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 THE DOUBTS AND DIFFICULTIES OF 
 NATIONAL UNITY. 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 THE ALUMNI SOCIETY 
 
 University of Georgia, 
 
 JUNE i8th, 1895. 
 
 By MARION J. VERDERY, 
 
 OF NEW YORK. 
 
 AUGUSTA, GA. 
 
 Chronicle Job Printing Company. 
 
 1895. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGFtESS^ 
 
 FEB231922 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 Univeesity of Georgia. 
 
 Athens, June 20th, 189o. 
 
 Kon. M. J. Verdery, 
 
 My Dear Sir: — It gives me pleasure to carry out my instructions 
 as Secretary of the Alumni Society of the University of Georgia in 
 transmitting to you the following resolution of thanks, passed unani, 
 mously by the Society in recognition of your kindness to them on June 
 18th last: 
 
 Besolved, That the thanks of this Society are due, and are hereby 
 warmly tendered to Hon. Marion J. Yerdery, of Xew York, for the 
 admirable address to which we have just listened, and that the Secre- 
 tary of the Society be instructed to request a copy of the same for pub- 
 lication. 
 
 This resolution was passed at the meeting of the Alumni Society 
 immediately succeeding the address; and in behalf of the Society I trust 
 that you will kindly furnish me with a copy for publicktion. 
 
 Yery respectfully, ; 
 
 ^ DAVID C: BAEROW, Jr. 
 
 • ■_"/ -.. • ' ..- V .^■. • Secretary. 
 
 Athens, Ga., June 20th, 1895. 
 
 Prof . David C. Barrow, Jr. ^ Secretary Alumni Society, University of 
 
 Georgia, Athens, Ga. 
 
 My Dear Sir: — Your courteous note of this date, communicating 
 to me the flattering resolution adopted by the Alumni Society, and 
 requesting, in accordance with the resolution, a copy of my address^ 
 delivered before the Society on the 18th instant, is received. 
 
 In compliance with the request, I send you the manuscript here- 
 with and with grateful acknowledgments to the Society and to you, I 
 remain 
 
 Yours respetfully, 
 
 M. J. YERDERY. 
 
^iDDr^EisQ. 
 
 Mr. President and Members of the Ahirnni Society: 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen: — I know this to be a proper 
 form of salutation, but it is not altogether to my liking. I 
 should very much prefer to adopt the good old-fashioned 
 Methodist formula, and say, dearly beloved brethren and 
 sisters. As a matter of fact I leally do feel almost akin to 
 every bcdy in this audience, but however I might address 
 you, my lips would be false to my heart if with my first 
 breath I did not say, thank you. I am not only grateful 
 for the honor you have done me in inviting me to deliver 
 this address, but I am grateful because your invitation has 
 called me once again back to Georgia. I tell you, my 
 friends, until a thousand miles have stretched between you 
 and the scenes of your childhood, your soul can never give 
 full tone to the echo of that dear old song. 
 
 Take me back to the place where I first saw the light, 
 
 To the sweet sunny South take me home, 
 Where the mocking bird sang me to rest every night, 
 
 Ah! why was I tempted to roam?" 
 
 I am determined not to be hampered on this occasion 
 by any lurking consciousness of relative un worthiness, but, 
 on the contrary, have concluded to appropriate Judge Bleck- 
 ley's theory, who under similar circumstances, remarked 
 that "whenever he had an honor done him, the less worthy 
 of it he felt, the keener was his enjoyment in accepting it." 
 The paramount thought with me at this moment is the 
 precious one that I am here, — here in Georgia, — here in 
 Athens, — here on the blessed old Campus, — here in the 
 embrace of friendly love that has outlasted the years, and 
 
4 
 
 with a fervent God-bless you welling up in my heart, I say 
 again, thank you. 
 
 It has been more than a quarter of a century since I 
 stood on this platform, and yet the scenes of that day are as 
 fresh to me as if they had been enacted yesterday. My 
 fancy is a wing, flying back through the shadowy yester- 
 days of many years; my mind is a medley of memories 
 chiming in sweetest harmony with the music of long ago; 
 my eyes are shut, and yet I see faces that will never fade 
 from the picture gallery of my heart; my ears are stopped, 
 but oh how plainly I hear the happy voices of the boys and 
 girls who were the boon companions of my College days. 
 Blessed days, so long gone that the girls of then are the 
 mothers of now, and the boys have come to wear the silvei 
 crowns of middle age. And yet, how near it all seems. 
 Why, the echo of that whirlwind of applause which followed 
 Albert Cox's memorable speech delivered from this stage 
 nearly thirty years ago rings in my ears at this moment, 
 and the exquisite imagery of blessed Grady's "Castles in 
 Air" is as beautiful to mind today as it was when I heard 
 him speak the prose poem. 
 
