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 ''VS:ir'} SENATE {^-^r 
 
 STATUE OF 
 
 GOVERNOR 
 
 FRANCIS HARRISON 
 
 PIERPONT 
 
 PROCEEDINGS IN STATUARY HALL AND 
 IN THE SENATE AND THE HOUSE OF 
 REPRESENTATIVES ON THE OCCASION 
 OF THE UNVEILING. RECEPTION, AND 
 ACCEPTANCE OF THE STATUE FROM 
 THE STATE OF WEST VIRGINIA 
 
 COMPILED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE 
 JOINT COMMITTEE ON PRINTING 
 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
 
 1910 
 
Concurrent Resolution. 
 
 Resolved by the Senate {the House of Representatives concurring). That 
 there be printed and bound the proceedings in Congress, together with the 
 proceedings at the unveiling in Statuary Hall upon the acceptance of the 
 statue of Francis H. Pierpont, presented by the State of West Virginia, 
 sixteen thousand five hundred copies, of which five thousand shall be for 
 the use of the Senate and ten thousand for the use of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives and the remaining one thousand five hundred copies shall be 
 for the use and distribution of the Senators and Representatives in Congress 
 from the State of West Virginia. 
 
 The Joint Committee on Printing is hereby authorized to have the copy 
 prepared for the Public Printer, who shall procure suitable copper-process 
 plates to be bound with these proceedings. 
 
 Passed June 6, 1910. 
 
 OCT 13 1910 
 
^ 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 J- 
 
 Page 
 
 Biography of Francis Harrison Pierpont ..... 6 
 
 Ceremonies in Statuary Hall ....... 9 
 
 Invocation by Rev. Henry N.Couden ..... 9 
 
 - Address of Hon. Thomas C. Miller ..... 10 
 
 Unveiling of statue by Miss Frances P. Siviter ... 20 
 
 Addressof Governor William E.Glasscock . . . . 20 
 
 Recital of poem by Miss Siviter ...... 40 
 
 Address of Hon. Alston Gordon Dayton .... 41 
 
 Benediction by Rev. Ulysses G. B. Pierce .... 60 
 
 Proceedings in the Senate ....... 63 
 
 Prayer by Rev. Ulysses G. B. Pierce . ... . . 63 
 
 Address of Mr. Klkins, of West Virginia .... 67 
 
 Address of Mr. DoUiver, of Iowa ...... 75 
 
 Address of Mr. Heyburn, of Idaho ..... 99 
 
 Address of Mr. Oliver, of Pennsylvania . . . .103. 
 
 Address of Mr. Scott, of West Virginia . . . . 107 
 
 Proceedings in the House . . . . , . . . .113 
 
 Address of Mr. Hubbard, of West Virginia . . . 115 
 Address of Mr Keif er, of Ohio . . . . . .123 
 
 Addressof Mr. Payne, of New York ..... 143 
 
 Address of Mr. Gaines, of West Virginia . . . - i57 
 
 Address of Mr. Sturgiss, of West Virginia . . . . i6l 
 
 3 
 
(^^,//J UA^^ury^ * 
 
FRANCIS HARRISON PIERPONT 
 
 Born January 25, 1814, in Monongalia County, Va. (now Marion 
 County, W. Va.). A graduate of Allegheny College, Meadville, Pa., in 
 1839; a teacher for some years; a successful lawyer and business man, 
 engaged in mining coal and manufacturing fire brick. 
 
 Antislavery Whig in politics; elector in 1848. 
 
 A leading member of the Methodist Protestant Church. 
 
 Elected provisional governor of Virginia on the 20th day of June, 1861, by 
 the Wheeling Convention. 
 
 Elected governor of Virginia on the fourth Thursday of May, 1862, by 
 the people, to fill out the unexpired term of John Letcher, who was declared 
 to have vacated his office by having joined the Confederacy. 
 
 On the fourth Thursday of May, 1863, he was elected for the full term of 
 four years, beginning January i, 1864, and removed the seat of government 
 from Wheeling to Alexandria before the State of West Virginia began its 
 legal existence, on June 20, 1863. 
 
 On the 25th day of May, 1865, he removed the seat of government to 
 Richmond, and served till the end of his term, January i, 1868, and held 
 over till the i6th day of April, 1868, when Major-General Schofield, in 
 command of the First Military District (Virginia), appointed Henry H. 
 Wells provisional governor. 
 
 In 1868 Governor Pierpont returned to his home at Fairmont, W. Va. 
 
 He was elected to the house of delegates in 1869, and later was appointed 
 collector of internal revenue for West Virginia by President Garfield. 
 
 He never was governor of West Virginia. 
 
