were rapidly advancing. I was there only
a moment, but three balls struck the tree below my head,
while hundreds were singing through the boughs. It was in
this battle that Samuel Clutter, John A. Rush and Henry
Roope were captured."
Lieutenant William J. Cunningham, of Company C, and
three enlisted men of the Regiment were killed in this*
engagement.
It fell to the lot of these brave men, who had seen so
much hardship and escaped so many perils in the past, to yield
up their lives in the service of their country in the last battle
of the great war. They died just before the morning of a
new era of peace and prosperity came: and the news of the
surrender of the Confederate army reached the ears of their
loved ones in Western Pennsylvania, it is said, before the sad
tidings of their untimely death.
On the 8th of April, the troops in the advance did not
meet with any opposition, the enemy having abandoned their
works during the night. Stragglers and discouraged, worn-
out men were picked up all day, and, as before, we were
directly behind the rear guard of the retreating army. At
4 o'clock in the afternoon a halt was ordered for "rest and
coffee." In his official report General Miles says that the nego-
tiations of this day, by flag of truce, looking to the surrender
of the Confederate army, were carried on through the skirmish
266 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
line of his Division, and this accords with Captain Stockton's
report that it was renewed through the line of the One Hun-
dred and Fortieth. In the evening we heard at a distance the
sound of Sheridan's guns which meant, although we knew it
not certainly then, that this indomitable leader, with the
Twenty-fourth Corps added to his command, had already
established himself directly across the path of General Lee's
army. At 9 A. M. we again moved forward about five miles
and bivouacked.
The next morning, the ever memorable pth of April, the
march was resumed at 6 o'clock, the First Division leading as
it had done during the last eight days.* The One Hundred
and Fortieth was also in the advance once more on the skirmish
line and frequently picked up or passed over squads of sleeping
Confederates, who had fallen out, and, by so doing, anticipated
the general surrender by a few hours.
The breath of spring was in the air as we marched along,
without strife or opposition, that beautiful Sabbath morning,
and our route led through a fertile region which as yet had
not been despoiled by the ravages of war. The spring flow-
ers were abloom by the roadside, the birds were singing in
the groves, the buds of the trees were bursting out into pale
green leaves and the air was fresh and balmy. After a march
of about six miles a flag of truce was received from the side
of the enemy, and the whole command was halted. The story
of the pursuit which has thus been sketched in outline would
not be complete or satisfactory to the men who participated
in it, without the official report which we herewith append, of
the last commanding officer of the Regiment, Captain W. A. F.
Stockton, who received the Brevet of Major for meritorious
service, to date from the day of Lee's surrender.
Headquarters One Hundred and Fortieth
Pennsylvania Volunteers.
April 16, 1865.
Captain :
In compliance with orders of this date, I have the honor
*Serving the Republic, page 90.
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 267
to submit the following report of operations of this Regi-
ment during the campaign just ended:
Having received orders, this Regiment broke camp on
the morning of the 29th ult., and marched with the Division
beyond Hatcher's Run. Here we were deployed as skirmish-
ers, and advanced about two miles, took up a position and
remained on outpost duty during the night
On the morning of the 30th the lines were advanced and
we engaged the enemy, driving them into their works beyond
the Boydtown Plank Road and cutting the telegraph com-
munications at this point running south.
Early in the morning of the 31st the Regiment marched
with the Brigade and formed a connection with the Fifth
Corps. At this locality we marched by flank until we met
the enemy's skirmishers near the Boydtown Plank Road. A
charge was made by three Regiments of this Brigade, of
which the One Hundred and Fortieth was one, and the
enemy was forced from his alignment in our front. We
captured nine prisoners.
On the first day of April twenty-five picked men, under
Captains Ray and Burns from this Regiment, in pursuance
of instructions from Brevet Major-General Miles, were sent
to ascertain the exact locality of Gregg's cavalry, with a
view to effecting a junction with that division. This was
successfully accomplished and a report was forwarded to the
General commanding the Division.
On the morning of the second of April we marched
through the enemy's works, and were immediately sent to
the front in support of the skirmish line commanded by
Lieutenant-Colonel Glenny, of the Sixty-fourth New York
Volunteers. An advance was ordered, and the men charged
the works of the enemy protecting the South Side Railroad,
driving them beyond the road one mile and capturing eigh-
teen prisoners. The loss of the command in this engage-
ment was seven wounded, two of this number being regarded
as fatally injured.
The third, fourth and fifth days of April were occupied
in marching on the Namozine Road in pursuit of the enemy.
We advanced in line of battle on the 6th inst. and drove the
enemy from their entrenched position, with the loss of 175
prisoners, inclusive of five officers. During the whole day
the enemy were forced back and pursued with great energy,
which terminated in the capture of the greater part of their
wagon train and a number of pieces of artillery. The right
268 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
wing of this Regiment was the first of the troops that ad-
vanced to and beyond the train.
A strong skirmish line was posted beyond the creek and
remained until the Fourth Brigade came up, which was
advancing on the right of the Division. The casualties of
the day's engagement in this Regiment were one commis-
sioned officer killed and three enlisted men wounded.
The seventh of April we marched toward Lynchburg and
were deployed as skirmishers at or near Farmville. The
enemy under Mahone, being entrenched in a strong position,
the skirmishers, consisting of the Twenty-sixth Michigan and
the One Hundred and Fortieth Pennsylvania Volunteers,
were checked by a strong line of battle located behind the
works. The casualties of the Regiment in this engagement
were I commissioned officer killed, 3 enlisted men killed, 1
officer and 26 men taken prisoners.
Our march toward Lynchburg on the 8th was uninter-
rupted and we continued the pursuit of the enemy until 12
o'clock at night. On the morning of the 9th — it was the
Sabbath — we were placed in the advance, and through the
skirmish line of the Regiment the flag of truce was enter-
tained which resulted in a conference terminating in the
surrender of the Confederate forces under the command of
General Lee.
I am very respectully,
W. A. Stockton,
Captain Commanding Regiment.
Captain McCallister,
Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.
The number of men reported as present for duty in the
One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment at the opening of the
campaign, March 25th, was 236. The official report of casu-
alties from this date until the surrender of General Lee was
iven as follows:
ENLISTED
OFFICERS MEN AGGREGATE,
Killed 2 2 4
Wounded 2 21 23
Captured or missing 24 24
Total 5 1
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 269
When the skirmishers of the Division were halted by the
flag of truce which met them on the morning of the 9th of
April, they were within easy stone throw of the rear guard
of the Confederate army.* The troops which had been march-
ing in column behind them were massed in close order as they
came up and in this position anxiously awaited the result of
the conference, which we all knew was being held between
the leaders of the two armies. In general a spirit of hope-
fulness prevailed, but no one was over sanguine as to im-
mediate results.
Slowly the hours wore away. Noon came. Then in suc-
cession the afternoon hours were told off. At two o'clock
the limit of the armistice was reached and we looked to an
officer of the staff to give the familiar order "fall in." A
messenger did come, but it was to announce that the time limit
had been extended. About four o'clock when many were
drowsing or fast asleep on the ground a full chested ringing
chorus of cheers was heard at the front and was taken up by
tens of thousands of men from regiment to regiment down
the line. Instantly every man was on his feet and the an-
nouncement "Lee has surrendered!" "Lee has surrendered!"
which followed, as fleet horsemen carried the tidings from
corps to corps, was hailed with the supremest joy and wildest
enthusiasm. Every man after his own fashion gave vent to
his pent up feelings.
As General Miles has happily phrased it :
All the bands immediately struck up the national airs,
such as "Hail Columbia," "The Star-Spangled Banner,"
etc. The black-mouthed cannon, that for four years had
been accustomed to discharge their iron hail against the
lives of Americans, thundered the voice of peace, and the
*After alluding to the fact that the One Hundred and Fortieth
had the honor of being in the foremost rank on the day of Lee's
surrender, Captain Burns adds that he stood at the gate of the
McLean house, on the skirmish line, when General Lee with bowed
head passed out of it.
270 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
hills and valleys re-echoed the welcome sound. The air was
filled with hats, canteens, haversacks and everything that
could be displayed as an expression of great rejoicing. The
grim warriors embraced each other and rolled over on the
turf with tears of joy coursing down their bronzed faces.
With every manifestation of unspeakable delight we then
realized that there was no longer an army to conquer — that
the nation was reunited in the strongest bonds of brother-
hood ; that our country was now without a slave and without
an enemy; that the great cause for which we had given the
best years of our lives and hundreds of thousands of our
comrades, the flower of American manhood, had at last
triumphed, and that the nation, by heroism and sacrifice,
was stronger, freer and purer than ever before.
There lies before the writer, as he pens the closing words
of this chapter, a letter, brown with age, but still distinctly
legible, which has this heading, Appomattox Court House,
April 9th, 1865. It was once held before tear-dimmed eyes
with a trembling, but long since vanished hand. A few lines
from it may not be inappropriate here for the reason that it
gives impressions which could only be made or described in
language born of the occasion.
My Dear Mother:
I am almost too much excited to write. You will know
the reason why long before you receive this. Lee has sur-
rendered with his whole army, and from this day the war is
virtually over. Thank God we have been permitted to see
this glorious day. Johnston's army will certainly surrender
and then, dear Mother, we will all return home again to
enjoy the blessings of that honorable peace for which we
have striven so long. The men of Lee's army have torn
down their works, stacked their arms and are now encamped
quietly alongside of us as though they formed part of our
army. As soon as the arrangements for the surrender were
made officers and messengers bore the news to the troops
and, oh, what a scene ! All the pent up emotions of our
hearts burst forth in a mighty shout, like the shout of battle,
while the bands struck up our national airs and the artillery
broke forth in salutes. How the hats of the boys flew sky-
ward in the air and the hills fairly shook with the cheers of
the massed thousands, when General Meade, with uncovered
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 271
head and beaming face, rode down the lines with the glorious
news. We have orders to remain here, close in camp, until
it is settled what will be done. Good night, my dear Mother,
and look for our return "when Johnnie comes marching
home."
