mj^msmmm i''£:y t-:K «r^-«-x ''^^^^i.^:! ^mm ^^^'"'^^r n^fk^riik»:^^^'^W ;'^^>-^':3„.v ^•-.^^^^^^iS^^S^ ':?J ^ * S^^.^.' i^: i i7T» /_ -/.jJgjJJS l.i*S)«'*fe->$ ^^ M, # LIBRARY OF (CONGRESS, i # ^ P t UNITED 8TATKS OF AMERICA, i w w ^ ' ^ / AUSTRIA AND ITS POLITY: % "^tcinxt, DELIVERED AT ASTORIA, NY. O" «, XX ix a, r y 21ist^ 18S3 ROBERT ^DODGE ^-^ — ^ NEW YORK: WM. C. BRYANT & CO., PRINTERS, 41 NASSAU ST., COR. LIBERTY. 1853. ,^«m» \\ * y- • ^ v^* ««' A'.. A LECTURE. We have named, as the subject for our interview, some recollections of Austria. And before proceeding to speak of the Imperial Royal Empire, let me ask your judgment to reheve your minds from the cloud of prejudice which numerous ill-considered censures have cast upon this Empire. Its system of isolation has almost placed its internal policy in Chinese obscu- rity ; but latterly, more intimate intercourse has shown us that though its whole system is opposed to constitutional freedom and enhghtened liberty, still, there are few despotisms with more contented and industrious subjects, and no absolute governments in Europe more open to the wishes, and more conducive to the material well-being of its subjects. A recent State paper — memorable for many reasons, if not for diplomatic propriety, has asserted, in comparing the extent of the Austrian Empire with that of the United States, that the possessions of the House of Hapsburgh are " but a patch on the earth's surface ;" — this might be hterally true, and still, ancient populous Austria be no mean power on the earth. Without pursuing this unnecessary boast, which in sound reason has but little force, let us reverse the glass, and endeavor to look at this empire in its true extent. In ■ conversing upon such a subject with brother freemen, born with recognized rights and liberties, we feel a pleasure mingled with regret ; and we can only by a strong effort, clear our minds from the influence of feeling and tradition for dispassionate contemplation. Let us rejoice that we are not born subjects of emperors and kings, whom, in their own language, " alone, God has made responsible for power ;" and while we repose in security under the folds of that meteor-flag of our fathers, let us not forget that time, education, long custom, and prejudice, have made their yoke easy, and their burthen light ; so that few people excel the Austrians in grate- ful fidelity to their monarchs, and patriotic attachment to their country and its institutions. This empire, which in its grand proportions and teeming millions, rises up as the eastern frontier of Europe, is a federation of kingdoms, whose title is the Imperial and Royal States of Austria, under one common head — the Royal Emperor — whose court is at his imperial and royal city of Vienna, with a sway extending over a greater variety of people and lan- guages, than, with the exception of the Czar of Russia, or the Chinese Emperor, that of any other monarch of the world. Its aggregate of " men in nations," presents a population of about forty millions, over an area of two hundred and fifty thousand square miles. Its name, Austria — has sometimes been derived from tLe barbarous tribes of the Avars — who held their ground on the Danube against the Roman legions, and were only subdued by Charlemagne in the eighth century ; but it is equally probable that the name is derived from the German " Oesterreich," or the Latin " Auster," the kingdom of the East or South ; given to it on the conquest by Charlemagne, and his successors ; and by which name it first appeared in the world of kingdoms in the year 996, under the title of "Margraviate of Austria ;" being the present hereditary archduchy of Austria, of which Vienna is the capital and centre. " Suabian and Bavarian families who " colonized the country, introduced the first germs of civiUzation, and the " territory, though limited in extent, (scarce one hundred miles in length " along the Danube,) formed the nucleus, around which, during the lapse " of centuries, there have been gathered sixteen great states, besides nume- " rous small principalities, inhabited by four of the seven different races " of Europe, among whom are spoken twelve distinct languages, and count- " less dialects, and between whom the only bond of union has been the " sway of a common sovereign." What were the different countries that formed this empire, the period, and manner of their acquisition, in the brief hmits of a lecture, I can hardly be expected fully to describe. But in order to afford a summary view it is convenient to divide its history by that great modern era — the Congress of Vienna — that august gather- ing of kings in 1814 and the following years ; whose influence upon Aus- tria and upon Europe seems immortal. With a few words on its prior history, we will turn to the conventions of those memorable congresses, as its outline of modern history and the sources of the strength of many of its institutions. The federative empire, is composed of the kingdoms of Bohemia, Mora- via, Silesia, Galicia and Lodomeria, the Archduchy of Austria, the Tyrol, Styria, Carniola and Carinthia, the Province of Trieste and Dalmatia ; the kingdom of Lombardy and Venice, Hungary, Slavonia, Croatia and Tran- sylvania, and the military frontier along the boundaries of Turkey ; whose population are respectively Slavi, Germans, Jews, Zincali or Gipsey, Walla- chians, Moldavians, Magyai-s, Greeks, Slovacks, Croats, Bulgarians and Italians. This extraordinary combination of tongues, and people, is the re- sult of a series of purchases by treaty, or conquest, and fortunate marriage alliances, commencing with the acquisition of Styria in the twelfth century. The emperors of the house of Hapsburg, the reigning dynasty, were em- perors of Germany from the year 1438, the date of the election of Albert the Fifth, Margrave of Austria to the German throne ; and so continued till 1806, wlien, upon the creation of the "Confederation of the Rhine" by Napoleon, the German empire was dissolved, to revive for a brief period within the last five years. Austria, then, laying aside the Germanic title, assumed the Imperial Crown of Austria, and Francis the Second of Ger- many became Francis the First, Emperor of Austria. The various nations under its sway are the subsiding elements of the warlike tribes, who assailed the majesty of Rome in the days of the later CiBsars. The Slavi claim never to have been subdued ; the Wallachians call themselves and their language Romani, claiming to be descendants of the Legionaries of Trajan ; the Magyars are a Tartar tribe driven from their Asiatic homes beyond the Ural mountains, who, under Arpad as their leader, conquered the Huns, the native inhabitants of Hungary, in 889 ; and the Bohemians or Czecks are also an Asiatic tribe. It would be tedious to repeat or con- jecture the origins