LB 1059
.B4
Copy 2
FORMAL DISCIPLINE
BY
CHARLES J. C. BENNETT, A. M.
SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
IN THE
Faculty of Philosophy
Columbia University
New York
1905
Lb 1059
.B4
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
Page
The Meaning of the Doctrine of Formal Discipline - - - 7
The Extent of Belief in It and Practice According to It - - 8
PART I. EVIDENCE FROM ANALYTIC PSYCHOLOGY
Analysis of the Doctrine 13
Analysis of the "Common Element" 23
PART II. EVIDENCE FROM EXPERIMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY
Empirical Studies of Formal Discipline 30
New Experimental Data 45
FORMAL DISCIPLINE
Introduction
Meaning of the Doctrine, Arising sometimes out of a prion
philosophy, and at other times out of naive observations on
actual life, there has for a long time existed the notion that
mental power was a sort of entity which could be turned in any
direction, to the solution of any problem. This is indicated by
such phrases as, "He is a man of ability," or, "He has had
good mental training, " or, "He was well disciplined in col-
lege, " or "He has great intellectual power," or "He is a man
of deep insight, " or " unusual foresight. ' ' In all these classes
there is no specification of the lines in which these abilities are
sharp or effective, no peculiar specification being considered in
the general statement. The same is commonly heard in describ-
ing people in other realms of expression, as, "He is a man of
fine feeling," or "He is very sensitive," or "He is very appre-
ciative or full of sentiment;" or still again in another general
field, "He is a man of strong will," or "of great force."
From these more general affirmations concerning human
character, there are numerous gradations toward the specific.
For example, "He is a good reasoner," "an acute thinker,'' "a
shrewd observer," or "He is a lover of the beautiful, " or "is
fond of history,'' or "has great courage.'' In all these it will
be noticed that there is no particular line in which these capaci-
ties are said to be manifested. The question is not put : In
what subjects is he an acute thinker, or of what sort of beauti-
ful thing is he a lover, or in what phases of life is he courage-
ous, e. g., in fighting, or in facing an audience or a woman; or
of what sort of history is he fond, or in what lines is he a good
observer. Again the question may be more narrowly put : He
is a good mechanic, but with what tools? She is a good
musician, but on what instrument.? She is a good painter, but
8 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
with what — water color, oil, or pastel? Now these narrow
questions are not what the advocate of formal disc ipline puts.
He takes the larger words as exponential of character, like
"well.trained mind,'* and holds that the particular actions are
simply the outcome in certain directions of that general mental
attitude.
And the result on the side of education, both in theory
and practice, is apparent. Any subject which exercises the stu-
dent is as good as any other, or, if there is any difference, it is
one of degree. The remoteness of the subject from the life
which the student is to follow is of no importance, whether this
remoteness relates to the subject matter, the method of getting
that subject matter,or the accomplishment effected by the study.
Though one were to be a Christian in adult life in morals and
religion, the study of pagan literature was as generally helpful
in that direction as the study of Jewish literature, for after all it
gave the general things called "culture,'' "outlook," The
same was held to be true of history, so that even yet modern
history occupies a very subordinate place, if any at all, inmost
of the high schools, which are thinking more especially of the
mental development of the student as opposed to the college
which has more nearly in mind the nearness of practical life.
Indeed, the great argument for the classics, for geometry, for
algebra, in the older courses, and later for the introduction of
botany, physics and astronomy, and still later for drawing,
nature study and manual training, has been in more or less
explicit form the dogma of formal discipline, i. e., that each of
these are generally helpful to the mind as such, or, one grade
removed from this, are productive of ready memory, keen per-
ception, accurate reason, lively imagination. Such words or
phrases as "intellectual power," "moral training," "mental
force, ""fibre," "taste," "character, ""disposition" are the ends
of school training.
Extent of Belief in and Practice According to theDoctrine. The
Greeks held in theory, as well as in practice, to the theory of
general training. Plato conceived of a kind of dance which
would not only bring out all the desirable characteristics of the
body, but likewise those of the mind. Their whole training
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 9
would be largely of the character called culture by us today
However, the life of the Greek referred to by Tlato, as by
Aristotle, was that of one of the upper classes only, who was sup-
ported by slaves, and was thus allowed to disport himself in an
easy and untechnical way in politics or art, or conversations
about everything under the sun. Thus there was a closer unity
between the matter and method of the school and of after life
than at first appears. But with the appearance of Scholasti.
cism,formal discipline started on a career of centuries. All one
needed was a training in logic, in intellectual gymnastics, and
from this source of knowledge, the inner consciousness, could be
spun out all good and worthy things. This notion fixed logic in
the course for all these passing years. Latin and the classics
generally were studied in the middle ages for the knowledge
they contained, and that only as mentioned above ; but as the
other tongues developed literatures, they were continued partly
by the force of traditional inertia, and partly on account of their
supposed disciplinary value. Coming on to our own day, the
advocates of even such seemingly practical subjects as manual
training, including cooking, sewing, and gardening, either in
deference to the customary justification of school subjects, or
to some really supposed logical connection, take special pains
to say that these things are not introduced for their practical
value ; far from it, they are simply to achieve more effectively
than did the old list those points of general culture, and the
whetting up of the so-called faculties, as memory, imagina-
tion, reason, etc. The advocates of nature study say that it
helps to better observation, in respect to both the number of
things observed and the acuteness of the process. Their favorite
phrase is, "It trains in observation," and their general position
is that it does not make much, if any, difference what is
observed, so long as that mental function is performed. With
some view to the study of the law in my earlier days, I was
repeatedly advised to study mathematics that my mind might
be trained into accurate, well balanced, logical and exhaustive
methods. On the other side, law is often studied in general
courses for its cross effects in avenues in no ways legal. (^)
^Leland Stanford, Jr., University lately opposed an Act before the Cal-
ifornia Legislature to free her graduates in law from the bar examinations
on the ground that her purpose was not directly to prepare lawyers.
10 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
This position on formal discipline is clearly revealed in all that
very large class of people in this country who send their chil-
dren to private military schools, which are in no sense prepara-
tory to West Point. These parents are avowedly not thinking
of their sons becoming warriors, and it is often the very boys
who are sent to these schools who are in no special mood for
soldierly service and care little for the drills which they are
compelled to undergo. But the 'patent declarations of these
schools are that the students learn respect for law, obedience,
promptness, attention to duty and to details, courage, patriot-
ism, and all the host of things which skill in precise conformity
to law and authority bring. The same principle lies at the base
of much of the militarism of the public[schools in their march-
ing here and there, keeping in line, "heads up, eyes to the
front,'' the slipping, sliding and starting at "one, two, three,"
etc., ad infinitum. So also in many institutions for orphans and
the like, in which the lights go out at this time, rising bells
ring at another, everything working according to machinery
and mathematics. All this is done not for the reason or even
expectation that the children will do these same things in after
life ; for the leaders of these schools show by their own actions,
as well as by confession, that these are not the ways of life.
But such training teaches the children to do the things they are
not to do in the right way, at the right time, etc. Indeed,
there are two implicit articles in this creed : first, that the
child will learn to do the right thing — I mean here the right act,
e. g., going out of a theater properly, — by not doing that thing,
but something else ; second, that the child will be best pre-
pared for certain things not only by not doing those things, but
indeed by doing nothing about them or at all related to them.
That is, by this life of negation, greater capacity will be
acquired for positive action later on. I wish to repeat for
emphasis that whatever good or evil exists in the convents,
cloistral schools, and all others with walls about them, is a
direct outcome of the notion or doctrine of formal discipline,
stated from its negative side. It clearly implies that the build-
ing up of the organism in one way— for living things keep
changing and growing —will be the most effective preparation
FORMAL DISCIPLINE ii
for actions depending on habits in no way comparable to those
earlier formed.
A later form of the doctrine of formal discipline, approved
in high circles, is in connection with the new system of elec-
tives in our colleges and universities. The administrators of
these institutions disavow any connection with professional
schools or trade schools as such, holding that it does not make
much difference what the student takes so that he takes it well;
i. e.y it makes no difference what his business or calling after he
leaves the university will be, a thorough course in one thing
being about as good as another. There is apparently the belief
that this one elected subject, rightly pursued, will give the
student something which will carry over into any or all fields
whatsoever.
The following citations are given to illustrate the state-
ments just made and to indicate the use made of the word "dis-
cipline. ''
The type of instruction should be disciplinary rather than practical.^
The mind is chiefly developed in three ways : by cultivating the powers
of discriminating observation ; by strengthening the logical faculty ; and
by improving the powers of comparison. As studies in languages and in the
natural sciences are best adapted to cultivate the habit of observation ; as
mathematics are the traditional training of the reasoning faculties, so his-
tory and its allied branches are better adapted than any other studies to pro-
mote the invaluable mental power which we call judgment.^
This same committee, including among others, Charles W.
Eliot, Wm. T. Harris, and James B. Angell, say :
On the theory that all the subjects are to be considered equivalent in
educational rank for the purpose of admission to college, it would make no
difference which subjects he had chosen from the programme — he would
have had four years of strong and effective mental training.^
To this James H. Baker objects as it ignores "Philosophy,
Psychology, and the Science of Education. " (^)
Arithmetic, if it deserves the high place it conventionally holds in the
educational system, deserves it mainly on the ground that it is to be treated
as a logical exercise.*
^W. H. Payne, Contributions to the Science of Education, p. 50.
-Report of the Committee of Ten, U, S. Bureau of Education, 1892,
p. 168.
^Report of the Committee of Ten, U. S. Bureau of Education, 1892,
p. 87.
*Bain, Education as a Science, p. 152.
12 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
Arithmetic, when taught with this in mind — the notion of logical
method — gives to the pupil not knowledge of facts alone, but that which
transcends such knowledge, namely, power .^
Value of technical instruction, that which regards hand and eye training
per se as an essential part of human culture.*^
During dictation (exercises) the child can get no chance to play, sleep,
be idle, or do mischief. The process is the best and most perfect di-ill for
order.8
The fiction of formal education (Bildung) must be given up. In general
there exist simply as many kinds of formal education as there are essen-
tially different phases of intellectual employment.*
For the training of this power of observation, it does not matter what
subject the child studies, so that he study something thoroughly in an obser-
vational method. If the method be right, it does not matter among the
numerous subjects well fitted to develop this important faculty, which he
choose or which be chosen for him.^
Mathematics does furnish the power for deliberate thought and accu-
rate statement, and to speak the truth is one of the most social qualities a
person can posess.^
Mathematics no more teaches reasoning in the ordinary sense than
traveling by railroad fits a man for exploring in Central Africa.^
Nothing is better for developing gradually, and methodically, all the
intellectual faculties of children than the study of grammar and literature.