 Oh, memory, priceless gift of God, storehouse for treas- 
 ures that can be kept nowhere else; yea, storehouse like 
 Heaven itself, where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt, 
 and where thieves do not break through and steal;" thy 
 doors are without locks, and yet, whispers of tenderness, 
 snatches of song, dreams of love, pictures of beauty and 
 even the perfume of flowers are stored there in safety 
 forever. You know when Ann of Austria confessed her love 
 to the Duke of Buckingham, his Grace dropped a jewel by 
 the wayside, saying, that he wanted some foot-traveler to 
 find the gem, and thereby be made glad at the place where 
 he had found his greatest joy. 
 
 I never had occasion to drop any jewel anywhere in 
 Athens for precisely the same reason that the Duke of 
 
Buckingham flung his down in the public road, but if I had 
 dropped a gem at every spot where I told some Ann of 
 Athens what I thought of her, Cobbham would have been 
 paved like a street of the New Jerusalem, and it would pay 
 today to rake any front yard in Athens and sift the dirt for 
 precious stones. 
 
 But I am talking a long way off from my subject, and 
 this is not an occasion to be wholly given over to reminis- 
 cences. When I was striving to determine what my subject 
 should be, I wrote to my very dear friend, W. W. Thomas, 
 and asked him what I should talk about; he replied prompt- 
 ly, saying that he didn't care at all what I talked about, but 
 that there were just two things which I must not do, — first, 
 I must not speak too long, and secondly, I must not make a 
 "speech under the third head." This was his explanation 
 of a "speech under the third head." He said several years 
 ago a gentleman delivered an address here, and the day 
 after, when Governor Brown and Dr. H. V. M. Miller and 
 Hon. Nat. Hammond were going back to Atlanta together, 
 Dr. Miller asked Governor Brown what he thought of the 
 address the day before. The Governor replied that he 
 thought it was a speech under the third head; then they 
 both laughed, but Colonel Hammond was not in the joke, 
 and asked to be enlightened. Dr. Miller said that he and 
 Governor Brown were once up near Tallulah Falls and went 
 to hear an old hardshell Baptist minister, who took his text 
 from St. Paul and proceeded with the sermon in this 
 fashion: "Dearly beloved, I shall divide my sermon into 
 three heads; under the first head I shall endeavor to show 
 you what St. Paul did not mean. Under the second head I 
 shall endeavor to show you what St. Paul did mean, and 
 under the third head, I shall make a few general remarks 
 on a line which I do not think St. Paul understood and 
 which I know I do not. 
 
 I have determined to talk to you upon "The Doubts 
 ^nd DifHiculties of National Unity," 
 
The subject naturally falls into an analysis something 
 like this. Are there such doubts and are there such diffi- 
 culties; and if so, are the former removable and the latter 
 surmountable or not? No one can deny the existence of 
 the doubts. They crop out in all parts of the country 
 spasmodically in spiteful sayings and captious conduct, 
 and confronted by numerous signs of distrust and discord, 
 we cannot escape the question — is this county one country 
 or not; if it is not, we should surely put a stop to all these 
 after-dinner exuberances of feeling; we cannot be one 
 country at a night feast, and widely separated in our 
 feelings when the morning comes. But, on the other hand, 
 if this is not one country and we are not one people, what 
 mean the matchless messages of peace which have been 
 borne North by Georgia's incomparable triumvirate, Grady, 
 Gordon and Graves? If we are not one people in spirit and 
 in sympathy, let Graves get no more into the very fastnesses 
 of New England and pour out in matchless eloquence the 
 story of complete reconciliation and Americanism, which 
 the people of the South feel. If we are not one people, let 
 us call home our superbest hero of the lost cause, John B. 
 Gordon; call him home, I say, and bid him retract the 
 generous tributes which I have repeatedly heard him pay 
 to "the men who wore the blue," and bid him no more 
 wrap himself in the stars and stripes in sign of his whole- 
 souled loyalty, and claim at the same time that this dramatic 
 act illustrates the hearts of his people. If we are not one 
 people, let us stop our ears to the sweet echo of all the 
 beautiful doctrines that were preached by the immortal 
 Grady, who "died loving the nation into peace." 
 
