■4. a\ «^*. -^ - - •*• 
 
 
 
 
 
 a5^<<v 
 
 
-^^0^ 
 
 -n^o^ 
 
 
 
 
 v-^' 
 
 •••* ^o 
 
 
 *bv" 
 
 VAO' 
 
 
 ^^9^ 
 
 
 • "Jt 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . * Ci 
 
 
 7» y\. 
 
 
^■fi^'L.- I U ^76^^-- ^:^^J^^ .., ^.^ /^^. 
 
 liiT 
 
 SPEECHES 
 
 MR. ROSS AND MR. MORRIS, 
 
 DKL\v'f;RFr» 
 
 •I^ THE SENATT^ OV THE ITlsPTED STATES.^ 
 
 rmJK.^DyfY. VTTK 94.'.'; or Ff.B7^U.!Ry. SSOS.; 
 
 \fT? Rr,eq,3 RESOLUTIONS 
 
 OKR laCHT or DEPOStfl? >VITHIN THE SPANISH TKRRITORIES. 
 
 PHILADELriUA : 
 
 ^ ■ ■ 
 
 . ..KONSOJI b* caAU«'CEY, AT THE OF: 
 2ETTJB Ot-THE UNltfeD STATE*. 
 1 803. 
 
.Kb I 
 
 no3 
 
THE 
 
 SPEECHES 
 
 OF 
 
 MR. ROSS AND MR. MORRIS, 
 
 &c. 
 
 On the 1 6th of Feb. 1803, Mr. Rofs, after a very- 
 able introduftory fpeech, which has already been pubHfhed 
 in mod of the gazettes, fubmitted to the fenate of the United 
 States the following 
 
 RESOLUTIONS, 
 
 Refohed, That the United States of America have an indif- 
 putable right to the free navigation of the river MiiTiflippi, and 
 to a convenient depofit for their produce and merchandize in 
 the ifland of New- Orleans : 
 
 That the late infraction of fuch their unqueflionable right 
 is an aggreffion, hoflile to their honour and intercft : 
 
 That it does not confifl with the dignity or fafety of this 
 union to hold a right fo important by a tenure fo uncertain : 
 
 That it materially concerns fuch of the American citizens 
 as dwell on the weflern waters, and is elTential to the union, 
 ftrength, and profperity of thefe ftates, that they obtain com- 
 plete fecurity for the full and peaceable enjoyment of fuch their 
 abfolute right : 
 
 That the Prefident be authorifed to take immediate pof- 
 feflion of fome place or places, in the faid ifland, or the ad- 
 jacent territories, fit and convenient for the purpofes aforefaid, 
 
and to adopt fuch meafures for obtaining that complete fecurity, 
 as to him, in his wifdom, fhall feem meet : 
 
 That he be authorif.^d to call into actual fervice any num- 
 ber of the militia of the dates of South Carolina, Georgia, 
 Tenneflee, Ki:'ntucky, and Ohio, and the Mifliffippi territory, 
 which he may think proper not exceeding 50,000, and 'o em- 
 ploy them, together with the naval and military force of the 
 union, for effefting the object above mentioned, and that the 
 fum of five mill'ons of dollars be appropriated to the carrying 
 into eifeifl the foregoing refolutions, and that the whole or any 
 part of that fum be paid or applied on warrants drawn in pur- 
 fuance of fuch direflions as the Prefident may from time to time 
 think proper to give to the fecretary of the treafury. 
 
 On the 21^6, the refolutions were taken into confideration, 
 and feveral fenators delivered their fentiments upon the fubjeft. 
 
 On the 24th, after Mr. Wright, of Maryland^ had made 
 a very long fpeech in oppofition to the refolutions, 
 
 Mr. ROSS 
 
 J-ofe and fpoke in fubftance as follows : 
 
 He faid that the propriety of introducing thefe refolutions 
 became every day more apparent. — Since they had been laid 
 on the table, our national councils had taken a new direction, 
 and had aflumed a much. more promifmg afpeft. — Until thefe 
 refolutions were brought forward, there had been no military 
 preparation ; — No propofal to detach militia ; — to build arfe- 
 nals on the weftern waters j — to provide armed boats for the 
 proteiftion of our trade on the MiffiHippi. — He was happy in 
 feeing gentlemen on the oppofite fide, purfuing a more vigo- 
 rous courfe than they were at firfl inclined to adopt, and he 
 hoped they would, before long, confent to take flronger and 
 more eifeflual meafures for the fecurity of what was in hazard. 
 
 As he had, on a late occafion, flated at large his reafons for 
 prefenting the refolutions, he would not detain the fenate with 
 a repetition of them, except where they had been raifrepre- 
 fented or diftorted during the debate. — He could not fuppofe 
 that any gentlemen would intentionally miftate what had been 
 faid ; but it was very certain that fentiments and aifertions had 
 been afcribed to him, in the courfe of the difcuffion, not 
 warranted by any thing he had advanced. 
 
Every gentleman who has fpoken in this debate, excepting 
 the honourable gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wright) ad- 
 mits that the United States have an indifputable right to the 
 free navigation of the river Miffiflippi, and to a place of de- 
 pofit in the ifland of New-Orleans. — All agree that this right 
 is of immenfe magnitude and importance to the weftern coun- 
 try. — All agree that it has been grofsly and wantonly violated 
 — And all agree, that unlefs the right be reftored and fecured, 
 we mud and will go to war. — Upon what then do we really 
 differ ^ Upon nothing but the time of afling. — Whether we 
 fhall take raeafures for immediate refloration and fecurity, or 
 whether we fliall abftain from all m^ilitary preparation, and 
 wait the iffue of negociation. There is no difagreement but 
 upon this point ; for if negociation fails, every man who has 
 fpoken has pledged himfelf to declare war. 
 
 A number of the objeftions made againfi: the adoption of 
 meafures we have propofed, deferve to be noticed. 
 
 The honourable gentleman from New York (Mr. Clinton) 
 when compofing his fpeech, had made an elaborate refearch in- 
 to ancient and modern hiftory, for the purpofe of fliewing what 
 had been the praftice of nations. — He had collefted all the ob- 
 jections together and claffed them under three heads. — Other 
 gentlemen who had fpoken in oppofition had taken nearly the 
 fame ground, and made in fubflance the fame objeftions : He 
 would, therefore, follow the arrangement made by the honour- 
 able gentleman (Mr. Clinton) and he was perfuaded that it 
 would be eafy to fliew, he had in many infliances miflaken the 
 mod material features of the authorities he had adduced, and 
 more than once miftated the pofitions which he undertook to 
 refute. — He has, however, admitted the magnitude of the 
 right, that it has been violated, and that if negociation fliould 
 fail we muft go to war. — He has made objeftions under three 
 heads. 
 
 1. The infraction may be unauthorifed. 
 
 2. Negociation ought, in all cafes, to precede the employ- 
 ment of force. 
 
 3. Reafons of policy diiTuade from ufmg force at prefent, 
 evenfuppofmg we havejuft caufe of immediate war. 
 
 The firfl objection had alreadv been amply refuted by the 
 gentleman from New-Jerfey (Mr. Dayton) the gentleman from 
 Malfachufetts (Mr. J. Mafon) and the gentleman from Dela- 
 
ware (Mr. White.) He would only further remark, that whe- 
 ther authorifed or not, is not now very material. — If authori- 
 fed, the temper the defignmufl certainly be that of an enemy, 
 and you ihould aft accordingly. — If unauthorifed ; feize the 
 culprit and fend him home to his mafler, who will punilh him 
 for a breach of duty — Let him anfwer with his head for em- 
 broiling two friendly nations who wifli to live in peace. — Why 
 wait till yoa can fend three thoufand miles and enquire whether 
 he had orders or not ? — He is vifibly a wrongdoer : remove 
 him, and proteft what he would wreft from you. — No man 
 when proceeding on the highway to market, and flopped by 
 his neighbour's fervant, would fend out into the country to 
 enquire whether his mafter had aurhorifcd the outrage. — ^'o, 
 he would punidi and remove the aggreffor and proceed on his 
 journey, leaving the circnmftance of orders, or no orders to 
 be fettled between himfelf and the m liler afterwards. — Be- 
 fides, in this inftance, the perfon inflifting the injury declares 
 he has no right to the country, if fo. why make enquiry 
 whether he has orders ? No orders could give him authority 
 to interfere with your unqueftionable right, where his mafter 
 pretends to no right himfelf. 
 
 Under this head of aggreffion and fpoliation, the fenator 
 from New-York (Mr. C.) in a tone and manner little deco- 
 rous in debate, had declared it to be within his (Mr. R's) 
 knowledge, that indemnity had been provided by Spain for 
 the fpoliations committed upon our trade, and yet the affer- 
 tion had been made, that Spain had refused all redress for 
 injuries of that kind ; and the gentleman alluded to documents 
 before thefenate which were under the injunction of secrecy. 
 
 Sir, faid Mr R. I have fcen thofe documents, and I now 
 repeat and re-affert, that I know nothing to warrant the 
 opinion or belief that Spain will make compenfation for all 
 fpoliations of our merchants, or for the greater part or mafs 
 of them. — I certainly never did fay that Spain had refufed all 
 redrefs ; for it will be recollefted by all prefent, that I ex- 
 prefsly ftated, the other day- the injuries done to us by the 
 Spaniards themselves in every place they had found our flag — 
 and that our 'uefflls were carried into their ports by French 
 cndfers, condemned witboui the femblance of ei trial, and our 
 citizens thrown into ptifon. — That if we took poiTeffion of the 
 country on the MifTilTippi we Ihould have an ample fund in our 
 
 ^^fef%' 
 
hands to compensate all our merchants who had fuffered 
 from the condud of the Spaniards : — That the merchants 
 would willingly accept fuch an advantageous offer : — and 
 that otherwise there was no reafon to hope that they would 
 all be indemmjied : and I now return to that gentleman his own 
 words, that he does know, and muft be fenfible, from the 
 very documents he has alluded to, that there is little if any 
 hope that the great body of injuries and loffes fustained by 
 our merchants from the Spaniards in different quarters of the 
 world, and the conduft of the French in Spanifh ports will 
 ever be compensated or paid by Spain, unlefs in the mode 
 that I had fuggested. 
 
 The fame gentleman had faid, that we have no fafts refpect- 
 ing Spanifti fpoliation authenticated and reported to us, and 
 offers this as a further reafon for delay and negotiation. — The 
 facts of fpoliation, and vexatious, opprcffive conduct towards 
 our merchants, and feamen, as well on the fea as within the 
 jurisdiftion of the Spanifti government, both in Europe and 
 America, were fo notorious and of fuch extent and continu- 
 ance, that no man could doubt, or deny the aggravated feries 
 of outrage and oppreffion which we had experienced. — 
 Although the executive, or other officers of government may 
 not have collected and reported thefe complaints to this house, 
 yet this forms no excuse for the aggreffors, much lefs a rea- 
 fon why we should abftain from giving attention to them 
 while confidering indignities of another defcription. But, 
 that the gentleman might never again be able to fay that 
 he had met with no authenticated cafe of fpoliation by the 
 Spaniards, he would now produce and read one to the fenate, 
 which had been delivered to him for the purpofe of obtaining 
 the aid of our government to get reparation. — The men who 
 had been robbed were induftrious inhabitants of the weliern 
 country, who lived near PittftDurgh. — • hey defcended the 
 Miffiffippi with a cargo of flour, and finding but a low mar- 
 ket at New-Orleans, fliipped their flour on board of an Ame- 
 rican veffel, and after being two or three days at fea, were 
 taken by Spanifti veffels, carried into Campeachy, their flour 
 fold, their captain cast into prifon, themfeives reftrained of 
 their liberty ; feveral died in this captivity ; and thofe who 
 returned home had no allowance made to them by the Spa- 
 niards for their property thus unjuftly captured, and of courfc 
 
they only returned to witnefs the ruin of their families by a 
 lofs of property which they had not the means of paying for, 
 having purchafed on credit. There could be no excufe for 
 the capture ; thefe men lived in the interior country, they 
 were cleared out from a Spanilli port, in an American veflel : 
 yet all thefe circumflances could not fave them from the rapa- 
 city of the Spaniards. 
 
 [Here Mr. R. read the protefl of feveral American citizens 
 before Mr. Morton, the American conful at Havannah, dating 
 the capture of their veflel, their captivity at Campeachy, 
 the lofs of all their property, and that they lived in the weft- 
 ern country, from which they had gone down the Ohio wit^ 
 this flour to New Orleans.] 
 
 Mr. R. faid here was a cafe of prodigious hardfliip and 
 oppreflion arifmg out of the very trade and intercourfe which 
 the Spaniards had at laft undertaken to obftruft and deftroy ; 
 and therefore he thought it proper to be brought forward 
 during this difcuflion, to fliew the temper and the conduft of 
 thefe people towards us before they had proceeded to the laft 
 extremities. 
 
 The fecond objciH-ion taken by the gentleman from New- 
 York (Mr. C.) and indeed by all who had fpoken againft the 
 refolutions, amounted to this : — That every nation was bound 
 to demand fatisfaftion for an injury before it employed force 
 for redrefs ; and that a refufal of fatisfa^lion muft precede the 
 afe of force. 
 