They exercise memory, sagacity, taste, judgment — under all its forms.^
H. Sidgwick quotes the above and assents to it in essays
on a Liberal Education, but feels it somewhat too sweeping.
By cultivating the Greek and Roman languages we acquire skill in all
mental operations. The study of mathematics ranks next in importance
and furnishes an excellent training to the faculties.^
^Smith, The Teaching of Elementary Mathematics^ p. 26.
^Fitch, Educational Aims and Methods, p. 158.
^Manual for Public School, 1850, p. 158.
*Rein, Outlines of Pedagogics, p. 42.
^Charles 'E.Woi, Forum, 1892, p. 428.
®Dutton, Social Phases of Education, p. 30.
^J. M. Wilson, Master of Rugby, Essays on Literary Education, p, 24.
*M. Cournot, Del'Instruction Publique.
^Paulsen, on the stated purpose of the Gymnasia.
Russell, Higher German Schools, p. 74.
PART I
EVIDENCE FROM ANALYTIC PSYCHOLOGY
Analysis of the Doctrine of Foymal Discipline. One of the
reasons for the differences among people about the truth of the
doctrine of formal discipline is the different meanings assigned
to the phrase and to the other phrases used for the meaning.
The Germans call it formal "Bildung," or formal education; it
is also called formal training. While the second word in each
case has a slightly different implication, they are at one in the
emphasis of the formal element as opposed to the content
feature. The following are some of the meanings which it has
in actual use : First, it refers to the increase, in general ca.
pacity of the whole mind when exercised in a definite way. The
mind is supposed to possess as a unity mental energy, force,
power, spiritual unity; it is a whole and homogeneous sub-
stance, without parts or phases. It may be compared to a tank
of a simple gas : invisible, simple, active, possessing a unity
of direct contact, as well as of function. A man who inadver-
tently uses the word "faculties" will hasten to say that he
believes in a mental oneness. Under this position, a man
trains his mind, and that is all there is to it. One person may
do it in one way, and another in a different way, but the goal
is the same : mental energy or sharpness results. Volkmann's
statement that "whatever remains isolated, doesn't enter into
development," is both true and false — true in that no such
separate thing could be a real mental addition, but false in that
there could be no such isolated knowledge. And strangely
enough this thesis of spiritual power has come largely as a reac-
tion against the faculty psychology, ignoring the truth of the
Wolffian position in its efforts to show its falsities. But they
have largely the same outcome for education : they both make a
large opening for the generalized effects of special training.
This point on its psychological side will be taken up later.
14 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
However, there is much naive observation to lead to this
"central energy" doctrine. We see that a brisk walk, though
its particular form may be limited to the exercise of a few
muscles, has a general bodily effect of making one feel better ;
or on the other hand a day's work with a very limited lot of
muscles, the others being in a state of apparent rest, makes the
whole body and mind tired. Each action seems to get a general
response, there seems to be such a thing as inter-organic sympa-
thy. It is easy to carry over this generalization to the realm of
mind, and to make similar conclusions for it. Conscious exper-
ience, also, supports this view, or seems to. We have a feeling
of unity, a persistence of self oneness, not only longitudinally
but latitudinally, not only from day to day, but in all the pro-
cesses of the day at one time. We do not feel any such mental
members, as we do physical. So whether we take analogy or
direct consciousness, we may very rationally come out at the
same place ; namely, that no effect is local, nor even localized
with branches into other regions. Mind is then a totality, a
unity, and any effect on it is total, and must be.
The second meaning of formal discipline does not go so far.
Man is a unity, but only in certain respects. It is now a matter
of the one including the many. Man includes within himself
many little men, each with a different character, yet in some
mysterious way capable of assisting each other. These are
called Perception, Memory, Imagination, Reason, Feeling,
and Will. They are entirely disparate in character and in func-
tion, but each is as real an entity and also as homogenous in
constitution as was "The Mind" of the first position. The pre-
cise attitude of this faculty psychology was laid bare in the phren-
ology of Gall who located each of these separate persons with
the names given above, in a separate compartment of the brain.
A man didn't reason ; his Reason did. A man didn't memorize ;
his Memory did. A man didn't will, but his Will did. A man
was not imagination, memory, etc. ; but he had imagination,
memory, etc., assistants which he employed when he needed
them. He himself was different from all these, as they were
different each from the other. He really was a something outside
of his own mental states of Memory, Imagination, Will.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE ij
There are three important sub-phases of this general posi-
tion, which need to be stated. The first was put forward forci-
bly by Beneke, one of the first strong opponents of the Wolffian
psychology and its consequent pedagogy. He considered that
there were three original possessions, different in degree but
belonging to every person: (a) animation or sprightliness
(Lebendigkeit), which shows itself in making of concepts,
judgments, relations; (b) power or force (Kraftigkeit), which
shows itself in greater moderation, less pain, fear, quicker
recoveries; and finally, (c) impressionability, sensitivity
(Empfindlichkeit) ; these three are fundamental impulses, origi-
nal capacities, which become differentiated into many forms of
activity in later life. Any enrichment, dwarfing, or modifica.
tion of these primitive mental sources modifies all the mature
processes depending on them. The analogy in the biological
world is the differentiation in evolution from a single homog.
enous protoplasmic cell into the later complex animals. These
original possessions constitute a sort of general intelligence,
whose early cultivation or limitation diffuses itself into all later
developments. (^)
The second is that represented by Dr. Bahrwald, ('*) who
conceives of the mind after the form of society, in which there
are individuals, but which is much more than the mere numeri-
cal unity of these. There is a general intelligence resulting
from the refinements and organization of experience on the
passive side, and also in turn reacting upon and directing these
on later individual experiences. This is also really the position
taken by Spearman, who holds that there is a kind of domina-
ting or directing mentality susceptible of training through the
exercise of its specific expressions. "There exists a something
that we may provisionally term General Sense Discrimination,
and similarly a General Intelligence, and farther that the func-
tional correspondence between these two is not appreciably less
than absolute. "(^)
The third sub-phase concerns the internal groupings of the
faculties, within which cross effects are possible. With Socra-
^Beneke, Erziehungs und Unterrichtslehre.
^Bahrwald, Theorie der Begabung, p. 12.
^Spearman, American Journal of Psychologv , Vol. 15, p. 272.
i6 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
tes, knowledge determined will, and since then there have been
claimants for interactionary effects in all degrees: e. g., know-
ledge affects the feelings, and the latter the will ; memory acts
on reasoning, and reasoning on presentation, but not on the
different faculties of the feelings; so also the love for beauty in
form increases the sensitivity to the aesthetic in other direc-
tions, but is inoperative on the will.
The third view of formal discipline does not go so far as
the second. While the distinction is a very real one, especially
in practice, it is not easy for me to give it. Its cleavage does
not run between separate mental powers which may operate in
a relatively independent way, but, without distinguishing
between the mind and body as such, between organic processes.
The conception is that the whole person, as such, functions in
a certain way this moment and in another way the next, and
that we may rightly classify these acts on the basis of certain
elements common to the processes rather than on the things or
powers which make up, or are involved in these acts. Under
the former scheme, one trained his attention ; under this, he
trains himself to do a complicated act called, as in the other,
"attention." Or, one is trained in discrimination, which in its
very wording puts emphasis on the act. This view refers to a
congeries of nerve, muscle, attention, etc., which makes dis-
crimination a function rather than a fact with mere content.
To illustrate, a wood-chopper in the handling of the axe
uses hands, arms, eyes, will, etc. So likewise does he use the
same arms, eyes, will, etc., in pushing the plane, or driving a
nail. The same engine may push or pull, or carry a load; may
run up hill or down, backward or forward. The classification
is made on the act in which the engineer — engine organism,
enters as the agent.
It conceives of every act as involving to a greater or less
degree all the mental and physical capacities. For example, in
reading in Quo Vadis of the fire in Rome, there is involved not
only my ability to image absent objects, but also my capacity
to memorize, to discriminate, to compare, to sense, to judge,
etc., besides the motor accompaniments, which are equally
present, though not to the same apparent degree. This posi-
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 17
tion is clearly in the mind of the manual training advocates who
speak of the hand-eye-mind training, or the motor-sense adjust-
ments and co-ordinations.
There is another phase of this diffusion theory of participation
which I shall have to put in as a corollary, and yet it may have
all of the truth there is in the doctrine of formal discipline,
Emerson calls attention to the fact that character is not intel-
lect, great mentality, or exceptional emotional qualities, or
unusual volitional capacities, if we are to judge by the number
or novel quality of their actions. Yet we say that certain per-
sons have strong characters, commendable dispositions, a some-
what which underlies all those more noticeable mental and phy-
sical phenomena. Points in this general make-up may be sep-
arated out, such as caution, reliability, sanity, prudence, taste,
atmosphere, integrity, wholesomeness, application, sympathy,
etc. These are not acts ; they are total habitual ways of per-
sonal response. Their unity undoubtedly connotes what we
mean by "culture. " These large personal values may not come
from any transfer of special training in any of the senses already
enumerated. Yet it may be that system, industry, economy in
its largest meaning, personal unity, etc., may be obtained from
the study of almost any subject, and, for the moment overlook,
ing the knowledge side, from one subject as well as another.
These accomplishments may be called generalized habits or
modes of action. They are often referred to as the "sub-con.
scious" effects of education as distinguished from the conscious
ones, such as improvement in "method," skill, or what not.
They are largely unmeasurable and untestable, but constitute
the "color, " the "atmosphere, " the spirit, the character. We
have become a part of every person and thing we have touched.
The last view of formal discipline, to be now described, is
the extreme of the first. It holds that we are machines for do-
ing things, just as truly machines as any that our hands fashion
for sawing lumber or rolling iron. We are a system of levers,
pulleys, etc., a conscious machine, and the mind is a word used
to distinguish a certain phase of the machine; for example, it
defines the purpose, sees the end, marks out the way — it is the
cabman on the carriage. Our learning to do this and that no
i8 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
more signifies that we can do something else than the fact that a
saw is tempered and sharpened for sawing signifies that it can
make a shovel. It may make a shovel, but that is not because
if its edge being a good saw but because it is of such form that
it may be adapted to the two purposes. So we may do one thing
well and also do another well, because we are so pliably con-
structed that we may do these two things well. Also, I may be
able to do one thing well and another very poorly, because in
this case I am made correctly to do the one and incorrectly to
do the other. To do the other, I shall have to make some new
combinations of muscles and nerves, etc., that is, make a new
machine for this new work. In support of this are brought forth
many men of great skill in one line unskilled in others, who
have to get this second skill if they wish it, by as arduous labor
as if they could do nothing else. There is little or no cross
influence. We do not cultivate "powers," or the "mind," or
"faculties," or an "organism," but are drilled into specific
modes of action, each with its own peculiar coordinations,
mental and motor. Of course, the practical advice of this doc-
trine in school life is to get at a thing that is to be done, with-
out any intervention or doing of another thing as a medium.