What this announcement meant to the brave hearts at
home, the mothers, wives and sweethearts, who had waited so
long in tears and anxiety, who were ofttimes on their knees at
night while we were soundly sleeping, cannot be realized by
those who have been born since the war, nor can it ever be
fittingly or adequately expressed by those who would describe
it.
To North and South alike this issue of the great conflict
has brought blessings incalculable — a reunited country — a flag
with all its stars and many more which have since been added,
floating from ocean to ocean, prosperity beyond the wildest
dreams of the men of the sixties, and now, thank God, the day
which Abraham Lincoln anticipated and longed for, has come.
We are not enemies, but friends; the passion which strained
has not broken the bonds of affection; the mystic chords of
memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave
to every living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land,
touched by the better angels of our nature, have joined to
swell the chorus of the Union.
"Now years have flown, and Peace has come;
No longer hostile banners wave;
Yet hearts must turn to dust again,
Ere we forget our fallen brave.
And time has touched the grieving soul,
Who mourned the ones that then had bled :
And North and South hold kindred ties,
The Nation, and the Nation's dead."*
"Fold up the banners! Smelt the guns
Love rules. Her gentler purpose runs,
A mighty Mother turns in tears
The pages of her battle years,
Lamenting all her fallen sons !"
— Will H. Thompson.
♦Memorial Day Poem, Colonel Prentiss Ingraham.
272 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
CHAPTER XIX.
THE HOMEWARD MARCH AND MUSTER OUT.
"Thank God! the bloody days are past
Our patient hopes are crowned at last;
And sounds of bugle, drum and fife
But lead our heroes home from strife!
"Thank God! there beams o'er land and sea
Our blazing Star of Victory;
And everywhere, from main to main,
The old flag flies and rules again !
"Thank God ! we see on every hand,
Breast-high the ripening grain-crops stand;
The orchards bend, the herds increase;
But oh, thank God — thank God for peace."
BEFORE General Grant left the McLean House, where
the preliminaries of the surrender were settled, he made
arrangements for the immediate issue of rations from
his own stores for the supply of the hungry soldiers of the
Confederate army. For a week or more they had been cut off
from their wagon trains and every base of supplies ; and, with
no time on their hands to forage from the country, were all in
a condition to appreciate the considerate kindness of the Victor
to whom they had so reluctantly yielded. With like considera-
tion and in the same spirit of kindness the Union soldiers gen-
erously shared the contents of their haversacks with the
Johnnies, who had the privilege of strolling into our camps, and
were received as cordially as though they had been old-time
comrades. Over steaming pots of coffee, the aroma of which
was very grateful to our well-nigh famished guests, the boys
in blue and in gray chatted familiarly, cracking merry jests and
"happy in the thought that henceforth and forevermore they
should remain brothers against all the world."
THE HOMEWARD MARCH AND MUSTER OUT 273
On the nth of April, two days after the terms of sur-
render had been arranged, the second Corps began the first
stage of its homeward march, and on the 13th reached Burks-
ville, where the remainder of the month was spent in camp.
While the war was virtually over, after the surrender of the
Army of Northern Virginia, it was deemed necessary to hold
the Army of the Potomac at this strategic point until the antic-
ipated submission of Johnston's Army should be an accom-
plished fact.
The One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment, with the other
regiments of the First Brigade, remained at Appomattox, on
guard duty, until all the details for the surrender were com-
pleted.
The actual surrender of the remnant of Lee's army was as
quiet and informal as it could be made consistently with the
terms agreed upon. As a matter of fact so little stress was
laid upon the formalities of delivering up arms and accoutre-
ments that the larger number of the Confederate troops who
were in battle line on the 9th of April were not present on
the 1 2th, the day appointed for this formal delivery. The
honor of receiving this surrender was delegated to a single
Division of the Fifth Corps (Bartlett's). As the remnants of
the Confederate divisions reached the designated spot, military
salutations were exchanged and under the direction of their
own officers the men stacked their arms, laid down their accou-
trements and colors, and then, quietly forming in column again
for the last time, marched off to be disbanded as paroled pris-
oners. "The kindness of the Government," says Benson
Lossing, "followed the offending ones, even to their homes,
transportation and food for their journey being afforded to
large numbers of them." Much has been made of the ad-
mitted fact that something less than 8,000 men actually laid
down their arms on the day and at the place appointed for
this purpose. One reason for this has been already given
The historian of one of the regiments appointed to take charge
of the surrendered stores and munitions of war — the One
Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania Volunteers — says, "In
the woods where the rebel army had encamped, muskets were
274 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
scattered upon the ground in every direction. We found
where whole battalions had stacked their arms and left for
home, taking no part in the surrender, not even signing their
parole. There is no doubt that many thousands went away
in this manner, which if added to those who marched in and
stacked their arms would have swelled Lee's army to over
50,000 men, who surrendered on the 9th of April." The esti-
mate of this writer is undoubtedly too large. General Grant
in his Memoirs says :
As a matter of official record, and in addition to the
number paroled (28,356), we captured, between March 29th
and the date of surrender, 19,132 Confederates, to say noth-
of Lee's other losses, killed, wounded and missing, during the
series of desperate conflicts which marked his headlong and
determined flight. The same record shows the number of
cannon, including those at Appomattox, to have been 689
between the dates named.
Adding the paroled men to list of captured prisoners we
have a total of 47,488 who must have been present for duty
at the beginning of the campaign, a total to which if we add
2,000 cavalrymen under Fitzhugh Lee who escaped before the
surrender; and the heavy losses in killed, wounded and missing
until the day of the surrender, the aggregate could scarcely be
less at that time than sixty or sixty-five thousand. Or as an-
other reliable writer has put it :
If we add to the list of paroles signed the captures at
Five Forks, Petersburg and Sailor's Creek, the thousands
who deserted the failing cause at every by-road leading to
their homes, and filled every wood and thicket between
Richmond and Lynchburg, we can see how considerable an
army Lee commanded when Grant "started out gunning."
Yet every Confederate writer, speaker and signer who refers
to the surrender says, and will say forever, that Lee sur-
rendered only seven thousand muskets.f
♦History of One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania Volun-
teers, page 596.
fLife of Abraham Lincoln, by Nicolay and Hay, page 197.
THE HOMEWARD MARCH AND MUSTER OUT 275
In the advance to Appomattox the One Hundred and
Fortieth Regiment was foremost, as we have seen, on the skir-
mish line. On the 13th of April it was withdrawn from the
picket line at the front, a position which it occupied for the
last time that day, to commence the homeward march by
way of Burksville Junction.
The Regiment was charged with the duty of guarding
the captured trains and batteries of artillery to this place,
where they were afterward shipped to the officials of the War
Department. From the cannon, thus for a time in its care,
were made the bronze buttons which for several decades have
been worn by the members of the Grand Army of the Republic.
On the 15th of April, Colonel Fraser returned from his
long period of captivity and, with the rank of Brevet Brig-
adier-General, — a well deserved honor, — was assigned to the
command of the First Brigade.
On the same day the news was received that Abraham
Lincoln, the great-hearted ruler of the nation and the revered
and beloved commander of its army and navy, had been cruelly
and cowardly assassinated. This announcement was received
with mingled feelings of grief, horror and indignation. Sor-
row and gloom overswept the encampments where glad and
grateful hearts had been exulting in the joy of victory. As
General Meade happily phrased it in his official order announc-
ing the President's death :
1
Abraham Lincoln, by the active interest he ever took in
the welfare of this Army and by his presence in frequent
visits especially during the recent operations, had particu-
larly endeared himself to both officers and soldiers, all of
whom regarded him as a generous friend.
On the 28th of April word was received of the surrender
of General Johnston on the terms which had been granted to
General Lee. This news was hailed with delight and at once
settled the question as to the direction we were to go from
the important railroad junction, about which the whole army
had been waiting, in anxious solicitude, for further orders.
276 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
On the 5th of May we broke camp and to the great joy
of every man in the column took the road which led toward
Richmond.
At one of the cross roads not far from Burksville an im-
mense concourse of recently freed slaves, from the adjacent
plantations had assembled to see the great army go by, and to
express their gratitude to the men who had delivered them
from the bonds of servitude.
In this motley gathering gray and grizzled men and
women led in a demonstration of thanksgiving and joy, which
found its natural expression in the language of sacred song,
reminding those who heard it of the song of the deliverance
which Miriam led, long ages ago, with timbrel in hand, by the
border of the Red sea. In this care-free host there was an odd
mixture of tattered and strangely assorted garments. While
the garb of the men was notable principally for its misfits and
patches of various shapes and shades, that of the women was
conspicuous for its gay colors, the crowning feature of which
was a bandana kerchief of pronounced color worn on the head
as a turban, or folded across the breast. It is a noteworthy
fact that the burden of all the plantation songs of that day
was deliverance from bondage. They were not born of the
occasion, but were composed in anticipation of an exodus like
that which took place, long ago, from the land of Egypt,
under the leadership of Moses.
In this wayside concert the singers gave expression, there-
fore, in words made ready to hand, to the realization of long
cherished hopes and expectations. Following their leaders,
who voiced the sentiment of the song, they all joined in the
refrain to each successive verse, keeping time with hands and
feet and swaying bodies in perfect unison and hearty abandon.
We heard the wild, weird strains of some of these long drawn-
out choruses before the singers had come into view, and after
we had passed over a hill which hid them from our sight, we
could still hear, in lessening volume "another of the same"
from a repertoire which seemed to be inexhaustible.
For spontaneity, heartiness and evident sincerity, this was
THE HOMEWARD MARCH AND MUSTER OUT 277
the greatest ovation which the Army of the Potomac received
on its victorious, homeward march.
On the 5th of May we reached Manchester, on the James
River, and made special preparation for a rigid inspection of
arms, accoutrements and clothing, with a view to presenting
a creditable and soldierly appearance on the march through the
city of Richmond. On the morning of the next day the Army
of the Potomac entered the fallen Capital of the Confederate
government with flying colors and bands of music at the head
of each Brigade or Division. A large part of the city was
then a blackened waste, it having been fired by the Confed-
erates themselves, in order to destroy the valuable stores of to-
bacco which had been garnered within its limits.