of all ; suffice it to say that the Slavi, whose name is said to signify " the glorious," are the most numerous ; that though the laws are in German, they are published in their respective governments in each of their peculiar languages, and to whose list, we may add, that the language of the Diet, the laws and courts of Hungary and Transylvania was until very recently the Latin. There is no language common to all the people ; and fellow subjects of Austria cannot comprehend one another's speech, or the German language of the laws, or edicts of their common sovereign ; whilst their respective tongues are each complete in themselves and many of them, with their innumerable dialects, sound to the English ear as remote from comprehension as the Chinese. Each of these several kingdoms or governments of the empire has its own peculiar constitution and crown, its representative Assembly and immemorial prescriptive rights, its recognized frontiers, imposts, and custom houses ; all of which, with some few exceptions were reserved, as each in turn became incorporated into the empire ; and have ever since been to some extent maintained. The sovereign of this united empire is crowned, and takes a coronation oath in each of these kingdoms, to support its laws, customs, and constitutional rights ; is thenceforth recognized as king of Bohemia, or of Huno-ary, Galicia, Lombardy, &c. &c. ; and is represented in his respective kingdoms and principalities, by governors ; in Hungary by the Prince Palatine, and in Croatia by the Ban or Duke, who open the Diet with annual messages or rescripts from the Emperor, and by whom all laws passed are transmitted to Vienna, for approval before enactment, and who, in behalf of the sove- reign, ask the deputies for supplies. These Diets are composed of two or more Chambei-s, of the clergy, the commons, and the nobles ; have liberty of debate and the exclusive power of taxation. Springing from the demo- cratic assemblies of the barbarous tribes of their ancestors, which are familiar to the readers of Tacitus, they have from that remote period, sub- 6 sisted with little cliange until the present day. The power of the emperor depends on his popularity ; which can only be preserved, by avoiding any encroachments on the privileges of these Diets, or his subjects ; and the in- tegrity of his mosaic work of an empire can only be maintained by consura. mate skill in his ministers and governors. The policy usually adopted for conducting this heterogeneous State, has been to "divide and conquer." " Divide et impera,''^ or to excite and wield one nationality against another, in war, and emulation in time of peace. But the chief concerns, the whole business of the general Government, is centralized in Vienna ; and nothing of moment transpires in the remotest province, but is at once communicated and responded to, from the imperial bureaus at the capital, with the per- sonal knowledge and sanction of the emperor. Although the crown holds the initiative in all legislation, and the edicts and rescripts of the emperor are universal in their power, still the form of its government cannot pro- perly be called absolute, as compared with that of Russia. It is in form a constitutional empire, whose administration, although strict, is benignant, j^et fi'om the shadows of the sceptre, its vast standing army and police, its secret bureau centralization, and the doctrines of the civil law, it has become measurably despotic. Its right ami is the standing army ; which on a peace establishment numbers five hundred and fifty thousand, and in 1848, during the revolutionary period, was increased to seven hundred and fifty thousand njen ; to which must be added the 30,000 men of the coast- guard of the Danube, military tenants of the empire ; who hold their lands by Adrtue of rendering military service every season by divisions, in main- taining custom-house regulations on the frontier, a cordon sanitaire against the introduction of the plague, or worse enemies from the East, and form a highly trained and efficient militia reserve. The soldiers stationed through- out the empire also perform the functions of police ; they are always posted among a people of a different language, and are moved often to prevent fraternization ; yet from the nature of the materials of the empire, it can scarcely ever become formidable as a military aggressor, its force being always required within its own limits. The valor of this army was signalized in 1809, when, under the Archduke Charles, at Aspern, they defeated Napoleon and his hitherto invincible hosts, and at Wagrara yielded only after severe fighting to immense superiority of numbers. Austria was at the summit of its power when, in 1814, it invited all the allied sovereigns of Europe to confer at its beautiful capital ; which then witnessed a display of imperial and regal splendor seldom equalled. The self-styled " Man of Destiny," before this congress convened, had been immured in rocky Elba ; the smoke of his battle-fields was rising, and roll- ing away ; agitated empires, once struggling for existence, now united to obliterate all trace of him, whom they called an usurper — to re-establish the ancient order of things — to hang their kingdoms in a delicate balance of power, and by severe conventions to abolish forever the results of French propagandisra, by sword or speech on their awakened subjects. The mon- archs of the continent and the Enghsh sovereign with them, then felt the thorny pressure of liberty from among* the people, and united boldly and unanimously to forge new fetters for the hearts and minds of their subjects. This Congress, at Vienna in October, 1814, continued with interruptions till 1815, and succeeded by those of Aix La Chapellc, Carlsbad, Troppau, Laybach, and Verona, in 1822, were together productive of most enduring political results. So far as they have moulded the progress and institu- tions of the Austrian empire is our present concern. The origin of these congresses, and their measures, is found in the cele- brated agreement, called the " Holy AUiance," proposed in 1815, after Napolean's defeat at Waterloo, by the Emperor Alexander of Russia, and then signed and concluded by him, the Emperor Francis of Austria and Frederick William, king of Prussia. Its language is most innocent of political evil : consisting merely of a declaration that the subscribing sovereigns bound themselves thereby together, to conduct their respective governments, in their internal and foreign ajffairs, in accordance with the precepts of the gospel, the principles of justice, charity and peace, and the happiness and religious welfare of their subjects. Through this seemingly harmless paper only considered binding on the subscribers personally, in opening the way for closer alliances and interpreted by the theories of