 However humane or falutary the general principle might 
 be, certainly it did not hold univerfally, or to the extent that 
 gentleman contended. No book, no writer of authority, had 
 ever contended that this principle fliould operate when the 
 cflential rights, the well-being, or the peace of the country 
 were expofed to danger, and the rule had no application but 
 -to inferior or minor rights of the fociety, where delay and 
 negociation might be fafely reforted to. — No man could fay, 
 that this rule would hold where an army was marched to your 
 frontier or landed upon your territory ; or a fleet blockaded 
 your harbours, or demanded contribution from your feaports. 
 — '^uch cafes admitted not of negociation : the intention of 
 the afl^ailant was manifeft, the danger imminent, and immediate 
 ufe of force and hoiiility unavoidable by the mod peaceable 
 nation. — It would be faid that thefe were extreme cafes and 
 
formed exceptions to the general rule. — They certainly de- 
 monftrated that the rule was not fo general as gentlemen 
 contended for, and when the cafe at prefent under confidera- 
 tion is carefully examined it will be found among thofe effen- 
 tial and all important rights of the nation, which, when 
 attacked, immediate force ihould be employed to repel the 
 alTailant. In cafes of invafion, the mere poifeffion of a fmall 
 portion of your foil, is not the primary confideration ; you 
 are impreifed with the approach of further and more ferious 
 injury. The hoflile intention is manifefl:, the aft fuch as to 
 leave no doubt, and your right fuch as can never be abandon- 
 ed.— So here, though there be no actual aggreiTion within the 
 limits of your territory, yet you have a territorial right at- 
 tached to your foil conliituting its only value, which is direftly 
 attacked and deftroyed. Of what value is the territory when 
 ftripped of this right ? Where is your independence, where is 
 your fovereignty in that country without the unreftrained 
 exercife of this right ? Without it the mere foil is of no value. 
 It is an attribute infeparable from the fubflance. To attack it, 
 is to attack your very exiltence, for it is the great artery of 
 the weflern country, the circulation through which, when 
 flopped, endangers convulfion and political death. The de- 
 ftruftion of this right is a greater calamity, than a blockade 
 of a feaport, or even a landing on the Atlantic coaft. — The 
 mifchief is incurable. Can it then be faid when this vital part 
 of the nation is aifailed, you will wait for information of the 
 intent ? — You will enquire into the motives ^ You will not 
 employ force to refill the attack, although you may be un- 
 done before you can receive an anfwer ? You will hazard 
 convulfion and diff.lution, becaufe poiTibly the aggrelTor has 
 reafons for the outrage that you do not yet know ! — This 
 cannot be wife, it cannot be die courfe which national ho- 
 nour or fafety calls upon us to purfue ; becaufe you never 
 can abandon the rieht now^ denied aiid wreiled out of your 
 hands ; you can no m.ore abandon ir, than any other portion 
 of country within your territorial limits, when invaded by an 
 enemy.. 
 
 But in whofe favour is this delay a/ked ? Wiih whom are 
 you going to negociace foi ^paration of the injury ? Why 
 with thofe, who, by their ovv^n confeiTioUj have no right in the 
 country from which they exclude you. When you enquire 
 
 B 
 
10 
 
 of the court of Spain what has led them to this outrage, they 
 may reply, we know and care nothing about it ; that country 
 is no longer ours ; we have abandoned all claim to it, and 
 ordered our officers to withdraw. — The title is now in ano- 
 ther. Will this fatisfy you ? Will it rcdrefs the injury ? 
 Where will you go next .''Or how long will you wait for an 
 anfwer to the queftion of who turned us out of doors and 
 keeps us out ? You have the fame reafons for a fecond as for 
 the firft delay ; and in the meanwhile you are out of a6lual 
 pofTeffion ; the wrongdoer is in. 
 
 But, fir, we are triumphantly told, that it has been the 
 praftice of all civilized nations to negociate before they go to 
 war. Round alTertions, like general rules, are to be received 
 with exceptions and great allowance. I difpute the faft ; 
 although my argument does not need this kind of aid ; for I 
 am perfuaded there is no precedent of an independent nation 
 relying upon negociation alone, in fuch circumilances. If you 
 go to books, or to the example of other countries, you will find 
 no diftum of a writer, nor inftance of a flate, that will juftify 
 the courfe now held by gentlemen on the other fide. For 
 wherever the nation has been invaded, its vital interefts at- 
 tacked, its exiftence drawn into hazard, its effential rights 
 expofed to immediate deilru6tion, every writer and every 
 ftate will bear you out in reforting without delay, to the 
 ftrongefl means in your power for repelling the aggrefTor. 
 
 The conduct of the Romans has been more than once 
 mentioned — Their hiilory is handed down to us by themfelves, 
 and even in that we fliall too often find, that while their mini- 
 fters of peace were, affefting to demand reparation, the Con- 
 ful had advanced with his eagles to the frontier, and was 
 ready to enter the country where the negociation was pend- 
 ing ; we fliall find that they negociated often and long, when 
 it did not fuit them to commence an immediate attacic ; and 
 the negociations, efpecially when at a diilance, were protrac- 
 ted, until their armies had been recruited ; wars nearer home 
 ended ; and every thing ready to firike a decifive blow. — But 
 you have no instance of negociation without military prepara- 
 tion, where the Roman territory was invaded, or a Roman 
 treaty violated. 
 
 Leaving antiquity, the honourable gentleman (Mr. G.) has 
 ^idduccd and exiulled the example of England in modern times, 
 
 ■< . >>' 
 
11 
 
 and traced her through many fcenes both of negociation and 
 war. But he did not dwell upon her conduft in the begin- 
 ning of the war of 1756, when all the commerce of France 
 was deftroyed by a general fweep, without a previous decla- 
 ration of war ; and yet this was so certainly the cafe, that 
 the gentleman mufl well remember it formed a fubjefl: of 
 complaint, and was used to protraft the negotiation for a 
 general peace in 1763. — He has alfo forgotten their conduft 
 towards the Dutch during our revolutionary war ; and their 
 late armament againll the Danes. — His comments alfo upon 
 the conduft of their miniftry in 1762, were peculiarly unfor- 
 tunate, becaufe we know, that the nation was afterwards 
 a61-ually obliged to declare war againfl Spain, when fhe had 
 full notice of their intention, and time to prepare for the 
 attack ; whereas had war been waged when the hostility of 
 Spain and her fecret alliance with France, were firfl; afcertained, 
 they would have poflefTed prodigious advantages which were 
 lofl by ineffeftual negociation and delay. 
 
 I will not follow the gentleman to Nootka Sound, to the 
 Bay of Honduras, or the Mufquito Shore ; but I will at once 
 admit, that in cafes of minor rights, of fpoliation upon com- 
 merce in time of war, nay in all cafes that do not involve the 
 well-being, or national independence, negociation, and ami- 
 cable adjuflment Ihould be reforted to ; and demand of repa- 
 ration fhould precede adual hoflility. I will even fay, that were 
 the Spaniards to crofs the Miffiffippi at the Falls of St. Anthony 
 and build a fort on our fide of the river, place a garrifon in 
 it, and thus actually invade our territory ; in my opinion we 
 ought to negociate and demand explanations before we fent 
 troops to demoiilh the fort. Although the a.£t would juflify 
 the immediate ufe of force, yet the ilaiion is fo remote, and 
 of fo little importance in the ufe of it, that friendly means 
 might be fafely and wifely reforted to in the firft inflance. 
 
 Quitting Kurope, the gentleman exultingly appeals to the 
 ufages of our own country, in cafes which he alledges were 
 either fimilar to, or ftronger than the prefent. The name of 
 Washington is introduced to filence all further difpute on 
 this queflion ! ! ! — Sir, I reverence the authority of that great 
 man's official conduft. — He was the father of his country, 
 the terror of its enemies, and the ornament of human nature. 
 He is now gone to mix with the heroes and fages of other 
 
12 
 
 times and nations in a happier world ; but it was eafily forc- 
 feen that thofe who feldom agreed with him in his life, would 
 be the firll after his death, to fly for fhelter to his example, 
 when overtaken by calamity or misfortune ! That man led 
 the armies of this country to viftory — to independence. — 
 He knew better than any man the interefts, the feelings, the 
 difpofitions of the people. — He witnefled the origin and pro- 
 grefs of complaints on both fides refpe£ling the inexecution 
 of the treaty of peace between us and Great Britain. We 
 juftly reproached them with detention of the weftern pofts, and 
 their refufal to deliver our flaves, as ftipulated by treaty : — 
 They replied that we did not pay them our old debts. Thefe 
 difputes became the fubjeft of negociation, under the old 
 confederation, and we had a miniller in that country who 
 attempted an amicable adjuftment. When General Wash- 
 ington came to the head of our prefent government, he 
 fent another minifter to that country, and while he was en- 
 deavouring a peaceable accommodation, a florm broke out 
 in France, which foon fpread beyond its own boundaries, and 
 involved the neighbouring nations in war. The rulers of 
 France, wiiliing to engage us in their quarrel, fent a minifler 
 to this country with exprefs inftructions to embroil us, if pof- 
 fible, in this defolating war. Unfortunately that minifter 
 polTefled abilities and difpofition well adapted to fuch a mif- 
 fion. He landed in a part of our country remote from the 
 feat of government, and inftantly began to ilTue his commif- 
 fions to our citizens not only to equip privateers and plunder 
 the commerce of nations with whom we were at peace, but 
 to inlifi; men and raife a military force wiihin the United 
 States, for the purpofe of attacking the pofTeffions of Spain 
 in Florida. He travelled onward from Charlefton towards the 
 feat of government, making profelytes as he advanced, and 
 gaining new adherents at every (lep of his journey. He was 
 received with acclamations of the liveliefh joy in the capital 
 city of this country, and after employing all the foothing arts 
 of fraternization, civic feafts, and publick fpcftacle, he pro- 
 ceeded, as before, with his commifTions, and actually infilled 
 upon and exercifed the right of bringing into our ports and 
 felling prizes taken from nations u'ith whom v/e were at peace. 
 This minifler had the addrefs to feduce many of our citizens 
 to inlifi under his banner ; and but too many, even of our 
 
 «»v# 
 
13 
 
 refpeftable men in high employment, applauded his conduft 
 and gave his meafiires a countenance they did not deferve. 
 AH ranks fecmed pleafed with the zeal and the boldnefs of 
 the min.fter's mind, and an union of this country with France 
 in the war feemed inevitable, as no effeflual fleps had been 
 taken to reftrain this wild, extravagant condition of things 
 among us. I mention not thefe events with a wifli to hurt 
 the fenfibility of any one, for I know that this country was 
 then without experience ; we had never before been in the 
 relation of neutrality towards powers at war, and we enter- 
 tained a lively affeftion for France, becaufe fhe had aided us 
 in the revolution war, and was then, as we thought, con- 
 tending for liberty herfelf. The refpe£lable men who, 
 led away by their feelings, joined in the phrenzy of that 
 time, would not now difplay I'uch opinions, or enter upon any 
 publick aft to commit or endanger the peace and honed nu- 
 trality of their country. 
 
 Very unfortunately, however, we had then here a minifter 
 from Great Britain who was but little inclined to promote 
 good underiianding, and who probably tranfmitted difcoloured 
 accounts of all that paiTed from day to day. Things were 
 fufficiently wrong without any exaggeration of their enormity. 
 When thefe accounts reached England, was it wonderful 
 that they confidered war as begun ? Was it ftrange that they 
 fhould count upon hoflility, when the ads of the people af- 
 fumed but one complexion ; when the government had not 
 taken means to do juflice and prevent fuch injuftice ; 
 where their (hips were fold by their enemies and every indig- 
 nity put upon their fubjefts ? Hence we may trace the orders 
 for fpoliations ; Hence the talk of Lord Dorchtfter to the 
 Indians, and the other aggreffions on the weftern frontier, which, 
 however unjuftifiable, were not altogether without provoca- 
 tion. 
 
 In the meanwhile, the French minifter increafed in his ac- 
 tivity and boldnefs of enrerprife, under the very eye of our 
 government ; he multiplied his complaints againft the execu- 
 tive, and his careifes and profeffions upon the people, until 
 at laft, confident in his numbers and fupport, he fet the prefi- 
 dent at defiance, and threatened an appeal to the people. At 
 that awful crifis of delufion, Washington came forward, 
 Mofes like, and put hirafelf in the gap between the peftilence 
 
14 
 
 and the people. — He demanded the mlnifter's recal ; he was 
 recalled — He arrefted the hands of our citizens who were 
 armed to plunder in time of peace — He enforced the obferva- 
 tion of the rules of juflice and neutrality. When thefe things 
 became known in England, they produced a revocation of the 
 orders to plunder our merchants. But the havoc and de- 
 ftruftion had been dreadful ; we were highly and juflly incen- 
 fed, the blood of both nations was up — It had fcarcely cool- 
 ed, and was eafily roufed to be ready for war. If the Bri- 
 tifh had not recalled their orders of November, 1793, we un- 
 doubtedly fliould have inftantly gone to war.-^It would have 
 been unavoidably, nay abfolutely neceflary. But when the 
 revocation of thofe orders was known here, our Prefident 
 confidered that our own conduft had not been perfectly regu- 
 lar ; there was fome caufe of complaint againfl us, in the midft 
 all the just complaints we had againfl the Britifli cruifers; there 
 were alfo old differences which had created great uneafmefs 
 between the two countries. In the recent caufes of quarrel 
 we had been the firft in fuffering improper afts to be done by 
 a foreign agent within our own territory which we ought to 
 have prevented as neutrals. — Under all thefe circumftances, 
 being already engaged in an Indian war, he refolved to try 
 negociation. — An envoy extraordinary was accordingly fent. 
 How does all this apply to the prefent cafe ? There had 
 been old, unfettled differences with England — ours with 
 Spain were fettled by the treaty of 1795. — There were hor- 
 rible fpoliations upon our trade by Britain, but we had permit- 
 ted a£i:s towards them with which we were obliged to reproach 
 ourfelves. — Spain has alfo fpoiled our commerce, and to an 
 immenfe extent, without provocation. For that, the cafe of 
 England would fay negociate, and we have actually been ne- 
 gociating. But had England blockaded your harbours, had 
 file fliut out half a million of your people from accefs to the 
 ocean, had flie clofed up the Chefapeake or the Delaware, 
 would there have been negociation ? No. You would, you 
 mufl have had immediate war. Such an invafion of the fove- 
 reignty and independence of the country would have left no 
 hefitation in the mind of any man ; but fortunately as our af- 
 fairs then flood we were not obliged to refort to hoflilities. The 
 man of high talents who undertook to negociate, fucceeded 
 in forming a treaty between the two countries. — Such, how- 
 
ever, were the pafTions of the times, that the negociator was 
 grofsly calumniated. The treaty was oppofed by the formida- 
 ble array of all the artillery of popular opinion organized in 
 town meetings, played off along the coafl: from Boflon to 
 Charlefton under the diredion of the ablefl: engineer in this 
 country. — Publick opinion was again fliaken, but finally peace 
 was preferved, the treaty went fairly into execution, and even 
 the negociator was elefted their governor, by the people of 
 his own flate, where he prefided for a long time with honour 
 to himfelf and infinite advantage to the interefts and peace of 
 the fociety, until at length he retired from publick life, leav- 
 ing an example which will always be ufefal for imitation, and 
 ferve at the fame time as a fevere reproof to thofe who may 
 materially depart from it. 
 