 Secondly the difficulties of National Unity are undenia- 
 bly great. The very fundamental idea of unity necessarily 
 involves the thought of possible separation, and since 
 throughout the universe it seems easier for things to drift 
 apart than to pull together the difficulties of National Unity 
 are multiform and complex, 
 
In human nature the dominant principle is individual- 
 ism or egoism — selfishness in other words. It is the most 
 unconquerable passion in the world; there is nothing it will 
 not do. It murders, it steals, it persecutes enemies, it 
 betrays friends, it abuses charity and maligns virtue. It 
 exiled Adam and Eve, it has been the pitfalls of kings, and 
 the ruin of emperors. It cheats the devil and robs God. 
 It spreads like pestilence, rendering families discordant, 
 communities contentious and even the autonomy of nations 
 uncertain. The splendor and magnificence of ancient 
 Rome would be unmarred to day but for the selfish tyranny 
 of Nero. The serpentine Seine, threading its way through 
 the incomparable French capital, would never have run red 
 with blood, and the awful horrors of the French Revolution 
 would never have blotted the pages of human history, if 
 National Unity had not been destroyed by political passion 
 and selfish greed for personal gain. And our own blessed 
 country would not, like the vail of the temple, have been 
 rent in twain but for the bitterness of disagreement between 
 the States, which, after all, in its last analysis, was a 
 contention for the maintenance of selfish ends. And the 
 temporary disruption of the States was so violent, and the 
 calamitous cost thereof so inestimable, and the terrible 
 consequences so lasting, that even at this late day — thirty 
 years after the pipe of peace at Appomattox — it is still a 
 question if the breach is thoroughly healed. 
 
 Now, it does seem to me, the sooner that question is 
 settled by every man and woman of the land, the better. 
 Let us settle it conscientiously and completely. It is a 
 question for each separate individual. You cannot determine 
 it for me, nor I for you. Is this an indissoluble nation or 
 not? Is this vast expanse, from where the morning sun 
 first kisses the hills of the East to where, when the day 
 is gone, he goes down through the golden gate of the West, 
 and from where the perpetual snows turban th^ mountain 
 
8 
 
 peaks of the far North down to the distant South where 
 bridal wreaths of orange blossoms are in perpetual bloom ; 
 is this boundless estate only a sectionalized territory, or is 
 it more than all else, — is it "America, the land of the free 
 and the home of the brave?" 
 
 If we are not a unified people, bound together by all 
 the possibilities of a common destiny and united by all the 
 ties of kindred ambition, and sacredly joined in the name of 
 true patriotism, then, for honor and truth's sake, let us quit 
 all insincere speechmaking on special occasians. 
 
 I pray you will not misunderstand me. I do not charge 
 the people of the South with any greater responsibility for 
 the lack of National Unity than attaches to those of other 
 parts of the country, but that there is lack of such unity 
 is a fact beyond contradiction. It evidences itself up North, 
 when some irresponsible scribbler or blatant blatherskite 
 repudiates all professions of union and waves the bloody 
 shirt. It crops out in fanatical and oftentimes hypocritical 
 views in that section on the negro question. It shows itself 
 in unmistakable jealousy of the South's power in national 
 politics and vastness of her natural resources ; but, then, 
 the fault is not all there, the South in spirit and in speech 
 is not altogether without sin against that consummation 
 devoutly to be wished — a perfect National Unity. 
 
 We do not always seem to be dominated by that funda- 
 mental principle of patriotism, "the greatest good for the 
 greatest number," and until we all, of every section, lift 
 ourselves to that exalted plane of true citizenship, this union 
 will only be a confederation of States — "distinct like the 
 billows, but, alas ! not one like the sea." 
 
 I know the difficulties in the way of an ideal union are 
 great. The very vastness of our domain, variety of climate, 
 diversity of occupation, the unlikeness of customs, and 
 difference of education, all these conspire to create conflict 
 of interest and drive asunder, rather than bind us together. 
 
