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 LOYAL MEN 
 
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 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 PRINTED FOR GRATUITOUS DISTRIBUTION 
 
 1^:63. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 LETTERS FROM GENERAL ROSECRANS. 
 
 GOV. CANNON'S MESSAGE AND 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 ARGUMENTS FROM AN OLD DEMOCRAT. 
 
 SPEECH OF HON. D. S. DICKINSON. 
 
 LESSONS OF THE PAST : 
 
 SHALL WK IIKKI) TllKM ? 
 
 THE Aimr AND THE COPPERHEADS. 
 
SAVOURY DISH 
 
 LOYAL MEN. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 PRINTED FOR GRATUITOUS DISTRIBUTION. 
 
 18G3. 
 

 H^ CAUTIONARY NOTE. 
 
 When nurses prepare food for the sick, they often conceal 
 some of the ingredients lest the patient should have a distaste 
 of them, and thus render the dish unpalatable. In dealing 
 with those of a good constitution and sound health, we run no 
 risk in letting them know what is set before them. 
 
 A true patriot who prefers liberty to bondage, union to divi- 
 sion, honorable war to infamous peace, his country to his party, 
 will relish and grow strong from what is served up to him on 
 this dish. 
 
 To those who are suffering under the rabid influence of dis- 
 loyalty, or from the venomous bite of the copperhead, such fare 
 is too rich. It would disagree with their stomachs. They 
 should avoid evcrj'thing, stimulating, and expose themselves as 
 little as possible to free air, until their appetite for what is 
 patriotic and American is in a degree restored. 
 
 
NOBLE LETTER FROM GEN, ROSECRANS. 
 
 On Tuesday last, in the Ohio Logislature, a message was 
 received from the Governor, enclosing the following letter from 
 General Rosecrans : 
 
 Head-Quarters, Department of the Cumberland, I 
 
 MURFREESBORO', TENNESSEE, Feb. 3, 18G3. J 
 
 To the Honorable the General Assembly of the State of Ohio : 
 
 The resolution of thanks passed by your lionorable body to 
 the Army of the Cumberland, its Commanding General and 
 his staff, has been duly received, and published to the troops 
 of his command. On behalf of all, I return you heartfelt 
 thanks. 
 
 This is, indeed, a war for the maintenance of the Constitu- 
 tion and the laws — nay, for national existence — against thoso 
 who have despised our honest friendship, deceived our just 
 hopes, and driven us to defend our country and our homes. 
 By foul and willful slanders on our motives and intentions, 
 persistently repeated, they have arrayed against us our own 
 fellow-citizens, bound to us by the triple ties of consanguinity, 
 geographical position, and commercial interest. 
 
 Let no man among us be base enough to forget this, or fool 
 enough to trust an oligarchy of traitors to their friends, to 
 civil liberty and human freedom. Voluntary exiles from home 
 and friends, for the defence and safety of all, we long for the 
 time when gentle peace shall again spread her wings over our 
 land ; but we know no such blessing is possible while the unjust 
 and arbitrary power of the rebel leaders confronts and threatens 
 us. Crafty as the fox, cruel as the tiger, they cried, " No 
 coercion," while preparing to strike us. Bully like, they pro- 
 posed to fight us, because they said they could whip five to one ; 
 and now, when driven back, they whine out, ''No invasion," 
 and promise us of the West permission to navigate the Missis- 
 sippi, if we will be "good boys," and do as they bid us. 
 
 Whenever they have the power, they drive before them into 
 their ranks the Southern people, and they would also drive 
 us. Trust them not. Were they able, they would invade and 
 destroy us without mercy. Absolutely assured of these things, 
 I am amazed that any one could think of " peace on any terms." 
 He who entertains the sentiment is fit only to be a slave ; he 
 who utters it at this time is, moreover, a traitor to his country, 
 who deserves the scorn and contempt of all honorable men. 
 
"When the power of the unscrupulous rebel leaders is removed, 
 and the people are free to consider and act for their own 
 interests, which are common with ours, under this Government, 
 there will be no great difficultj in fraternization. Between 
 our tastes and social life there are fewer differences than be- 
 tween those of the people of the Northern and Southern Pro- 
 vinces of England or Ireland. 
 
 Hoping the time may speedily come, when the power of the 
 perfidious and cruel tyrant of this rebellion having been over- 
 thrown, a peace may be laid on the broad foundation of national 
 unity and eijual justice to all, under the Constitution and Laws, 
 I remain your fellow-citizen, 
 
 W. S. ROSECRANS, 3fajor- General 
 
 ANOTHER LETTER FROM GENERAL ROSECRANS. 
 
 He does not believe in Syren Songs of Peace. 
 