 Our differences and negociations with England, then, fur- 
 nilh an interefling and ferious view of the courfe we have ta- 
 ken in troublefome times, but certainly do not prefent any 
 thing like the prefent cafe. For although they adually held 
 our weflern pofls and built a new fort at the foot of the rapids 
 of Miami, yet, we had never been in poffeffion of thofe pods, 
 we had not purchafed the country from the Indians, we had no 
 fettlements near to it, no great portion of our citizens were 
 obflruifled orcut off from the free exercife of their rights, and 
 there were mutual complaints, perhaps mutual enquiries, be- 
 tween the parties which feemed to require negotiation as the 
 the only mode in which they could ever be terminated. 
 
 Next comes our difference with Spain. To this it may be 
 anfwered briefly : — That we made a treaty with that power ; 
 difficulties arofe refpefting the execution of that treaty; we had 
 not then been in the poffeffion or exercife of the rights claim- 
 ed under the treaty. — The Spaniards delayed and evaded 
 the execution, in a very unjuflifiable manner. — But the ad- 
 miniftration of that day did not rely upon negociation alone ; 
 they ordered troops to the Ohio, and had the Spaniards per- 
 filled in their refufal, thofe troops would have afted decifively, 
 without any new application to che court of Spain. — They faw 
 the approaching ftorm ; they entered upon the execution of 
 the treaty, by running the line, and giving up the poits ; and, 
 if the war office be examined, gentlemen will find that our 
 troops were then fo difpofed as to fall down the river Miffifiippi, 
 and a6l with effect, at any raom.ent. It was well known to 
 
16 
 
 us that Spain did not a£l in that bufinefs from the mere impiilfe 
 of her own interefls or wiflies. She was then, and is flill, un- 
 der the irrefiftible influence of a powerful neighbour, with 
 whom we at that time had ferious differences — She was urged 
 and puflicd forward by France. For Spain until flie became 
 thus dependent upon France, has ranked high for her good 
 faith, and, in my own opinion, defervedly higher than any 
 other court in Europe. Slow to promife (lie has always ful- 
 iiled her engagements with honour, according to the fpirit, 
 without cavilling about the words of her treaties. 
 
 When we were aware of all thefe things, when there was 
 no abfolute refufal, but only delay and evafive excufes about 
 the execution, not about the right, it would not have been 
 wife to precipitate an abfolute rupture between the two coun- 
 tries. 
 
 The proceedings with France are next adduced. Thefe 
 are frefli in the memory of every one, and need not be repeat- 
 ed. There was no blockade, no denial of egrefs to the ocean, 
 no invafion, no territorial difmemberment, no attack upon the 
 country which required the immediate ufe of force. 1 rue, 
 they captured your fliips^ they heaped indignities upon you ; 
 but they alfo alledged that you had flrft broken the treaty of 
 alliance. You negociated : what elfe could you do ? You 
 had no navy. You could not go in quell of them, and they 
 did not attempt to land on your fliores. When their agref- 
 fions rofe to fuch a height as to be tolerated no longer, and 
 defenfive war was refolved on, what was the conduft of the 
 minority then ? Did they come forward and offer their fupport 
 like the minority now ? No fir: they declared the adminillra- 
 tion was blameable ; that the French had been provoked ; 
 that peace was ftill attainable by negociation, and war at all 
 events to be avoided. Look at the debates of that day, and 
 you will difcover that many leading men contended that our 
 own government was altogether in the wrong and France in 
 the right. Such was the impreffion abroad, that Talleyrand 
 infultingly boafted of a party in our own country and threat- 
 ned us with the fate of Venice ; and when the facred right of 
 embaffy was trampled upon, as flated by the honourable gen- 
 tleman from New- York, ffill the cry at home was negociate, 
 negociate. Surely there is very little if any refemblance 
 between that cafe and this. However juflitiable a war would 
 
17 
 
 have been then, we miift have gone abroad to feek our enemy ; 
 now he has come to our doors, and (tripped us of what is 
 molT: precious and dear to us as an independent nation. 
 
 We are next told, under the third head of obje<5lions. 
 That our national debt will be encreafed by war; that war will 
 be the neceffary confequence of the refolutions ; that our 
 objeft is war. 
 
 Sir, our object is not war, but the attainment of fecurity 
 for a right without which our union, our political exiflence, 
 cannot continue. In feeking this fecurity, Ihould war arife, it 
 will be a lefs evil than infecure and delufive hopes of tran- 
 quillity. No doubt war will increafe your publick debt, but 
 not more nor fo much as vain attempts to fecure this right 
 another way, and after failing you muft have a war. 
 
 But your merchants will not obtain indemnities for fpolia- 
 tions. Their chance is but precarious now, and would be 
 altogether as great in the way we propofe to take. 
 
 Seaports will be blockaded and the Mifriifippi fliut. — The 
 firft is not probable, and as to the lafl:, all the weftern people 
 muft be fatisfied when they fee their country maintaining and 
 alTerting their right^ The very effort to maintain it will con- 
 fume a great portion of the refources and aiford an extenfive 
 market to the aggrieved people, by fupplying your military 
 force. 1 he river may as well be {hut up completely as be in 
 its prefent condition. 
 
 An honourable gentleman (Mr Wright) has faid that we 
 may have a place of depofit within our own territory and 
 navigate the river from thence. 
 
 The gentleman certainly has not v/ell confidered this fubjeft. 
 The nearell point upon our territory is three hundred miles 
 from the fea. The river crooked, the current rapid, the 
 anchorage bad. A favourable wind in one direftion of the 
 river would be adverfe at the next bend. Ships could never 
 afcend in any reafonable time, nor could they gain any point on 
 our own territory when they are forbidden to touch the fliore 
 even to faften a cable or towline. Without the previlege of 
 the fliore, the navigation would be imprafticable. 
 
 I'he honourable gentleman from New-York had advanced 
 a moft extraordinary pofition ; — That if our adverfaries have 
 time to prepare we alfo have time to prepare — Yet he refifts 
 the refolutions and propofes no effe(5lual military preparations. 
 
 G 
 
18 
 
 While they are bufy we are to be idle — When they make 
 the ftroke, we are in our prefent clefencelefs flate. N^xt 
 year we fhall be as weak and expofed as now, our commerce 
 equally fcattered over the ocean, our feaports as defencelefs, 
 our army and navy as weak, and they have then poffcffion of 
 the difputed fpot with an armament to annoy us and maintain 
 their poffefTion. 
 
 The honourable gentleman from Kentuckey (Mr. Brecken- 
 ridge) difclaims all apprehenfion of difguft, or difaifeflion 
 among his conflitucnts or any of the weflern people. They 
 were not always in this mild, forbearing temper upon the fub- 
 jeft of the MiffifTippi. It mufl: be in the recollection of that 
 gentleman, that Mr. Genet fent emiifaries into Kentuckey, 
 diflributed commiilions there for enlifiing men, and raifmg 
 an army to take New-Orleans, and open the navigation of the 
 Miffiilippi to the weftern people. A very gallant and able 
 officer accepted the commifTion of general on this expedition, 
 and would undoubtedly have executed it, had not the recal 
 of the French minifter, and the failure of the promifed refour- 
 ces defeated the enterprize. What reafon was there to fuppofe 
 they would be more forbearing now ? That officer was (till 
 alive, and if he were to ere61: his ftandard, the confequences 
 could not be very doubtful. 
 
 The honourable gentleman from Georgia (Gen. Jackfonj 
 agrees with us in every thing except as to the titne of ading. 
 He wiflies to make an experiment at negociation, but admits 
 the magnitude of the dilpute, and that it involves the very 
 exillence of Georgia and the fouthern flates. 
 
 If the late events had happened upon St. Mary's, or if the 
 Savannah had been fliut up by the Spaniards, there would 
 have been little doubt of the courfe that gentleman would 
 have purfued. The news of the aggreffion and of the ag- 
 greffi^rs' graves would have reached the feat of government 
 by the fame mail. He would not have waited to enquire by 
 whole orders they came there, or whether they could be ne- 
 gociated out of Georgia. 
 
 Although the honourable gentleman difagrees with us as to 
 the time of afting, yet he has very honourably pledged him- 
 felf for the ultimate refult, fliould negociation fail, and while 
 it is impoffible to agree with what he has faid refpeding the 
 ordinary force of the country driving the new occupants from 
 
19 
 
 their faflnefTes and forts in the marfiies of Florida or New- 
 Orleans, yet, fir, there can be no doubt that the fpirit which 
 difdains to think of the hazard of fuch an enterprize is of the 
 utmoft value to our country. For my own part, I have a plea- 
 fure in declaring my wifli that the gentleman now lived on 
 the MiiTiffippi, and that he had authority from this government 
 to aft : I fliould have no doubt of the refult, nor of the con- 
 fidence and univerfal confent with which he would be fupport- 
 ed. But he is certainly too much a foldier not to difcern that 
 previous poiTeiTion by a powerful enemy will require the 
 labours and blood of a difciplined army, and the delay and 
 fkill requifite for the attack of a fortified country. 
 
 We come now to confider the refolutions offered as a fub- 
 ftitute — It is highly gratifying to find that gentlemen are at 
 lafi: inclined to aft — To do fomething like defending the rights 
 of our country — Is there any new fliape given to this bufinefs 
 by the propofed fubftitute? We propofe 50,000 militia — 
 They fubflitute 80,000. — To do what? Will gentlemen tell 
 us the difference ? — It is faid ours are abfolutely imperative ; — 
 If fo, alter them and give an unqualified difcretion. — We 
 will agree to it. My own opinion is that they fliould be im- 
 mediately afted upon. If the majority wifli for a bare dif- 
 cretionary power, I alfent to it. There is no difference except 
 that one fet of refolutions puts greater power into the hands 
 of the Prefident than the other. Are gentlemen on the other 
 fide afraid to trufl the Prefident ? Do they think he will abufe 
 this power ? Will it hurt the negociation ? Inftead of hurting 
 it, our minifler ought to carry this aft to Europe with him. 
 He is not yet gone and it may be fent with him — He would 
 then have more means and more forcible arguments to urge 
 in his negociation. 
 
 This whole fubjeft was known at the meeting of congrefs; 
 yet no ftep taken till our refolutions were propofed. Now 
 gentlemen are willing to do fomething ! — They feem willing 
 to give means to a certain extent. Why not amend our refo- 
 lutions, when their own are but a qualification of ours ? We 
 have but feven days to the end of this feffion. Why difpute 
 about a fubflitute, when amendments may be made to meet 
 gentlemen's wifhes ^ They agree to go a certain length ; 
 then fay fo, and ftrike out the reil. Certainly we will go 
 with you as far as you propofe, for we have offered to go 
 farther. 
 
20 
 
 But gentlemen fay they have full confidence in the nego- 
 ciation. Be it fo — I cannot doubt the aflertion of the gentle- 
 man, although I draw a different conclufion from tl^e fame fafts. 
 But let me prefent this queflion in a new fhape, not yet offer- 
 ed in this houfe. We are not deliberating about the right of 
 depofit in New-Orleans merely, nor about the illand of New- 
 Orleans ; we are told that we are to look for new and power- 
 ful neighbours in Louifiana. What right has Spain to give us 
 thefe neighbours without confulting us ? To change our pre- 
 fent fecurity into hazard and uncertainty ? I do not believe 
 that Spain has any right to do fo. What are the limits of 
 Louifiana ? It extends three thoufand miles upon your frontier. 
 New- Orleans is ceded with it. Then the province of Louifi- 
 ana and New-Orleans lie between the Floridas, and the 
 other Spanifli dominions on this continent. It is not difficult 
 to pronounce who will command and own the Floridas. They 
 muff belong to the mafter of Louifiana and New-Orleans. 
 Then the owners poffefs the lock and key of the whole wefl- 
 ern country. There is no entrance or egrefs but by their 
 leave. They have not only 3,000 miles on your frontier in 
 the interior country, but they have the command of your out- 
 let to the ocean and 700 miles of lea-coafl embracing the 
 fined harbours in North- America. This makes them, in 
 faft, mailers of the weflern world. What will you give them 
 for this enviable dominion ? Not territory, for you have 
 none to fpare and they want none. Not commercial privile- 
 ges—they Vv^ill not want them, for they will then have 
 enough and to fpare — -What equivalent have you ? What 
 can you offer to men who know the value of fuch a country ? 
 What would this fenate take for the furrender of fuch an 
 eftabli lament were it ours ? Let every fcnator alk himfelf the 
 que'^ion .'nd declare by what rule of eftimation his anfwer 
 would be diftated. 
 
 But 1 know it has been faid, and will be faid again, that 
 the new French owners will confirm or permit our right of 
 depofit and free navigation of the Miffiffippi. — They will open 
 a free port and give us all we defire. 
 