The solid South, aside from reverence for hallowed mem- 
 ories and sacred traditions, has stood unbroken so long, cnly 
 because of the inherent strength that there is in unified local 
 interests. But the days of the solid South are numbered. 
 The South has been solid in opposition to the despicable 
 and unpatriotic policy of that political faction which has 
 prostituted itself in a thousand ways while masquerading in 
 the name of the Republican party, and that faction was 
 violently rebuked when the force bill was killed. 
 
 The future politics of this country are bound to revolve 
 around great economic questions, and not to be warped by 
 bitter memories and lingering prejudices. National achieve' 
 ment is never accomplished along the line of passion and 
 prejudice. Great living issues are upon us, and as they 
 press the South will divide, and the North, and the East, 
 and the West will divide ; this will not be sectional division, 
 but division within the sections ; every man's judgment 
 leading him, in the light of his own intelligence, to con- 
 scientious convictions. Sooner or later what we have been 
 calling the Democratic and Republican parties will be 
 swallowed up in the birth of new parties. In this way the 
 best intelligence all over the land will be enlisted under one 
 banner, and the motto on that banner will be "For the Sake 
 of America." If this be not so, and the South is destined 
 to be forever solid, what means the recent contest over the 
 Governorship of Tennessee ? Why is North Carolina no 
 longer a certain quantity in the solidity ? And how dare 
 any man, and especially one with such ancestry as Thomas 
 W. Sedden, the son of a member of Mr. Davis' last Cabinet, 
 join an element in Alabama (the very cradle of Confederacy), 
 which element swears to renounce Democracy rather than 
 see the material interests of that State suffer. What a con- 
 firmation of Hancock's unhappy declaration, that the tariff 
 was a local issue. 
 
 Puring the next Presidential campaign the questions 
 
10 
 
 that will press hardest on every man for personal solution 
 will not be whether he shall vote for a Republican or a 
 Democrat, but whether he believes in protection or free 
 trade, and what is the wisest and best solution of the cur- 
 rency question. 
 
 You must realize, my dear people, that old issues are 
 dead — not sentiments and traditions — far be it from me to 
 suggest that the least of them should suffer the slightest 
 forgetfulness. I would hold every tradition of this blessed 
 Southland as precious as a sacred heritage, and I would rear 
 our children in a knowledge of those happy days which 
 made the old South what she was, and keep all those mem- 
 ories as sacred history of a civilization and social organism 
 that has never had any parallel in the record of peoples. 
 But as Ben Hill once said, "There was a South of secession 
 and slavery; that South is gone. There is a South of 
 energy, progress and power, which it behooves all her sons 
 to guard jealously and build up triumphantly." 
 
 We must take hold of the issues that exist to-day. 
 If the Southern people are to make themselves an influ- 
 ential factor in shaping the destiny of this great nation, 
 they must prove themselves sound in political philosophy, 
 wise in the science of economics and broad national 
 policy. In the name of God let me beg you to steer 
 clear of all isms! Stop your ears to the preaching of 
 unwise leaders, who have political ambitions to serve 
 and not patriotic purposes to promote. There are no 
 men on the face of the earth, taken as a class, with 
 clearer ideas of justice, fuller appreciation of wise legisla- 
 tion or better grounded in the principles of real statesman- 
 ship, than the men of the South, and yet you championed 
 the "Income Tax." Why could you not see that one of its 
 provisions alone was fatal to it. By what process of reason- 
 ing could you justify putting a .|4,000 limit on incomes that 
 were not to be taxed? Why was it not just as fair to make 
 
11 
 
 that limit $40,000. If you had insisted that all incomes 
 (be they ever so infinitesimally small) should be taxed, you 
 would have been beyond the reach even of the suspicion of 
 assisting class legislation, and no man could have charged 
 that you wanted a law which would reach a large class of 
 people of other sections of the country, and yet let you 
 escape. Now, the Income Tax has been repudiated by the 
 highest tribunal of the land, and those who contended for 
 it stand as the discredited advocates of an unconstitutional 
 measure. 
 