 General Rosecraxs has written the following letter to the 
 Cincinnati Common Council : 
 
 Head-Quarters, Department of the Cumberland, \ 
 
 Murfreesboro\ Tenn. j 
 
 Gentlemen : — I have just received and read the resolutions 
 passed at your meeting on the IGth inst., complimenting this 
 army, the Ohio troops, and the Commanding General, for their 
 bravery displayed at the battle of Stone's River. 
 
 On behalf of this noble army and its gallant leaders, I accept 
 this expression of your sympathy and praise, with pride, and 
 all the more heartfelt because you are my fellow-citizens ; and 
 your words touch me by their tones of friendly sincerity, while 
 they fill my thoughts with the sweet memories of home, for the 
 safety of which, and each of you, we, who are far away, are 
 willing to lay down our lives. 
 
 M;iy no syren song of peace, founded on the delusive hopes 
 of honor, truth, or justice of the rebel leaders, induce us to 
 peril both honor and the safety of our homes. If never per- 
 mitted to enjoy those dear homes ourselves, we will at least 
 endeavor to leave them safe and free, under the Constitution 
 and Laws, to our posterity. 
 
 I have the honor, gentlemen, to remain, with great respect, 
 your obedient servant, 
 
 W. S. ROSECRANS, 3Iajor-aencral: 
 To the Honorable Mayor and Common Council, Cincinnati, 
 
 Ohio. 
 
Gov. Cannon's Message and Proclamation. 
 
 State of Delaware, Exkcutivk Dhi'aktment, 
 March Sa, 18G3. 
 To the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of 
 
 Delaware in General Assemble/ met : 
 
 The passage by the General Assembly of the Act entitled, 
 " An Act to prevent illegal arrests in this State," renders it 
 proper that 1 should briefly communicate my views and purpose 
 in relation to it. 
 
 It is with regret that I differ with the General Assembly in 
 reference to the policy of the State upon any subject, or tliat 
 I should feel compelled to decline co-operation with a co-ordi- 
 nate branch of the Government in carrying out any measure 
 which, in its judgment, is promotive of the public welfare. 
 
 !My duty, however, is too plainly laid down to be mistaken, 
 and the obligation I have assumed too solemn to be disregarded 
 and too imperative to admit of hesitation. Had I any desire 
 to shrink from its fulfilment, the views which I had the lionor 
 to submit to you in my Inaugural Address are too recent to 
 have escaped my remembrance. 
 
 The preamble of the Act refers to the Constitution of the 
 United States, as providing that no person shall " be deprived 
 of life, liberty, or property without due process of law," but it 
 ought also to have been recollected that the same Constitution 
 provides that, in case of rebellion or invasion, the privilege of 
 the writ of habeas corpus may be suspended when the public 
 safety requires it, and the dangerous person may be arrested 
 and held without bail or mainprize. 
 
 This provision overrides the Constitution of the State of 
 Delaware or any statute that may be enacted by her Legis- 
 lature. 
 
 To whom the right to decide when the exigency has hap- 
 pened requiring the exercise of the power of suspension is a 
 question of Constitutional construction upon which jurists 
 differ. That it is a necessary power is admitted. That it 
 exists, there can be no doubt. AVhoever is invested with* the 
 power to suspend, is the sole judge of the occasion of its 
 exercise. Being incidental to the general duty of the 
 enforcement of the laws and now callled into exercise 
 for the suppression of armed insurrection, I am satisfied 
 that it properly belongs to the National Executive, and in my 
 official acts, I shall regard it as vested in the President of the 
 United States. 
 
6 
 
 The preservation of the Government is the highest duty of 
 those charged ■with its administration, and the personal liberty 
 of the individiKil is only to be regarded when compatible with 
 its safety. Tliat the citizen should have the right fairly to 
 discuss public measures is true. That the people should be 
 permitted peaceably to assemble and petition for a redress of 
 grievances is undeniable. But there is a wide difference be- 
 tween the exercise of this right and the disloyal opposition 
 which proceeds from sympathy with a public enemy. The 
 former supposes that all parties are well affected towards the 
 common Government, and differ only as to the mode of its ad- 
 ministration. The latter is based upon hostility to existing 
 institutions and aims at their forcible subversion. The idea, 
 that the Government is bound to await the development of a 
 conspiracy until the actors shall have perfected their plans 
 and committed some overt act necessary to bring them within 
 the technical definition of treason, is, to my mind, absurd. The 
 object is not punishment but prevention. That the power is 
 liable to abuse is true ; all discretionary powers, necessarily, are 
 so. To decide against its existence because it is capable of 
 excess would destroy all human government. The best mode 
 to avoid liability to arrest is to be faithful. No man who 
 is truly and unequivocally loyal has ever been in danger of 
 being molested by the National Government. 
 