 Yes, fir, this would be the unkindeft cut of all. I fear 
 much lefs the enmity of the prefent poffeffors, than fuch 
 ueiohbours. We fliall hold by their courtefy, not by the 
 proteftion of our own government. They will permit, but you 
 
21 
 
 cannot inforce. They will give us all the advantages we now 
 have and more : But will it be for nothing ? Will they a/k 
 HO return ? Have they no ulterior views ? No — During this 
 infidious interval they will be driving rivet after rivet into 
 the iron yoke which is to gall us and our children. We muft 
 go to market through a line of batteries manned by veterans ; 
 and return home with our money through a fortified camp. 
 This privilege will be held at their will, and may be withheld 
 whenever their Intendant forbids its further continuance. 
 
 No doubt my earneftnefs may have betrayed me into ex- 
 prefTions which were not intended. Every honourable gentle- 
 man will therefore confider me as addreiTmg his reafon and 
 judgment merely, without meaning to^ve caufe of offence. 
 But I cannot conclude without addreiffl^ myfelf particular- 
 ly to thofe fenators who reprefent the ^flern flates. I en- 
 treat them to remember that thefe refolutions are intended to 
 veil a power which may or may not be ufed as events arife. 
 If events fliould fliew in the recefs that negociation mufl fail, 
 what is the Prefident to do ? He mufl call congrefs. This 
 will confume time, and the enemy gains immenfe advantages, 
 ^^y not. put 3. force at his difpofal with which he can 
 ftrilJe f With which he can have a pledge for your future well- 
 being ? When the Atlantic coail is willing, fliall this fecurity 
 be lofl by your votes ? Are you fure that you will ever 
 again find the fame difpofition ? Can you recal the decifivc 
 moment that may happen in a month after our adjournment ? 
 Certainly the country may be in fuch a flate that at the next 
 feffion you will have no fuch offer as at the prefent moment. 
 There may be a prefiure which would forbid it. Heretofore 
 you have diftrufted the Atlantick flates ; now when they of- 
 fer to pledge themfelves, meet them and clofe with the pro- 
 pofal. If the refolutions are too flrong, new model them. 
 If the means are not adequate, propofe other and more 
 effeftual meafures. But as you value the befl interefts of 
 the weftern country, and the union with the Atlantick coafl, 
 feize the prefent occafion of fecuring it forever. For the pre- 
 fent is only a queflion of how much power the executive fliall 
 have, for the attainment of this great end, and no man defi- 
 rous of the end ought to refufe the neceffary means for at- 
 taining it. Your voice decides the direftion this fenate will 
 take, and I devoutly wiih it may be one we fliall never repent. 
 
22 
 
 It was four o'clock when Mr. Rofs concluded his fpeech. 
 
 Mr. MORRIS 
 
 moved an adjournment. This was refufed. He then rofe and 
 addrelTed the prefident as follows : 
 
 Mr. President, 
 
 I RISE with reluftance on the prefent occafion. 
 The latcnefs of the hour forbids me to hope for your patient 
 attention. The fubjeft is of great importance, as it relates to 
 other countries, and ftill greater to our own : yet we mud de- 
 cide on grounds uncertain, becaufe they depend on circum- 
 ftances not yet arrived. And when we attempt to penetrate 
 into futurity, after j^erting the utmoft powers of reafon, aid- 
 ed by all the lights miich experience could acquire, our clear- 
 eft conceptions are involved in doubt. A thoufand things may 
 happen which it is impoffible to conjecture, and which will 
 influence the courfe of events. The wife Governor of all 
 things hath hidden the future from the ken of our feeble un- 
 derftanding. In committing ourfelves, therefore, to the exa- 
 4E««ib^ minati on of what may hereafter arrive, we hazard jj^ ^flltuU ^ 
 on contingencies we cannot command. And when events fliall 
 be paft, we fliall be judged by them^ and not by the reafons 
 which we may now advance. 
 
 There are many fubjefts which it is not eafy to underftand, 
 but it is always eafy to mifreprefent, and when arguments can- 
 not be controverted, it is not difficult to calumniate motives. 
 That which cannot be confuted, may be mift:ated. The pu- 
 reft intentions may be blackened by malice ; and envy will 
 ever fofter the fouleft imputations — This calumny is among 
 the fore evils of our country. It began with our earlieft fuccefs 
 in feventy-eight, and has gone on with accelerated velocity 
 and encreaflng force to the prefent hour. It is no longer to 
 be checked, nor will it terminate but in that fweep of gene- 
 ral deftruftion, to which it tends with a ftep as fure as time, 
 and fatal as death. I know that what I utter will be mifun- 
 derftood, mifreprefented, deformed, and diftorted ; but we 
 muft do our duty — This I believe is the laft fcene of my pub- 
 lick life ; and it fliall, like thofe which preceded, be per- 
 formed with candour and truth. Yes, my noble friends [ad- 
 drefling hirafelf to the federal fenators near him] we ihall foon 
 
> 23 
 
 part to meet no more. But however feparated, and wherever 
 difperfed, we know that we are united by juft principle and 
 true fentiment. A fentiment, my country, ever devoted to you, 
 which wiIf%B:pire only with expiring life, and beat in the laft 
 p ulfation of our hearts. 
 
 Mr. Prefident, my object is peace. 1 could aflign many 
 reafons to (hew that this declaration is fmcere. But can it be 
 neceflary to give this fenate any other alTurance than my 
 word ? Notwithftanding the acerbity of temper which refults 
 from party flrife, gentlemen will believe me on my word. I 
 will not pretend, like my Hon. colleague (Mr. Clinton) to de- 
 fcribe to you, the wafte, the ravages, and the horrors of war. 
 I have not the fame harmonious periods, por the fame mufical 
 tones f neither fliall 1 boaft of chriftian^charity, nor attempt 
 to difplay that ingenuous glow of benevolence fo decorous to 
 the cheek of youth, which gave a vivid tint to every fentence 
 he uttered, and was, if poflible, as impreflive even as his elo- 
 quence. But though we polfefs not the fame pomp of words, 
 our hearts are not infenfible to the woes of humanity. We 
 can feel for the mifery of plundered towns, the conflagration 
 of defencelefs villages, and the devaflation of cultured fields. 
 Turning from thefe features of general diflrefs, we can enter 
 the abodes of private affliction, and behold the widow weep- 
 ing as flie traces, in the pledges of connubial affeftion, the re- 
 femblance of him whom (lie has loft: forever. We fee the 
 aged matron bending over the afhes of her fon. — He was her 
 darling ; for he was generous and brave, and therefore his 
 fpirit led him to the field in defence of his country. We can 
 obferve another opprefled with unutterable anguifli. Con- 
 demned to conceal her affedlion ; forced to hide that paffion 
 which is at once the torment and delight of life, flie learns 
 that thofe eyes which beamed with fentiment are clofed in 
 death ; and his lip, the ruby harbinger of joy, lies pale and 
 cold, the miferable appendage of a mangled corfe. Hard, 
 hard indeed muft: be that heart which can be infenfible to 
 fcenes like thefe, and bold the man who dare prefent to the 
 Almighty Father a confcience crimfon'd with the blood of his 
 children. 
 
 Yes, fir, we wifti for peace : but how is that blefiing to be 
 preferved ? I fliall repeat here a fentiment I have often had 
 occafion to exprefs. In my opinion, there is nothing worth 
 
24 
 
 fighting for but national honour : for in the national honour 
 is involved the national independence. I know that a ftate 
 may find itfelf in fuch unpropitious circumflances.that prudence 
 may force a wife government to conceal the fenfe of indignity. 
 But the infult fliould be engraven on tablets of brafs wi[h a 
 pencil of fleel. And when that time and chance which happen 
 to all Ihall bring forward the favourable moment, then let 
 the avenging arm flrike home. It is by avowing and main- 
 taining this ftern principle of honour, that peace can be pre- 
 ferved. But let it not be fuppofed that any thing 1 fay has 
 the flighted allufion to the injuries fuflained from France while 
 fuffering in the pangs of her revolution. As foon ihould I 
 upbraid a fick man^r what he might have done in the pa- 
 roxifms of difeafe. 3p^°^ '^ ^^'^ ''' ^^^"^ fentiment : it was felt 
 and avowed at the cime when thefe wrongs were heaped on 
 us, and I appeal for the proof to the files of your Secretary of 
 State. The deftinies of France were then in the hands of 
 monfters. By the decree of Heaven flie was broken on the 
 wheel, in the face of the world, to warn mankind of her folly 
 and madnefs. But thefe fcenes have pal^ away. On the 
 throne of the Bourbons is now feated the firfl of the Gallic 
 Ccefars. At the head of that gallant nation is the great, the 
 greateff , man of the prefent age. If becomes us well to con- 
 fider his fituation. The things he has achieved compel him 
 to the achievmcnt of things more great. In his vafi: career 
 we mufl foon become objeds to command attention. We too 
 in our turn mull concend or fubmit. By fubmiifion we may 
 indeed have peace alike precarious and ignominious. But is 
 this the peace which we ought to feek ? Will this fatisfy the 
 juft expeftation of our country ? No. Let us have peace per- 
 manent, fecure, and, if I may ufe the term, independent. Peace 
 which depends not on the pity of others but on our own 
 force. Let us have the only peace worth having, a peace 
 confiitent with honour. 
 
 A gentleman near me (Mr. Jackfon) has told us the anec- 
 dote of an old courtier who faid that the interefi: of his nation 
 was the honour of his nation. I was furprized to hear that 
 idea from tbat gentleman. But it was not his own. Such is 
 that gentleman's high fenfe of his perfonal honour, that no 
 interelt would induce him to facrifice it. He would not per- 
 mit the proudefl prince on earth to blot or foil it. Millions 
 
25 
 
 would not purchafe his honour, and will he feel lefs for the 
 honour offlU country? No, he will defend it with his beft 
 blood. He "will feel with me that our national honour is the 
 befl fccurUy- for our peace and our profperity. That it in- 
 volves ^once our wealth and our power. And in this view 
 of the fubjeft I muft contradict a fentiment which fell from my 
 honourable colleague (Mr. Clinton). He tells us that the 
 principle of this country is peace and commerce. Sir, the 
 avowal of fuch principle will leave us neither commerce nor 
 peace. It invites others to prey on that commerce wtiich we 
 will not protect, and fliare the wealth we dare not defend. 
 But let it be known that you (land ready to facrifice the laft 
 man and the laft: (hilling in defence of your national honour, 
 and thofe who would hav^e alfailed will beware of you. 
 
 Before I go into a minute confideration of this fubje^l I will 
 notice what the gentlemen oppofed to me have faid on the law 
 of nations. But I mud obferve that, in a conjundture like 
 the prefent, there is more found fenfe and more found policy 
 in the firm and manly fentiments which warm the hearts of 
 my friends from ielaware, than in all the volumes upon all 
 the flielves of the civilians. Let us however attend to the rc- 
 fults of thofe logical dedu(5i:ions which have been made by wri- 
 ters on the law of nations. The honourable m.ember from 
 Kentucky (Mr. Breckenridge) has told us that fovereigns 
 ought to fliew a fmcere defire of peace, and fliould not haf- 
 tily take offence, becaufe it may be that the offenfive ail was 
 the refult of miftiake. My honourable colleague has told us, 
 that among the juftifiable caufes of war are the deliberate 
 invafions of right, and the neceffity of maint::'.ining the ballance 
 of power. He has told us further, that attempts fliould al- 
 ways be made to obtain redrefs by treaty, unlefs it be evident 
 that redrefs cannot be fo obtained. Ihe honourable member 
 from Georgia near me, informs us, that the thing we would ol - 
 tain by war fliould be important, & thefuccefs probable, Sz that 
 war fliould be avoided until it be inevitable. The honourable 
 member from Maryland (Mr. Wright) has explained to u-j 
 the cafe cited by the gentleman from Kentucky, as being that 
 of a wrong done by a private citizen. Under the weight of 
 all this authority, and concurring with gentlemen in thefe their 
 pofitions, I iliall take leave to examine the great queftion we 
 a,re called on to decide. I fliall moreover fully and entirely 
 
 D 
 
a;^ree with the honourable member near me in another point. 
 He has, with the ufual rapidity of his mind, feized the whole 
 obje£>. He tells us, and he tells us truly, that the ifland af 
 Orleans and the two Floridas are efTential to tWs country — 
 They are joined, fays he, by God, and fooner or laterjve must 
 and will have them. In this clear and energetick flatement I 
 fully agree ; and the greater part of what I have to fay will 
 be but a commentary on the doftrines they have advanced, 
 an elucidation of their pofitions, and the confirmation of that 
 llrong 6bncIufion. 
 
 In order to bring this extenfive fubjeft within fuch bounds 
 as may enable us to take a diftant view of its feveral parts, I 
 fliall confider firft, the exifting ftate of things : 2dly, the confe- 
 quence to the United States of the polTeiTion of that country 
 by France : 3dly, the confcquence to other nations : 4thly, the 
 importance of it to France herfelf : 3thly its importance to 
 the United States if poiTefTed by them ; and having thus exa- 
 mined the thing itfelf in its various relations, the way will be 
 open to confider, 6thly, the effect of negociation : and then 
 7thly, the confequences to be expeded from taking immedi- 
 ate polfeffion. 
 