The streets were lined with spectators as the men in blue
passed silently, in long succession, by; and never, perhaps,
did the Army of the Potomac march with a steadier swing or
present a finer appearance than on that memorable day.
Among the many thousands who witnessed this triumphal
entry, a large number, at least, were openly friendly and many
were glad beyond expression to be freed from the limitations
and harsh restrictions and perils which four years of war, with
its attendant waste and destruction, had brought upon them.
There was one exception to the quiet and orderly march
of the troops through Richmond. As the head of the column
in advance passed Libby Prison, a low chorus of groans gave
evidence of its unpopularity as a boarding place for Union
prisoners; and, as each successive column passed by, these
marks of disapproval became more emphatic and distinct.
From Richmond the steady tramp was continued on the
direct routes toward Washington at a pace of twenty-six to
twenty-eight miles per day. The bands were consolidated at
the heads of the Brigades, and at the edge of all the important
towns on our route the flags were unfurled and with stirring
music such as "The Girl I Left Behind Me," or "When Johnny
Comes Marching Home," we passed through the streets,
which were thronged with interested spectators. In several
places we received a welcome as cordial as if we had been pass-
ing through a Northern city.
278 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
On the crest of Marye's Heights we halted for a brief
rest and a look over one of the bloodiest battlefields of the war,
before we passed through the City of Fredericksburg. Here
we were on familiar ground. Upon the swaying pontoons, so
suggestive of other marches from side to side, we crossed the
Rappahannock for the last time.
Soon after we had left the city, a beautiful young woman,
with pale set face, dishevelled hair and an agonized expres-
sion, ran swiftly past us, alongside the moving column, in
pursuit, as we afterward learned, of the Provost Guard of one
of the Divisions. Two years before, her husband, then a
Union soldier, had deserted while on picket duty by the river-
side, and finding Fredericksburg a pleasant place to stay, de-
cided to make it his home. Having won the affections of the
lady, whose sudden appearance and evident distress had ap-
pealed so strongly to our sympathies, he married her. Pre-
sumably all went well with this faithless servant of the country
and deserter from its flag, until, as the army passed through,
he was recognized among the spectators who lined the streets,
was promptly arrested and hurried off under the charge of the
Provost Guard. How this romantic episode ended we know
not. It is not at all likely that the Government would relin-
quish its prior claim in favor of the young wife who sought
so earnestly to get him back, but we hope for her sake that it
did deal leniently with the transgressor and that this romance,
which ended so abruptly for us, turned out happily for her, in
the end.
One beautiful afternoon, about the middle of May, as we
were toiling slowly up a steep grade, near Bailey's Cross
Roads, the sound of vigorous, hearty cheering was heard at
the head of the column far in advance of our place in the line.
Instantly every man was on the alert and as the oft-re-
peated chorus of cheers became more distinct and the conta-
gion of some great excitement swept down from regiment
to regiment, we all knew, without the telling, that the end of
the last day's march was just at hand. As we approached the
crest of the hill a picture of marvellous beauty opened up be-
fore us. In the foreground was the rich, green valley of the
THE HOMEWARD MARCH AND MUSTER OUT 279
Potomac — a striking contrast to the desolate war-swept wastes
of Virginia, through which we had been marching — and beyond
the beautiful river was the fair city of Washington, with the
flag of Washington floating above the graceful dome of its
Capitol. How beautiful it looked in the softened light of that
afternoon sun. As we gazed upon this landscape vision
through tear-dimmed eyes, it seemed the very embodiment of
the fulfilment of our dreams of home, of peace and of plenty.
On th 23rd of May the Regiment participated in the
Grand Review of the Army of the Potomac. The compact
columns which swept Pennsylvania Avenue from curb to curb,
for full six hours of steady marching, passed the reviewing
stand and the distinguished officers who had led them, for the
last time.
How glorious was that crowning day —
The last review at Washington.
More proudly in that grand review
They wore those faded coats of blue
Than when those uniforms were new
And first admired by loving eyes.
More proudly flung on freedom's air,
Those smoked and riddled banners there,
Than when their silken colors fair
First floated under Northern skies.
To Francis A. Walker, the gifted historian of the Second
Army Corps, we are indebted for the graphic description
which follows, of this notable command, and especially of
the famous First Division, as it passed in final review on that
memorable day.
It is now four full hours since the giant column began
to move, and every eye is strained and weary from watching
the quickly receding divisions and brigades. But of all who
gaze from sidewalk or balcony, window or housetop, no one
leaves his post, for a corps not less renowned than any which
had fought out that bloody strife to a triumphant issue,
advances to salute the chief under whom it has conquered.
At its head, on a snow-white horse, followed by a score of
280 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
i
officers similarly mounted, rides that heroic and thrice accom-
plished soldier and scholar, Andrew A. Humphreys.
His serene and noble face is lighted by the joy of
triumph and the pride he feels in the troops which follow
him; the corps of Sumner, Couch and Hancock; that corps
which, in fair fight with Lee's great army, had taken forty-
four Confederate flags, ere first it lost a color of its own ;
which had left more than forty thousand of its numbers,
killed or wounded, on the battlefields of Virginia, Maryland
and Pennsylvania; the corps which crossed the Chicka-
hominy to the rescue of the beaten, left at Fair Oaks, which
delivered the great assault on Marye's Heights, on which
fell Longstreet's attack at Gettysburg, which stormed the
Salient at Spottsylvania, on the 12th of May, 1864, and at
Farmside on the 7th of April, 1865, fought the last infantry
battle of the war.
Out of the hundred regiments sustaining the largest
losses in all the armies of the United States, east or west,
thirty-five have served under this corps' banner; some of
these, long since wasted to skeletons, have been sent away
from the front, but there still remain enough to witness to
these years of desperate battle. Here is the First Maine
Heavy Artillery, which leads the roll of regiments suffer-
ing the greatest absolute loss in a single battle, six hundred
and thirty-two of its officers and men having fallen in its
desperate charge of the 18th of June at Petersburg, of whom
two hundred and ten were killed or mortally wounded. Just
one month before, at Spottsylvania, it had lost in a brief
action one hundred and forty-seven killed or mortally
wounded. Its aggregate for the war is four hundred and
twenty-three, or nineteen per cent, of its total enrollment.
Here, too, is the Fifth New Hampshire Regiment, gallant
Cross's gallant men, which leads the roll of all the infantry
regiments of the army in the total number of its fatal
casualties, two hundred and ninety-five men having been
killed or mortally wounded in its ranks. There marches the
First Minnesota, the regiment suffering the largest propor-
tional casualities in a single action, having lost two hun-
dred and twenty-four men, killed or wounded, out of two
hundred and sixty-two it took into action at Gettysburg,
or eighty-three out of every one hundred.
Here, too, are such renowned regiments as the Seven-
teenth and Nineteenth Maine; the First Regiment of Heavy
Artillery from Massachusetts, and the Eleventh, Nineteenth,
Twentieth and Twenty-eighth Regiments of infantry; the
THE HOMEWARD MARCH AND MUSTER OUT 281
Eighth Regiment of Heavy Artillery from New York, and
its Fortieth, Fifty-second, Fifty-ninth, Sixty-first, Sixty-
third, Sixty-fourth, Sixty-ninth, Seventy-third, Eighty-
sixth, Eighty-eighth, Ninety-third, One Hundred and
Eleventh, One Hundred and Twentieth, One Hundred and
Twenty-fourth, One Hundred and Twenty-fifth, One Hun-
dred and Twenty-sixth, One Hundred and Sixty-fourth and
One Hundred and Seventieth Regiments of Infantry; the
Seventh, Eighth, Eleventh and Twelfth New Jersey; the
Fifty-third, Fifty-seventh, Sixty-ninth, Eighty-first, One
Hundred and Sixteenth, One Hundred and Fortieth, One
Hundred and Forty-fifth and One Hundred and Forty-eighth
Pennsylvania; the First Delaware, Tom Smythe's old regi-
ment; the Seventh West Virginia; Meikel's Twentieth
Indiana; the Fifth and Seventh Michigan; Frank Haskell's
Thirty-sixth Wisconsin.
Such are some of the regiments which compose the
column of the Second Corps in the Grand Review. Its First
Division is to-day commanded by Gen. John Ramsay.* Here
is all that is left of the old division of Sumner, Richardson
and Hancock, including the once famous brigades of Brooke,
Caldwell, Zook and Meagher, together with the survivors
of Alexander Hay's brigade, which came up at Gettys-
burg and helped to hold Cemetery Ridge against Pickett's
men. This is the division which lost in the war two thou-
sand two hundred and thirty-seven men killed outright, and
eleven thousand seven hundred and twenty-four men
wounded in battle. These are the men of the Sunday morn-
ing at Fair Oaks, of the Sunken Road at Antietam, of the
Stone Wall, at Fredericksburg, of the Wheatfield, at Gettys-
burg, of the Salient, at Spottsylvania, of the closing fight
at Farmville.
The Division which is thus singled out for special men-
tion, because of its extraordinary losses and achievements, was
the largest in the army. With this notable command, the One
Hundred and Fortieth Regiment had the honor of serving dur-
the entire period of its connection with the Army of the Poto-
mac. And it is with honest pride we record the fact that it
was one of the regiments which did the most, in a quiet and
* General Miles was transferred to another department a short
time before the Grand Review in Washington City.
282 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
unostentatious way, to make and sustain the reputation of the
Division.
The three great Commanders who led it, in succession —
Hancock, Barlow and Miles — gave to the One Hundred and
Fortieth, on many occasions, the foremost position of honor,
responsibility and danger at the front and were never disap-
pointed in the conduct of its officers or men. Its sadly depleted
ranks were not filled up, as was the case, in many regiments
of the same command, with drafted men, but it maintained
its identity, homogeneity and high standing to the end. It
was sometimes ordered into positions which could not be held ;
it was forced back once and again from hotly contested ground
by flanking movements or the failure of other commands to
reach assigned positions, but it was never stampeded, nor
thrown into hopeless confusion, and never left the field with-
out orders, or without its colors. At Gettysburg its battle
flag was stricken down and its defenders barely escaped cap-
ture. At Spottsylvania, three of its color guard fell with it
in quick succession and the fourth snatched it up, carried it
proudly onward to the ramparts, and in every engagement
following until its tattered remnants, blood-stained and battle
scarred, waved over the skirmish line of the farthest advance
of the Union lines at Appomattox.