 Still it is possible that arrests may be improperly and unad- 
 visedly made ; and while it is my duty to co-operate with the 
 General Government in the maintenance of its authorit}'-, I 
 Avill at the same time, to the extent of my power, protect 
 peaceable and loyal citizens, whatever may be their political 
 sentiments. While, however, such is my purpose in relation 
 to them, it is also my duty to take care that the State of Dela- 
 ware shall not be made the refuge of foreign traitors or do- 
 mestic conspirators. 
 
 That there has been from the beginning of the rebellion, a 
 considerable number of our people ready to participate in armed 
 resistance to the lawful authorities, whenever a fair oppor- 
 tunity should occur, I have no doubt. Sympathy with the 
 Southern States in insurrection, is sympathy with the over- 
 throw of the National Government. No man can hear with 
 gratification of a reverse to our arms who is not, at heart, a 
 traitor. 
 
 My predecessor, in an ofiicial communication, expressed the 
 opinion that "a majority of our citizens, if n<)t in all of our 
 counties, at least in the two lower ones, sympathize with the 
 South." Without admitting the correctness of his estimate of 
 
numbers, I do not doubt of the existence of wide-spread dis- 
 affection. That there has been no outbreak here is the residt 
 of Avant of opportunity. It is the duty of the Executive not 
 only of the United States, but of this State, to take care that 
 no opportunity shall be afforded. If to secure the public 
 peace, arid to prevent insurrection, it becomes necessary to 
 arrest any individual within this State, whether he be a citizen 
 or a non-resident, I will not only assent to the act, but will 
 maintain it. 
 
 Invested by the Constitution with no power of veto or re- 
 view of the action of the Legislature, the Governor ha,s a 
 general control over the operation of criminal enactments, and 
 such control I will exercise to its uttermost extent to protect 
 any person acting under the authority of the President of the 
 United States, or any citizen aiding such person in bringing 
 to light any conspiracy, or in arresting any one guilty of dis- 
 loyal practices or treasonable designs against the Government. 
 
 I shall issue my proclamation in conformity with these views, 
 giving to the people of the State of Delaware information of 
 my intended action. 
 
 William Cannon. 
 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF DELAWARE. 
 
 In a special Message, communicated to the General Assembly 
 on the third day of March instant, I informed that body of my 
 purpose to issue my Proclamation in relation to the Act en- 
 titled "An Act to prevent illegal arrests in this State," and 
 therein briefly set forth the reasons which impelled me to this 
 conclusion. 
 
 Its provisions are at variance with the interest of the State 
 — calculated to lessen the estimation in which her people are 
 held, as faithful to the Government of the United States — to 
 embolden those who sympathize with rebellion and to dis- 
 courage loyal men from the performance of their duty in dis- 
 covering and thwarting the designs of the emissaries of treason. 
 To the end therefore that the evil operation of the enactment 
 may be averted, and loyal citizens may feel secure in their 
 efforts atrainst foreign traitors and domestic conspirators: 
 
 I, WILLIAM CANNON, Governor of the State of 
 Delaware, do, by this my Proclamation, enjoin ui)on the 
 good people of this State, that they hold true allegiance to the 
 Government of the United States as paramount to the State uf 
 Delaware, and that they obey the constituted authorities 
 
8 
 
 thereof before the Legislature of the State of Delaware or any 
 otiier human authority ■whatsoever. 
 
 I further enjoin, that they he vigilant in detecting any con- 
 spiracy against the National Government, and diligent in pre- 
 venting aid and comfort to the public enemy — that they 
 promptly assist the National magistracy ■whenever invoked, 
 and that they freely communicate any information which may 
 the better enable it to prevent or suppress insurrection or to 
 intercept supplies designed for those in arms against its au- 
 thority ; and any one so acting, I Avill save harmless from the 
 operation of the Statute aforesaid or of any other Statute of 
 like nature, that may be enacted, so far as it shall be at- 
 tempted to be enforced against him for faithfully discharging 
 his duty to his country. 
 
 , — ^■- — , In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 
 j ^ \ and caused the Great Seal of the said State to 
 
 \ ■ ■ j be affixed at Dover this eleventh day of March, 
 ^— v--^ in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
 dred and sixty-three, and of the Independence 
 of said State the eighty-seventh. 
 
 WILLIAM CANNON. 
 Bj the Governor, 
 N. B. Smithers, 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 AN ARGUMENT FROM AN OLD DEMOCRAT. 
 