 Before I confider the exifting flate of things, let me notice 
 what gentlemen have faid in relation to it. 1 he honourable 
 member from Kentucky has told us, that indeed there is a 
 right arrefted, but whether by authority or not, is equivocal. 
 He fays the reprefentative of Spain verily believes it to be an 
 unauthorifed aft. My honourable colleague informs us there 
 has been a clafhing between the governor and the Intendant. 
 He fays we are told by the Spaniili minifter it was unauthori- 
 fed. Notwithftanding thefe alTurances, however, my -honour. 
 able colleague has, itfeems, fome doubts — But neverthelefs he 
 prelumes innocence ; for my colleague is charitable. The hon- 
 ourable member from Maryland goes farther, he tells us the 
 minifter of Spain fays the Intendant had no fuch authority; 
 and the minifter of France too, fays there is no fuch authority. 
 Sir I have all poffible refpeft for thofe gentlemen, and every 
 proper contidence in what they may think proper to communi- 
 cate. I believe the Spanifli minifter has the beft imaginable 
 difpofition to preferve peace ; being indeed the exprefs pur- 
 pole for which he v»'as fent among us. 1 believe it to be an 
 object near cO his heart, and which has a ftrong hold upon his 
 
27 
 
 affections. I refpeft the warmth and benevolence of his feel- 
 ings, but hemufl pardon me that I am deficient in courtly com- 
 pliment, I am a republican, and cannot commit the interefts of 
 my country to the goodnefs of his heart. 
 
 What is the (late of things ? There has been a ceffion of 
 the ifland of New-Orleans and of Louifiana to France. Whe- 
 ther the Floridas have alfo been ceded is not yet certain. It 
 has been faid, as from authority, and I think it probable. Now 
 iir, let us note the time and the manner of this celTion. It was 
 at or immediately after the treaty of Luneville, at the firii 
 moment when France could take up a diflant objed of atten- 
 tion. But had Spain a right to make this cefTion without our 
 confent ? Gentlemen have taken it for granted that flie had. 
 But I deny the pofition. No nation has a right to give to ano- 
 ther a dangerous neighbour without her confent. This is not 
 like the cafe of private citizens, for there, when a man is inju- 
 red he can refort to the tribunals for redrefs, and yet, even 
 there, to difpofe of property to one who is a bad neighbour 
 is always confidered as an a6t of unkindnefs. But as between 
 nations, who can redrefs themfelves only by war, fuch tranf- 
 fer is in itfeif an aggreffion. He who renders me infecure, he 
 who hazards my peace, and expofes me to imminent danger, 
 commits an a6t of hoftility againfl me ; and gives me the rights 
 confequent on that a£l. Suppofe Great Britain fhould give to 
 Algiers one of the Bahamas, and contribute thereby to efta- 
 blilh a neft of pirates near your coafts, would you not confider 
 it as an aggreffion ? — Suppofe during the late war you had con- 
 veyed to France a tra6t of land along Hiidfon's river, and the 
 northern route by the lakes into' Canada, would not Britain 
 have confidered and treated it as an aft of direft hoftility ? It 
 is among the firft limitations to the exercife of the rights of 
 property, that we muft fo ufe our own as not to injure another; 
 and it is under the immediate fenfe of this reftridion that na- 
 tions are bound to ad toward each other. 
 
 But it is not this transfer alone. 1 here are circumftances 
 both in the time and in the manner of it which deferve atten- 
 tion. A gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wright) has told 
 you that all treaties ought to be publilhed and proclaimed for 
 the information of other nations. I aik, was this a publick 
 treaty .? No. Was official notice of it given to the govern- 
 ment of this country ? Was it announced to the Prelident of 
 
28 
 
 the United States, in the ufual forms of civility between na- 
 tions who duly refpe£l: each other ? It was not. Let gentle- 
 men contradi£lme If they can. They will fay perhaps that it was 
 the omifTion only of a vain and idle ceremony. Ignorance 
 may indeed pretend that fuch communication is an ena,pty com- 
 pliment, vv^hich, elfabliflied without ufe, may be omitted with- 
 out offence. But this is not fo. If thefe be ceremonies they 
 are not vain, but of ferious import and are founded on flrong 
 reafon. He who means me well, a6ts without difguife. Had 
 this tdlhfadllon been intended fairly, it would have been 
 told frankly. But it was fecret becaufe it was hoftile. The 
 Firfl Conful in the moment of terminating his differences with 
 you, fought the means of future influence and control. He 
 found and fecured a pivot for that immenfe lever, by which, 
 with potent arm, he means to fubvert your civil and political 
 inftitutions. Thus, the beginning was made in deep hofli- 
 lity. Conceived in fuch principles, it prefaged no good. Its 
 bodings were evil, and evil have been its fruits. We heard 
 of it during the lad feffion of congrefs, but to this hour we 
 have not heard of any formal and regular communication 
 from thofe by whom it was made. Has the king of Spain ? 
 Has the Firfl Conful of France no means of making fuch com- 
 munication to the Prefident of the United States ? Yes, Hr, 
 we have a minifler in Spain ; we have a minifter in France. 
 Nothing was eafier, and yet nothing has been done. Our 
 firfl magiflrate has been treated witii contempt j and through 
 him our country has been infulted. 
 
 With that meek and peaceful fpirit now fo flrongly recom- 
 mended, we fubmitted to this infult, and what followed .? 
 That which might have been expected ; a violation of our 
 treaty. An open and direct violation by a publick offirer of 
 the Spaniili governraeni. This is not the cafe cited from one 
 of the books. It is not a wrong done by a private citizen, 
 which might for that reafon be of doubtful nature. No — It 
 is by a publick officer. That officer in whofe particular 
 department it v.'as to caufe the faithful obfervance of the 
 treaty which he has violated. We are told indeed that there 
 was a clafhing of opinion between the Governor and the In- 
 tendant. But what have we to do with their domeftick broils ? 
 The injury is done, we feel it. Let the fault be whofe it may 
 the fullering is curs. But fay gentlemeD, the Spanifli mini- 
 
{ler has interfered to correft this irregular procedure. Sir, 
 if the Intendant was amenable to the minifter, why did he 
 not inforni.him of the ftep he was about to take, that the 
 Prefident oi the United States might feafonably have been 
 apprized of his intention, and given the proper notice to our 
 fellow-citizens ? Why has he fi»il learnt this offenfive aft from 
 thofe who fuffer by it ? Why is ^^Rfhs held up to contempt mmi . 
 derifion ? If the Intendant is to b^controled by the minifter, 
 would he have taken a ftep fo important without his advice ? 
 Common fenfe will fay no. But, the bitter cup of humiliation 
 was not yet full. Smarting under the lafh of the Intendant, 
 the minifier foothes you with kind affurances, and fends ad- 
 vice boats to announce your forbearance. But whije they 
 arc on their way new injury and new infult are added. The 
 Intendant, as if determined to try the extent of your ?heck- 
 nefs, forbids to your citizens all communication with thofe 
 who inhabit the fliores of the MiilifTippi. Though they 
 fhould be flarving, the Spaniard is made criminal who fliould 
 give them food. Fortunately the waters of the river are po- 
 table, or elfe we fliould be precluded from the common bene- 
 fits of nature, the common bounty of Heaven. What then, 
 I alk, is the amounc of this favage conduft .? Sir, it is war. 
 Open and direft: war. And yet gentlemen recommend peace, 
 and forbid us to t;ike up the gauntlet of defiance. Will gen- 
 tlemen fit here and (hut their eye^'JIw'the.ftate and condition 
 of their country ? I fiiall not reply to what has been faid 
 refpefting depredations on commerce, but confine myfelf to 
 objefts of which there can be no fliadow of doubt. Here is 
 a vad country given away, and not without danger to us. 
 Has a nation a right to put thefe fiates in a dangerous fitua- 
 tion ? No, fir. And yet it has been done, not only without 
 our confent previous to the grant, but without obferving the 
 common forms of civility after it was made. Is that wonder- 
 ful man who prefides over the defiinles of France ignorant or 
 unmindful of thefe forms ? See what was done the other day. 
 He direfted his minifier to communicate to the Elector of 
 Bavaria his intended movements in Switzerland and their ob- 
 jeft. He knew the eleftor had a right to expert that infor- 
 mation, although the greater part of Swabia lies betvv'een his 
 dominions and Switzerland. And this ri.oht is founded on 
 the broad principles already mentioned. 
 
 'to' 
 
30 
 
 As to the depredations on our commerce, they are numerous 
 and of great importance, but my honourable colleague has 
 told us our merchants are in a fair way of getting redrefs. I 
 awn fir I am furprized at this information, which is, I prefume, 
 a ftate fecret communicated from the executive department. 
 My honourable colleague \;^o is the pattern of difcretion, 
 
 nffea 
 
 wmnui who was the monitof^|*ttffeatened to be the caftigator of 
 thofe who from treachery^ weaknefs might betray or divulge 
 the fecrets of the Senate, cannot pofTibly allude to any thing 
 on our files. He has therefore received this information from 
 fome other quarter, and I feci myfelf much obliged by his 
 kind communication^ But he mufl pardon me, fir, that until 
 it eona£,forvvard in fome body, fhape, or condition which I can 
 grafp/am compelled to with hold my faith. 
 
 H^ing thus examined the exiftent fliate of things, I pro- 
 ceed to confider the confequence to the United States refulting 
 from the poffefTion of that country by France. To this effeft 
 I ihall fuppofe the Floridas to be included in her newly ac- 
 quired dominion, and fliall ftate what I conceive to be the 
 eonduft which ftie will purfue* She will I prefume confider 
 herfelf as not bound by our treaty with Spain. Declaring 
 this to the inhabitants of the weftern country, and repelling 
 the claim of right, flie will (as matter of favour) give them 
 unlimited freedom of trade to and from New-Orleans. At 
 that place Ihe will a&fttj-twg riyv raife a confiderable duty on ex- 
 ports to pay the expence of her garrifons and of the civil 
 adminiftration. But to compenfate this, flie will probably 
 give an exclufive privilege of commerce to her colonies, and 
 obtain from Spain axid Holland fimilar privileges. Under 
 thefe circumftances let us examine the general and particular 
 confequences to this our country. 
 
 The general confequences are thofe which affe^i: our com- 
 merce, our revenue,, our defence, and what is of more impor- 
 rance even than thefe, our union. Your commerce will fuf- 
 fer becaufe you will no longer hold the means of fupplying 
 the Welt-India illands fubjeft to your fmgle control, and 
 becaufe all the export from New-Orleans, being, of conrfe, in 
 French bottoms, your navigation will be proportionately diml- 
 mftied. Your revenue will fuffer as much as your commerce. 
 The extenfive boundary of more than two thoufand miles 
 will be ftocked with goods for the purpofe of contraband 
 
Si 
 
 trade. The inhabitants will naturally take their fiipplies m 
 that way. You mud therefore multiply your revenue officers 
 and their SaiUftants, and while your receipt diminiflies, the ex- 
 pence of c<^lle6lion will be encreafed. As to what regards 
 your defence, it is evident that the decreafe of your naviga- 
 tion and revenue muft narrow your means of defence. You- 
 cannot provide the fame force either by land or by fea ; but 
 the evil does not ftop there. With this country in your pof- 
 feffion you have means of defence more ample, more impor- 
 tant, more eafy than any nation on earth. In a fliort time all 
 the Weft-India iflands, fed from your granaries, raii(l depend 
 on your will. And in confequence, all the powers of Europe 
 who have colonies there, mull court your frienJfliip. Thofe 
 rich fources of commercial importance will be as it were in 
 your hands. They will be pledges for the amity of others in 
 feas and dominions far remote. It is a defence which though 
 it cofts you nothing, is fuperior to fleets and armies. But let 
 the refources of America be divided (which muil happen when 
 the French are mafters of New-Orleans) and all this power 
 and influence are gone. One half your refources will be in 
 their hands, and they will laugh at your feeble attempts with 
 the other half. It is the intereft of this country that the pof- 
 fefllons of European powers in the Wefl-Indies fliould be fe- 
 eured to them. And in this view of the fubjeft it is important 
 that the ifland of St. Domingo lliould be fubje61:ed by France^ 
 it would therefore have been wife to have aided in that fubju- 
 gation. There is indeed a fpecial reafon for it beyond the 
 confiderations of exterior policy. That event will give to 
 your flaves the conviiflion that It is irapoffible for them to be- 
 come free. Men in their unhappy condition muft be inipelled 
 by fear'and difcouraged by defpair. Yes. — 1 he impulfion of 
 fear muft be ftrengrhened by the hand of defpair. Confider 
 moreover your condition in the wars which are raoft likely to 
 happen. Thefe muft be either with France or England. If 
 with France your interior is ruined; if v/ith Fngland the 
 <:ommerce of the Atlantic ftates will be diftreifed, and that of 
 the weftern country too, though not perhaps in fo great a de- 
 gree. Thus let the war be with which foever of thofe nations 
 it may, one half of the United States muft be peculiarly injured j: 
 
 and in all cafes It will be difficult for them to affift each other. 
 
 1 he interior has no feamen for naval defence, the feaboard 
 
52 
 
 can fend few if any troops beyond the mountains. This pow- 
 erful influence of one nation on one great divifion of our coun- 
 try, and of another nation on the remainder will tend to difunite 
 us. The ridge of mountains will mark the line of diflinft 
 interefts. The effeft of thofe differing interefts will be felt in 
 your counfels. It will be evidenced on this floor. This mud 
 be the cafe fo long as man is man. Look I pray at thofe na- 
 tions. The enmity of France and England can terminate only 
 by the fubje£lion of one to the dominion of the other. It 
 mufl be by the compleat exertion of force and the utter im- 
 pofllbility of refiftance. They are the Rome and Carthage of 
 modern times. Their implacable fpirit will fl:imulate them to 
 attempt a divifion of this country by fentiments of hatred, 
 deadly as their own. Thefe eff'orts will, I hope, be vain : but 
 with fuch powerful engines to operate on the intereft and the 
 will, is there not danger to that union fo effential to our prof- 
 perity ? There will be a conflant ftruggle in congrefs as to the 
 kind of publick force which ought to be maintained. The one 
 part will defire an army, the other a navy. The unyielding 
 fpirit of party will perhaps prevent the fupport of either ; 
 leaving the nation completely defencelefs, and thereby increa- 
 fing the power of thofe who may influence or command our 
 deiHnies. For let it be remembered that a nation without 
 publick force is not an independent nation. In a greater or 
 fmaller deforce flie will receive the \?i\v from others. 
 