divine right and legitimacy, " Sophistry lent her colors to the most extrava- gant pretensions of tyranny." England, and France under the Bourbons, united in this unholy alliance ; and this lying pretext for oppression, con- vened monarchs in repeated conferences for eight successive years, to bind their thrones together, in violation of its letter and spirit, and every right of the subject. The chief results of this diplomacy were a rigorous censor- ship of the press, increased surveillance of police, secret and public, the right of armed intervention, by any member of this alliance to restore tran- quillity in the dominions of another sovereign irrespective of the causes of disturbance, a reorganization of the Austrian empire, on these principles of absolutism, the acquisition by Austria of the Lombardo- Venetian king- dom (thereby becoming mistress of the Adriatic,) in exchange for the kingdom of the Netherlands — the subjugation of Poland — a political code for the Germanic confederation, and a general settlement of the boundaries of their respective territories which had been trampled down by the victo- rious Corsican. Austria, in the person of Prince Metternich, always pre- sided, and was the ruling spiiit of these congresses. The sovereigns of Germany at the first of these conferences had promised that in all the states of the confederation, there should be given a representative constitu- 8 tion. This promise, which excited the wildest republican fervor among the masses, was utterly violated by Austria, Prussia and Russia, and but slowly and imperfectly fulfilled by some of the smaller powers of the Germanic states. The result of this bad faith was the settled discontent of the peo- ple, their secret political associations against tyranny, which, among the Carbonarii, offered so many victims to the dungeon, or scaffold, and have ever since kept the popular mind ready for sanguinary revolution at the first stroke of the tocsin from either of the great European capitals. The sovereigns claiming legitimate and absolute power by divine right, severed their thrones from the affection of their subjects, and substituted mutual fear and distrust, confiding their safety to standing armies; and their deceived and o^Dpressed subjects in 1830 and 1848, reared the bloody barricades, to avenge their wrongs and retrieve their natural rights. England, during the ministry of Canning in 1822, withdrew from this alliance of iniquity ; the Pope of Rome never acceded to it ; but the other sovereigns have always recognized its obligations and acted upon its principles; and when in 1825 Spain invoked the aid of con- federate Europe to reconquer the revolted South American Colonies which she was too weak to retain, all true-hearted Americans must rejoice in the vigorous denunciation by the message of President Munroe, of their unholy union, forbidding, by threat of the whole military power of this continent, the first foot-fall of European intervention in America. The convention of the Congress held at Laybach in 1821, attains the bad eminence of having first published and authoritatively settled as a part of the continental law of nations, the right and obligation , of armed intervention, by any one of these allied powers at the request of another, to restore the internal tran- quillity of their respective dominions, whether disturbed by prince or people ; to suppress all popular tumult and outbreak without regard to the rights of the people — those despised pawns of this political chess board — and who, by the language and conduct of their autocrats, possess no rights whatever save such as may be granted from the gracious favor of monarchs who presumptuously invoke a mission from heaven to work their own pleasure on the bodies and souls of their fellow-men. From this last convention grew thewarof the Bourbons against Spain, and among other ini- quities the recent intervention of Russia for the destruction of the indepen- dence of Hungary, the French seige and armed occupation of Rome, the wars of Greece, the subjugation of Poland, and the recent rumored conven- tion between Austria, Russia and Prussia, to support the claim of legitimate rio-ht to the French throne, of Count Chambord, against the French Emperoi". From this epoch Austria became avowedly absolute in its government ; with Metternich, who has devoted his long life of more than eighty years to these principles — and the ruling spirit of these Congresses, as its head, linked closely with Prussia and Russia, it pursues the career of systematic despotism, as stringently as either of its allies, although with a far different and perhaps milder application, arising from the character of its subjects and its local position and circumstances. The late Emperor Ferdinand suddenly broke through this system in 1848, by granting a constitution of the most liberal character ; perhaps from alarm at the universal revolutionary outbreak of the nations of the continent ; but this change was but momentary. When the revolution in Hungary was crushed, the Bohemian insurrection quelled, and the military power of his throne once more established, his young nephew and successor the present emperor, Franz Joseph, following the old counsellors, and relying on the apparent tranquillity of the empire, by a stroke of the pen abolished this specious frame work, and reserved to the throne the supreme and entire control of the civil rights of Austrians. Practically, government in Austria is notp a most elaborately detailed abso- lutism, which without openly violating the ancient treaties and conventions between the emperor and his confederate states, still, by a systematic interpretation, skilful practical diplomacy, educational systems, spies, police, armies and censorship, moulds and wields this heterogeneous mass, in harmonious subjection to the single will of the emperor, expressed through his bureaus at Vienna, in centralized supremacy ; — in complacent theory, and to some extent, in practice, a modern representative of the empire of the Roman Coesars. To gain a fuller view of the Austrian government, it is essential that I should venture a few details on these va- rious forms of application of its leading principle of centralized absolutism ; without it, the imperfections of our otherwise inadequate sketch would be more apparent, although this subject, like most others, cannot without much abridgement be condensed into a single lecture. Of these branches of its administration I have already mentioned its immense standing army, ever ready to march against the foreign or domestic enemy ; the other leading features are the censorship, the espionage and police, the examination of letters deposited in the Post Office, the passport system of the strictest character, the peculiar universal educational system, governmental trade monopolies, p)Oioer