 We find the following letter, from an old Democrat, in the 
 Washington Chronicle. It meets the question of the rebellion 
 so fairly that we think it worthy of reproduction : 
 
 As to our public affairs, I can well imagine that any one in 
 H, foreign land, who should read the accounts of our military 
 failures, and the speeches of semi-traitors in Congress and else- 
 where, might despair of success in our contest with rebellion ; 
 but I have not lost "one jot of heart or hope." Just see how 
 we stand. It is almost amazing that with few decided victories, 
 several apparently disastrous defeats, and many repulses, the 
 Union cause has all the time made, like the moving glacier, a 
 slow but resistless advance. Contrast our situation with that 
 of the rebels. AVc have gained nearly all of Tennessee, sub- 
 stantially all of Kentucky, Missouri, and INIaryhind, a great 
 part of Virginia, Louisiana, and Florida, and have impregnable 
 
9 
 
 positions in Arkansas, Mississippi, North and South Carolina. 
 Marj'land and Missouri are at this moincnt as loyal as Vermont. 
 The people of the loyal States were never rielier in all llic ele- 
 ments ot -wealth and prosperity. Ph'ntiful crops have rewarded 
 the husbandman ; mechanics and artisans find full employment 
 at fair Av ages ; commerce is wonderfully active, and manufac- 
 tories declare unexampled dividends. Many articles of neces- 
 sity and luxury are somewhat varied in price, but so slightly 
 that the difference in the cost of living is hardly noticed ; while 
 employment for the laboring classes has been so steady and re- 
 munerative, that our poorhouscs have never contained so few 
 inmates as during the past two years, and no complaint of 
 "hard times" comes from any of our cities. "With the rebels, 
 the prices show that the direst destitution prevails in every- 
 thing but the coarsest food and clothing, and even these are at 
 prices that place them almost beyond the reach of the poor. 
 
 I copied a few days ago the following prices at Mobile, and 
 they are no less at Richmond : flour $oO to $50 a barrel ; tea 
 ^12 to $15 per lb. ; coffee $3 to $5 per lb. ; molasses §5 a gal- 
 lon ; potatoes $3 to $4 a bushel ; poor tallow candles oO cents 
 a piece ; salt 65 cents per lb. ; flannel $10 a yard ; shoes $15 
 to $25 a pair ; boots $50 to $65 a pair ; soap $1 25 per lb. ; 
 spool cotton thread $1 25 a spool ; kerosene oil $20 a gallon, 
 and other articles in proportion. These are but samples of 
 the lowest prices for the necessaries of life in unhappy Secessia, 
 and as the cost has increased, the ability of tiie impoverished 
 inhabitants to pay has diminished. I should honor the persis- 
 tent spirit of the rebels under great privation, if it were not 
 exhibited in such an infamous cause ; but human endurance 
 cannot sustain want and calamity forever. With all their 
 successes, distress and ruin draw nearer and nearer to their 
 households, and after every victory they have gained, the fruits 
 of victory seem to have melted in their grasp. It is enough to 
 fill us with wonder and awe, for never was the hand of the 
 Almighty more visibly shown than in this war. I have been 
 all my adult life a pro-slavery Democrat ; not in favor of the 
 " institution" j:;er se, but willing to let it alone, or even extend 
 it, so far as the Constitution would allow it to be done. I now 
 know that God has permitted our defeats as the wisest, surest 
 way to burst the bonds of the slave, and let the eternal sun- 
 shine of freedom gild all our land. Had we been decidedly 
 successful in any of our great battles, and brought the rebels 
 at once to submission, the revolted States would have como 
 back with slavery unimpaired and probably even strength- 
 ened. And see how uear to a great victory we have been iu 
 
10 
 
 every great defeat, and what apparently trivial causes produced 
 them all. At the first battle of Bull Run, a causeless panic 
 after the enemy had commenced retreating ; at the battle of 
 Fair Oaks, the failure to push on when we had in effect won 
 the field ; at Antietam, by previously placing in command of 
 the heights at Harper's Ferry, an ass and a traitor, who basely 
 surrendered eleven thousand men and a strong position, with- 
 out a fight, and by the subsequent failure to improve the 
 advantages won at Antietam ; at the second Bull Run, the re- 
 treat of our forces from Thoroughfare Gap at double quick, on 
 the 28th of August, not having seen an enemy, but having fired 
 furiously at nothing till our commander became panic-stricken 
 at the sound of his own cannon ; the subsequent unopposed 
 passage of Longstreet and all his forces, on the 29th, through 
 the Gap which two thousand men should hold against the world ; 
 his junction with Jackson in time to defeat us, with the aid of 
 Fitz John Porter's inaction, on the SOtli ; at Fredericksburg, 
 the failure of the pontoons to arrive in season. And yet every 
 defeat struck a link from the fetters of the slave, and without 
 every one of them the President's proclamation of freedom 
 would not have been issued. Saving the noble blood that was 
 i^hed upon the Union side, every battle was seemingly lost by 
 all these defeats ; but after each the voice of the slave was 
 heard, at first like a faint echo, but now loud and clear above 
 the din of arms. A short time ago the idea of enlisting negro 
 eoldiers was derided. Now we have several regiments of them, 
 Bnd their SAvarthy forms , are thought to harmonize well with 
 the smoke of battle. Our apparent disasters were fraught 
 with a purpose of Infinite Wisdom, for whenever before did 
 defeat bring strength, and victory weakness ? 
 