The indomitable courage of the men who followed this
flag through seventeen bloody engagements is evidenced by
the fact that its average percentage in killed and mortally
wounded, exceeded that of any other regiment which went
out from the State of Pennsylvania. It stands fourth in that
"splendid 'sifted' list of twenty-three regiments which gave
fifteen per cent, and upwards of their blood for the flag," as
given in the fully accredited, invaluable history of the regi-
mental losses of the Civil War, by Colonel William F. Fox.
After referring to the fact that the average losses, as
above indicated for the whole army, was five per cent., rang-
ing from nothing to twenty, he says :
This increased percentage fell heavily on the Army of
the Potomac, and on certain Divisions in that army. But
THE HOMEWARD MARCH AND MUSTER OUT 283
the hardest righting and greatest loss of life occurred in
the First Division of the Second Corps — Hancock's old
Division — in which more men were killed and wounded
than in any other Division in the Union Army, East or
West. This Division was the one which Richardson, its
first Commander led on the Peninsula, and at whose head he
fell at Antietam, the one which, under Hancock, made the
bloody assault on Marye's Heights (Fredericksburg, Va.) ;
which under Caldwell, fought so well in the Gettysburg
wheatfield; which, under Barlow, surged over the enemy's
works at Spottsylvania, and which, under Miles, was in at
the death in 1865. Within its ranks were the Irish Brigade
and crack Regiments like the Fifth New Hampshire, the
One Hundred and Fortieth Pennsylvania, and the Sixty-
fourth New York.
Over 14,000 men were killed or wounded in this Divi-
sion during the war, yet it never numbered 8,000 muskets,
and often could muster only half of that.
In the Century Magazine of May, 1888, page 96-97,
Colonel Fox gives, as in his previous lists, the first place to the
Second Wisconsin Infantry, it having lost the most men in
proportion to its numbers, of any regiment in the whole
Union Army. Leaving out of consideration the heavy artil-
lery regiments, which properly belong to another class, he
mentions the Fifty-seventh Massachusetts Volunteers as the
next higher in its list of losses, the percentage being 19.1.
This case, he adds, cannot well be classed with the others,
because the Fifty-seventh went into action within a few days
after leaving Boston, going into the thick of the fight in the
Wilderness with full ranks, while most regiments went into
their first fight with ranks depleted by eight months' previous
campaigning. In this classification, Colonel Fox virtually
gives the second place in the list of losses among the seasoned
veteran regiments to the One Hundred and Fortieth Pennsyl-
vania.
This interesting statement we give, as he has published
it, in full:
The next largest percentage of killed (after the Fifty-
seventh Massachusetts) is found in the One Hundred and
284 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Fortieth Pennsylvania Infantry, whose muster-out rolls tell
the following story; and as in the instances previously
cited, the names of each one of the dead could be given,
were it necessary, in verification of the loss.
One Hundred and Fortieth Pennsylvania Infantry,
Caldwell's Division, Second Corps.
(i) Colonel Richard P. Roberts (killed).
(2) Colonel John Fraser, Brevet Brigadier-General.
Losses.
Officers. En. Men. Total.
Killed, or died of wounds 10 188 198
Died of disease, accidents, etc 1 127 128
1,132 enrolled; 198 killed = 17.4 per cent.
Battles. Killed.
Chancellorsville, Va 15
Gettysburg, Pa 61
Bristoe Station, Va 1
Mine Run, Va I
Wilderness, Va 8
Corbin's Bridge, Va 4
Po River, Va 3
Spottsylvania, Va 52
North Anna, Va 3
Totopotomy, Va 1 1
Cold Harbor, Va 7
Petersburg, Va 14
Deep Bottom, Va 5
Ream's Station, Va 1
Hatcher's Run, Va 4
Sailor's Creek, Va 1
Farmville, Va 5
Total of killed and wounded 732
Total of killed and died of wounds 198
Died of disease in Confederate prisons, 28 (in-
cluded).
With this record behind it, which will bear the most care-
ful scrutiny, the One Hundred and Fortieth Regiment of
Pennsylvania Volunteers was mustered out of the service of
the United States at Alexandria, Virginia, on the 31st day of
May, 1865.
When the* Regiment was organized it numbered 1,015,
THE HOMEWARD MARCH AND MUSTER OUT 285
officers and men, but afterward the number enrolled was in-
creased by enlistment to a total of 1,132.
The actual number present with the Regiment and mus-
tered out on the date above indicated, was 293. Of the
survivors, many had been already discharged because of
wounds or disability, while others were still in the hospitals,
on detached duty or had been assigned to other commands
or branches of the service. It was a pitiful remnant of the
Regiment which, with full ranks and complete appointments,
was chaffed by the veterans of the Potomac Army as a brigade
of "newcomes" in the beginning of the winter of 1862.
The following statement from the Auditor for the War
Department gives the number of officers and enlisted men who
were present and paid with their commands on muster-out.
Field and Staff: Colonel, Major, Adjutant, Quarter-
master, Surgeon, Assistant Surgeon, Chaplain 7
Sergeant Major, Commissary Sergeant, Hospital Steward,
2 Principal Musicians 5
Company A: Captain, First Lieutenant, First Sergeant,
1 Sergeant, 6 Corporals, 2 Musicians, 22 Privates. . . 34
Company B : Captain, First Lieutenant, 4 Sergeants, 5
Corporals, 1 Musician, 9 Privates 21
Company C: Captain, First Sergeant, 4 Sergeants, 6
Corporals, 1 Musician, 1 Wagoner, 15 Privates.... 29
Company D: First Lieutenant, First Sergeant, 2 Ser-
geants, 2 Corporals, 1 Musician, 10 Privates 17
Company E: Captain, Second Lieutenant, First Ser-
geant, 3 Sergeants, 2 Corporals, 1 Musician, 13 Privates 22
Company F: Second Lieutenant, First Sergeant, 6 Cor-
porals, 1 Musician, 1 Wagoner, 21 Privates 31
Company G. Second Lieutenant (Captain?) First Ser-
geant, 4 Sergeants, 6 Corporals, 1 Wagoner, 15
Privates 28
Company H : First Lieutenant, Second Lieutenant, First
Sergeant, 3 Sergeants, 7 Corporals, 1 Musician, I
Wagoner, 1 5 Privates 30
Company I : Captain, First Lieutenant, 4 Sergeants, 6
Corporals, 2 Musicians, 17 Privates 31
Company K: Captain, First Lieutenant, First Sergeant,
3 Sergeants, 6 Corporals, 1 Musician, 25 Privates... 38
Total 293
286 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
, The "muster out" of the Regiment ended our relation
to that Army and the order was issued at once to report to
the officials of the military camp at Pittsburg, Pa., for pay-
ment and disbandment.
Never was an order to "fall in" obeyed with more alacrity
and enthusiastic responsiveness. It was about an hour after
the turn of the night when we crossed the Long Bridge and
entered the city of Washington. As we passed through the
streets the Regimental band struck up one of its liveliest airs
and the men who had just received a ration of candles for
camp use, quickly fell in with the suggestion that an illumina-
tion would be in order. This was improvised by fitting the
candles into the muzzles of the Springfield rifles — for the
officers entered into the spirit of the suggestion as well as
the men — and lighting them all along the line. Then came
the orders "right shoulder shift," "open order, march!" As
we tramped along, windows and doors were thrown open,
handkerchiefs were waved and many a cheering word was
given to the boys who, as they all knew, were going home.
In one of the newer sections of the city where the streets had
recently been paved with asphalt, we halted, took possession
of an unoccupied portion and bivouacked for the rest of the
night. Our first bivouac, after leaving Washington for the
front in 1862, was in a muddy cornfield within sight of the
dome of the Capitol ; our last was in the street where we
spread our blankets and rested without challenge or disturb-
ance. The next morning we were entrained, in passenger
cars — for Baltimore, where we found transportation, over
the road we had guarded at the outset of our military career,
to Harrisburg; and thence, without hindrance or delay, over
the mountains to the camp designated for our reception in the
vicinity of Pittsburgh. Here, amid restrictions, more irksome
than we had been subjected to while at the front, we remained
until all the official requirements had been met and satisfied.
Then at midnight, on the 5th of June, we were discharged
from military obligations and free to go where we listed. It
need hardly be said that we went; nor did we stand on the
order of our going. Our first thought was the securing of
THE HOMEWARD MARCH AND MUSTER OUT 287
freedom of action outside the limits of the camp. When
beyond the possibility of restraint from sentinel or camp guard,
each company went on its way to meet the friends and rela-
tives who were impatiently waiting to welcome them.
Thus, without parade or show, or word of appreciation
from the outside world, a noble Regiment melted away; and
Comrades known in marches many,
Comrades tried in dangers many,
Comrades bound by memories many
went back to the homes and communities they had left nearly
three years before, to take up the unfinished work they had
dropped at their country's call, or to begin over again in the
attempt to win a place among those who were laboring amid
the pursuits which make for prosperity and peace. Faithful
as soldiers the survivors of the One Hundred and Fortieth
Regiment have been faithful and true as citizens of the great
and ever-growing country, whose cherished institutions they
fought to save.
It is a matter for congratulation and thankfulness, my
Comrades, that every principle for which we contended to the
death fifty years ago, still remains unchanged. May the God
of our fathers to whom Lincoln prayed in the dark days, when
all the foundations seemed to be melting away, continue to
those who shall follow us from generation to generation the
precious heritage of liberty and constitutional law which we
have received, and have sought to hand down to them unim-
paired and unchanged. The peace for which we fought has
been permanent because it has been grounded upon the im-
mutable verities of the government of God.