of the Church, and last, as combining, governing, and pervading all the rest, the bureaucratic system, centered at Vienna, to which all else ministers employment, office, power and supply. The cen- sorship, long recognized as a power of the Church of Rome, was, from an early period in Austria, exercised by its prelates as an ecclesiastical sanction, and by the Congress of Cailsbad in 1819 was made an essential condition of the alHance of the confederating sovereigns. A Board of Twelve Censors, is established at Vienna, to whom every book, newspaper and printed page, either imported or printed in the empire, whether origi- 2 10 nal or reprinted, with the maniiscrii^t of every article and advertisement intended for the press, is required by law to be submitted. These censors are guided by strict and minute regulations ; and politics, even to the most obscure allusions, are rigorously expunged. One illus- tration may be better than a description. At the Legation of the United States at Vienna, then conducted with eminent courtesy and ability, by our excellent Charge, the Hon. William H. Stiles, (whose recent work on Austria in 1848 and 49 is altogether the ablest exposition of the empire in our language, and for some of whose views I am indebted) — I had tlie pleasure of meeting a fellow countryman, who had been some- time a resident iu Vienna ; in the course of conversation, I naturally spoke of that great rarity to us, after leaving Paris — an American newspaper — fresh from home, teeming with its news of the whole world, and the poli- tics and busy interests of our native land. He informed me, that before leaving the United States, he had subscribed for the ^"ew York Herald to be delivered to him at his address in Vienna : but that, like all other print- ed matter, it passed into the Censor's hands, and at periods varying from three to six months, after its arrival, all the numbers received, would be enclosed to him, with every hne, paragraph, and even advertisement, which alluded to republicanism, the progress of freedom, or any description of Austria — diligently cut out, and the meager, harmless skeletons regu- larly delivered to him. The results of such a system — in producing a political desert — an extinction of all national literature, newspapers and freedom of mind, — are too obvious to need remark. The next element of this despotism Ave may name is the system of espionage and police. The army we have said is the uniformed and public police ; but the far more efficient engine of power is the secret police — the spy — who for the bribes of government lurks in darkness to stab the bosom that trusts its confidence ; who is ever to be found in the social circle, the cafes, and public gatherings of every nature ; records every whisper of disaffection — treasuring up every murmur and unguarded expression, tracking Lis victim to the household hearth, nay to the domestic sanctuaiy ; reports his every movement, and leads him forward by pretended sympathy to some more open acts or words, until the gend'armes seize him, and after a secret examination hurry him for long years, or life, to the dungeons of some gloomy fortress, or the scaffold. For this atrocious service, the wife, the child, the brother, the partner and the domestic servant are often employed : the eye of the government is thus upon the minutest actions of its subjects, and no place is sacred from its intrusion. These secret agents of the police are instructed in every form of disguise, of dress, manner and actions ; their inquisitors' craft hovers about every circle, plying every avenue to confession, under every form of 11 address ; aud what is remarkable, tliey pursue their infamous trade for very small remuneration. In connection with this branch of the j^olice censorship, and under this head, naturally comes the system of the exami- nation of letters in the post-office. All letters received by the mails of Austria, are opened, read and copied by the censors of the post-office ; and if objectionable, are destroyed, and the intended recipient handed over to the tender mercies of the police, or with passages obliterated by chemical agents are re-sealed and delivered to their address. A waxen seal is perfectly counterfeited by their art, and made capable of a renewed impression ; wafers yield at once to a current of steam, and nothing prevents their vigilance. Diplomatic correspondence, in sacred immunity elsewhere, is, if not sent by courier, diligently opened and copied, and their ciphers unravelled. It is said that the Emperor Francis regularly occupied his morning hours in the perusal of the copies of diplomatic letters, furnished from his post-office in Vienna. Their constant practice renders the employees skilful in counterfeiting hand-writing ; and it is recorded, on the authority of a retired functionary of the post-office of Vienna, that a correspondence in a disguised hand, and counterfeited signature, was kept up for fourteen years, from Vienna, with some suspected parties in Bohemia, until they fully disclosed their plans, and were then seized and condemned for their intended offences. Is it worth while to add here, as a counterbalance to our natural detestation of such a system what we have none of us foi'gotten — the avowal by the min- istry of Sir .James Graham when interrogated in the British House of Com- mons for the seizure of Mazzini's letters in the London post-office ; that such a seizure was a right of the British crown, a prerogative undisturbed by its free constitutions, and rightfully exercised by its ministers in times of pubHc danger ? Another engine of the government is its rigorous pass- port system. No matter on what portion of the Austrian frontier the traveller lands, he is at once met by the inevitable gend'armes, who takes from him his passport, which must have been previously vized by an Aus- trian Minister, and be in other respects in due form, or the unlucky visitor must at once recross the frontier. The passport is immediately transmitted to Vienna, to be copied and recorded, and never returned to the traveller until he quit the empire. On his arrival at his dwelling or hotel, he is handed a series of printed questions, of his name, age, birth-place, parent- ao-e, religion, profession, object of visit to the particular city, and to Austria, liis probable period of residence, the names of his acquaintances in the place, and whether his visit has any political or religious object contrary to law, to which questions, answers in writing must be given within twenty- four hours under similar penalty of being forced to return ; and when these answers are furnished to the police, who are required to send them likewise to Vienna to be recorded, the traveller is supplied with a permis 12 de sejour, or privilege of abode, for the number of days he names