 We have heretofore looked with some anxiety for the de- 
 velopment of European opinion and policy in this contest. That 
 anxiety exists no longer. Like the young lion in the fable, 
 we have found out that we are strong, and we no more dread 
 intervention or hostility. Within less than two years we have 
 brought into the field upwards of twelve hundred and thirty 
 thousand men, perfectly armed and equipped ; and we have now 
 an army such as the world never saw before, with a navy equal 
 to any on earth. Our small arms, artillery, mortars, and Dahl- 
 grens almost defy enumeration. Yet all this warlike force and 
 enginery has been brought into being without extraordinary 
 effort, and the expense has scarcely touched the National re- 
 sources. We have a reserve, constantly increasing, of more 
 than eight hundred millions of dollars in specie in the country, 
 and our finances have been managed with such ability by Mr. 
 
11 
 
 Chase, that confidence in our pultlic securities is vastly greater 
 tlian at the close of Mr, Buchanan's administration, and not a 
 murmur is heard against the National paper currency, which 
 passes as readily as gold ever did. It is also true that the 
 strong common sense and straightforward honesty of the Presi- 
 dent have proved a tower of strengtli with the people, and they 
 trust him and his policy. 
 
 As to the blockade, the representations made in Europe of 
 its ineffectiveness are the effusions of stupidity or malice. The 
 history of the world does not record another blockade equal in 
 rigorand effectiveness to that which nowseals up Southern ports. 
 Let Secessia speak for herself. Mr. Memmiiiger, the rebel 
 Secretary of the Treasury, in his recent report, states that the 
 whole amount of duties on foreign imports received in nearly 
 two years, is only about six hundred thousand dollars, or less 
 than the yearly income of many an English gentleman ! "With 
 a high tariff, is not this a ludicrous result, and does it show 
 that vessels with foreign cargoes easily elude the blockade? 
 While European sympathizers prate of the inefficiency of the 
 blockade, more honest rebeldora holds out in one hand a pair of 
 boots labeled $50, in the other a spool of cotton labeled 
 $1 50, and begs a pound of good tea for $15. If the blockade 
 were not effective beyond all precedent, would cotton sell at 
 Havana at seven hundred per cent, advance on the price at 
 Charleston or Savannah, a few hundred miles off — almost within 
 a day's sail ? It is certuMj possible for a vessel to pass in or 
 out of a harbor Avithout discovery, on a dark night, within a 
 hundred feet of a man-of-war ; but does that prove that block- 
 ading ships must be nearer than one hundred feet to each other 
 in order to have the blockade recognized as effective ? 
 
 SPEECH OF HON. DANIEL S. DICKINSON, 
 
 A life-long Democrat, but one Loyal to Ms Flag and Country. 
 
 Among the speakers on Washington's Birthday, in New York, 
 Feb. 22nd, was the Hon. Daniel S. Dickinson, "the old Demo- 
 cratic War-Horse," and a supporter of Breckinridge at the 
 last Presidential election. He now avows himself an uncom- 
 promising union man, opposed to all terms with rebels, in 
 favor of emancipation, and of employing negro soldiers. We 
 copy a portion of his speech. 
 