We have no Memory, Imagination, Reason, but can
memorize this series of facts, not necessarily that ; have good
judgment about this situation, but not another one ; can easily
picture certain conditions, but not others. As with machines
generally so with men: there are many sorts.
These four positions seem to me to define the territory in
which the problems of formal discipline arise. There yet
remain the two questions; What is it that is carried over? and
What are the means .-'
The first answer is that studies give an increase in the
native force, original power, brute capacity — the foot-pounds of
energy so to speak. "Intellectual capacities" carry here the
idea of room that has been enlarged ; spiritual or emotional
range that has been extended. It is as if more potentiality had
been added. No one faculty is sharpened, no special skill or
knowledge secured; but just as food in the body is carried to
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 19
all parts of the organism of the growing child by the circulatory
system, without in any manifest way giving skill or deftness to
any one part, so mental pabulum, through some sort of mental
circulation, apperception, or something else, adds energy, force,
power, strength, range, capacity, richness to the soul. The
mind is built up by what it feeds upon ; not simply by what is
taken into it. but by what is assimilated. Then the teacher's
problem becomes: "What are the studies with these largely
nutritious elements in them, and what are the proper ways of
presenting them so that they will most effectively be ingested
by the mind, and, as properly digested food, eventuate in action.?
What such a teacher is after, then, is not this or that particular
skill, or this or that body of , knowledge as such, but the issuing
of opinions, judgment, poise, cosmic and human sympathy,
insight and adaptability — in short, the quantity and quality of
the larger life.
The second position, of course, denies the first, and holds
that the only result which is more than local in its effect is
knowledge, —knowledge of facts which are of more or less gen-
eral application, and of methods particularly.
It is held more narrowly that one gets the idea of accuracy,
say in mathematics, as a proper rule to follow in solving any sort
of problem ; and so though one is never to use mathematics yet
as it necessitates par excellence the use of care, precision, etc. , it
is the subject to study so as to secure these methods which are
of such universal application. The function of schools is to
bring out in the clear forefront of consciousness from the frag-
ments and ends of things called for convenience algebra, geo-
graphy, etc., the common essences, their common values, and gen-
eralize them. Get the knowledge first and then the habit of see-
ing and experiencing in a vital way such things as truth, honesty,
adaptability, humanity. Dr. Moore, in his article (^) on this
subject, points out that the Greek teachers so universalized
mathematics in their teaching, that number and geometrical
form became to them a real way, a vital category for thinking
any and all sorts of things universal, and had been made to arise
out of the particular, in no mere metaphysical way, but in such
'^Western Journal of Education, May, 1903.
20 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
direct contact with life that ever afterward it became an apper-
ceptive form of the mind. We surely do have concepts not
limited to the particular act which gave them origin.
The third position holds that skill, keenness, facility is
transferred. Logic makes an acute man; mathematics, an exact
man; history gives, not the method of memorizing, but increased
readiness; Latin trains to close observation; astronomy, to finer
and sharper imaginative ability. The boy who is drilled in
manual training does not get chiefly a method of procedure or
way of going at things which he chiefly realizes would be good
in the business world when he gets out into it ; but he is made
into an accurate, polished machine, who will plan his law cases
as he did his joinings. The student will remember the cost
price of his goods because he has learned his Greek and Latin
vocabulary; he will use good judgment in putting in an orchard
or an irrigating ditch, because capacity was exercised in literary
interpretation. Prefaces to many of the text-books used in our
schools freely confess that the knowledge which will be carried
away will be of limited application, as they can very well say
without fear of contradiction of algebra, most of arithmetic,
much of geography, and still more of language work, especially
analysis. They could hardly claim for much of this work any
wholesale mental enrichment, or deepening of the sympathies
or appreciations. Nor do pupils from it learn methods of any
very large application, but they are drilled in discrimination,
in analysis, in observation, etc., and these arts when once
acquired are usable, of course, wherever they are needed. Calvin
Thomas says, "the value of German lies in the scientific study
of German itself, in the consequent training of the reason, of
the powers of observation, comparison, and synthesis, in short
in the upbuilding and strengthening of the scientific intel-
lect. "O
The last view to be mentioned is the one espoused by the
ultra-radical opponents of any sort of formal discipline. There
are no general powers, even relatively general ; there are only
specific capacities. We learn to do this thing and that ; we are
^Quoted in Thorndike, Educatiotial Psychology y p. 83.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 21
very complex engines for accomplishing well defined ends, and
though this machine may do many things, its one trick has
nothing to do with the other. A broomstick may be used for a
cane, but its original usefulness will in no way affect its second
performance. Consciousness defines the end of the function;
the coordination of joints, muscles, nerves, etc., constitute the
means. We learn to do by doing. Yes, but definitely, we
learn to do this thing by doing this thing. There is nothing
incidental, indirect, or mediated in this scheme. If a child is
to learn to read, put him at it. He can't do it by listening to
the birds or looking at the flowers. O'Shea, for instance,
declares that "particular experiences give adjustment to particu-
lar situations only, and not to all sorts of situations. "(^) A
good teacher may make a poor father; a good lawyer, a poor
statesman ; a good scientist, a poor citizen. Not long since a
tin manfactuurer told me that a man presented himself at the
shop for work, with a strong letter of commendation from his
last employer. He was given materials which had been cut out
by machinery, to put together. As I recall, they were to be
coffee pots. He puttered about the work for a long while, and
then reported to the manager that he could not do the task.
But he said, "If you will let me have the sheet tin, I can do
it. " He was so permitted just to test his word; and with great
skill he made a complete vessel in a few minutes. This example
illustrates well the position which these anti-formalists take.
There is a corollary to this last view which may be more
important than its principal claim. It is that one action will
aid another to the extent tnat the two involve the same mental
coordinations. For instance, since the muscles of the arm are
employed in drawing as well as in writing, so the training in
one process will be of some assistance in the other. Voice
culture for purposes of singing might assist the public speaker
or elocutionist. "The thesis which I shall try to defend, "says
Thorndike, " is that a change in any one function alters any other
only^in so far as the two functions have as factors identical ele.
ments. The change in the second function is in amount that
due to the change in the elements common to it and the first.
'^Education as Adjustment^ p. 246.
2i FORMAL DISCIPLINE
The change is simply the necessary result upon the second func-
tion of the alteration of those factors which were elements of
the first function and so were altered by its training. To take
a concrete example, improvement in addition will alter one's
ability in multiplication, because addition is absolutely identical
with a part of multiplication and because certain other processes,
e. g. , the eye movements and the inhibition of all save arithmeti-
cal impulses, are in part common to the two functions." Q')
This conception, as opposed to the others, may be called the
biological one, as it is the logical outcome of the doctrine of
adaptation or evolution. Thus there is no actual transfer here
at all of power, skill, or method. Such seeming influences are
due to the external setting, and not to the real differences in
organic functioning.
There is evidently another source of confusion among the
writers on this subject which I have not mentioned. One will
uphold his position by reference to the one-sidedness of a
specialist, who has all the good qualities in his chosen line but
is noticeably uneducated in other things. Indeed, he may have
been at one time in his life fairly capable in several fields, but
his skill in these was affected in inverse ratio to his skill and
learning in the speciality. Another advocate will, from the
same volume of human history, select cases where men have
taken the restricted regimen of the old classical college, and
have later stood at the head in some art or profession of which
their college taught them nothing, — stood higher, in fact, than
those who by the apprenticeship system had narrowed them-
selves to that one thing only. It is possible that training car-
ried on for a short period has a diffused effect, which manifests
itself in a more or less heightened tone of all other parts, hence
all other acts ; whereas, if the practice is of a very specific kind
and kept up for a long period, the tracts of discharge become
more pronounced, the other paths and complexes become in-
creasingly isolated and less used. Growth and development
have ceased and the individual has become a machine, a special-
ist. This has not only empirical support, but it harmonizes
with the doctrine of infancy before referred to. Childhood,
^Thorndike, Educational Psychology, p. 80.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 23
with its vacillating interests, its unsystematized movements, its
many sided curiosity, the very apparent stimulation of all sorts
of motor reactions by one attempt to do one thing, say to write,
contrasted with the processes of the adult which are both exact
and limited in their noticeable influence to a narrow field, sug-
gests that there may be more of truth in the doctrine of formal
discipline for one period of life than for another, and also for
one length of time as opposed to another.
The Analysis of the '^Common Element.'''' I am going to start
out with a thesis stated by Thorndike in writing on this same
subject: viz., "A change in one function alters any other only
in so far as the two functions have as factors identical elements.
The change in the second function is in amount that due to the
change in the elements common to it, and to the first. " (^) This
conclusion, which has been arrived at by the examination of the
evidence, both logical and experimental, is put at the beginning
for the purpose of giving an arrangement of the evidence. But
"common element," though used very extensively as a final con-
cession by antiformalists, (^)is a very ambiguous term,and I shall
now call attention to some of the ways in which it has been em-
ployed.
It is first to be noted that the situations to which the above
thesis is applicable cannot be determined in an a priori fashion
by analysis. It is very difficult, also, to know when there are
common elements. For example, the advocate of manual train-
ing, on examining the act of a pupil in selecting a piece of wood
to make a thin box, and the act of the same individual, now a
man in life, in determining in what city it is best to locate his
steel plant, says that "judgment" is the common element, and
that the exercise in the former process carries over to the latter.
This is a mere topical question, but it is not unusual in pedagogy
to find such queries made the basis of educational theory and
practice.
As this whole inquiry has to do with processes, we may
rightly consider the chief factors to be, (a) the mind, (b) the
^Thorndike, Educational Psychology, p 80
^See article by members of the Scholia Club in the Western Journal of
Education., 1903.
24 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
body, (c) the environment, and (d) the interaction of these as a
unity. The common element, therefore, must be present in
one of these four situations. First, it may be in the likeness of
the'product of acts, or of objects or environment. An external
similarity, multiplying six by seven, or adding eight and nine,
are alike in that numbers are numbers.
The act of a cat getting out of a box, and of a man are
identical; both open a door by pressing a latch. A parrot talks
and so does a person. The problem solved in the school arith-
metic may be the same as the one in the counting house. A
child of Mr. Smith is none the less his child when taught by
him at school. But both empirical evidence and investigations
declare such cases, though identical when viewed externally, to
be very distantly related. The cat's act in getting out of the
box is almost wholly a result of unconscious selection; the
man's is a highly deliberative and conscious one. (^) Certain
numbers as such are identical, yet the correlation between the
simplest ways of handling them may be very small. (^) For
given actions it has been sufficient to identify the elements in
the curriculum of the elementary grades with the elements of
the larger life, but it is only a superficial, not a psychological
likeness. In the case of the tinner referred to a few pages ago,
there was an identity of product only. He could make the
vessel in one way only from the tin plate. When required to do
it in a new way, the chain of associated acts to which he was
accustomed was broken in the middle, and the initial ones com-
pletely dropped. He was as helpless as would be a child to take
up the steps in a demonstration in geometry, many steps along.