With malice toward none and charity for all, we cannot,
we dare not abate one jot of the high principles for which
our comrades suffered and died. We honor, respect and esteem
the brave men who fought on the other side, and doubtless
prayed as earnestly as we to the same God for victory, but,
as our great Commander, who led us to the final victory, has
said, "we are not ready to apologize for our part in the war,"
288 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
and as another has paraphrased the same sentiment, "we are
content that history has shown that we who fought to save
were forever right, and they who fought to destroy, and
attempted armed secession, were eternally wrong. Forgetting
nothing, remembering well the cruel blow at liberty, the unhal-
lowed attack upon the flag of the free, the crime and its sad
results of weeping and wounds, of desolation and death, yet
have we forgiven everything. Happy in the glorious trinity
of results — the saving of the Nation's life, the extinction of
the blot of slavery from the National escutcheon, and the
establishment of the principle of the equality of all before the
l aw — we think them worth even the great sacrifice they have
cost, and have no room for malice or ill will."
Our Father God, from out whose hand
The nations fall like grains of sand,
O make thou us through centuries long,
In peace secure, in justice strong;
Around thy gift of freedom draw
The safeguards of thy righteous law;
And cast in some diviner mould,
Let the new cycle shame the old.
Part II
Company Histories
Personal Sketches
Capt. James M. Pipes. Capt. John A. Burns.
ist Lieut. J. Jackson Purman. Capt. Samuel Campbell.
Capt. John F. McCullough. ist Lieut. J. Fulton Bell.
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF COMPANY A 289
HISTORY OF COMPANY A, ONE HUNDRED AND
FORTIETH PENNSYLVANIA VOLUNTEER
INFANTRY.
BY JAMES J. PURMAN, A.M., M.D., FORMERLY FIRST
LIEUTENANT OF COMPANY.
The campaign of General McClellan on the peninsula
had proved a failure after so much expenditure of time and
means in equipping it, and Washington City was menaced
by armed rebels under Lee and Jackson. The President's
proclamation went forth for "three hundred thousand more."
The country responded to the call. Men who had before
stayed at home thinking their services were not needed, now
sprang to arms, and quickly enrolled themselves in the vari-
ous companies forming all over the country.
John F. McCullough, of Jefferson, Pa., who had seen
some service in the First Pennsylvania Cavalry, David, Tay-
lor, of Waynesburg, Pa., and the writer of this sketch, who
was then teaching an academy at Jacksonville, Pa., abandoning
all business, enrolled their own names and called upon others
to do likewise, to form a company "for three years or during
the war." We met in the old "Hamilton House," then the
principal hotel of Waynesburg, and at that meeting it was
agreed that we should join in raising a cavalry company, our
preference being that arm of the service, and as soon as we
had the requisite number of men, to unite our squads, elect
officers, and offer our services to the government. This meet-
ing occurred about August 10, 1862. We immediately had
posters printed, signed by each of us stating our objects, and
each taking a package, McCullough recruited in and about
Jefferson, Taylor about Waynesburg, and myself in the town-
ships of Richhill, Center and Alippo, they being contiguous
to my academy.
2go THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
I recollect distinctly that the first man who enrolled his
name under mine was James M. Pipes, and the second one
was John A. Burns. I rode over the western end of my
county recruiting, and Burns attended me and was a great
assistance in this work. In two weeks our company was
over full as enlistments went on quite lively. On the morn-
ing of August 28th, my squad rendezvoused at Jacksonville,
and bidding friends good-bye, we took wagons and arrived
at Waynesburg in the afternoon. Washington Pipes, having
two sons among my recruits, went with us, and stood up in
one of the wagons and carried "Old Glory." On the way the
boys sang, "We'll hang Jeff Davis on a sour apple tree." At
Waynesburg we met McCullough, who had brought with
him about 45 men, and Taylor with about 25 men, while I
had 33 men.
The name of our organization was chosen after con-
siderable discussion, that which was first proposed being the
"Downey Invincibles," in honor of Robinson W. Downey,
deceased, a prominent and liberal spirited lawyer of Waynes-
burg, who proposed to make the company his protege by pur-
chasing its uniform and otherwise caring for it. About this
time we erroneously learned that no more cavalry regiments
would be received by the government, and as we would, of
course, go as infantry, we settled upon the name of the "Greene
County Rifles."
As none of us who had recruited for the company knew
anything about infantry drill, we called upon James B. Lazear,
Esq., now vice-president of the Central Bank of Denver, Col.,
who had received a military education at West Point, who
drilled our men in the step, facings, and company formation
In the afternoon we marched to the North Commons, south
of the old College Building, and there an election with written
ballots was held for company officers. My brother, Col. D.
Gray Purman, who had been wounded at Shiloh, Tenn., was
home on furlough on crutches, used his hat for a ballot-box.
The almost unanimous result of the election was McCullough
for Captain; Taylor, Second Lieutenant, and myself First
Lieutenant.
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF COMPANY A 291
The next morning we assembled in front of the Court
House and received many heartfelt good-byes and God bless
yous, as well as many substantial tokens of good will in the
way of things for our comfort in camp. Rev. William Camp-
bell, now deceased, of the C. P. Church, made the parting
address to us, which was responded to by Captain McCullough.
To the tune of the "Girl I Left Behind Me," played by J. W.
Little, who was then only 17 years old, now Dr. Little, of
Washington, D. C, we marched out of the east end of town
and took wagons in Hookstown for Rice's Landing on the
Monongahela River. When the river was reached, I acted
as Orderly Sergeant and called the roll on the river bank and
addresses were delivered from the hurricane deck of the
steamer Elector, by Judge James Lindsay and Colonel D.
Gray Purman.
We all got aboard the steamer, but the river was low,
and more than once we ran aground on sand bars. On one
occasion we all waded through the shallow water ashore, and
walked for miles until the worst bars were passed.
Arrived at Pittsburgh, we marched into Camp Howe.
Here we met companies from Washington, Beaver and Mer-
cer countries, and were mustered into the service of the
United States. A flag presentation occurred to Captain
Greggs' Company from Monongahela City, at which a por-
tion of the Greene Country Company attended, and Hon.
George V. Lawrence and Hon. A. A. Purman made speeches.
The latter, among other things, said, "that he had two broth-
ers going out to defend the flag, and he would rather see
them brought home feet foremost, than that either of them
should show the white feather."
In a few days we moved on to Harrisburg and marched
into hot, dusty, dirty Camp Curtin, and here we learned that
we were to be united with the Washington, Beaver and Mer-
cer County Companies, into a Regiment of Western Pennsyl-
vanians, to be known as the One Hundred and Fortieth Penn-
sylvania Volunteers. Richard P. Roberts, of Beaver, was
chosen Colonel; Prof. John Fraser,,of Canonsburg, Lieuten-
ant-Colonel, and Thomas P. Rodgers, of Mercer, Major.
2^2 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
Here we received our arms, uniforms and accoutrements,
being armed with the Vincennes rifled musket, a heavy, cum-
bersome gun with a sabre bayonet, which we gladly exchanged
for the Springfield rifle when we reached the front. Some
quite laughable scenes occurred when the uniforms were is-
sued by the quartermaster. A six-foot man would get trousers
and shoes intended for a man measuring five feet, six inches,
and vice versa; the little fellow would get number ten shoes
and trousers a half a foot too long. But by a system of ex-
changes all got reasonably well suited and clothed. We under-
stood that our first duty was to help guard the Northern
Central Railroad, the then great single artery through which
flowed the patriotic life-blood of the nation in the shape of
men and munitions of war from the North to Washington
City. It was soon ascertained that our destination was Park-
ton Station, where we arrived September 10, 1862, and de-
barked into a clover field. The headquarters and several of
the companies established themselves in tents on a hill over-
looking the railroad giving to their location the name of
"Camp Seward," while the balance of the Regiment were
stationed along the road at different points for a distance of
ten miles, reaching from the line separating Pennsylvania
from Maryland to Monkton Station. The barracks at Park-
ton, which had been occupied by a company from the Eastern
Shore of Maryland was assigned to us, and the Marylanders
were sent on to take part in the work of driving Lee across
the Potomac. At a meeting of the captains of the several
companies, the letters from "A" to "K" were placed in a
hat and each captain drew his letter. Captain McCullough
drew "A," so we became "Company A" and the right of
the Regiment.
Now our duties began, which consisted in drilling four
hours each day and guarding the railroad. Gunpowder Creek,
or river, is very winding in its course, and as the Northern
Central road follows its valley in the main, a great number
of bridges were required. These the rebels were constantly
burning, or tearing up, so that a strong guard was necessary
along the whole road at the rate of a thousand men to every
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF COMPANY A 293
ten miles. At the time we arrived a bushwhacker by the name
of Merriman had been burning several bridges, and the evi-
dence of his work was still apparent in the charred timbers
which had recently been burned.
The companies located along the road, being so widely
separated, while they were under the general command of
the Colonel at Camp Seward, yet in matters pertaining to the
guarding of the road and daily drill, acted largely as inde-
pendent companies, meeting frequently at the camp for instruc-
tion and dress parade.
Being only about sixty miles from the battlefields of
South Mountain and Antietam, and these being on such high
locations, when the wind blew in our direction, we could
hear the heavy guns quite distinctly. These were the first
guns which we ever heard in battle. As the telegraph lines
were unobstructed we got news on the 14th and 17th of Sep-
tember that McClellan had won two complete victories over
Lee. This caused great rejoicing in our camp, and while a
little more than the truth, it meant that the rebels would be
driven off Northern soil and across the Potomac.
General Miles had surrendered Harper's Ferry to the
enemy, and was killed by a shell just as the act was being
consummated. His residence was but a short distance from
Parkton, and his body was brought home for burial. Per-
mission was given to all not on duty who desired to attend
his funeral, but the belief was that the surrender was a cow-
ardly act, and the funeral was but slimly attended by Com-
pany A. Patriotism ran high then, and such was the feeling
at that time. Prisoners to the number of several carloads,
who had been taken at Miles' surrender and were paroled,
came over the Northern Central road on their way home to
New York a few days after. Near Parkton a collision oc-
curred and several were hurt, and one man was killed by a
splinter from the car piercing his head. While the wreckage
was being cleared away a rude coffin was made and the dead
soldier was taken on with his comrades. His Captain, while
washing the blood from the soldier's face and preparing his
body for his coffin, would alternately weep and swear, mean-
--94 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
while saying that he was one of the best soldiers he ever knew.