12 
 
 What shall the Empire State say ?v What shall the Empire 
 State do in tliis emergency? There is no half-way liouse — 
 there are no compromise measures here. There are two great 
 antagonisms, a government and a rebellion, a govei'nment at 
 Washington, a rebellion hatched in hell [cheers]. Where shall 
 she cast her potential voice? She has taken up her position 
 with the government which she helped to found, and of which 
 she sits empress crowning this mighty court. AVo say, the 
 Empire State shall say: War, uncompromising war [loud cheer- 
 ing], war to the knife [continued nhoering], until the rebellion 
 is put down [applause]. If a riot should arise in your city here, 
 would our friend, the Mayor, send out an ambassador of peace, 
 or would he send out the representatives of the law in their 
 majesty to crush it down to darkness and to dust? [Cheers.] 
 It is a question between the government and the rebellion. It 
 has been nothing else, it is nothing else, and it never will be 
 anything else ; and you may baptize it at the font of infidel 
 politics as often as you choose, and when it comes out the same 
 bastard of rebellion will be seen [hiughter and cheers]. But 
 it is feared by the politicians that some incidents may be drawn 
 in that may be uncomfortable. This reminds me of a trans- 
 migration philosopher who begged a man to desist from the 
 chastisement of a dog, for, he said he could recognize in its 
 howl the voice of a deceased friend. There are a great many 
 politicians, I think now, who the moment they hear slavery 
 crying, believe they hear the voice of a deceased friend [loud 
 laughter and applause]. Now, I have been one of those con- 
 servative people, not according to the modern doctrine of con- 
 servatism — for I was old-fashioned in my definition — but I was 
 for letting the institution of slavery entirelyalone to work out its 
 own problem under the guidance of a beneficent Providence — not 
 interfering with it in any shape or manner, but leaving it to 
 the localities where it existed, to be dealt with in their own 
 time and way. When they said, Constitution, I said, Con- 
 stitution." When they appealed to that as their shield, I 
 invoked its protection for them. When they said, Powder, I 
 said. Powder [applause]. And when they inquired, Wiio can 
 make war upon the Beast ? I said the American people [cheer- 
 ing]. I have had no anxieties upon this subject, except to 
 afford them the shield of the Constitution, so long as they 
 invoked it. But when they threw it away, when they resorted 
 to arms, I said then. Put them down by the Avhole power of the 
 Ameiican people [applause]. And I say so now [cheers]. 
 I was an old-fftshioned Democrat, as you may remember. I 
 am a Democrat now [applause] of the straightest sect. But a 
 
13 
 
 great many who were Abolitionists when I Avas a Democrat 
 — or tried to be if it paid well — now call me to account, and 
 say I am radical, very radical, indeed, and they are con- 
 servative. Well, I will admit tliey are conservative in one 
 sense, and only one, and that is not the etymological or tech- 
 nical sense, but it is the American sense, and that is, opposed 
 to the Government and all its institutions and interests [;ip- 
 plause]. They say I am radical. I a<]mit I am radical, if this 
 is radicalism ; if they intend by this that I am for niakino; this 
 cure complete, and thoiough, and effectual, then I am radical, 
 for, being fairly in, I have an idea to sec this war fairly out. 
 The question of Emancipation has become one of the questions 
 of the day. It cannot be blinked any longer; and I have 
 no disposition to get around it. 1 will meet it as I have always 
 met questions. Many of you thought I ^\as on the wrong side ; 
 but I always took one side. I never took both sides of any 
 question [laughter and cheers]. I took the side of letting this 
 question entirely alone, so long as they appealed to the Consti- 
 tution ; when they threw that away, and repudiated it, I said 
 as I say now — and I want the reporters to be sure to get me 
 down — I speak for the benefit of political snenks generally 
 [cheering] — I say that the only safe-guard of slavery was the 
 recognition of the Constitution ; that the opinion of the woidd 
 is against it; all the instincts of humanity and religion are 
 against it ; tlie advance of civilization is against it ; the interests 
 — cfforal, material, commercial and religious — of the country 
 are all against it; and while I would prosecute the war solely 
 and entirely for the purpose of putting down this rebcllTon, if 
 slavery happens to go along with it, i will hold up both my 
 hands and cry amen to putting them both down [great applause]. 
 
 LESSONS OF THE PAST-SHALL WE HEED THEM, 
 
 A WORD OF WARNING TO ALL LOYAL MEN, WHIGS, DEMOCRATS, 
 
 REPUBLICANS, OR AVIIATEVER YOUR PARTY NAME HAS 
 
 BEEN, TO UNITE IN SOLEMN LEAGUE TO CRUSH 
 
 THE DISUNIONISTS. 
 
 Three years ago there was as little prospect that our coun- 
 try would be in its present condiiion as there is now that three 
 years hence we shall be taking our hats oiT to a military despot. 
 
14 
 
 There were, to be sure, Southern men who had for years 
 avowed the hateful doctrine of secession, hut it seemed too ab- 
 surd to be seriously contemplated. Nobody conceived that 
 the high functionaries of the Government would basely betray 
 the confidence of the people, and while we were flattering our- 
 selves that the sullen spirit of revolt would not dare to exalt 
 itself against the national arm, that arm itself was supporting 
 rebellion and giving it the most formidable attitude. When at 
 length all doubt of the design of the insurgents to sacrifice the 
 life of the country upon the altar of a reckless ambition was 
 dispelled, it was supposed that a summer campaign of a few 
 thousand soldiers would bring them to terms and all things 
 would fall back into the old routine. But we were too fast. 
 The war soon assumed a terrific magnitude, and now the nation 
 reels under the shock. We plainly see that we handled the 
 plotters of secession too gingerly. We gave them either too 
 much or too little rope — Old Hickory would say too little. We 
 allowed our unprincipled politicians to dally with them for per- 
 sonal or party ends, at the expense of the loyal and patriotic 
 feeling of the country, and we are now reaping the conse- 
 quences. 
 