Yet he was dealing not merely with similar, but identical
material and output, and, more minutely, in ways or processes
which were in part perfectly alike.
Or, again, a fruit broker knows prunes as to their size,
color, species, weight, preparation for market, etc., all in
relation to market values. But put him in the orchardist's place
who looks at the same fruit as a producer, and he is not so capa-
^Thorndike, Animal Intelligence.
^Aikens, Thorndike, and Hubbell. Psy. Rev., IX, pp. 374-382.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 25
ble as an ignorant laborer. Yet both are dealing with the same
object. Consequently no analysis of the external conditions, or
subject matter, will suffice to discover the elements which,
because of their sameness, can aid each other.
Nor does "common element" refer to similarity of two
mental states, though they may both have the same name.
Thorndike and Woodworth (^) have shown that in the cases of
judging the areas of slightly different forms, where most of the
mental elements are apparently closely alike, as attention, visual
sensation, comparison, etc., the diffusion effects were very
slight. The taster of wines is not noticeably more sensitive to
differences in qualities of tea than ordinary folks.
Again, it is not easy to know what are identical elements
when the body as a machine is analyzed. It is easy enough to
say that certain muscles and nerves are employed in two acts,
and that training them to do one thing well will of course train
them to do another well; but such conclusions seem only par-
t ially warranted in practice. Dr. Jastrow(^) in extended tests on
two sleight-of-hand performers, found that in ten out of twelve
experiments, involving dexterous movements of hands and eyes
— the very points of their skill— they were no better than the
average student, and in some cases worse than the average. On
the track team, the sprinter is no great walker. The artist is
not famous for his penmanship. It is quite probable that these
visible members of the body are mere appendices to the really
basal participants in any movement ; namely, the cells and fibers
of the nervous system. However, this is yet too great a terra
incognita to find in it any common elements.
There yet remains the total organism environment in which
to seek the "common element." It would be difficult to get at
the bicycle's secret by standing it up and looking at it. The
historical philosopher would probably try it in that way; but the
machinist would put the wheel in motion, and taking in the
entirety, bicycle, speed, path, etc., get his principle. The
\ Psychological Review^ Vol. V 1 1 1, p. 344.
^Jastrow, Science^ N. S., May 8, 1896.
26 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
environment is often set over against the subject for purposes of
practical distinctions, but for scientific purposes, connected
with functions, any such breaking asunder must destroy the very
thing sought for. The real basis of action is not the sensory
motor tract alone. The rather is it an action, circle, a totality,
where the so-called environment is a vital, living part, — in it
are involved all causes: final, efficient, and formal. Many
cross sections of this circle may finally give the analyst his
essential common element, and when found, it may be the least
suspected phase of the whole process. For example. Wood-
worth (^) found that mere exercise of the left hand, in the effort
to reach an accomplishment, did not give an increase in excel-
lence in the right hand ; it must be successful practice. And so,
for the present, the only final method for reaching the truth de-
sired, w>.,what acts aid other acts, is the one of experiment, of
trial.
I return now to the general thesis which is to be defended :
that there may be, or may not be, a transfer, and that it may be
of different character in different cases, and of varying degrees.
There are several supports for this judgment, though not
proofs, found in the field of biology. We are walking histories
of the past; every tooth, nail, lineament, member, tells the
skilled observer what we have been doing, under what conditions
we have lived. We have developed under the stress of circum-
stances, which have always been specific situations. As the
needs of life changed, new appliances were developed to meet
them, and as the latter strengthened, the old appliances, their
need gone, slowly passed away, or remained as vestigial organs.
So we do not see any and all sorts of things, are not attentive
to any and all sorts of objects, nor able to imagine any and all
sorts of situations ; but we see, imagine, and are attentive to
only those objects which have been a vital part of our envir-
onment.
From this statement it is inferable clearly that any such
unitary basis as an amount of supposedly homogenous energy,
or a complete organic function, (^) in every act is untenable.
^Woodworth, Psychological Review. Mon. Sup. 13.
^Seepp. 14, 19.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE a?
So specific and needful are some performances that others,
instead of being augmented thereby, are the rather slighted and
dwindle away. On the other hand, this very capacity of the
animal to adapt himself to new situations, implies such a rela-
tion between new possible acts and the old ones, that the latter
will aid the former by participating, wholly or partially, in
them.
This point is Drought out by examining the animal king-
dom genetically. Cats and dogs are wonderfully skillful in do-
ing certain things, but they learn other closely similar acts
with great difficulty. It is near the truth to say there is, with
them, no transfer from one act to another. With monkeys,
there is greater pliability of the organism, and with man, still
greater. He, however, is simply a more complex machine,
with all his powers and abilities specific and not general. So
his old habits do aid in acquiring new ones of a certain kind;
viz., those which are largely alike in some biological essence to
the old.
From the study of the growth of the child, the same point
is deducible. From youth on, life is selection, — taking on this
habit or that mannerism, and finally this trade or profession,
and finding, as in the case of Darwin, the neglected possibilities
becoming more and more impossible. The boy can easily learn
to ride the bicycle, or to speak a foreign tongue, but the adult,
whether educated "all round" or in a specialty, finds much
obstruction.
The child can readily learn several languages, and speak
them all equally well, but necessity forces a choice, which
becomes a habit — and that gate of opportunity is closed, but
closed that others may be opened. The man has simply become
a machine to grind out a certain grist : educational, legal, medi-
cinal, or what not. Habits, or training in certain ways, then,
aid others by cooperating with them ; by assisting them.
But there is the other side. He is never a pure machine ;
he is alive, and is changing, so that literally no two successive
moments find him at the same place. He represents an un.
stable equilibrium, hence every successive act is not what the
preceding one was. Yet the preceding acts are the strongest
28 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
determinant of what their successors shall be,— that is, educa-
tion is possible. The effects of one day are not final, but deter-
mine a new and different condition of tomorrow. "As men
never think the same thought over again, so they never perform
the same act over again, and the essential difference between
living and non-living things lies in the fact that living things
are constantly changing, and not merely changing under the
influence of external surroundings, but that any change that
takes place in them is not lost but retained, and, as it were,
built into the organism to serve as the foundation for^^future
actions. "(^)
It surely would hardly be held that the knowledge obtained
in school can be used again only under the conditions in which
it was first taught. As Bacon taught, it may become power in
realms much removed from its original source. It becomes a
means of guidance in undreamed-of situations. Newton
learned, no doubt, his numbers in connection with balls, stones,
people; he applied them to stars and unseen forces. Knowledge
is never mere cumulation, a matter of numerical increase, as
the atomist would logically hold; as surely as the mind lives the
individual facts are jostled along until they are either forgotten,
or enter into vital connection with few or many other mental
states. If the extended application does not arise, it is probably
due to the character of the knowledge rather than to the nature
of the mind.
This last thesis is supported by Moore, who considers the
transfer of training to come through an acquaintance with
methods, ways of handling one's self, data, principles, tools. O
It is also strongly emphasized in the educational philosophy of
Dr. Dewey. (^) The school is to be a method of approach to the
larger life, a place where the social forms and processes are
acquired. So the tests, in such cases, of effective education,
would be of the children's familiarity with social procedure, and
their ability to use this k nowledge under novel circumstances.
The function and character of consciousness, the teleology
^Moore, Western Journal of Education, May, 1903, p. 299.
^Moore, Western Journal of Education, May, 1903, p. 307.
^Dewey, School and Society.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 29
of knowledge, throws a side light on the problem of transfer. So
long as mind was made a receptacle for whatever might creep
in through the "windows of the soul," as Dr. Harris calls the
senses, little could be said one way or the other on formal dis-
cipline, unless there went with it the notion of mind as a sort of
spiritual entity of the homogenous fluid sort. In that case,
transfer would be large and inevitable. But mind in fact is
selective, active, motor, not as a wound-up toy which runs
helter-skelter, nor as a vessel which takes in everything, but as
a train on a track that is going somewhere in a special way. So
it goes well in this direction and poorly in another. We have
eyes to see, but we do not see many things which are before us.
We discriminate easily here but not there. These facts are
remembered at a glance; others will hardly stay after many
repetitions. These are the evident truths of consciousness,
aside from the question of whether one act aids another. And
it is the same in the emotional consciousness. A physician by
whom I sat at the opera lately was transported by the music ; he
could literally feel a bodily reponse throughout. Yet afterward
he said he could not conceive of what religion meant or how it
felt, or of what nature its emotions were. The same distinctions
are applicable to the will. We desire and are strong here ; we
are colorless and ineffective there. We know of visuels,
tactiles, audiles ; of people who can see words, but can not say
them ; who can say them, but cannot write them ; who can hear
them, but get no meaning from them, whereas if they see them
they can understand them, etc. So the "all-round man" and
the "many-sided interest" are figures of speech. From the
appearance of the impulses in the child, with its accompanying
movements, to the philosophic or professional interests of the
adult, the interests, the motives, the methods, the feelings, the
ideals, the processes are functions,— are purposeful.
PART II
EVIDENCE FROM EXPERIMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY
Empirical Studies of Formal Discipline
The following section is a summary of the direct experi-
mental data in so far as they have not already been summarized
in the chapter on Formal Discipline in Thorndike's Educational
Psychology :
Dr. Jastrow reports a series of laboratory tests made on two
men famous for their skill as sleight-of-hand performers, (^) and
at the same time compares the data with that obtained from a
group of students who were subject to the same tests. The skill
of these men, due to years of practice, was such as to put them
in the rank with the world's few thousands of best "hand-and-
eye" trained people.
He first determined their tactile sensibility— distance for
two points— with aesthesiometer. Mr. Hermann, 3.5 mm.;
Mr. Kellar, 2.5 mm. Average results from a considerable
number of miscellaneous individuals, 2 mm. The next test was
to arrange five weights in a series, in which each one weighed
1-15 of previous weight; Mr. Hermann failed, Mr. Kellar sue. .
ceeded; both failed for weights differing by 1-30. In general
test, 92 % got the first test all right, 66% the latter.
Sensitiveness to texture : Subjects passed their fingers over
sets of wires wound closely. In the first set, the wires in each
successive case were one-fourth coarser; in the second set, one-
eighth coarser. The sets were to be put in order. Mr. Kellar
put first set in correct order, but got all wrong in the second
set. Mr. Hermann got both wrong.