The Northern Central being a single track road and poorly
built, and as the trains run on it very recklessly, a great num-
ber of accidents, similar to the one just referred to, occurred.
It was no uncommon thing for the guard which had been
standing during the "fourth relief" to come with the report
in the morning, "Well, two trains up the road tried to pass
each other on a single track this morning, and as usual failed."
The many collisions and other accidents which occurred on
this road during the three months that we guarded it, would
in this day of double tracks and more careful running, be
regarded as a fearful record.
We had not been but a few days on the road, until we
were called upon to try our metal as guards. Our custom
was to place a corporal and three or more men at each bridge
we were guarding. One very dark night the corporal at the
bridge about one mile south of our barracks came breathlessly
rushing in saying that he believed a party of men were going
to set fire to the bridge. He saw them in the woods with
torches and acting very suspiciously. The Captain immedi-
ately ordered the First Lieutenant to take a Sergeant and
twenty men. and double quick down to that bridge, and dis-
perse those bridge burners. Guns were loaded and the officer
buckled on his revolver, and we were at that bridge in a few
minutes. Sure enough there was a party in the woods near
the bridge with torches, who were hailed in a very peremptory
manner, as to their business with torches at that time of night.
After careful examination they were able to give a satisfactory
account of themselves. They were good and loyal citizens
out on a fox hunt ! This was our first meeting with the sup-
posed enemy, and "the boys" were somewhat excited. Our
guns were loaded in our barracks at each one's bunk. The
next morning there was found and picked up at the Sergeant's
bunk, a ball separated from the cartridge. The Sergeant in
his excitement had rammed down his empty cartridge and
dropped his ball ! The Sergeant was teased not a little about
this affair. He proved to be a number one soldier and has
now gone to join the great majority.
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF COMPANY A 295
We remained guarding the Northern Central Railroad
exactly three months, from September 10 to December 10,
1862, and while here we could do a number of things which
were not at all feasible after we got to "the front." Among
other things we organized a "Soldiers' Posthumous transpor-
tation Society," the design of which was to transport to
their homes, the bodies of all comrades who should die from
any cause. Our society transported to their homes the bodies
of John L. Lundy, Charles A. Freeland and Samuel Ridge-
way, who died during the three months we were on the road.
So far as I know, our Company was the only one who organ-
ized such a society, and sent home their dead comrades.
After we had been guarding the road for about a month,
one day Captain McCullough and myself thought we would
like to see what the boys of Company A could do at march-
ing. The matter was mentioned to the Company and all were
eager to give their powers a trial. So taking all those who
were not on duty, counting about 50 men, they were ordered
on a certain morning to be armed and equipped for marching
except knapsacks, with one day's cooked rations. The First
Lieutenant was ordered to take command of the Company
and at 7 o'clock we started on our first march for Newmarket,
situated at the line between Pennsylvania and Maryland. The
command was given, "Arms at will — route step, march," and
the boys in very cheerful mood started off with a springing
step. The distance to the village is about ten miles from
Parkton, and we arrived there in good order about ten o'clock.
Our entrance into the town was quite a surprise to the vil-
lagers, as they had no idea that an armed force of Union men
was near them. We marched to the center of the town and
stacked arms, and the principal men of the place came to
inquire the cause of our visit. We speedily explained that we
had no hostile intentions whatever, but were merely testing
the marching qualities of the company and had chosen their
town as our objective point. Whereupon they welcomed us
to the hospitalities of the town, but we informed them that
we were fully provided with food for our trip, having one
day's cooked rations in our haversacks. They, however,
29b THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
brought out a bushel of fine apples, and the hotel keeper asked
the Lieutenant whether he would allow his men to have some
good whisky. This being agreed to, he passed along the men
in line with a bucket and a tin cup in it, each man helping
himself, there being a careful supervision that no one got too
much. The Lieutenant was invited into the parlor of one of
the best houses and entertained by a good-looking young lady
with cake, wine and music. Rations being eaten, we amused
the citizens with some fancy company movements, and giv-
ing three cheers for the Union people of the town, and three
groans for the "secesh," we started on our return march to
Parkton Station, where we arrived long before sundown,
somewhat fatigued being altogether unused to marching, but
upon the whole, pleased with our abilities to cover twenty
miles so easily and well.
An open railroad bridge spanned the Gunpowder Creek
only a few yards from our barracks. It was customary for
the trains while taking in wood and water, to rest upon this
bridge. Many of these trains consisted in part of open cars
loaded with firkins of butter and cheese. Our company, while
being made up of country boys, soon learned the little tricks
of soldiers. One or two of them would go awkwardly clamb-
ering over a car laden with butter or cheese, while several
would be posted under the bridge. Accidently (?) of course,
the one clambering over the car would kick off a firkin of
butter or a cheese. This would drop down through the bridge
and be caught by those below. If any of the employees of the
road discovered them, the cheese would be put again in its
proper place on the car, with some such remark, "Bob, you
awkward fellow, you knocked a cheese off that car, and if I
hadn't been looking it would have gone into the creek." But
if unobserved, that cheese or butter quickly took legs and soon
was inside "the tigers' den," the name given by a number of
our company to a little bungalow which they had constructed
for themselves outside of the barracks. Not very long after-
ward one of their number would appear with a nice slice of
cheese or butter, "with the compliments of the tigers' den,
for the Captain's mess." Upon inquiring where it came from.
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF COMPANY A 297
putting on the most innocent air in the world, the bearer
would reply, "You know how rough this road is. Well, in
going across the bridge this cheese fell off, and one of us boys
caught it to save it from going into the creek." With this
very plausible ( ?) explanation, the slice of butter or cheese
was fully enjoyed in the Captain's mess.*
CONCLUSION.
The roll of the drum, the blare of the bugle, and the
clangor of arms no longer echo on the banks of the Potomac,
or among the hills of Pennsylvania. The "pride, pomp and
circumstance of glorious war" live but in memory. The
mighty struggle to save the country's life, costing half a mil-
lion loyal lives and three billions of treasure is over, and we
live to enjoy the rich boon of liberty and union, peace and
prosperity purchased by the blood of our fallen comrades, who
now
"Sleep the sleep that knows no waking,
Sleeping for the flag they bore."
And tho' no epaulets they wore,
Nor star, nor bar, nor golden lace,
Yet they who once the musket bore
Shall in our hearts e'er find a place;
And tho' their bones in unknown graves
Or 'neath Southern soil may lie,
The memory of our fallen braves,
Can in this Nation never die.
As long as Round Top Mountain stands,
As long as the Potomac flows,
Or oceans plash their pebbly strands,
Or sun upon his journey goes;
So long the patriot's name shall shine,
Upon fame's scroll of honored dead,
And wreaths of glory ever twine,
In fadeless chaplets round his head.
♦Comrade Purman has furnished some interesting incidents
relating to his Company, in this connection, some of which will be
found in Part III, page
2g8 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF COMPANY B, ONE HUN-
DRED AND FORTIETH PENNSYLVANIA
VOLUNTEERS.
In the month of August, 1862, Thos. B. Rodgers, a
young attorney of Mercer, Mercer County, Pa., was author-
ized by Governor Curtin to recruit a company of three-years'
volunteers. He had previously served as First Lieutenant of
Company G, Tenth Regiment, Pennsylvania Reserves, but
had been discharged a few months before on account of dis-
ability. In conjunction with Jason T. Giebner, also an attor-
ney of Mercer, Pa., handbills were sent out to different parts
of the county, and in the course of a week or ten days, the
necessary number of recruits were obtained to form a full
company. They were of an unusually good class of young
men, the majority being farmers' sons, and many being of
Scotch-Irish extraction, most of them from the towns of Mer-
cer, Sandy Lake, New Lebanon, Pine Grove (now Grove
City), Greenville, Jamestown, and the districts in their
vicinities.
The Company was organized at Mercer and went into
camp at Pittsburgh about the latter part of August. The trip
from Mercer was made by wheeled vehicles of various sorts
to Newcastle; thence by canal boat to New Brighton, and
from that place by rail to Pittsburgh. The Company re-
mained in camp near Pittsburgh about a week, when it was
ordered to the general rendezvous at Camp Curtin, Harris-
burg. It became Company B, of the One Hundred and For-
tieth Pennsylvania Volunteers, upon the organization of that
Regiment under command of Colonel R. P. Roberts, of
Beaver, Pa.
The first officers of the Company were : Thos. B. Rod-
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF COMPANY D 299
gers, Captain; Jason T. Giebner, First Lieutenant; Abram C.
Grove, Second Lieutenant.
On the promotion of Captain Rodgers to Major of the
Regiment, September 8, 1862, at Camp Curtin, Lieutenants
Giebner and Grove were respectively promoted to Captain
and First Lieutenant, and George Tanner became Second Lieu-
tenant. Lieutenant Tanner was honorably discharged Octo-
ber 30, 1863.
Captain Giebner having been appointed Captain and
Commissary of Subsistence, United States Volunteers, April
20, 1864, Lieutenant Grove became Captain of the Company,
Sergeant R. C. Craig, First Lieutenant and Sergeant John
Satterfield, Second Lieutenant.
Captain Grove was honorably discharged, on account of
wounds, February 15, 1865, and was succeeded by First Lieu-
tenant R. C. Craig, John Satterfield becoming First Lieuten-
ant and Sergeant John Fox, Second Lieutenant. Craig and
Satterfield were mustered out with the Company, May 31,
1865. Lieutenant Fox was absent, wounded at the time of
muster out of the Company.
The non-commissioned officers of the Company at its
organization were : First Sergeant, James C. Nolan ; Ser-
geants, K. C. Craig, John Satterfield, John W. Johnson and
John Fox; Corporals, R. G. Davidson, George D. Moore,
R. B. Porter, Henry RafTerty, C. W. Giebner, Price Dilley,
George Perrine and Isaac Davis.