 We are at this moment in a position to profit by this dear- 
 bought experience. There are two contending forces in the 
 field — the conservative force or Union men, bent upon uphold- 
 ing the government because it is the government, and the de- 
 structive force or disloyal men, who are bent upon subverting 
 it. To one or the other of these forces every citizen is lending 
 his influence. In the nature of the case there can be no such 
 thing as neutrality on a foot of American soil. Those who are 
 not for the government are against it, and should be so regarded 
 in all our estimates of character and strength. In our cities, 
 and indeed throughout the loyal States, there are those who 
 vilify the government and denounce its measures, counseling 
 open or secret resistance to its authority. Loyal people are 
 disposed to flatter themselves that no harm will come from it ; 
 these " copperheads," as they call them, will bluster and 
 threaten for a little while, and then wriggle themselves out of 
 sight. Past experience ought to teach us better. A few hun- 
 dred men, meeting together here and there, to be harangued 
 by unprincipled demagogues, may not be regarded with much 
 apprehension. But their ignorance is imposed upon, their 
 worst passions are inflamed, they are imbued with a spirit of 
 violence and misrule, and are prepared to act their part when 
 the plot is sufficiently ripened to need their services. Are we 
 wise to look upon such influences with indiflexcnce ? If no 
 
15 
 
 other defence is practicable or safe, can we not bring public 
 opinion to our aid, and make disloyalty as discreditable as it 
 is mischievous ? 
 
 One tiling is clear : the only way of accomplishing th« 
 avowed purposes of disunionists is by revolution. The Jacobin 
 doctrines that have been avowed with such effronetry of late 
 contemplate nothing but this ; and the oidy course that can 
 prevent their culminating in deadly conflict in our streets is the 
 force of public opinion. Let these revolutionary doctrinen 
 spread and t!ie North will become the theati'O of bloody strife, 
 terminating in irretrievable ruin. If true Union men all over 
 the country combine to support the Government, because it is 
 the Government, rather than encounter the hoi-rors of anarcliy, 
 or the equal horrors of an oligarchy with negro slavery for its 
 corner-stone, disloyalty Avill disappear like the morning cloud 
 and the early dew. There is more than loyalty enough in the 
 country to save it, if it can but be concentrated. But in the 
 absence of such concentration the spirit of disunion will grow 
 and spread, and increase in audacity, till, like secession itself, 
 it becomes too formidable for any moral power to cope with it. 
 And then we shall witness scenes the mere description of which, 
 in the annals of revolutionary France, chills the blood. We 
 shall then wonder that, forewarned, we did not forearm our- 
 selves, and by a timely rally everywhere of such as are true to 
 the national banner, put to shame and silence its enemies and 
 traducers. Let 'the loyal sentiment of the country be fairly 
 represented, as it is beginning to be, and the disciples of seces- 
 sion, of every stripe, would soon become as rare, north of Dixie, 
 as frogs, toads, and snakes are in old Ireland. 
 
 THE AEMY AND THE COPPERHEADS. 
 
 A Voice from the One Hundred and Forty-nintli Pennsylvania Bucktails, ea- 
 camped near Belle Plain, Virginia. 
 
 Whereas, There is being nourished and encouraged among 
 a certain class of politicians in the North a sentiment of oppo- 
 sition to the Administration ; and, 
 
 Whereas, This sentiment and such a course as those who 
 adhere to it are pursuing, is, at this critical juncture, nothing 
 less than treachery to the Crovernmcnt and intended encourage- 
 ment to covert traitors in our front ; Therefore, 
 
 Resolved, That we hold a cordial support and quick obedi- 
 ence to the Administration to be the first duty of all, and the 
 only doorway out of these troublous times ; therefore, we 
 
16 
 
 earnestly entreat all citizens and all soldiers to support 
 heartily and obey with alacrity all laws and orders coining 
 from those charged Avith the adininistriition of our Government. 
 