in his ■written answers, which privilege must be renewed in time for a further residence, and on leaving, is ultimately exchanged for his passport, with a pe7'J7iis du voyage, or privilege to travel, in which the traveller and his route out of the empire are particularly marked out and described. All these Vienna records form a reflection of the movement of the empire ; they guide the spies who detect all deceptions, and help to throw the strong arm of this jealous government around every footstep of the traveller. There is but one palliation of this system ; no oaths or fees are exacted from the traveller, for the information furnished by him. The educational system of Austria is one of the most peculiar features of the empire. In common with the police system, it owes its completeness of detail to the congress held at Carlsbad in 1819. Whether Prince Metteriiicli or the assembled sovereigns were its author, certainly education in Austria is made the strongest support of absolutism : the whole popu- lation of every rank and class is at the expense of the State, skilfully instructed for the support of the throne, and the institutions of the empire ; whilst all minds are moulded into tame uniformity and habits of tranquil submission and stedfast obedience to the central power. We are accus- tomed to think and say that knowledge and civil liberty are inseparable in the nature of things, but Austria furnishes a striking example to the con- trary. All instruction in the empire is provided solely by the State ; no private teaching is allowed, except on special authorization by the govern- ment ; all instruction is gratuitous and compulsory ; and every parent throughout the empire, prince or peasant, is compelled by law to send their children, at a certain age, to the national school of their respective parish. The studies, instructors, and every other subject connected with this department, is in charge of the Hof-Studien Commission at Vienna, whose duty is to furnish ample reports to the sovereign ; while all of its proceed- ings down to the minutest details, are brought under the eye, and only put in force by decree of the emperor in person. It is curious to know that the sleepless vigilance of the central autocrat of Vienna, carefully examines every school-book and teacher ; studious that the infant minds of the empire may never be planted with seeds of civil freedom or heresy. Although the State religion is Catholic, still pro- pagandism is sacrificed for the cardinal object of imperial solicitude — to make Austrians obedient subjects: and schools are opened by the State for every form of religious faith among its people. Under the care of this department, the places of instruction are classified, as the Elementary or National Schools, Superior Primary, and Repetition Schools, and semina- ries for teaching particular trades and useful arts, called Polytechnics and Schools of Utihty ; gymnasiums ; academies ; normal schools ; universities, 13 of "which there are nine, and the Diplomatic College or Theresanium. The last named is the crowning feature : founded by the empress Maria Theresa, for the gratuitous education of the children of the nobility, in those accom- plishments of spoken languages, history, diplomacy, political economy, statistics, and every form of political knowledge requisite to qualify thorn for the service of the State in the highest official posts at home and abroad ; its students are only members of the nobility who have successfully gradu- ated from the universities. Besides these general schools, there are also numerous State establishments for the thorough instruction of officers of the army and navy in every branch of the service, and colleges for educa- tion in each of the Faculties of Theology, Law and Medicine, on the uniform system of the department. Instruction is everywhere elaborate and thorough ; and although implicit obedience to the emperor and his decrees, is taught from infancy, and pervades all their later learning, still, with the vast librai'ies, and collections of the empire, and this munificent system of education, no country in the world surpasses Austria in thorough and universal education. No Austrian of competent intelligence lives who cannot read, and has not received a systematic education for his calling in life. It is a consummate system capable of immeasurable results of good; although in its careful warping by the State, every mental reach for civil liberty is checked, and the whole spirit steeped in blind political submis- sion, its results on the material welfare of Austria, in every branch of application, are incalculably beneficial. Although the government of the emperor-king might in our view be considered a strange place to seek for exemplars, still the College of Diplomacy, though hke all the rest, perverted to the use of absolutism, might be a fruitful lesson for our own government. No ximerican has mingled much in European society, of the higher order, but has felt the decided superiority and observed the mental train- ing of those employed in the career of diplomacy : he remarks their facility of languages, their intimate knowledge of the institutions and policy of the governments and people, to whom they are accredited, and their practised tact and sagacity of address and official conduct. If we desire to maintain our own European embassies, why should intelligent Americans be fre- quently mortified by seeing their high places of public trust and responsi- bility occupied by mere political adventurers from the arenas of party at home, usually ignorant of any foreign language, and equally uninformed of the nature, institutions and policy of the government to which they are sent, and deficient in every other solid qualification for a position in the accomplished corps diplomatique of Europe. When the merely mihtary officers of our government receive a systematic public education, is there not a much greater necessity that they who are to make peace and war, 14 and administer tbe migbtiest interests of government, both at home and abroad, should also be tbus qualified ? A free government and popular and frequent elections, instead of being an obstacle, would supply the widest field for effort, and tbe keenest stimulus to preparation. I am quite satisfied that the advancing intelligence of our country, will ere long obtain a higher compensation for some branches of the public service abroad, and a more elevated standard of qualification for its duties. Another portion of this net-work whereby Austria is enthralle d, is the system of Governmental monopolies and restrictions of trade. The products of mines and tobacco are exclusively sold by the State; no one is permit- ted to exercise his trade or calling in any portion of the empire without first obtaining a grant of the freedom to trade in their