"Another form of motor and tactile capacity was tested by
requiring subject to arrange in order a series of bars of varying
^Jastrow, Science^ May 8, 1896.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 31
length by passing the forefinger across them. " Both Mr. Her-
mann and Mr. Kellar did this successfully, sixty per cent of a
miscellaneous crowd also did it correctly. Both Mr. Hermann
and Mr. Kellar are ambidextrous. They were tested in moving
both hands equidistant from a central point to right and left.
Average distance for right hand was 241.5 mm., for left hand,
247 mm. There was no regularity as to which hand would go
farther from central point, as is shown by the following figures:
for Mr. Hermann, 318, 330, 123, 302, 116, 260 for right hand;
316, 344, 140, 268, 160, 225, for left hand. This variation in
the distance of the two hands is common to people in general.
For Mr. Kellar, for right hand: 281, 357, 404, 155, 108, 313
mm.; for left hand, 268, 333, 411, 187, 133,337- Average
excess for left hand, 8. 5 mm. ; average for right hand, 270 mm. ;
left hand 278 mm. There was no regularity as to which moved
the farther.
"The subjects were required to mark off on the three arms
of a cross a distance equal to that marked off on the upper arm
of the cross, 50 mm. The lengths of the arms were unequal.
Results for Mr. Hermann, on the left arm, 70. 5 mm. ; right arm,
44. mm. ; lower arm, 60.5 mm. Mr. Kellar, left arm, 54.5 mm. ;
right arm, 52. 5 mm. ; lower arm, 50 mm. Average for a mis-
cellaneous group : left arm, 54 mm. ; right arm, 54 mm. ; lower
arm, 61 mm. Mr. Kellar's average for the lower arm was less
than the general average.
Visual perception test: "form alphabet;" "twenty-five
characters were made, composed of short and long, vertical and
horizontal strokes in various combinations. Two hundred and
fifteen of these were printed in miscellaneous order upon a sheet.
A certain one of these was singled out for identification, and
the subject was required to indicate as many occurrences of this
character as he could detect within a limited time (90 seconds).
Mr. Hermann marked off eight correct ones. Mr. Kellar
marked off eleven. The general average of persons succeed
in recognizing about eight forms in this time."
Tests for quickness of movement and of mental processes :
"For Mr. Hermann the maximum number of movements of the
forefinger alone was 72 in 10 seconds, or 7.2 per second; and of
32 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
the forearm, 75, or 7. 5 per second. For Mr. Kellar, forefinger,
83 in 15 seconds, or 5.5 per second; and for the forearm, 127 or
8. 5 per second. The average for large number of individuals for
the forefinger movement, was 5.4 per second; and of a group of
ten persons, 4. 8 per second. The average forearm movement of
the same ten persons was 7.5 per second. It thus appears that
the movements of both Mr. Hermann and Mr. Kellar are rapid."
Reaction time of Mr. Hermann to touch on right hand, 104° ;
variation, 11 ° ; Mr. Kellar's time was 129*-* ; average variation
10 '^ . For sound for Mr. Hermann, 163 '^ ; average variation
32"^. For Mr. Kellar, 116'^ ; average variation, 25 ^ . For
visual reaction for Mr. Hermann, 126°; average variation,
26'^; for Mr. Kellar, 125°, average variation, 6'^. For a
group of miscellaneous people: touch, 172^; sound, 165°;
light, 176 ^ . 'Tt thus appears that both of the special subjects
tested, their reaction time was quicker than that of the average
individual. "(^)
To test manual quickness of movement : Time was taken
between the touching of two instruments three feet apart, with
same hand. Mr. Hermann's time, 610"^, variation, ^^'^ ; Mr.
Kellar's, 299 '^, variation, 23'^. Compared with ten other in-
dividuals, whose average was 364*^, Mr. Kellar's time is below
normal, although it is equaled by six out of the ten ; and Mr.
Hermann's time is very long.
Distribution of red and blue, associated with movements of
right and left hands. "Mr. Hermann's time was 301 '^ , average
variation, 64°; Mr. Kellar's, 256"^, average variation, 56°.''
Both shorter than with the miscellaneous group. But a more
complicated reaction involved a movement with any one of the
five fingers in response to the appearance of the numbers i, 2, 3,
4, 5, behind an opening in a screen.'' Mr. Hermann's time
for such a reaction was 901 "^ , with a variation of 200 '^ ; Mr.
Kellar's time being 753*-^, with a variation of 91^. The
average time for ten individuals for such a reaction is 588'^,
with a variation of 84 '^ . So "their time is below normal in a
reaction involving a simple distinction and choice, and is con-
^Jastrow, Science, May 8, 1896.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 33
siderably larger than the normal in a reaction involving a com-
plex distinction and choice."
For quickness in perception of color: Mr. Hermann, com-
pared with 40 persons, had about the same quickness 5 to 4. 5,
had much better when color and form were combined : 3 to 1.8 ;
and also for words seen separately, 2 to 1.4, but could read
clearly fewer words in one exposure. So Jastrow concludes,
"On the whole as regards the quickness and scope of perception,
Mr. Hermann would rank well (except in reading words in a sen-
tence), but by no means exceptionally well in the general
average." Mr. Kellar, in a similar test, ranks below Mr. Her-
mann in all but the reading of words in a sentence, but would
be equalled by %6(^o of college students."
"I have repeated these tests on a local sleight-of-hand per-
former, and find for him a good record and particularly a great
quickness in movement."
At the Montana State Normal College, Dr. Bagley under-
took to determine whether the habit of producing neat, well ar-
ranged papers in the arithmetic work would function in the
written work in English, Geography, and other studies. The
experiments, were carried on for three months in the inter-
mediate grades. The results are most startling. The improve-
ment in the arithmetic papers was large and very noticeable
from the first, but during the same time there was not the
slightest noticeable improvement in the appearance of the
language and spelling papers. (^)
A recent extended contribution (^) to the problem" of formal
discipline is limited strictly to the territory of memory. There
were eight subjects, all adults and people of large training.
The tests were secured through use of A. non-sense material :
(i) letters; (2j figures; (3) non-sense syllables. B. sense
material: (i) words; (2) Italian words with no logical connec-
tion ; (3) poetic phrases, and (4) prose sentences. By these the
immediate retentiveness was determined. For testing the rate
'^School and Home Education, 1904, p. 102.
2E. Ebert and E. Meumann, Archiv fur die Gesatnte Psychologic, IV
B. IV 2 H, 1904.
34 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
of forgetting, another test was set consisting of long rows of
non-sense syllables, rows of many-formed figures (visuella
Zeichen), Italian vocables, poetic phrases, and prose sentences.
It is to be noted that these preliminary tests were very extended,
especially the second ones, which were relearned at intervals of
increasing length, the rate of forgetting being thus determined
by the comparative number of repetitions necessary to regain
them.
Then came the practice series, consisting of 32 rows of
non-sense syllables, 12 in a row. However, only 8 rows were
1 earned, and relearned once, when a test series was again given.
This method of retesting with the long preliminary series was
thus gone through three times, and seemingly occupied much
more time than the practice series. This taken in connection
with identity in kind of some of the material, and great simi-
liarity of the rest, made it possible to report the following
improvement in per cents:
Figures. Words. Prose.
85% 11%
57% 28%
160% 60%
22% 11% 9%
57% 28%
i4%0 ^^1o
These appear sufficient to the authors to enable them to
say: "It may not be denied when the facts are taken into con-
sideration that there is a general memory training, also that it
is out of the question to increase through practice any special
memory isolated from the totality of memory function. "(*)
In order to test James' position on the incapability for
increase in the memory powers. Winch exposed to different
school grades, at intervals of about 7 days, twelve consonants
arranged in four rows. After being presented, they were repro-
duced in writing in 25 seconds by the children. As an example
of the increase, standard seven may be taken. Tests with
ip. 165. 2p. 157. ^192. (Amounts less than I per cent omitted.)
Non-
sense syllables.
B.
60%
Br.
40%
F.
125%
M.
16%
S.
33%C)
W.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 35
entirely different combinations of the consonants were given on
June 5, June 12, and July 3, and the results of increase in
memory are shown by the following per cents of consonants
remembered in proper order: 25.5, 30.3, 32.7. His conclu.
sion is that James is wrong; that "pure memory'' is markedly
improved by practice. When one considers the shortness of
the practice and the largeness of the results, it seems pretty
evident that the interpretation of their efficiency was familiarity
with novel data, and not increased native power.
Mrs. Carrie Liddle practiced sorting a pack of well-shuffled
cards of six different colors, as rapidly as possible. All the
cards as they were taken from the pack were put in a particular
stall. When the maximum speed in sorting this pack was
attained, another pack made up of cards differing in color from
those in the first pack were sorted. The sorting of this second
pack was kept up until a speed limit was reached. Then a pack
having various geometrical designs on the cards was distributed
in stalls as were those with colors. She found that going over
from one pack of cards, after a speed had been reached, did not
raise the time of curve much, if at all, and consequently that
ability secured in discriminating one set of colors, or designs,
aided in doing the same process with other colors and designs.
And this was invariable for the eleven subjects, some of whom
were children ; the others, adults.
Psycho-physical ly the process was very complicated, so
that while there is no question of the fact of distribution of cards
of one sort, with greater facility, from practice with another
sort — and that is a pertinent conclusion, — yet it is possible that
this facility was due to the persistence or presence of, and hence
training of, some simple motor co-ordinations. (^)
Cross-Education. Another series of studies bearing on the
general topic are the "cross.education" experiments. By this
term is meant the results in skill, power or size in one side of
the body produced by training the other. When Blair elec-
trically stimulated the muscles of one ear, the motor discharge
was simultaneous in the other, there being a tendency for the
iFrom an unpublished Xkv^?\s on Transfer of Mental Facility, Univer-
sity of California, 1904.
36 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
two to work together, as with children there is a tendency for
both parts of the body to work together. So there is this much
of a cross effect : a co-ordinate stimulation. However, "when
an impulse has once actually reached the muscles, the process
from that point onward is one of segregation, elimination, co-
ordination, adaptation."
Bryan, at the conclusion of his work on motor-ability says:
"It is certain that the right hand does not outgrow the left, and
the fact that at 15 and 16 years of age, the probability of R>L
is less than at 12, 9, or 6 years of age, seems to indicate that
the left has gained upon the right. At all events, the fact that
the left hand should make such relative improvement both in
ability to carry out a movement, in which the right hand has had
all the practice, tends to confirm the probability of bilateral
effects of practice," which he says is largely mental.