 Having thus confidered the effeft of this cefllon upon the 
 United States^ in a general point of view, let us now examine 
 it more particularly, as it regards the greater divifions of our 
 country, the weflern, the fouthern, the middle, and the eafl- 
 ern (fates. I fear, flr, I flia'l detain you longer than I inten- 
 ded, certainly longer than the light of day will laft, notwith- 
 ftanding my effort to comprife what I have to fay in the 
 fmalleft compafs. As to the weftern ffates, the effects will be 
 remote and immediate. Thofe more remote may be examin- 
 ed under the twofold afpeft of peace and war. In peace they 
 will fuffer the diminution of price for their produce. Ihe 
 The advantage of fupplying the French, Dutch, and Spanifli 
 colonies may at firit fight lead to a different opinion ; but 
 when the port of New-Orleans is fluit to all but French fliips, 
 there will no longer be that competition which now exiflis, and 
 which always refults in the highefl price that commodities can 
 
bear. The French merchants have neither the large capital, 
 nor have they the fteady temper and perfevering induftry 
 which fofler commerce. Their invariable object in trade is to 
 acquire fudden wealth by large profit ; and if that cannot be 
 done, they abandon the purfuit for fome new proje^l. Cer- 
 tain of the market, and certain of the increafmg- fupply, they 
 will prefcribe the price both to thofe who cultivate and to 
 thofe who confume. Such will be the effe<5l in peace. In a 
 war with England the attention of her fleets to cut off fupplies 
 from her enemies muft neceffarily affe£l the price of produce 
 in a flill greater degree ; and in a war with France it will 
 bear no price at all, until New- Orleans fha!l be wrefted from 
 their grafp. Add to this the danger and the devaftation from 
 the troops of that country, aided by innumerable hods of fa- 
 vages from the weftern wilds. Such being the evident effects 
 to be produced in times not far remote, the prefent evil fol- 
 lows from the anticipation of them. The price of land muft 
 be reduced from the certainty that its produce will become 
 lefs valuable. i he flood of emigration to thofe fertile regions 
 muft ceafe to flow. The debts incurred in the hope of ad- 
 vantageous fales muft remain unpaid. The diftrefs of the 
 debtor muft then recoil on his creditor, and, from the common 
 relations of fociety, become general. 
 
 What will be the effeft on the fouthern ftates ? Georgia, 
 Carolina, and the Pvlifllflippi Territory are expofed to invafion 
 from the Floridas and New-Orleans. There are circumftan- 
 ces in that portion of America wliich render the invafion eafy, 
 and the defence diiTiculr. Fenfacola, though the climate be 
 warm, is among the hcalthieft fpots on earth. Not only a 
 large garri Ton, but an army may remain there without hazard. 
 At Fenfacola and St. Auguftine forces may be aflfembled to 
 operate in that feafon of the year when the morafl^es which 
 feparate them from our fouthern frontier no longer breathe pef- 
 tilence. By what are thofe armies to be oppofed ? Will you 
 call the militia from the north to afllft their fouthern brethern ? 
 They are t#o remote. Will you to fecure their feafonable 
 aid, bring them early to the fields they are ordered to defend ? 
 They muft perifli. The climate more fatal than the fword 
 will deftroy them before they fee their foe. The country ad- 
 joining to our fouthern frontier is now in poflTeflion of the mcft 
 numerous tribes of favages we are acquainted with. The 
 
 E 
 
34 
 
 accefs to it from New Orleans and the Floridas is eafy and 
 immediate. The toys and gewgaws manufactured in France 
 will be fcattered in abundance to win their affections and fe- 
 duce them from their prefent conneClion. The talents of the 
 French to gain the good will of the favages is well known, and 
 the difpoiition of thofe uncultured men for war is equally no- 
 torious. Here then is a powerful inftrument of deftruction 
 which may be ufed againfl you with ruinous effecf. Befides, 
 What is the population of the fouthern Itates ? Do you not 
 tremble when you look at it ? Have we not within thele few 
 days paffed a law to prevent the importation of certain dan- 
 gerous chara(fl:ers .? What will hinder them from arriving in 
 the Floridas and what can guard the approach from thence 
 to our fouthern frontier ? Thefe pernicious emiffaries may Si- 
 mulate with a profpeCt of freedom the miferable men v/hQ 
 now toil without hope. They may excite them to imitate a 
 fatal example, and to d.S: over thofe fcenes which fill our 
 minds with horror. When the train lliall be laid ; when the 
 confpiracy iliall be ripe ; when the armies of France fliall have 
 reached your frontier, the firing of the firfl mufket will be a 
 fign -1 for general carnage and conflagration. Jf you will not 
 fee your danger now, the time mud foon arrive when you fliall 
 feel it. 1 he fouthern flates being expofed to fuch imminent 
 danger their reprefentatives may be made to know that a vote 
 given in congrefs fliall realize the worfl: apprehenfions. You 
 will then feel their danger even on this floor. 
 
 Such being the probable refult, as to the fouthern what will 
 be to the middle ftates ? Their trade to the Wefli-India iflands 
 is gone the moment that country is in pofleflion of the 
 French. England, to v/hofe dominions alone they can have 
 recourfe for the vent of their produce and the purchafe of 
 their fupplies, will confine that commerce to her own fliips. 
 I fay the moment the French are in poflTefllon of New Orleans 
 your Weft India trade is gone. I do not mean that this effect 
 Vv'ill be fudden as a flafli of lightning, but it will be gone in a 
 few years, which may be confldered as a momenl^when com- 
 pared with national exiltence. You will then be dependent 
 for chat trade on the good will of England, and, as your navi- 
 gation dccreafes, your dependence will be flill greater, becaufe 
 you will rely on her navy for your protection. I again repeat 
 that when it fliall be a queflion in your councils whether you 
 
35 
 
 wHI have a navy, the increafing weight of the weRern country 
 will be thrown into the fcale of oppofition. They will infiil 
 on an army for their protedtion. My honourable colleague 
 has exprefled his fears from a (landing army. Sir, your pre- 
 fent negligence will put you under the nectiTity of having fuch 
 an army, and expofe you to all the confequences to be appre- 
 hended from it. You may indeed remain united in a body as 
 one nation, but with fuch contrarient interefts and opinions, 
 with fentiments and views fo different, it will be a large and 
 languifhing body without a foul. 
 
 To the eaftern ftates, when feparately confidered this may 
 appear a matter of lefs moment than to the other great divifi- 
 ons of our country. But they will perceive in it the lofs of 
 their navigation ; they will fee the theatre of their induflrious 
 exertions contra6ted ; they will feel the lofs of the productions 
 of that weftern world in the mafs of their commercial opera- 
 tions J and above all they will feel the lofs of an ample re- 
 fource for their children. Thefe wefiern regions are peculiarly 
 their heritage. It is the property of the fathers of Ame- 
 rica which they hold in trull: for their children. The exu- 
 berant population of the eaflern ftates flows in a fteady 
 ftream to the weftern world, and if that be rendered ufe- 
 lefs, or pafs under the dominion of a foreign power, the 
 faireft hope of pofterity is deftroyed. The time may come, 
 and I fear it will come, when thofe who crofs the mountains 
 will crofs the line of jurifdiftion. Whether we confider there- 
 fore this objeCl in its relations to our general policy, or exa- 
 mine its bearings on the greater divifions of our country, we 
 •find ample reafon to agree with the gentleman near me, that 
 New- Orleans and the Floridas muft not be feparatcd from the 
 United States. 
 
 Let us now confider the confequence of the ceflion we com- 
 plain of to other nations, and this we may do generally and 
 then more efpecially as to thofe who have a direft and imme- 
 diate intereft in the tranfadion. In a general view the firfl 
 prominent feature is the coloiTal power of France. Dange- 
 rous to Europe and to the world, what will be the eifeft of 
 a great encreufe of that power ! Look at Europe. One 
 half of it is blotted from the liil of empire. Auftria, Ruflja, 
 Pruffia, and Bricain are the only powers remaining, except 
 Sweden and Denmark, and they are paralized. Where 
 
is Italy, Switzerland, Flanders, and all Germany weft of the 
 Rhine ? Gone, fwallowed up in the empire of the Gauls. 
 Holland, Spain, Portugal, reduced to a ftate of fubmiffion 
 and dependence — What is the fituation of the powers that re- 
 main ? Auftria is cut off from Italy, the great objeft of her am- 
 bition for more than three centuries ; long the rival of France, 
 long ballancing with the Bourbons the fate of Europe, flie 
 muft now fubmit, and tacitly acknowledge to the world the fu- 
 periority of her foe, and her own humiliation. Pruffia, un- 
 der the aufpices of the great Frederick was at the head of a 
 Germ.anick league to ballance the imperial power. Though 
 united with Auftria for a moment in the hollow league of the 
 coalition, ftie has, like Auftria, been actuated by a blind jea- 
 loufy, and favouring the operations of France for the ruin of 
 her rival, expected to ftiare largely in the general fpoil. In 
 this fond hope ftie is difappointed ; ftie now fees the power 
 of France at her door. There is not a fortrefs from the K hinc 
 to the Baltic, except Magdebourgh, which the Firft Conful may 
 leave on his left. The fertile plains near Leipfic contain the 
 magazines for his armies when he fliall think proper to march 
 to Berlin, Weftphalia and lower Saxony are open, on the 
 fide of Flanders and Holland. The Maine prefents him a mi- 
 litary road to the borders of Bohemia. By the Necker he 
 approaches Ulm, and eftabliflies himfelf on the Danube. 
 Thefe rivers enable him to take the vaft refources of his wide 
 domain to the point where he may wifli to employ them. 
 Menacing at pleafure his neighbours, he is himfelf fecured by 
 a line of fortrelTes along his whole frontier. Switzerland, 
 which was the only feeble point of his defence, and which 
 feparated his Gallic and Italian dominions, has lately been 
 fubjefted. The voice you now hear warned the Swifs of 
 their fate more than eight years ago. The idea feemed then 
 extravagant ; but realized, it appears but as a neccffary inci- 
 dent. Ruffia is deprived of her influence in Germany, and 
 thereby of a principal inftrument by which her policy might 
 operate on the great powers of the fouth. The Germanick bo- 
 dy is indeed in the hand of the Firft Conful. Three new elec- 
 tors along the Rhine are under the mouths of his cannon. 
 1 hey dare not fpeak — Speak ! None dare fpeak — Tbey dare 
 not i'/.ii?ik anv thing inconfiftent with his wifhes. Even at their 
 courtly fcaiis they fit like Damocles, deftru6tion fufpended over 
 
37 
 
 their heads by a fingle hair. Would you know the fentiraent 
 of England? Look at the debates. In the two houfes of parlia- 
 ment they fpeak their fears. Such being the general fenti- 
 ment of Europe, can it be fuppofed that they will view with- 
 out anxiety a new extenfion of that power and dominion, the 
 obje61: of their hatred and apprehenfion ? 
 
 Will it be faid that there is a fecurity to the freedom of 
 mankind from the moderation with which this enormous pow- 
 er is to be cxercifed ? Vain delufion ! 1 his power is not the 
 refult of accident. At the moment when France dethroned her 
 fovereign it was eafy to forefee that a conteft mufl enfue in 
 which her exiflence would be flaked againfl: the empire of the 
 world. If not conquered by furrounding princes (and the 
 hope of fuch conquefl: unlefs by the aid of her own citizens 
 was idle) her numerous armies acquiring difcipline muft even- 
 tually conquer. She had the advantages of fituation, and thofe 
 which refult from union oppofed to councils uncertain and 
 felfilh. It was eafy alfo to forefee that, in the fame progrefs 
 of events, fome fortunate foldier would feat himfelf on the 
 vacant throne : for the idea of a French republick was always 
 a ridiculous chimera. Bonaparte has placed himfelf at the 
 head of that nation by deeds which cafl a lullre on his name. 
 In his fplendid career he mud proceed. When he ceafes to aft 
 he will ceafe to reign. Whenever in any plan he fails, that 
 moment he falls. He is condemned to magnificence. To him 
 are forbidden the harmonies and the charities of focial life. 
 He commands a noble and gallant nation paiTionately fond of 
 glory. That nation Simulates him to glorious enterprize, and 
 becaufe they are generous and brave they enfure his fuccefs. 
 Thus the fame principle prefents at once the objeft and the 
 means. Impelled by imperious circumdances he rules in Eu- 
 rope, and he will rule here alfo, unlefs by^spgorous exertion you 
 fet a bound to his power. 
 