 Jtesolved, That we recognize the fearful struggle our country 
 is now engnged in, as a struggle of freedom against slavery, 
 riglit against wrong, of God against Satan; a7rd we Jiold those 
 who are against the Administration as against the Government, 
 against right, against the Constitution and the glorious liberties 
 cf which it is the guarantee, and we brand them as traitors, 
 while we assure them of our unmitigated hatred and contempt. 
 
 llesolved, That the Emancipation Proclamation and the Con- 
 scriptioa Act — those measures most odious to insidious peace 
 men. Copperheads, and traitors under other titles — meet with 
 our hearty approval, as measures dictated by the best adminis- 
 trative wisdom and firmness, for the honest purpose and in the 
 earnest effort to suppress rebellion, and save to posterity our 
 noble Republican Government. 
 
 Resolved, That the lying reports spread broadcast through- 
 out the land, that the army of which we have the honor to 
 form a part is demoralized and clamoring for peace, are but 
 the base utterances of traitorous rogues, and do our gallant 
 comrades in the field the grossest injustice. 
 
 Resolved, That we are ready and Avilling to put forth every 
 effort, endure every species of hardship and fatigue — do any- 
 thing and everything required to suppress the accursed war 
 no^v being waged against us ; that we have the fullest confi- 
 dence in the present Administration and generals over us, and 
 particularly of the Head of the army, Avith which we are imme- 
 diarely connected. 
 
 Resolved, That tee ivill never give up the noble cause in 
 which we are noio engaged vntil, vnder the good guidance of 
 kind Providence, treason and rebellion shall be banished from 
 the Union of States, ivheii the old flag, doubly dear from its 
 double b'tptism in the best blood of our land, shall again wave 
 proudly ever all. 
 
 'J'hu above i-esolutions were offered to the One Hundred and 
 Forty-ninth Pennsylvania Bucktails, by Col. Walton Dwight, 
 commanding, at dress parade, March 18, and were unanimously 
 adopted by the rcg'ment. Speeches, appropriate and becoming 
 the times, were made by Col. Dwight, Capts. John E. John- 
 son, Brice H. Blair, E. S. Osborne, and others, the greatest 
 enthusiasm prevailing. The regiment, numbering 795, rank 
 and file, is eager for the decisive blow for the nation's honor 
 and freemen's vindication, at any peril of life or fortune. 
 D. Allkn, Sergeant-Major. 
 
 One Hundred and Foity-uintli Pennsylvania Vols. 
 
 «60 
 
CANNOT THE PEOPLE TAKE CARE OF THEMSELVES? 
 
 Who \mt Abruhii lit Liitcu/ii in tlu- oxcc-utivt- cIimh? 
 
 Was it not the peoi'LK of the United States V Was he not 
 constitutionally clceted by the votes of the PEOPi.i!;, to execute 
 the laws, and to sustain the dignity and power of the nation 
 for the term of four years? Is there another ruler ujjori the 
 globe that is so entirely the servant of the peoplk eni])lnycd 
 to do their will ? 
 
 Are not the Senators and Representatives in ('oiigre.-s the 
 delegates whom the people have appointed to protect and 
 promote their interests? Does not every individual in the 
 employment of the General Government — civil, military, and 
 naval, exercise an authority conferred on him by the people, 
 through their representatives and agents at Washington ? Is 
 not this very war in which Ave arc engaged, a war to uphold a 
 free people's government against despotism and ai-bitrary 
 power? AVould it have broken out if the people had not 
 elected a President to suit themselves ? 
 
 In a few months this President becomes a ])rivate citizen 
 again, and does any body suppose that the people who put him 
 there, and who will put his successor there when his term is out, 
 are meanwhile forging chains and fetters to gall themselves ? 
 
 If the people's President finds the muscU'S of his arm 
 strengthened for the fierce conflict in which he is called to lead, 
 is it not the spirit of the people that strengthens it ? 
 
 Who does not know and feel that our danger lies in the 
 opposite direction ? Who so likely to have an iron heel as 
 those that seek to defeat the will of the people, and to establish 
 themselves upon the ruins of a free government ? 
 
 Let any honest, fair-minded citizen look at the three con- 
 spicuous objects now in the field of our vision, and say which is 
 most agreeable to the eye of a true American. There is 
 
 1. The party of Southern slaveholders and aristocrats who 
 have staked their all upon the destruction of our Constitution 
 and Government. 
 
 2. There are base and truckling sympathizers at the North, 
 who prate about Federal encroachments, and cajole their 
 disciples with discourses on the peril of State Rights, but 
 have no word of cheer for soldiers and sailors who are giving 
 their hearts' blood to save these very men from the horrors of 
 anarchy ! And 
 
 3. We see the great body of the people in twenty-four of 
 our sovereign States animated with a true patriotism, and de- 
 termined to protect the Government of the United States in all 
 its prerogatives, and the territory of the United States in all its 
 integrity. Let us never forget that our nation has no life apart 
 from its Constitutional Government. 
 
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