 He died at Pittsburg, at the home of his daughter, March 24, 1899, and 
 was buried at Fairmont, W. Va. 
 
 5 
 

CEREMONIES IN STATUARY HALL 
 
 Exercises held in Statuary Hall, in the Capitol, Washington, 
 D. C, April 30, 1910, at 10 o'clock a. m., on the unveiling and 
 presentation of the statue of Francis Harrison Pierpont, by 
 the State of West Virginia, Hon. Harry Chapman Woodyard 
 presiding. 
 
 Mr. Woodyard. I have been requested to preside on this 
 occasion by the commission created by an act of the legislature 
 of West Virginia to have prepared and placed in this hall a 
 statue of a distinguished and honored son of that State. 
 
 The Chaplain of the House of Representatives, Rev. Henry 
 N. Couden, D. D., will invoke the divine blessing. 
 
 Invocation by Reverend Henry N. Couden 
 
 God of the ages, our father's God and our God, whose omnis- 
 cient and omnipotent love has shaped and guided the destiny 
 of men and of nations. 
 
 And step by step, since time began, 
 We see the steady gain of man. 
 
 From savagery to barbarism, from barbarism to a civilization 
 which found its fullest fruition in the genius of our great Re- 
 public, "conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition 
 that all men are created equal." 
 
 We thank Thee from our heart of hearts for the great men who 
 "conceived, resolved, and maintained;" long may it live a 
 blessing to mankind and an honor to Thy holy name. We are 
 assembled here under the Dome of its Capitol, in this Hall of 
 Fame, to add to the immortal group a scholar, a statesman, a 
 
 9 
 
lo Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 Christian patriot whose life and deeds add luster to the pages 
 of American history. Long may these statues in mute elo- 
 quence proclaim to the world liberty, justice, equal rights, and 
 inspire coming generations to honest toil, patriotic fervor, and 
 Godly lives. Let Thy blessing attend these sacred ceremonies 
 and be with those who shall pay their tribute of love and respect 
 to the memory of a distinguished fellow-citizen whose spotless 
 character and illustrious deeds are woven into the warp and 
 woof of his State and Nation. 
 
 And Thine be the praise through Jesus Christ our Lord, who 
 taught us to pray : 
 
 Our Father which art in heaven, hallowed he Thy name, Thy 
 kingdom come, Thy will be done on earth, as it is in heaven. Give 
 us this day our daily bread, and forgive us our debts as we forgive 
 our debtors, and lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from 
 evil, for Thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory, forever. 
 Amen. 
 
 Mr. Woody ARD. The statue prepared and here placed by the 
 commission will be tendered on behalf of the commission by Hon. 
 Thomas C. Miller, secretary, to the State of West Virginia, in 
 final discharge of the duties imposed upon it by the legislature 
 of West Virginia. 
 
 Address of Honorable Thomas C. Miller 
 
 The civil war in the United States, beginning in 1861, was 
 not as has been so generally thought the primal cause of the 
 formation of West Virginia ; it was only the occasion that made 
 such a procedure possible. For many years there had been 
 discontent in the western part of Virginia, growing out of 
 unequal representation and discrimination in taxation coupled 
 with the then ever-present question of human slavery. While no 
 direct movement looking to the division of the State had been 
 attempted, nevertheless there was a spirit of unrest in the trans- 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall ii 
 
 Allegheny region, and it had been emphatically declared many 
 times by the western leaders of both the Whig and the Demo- 
 cratic parties that, unless the tide water and Piedmont region 
 of Virginia became more liberal in dealing with the western sec- 
 tions of the State, separation would inevitably follow sooner or 
 later. 
 
 Students of American history will recall that previous to the 
 adoption of the Constitution in 1787 there had been no fewer 
 than seven plans proposed looking to the organization of new 
 States west of the Alleghenies. Some of these movements had 
 taken definite form, as will be recalled in the effort to establish 
 Vandalia, Westsylvania, and the State of Franklin, and it is a 
 remarkable fact that no fewer than five of these proposed plans 
 included in their boundary the whole or a part of what is now 
 West Virginia. The Ohio River, Pennsylvania, and Maryland 
 boundaries of West Virginia are identical with those of two of 
 the projected new States. 
 