 Having call thus a rapid glance on the general flate of 
 Europe it remains to look particularly at the condition of 
 England and Spain fo far as they may be afFefted by the cef- 
 fion of thofe provinces to France. England will fee in it an 
 encreafe of commerce and naval force for her rival. She will 
 fee imminent danger to her iflands and particularly to Jamaica. 
 The climate of Penfacola has already been noticed. The 
 pofition is of incalculable moment. During the fickly and 
 
38 
 
 hurricane feafon, fleets and armies may wait there in fafety till 
 their enemy fhall be enfeebled and unprotefted. Where will 
 the Britiih fleers and armies be flationed with equal advan- 
 tage ? If they aflc an afylum in your ports, you mufl refufe ; 
 for fliould you liften to any fuch propofition your kindnefs 
 would be confidered as a hoftile aggrefl^ion. The influence of 
 France on the United States (which has already been noticed) 
 will give double weight to her reprefentations. And this very 
 influence is among the effefts which Britain mufl: deprecate. 
 I have not time to dwell on this fubje^l, nor many others as 
 fully as I ought. The condition of Spain is not lefs worthy 
 of notice. No two nations on earth have more rooted hatred 
 for each other than France and Spain. There are none more 
 diflerent in eflVntial points of charafter. United however 
 under fovereigns of the fame family, thefe antipathies were 
 wearing away. But the fatal flroke which deftroyed the 
 French monarch has fevered that band. Force has fince pro- 
 duced not union, but fubmifllon. It is not in nature that the 
 Spanifli king fliould fofler kindly fentiments for him who has 
 decked himfelf in the fpoil of his houfe. The proud, the brave, 
 and the loyal Caftilian groans under the yoke which galls him, 
 but which he cannot break, and fickens at the recolleftion of 
 his antient glory. His deep refentments are known, and it is 
 to prevent their effe^ls that he has been compelled to make 
 the cefllon of thefe provinces. France will then hold at her 
 difcretion the Spanifli treafures, and the rich provinces of the 
 New World. At the firfl; fympton of hoftile fentiment flie 
 arrefts the means of aggreflion. Thus the dependence of 
 Spain is rendered abfolute, and her chains are riveted for ever. 
 Does Spain behold this flate of things with calm indiflerence ? 
 No. She feels all the pangs of wounded pride driven to the 
 neceflity of perpetuating its own humiliation. 
 
 A few words after what has already been faid will fuflice to 
 fliew the importance of thefe provinces to France. This re- 
 fults from the influence on her rival, on Spain, and on the 
 United States ; by means of the pofition, the refources and 
 the means of aggreflion which thofe provinces afford. Enough 
 has been faid of the pofltion. The refources are great and 
 encreafing. Not only cotton and indigo will be furniflied 
 for her manufactures, but fupplies and fubfiflence for her 
 colonies and her troops. Thefe refources too will be at the 
 
39 
 
 very point moft important both for defence and aggrefTion. 
 The fame force will be ready to operate either againft En- 
 gland, Spain, or America. Thus that force will be tripled 
 in its moral effe£l, and influence alike the conduft of all 
 againft whom it may be directed. To what has been faid on 
 the facility with which we may be aifailed I might add 
 much, but it is unneceflary. It behoves us however to con- 
 fider well the fpirit of the French government, which in 
 all its changes has never loft fight of this obje£l. The 
 French minifter Mons. De la Luzerne, when congrefs were 
 deliberating on the ultimata for peace, obtained a refolution 
 that our miniHers ftiould, as to our weftern boundary, treat 
 under the dictation of France. Our minifters difdained the 
 condition, and rcfufed to obey. 1 heir manly conduct ob- 
 tained for you the countries whofe fate is now fufpended on 
 your deliberations. Never, no never has France loft fight 
 of Louifiana. Never for a moment has flie been blind to 
 its importance. Thofe who, driven from her bofom into exile, 
 wandered about among us, have gathered and communicated 
 the fuUeft information. While they enjoyed your hofpitality 
 they probed your weaknefs, and meditated the means of 
 controlling your conduft. Whatever may be the fair ap- 
 pearances, rely on it that every Frenchman bears with him 
 every where a French heart, and fo he ought. I honour him 
 for it. O ! that Americans had always an American heart ! 
 
 It remains to notice the advantage of this country to the 
 United States, as it may relate to our power, our peace, our 
 commerce, and above all, to our freedom. As to our power 
 fomething has already been faid on the peaceful influence 
 which refults from the dependence of colonies belonging to 
 the great nations of i'^urope — add to this that the product of 
 thofe colonies muft pafs by our doors and be expofed to our 
 cruifers. A further advantage is to be found in the ready 
 means of invaflon f'in concert with the troops of others) if 
 driven to the neceiTity of war. '1 he poflTeftion of power will 
 give us not only fecurity but peace. Peace indeed can never 
 be fafe but by the aid of power. Our difpofition is pacifick. 
 It is our intereft to be at peace, and the form of our go- 
 vernment while it fecures to us the enjoyment of as much 
 liberty as is poflible, renders it particularly imprudent to rifque 
 in war any change of the conftitution. Grant us thefe pro- 
 
40 
 
 vinces and we can di£l-ate the conditions of our commerce 
 with the iflands. PoireiTed of them it will be doubly lucrative, 
 and without them wholly uncertain. There is another ftream 
 of profitable trade which will then flow in our channels. 
 The rifque and difficulty which Spain experiences in bringing 
 home her treafures when flie is at war, will naturally fuggefl: 
 the advantage of remitting them through this country. The 
 Produce of the Mexican mines may then be fliipped dire£lly 
 to Afia. It will be paid for to Spain by bills on the com- 
 mercial nations, and thus furnifli to her the eafy means of 
 obtaining the fupplies (he may (land in need of. The bullion 
 will be fo much the more valuable as the danger and expence 
 of tranfportation are diminifhed. This, therefore, would have 
 a beneficial refull upon the whole commercial world. It would 
 more efpecially emancipate Spain from her prefent thraldom. 
 It would give a happy change to all her interior adminiftra- 
 tion, and increafe both her abfolute and relative force. Let 
 me fay here that it is our intereft to preferve the authority of 
 Spain over her American territory. We have enough of 
 our own. We can have no wifh to extend our dominion. 
 We want men, not land. We are therefore the natural and the 
 fafe guardians of Spain. On us Ihe may rely with perfeft con- 
 fidence. We can derive from that commerce, which it is her in- 
 tereft to permit, all the advantage we ought to aik But great as 
 are the benefits which will refult from the pofiiefilon of the Flo- 
 ridas and New-Orleans, great as is their tendency to advance our 
 power, fecure our peace, and extend our commerce, there 
 is a confideration in compariion with which commerce, peace, 
 and power are but of flight avail. i hefe provinces will forti- 
 fy the defences of our freedom. My honourable colleague has 
 fliated to you his apprehenfions from fl:anding armies. And 
 yetj fir, if we be not poflTefl^ed of this territory, flianding ar- 
 mies become necefl^ary. Without an Impofing military force 
 the inhabitants of the weflern country will be in fuch immedi- 
 ate danger, that they mull league with a neighbour who will 
 have every thing to offer, and from whom they will have eve- 
 ry thing to fear. This will lead to the worfl: of all wars, to 
 civil war. and when that fliall happen, liberty will foon be 
 loll:. The army which has defeated one half the nation will 
 eafily lend itfelf to enflave the other. Such is the hiflory, 
 and fuch will ever be the fcUe of man. In this view then, 
 
41 
 
 above all others, is that polTeffiGn moft precious. When 
 it is in our hands we need no ftanding army. Vv^e can turn 
 our whole attention to naval defence, which gives compleat 
 fecurity both at home and abroad. When we have twenty 
 fhips of the line at fea, and there is no good reafon why we 
 Ihould not have them, we fliall be refpecfVed by all Europe. 
 The fenfe of fecurity refulting from fuch force muft give a 
 new fpring to induftry and encrease the flock of national 
 wealth. The expence compared with the benefit is moderate, 
 nay, trifling. And let me here fay one word as to national 
 expence. Sir, whatever fums are neceffary to fecure the na- 
 tional independence muff be paid. They will not amount to 
 one half of what it mufl coil us to be fubdued. If we will 
 not pay to be defended, we muft pay for being conquered. 
 There is no medium, and but the fmgle alternative. In the 
 proper expenditure for defence, therefore, is true economy, and 
 every pitiful faving inconfiflent with that obje£l, is the worfl, 
 the mofi: profligate profufion. 
 
 Having now confidered^ in its various relations, the impor- 
 tance of thefe provinces, the way is open to eflimate our 
 chance of obtaining them by negotiation. Let me allc on what 
 ground you mean to treat ? Do you exped to perfuade ? Do 
 you hope to intimidate ? If to perfuade, what are your means 
 of perfuafion ? Every gentleman admits the importance of 
 this country, "i'hink you the Firfl Conful, whofe capacious 
 mind embraces the globe, is alone ignorant of its value ? Is 
 he a child whom you may win by a rattle to comply with your 
 wifhes ? Will you, like a nurfe, fing to him a lullaby ? If you 
 have no hope from fondling attentions and foothing founds, 
 what have you to offer in exchange ? Have you any thing to 
 give which he will take ? He wants povvcr. You have no 
 power. Ele wants dominion. You have no dominion. At 
 lead none that you can grant. He wants influence in Europe. 
 And have you any influence in Europe ? What, in the name of 
 Heaven, are the means by which you would render this nego- 
 ciation fuccefsful .? Is it by fome fecret fpell ? Have you any 
 magick power ? Will you draw a circle and conjure up devils 
 to afTifl you ^ Or do you rely on the charms of thofe beauti- 
 ful girls with whom the gentleman near me fays the French 
 grenadiers are to incorporate ^ If fo why don't you fend an 
 cmbafTy of women? Gentlemen talk of the principles of our 
 
 F 
 
42 
 
 government, as if ihey could obtain for us the defired boon. 
 But what will thefe principles avail ? When you enquire as to 
 the force of France, Auflria, or Ruflia, do you alk whether 
 they have a habeas corpus a6l or a trial by jury ? Do you to 
 eftimate their power difcufs their interior police ? No. The 
 queftion is. How many battalions have they ? What train of 
 artillery can they bring into the field ? How many Ihips can 
 they fend to fea ? Thefe are the important circumftancea 
 which command refpeft and facilitate negociation. Can you 
 difplay thefe powerful motives ? Alas ! Alas ! To all thefe 
 queflions you anfwer by one poor word — confidence — confi- 
 dence — confidence — Yea, verily, we have confidence — We 
 have faith and hope, aye : and we have charity too. Well — 
 Go to market with thefe chridian virtues and what will you 
 get for them ? Jufl: nothing. Yet in the face of reafon and 
 experience you have confidence : but in whom t Why, in our 
 worthy prefident. But he cannot make the treaty alone. 
 There mufl be two parties to a bargain. I aik if you have 
 confidence alfo in the Firft Conful .? But whither, in the name 
 of Heaven, will this confidence lead, and to what does rt 
 tend? The time is precious. We wafte, and we have already 
 wafted moments which will never return. You have already 
 tried negociation, I fay you have tried it, becaufe I kno-vv 
 you have a minifter in France, and I am fure the firft 
 jnagiftrate of our country cannot have been fo negligent 
 as not to pay attention to afubje^l which is confefiTedly of fuch 
 magnitude. You have then negotiated. And with what fuc- 
 cefs ? Why, inftcad of defeating the ceftion you have clofed 
 the river. Inftead of obtaining any advantage by a new trea- 
 ty, you have loft the benefit of an old one. — Such are the re- 
 fults of your negotiation in Europe. In this country you 
 have negotiated to get back the privilege you are robbed of : 
 and what follows ? A prohibition to touch their fliores. In- 
 ftead of reftoring the rights of treaty, they cut you off from 
 the rights of humanity. Such is your Iplendid fuccefs from ne- 
 gotiation y and yet gentlemen tell us we muit continue to nego- 
 tiate. The honourable member from Kentucky fays that great 
 lengths are gone in enquiring into and rectifying the irregular 
 procedure — He tells us a minifter is juft appointed and ic would 
 therefore be inconfiilent to fight juft now : that moreover ic 
 •would degrade the Prefident's authority, and defeat his m.;.i- 
 
43 
 
 fares. The gentleman from Georgia fays we have no right to 
 go to war till there fhall be a refufal on the part of Spain ; 
 and my honourable colleague aifures us that if our wrongs 
 are redrelTed by negociation we can have no complaint. As 
 to the lengths which are gone, it is for thofe gentlemen to ap- 
 precfete their value who know what they are. I profefs my ig- 
 norance, and judging by effects, mufl: withhold myconfidence. If 
 we muff wait for a pointed refufal before we do ourfelves 
 right, I venture to predift a delay fatal to the peace of this 
 country. But, Sir, what is it we are to ail<:, the refufal of 
 which will juftify war ? Is it (as my honourable colleague fup- 
 pofes) a mere reftitution of a privilege wrongfully taken away ? 
 Sir, I anfvver in the words of the refolutions moved by my 
 friend. " It does not confifl: with the dignity of this country 
 to hold a right fo importap.t by a tenure fo uncertain.'* But 
 the honourable member from Maryland has told us that we 
 need not crofs the Atlantick to feek for precedents, that we 
 have enough on our own archives ; and he has had the good- 
 nefs to mention our humble petitions prefented to the king of 
 Great Britain in 1775. We fent, fays he, petition after peti- 
 tion. I am fure that honourable member has no wifli that a 
 miniiler fhould be fent to bear our humble petitions to the 
 footftool of the Firft ConfuPs throne. But, Sir, whether we 
 treat or pray it will end as it did m 1775, by war, unlcfs we 
 are determined to give up that independence which we then 
 fought to eftablifli. Let us confider a moment the natural 
 courfe of this negociation. It is the intereft of France to fof- 
 ter in us a hope from treaty, until {lie has putherfelf in a con- 
 dition to fruflrate all other hope. There can be no quellion 
 therefore that ihe has avoided, and will avoid a direft refufal. 
 And as long as we are content to accept of fmooth fpeeches, ge- 
 neral aifurances, vague alfertions, and loofe evafions, we (hall 
 have no want of that court currency. But why (it may be faid) 
 has file not already taken poffefTion ? Becaufe her original 
 plans have been greatly deranged. St. Domingo prefented 
 obftacles unexpecled, and that enterprife muft not be abandon- 
 ed, for though (lie iiland may not in itfelf be of much confe- 
 quence, though it mufh be ruined before it can be conquered, 
 yet conquered it mufh be, for the world muft continue to be- 
 lieve that the Firfl Conful cannot fail in what he has underta- 
 taken. Much of his power refts on that opinion, and it mufl 
 