"The amount of force which can be exerted through one
hand, and the time durmg which it can be exerted depend upon
whether at the same time or just preceding, force has been ex-
erted through the other hand." (^)
Volkmann, by practice, increased the sensitiveness to the
difference between two points on the left arm from 23.6 to 11. 2;
at the same time there was an increase in the right arm, which
was not practiced, from 26.4 to 15. 7. (^) To determine whether
other symmetrical parts are thus trained, he found the distance
within which two points appeared as one for the tips of the
fingers of both hands, and also for the left arm. Increasing by
practice the distance on one of the fingers of the left hand, in-
creased it for all the other fingers but not for the arm.
The most extended experiments on this phase of the subject
come from the Yale Psychological Laboratory. The first are
from W. W. Davis. {^)
Oscar Raif, Professor of Music in the Berlin Hoch Schule,
took the average speed of some pupils for both hands. For the
^Bryan, American Journal of Psychology, Vol. V, p. 202.
^ThorndSkt, Educational Psychology, p. 86.
^Yale Psychological Studies, Vol. VI, p. 7.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 37
right, it was 116 per minute; for the left, 112. He gave them
exercises for the right hand only to develop rapidity. After two
months the right hand yielded 176. Then he tried the un-
practiced left hand, and it had gone up to 152, from 112.
(^) Exercising the great toe in rapid tapping, brought up the
ability of the other foot, and both hands, though to a much less
degree.
In lifting weights by the right arm, its strength and size
were increased ; and at the same time and on the same parts in
the other arm, which was unpracticed, there was an increase.
Also in lunging with a foil, six subjects were practiced,
with right hand, with the effect of increasing its accuracy very
markedly; and also, in a lesser degree, the accuracy of the left
hand, which was not practiced.
The records of four experienced fencers are given. Ac-
customed as they are to use foil in right hand, they were little
more skillful with the left hand than the unpracticed. The
author remarks that the "form" of the right and left sides was
very alike, and that the "fencers themselves were surprised to
find it so easy to lunge lefthanded. "
(^) Group IV practiced the right hand in grasping a stick,
but the transfer was of a negative sort, there being losses.
This may be due, says Davis, to the fact that "the muscles
learned how to contract properly for pressure of the cylindrical
stick, but gained no advantage from this for gripping the
dynanometer. "
"F. was a strong, healthy man, a trained and skilled gym-
nast. During 21-2 weeks practice — in tapping with right
foot — he was not able to make any marked gain. He himself
said, 'If I try to hurry too much, my foot stops almost
altogether.' His gymnastic work had so developed his ability
to send down to large muscles immense amounts of stimuli for
action, that for a test involving small muscles he could not
become an expert.'' C)
iW. W. Davis, Vale Studies in Psychology, Vol. VI.
^W. W. Davis, Yale Studies in Psychology^ Vol. VIII, p. 75.
^Davis, Vale Studies in Psychology, YoLYlll,"^. 81.
38 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
Of two subjects, one with much previous training, the
other the reverse, the former gained in skill with a new instru-
ment much more rapidly, as the table shows. (^)
I St final 2nd final Average
Previously trained 10.48% 14.36% 12.42%
Not previously trained -1.27% 2.50% -61%
On classifying subjects beforehand as phlegmatic and ner-
vous, Davis found that a certain form of exercise had more
effect on one class than another. Observe the following
table :(0
The effects of this sort of practice on one person are indicated
here:
I St final 2nd final Average
First, light practice 2.78 .24 1.51
Second, vigorous practice 12.04 6.85 9.42
The following table indicates two things : first, the transfer
from the practiced to the unpracticed hand ; and, second, the
difference in the amount of transfer as produced by vigorous and
light practice. The ergograph was used to secure the practice.
Distance weight
Distance.
Gain,
Distance
Gain
was lifted in
after 3 wks.
after 7 wks.
over
beginning.
of practice
further
ist
(hard).
light
practice.
final
d 1 341
1488
11%
1757
18%
nd 1 3 16
1492
13%
1541
3%
Left hand
Right hand
(not practiced)
Note that though right hand gained much in first effort, it
did not at second. "This fact proves that the unused does not
always get a share in the benefits of exercise. One side, by
long continued practice, may become over-developed, while the
strength of the symmetrical muscles on the other side may even
be diminished. "(^)
Joteyko fatigued right hand by exercise with ergograph,
and finally secured pressure records with dynamometer for both
^Davis, Yale Studies in Psychology^ Vol. VIII, p. 92.
^Davis, Yale Studies ift Psychology, Vol. VIII, p. 93.
spavis, Yale Studies in Psychology, VIII, p. 100.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 39
hands, as was also done at first. There was -a. decrease inactivity
of left hand about equal to 20%. He concludes "the decrease
in the unused ;^hand was caused by the loss of energy in the
cerebral enters. "(^)
Davis with the dynamometer tested both hands, then prac-
ticed one of them. About half of the fifty subjects trained one
hand, and the remainder trained the other. There was a gain of
8.06% for the men with the trained hand, and an average gain
of 9.92% for the untrained. For the women, there was a direct
gain of transference of 5.84%. There was a transfer effect for
all the men but one; for the women, six failed to gain at all, and
five lost somewhat. ''(^)
(^)The left biceps and right abductor indices of two sub-
jects, R. and W., were trained. The gain for W, was 26% ; for
R-> 43%. ^ut also the left abductor which was not exercised
showed a gain of 100% for W., and 40% for R. The gain in the
right biceps, "the most remote anatomically," was correspond,
ingly less — 8% for W. and 32% for R. Other experiments were
made by training the right abductor indices, with an effect of
52% gain for W. and 45% for R. ; and left biceps, of 2% for
W., and 4% for R. So that "it appears that the accessory
muscles of one side gain approximately as much from the exer-
cise of the corresponding muscles of the opposite side as from
the exercise of the fundamental muscles of the same side. That
is to say, the diffused motor discharge from one side to the
other is as great as that from the shoulder center to the finger
center." For example, "the left abductor had no training,
and shows a total gain throughout the entire series of about
300%." "Also it seems certain that the exercise of any muscle
reacts upon all related muscles, which is to say that diffusion
takes place in both inward and outward directions.''
The right hand and left were both tested for keeping up
three balls. Then the training for the right was continued until
great skill was reached, when the left was tried again. No tables
^Davis, Ya/e Studies in Psychology^ VIII, p. 104.
^Davis, Yale Studies in Psychology^ VIII, p. 72.
^Wissler and Richardson, Psychological Review^ VII, p. 29.
40 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
are given, only the curves, which show: (i) "That the record
for the left hand, was in all^cases higher than the preliminary
test, never in one case dropping to it. " (2) "All the subjects
made a better record with their untrained left hand, when
practice!was'''finally begun, than they had been able to do with
the right hand at the beginning. ''(^)
* 'Volkmann found that six months of regular practice in dis-
tinguishing small visual distances, in which his eye gained
remarkable power, had no effect whatever on his ability to dis-
tinguish small tactual differences. " O
A Miss B. was required to insert a pointed iron in a series
of holes of diminishing size. She did it first with the left hand,
giving 50% of successful trials. Then training with the right
hand so that the number of successful trials rose from 60 to 88,
the left hand was again given its turn, showing ^^(^o of success-
ful trials. C)
That the chief element here is the attention is shown by the
lowering percentage if there were any distractions, and (second)
if the attention was focused on the movement rather than on the
hole. "The training was psychical rather than physical. "
By using a dynamometer, the pressure by the left hand
arose from 29.6% on March 7 to 42.3% on March 20; while the
practice was all with the right hand, whose strength arose from
28.8 to 48.6 in the same time. O
Simon noted the curious fact that practice in judging with
both^eyes brought with|it but little betterment in judging
with either eye alone; but when the left eye had been practiced
by itself to its maximum powers, then the right eye also,
although itself unpracticed, was nevertheless found to have
advanced to its maximum.
iSwift, American Journal of Psychology , XIV, p. 201.
2Swift, American Journal of Psychologv, XIV, p. 220.
^Scripture, Yale Psychological Studies, Yo\. II, p. 114.
*Scripture, Yale Psychological Studies^VoX. II, p. 118.
'^Popular Science Monthly, Vol. 56, p. 589.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 41
"Practice with the left hand helped the right hand also,"(^)
as is shown by the following table :
40 120 200
Before 3.1 3.9 7.1
After .07 3.8 6.6
"There is no appreciable improvement at the rates for
which the left hand had not improved. These results show (i)
that the transference from one side to the other — a transference
which has been established in other investigations as taking
place from the right side to the left — also takes place from the
left to the right ; and (2) that it is not mere practice that has
this effect, but only successfu/ practice.'^
From these experiments on cross-education, the following
may be said : There may be a carrying over of training effects
from one side of the body to the homologous members on the
other side ; these effects may be either in the form of skill, or
force. In some cases there is no transfer; in some a negative
transfer, or loss. There are indications that the "common ele-
ment" is quite as much mental (knowledge of method or direc-
tion ; attention), or objective, the likeness of the external situa-
tion, as that it is physical. The failures and losses are as im.
portant for a correct theory as the success.
Correlation. — The chief evidence which anti-formalists bring
forward is the seemingly convincing one of the manifest differ-
ences among people as we find them. If a man had a good
memory for tones, but a poor one for colors, one who believes
in a "memory faculty'' might consistently explain this varia-
tion as due to the differences in the nature of the stuff — tones
being easier to retain than colors. But if that were the explana-
tion, all people should be better in committing tones to mem-
ory than in memorizing colors; and increasmg one's skill in do.
ing one thing should give a corresponding increase in doing the
other. To prove this false seems a work of supererogation, so
plenteous are the human refutations all about us. There are,
iWoodworth, Psy. Bev„ Monograph Series 3, p. 104.
42 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
however, as is well known, studies by Wissler, (^) Aikins, (^)
Thorndike and others, (^) which, even after their results are cor-
rected for attenuation, as shown by Spearman, (^) show the
thorough-going lack of complete correlation.
Data from the Education of Extreme Types . Some side con-
tribution bearing on this problem comes from the education of
the extreme types. When we are dealing with the average man
who is fairly well equipped with the abilities society demands,
it is easy enough to make assertions both ways. On the one
side the formalist can point out the numerous men who have
taken the straight old line college course and who have gone
into the most diverse occupations and succeeded, and say, "See
what his Latin, mathematics, etc., did for him; and further, he
will point to the tradesman, the artisan, the clerk, who has not
had the intellectual training given by the college course. His
opponent, some Herbartian, perhaps, will reply that the first
men had such native talents that they would have succeeded in
any case ; that they went to college as they wore certain clothes,
because it was the thing to do among their set, and that since
all, or most all, bright youths aspired to go to college, naturally
enough the colleges produced great men.