respective municipality, which grants are limited in number, and paid for by a heavy tax on his future earnings. This privilege to trade is obtained with some diflflculty, but being exclu- sive, is highly prized, and forms a strong link of interest between the Go- vernment and its subjects. The power and patronage of the wealthiest Catholic Hierarchy in the world, is pledged to the State, and the whole internal administration of the empire, in its grand extent and smallest de- tails, is brought into unity and harmony, by being entrusted to the care of respective bureaus at Vienna, whose office is to submit copious and diligent digested reports to the Emperor, on every department of the imperial go- vernment, whose only motive power is the edict of the Sovereign. The im- mense physical resources of the empire are like the minds of the people, controlled by the government, which by its active patronage, stimulates to earnest industry the educated intelligence of its subjects. Its material pro- ducts are for this very reason, small returns for the government outlay, and its position with but one sea-port in the south, Trieste, and the mouth of the Danube on the east, restricts its foreign commerce. Recent official statements show the value of the exports to be in round numbers forty -five millions of dollars ; and of imports, sixty millions of dollars, and a sea ton- nage of scarce two millions ; whilst the taxes average about two dollars per head, and the total revenue of the emjiire from taxation approaches eighty millions of dollars, with that ancient blessing of monarchy, the price of its glory, a national debt of near four hundred millions of dollars, which may have grown still larger by its recent revolutionary and increased military expenses and frequent financial embarrassments. No nation except our own surpasses them in the construction and conduct of ocean and river steamers. Their railroads and bridges, although of recent origin, may M'ell compare with similar works throughout the world ; whilst for articles of taste and luxury, Vienna may be justly called the Paris of Eastern Europe. The River Danube is the great artery of life to the empire ; with its broad 15 width of rapid waters, it traverses the entire dominion of Austria, is the mutual frontier of its confederate kingdoms, and on the side of Turkey ; and with its six mouths, to the Euxine, bears upon its ample bosom the great proportion of the commerce of the empire with the east. History, for ages past, has been busy with this river, from the innumerable camps and battles of the Roman Legions with the natives of Dacia and Pannonia ; the arri- val of the turbulent hosts of the First Crusade under Peter the Hermit, gathered from all Europe upon the rocky fortress heights of Peterwardein, and thence descending the river to the Black Sea, to the attack of By- zantium, the great commercial returns of these Crusader irruptions into oriental seclusion, bringing up the Danube the whole trade of Asia, until the passage of the stormy Cape by the adventurous Portuguese De Gama opened the vast ocean as the natural pathway of its commerce. It ^ was reserved for our age to renew this Danube intercourse, and to employ this mighty river, the Mississipj)i of Europe, for a nobler purpose than to float timber rafts and turn rude grain mills. Count Sczecheny, a mag- nate or one of the highest rank of the nobility of Hungary, eminent for his wealth and public virtues, in the year 1830, first introduced the present admirably organized and efBcient steam navigation of the Danube. The long neglected river, a mere highway for rude rafts of timber, had become almost unknown to navigation, and its real difficulties so exaggerated as to place its commercial employment by steam vessels beyond the reach of imagination. Sczecheny built, at his own expense, a strong steamer of light draft, in which he descended the river himself, all the way from Vi- enna, and ascertained that the rocks, rapids, currents and other obstacles were not so serious as to be invincible to enterprise. A company was at once organized by him for removing the obstructions, and for a line of steamboats on the route. The enterprize was regarded on all hands with enthusiasm, and chiefly in Hungary, at its capital, Pesth. The Austrian Go- vernment, and Prince Metternich contributed largely, and became its first chief stockholders, and in less than one year from Sczccheny's experiment- al voyage, the existing organized line of steamers began to ply regularly between Vienna and Constantinople. The descent of about 1800 miles by the frequent stoppages for freight and landing, occupies eleven days ; the return voyage, in consequence of the very swift and powerful current, usually takes fourteen days. The steamers are large, averaging from 200 to 300 feet in length, of sharp American model, constructed of iron, and are commodious and ele- gant in their arrangements and furniture. The engines and hulls are built at Pest, by Austrians ; their own mechanics being preferred to the English who were first employed. Their speed averages about 12 English miles the hour ; a large proportion of the officers are from Lombardy, and are 16 accoinplislied men in tlieir profession. The company still remains a private association, and when we conti'ast their beautiful, swift, and strong steamers with the clumsy crafts that disfigure the inland waters of France or England, and the inconvenient ferry boats of the Rhine or the Elbe, the superiority of their enter2:)rise is beyond all question. At the start of such an undertak- ing, what difficulties must have impended ! — the sleep of ages of the river and its wilderness shores was to be broken,strong and dangerous rapids to be crossed ; difficult and fluctuating channels to be discovered, and followed ; and, still more, what vast expense was required in establishing coal and ma- chinery depots for repairs throughout its great length, which then for more than one thousand miles of shore beyond Hungary, scarcely contained a habitable town. All these difficulties yielded to their energy, and the line of numerous steamers has been ever since in complete and successful work- ing order. By its great carrying facilities, Vienna has again, inrf»ae-day, ^ttflr become a mart for oriental luxuries. Pesth has more than doubled in size, and is now the most beautiful city on the Danube, with a population of over 100,000 ; and several entirely new cities and villages have arisen on its shores. The traveller embarking at Ratisbon, Linz, or Vienna, will pass in succession the largest cities in the empire, and the strong fortresses, with the whole frontier of Hungary, Transylvania, Bulgaria, Moldavia, Walla- chia and Servia, and will move forward on a swift, dark, rolling river, vary- ing from one to three miles in width, between banks of