44 
 
 therefore be maintained. But there are other incidents be- 
 lide thofe of St. Domingo which have had the iame tenden- 
 cy. There followed on the general peace a ferious difculTion 
 of the German indemnities ; then the affiiirs of Italy ; lately 
 of Switzerland ; and during the whole momentous period it 
 was doubtful how far England would bear a continued invafion 
 of the liberties of Europe. And it was evident that fhould 
 the war recommence with England, the force fent to this coun- 
 try would be totally loft. It was important therefore to gain 
 time ; and for that very reafon we fliould have infifted on an 
 immediate decilion. Such then is the ftate of this treaty fo 
 fondly deiired. A treaty by which we are to afk much and of- 
 fer nothing. A negociation in which we have no means to 
 perfuade. Have we any to intimidate ? Where is your pub- 
 lick force ? You have none ; and feem refolved not to have or 
 ufe any. My honourable colleague tells us that war will en- 
 creafe our debt one hundred millions, and that our people are 
 not fond of taxes. He fays we are trying a ?iezu experiment 
 to pay our debts in a Gjiven period, which war would derange. 
 It would iniure,moreover,ourpacifick chara61er,and might draw 
 down the jealoufy of all nations who have colonies. He be- 
 lieves that three fourths of our people are oppofed to war, 
 but yet he thinks that nine months hence we fliall be 
 in a better condition. What is the efFeft of this language ? 
 Is it not to convince the adverfe party that he has nothing to 
 fear fr- a refufal ? As to this experiment for the payment 
 of our Qcbts, whether it have the merit of novelty I ftiall not 
 enquire; but I am bold to aflert that the merit, be it what 
 it may, is due to one of my worthy friends who formerly 
 adminiftered our finances. The fame plan alfo has been 
 adopted by another great ftatesman, (Mr. Pitt) who has for 
 many years paft provided regularly a fund to liquidate in a 
 given period each debt which his nation has incurred. But 
 does England trufc her fafety to the prote61'ion of her finking 
 fund .? a'o. She has fifty thoufand feamen employed and a 
 hundred thouland foidicrs — Thefe form the fliield of her de- 
 fence. A gentleman near me has told us th^ in cafe of war 
 our mercantile capital is expofed in every part of the world. 
 To this I anfv/er, firft, that the fame objeftion will apply with 
 equal weight upon any and every occafion. But further, I fay 
 the argument is dire6ily and completely againft him. How 
 
45 • 
 
 does it ftand ? He admits that if negociation fails he will 
 draw the fword. He goes further, and fays he will throw 
 away the fcabbard. Now, fir, it is clear that if we operate 
 at once, notice may be given to our merchants. Advices may 
 be fent in feafon to every fea. And here let me fay that it 
 is a duty of the government to apprize both our infurers 
 and fhippers of their dangerous fituation. It is unwife as 
 well as unjuft to lull them into a fatal fecurity. But fuppole 
 the treaty fhall fail, and remember that the fuccefs or failure 
 depends on Bonaparte, he will weigh the prefent declara- 
 tions and aft accordingly. He will commence a war on your 
 commerce long before you know that war exifts. I fay there- 
 fore the argument is direftly againfl: the gentleman who ufed 
 it. And here let me fay one word on the comparative 
 merits of the refolutions on your table. Thofe moved by my 
 honourable friend give the Prefident command not only 
 of the militia but of the naval and military force. They 
 place money at his difpofal, and what is moft important, 
 they put it in his power to ufe thefe efficient means. The 
 refolutions moved as an amendment authorize indeed a call 
 for a greater number of militia, but when called they can do 
 nothing but confume their rations. There is no power to 
 bring them into aclion, and of courfe the expence is ufelefs, 
 even for the purpofe of influence. 
 
 Having endeavoured to fhew that Vv'e have no hone from 
 treaty, it only remaius to confider the natural eiTeft taking 
 an immediate poffeilion. Againfl this meafure.^ s been 
 faid, that war, inftead of giving relief, will abfolu- ihut up 
 the Miffiffippi. That a lingle feventy-four in the mouth of 
 that river would flop it effeftually. 1 believe, fir, it v^ould 
 not only flop but turn it ; for a feventy-four would run 
 aground and obftruft the channel. But what is the amount 
 of thefe obfervations ? The gentlemen all agree that if they 
 cannot obtain their objeft Vx'ithout war, they will fight for it. 
 The mifchief they deprecate ir.uft therefore arrive, unlefs 
 there be a well grounded hope from treaty, anil the only dif- 
 ference is, that they are willing to take a longer term of fuf- 
 ferance, becaufe they have a Itronger expeftation of relief 
 without the exertion of force. I have no fuch expeftation. 
 I fliall therefore proceed to confider what will follow if we 
 take polTeffion without a previous alliance with Britain, or 
 
• 46 
 
 with fuch an alliance. I have heard it urged in converfation 
 that fuch alliance ftiould firft be made, and therefore I think it 
 proper to take up the fubje£l in debate. I cannot however 
 but remark on the different language now held from that 
 which we heard a year ago. Then it was the faftiion to fay, 
 we had nothing to do with other nations. And when a man of 
 plain fenfe obferved that this difpofition was of little avail be- 
 caufe other nations would have fomething todo with us; and 
 when the particular danger we now fee was pointed out ; Oh 
 then, to be fure, there was nothing to apprehend from our dear 
 iifter republick. I cenfure no man for adopting other and wifer 
 principles. I have no queftion but that as gentlemen proceed 
 in the bufmefs of government they will fee the folly of many 
 other fanciful notions, but I muft entreat them not to fly from 
 one extreme to the other. I hefitate not to give my opinion that 
 we ought to take poffeffion without confulting Great Britain. 
 And having done fo let us declare to France that we mean to 
 live with her in perfect amity. Let us offer every affiftance 
 in our power to conquer and preferve St. Domingo. Let us 
 fhew her that we have done an a£l of mere defence. Let us 
 prove our pacifick difpoficion by declaring that we are under 
 the tie of no obligation to her rival. To Spain let us hold a 
 limilar language. Let us point out her prefent danger and 
 dcmonflrate the utility of our poffeffion. To both let us offer 
 to relinquifli our claim for fpoliations on our commerce and 
 pay our own merchants. We can well afford to purchafe with 
 that price, a price paid to ourfelves. Finally, if our reprefen- 
 tations do not produce the defired effe£l:, let us tell them that 
 we will ally ourfelves to England, and aid in the conqueft of aU 
 their American dominions. Sir this language will be liflenc- 
 ed to. Rely on it that under fuch circumflances neither 
 France nor Spain dare fend hither a Angle regiment or a An- 
 gle ihip. The exiftence of the Britifti naval force will alone 
 produce all the effect: you could a]k from its operation. But 
 what are we to hope from a delay until an alliance fliall be 
 made ^. What will be the flipulations of the treaty of alli- 
 ance,'* Thefe may be more or lefs onerous or pernicious. Cer- 
 tainly the Britilh minifter will not hazard the fate of his na- 
 tion without the hope of fome correfpondent advantage. One 
 ftipulation is certain. We muft agree to continue the war 
 until a peace can be obtained by common confent : and this 
 
47 
 
 is preclfely the flipulation which we ought not to make, if it 
 can be avoided ; becaufe we fliall then be no longer mafters" 
 of our exterior relations. To this it may be objected, that 
 we cannot expeft aid from Britain without a previous treaty. 
 I aflv what reliance you have for aid with treaty ? The anfwer 
 is, that it will be her interefl. And, fir, it is her intereil: to 
 give that aid without treaty. 
 
 I have now gone through this tedious difcuffion. I have 
 trefpalTcd on your patience more than I wifhed, although 
 from thelatenefs of the hour much has been omitted of what 
 I ought to have faid. 1 have endeavoured to fhew that under 
 the exifting circumltances, we are now actually at war, and have 
 no choice but manly reiiftance or vile fubmiffion. That the 
 pofleiTion of this country by France is dangerous to other 
 nations, but fatal to us. That it forms a natural and neceflary 
 part of our empire, that to ufe the ftrong language of the gen- 
 man near me, it is joined to us by the hand of the Almighty, 
 and that we have no hope of obtaining it by treaty. If indeed 
 there be any fuch hope, it muft be by adopting the refolutions 
 offered by m)'- honourable friend. Sir, I wifli for peace — I 
 wifti the negociation may fucceed, and therefore 1 flrongly 
 urge you to adopt thofe refolutions. But though you fhould- 
 adopt them, they alone will not infure fuccefs. 1 have no 
 hefitation in faying that you ought ta have taken poffelTion: 
 of New-Orleans and the Floridas the inltant your treaty was 
 violated. You ought to do it now. Your rights are invaded, 
 confidence in negociation is vain : there is therefore no alter- 
 native but force. You are expofed to imminent prefent danger. 
 You have the profpe<ft of great future advantage. You are 
 julbfied by the cleared: principles of right. You are urged by 
 the ftrongefl motives of policy. You are commanded by eve- 
 ry fentiraent of national dignity. ^ Look at the conduft of 
 America in her infant years. When there was no aftual inva- 
 fion of right, but only a darm to invade — She relifted the 
 claim. She fpurned the infuit. Did we then hefitate ? Did 
 we then wart for foreign alliance ? No — animated with 
 the fpirit, warmed with the foul of freedom, we threw our 
 oaths of allegiance in the face of our fovereign, and commir- 
 ted our fortunes and our fate to the God of battles. We 
 then were fubjeds. We had not then attained to the dignity 
 of an independent repubhck. We then had no rank among 
 
48 
 
 the nations of the earth. But we had the fpirit which deferv- 
 ed that elevated ftation. And now that we have gained it, 
 Ihah we fall from our honour ? 
 
 Sir, I repeat to you that I wifh for peace : real, lafting, hon- 
 ourable peace. To obtain and fecure this bleffing let us by a 
 boldanddecirivecondufl convince the powers of Europe that we 
 are determined to defend our rights ; that we will not fubmit 
 to infult, that we will not bear degradation. This is the 
 conduft which becomes a generous people. This conduct will 
 command the refpeft of the world. Nay fir, it may roufe all 
 Europe to a proper fenfe of their Htuation. They fee that 
 the ballance of power on v.'hich their liberties depend, is, if not 
 dedroyed, in extreme danger. I'hey know that the dominion 
 of France has been extended by the fword over millions who 
 groan in the fervitudeof their new mailers. Thefe unwilling 
 lubje(rt3 are ripe for revolt. The empire of the Gauls is not 
 like that ot Rome fecured by political inli:itutions. It may yet be 
 broken. But v/hatever may be the condu^ of others, let us 
 afl as becomes ourfelves. I cannot believe with my honour- 
 able colleague that three fourths of America are oppofed to 
 vigorous meafures. I cannot believe that they will meanly 
 refufe to pay the funis needful to vindicate their honour and 
 fupport their independence. Sir this is a libel on the people 
 of ^'merica. They will difdain fubmiffion to the proudell: 
 fovereign on earth. They have not loft the fpirit of feventy- 
 fix. But hr, if they are fo bafe as to barter their rights for 
 gold, if they are fo vile that they will not defend their honour, 
 they are unworthy of the rank they enjoy, and it is no mat- 
 ter hov/ loon they are parcelled out among better maliers. 
 
 My honourable friend from Pennfylvania, in opening this 
 debate, pledged himfelf and bis friends to fupport the executive 
 government if they would adopt a manly conduct. 1 have 
 no hefitation tc renew that pledge. ■\di as becomes America 
 and all .America will be uniced in your fupport. What is our 
 conduft? Do we endeavour to fetter and trammel the executive 
 authority ? Do we oppofe obftacles ? Do we raife difficulties ? 
 No. We are willing to commit into the hands of the chief 
 magiftrate the treafure, the power, and the energies of the 
 country. We afk for ourfelves nothing. We exped nothing. 
 All we afic is for our country. And although we do not be-r 
 
49 
 
 iieve In the fuccefs of treaty, yet the refolutions we move 
 and the language we hold are calculated to promote it. 
 
 1 have now performed, to the bed of my power," the great 
 duty which I owed to my country. I have given that advice 
 uhich in my foul I believe to be the bell. But'l have little hope 
 that It will be adopted. I fear that by feeble councils we 
 11 1.11 be expofed to a long and bloody war. This fear is per- 
 haps ill founded, and If fo I fliall thank God that I was mifta- 
 ken. I know that in the order of his Providence the wifefl 
 ends frequently refult from the mod foolifli meafures. It is 
 our duty to fubmit ourfelves to his high difpenfations. I 
 know that war, with all its mifery, is not wholly without ad- 
 vantage. It calls forth the energies of character, it favours 
 the manly virtues, it gives elevation to fentiment, it produces 
 nanonal union, generates patriotick love, and infufes a juft 
 feiiie of national honour. If then we are doomed to war, let 
 us meet it as we ought; and when the hour of trial comes, let it 
 and us a band of brothers. 
 
 Sir, I have done, and I pray to Almighty God that this day's 
 iebace may eventuate in the profperity, rhefreedom, the neace, 
 the power, and the glory of our country. 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 The reader is requested to make the following corrections. 
 
 Page 22, line 19 from the top, strike out refutation and insert 
 reputation . 
 
 Page 30, line 7 from the top, strike out and in the beginning of 
 the line, and insert it after the Avord monitor^ in the same line. 
 
 Page 30, line 14, between the words grasp and om, insert I, 
 
 Page 30, line 25, strike out the word continually, and insert in 
 place of it eventually. 
 
"-^%<* 
 
 
 
 •1 c 
 

 4 CL 
 
 
 
 -^^0^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 >- ". /,.^,\ /,'^y^^ /"yj^i^^ 
 
 • V 
 
 
 -^^-^^ 
 
 
 
 
 1- A^^"^. -J 
 
 
 
 %,^^ /Jlfe\ "^-..z *^^^^^ ^- '^^ • 
 
 ;* <uK 
 
 
 ♦ V