First Sergeant Nolan was wounded at Gettysburg, July
2, 1863, and was discharged, December 29, 1863. He was
succeeded by R. C. Craig, afterwards First Lieutenant and
Captain.
The first position assigned to this Company was on the
left of the Regiment. Its permanent position, as designated
a few months later, was the Second Company, numbering
from the right, in the left wing.
At Chancellorsville, on the morning of the 3rd of May,
Company R was detailed, together with Company A, for duty
on the skirmish line, under command of General Nelson A.
Miles. It shared in the honors which were given to that
300 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
famous line of defenders in beating back the oft-repeated
attacks of the Confederates under General McLaws, and
thus helped to save the imperilled Division of General Han-
cock in the crisis hour of its noble stand for the defense of
the retreating army.
This position on the outposts of the battle line proved to
be one of less danger, however, than that of the Regiment
itself in its support of the Fifth Maine Battery on the east
side of the Chancellorsville House.
Company B met with its heaviest losses at Gettysburg,
Spottsylvania, Petersburg and Farmville.
On its muster out it had a Captain, Ranels C. Craig; a
First Lieutenant, John Satterfield; 4 Sergeants, 5 Corporals,
1 musician and 9 privates: a total of 21 officers and men.
Captain Craig was in charge of the Company, as above
indicated, at its muster out and had the honor of bringing
this little remnant of it back to the place of its enlistment in
Mercer County.
Captain Chas. T.. Linton, Co. D. Captain David Acheson. Co, C.
i m' i \i \ Is \ \, X. Vance, i 'o. C,
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF COMPANY C 301
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF COMPANY C, ONE HUN-
DRED AND FORTIETH PENNSYLVANIA
VOLUNTEERS.*
The Company to which this official designation was given,
at the date of the organization of the One Hundred and For-
tieth Regiment, was recruited in Washington, Pennsylvania,
the seat of Washington College, by David Acheson, a student
of the College, assisted by two of his warm personal friends,
Isaac Vance and Charles Linton.
These associates had served with him — the trio having
enlisted as privates — for a period of three months, in the sum-
mer of 1861.
David Acheson, who was then in his 22d year, was
regarded as one of the most promising young men in the
College Class, which he left to enter the service of his im-
perilled country, and in the community to which he belonged.
His popularity was evidenced by the fact that the roll of his
Company, when completed, contained the names of many of
the best and brightest young men of the town and its environs,
a large number of whom were college students or men of
more than ordinary education and intelligence.
At the date of the organization of the Company, as
seemed most fitting, he was acclaimed its Captain, and his two
comrades and associates, Vance and Linton, were made its
First and Second Lieutenants.
The following tribute from the leading paper of his town
♦The data for this brief sketch was furnished, for the most
part, by the Hon. Earnest F. Acheson, of Washington, Pa., a younger
brother of David Acheson, who gathered much valuable informa-
tion from the files of the Washington Reporter, established in 1808.
Coming from this source, the events narrated at that time are more
realistic and valuable than those written from memory many years
afterward.
302 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
— The Washington Reporter — written after the notice of his
untimely death, gives a just appreciation of the worth of the
man and the place which he had already won in the esteem of
the community :
"Captain Acheson was the second son of our townsman,
Alexander W. Acheson, Esq. A younger brother is a Ser-
geant in the same Company. The Captain was a member of
the Class of 1863 and in the front rank of its scholars. At
the opening of the war he enlisted as a private in the three
months' service, and returned with the highest praise of his
officers and companions for his qualities as a soldier and a
gentleman.
"He then quietly resumed and prosecuted his studies,
until his spirit was again aroused by the President's call for
300,000 fresh troops, after the disasters before Richmond.
"Public opinion assigned him to the place of a leader, and
as gallant a Company as ever marched under the Stars and
Stripes soon rallied around him."
In the issue of August 28, 1862, the same paper refers
to the efforts which were then being made to secure recruits :
"RECRUITING IN THIS COUNTY.
"We are happy to announce that although our county
was not as prompt in responding to the call for volunteers as
we could have desired, the patriotic fires seem at last to have
been enkindled, and consequently a brick business in the way
of enlistment has been done during the last week. The Brady
Infantry, commanded by Captain Acheson, whose roll may
be found in another place, have gone into camp on the Fair
Grounds, and as may be seen, lack only -two or three of hav-
ing the maximum. The Ten Mile Infantry (Captain Parker),
whose roll we likewise publish, are also here with about an
equal number of men. This company reached here on Friday
last. A squad of men numbering about 60, recruited mostly
in Cross Creek Township, by our young friend, W. A. F.
Stockton, arrived on the same evening, at which time the
whole were regularly mustered into the service by an officer
detailed for the purpose. Captain Stockton's company is rap-
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF COMPANY C 303
idly filling up and will have the requisite number in a few!
days. We shall endeavor to publish this roll next week.
"In addition to these troops, Captain Fraser's company
at Canonsburg left last week and went into camp at Pitts-
burgh, with the full number of men. Captain Gregg's com-
pany also left Monongahela on Thursday last for the same
place."
The presentation of a flag to Captain Acheson's company
and the departure of the several companies of the county,
which had rendezvoused at Washington, are described in the
issues respectively of September 4 and 11, 1862, as follows:
"FLAG TO CAPTAIN ACHESON'S COMPANY.
"A splendid flag, the liberal gift of our patriotic fellow-
townsman, Mr. Nathan Brobst, was presented to the Brady
Infantry on Friday afternoon last, by the Rev. Hiram Mil-
ler, of the Methodist Episcopal Church, in a speech of burn-
ing eloquence. The response was made by R. H. Koontz,
Esq., in his usual eloquent and felicitous style. We could per-
ceive, however, that the orator's utterance was sometimes
obstructed by the force of his feelings, a consequence natu-
rally resulting from his intimate acquaintance and friendship
for those patriotic young men long endeared to him. A large
concourse of our citizens had assembled in the Court House
to witness this truly interesting scene, rendered intensely
impressive by the circumstances by which they were sur-
rounded. The whole scene was to us one of absorbing in-
terest."
"DEPARTURE OF COMPANIES.
"On Thursday morning last, the Brady Infantry, com-
manded by Captain David Acheson; the Ten Mile Infantry,
commanded by Captain Silas Parker, and the Reed Infantry,
commanded by Captain W. A. F. Stockton, left for the city
of Pittsburgh, there to await equipments, preparatory to a
further march to the seat of war. Their separation from us,
though it may be temporary, gave rise to a deep feeling of
solicitude more easily imagined than described. Many of the
gallant spirits, composing two of the companies, we have
304 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
known from boyhood, and it affords us great pleasure to add
that a more intelligent, brave and gentlemanly set of young
men have never left old Washington County. May the patri-
otic ardor by which they are animated, and to which we must
attribute their separation from their parents, sisters and
friends, enhance as they move toward the enemies of our coun-
try, and as occasions arise, afford them an opportunity of
not only immortalizing their names, but of contributing greatly
to the suppression of a rebellion as causeless as it has been
unnatural and barbarous.
"On taking their departure, a splendid flag, the gift of
the ladies of Amwell Township, was presented to the Ten
Mile Infantry. The Rev. T. N. Boyle, who was the organ
of the ladies on this occasion, made the presentation speech,
which, like all this gentleman's efforts, was most eloquent and
impressive. Our clever young friend, Wesley Wolf, in a
neat and appropriate speech, also presented Captain Parker
with a beautiful sword, which a number of his friends in
the town and county had furnished as a token of their regard.
Captain Parker received the flag on behalf of his Company in
a few well-timed and eloquent remarks, and also tendered his
thanks for the handsome present that had been made to him
personally. Swords were also presented to Lieutenants Man-
non and Minton, of the same Company, in behalf of the citi-
zens, the presentation being made by Charles M. Ruple, in
a brief but felicitous address which was listened to with
marked attention. The Rev. L. P. Streator presented Cap-
tain Stockton, of the Reed Infantry, with a handsome sword
on behalf of his friends, accompanying the ceremony with a
few remarks which were well conceived and highly appro-
priate.
"In this connection we must not forget to state that gen-
erous and whole-souled people of Canonsburg, in the exercise
of that liberality and patriotism for which they have ever been
distinguished, though having only a few hours' notice, fur-
nished the whole three companies with a most sumptuous din-
ner as they passed through that place on their way to
Pittsburgh. Their kindness and hospitality to those brave
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF COMPANY C 305
boys on leaving home, not only excited the liveliest emotions
of gratitude in the hearts of the soldiers themselves, but will
long be held in grateful remembrance by all their friends."
The position of the Company, as originally assigned, was
fifth in the line on the right wing of the Regiment.
At Chancellorsville, because of this position, the losses
were not so great as in the companies to the right and left of
it. The casualties reported in this, its first, engagement, were :
Two killed; two wounded and one captured.
On the 13th of May, 1863, soon after the return to our
winter camp at Falmouth, Company C was transferred to the
right of the Regiment.
This position of honor, which made it the leading Com-
pany of the command on the march and in all its maneuvers,
was retained until the muster out of the Regiment at Wash-
ington City.
At Gettysburg this was the most exposed position on the
line, it being the right of the Brigade and Division, as well
as of the Regiment. In this situation, with no troops in sight
with which to form a connection, the right wing was furiously
assailed in front by the enemy, while a flanking column, unop-
posed, succeeded in gaining a position almost directly in its
rear.
While attempting to change position to meet this threat-
ened peril, the Colonel was killed in front of the Company,
and a few moments later, Captain David Acheson, his suc-
cessor — then the ranking Captain of the Regiment — fell mor-
tally wounded.
Here the Company met its heaviest losses. Lieutenant
Vance, the successor to Captain Acheson, lost an arm, and
the orderly Sergeant was killed at his post. Out of 38, the
entire number present during the engagement, 7 were killed,
22 wounded, and 3 presumably captured, were reported missing.
The following extract from an editorial in the Reporter,
of July 15, 1863, gives a resume of the half hour of desperate
conflict on that memorable day, and pays a well-deserved
tribute to the fallen Captain and his brave men :
300 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
"CAPTAIN DAVID ACHESON.