 Geographic influences also had much effect on the material, 
 political, and social conditions of the two sections. The main 
 ridge of the Allegheny Mountains, with its northeast and south- 
 west trend, formed a barrier through the center of the State 
 which, before the days of modern engineering, had seemed almost 
 insurmountable. The trade of the western section was largely 
 down the Ohio or to Baltimore and the East. There was con- 
 siderable traffic down the Monongahela to Pittsburg, and Phila- 
 delphia and New York could be more easily reached from 
 Wheeling than could Richmond and Norfolk, and so commercial 
 relations did not do much to assist in making a bond of unity. 
 Furthermore, the settlers of the two regions differed widely in 
 nationality, manners, and customs as well as in political senti- 
 ment, and there was not that community of interest which, even 
 without legal enactment, oftentimes binds a people together. 
 The tide water and the eastern part of the State had been settled 
 
12 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 largely by the cavalier element, while the Ohio Valley and the 
 western interior had been peopled mainly by those who had 
 migrated from the colonies farther north, especially the Scotch- 
 Irish from eastern Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware, and 
 Connecticut. These pioneers wended their way across the 
 mountains over roaxis which had first been blazed through the 
 woods by the troops under Braddock, Washington, and Forbes. 
 Coming to the headwaters of the tributaries of the upper Ohio 
 they made themselves homes in the valleys and hill lands of 
 western Virginia, and became the ancestors of as brave and 
 patriotic a people as this country has produced. Speaking of 
 the influence of the Scotch-Irish element in our national life, 
 John Fiske, the historian, says: 
 
 Once planted in the Allegheny region they spread rapidly and in large 
 numbers toward the southwest along the mountain country through the 
 Shenandoah Valley and into the Carolinas. At a later time they formed al- 
 most the entire population of western Virginia, and they were the men 
 who chiefly built up the Commonwealths of Kentucky and Tennessee. 
 * * * When our civil war came these men were a great power on both 
 sides, but the influence of the chief mass of them, was exerted on the side 
 of the Union; it held Kentucky and a large part of Tennessee, and broke 
 Virginia in twain. 
 
 The one whom we honor here to-day and whose great work in 
 the formation of the State we commemorate in this beautiful 
 statue was a descendant of one of these hardy pioneers who 
 settled in what is now Monongalia County previous to the 
 Revolutionary war. 
 
 The above well-known historical facts have been referred to 
 briefly in an effort to correct the widespread misapprehension 
 among the younger generation as to the initiative of the move- 
 ment which led to the dismemberment of Virginia. West Vir- 
 ginia was not formed merely as the outgrowth of a feeling en- 
 gendered and embittered by the civil war, but was the logical 
 culmination of a diverse political sentiment that had mani- 
 fested itself through a period of nearly three quarters of a cen- 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 13 
 
 tury. These things are not presented here to-day in any offen- 
 sive sense, but to call attention to some of the errors which have 
 crept into our histories and that have misled many of the youth 
 of our country. 
 
 When the ordinance of secession was passed by the Virginia 
 convention in 1861, it was by no means by a unanimous vote. 
 The record shows that only 88 members voted for the passage 
 of the measure and 55 against it. Of the 55 men who voted 
 against the ordinance 33 lived west of the Alleghenies, and at 
 once they became the target of severe criticism and vituperation 
 in Richmond and the east, even the lives of some being threat- 
 ened. Returning to their homes, loyal to the Old Flag, we do 
 not wonder that a spirit of patriotic zeal was soon manifest all 
 through the western part of the State. We are not surprised, 
 either, to find the same men who had left the Richmond con- 
 vention, some of whom had been expelled and others whose 
 seats had been declared vacant, among the leaders who assem- 
 bled as the representatives of the people in the Wheeling con- 
 ventions in May and June following. 
 
 In passing it may be remarked that no more practical demon- 
 stration of the principle enunciated in Lincoln's famous utter- 
 ance at Gettysburg, "government of the people, by the people, 
 for the people," has' ever been seen than in this loyal uprising 
 in western Virginia in 186 1. It resembled the Roman Republic 
 in the brightest period of its history, when the populace met 
 in the Forum, chose their rulers, dictated policies, and deter- 
 mined future action. 
 
 When the delegates assembled at Wheeling in May, 1861, in 
 obedience to what seemed to be an instinctive command of the 
 people, there was a very strong sentiment in favor of immediate 
 statehood for the trans- Allegheny section of Virginia. Indeed 
 some who had been advocating a new Commonwealth claimed 
 that this was the long desired opportunity, and that if action 
 