But it is different with the abnormal classes, where the
effort of the schools is to make them normal, and where the
efforts are more or less measurable. As is known, idiots and
young criminals were until quite recently considered hopeless
and treated accordingly. However, men with the opinion of
Dr. Seguin(^) have held that many such seemingly hopeless
cases were merely instances of undeveloped conditions, and as
Beneke had held in the early part of the century, so conceived
of education as the removal of hindrances, the opening up of
^Psychological Review^ Monograph Supplement No.
'^Psychological Review, Vol. IX, pp. 374 ff.
^Columbia Contributions to Philosophy^ Psychology, and Education,
Vol. IX, passim.
^Ajnerican Journal of Psychology , Jan., 1904.
^Rooper, Educational Studies and Addresses, ch. I.
Seguin "On Idiocy."
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 43
avenues, the removal of limitations. So Dr. Seguin began by
merely exercising the limp, flabby hand of the imbecile, mas-
saging the muscles, moving the arm up and down. Then he
gave the children incentives at first for doing physical move-
ments. From these simple bodily processes, the steps are to
easy mental requirements. So finally the clouded and atrophied
tracts become open, both for the reception of sense stimuli and
transmission of motor impulses. Often there would be freedom
of innervation, but control would be wanting. "The eyeballs
would roll from side to side with a short uneasy motion, and the
range of their movements was small. " By selection of proper
exercises, these irregularities were often brought under control.
In this way a higher intellectual life was made possible. The
transfer was in giving even what normal abilities the child had,
a fair opportunity and in putting some links in the chain of ac-
complishments. "Arrested development must be taken to mean
unequal arrests." "There are ten per cent of imbeciles above
the median in memory, and nine per cent in intelligence
tests. "(^) Johnson(^) points out that retentiveness is not a
prominent factor in feeblemindedness. More than 15% of im.
beciles are equal to average children in tested mental traits.
These quotations from studies on imbeciles, who differ from
the average person only in degree, support two assertions : —
First, that "the normal intellect depends upon the interaction,
and proper co-ordination of various parts of the nervous system,"
which same parts can be more or less effectively put together by
the processes of education; and, second, these ''powers" or
"faculties" of the weak-minded are of unequal strength, and
show no tendency to bring up the wanting faculties or abilities.
To further refine the first conclusion, it means two things : that
the education of the socially incompetent consists in the acquire-
ment of certain habits or co-ordinations which are of more or
less general applicability, and will so make them tolerable by
society and partially self-supporting, and again that these newly
formed habits and opened pathways make it possible for their
^Norsworthy, The Psychology of Mentally Deficient Children.
^Johnson, Education of the Feeble-Minded.
44 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
more normal capacities, previously hemmed in and hampered,
to find expression.
The history of the reformation of criminals has run a par-
allel course with that of imbeciles. They were judged to be all
bad, and hopelessly so. ■ Now, we think with many, if not all,
that both statements are false. The phrase ''honor among
thieves" indicates but one of many virtues which thieves may
possess. Their feelings may be very tender under certain excit-
ing situations, and completely lacking in others. Criminals
are often very religious, have keen aesthetic appreciations, and
yet are morally insensible. Their judgments and intuitions are
often very alert and refined in one line, but without efficiency
in others. (^) Their courage is superb, often under the most
terrible circumstances; and under others, their timidity, fear
and cringing are despicable. Heredity and training seem to
accentuate in them all sorts of differentiations in mental traits;
and their training is often of the hardest and most successful
sort.
Nor are they hopeless. They seem so to be under the
formal disciplinist conception of education, which makes them
dress alike, march in line, go to bed and get up at a certain
minute. The requirements in penitentiaries are military:
minute, exact, orderly. This, it is presumed, gives the prison
habitues the habits and ideas of accuracy, promptness, obe-
dience, respect, neatness, orderliness, industry. True it is that
the inmates do for years these very commendable things ; and to
an onlooker who sees these men making such records as any
martinet might be proud of, the prison system seems truly to be
a great human reformatory. But it is only in the seeming; the
facts are very different. Few of the men are made better, and
most of the youths much worse. So now there are coming into
existence such institutions as the George Junior Republic, (^)
and the Elmira Reformatory (^), which abandon the doctrine of
formal discipline and so employ an entirely different scheme of
^Havelock Ellis, Criminology^ ch. on Psy. of Criminals.
^George Junior Republic, World'' s Work, Vol. II, p. 1296.
^Winter, Elmira Reformatory^ N. Y., p. 2.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 45
education. It rests on two notions : first, the inmates are to
acquire the knewledge and ideals of the better people of the
larger world outside, and get the habits and modes of action
which they will need in that larger life; second, to get these
the prisoners are organized as far as possible into a type of
society at large, in which the means, methods, motives and
rewards are duplicates of those which will be needed when out
of the prison.
In a word, on the negative side, they have abandoned the
cultivation of reason, of the will, of the emotions, of the habits
of order, of obedience, etc., and they train individuals to do the
particular things they need to do, to think and feel in the partic-
ular ways that will be desirable for them, and finally to know
the particular things they need to know.
These institutions are successful as the records of the "grad-
uates" for ten years show only a very small per cent that go
back to their former wayward life.
New Experimental Data
The first experiments to be reported are two on the practice
effects of memorizing, which were carried on, from the point of
view of method, in the manner of those of Professor Wm. James
on this same subject, except that the material was more varied.
Subject K's preliminary and final test series were with rows of
figures, each prepared by a different person, and the practice
was on poetry; subject B's tests were with names of places, the
practice in poetry.
First experiment : Subject K. committed to memory five
rows of figures, thirty figures in each row, at the rate of one row
per day. This was the first test. The final test was also for
five days, one row per day of thirty figures. The training was
carried on for four weeks and consisted of memorizing sixteen
lines per day from "In Memoriam. " The data are given with
curves. Fig. I.
But one figure in the first test is as low as the highest in
the final test. The absolute difference in the two series is 28
minutes, or 58% of the time of the first test. The average sav-
ing for each trial is 5.6 minutes on an average time of 9.6 min-
46 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
utes in the first series. Furthermore, the final test does not
continue to fall as if it were part of the practice curve started in
the first test. It may be that there were certain figure combin-
ations in the first test which offered peculiar difficulties to the
subject. Of such she was unaware, for she felt no special
obstructions in one group more than in the other. No doubt
the habit of doing this sort of mental work at a certain period
each day, and the passing away of certain mental confusions
which at first operated, were large factors, possibly sufficient to
account for the difference. On the other hand, it is quite prob-
able that the failure of Professor James' subjects to improve
was due to their mental poise and "at-homeness" in doing just
such work.
The more specific directions for subject B. in the memory
test were as follows : (i) Write out five lines of names of places,
with fifteen names in each line, and commit one line each day
for five days. The record for the time was kept in minutes, and
will be found with Figure 2. (2) Two stanzas of "Faerie
Queene" were committed then, every day for five weeks, the
record again being carefully kept. (3) Again five lines of names
of places, fifteen in each line, were memorized, at the rate of
one line per day.
By reference to Fig. 2, it will be seen that the work was
done in a shorter time, the absolute difference being four min-
utes, or 22% of the time of the first test. The first test is too
brief to give, thinkably, any practice effect that would extend
over the five weeks of interval. It is possible that the reflex
from the learning of the poetry came in the form of a mental
preparedness for doing that kind of thing each day.
The possible increase in the ability to remember figures,
could readily come from the special training in doing that very
thing in so many subjcets of the curriculum.
On the whole, then, an increased efficiency has come from
these four years. It has been small for the most part ; less than
could be secured by a few days of direct training. So as a by
product of their particular courses, while it is definite and pos-
sibly all that could be expected, it is almost negligible.
The second experiment concerned the improvement brought
FORMAL DISCIPLINE
47
B.
IS-
10-
J
1-1
n
lJ
nnil
p
~lI u
s-
Rql.
B.
[P-^h-l
Fio2v
Fig. I. Improvement of memory for figures due to practice in mem-
orizing poetry. Subject K. A shows the abih'ty in memorizing figures (in-
versely, by the time taken) before the practice (solid line) and after the
practice (dotted line). B shows the course of practice (by the time taken)
in memorizing poetry. The times required for learning 30 figures were :
before practice, g, 12, 13, 9 and 5 minutes, after practice 4, 5, 5, 2.5 and 4
minutes. The times required for learning 16 lines of "In Memoriam," were;
in order, 12, 14, 10, 14, 12, 10, 13, 9, 12, 10, 16, 13, 15, 6, 8, 8, 7, 10, 7, 10, 9, 11
6, 12 II, II, 9, 6 minutes. i
Fig. 2. A and B mean the same as in Fig. i except that here the
record is that of Subject B. The times required for learning 30 figures
were: before practice, 4, 4, 3, 3 and 4, after practice, 4, 3, 2, 3 and 2. The
times required for learning 2 stanzas of the "Faerie Queene" were, in order,
10, 5, 7, 10, 10, 5, 7, 6, 8, 9, 5, 7, 6, 6, 6, 6, 7, 5, 6, 6, 4, 4, 4, 5, 4, 4, 4, 5, 6, 5, 4,
4) 3. 4, 4 minutes.
48 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
about in the discrimination of length by the eye as a result of
practice in discriminating length by the knowledge gained from
arm movements. There were two subjects, S. and D.
The practice with both subjects was done with the follow-
ing instrument : Into a narrow upright frame were fixed two
parallel horizontal steel rods, about two feet long and one and
one-half inches apart. On the lower rod were two spools fixed
immovably at 25 cm. apart, and on the upper rod were two
spools which were freely movable. Subject S., being blind-
folded, passed the index finger between the fixed spools, without
touching the rod ; and having thus secured the space-image,
adjusted the upper spools as nearly as he could at an equal, dis-
tance. In half of the cases of each day's practice, the movable
spools were shifted to a distance greater than the norm; and in
half, to a distance less than the norm, preparatory for their ad-
justment by the subject. After each adjustment, the upper
spools being held, the lower ones, by means of a slight contri.
vance, were brought up against the upper ones, so that the sub-
ject S. could y^^/ how much of an error he had made. The plan
with subject D. differed only in that he touched the rod in the
passage between the limits, thus getting both a motor and a
tactile basis for judgment.
For the preliminary and final tests for both subjects D. and
S. the judgments were on the same sort of material, though the
apparatus was not the same in both cases. A single black strip,
25 cm. in length was exposed for a definite time; following this,
another of indefinite length was exposed, and then modified
until the subject pronounced it equal in length to the norm, 25
cm. In half the cases the indefinite strip was longer to start
with than the norm, and half, shorter than the norm.
In both practice and test series, it is to be noticed that the
norm was of the same length, the judgment in the former being
wihout any help from the eye, in the latter with such help.