the most sublime and jjicturesque scenery in Europe, and with a strange diversity of inhabi- tants and costume, until at Soulinha he emerges on the stormy Euxine, and after sto2">ping at Varna, holds on his course past the Symplegades into the blue waters of the Bosphorus — that pathway of magnificence — till the solemn domes, mosques, towers, minarets, palaces, and gardens of Stam- boul rise upon his view, springing out of that beautiful sea, an Aladdin creation — a realized enchantment. The merited fame of the Count Sczecheny, through this achievement and his political history, introduces that much-talked of, but little studied or comprehended subject — the history of the recent reforms and revolution in Hungary. Another detail on the subject cannot now be expected or attempted ; our literature teems with its histories ; but it is right to say, in quitting this topic for some others of more immediate relation to the general empire, that the smoke of battle and of controversy has not yet sufficiently cleared away from this field to unveil clearly the motives of many of its chief actors, and to furnish complete and unbiassed fact, as the material for impartial history. The cordial interest that we naturally feel in the struggles of other na- tions for freedom, and the great distance of space and time, education, and superior circumstances have often prevented us from duly examining 17 the actual facts which lay behind the attractive statements of the revolu- tionists of Europe. Our hearts glow with quick sympathy at the first report, and we are ready to believe their constant failure to be the effect of superior brute force. My own personal observation of the events of 1848> which is corroborated by many other eye-witnesses, and much better quali- fied judges, is that the cause of the failure of these grand attempts lies in the character of the revolutionists themselves. We are at no loss ourselves, nor is an intelligent world, to discover the reason of the success of our own patriotic struggle. Our forefathers were calm-minded, discreet, upright, patriotic and resolute men, who stood every trial of integrity ; who having devoted a whole age to steadfast and peaceable remonstrance, never drew the sword until the British soldiery brought slaughter and havoc into our midst; and then, with Hancock, Adams, Jefferson and the prophetic Franklin in their councils appealing to the Great Judge of all the Earth, who could turn their weakness into strength, in immortal language, they set forth their oppressions and breaches of their common constitutional rights, their unavailing life-long remonstrance, the recent advance of ar; mies, and called a listening world to witness, that, not for the lust of con- quest, ambition and pride of place, but for the defence of their humble homes, and invaluable rights, they declared themselves independent, and resolved to maintain their freedom with their lives : and who but the bigoted and unenlightened masses of the old world do not know how that more than Roman Fabius or Cincinnatus, our own AVashington, led the feeble army of the thirteen colonies through clouds of disaster and defeat, enough to have crushed many Napoleons, to a glorious triumph. In strong contrast with all this are most of the recent revolutionary movements on the continent of Europe. The discontent excited by the broken faith of sovereigns, at the period of the re-organization of Europe, after the battle of Waterloo, by the congresses of Vienna, produced the race of the Carbonarii who will answer as types of their successors. They were chiefly men of the higher order of rank, property or intelligence — scholars many of them — men of the closet — not of the world — the cabinet or the camp ; and their plans and those of their successors and imitators from that era to the present, of the most visionary and Utopian character, are directed mainly for the personal aggrandizement of the leaders. The active agents of their enterprises have too often been the idle and dissolute multitudes hovering in dark corners in the over-peopled capitals, ripe for any deed of license under the popular cloak of liberty, whilst the great masses of the lower orders of the industrious population, by the policy of their rulers left in political darkness, are readily excited to join in any tumultuous rising for the destruction and plunder of the wealth and power of the existing government. They i-ear the barricade and their dreamy fabrics of demo- 3 18 ' cratic anarchy, and crown with bloody laurels their artful leaders, who soon become in turn their victims — and are immolated on the same altar of fero- cious passion with their late enthroned tyrants. The popular fury exhausts itself in license ; and slowly discovering that mere destraction and Utopias do not give them bread, work, and regular subsistence, yields to the influ- ence of self-interest, from the commercial and middle classes, their old employers ; returns rapidly to order under the sceptre, and the old system of steady absolute government. They find out that they were deceived by their leaders : and after this volcanic social eruption has subsided, are in no degree more enlightened or advanced in the knowledge of true law- abiding constitutional freedom. They cheerfully embrace the old system again, to be anew beguiled to resume this cycle of revolutions ; whose con- stant failures are as we well know due to their own want of true political knowledge, integrity, morality and patriotism. The hearts of the nations are beclouded and impure — and until they be redeemed, there is little hope for the regeneration of Europe. In these general remarks I cannot be un- derstood as making personal comments on individuals : such an inference jj deprecate as unjust, and from recent visits to our shores, unnecessary. But to resume the more immediate subject of our present interview : . The Austrian empire, is traversed in all its grand divisions by rail roads which, introduced in 1826, are perhaps some of the best examples for strength, durability, finish and splendid accommodations in the world. The medium guage is adopted for the tracks : the carriages are superb improvements of the American model ; locomotives, cars, and road, now constructed by themselves, are strongly built, and well managed, and their speed, though not equal to that usual in England, surpasses our own ; while their stations and depots are rarely excelled for elegance and completeness. By its railways the empire is linked with north and west Europe at Berlin, and Dresden ; with Russia at Warsaw ; with the Mediterranean shore at Trieste ; and when the line from Donauworth shall be completed the wa- ters of the Rhine and Danube will be united. These railroads are or were at the outset, (as some companies have since sold to the government,) private associations