 In a like manner, and I know in broaching this subject 
 that I tread on dangerous ground, — in a like manner, I say, 
 a great many of you are being badly advised and going 
 wrong on money. Now, you will lose on that. Don't get 
 mad because I tell you so; I am only speaking truth as I 
 see it. It does seem to me that if there is any section of 
 this whole country that could afford to be absolutely 
 monometallists, and gold monometallists at that, the South 
 is that section. Have you any silver mines ? Have you 
 anything to sell that you cannot get gold for ? And has the 
 amount of gold which you have heretofore gotten for what 
 you sold ever been out of proportion to the quantity of other 
 commodities which you could buy with that gold ? Is there 
 any section of the country that raises any single product 
 that will command as much gold even in the most depressed 
 times, as the cotton crop of the South Do you not know 
 that had it not been for this fact, the credit of the United 
 States government could not have been maintained after tlie 
 war. And yet there is all this talk about alliance with the 
 West in order to secure free silver. Well, if you are going 
 abroad to make any sectional alliance, in the name of 
 Heaven lets make one in which there is some possibility of 
 profit to you. You, the South ! with all your traditions, all 
 your sacred memories, all your treasured stories, all your 
 time-honored chivalry and heroism, all your blue-blooded 
 
12 
 
 aristocracy, with a past so rich that the history of it reads 
 like romance, and memory of it makes the blood quicken 
 with pride. You! with this character, and with this record, 
 to talk about allying yourself to a people who have no past, 
 no history, no tradition, only a mushroom present and an 
 unassured future. You ! who boast the most homogeneous 
 people on the American continent, to join yourselves and 
 your fortunes with a section that is the stronghold of 
 anarchy and socialism ; you to ally yourselves to a people 
 that have not much better sense of home and home-ties 
 than the Arab in his tent, which he folds in the night and 
 steals away. No ! If there is to be any alliance, let us 
 make a marriag-e worthy of our bride. All this silver twad- 
 dle is the veriest humbuggery. Do you know any process 
 by which you are to immediately become enriched by the 
 re-opening of the mints for unrestricted coinage of silver ? 
 Has it never occurred to you that you cannot get any of 
 those new silver dollars without giving a quid pro quo in 
 exchange for them ; and then, who is advising you to adopt 
 this propaganda as your financial deliverance ? Find me the 
 strongest and best, the most intelligent and wisest six silver 
 advocates that you know of in the South, and I will furnish 
 you six names as worthy of trust as these and yet who 
 vigorously dispute the wisdom of the silver policy. 
 
 I don't ask you to believe that free silver coinage is 
 unwise because I say so, but let us test the question by the 
 testimony of witnesses. I can name six men who would be 
 enough to convert me, if I had never thought on the sub- 
 ject, or talked with any other man living but them ; I point 
 you to six shining lights in the ranks of Democracy, with 
 whom there has never been any variableness nor shadow of 
 turning. I give you six men, all of whom have proven 
 themselves competent in all respects to comprehend and 
 judge any question of finance. They are not all Northerners 
 nor all Southerners, but belong in equal nurnbers to the 
 j:espective sections. 
 
13 
 
 Do you know any better Democrat than Abram S. 
 Hewitt, expert man of affairs, and profoundly learned 
 statesman? He says: "Unrestricted coinage of silver would 
 be luinous." 
 
 Do you know any sounder Democrat than William C. 
 Whitney, able in the counsels of the nation, wide in his 
 experience on all economic questions, and learned in the 
 mysteries of money? He says: "Free coinage of silver 
 other than by fair international agreement, would be fatal 
 to our national credit." 
 
 Has not J. Edward Simmons, for twenty years one of 
 the leading Democrats of New York city, and President of 
 the Fourth National Bank, one of the largest financial insti- 
 tutions of the metropolis — has he no claim upon your 
 respectful attention? He says: "Unrestricted coinage of 
 silver would put a chock under the wheels of this country's 
 progress and result in such a shock to public credit that the 
 consequences to all the material interests of the nation 
 would be appalling." These are all Northerners. 
 
 Do you know any better Democrat, any more conspic- 
 uously successful man, any more prominent figure in the 
 field of finance than R. T. Wilson? He says: "Unrestricted 
 coinage of silver would blight all enterprise in the South, 
 and be a relentless hindrance to the developments of its 
 natural resources and general prosperity." 
 
 Do you know anybody who doubts the Democracy of 
 John H. Inman? He says: "That the free silver craze has 
 been instituted by a few political tricksters and a few 
 Western miners, the former greedy for office and the latter 
 greedy for gain." 
 