The measurements are given in Table i.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE
^ w ^ fee
h
O
"s®>+hC -^000^0 "^°o
M 2
1—1 <,
Q
C/3 t« I)
P4 J'*+-i.S 'OvOoO O t^OO OOu-vi-i TtOvi-i O O
o c
VM .«
4) <<
50 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
These figures represent the average of five different records,
that is, the actual data consisted of five times as much as is
represented in the tables. The practice effects m the practice
series are not very great, though more pronounced in S. than in
D. One reason for this may be that both subjects were skilled
experimental psychologists, who as students and teachers had
drilled themselves into many forms of movement. This is
further suggested by the curve rising rapidly at first, which prob-
ably represents their period of getting acquainted with a novel
form of apparatus. This acquaintance being secured, actual
physical dexterity grew slightly. Another reason for this low
degree of increase was the hardness of the test. The fact of be-
ing blindfolded added confusion by breaking out of the chain an
ordinary associate in judgments of extension. Then, the prin-
ciple of judgment with S. was very unusual; viz., deciding a
length on amount of space passed tktougk^ without touching
anything. It was so wearing on the subject that it could be
kept up but a few minutes at a time. This weariness was not
so great with subject D., who used the ordinary means of touch
in measuring the length.
Concerning the main issue, the result of the experiment is
negative. One subject showed improvement in the tests after
training ; the other was, to an equal degree, inferior.
The third set of data are figures showing the improvement
after four years' college education in certain mental capacities.
These figures are derived from the tests made at the Columbia
University Psychological Laboratory, on students when they
entered as freshmen, and again on the same students as seniors.
This material is fully described by Dr. Clark Wissler in "The
Correlation of Mental and Physical Tests. "(^) Those selected
for comparison in this study are the tests on (i) perception of
pitch, (2) perception of letters at different distances with (a)
right eye, (b) left eye ; (3) reaction time ; (4) rate of perception
in marking the letter "A" in a prepared page of mixed letters;
(5) auditory memory for figures; (6) memory for a simple pas-
sage; (7) quickness in naming different colors.
'^Psychological Review, Mon. Sup., No. 16, p, 4.
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 51
In discrimination of pitch there was a slight gain, there
being 57 cases of improvement, 32 of deterioration, 9 of no
change, a median gain of i point, which means a reduction of
the amount of error by about 15 per cent. The details are given
in Table 2.
In sharpness of vision, there was no demonstrable change,
though (counting both eyes' records) there were 137 cases of
improvement to 78 of deterioration, 71 cases showed no change,
bringing the median to o gain. The average of the senior
records is slightly superior. The details are given in Tables 3
and 4.
In reaction time there was a slight gain, "jy of the senior
records being shorter, 61 longer than the early records, and 2
being equal. The median gain was .006 sec. or roughly, 4 per
cent. The details are given in Table 5.
In the rate of marking A's. on a printed sheet of capital
letters there was clear improvement of roughly 10 per cent. If
only those cases are taken where the number of errors in the
early equals that in the late test, the shortening of time measures
improvement. The result of the calculation is a median dim-
inution of time of II seconds. The details are given in Table 6.
In auditory memory for figures there was no demonstrable
change, though there were 60 cases of improvement to 38 of
deterioration, and the average of the senior records was slightly
better. The median tendency was, however, to no improve,
ment. The details are given in Table 7, in which the upper
and lower of each pair of figures represent respectively the fresh-
man and senior records of one man.
In memory for a simple passage, there was no improvement.
Sixteen did better, 15 worse, and 8 the same in senior as in
freshman year. For details see Table 8.
In naming colors there was a median gain of 11 seconds or
roughly 15 percent. 22 individuals improved and only 5 got
worse. For details see Table 9.
One of the cases in which improvement might be rationally
expected was that of so-called logical memory, or the memory of
a simple passage. However, it was there the very least, the
movement being in the positive direction, but within the zero
52 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
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55
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FORMAL DISCIPLINE
57
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H-i5> -25. The median gain is seen as 6 seconds, or
in relation to the 20 seconds, it is 30%.
There were fifteen of the lines used in the test. By getting
the difference between the half of each Ime, as the students
marked it, and the real half, and dividing the sum of these
fifteen differences by 15, is obtained the average error for each
student. These are in mm. : 3.7, 3, 2.3, 2. 3, 2, 1.7, 1.6, 1.5,
1.2, 1. 1, . I. The median variation is thus 1.7. If from each of
these is taken the amount in mm. which was added to the real
half-line, on the last test, we have the following distributions of
differences in the accuracy of the first and final test: — 1.3,
—.9, —-9, —-I, +-I, +-I, +.1, +.2, +.2, +.3, +1.2. Here
the median improvement is . i mm, or about 6%. This means
that per cent of increase in skill in bisecting the lines.
The following are the records in seconds for each student in
tracing the maze. There were only five who did this test: 72,
57, 42, 23, 20. The median is 42. In all cases there was a
shortening of the time, as the following differences show : -[-3,
-(-5, -\-g, +17, +17- The median change, or gain, is 9 seconds
or 22%.
For the number of times each student touched the sides of
the maze in the first test the following are the figures: 58, 52,
41, 23, 23. Median, 41. Differences between these figures and
the ones for the final test: — 22, —8, —1, +1, +6. Here
the minuses indicate loss of skill, that is increase in number of
touches. The median gain in actual number of touches is i,
which is about 2%. If the touches increased exactly in the
same per cent as the distance it could be said that their rate of
speed only had grown. But it is quite probable that accuracy
also was greater in the second case, not only because of the
questionable difference of 2% in number of touches but because
the number was not much greater, as the greater speed necessi-
tates greater accuracy to keep from touching the sides.
JO. FORMAL DISCIPLINE
Group II. As was said, this group was tested as a class,
the time being common for them all except in the case of bisect-
ing the lines. The maze (Form 2) is divided into thirty parts,
all of which can be traced successfully, that is without touching
the side, in approximately the same length of time. So the
time factor is eliminated in this test, and the following distribu-
tion stands for the actual distances on this scale of 30 that each
student traced at the initial test: 7, 7, 8, 8, 12, 13, 14, 14.
The approximate median distance for the group then is 10.
These subtracted from the records for the final test give the
changes in skill for this act: —3, — i, -[-1.5, +3.5, +4, +4-5,
+5-5> -}-i4- The median gainthea is about 3.7 which is 37% of
the median accomplishment in the preliminary test.
The record of the number of times the sides of the maze
were touched the first time, is: o, i, 4, 8, 12, 13, 31, 43. The
median number is 10. There was an increase in the number of
touches for the last series, as the following differences show:
—5, +4, +8, +9, +11, +12, +24, +32. Median, 10, or
100% of the original median amount. This increase is in part
a necessary correlation of greater distance, and consequently
their improvemant in the test as a whole is left undetermined.
As to the work of marking the A's by this group, the dis.
tribution is in terms of the number of A's marked in the thirty
seconds by each student: 38, 41, 42, 43, 45, 62, 69, 77, 88.
Median number is 45. These are the figures for the first test.
The differences between this record and the final one are:— 34,
— 23, — 21, —17, o, -\-g, -{-IS, +20, -|-42- As the median is o,
there is no gain or loss, that is, the median for the last series
was also 45, as well as for the first.
As to the bisection of the lines (Form 3), the averages of
the deviations, for each student, of the 15 lines, from the actual
half, in the first test are as follows : o, 8., i., 1.2, 1.2, 1.7, 1.8,
1.8, 1.9, 4 mm. Median, 1.7 mm. When these same 15 lines
were divided three months later, the changes were — .5, — '.4,
o, -f-.4, +.4, -f.5, +.9, +1.2, -{-2.3. Median gain 0.4 mm., or
23% of the median ability in the first series.
In Group I, the time of each student in touching the dots
(Form 4) was employed as a measure of skill. In this cas^ the
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 71
data refer to number of dots touched by the eight students: 55,
62, 63, 64, 70, 74, 90, 100. Median, 67. The median change in
gain is 56., as the following distribution of the differences
between the first and last tests shows : — 30, — 9, o, -{-4, -\-g,
-\-g, -{-12, -{-27. This 6. 5 is about 9 2-3% of the median in the
first test, and so represents that much increase in skill.
Thus there are gains in every case in motor facility and
motor accuracy. This is apparently a direct outcome of the
special training which these students had undergone, in the two
to four months which had passed between their appearance as
untrained stenographers, penmen, etc., to the time of the second
test, when their technical skill had greatly increased.
Summary
The main purpose of the first part of this study was to state
the difficulty, point out the elements involved in it, and indicate
what the solution would be on logical grounds. The second
part brought together, in a brief form, the experimental data,
both direct and indirect, on the question, and the third has added
a little more evidence of the direct sort.
From all this, it is admissible to state the following con.
elusions as being the most tenable at present :
1. There may be a large application of knowledge secured
in a limited field. The extent to which this may be valid,
depends largely on the knowledge or ideal being consciously
generalized. The limits are in each case personal, and are in-
dependent of the clearness or adequacy of the information, in
the particular case.
2. This knowledge is of any conceptual sort, and so may
be of method, ways of attack, notions of caution, reflection,
care, accuracy.
3. The studies on Cross.Education are unanimous in show-
ing that the training in skill or power of one side of the body is
effective in corresponding parts, on the other side.
4. There is a larger transfer of practice with children or
youth than with adults.
5. The extent of the effect is in inverse ratio to the force
^ of effect, being strong in processes functionally alike, and
~^decreasing as the processes diverge.
6. The ''Common Element" in any two functions is not
to be a determined a priori. It may be "ideal," physiological,
or objective.
7. There is some sort of transfer from memorizing one
class of facts to memorizing another class of facts, and from
memorizing prose to memorizing poetry. Memorizing poetry
gives increased ability to memorize figures or names of places.
8. Training in the discrimination of some colors is highly
FORMAL DISCIPLINE 73
effective in the discrimination of others, much less so with
tones.
9. Negatively, training in one function may have no
appreciable influence on another, or actually impede the proper
action and development of another function.
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FORMAL DISCIPLINE 75
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76 FORMAL DISCIPLINE
Winter, A. : New York State Reformatory in Elmira.
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Vita
The author was born at Buckhannon, W. Va., October 15,
1869. He has studied in the public schools of Buckhannon,
the Northwestern Academy of Clarksburg, W, Va., the Univer-
sity of Nashville, the University of West Virginia, Leland
Stanford, Jr., University, the University of Chicago and at
Teachers College, Columbia University. He has received the
degree of A. B. from the University of Nashville and the degree
of A. M. from Leland Stanford University. He has taught in
elementary and secondary schools and was for six years teacher
of Psychology and Education at the State Normal School, in
San Jose, California.
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