supported by large stock subscriptions, j^rivate and public. Time and statistical details are both inadequate properly to describe its grand mihtary roads, its numerous suspension bridges, and other great pub- lic works, which by their elegance and utility adorn the empire. Nor can we here speak of the vast libraries of Vienna, Prague, and Milan ; its gal- leries, palaces, the sublime and beautiful natural scenery and the historic memories of its soil. We should be, however, happy to dwell awhile at Vienna — that imperial capital — a spider-web of tortuous streets spun from the Cathedral Square of St. Stephen — with its stern double walls, moats 19 and drawbridge, green belt of glacis, and surrounding circle of palatial suburbs : of oft-beleagured orient-looking Prague — spanning the swift dark Moldau with its many stone and wire bridges — and crowding its medise- val streets and towers under the gloomy heights of the Hradschin — of modern level white-walled and beautiful Pesth — magnificent Milan and Venice, had they not all been too often depicted, viewed and described for us to venture the essay. Our concern this evening, has been with more general matters of the policy of the empire. If our sketch of the elaborate educational system be correct, we shall be at no loss to infer the national char- acteristics of the Austrians of every nation : that from infancy their minds, hearts and bodies, are moulded into political subjection to their hereditary rulers ; that politics, as we understand the term, do not exist in the empire, and that discussion is disturbance of order — Revolution : but though that subject be banished, still the Austrian mind is but thrown back on other fields of activity ; in the civil and military service of the government, and every form of private and associated industry, to whose results we have made a passing allusion. But the physical constitution of the Austrian, besides presenting a congress of various nations, has its German element relieved by the warm blood of the south, and thus while he is a pattern of faithful industry during his hours of labor, he turns naturally and gaily to music and the dance as his diversion. It is not necessary here to speak of the musical renown of Vienna ; and the true love and practice of the art, pervading all ranks and education of Austrians from childhood. The music of the orchestras of Strauss and Gungl playing every afternoon in the public gardens and cafes of Vienna, and the compositions of De Meyer and Liszt, and many others, are of uni- versal fame. The superb military bards of the palace are constantly heard in the Volks Garten, the beautiful promenade back of the palace conferred upon the public by Kaiser Francis. This classic and refined music is ofi'ered for the gratuitous enjoyment of all, and on a fine evening, Vienna and the other capitals resound with exquisite music and the graceful and happy dance, which is re-echoed from the mountains of Tyrol, the banks of the Elbe and Danube, through distant Galicia and from the gondoliers of Venice. The happy Austrian, undisturbed by the clamors of politicians, and theories of partisans, cheerfully resigns the whole care of government to hereditary chiefs, and seeks his own interests and amusements. Without the fickleness of Frenchmen, or their sanguinary spirit, they resemble in the political result of governmental changes, in vivacity, in their eager pursuit of fashion, display and amusement. They are contented in their selfishness, if you will, but still the traveller can nowhere out of Paris, find a gayer and more brilliant capital than Vienna, or Milan, and in no conti- 20 nental kingdom, see the ordinary comforts or enjoyments of life more gen- erally diffused. Mendicity is prohibited, and never seen in Austria : the state takes care of the poor, employing the able-bodied in the army and the pubhc works, and providing ample hospitals for the imbecile and the invalid. The state likewise provides for the amusement of its subjects ; most of the Italian opera singers of the world come under the care, instruction and inspection of the imperial director at La Scala, Milan, who with his assist- ants, subject opera houses and companies, are chiefly supported from the imperial treasury. All recognised Italian opera singers become members of this Milan academy, and are then allowed to sing on the classic stage of La Scala, annually report their professional engagements, and on com- pliance with its rules, become entitled to its retiring pension. The perfor- mances of the most accomplished musicians in the most magnificent thea- tres, are thus brought within the humblest pecuniary means. The military servants of the empire receiving but small pay, the government provides for them a much I'educed price of admission to amusements, and also sepa- rate and cheaper markets, cafes and shops. The court of Vienna, although the most magnificent in display of the continent, is yet the most remarka- bly accessible. Our own president in his republican simplicity scarcely, in this respect, surpasses the Austrian emperor. From the time of the Em- peror Joseph, of whom some have said he was a better mechanic than sovereign, it has been the custom of the emperors, on every Wednesday, without ceremonious presentation, to receive all his subjects who have business personally with the sovereign. The only formalities observed are requiring the name and business, to be previously mentioned through a minister, and compliance Avith certain easy prescribed hours of audience; and nothing is more frequent at Vienna than to see the emperor in a plain uniform, alone, or attended by a single aid-de-caijfip, walking the streets or ramparts. All vivats on such occasions are prohibited : the soldiery will present arms as to any other officer, and whoever raises his hat to the sovereign, will be sure to have his salutation courteously returned. The people love him, strange as we may think, as their benevolent father, and he needs no body guard, or cumbrous ceremony, for his protection or their respect — a dignified security, in striking contrast with the armed cavalcades that watch around the movements of French emperors, British queens or European sovereigns. The limits of these remarks are already too extended to allow of further details which might encroach on the province of guide books. Our pur- pose is fulfilled, if we shall have shown enough to justify cur views at the outset, that although its system of government is wholly opposed to con- stitutional freedom, still few despotisms in Europe have more contented and industrious subjects, and are more open to the wishes and more con- ducive to the material well being of its people. '.■-V^'Sk^Vx. :^^i:m: LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 021 375 986 3 ^m^U \l^A ^'•'C^*^^ J^f'" — < -pi"*^ C^f^^^ •m ■-'0^^'-