 Do you know why Samuel Spencer, born and reared in 
 Columbus, Ga., and graduated from this very institution, a 
 man standing today abreast with the foremost men of his 
 profession, and managing the largest single property in 
 the whole South ; do you know why he should not be trusted 
 
14 
 
 as a man of truth, honesty and intelligence? He says! 
 "This silver mania, if allowed to prevail, will prove the 
 greatest engine for harm in the South that has ploughed 
 that section since the war between the States devastated it." 
 
 Now, there you have three Northerners and three 
 Southerners, all prominent, all successful, and each and 
 every single one of them having more pecuniary interest in 
 the South today than any two silverites in the whole 
 section. Is this worth nothing? Ah! but some fellow who 
 is joined to his idol cries back at me, yes, but they are all 
 bondholders, they are rich, they are gold bugs. Well, 
 suppose they are; does that argue them incompetent to 
 discuss monetary propositions or currency systems? 
 
 Would you employ a man who had gone barefooted all 
 his life to make your shoes, or engage a Zulu fresh from his 
 native land to be your tailor? I believe silver agitation in 
 the South comes in great measure from an opposition to the 
 Administration, and that, in itself, ought to be enough to 
 kill it. The man at the head of the Government today is 
 the foremost living American and the only one the Demo- 
 crats have ever been able to elect President since the war, 
 and I fail to see where he has shown any lack of considera- 
 tion, or given any evidence of prejudice against the 
 Southern people. The presence of three Southerners in his 
 Cabinet should be denial enough of any such insinuation. 
 
 But I do not mean by pointing out these discouraging 
 signs of the times to admit that I am hopeless; I believe the 
 perfect day will come. My faith is not based on any light 
 which I claim to see gliding the horizon at this very present 
 time, but I believe it because I believe the sun will shine 
 tomorrow. I believe it because I believe the rivers are 
 going to run down from the mountains and empty them- 
 selves into the ocean to the end of time. I believe it 
 because I believe the mountains are firmly fixed in their 
 foundations, and will stand forever as the everlasting hills. 
 
15 
 
 1 believe it because I believe in the glory of God shining in 
 the firmament, and the inevitable fulfilment of his every 
 plan and purpose, and I believe that the making of this 
 into the greatest people on earth and the making of this 
 Government into the very best human government, is in the 
 scope and contemplation of His Divine plan. 
 
 Not long ago I heard the famous John I^. Stoddard lec- 
 ture on Norway. The lecture was enriched by stereopticon 
 illustrations. The charming story was emphasized by great 
 pictures that brought everything almost in touch. After 
 the speaker had carried us up through all those arms of the 
 sea that press their way between the narrowly divided 
 mountains, he finally threw a picture on the screen which 
 put all previous ones to shame. The audience held its 
 breath, and finally the lecturer said, "and now, my friends, 
 here we stand at the great North Cape itself." The picture 
 was grand. Behind that giant rock was the threshold of a 
 continent, and before it was the vast Arctic Sea blushing 
 beneath the warm glow of the midnight sun, which never 
 sets, but pauses just above the horizon, as if to let the past 
 embrace the present, and yesterday kiss today. But there 
 came to my mind another picture, which if I had a lantern 
 as faithful to my fancy as Stoddard's was to the wondrous 
 sights he had seen, I would fling for you a picture on this 
 great screen, and show you what I think I see in a not far 
 distant day, when this great nation of God's people shall 
 have been bound together, and been taught to live as 
 brethren dwelling together in unity. I would have them 
 all mustered together, camping out, as it were, in a great 
 union of fellowship, betoking oneness of interest and one- 
 ness of destiny, and above them that flag of flags, in which, 
 by a strange coincidence, the story of the nation seems 
 to have been caught in symbol, having, as it does, the red 
 stripes, symbolic color of the blood of earth, and the blue 
 above which is heaven's own color, and running between, 
 
16 
 
 the virgin stripes of white, speaking of purity and peace; 
 showing that this people will come together in spirit and 
 truth, and in their unity will march forward from earth to 
 God, singing loud hosannas. "Blessed is the people whose 
 God is the I^ord." And then if out of the Milky Way of the 
 white stripes there should shoot forth now and then some 
 new star, it would be to magnify that great constellation in 
 the firmament of nations, which will go on shining forever 
 and forever, differing no more, "save as one star differeth 
 from another star in glory." 
 
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