"We have never seen our community so startled and
overwhelmed with grief, as when, among the incidents of
the late terrible battle of Gettysburg, the news came that
this gallant soldier had fallen. The confirmation of this
sad intelligence, which joins with him 6 other members
of his noble Company in the list of killed, has deepened
the first impressions into profound sympathy and gloom.
In the contemplation of such a conflict at the cost of which
the glorious victory of our arms was achieved, our exul-
tation may well be tempered with humble submission to
the chastening of the Almighty hand.
"Captain Acheson, although wearied with the long
marches which had brought the army to the scene of con-
flict, heroically lead his men into the storm of fire which
marked the effort of the enemy to carry to success a flank-
ing movement on our right, on Thursday evening, the 2d
inst. How fierce the danger was at that crisis may be in-
ferred from the heavy losses which were sustained by the
whole Regiment, and even Brigade, within the half hour of
that bloody strife. The order to advance had scarcely been
given, until the Brigadier-General (Zook) was mortally
wounded. In a few minutes Colonel Roberts, who had thus
succeeded to the command of the Brigade, was killed. The
next successor was borne from the field in a few minutes
more. And so the battle raged, with a fury which the de-
tails from the companies representing our county, else-
where given, only too sadly reveal. It was after a large
proportion of his men had been disabled, and closely follow-
ing the severe wounding of his First Lieutenant, which he
had witnessed with tears, that a shot pierced the noble breast
of Captain Acheson. This was followed by a second whilst
he was being conducted to the rear — either shot being prob-
ably mortal. It was not until Saturday, or as one report
has it, until Sabbath morning, that his dead body was found ;
the ground on which he lay having meanwhile been recovered
from the enemy. His remains, through the energy of a
relative, were brought home on Monday night of this week,
and will be interred to-day (Wednesday) at 10 o'clock A. M.
How bravely and wisely Captain Acheson led his Com-
pany through difficulties and perils, none can doubt whose
ears are opened to the unanimous and almost unparalleled
praises lavished upon him, alike by his superiors in command,
and all under his authority. Not one note of discord, so far
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF COMPANY C 307
as we are aware, mars the testimony from all quarters that no
officer in the army, whilst living, was the recipient of a more
undivided confidence, and none of the heroic dead has left a
brighter record of fidelity, honor and courage. His patriot-
ism rose to the summit of an unselfish devotion to his
country's flag, whether in defeat or triumph, and the ulti-
mate sacrifice of his life upon his country's altar but ful-
filled the deliberate and fixed purpose with which he took
the oath of a soldier. Rallying his men to avenge the death
of their gallant Colonel, and exhibiting before them a fault-
less example of bravery inspired by earnest conviction and
unfaltering hope, his generous spirit was hurried to its
glorious rest, from the hottest strife of battle, whilst as yet
the result was in painful suspense. But his name shall live
in hallowed association with the blood-stained field upon
which his country's liberty and fame were redeemed in
triumph —
"Like the day-star in the wave,
Sinks a hero to his grave,
'Midst the dew-fall of a nation's tears,
Happy is he on whose decline
The smiles of home may soothing shine,
And light him down the steep of years.
But oh ! how grand they sink to rest,
Who close their eyes on victory's breast."
"We leave to other hands any special notice of the
moral character and religious prospects of the noble young
man whose career we have thus sketched. We have the
best reason to know, however, that the courage of the
soldier did not surpass the integrity and virtue of the man.
Nor is the evidence less explicit which gives the pleasing as-
surance that he was a true "soldier of the cross" and now
wears the crown of a glorious immortality." * * *
The remains of Captain David Acheson were brought
home for burial, the ceremonies taking place on Sabbath
evening, August 9, 1863. Within hearing of the ceremonies
at the family residence, a young member of the bar com-
posed the following lines, which were printed in the Wash-
ington Reporter of the next issue :*
♦The writer of this beautiful tribute is the Hon. Boyd Crum-
rine, a well-known jurist of Western Pennsylvania, author of the
History of the Bench and Bar of Washington County. Mr. Crum-
rine, full of years and honors, still resides in Washington, Pa., and
continues in the practice of his profession.
3o8 THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
IN MEMOKIAM, CAPT. A., CO. C, I4OTH P. V.
Pro patria pugnante in magnos honores,
Pallida Mors venit;
Pater, materque, fratresque sorores,
Amici propinqui — O imi dolores !
Mortuum circumstant.
In vita generosum, in morte gloriosum,
Sepulcro te parant:
Patriae vexillo nunc involvere,
Gladium fulgentem tibi posuere,
Sepulcro apportant !
Flores florescant,
Lacrimae cadant,
Triste super sepulturum !
Virtutes clariores,
Memoriae dulciores,
In sempiterne futurum.
Sabbath Evening, August 9, 1863.
Moerens.
"We learn that the One Hundredth and Fortieth was
engaged only for a short time on the afternoon of Thursday,
the 2d inst. ; but the large number of killed and wounded
attests the fact that they must have been in the very hottest
of the fight; indeed we are assured on good authority that
it was almost a hand-to-hand struggle. In a very few
minutes after they went in, their brave commander, Colonel
Roberts fell dead while gallantly leading his men in the
fearful strife. Of Captain Acheson's company, only 38 were
engaged — the remainder having been detailed for other serv-
ice at the time — and of this number, it will be seen that
only five escaped without injury. The other companies
were also badly cut up, showing on the whole, that Wash-
ington County has suffered more in this one bloody battle
than in all the others since the commencement of the war.
The following are the names of the killed and wounded in
Company C as far as we have been able to gather them:
"Killed, Captain David Acheson, Sergeant J. D. Camp-
bell, Corporal Wm. Horton, Privates J. S. Kelly, Anthony
Mull, Simeon Vankirk, Thomas B. Lucas.
"Wounded — Lieutenant Isaac Vance, left hand ampu-
tated; Corporals James P. Sayers, left arm and leg, and
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF COMPANY C 309
Samuel Fergus, right hip; Privates James H. M'Farland,
slightly; John Blair, left hip; Isaac J. Cleaver, in the back
by shell; E. J. Cole, arm amputated; John A. Dickey, shoul-
der; N. K. Gilbert, right leg; Clark Irey, thigh; J. J. Jordan,
slightly; Alvin Newman, arm amputated; Charles Quail,
hand; Wm. J. Radcliffe, slightly; Pressley Shipley, shoulder
and side; James Stockwell, hand and breast, slightly; Colin
Waltz, arm off; Frank B. M'Near, thigh; Daniel F. Keeney,
left hand, slightly; Thomas M'Cune, hand, slightly; Samuel
Wise, slightly; T. Mowry, slightly — prisoner, since paroled;
Wm. Armstrong, missing, supposed killed; Albertus Patter-
son, missing, supposed killed; Jeff. Yonkers, slightly — pris-
oner, since paroled."
Lieutenant Vance was promoted to Captain of Company
C on the 23rd of September, 1863, but in consequence of dis-
ability following the amputation of his arm, was discharged
on surgeon's certificate, January 12, 1864. His successor was
Alex. W. Acheson, the younger brother of David Acheson,
who was promoted through the grades from Sergeant to Cap-
tain. His commission bears the date of January 30, 1864.
He was wounded at Spottsylvania, May 12, 1864, and dis-
charged on surgeon's certificate the following December. His
successor in command was John M. Ray, who was promoted
from Adjutant of the Regiment.
A recent article in the Pittsburgh Gazette-Times fur-
nishes some additional facts of interest relating to Captain
Ray and his associates :
"Captain Ray, originally Fourth Sergeant, served in all
the intermediate grades, and all the time at the front. He
has been for many years a resident of the North Side, his
occupation having been bookkeeper and manager of indus-
tries at the Western penitentiary. He is a past commander
of the Union Veteran Legion No. 1.
"William J. Cunningham was promoted from First Ser-
geant to First Lieutenant, December 13, 1863, and was
killed at Farmville, Va., April 7, 1865, two days before
Lee's surrender. Second Lieutenant Charles L. Linton be-
came Captain of Company D, May 1, 1863, and served until
after the end of hostilities, having been badly wounded at
Petersburg, June 17, 1864, which put him out of further
service in the field. First Sergeant Robert R. Reed, a class-
mate of David Acheson at 'old Wash.,' followed Linton,
3io THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH REGIMENT
but took sick and died at Georgetown, D. C, July 19, 1863,
and then came Alex. W. Acheson, a brother of Captain
David, as noted. Dr. A. W. Acheson now, he was better
known in the army as 'Sandy.' He now resides in Denni-
son, Tex., and is a brother of Ernest F. Acheson and the
late Marcus C. Acheson, of Pittsburgh."
There were doubtless many acts of personal heroism
which should be credited to the rank and file of Company C
which were not preserved in writing and have been forgotten
or cannot now be accredited.
The following instances have been gathered from notes
preserved by Corporal Philip A. Cooper, which are vouched
for as genuine and thoroughly reliable by his comrades :
In the close hand-to-hand conflict at Spottsylvania, on
the morning of May 12, 1864, a Confederate cannon and
carriage were left, between the lines, on the other side of the
line of breastworks which the Union troops were holding.
During a brief lull in the deadly strife, three men of Com-
pany C sprang over the works and tried to upset the cannon
so that it would fall on the Union side. For a moment or
two they tugged with might and main at this hazardous
undertaking, while minie balls were cutting the ground around
them; but it proved to be too heavy for them and they were
obliged to return without this coveted trophy.
The names of this trio of worthies were: Silas A. Sand-
ers, James B. Clemens and Sergeant William VanKirk. The
last-named comrade was present at every engagement in which
his Regiment took part and come off through all unscathed.
On another occasion, three men — Philip A. Cooper, John
Smalley and Leivis M. Cleaver — volunteered, in one of the
engagements at the Rapidan, to step out from the line of
defenses for the purpose of drawing the fire of the enemy
while the men belonging to a disabled battery made an attempt,
before the guns of the sharpshooters could be unloaded, to
draw off the guns. While thus exposing themselves to a
shower of balls in plain view of the opposing line of Con-
federates, the guns were successfully removed.
At Chancellorsville, while the Company was lying on the
JoHK S. Bryan, A