14 Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 were not taken at this time the occasion would be lost forever. 
 The wiser and more conservative element of the convention 
 was, for a time, subjected to a good deal of adverse criticism, be- 
 cause it opposed such precipitate action, and it was only by an 
 earnest appeal to their patriotism and under a solemn promise 
 that as soon as it could be done in accordance with the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States, steps would be taken looking to the 
 formation of a new State, that a compromise was reached and 
 conciliatory measures agreed upon. And here it was that the 
 wise foresight and eminent ability of Governor PierponT mani- 
 fested itself. I have heard him tell where he was and of his 
 exultation when the thought occurred to him that the way 
 had opened up and that a new State could be legally organized 
 if proper methods were pursued. The ancient alchemist is said 
 to have exclaimed, "Eureka ! Eureka !" but a generally accepted 
 tradition, now confirmed by the family record, says that Gov- 
 ernor Pikrpont's exclamation was even more emphatic, "I 
 have it! I have it!" Perplexed and almost bewildered on ac- 
 count of the situation, he had sat down to read the Constitution 
 of the United States through, section by section, and when he 
 came to section 4 of Article IV it seemed to have a new meaning 
 to him, and to apply very definitely to the condition of affairs 
 then existing. The section to which I have alluded and which 
 opened the way to meet the great crisis of 1861 in western Vir- 
 ginia, reads as follows : 
 
 The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a repub- 
 lican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion, 
 and on application of the legislature, or of the executive when the legislature 
 can not be convened, against domestic violence. 
 
 As already stated, a large majority of the delegates in the 
 May convention were in favor of immediate action looking to 
 the formation of a new State, so Governor Pierpont's sugges- 
 tion for the organization of the restored government of Virginia 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 15 
 
 and an appeal to the General Government at Washington for 
 recognition was at first not well received. However, he ably 
 presented his view of the crisis and was cordially supported by 
 Waitman T. Willey, John J. Jackson, Daniel Lamb, and other 
 conservative leaders who had great influence among the dele- 
 gates, and finally his plan was adopted and put into effect. He 
 was chosen provisional governor, an appeal was made to Presi- 
 dent Lincoln, who immediately recognized the new government; 
 Wheeling was established as the temporary capital, and a call 
 was made for volunteers to assist in suppressing the rebellion. 
 This seemingly anomolous situation has scarcely had a parallel 
 in history. A State in rebellion against the General Government 
 and a portion of that State in revolt against the same state 
 authorities and claiming to be the rightfully constituted state 
 government, and out of all this confusion a new Commonwealth 
 formed and the thirty-fifth star added to the galaxy in our flag. 
 Writing on this subject some years ago, Honorable A. W. 
 Campbell, for a long time editor of the Wheeling Intelligencer, 
 a strong advocate of the new-state movement, and one of Gov- 
 ernor PieRPONT's most ardent and efficient supporters, said: 
 
 The great fact patent and well known to you is that West Virginia was 
 loyal to the Union and that her loyalty enabled you at once to push forward 
 your lines to the Allegheny Mountains. History will dwell on this fact 
 and will more fully explain it than I have done and will pay it the tribute 
 it so well deserves. History 'will also reveal other facts, many of them per- 
 sonal in their character, that entered into the great movement for the 
 Union in West Virginia in 186 r. I will allude to only one of them. Here 
 in our presence to-day is an old man who was then in his prime, who is the 
 repository of as much of the unpublished history of West Virginia in the 
 war as any man in the State. All his life before the war the voice of this 
 man was heard in the mountains as of one crying in the wilderness, warning 
 the people of the beguilements of those who were luring them into espousals 
 and indorsements of doctrine that would commit them to secession, rebellion, 
 and war, and when the evil day at last came and Virginia threw off her 
 allegiance to the Union he grasped, among the very first, the idea of the 
 loyal people assuming and taking on and carrying forward her indestructible 
 stateship and of organizing a provisional government under which and 
 
i6 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 around which all the loyal people of Virginia, of which State we were then 
 a part, could rally. It was the first case of the kind in American history and 
 forms a precedent fully confirmed and ratified by the United States. It 
 was all regular and simply based upon the theory that when sovereignty 
 lapses by reason of treasonable alliance on the part of existing state authority 
 it reverts ipso facto to the loyal people of the Commonwealth and by them 
 can be at once embodied in a provisional government. The conception 
 and formation of this idea belongs as much, if not more, to the man to whorn 
 I am alluding, ex-Governor PiERPONT, of Marion County, than to any other 
 man in West Virginia. 
 
 Man is prone to speculate on what might have happened had 
 conditions been different. For instance, if Napoleon had been 
 informed as to the sunken road near Waterloo, or had Blucher 
 arrived earlier, the map of Europe might not be as it is to-day. 
 Students of military history have for years asked what would 
 have resulted if Lee had vigorously attacked Burnside at Fred- 
 ericksburg before the Union Army reached the other side of the 
 Rappahannock, and much speculation has been indulged in as to 
 the outcome of the battle of Gettysburg if Meade had renewed 
 the contest on July 4, 1863. This, you say, is mere speculation; 
 but we are told that history is philosophy teaching by experience 
 and example, and if -this be true we may better interpret some 
 things of the past as well as discern the future by the light of 
 this experience and observation. 
 
 If you will look at the map of the United States, you will 
 see that it is only a short distance from the northern Pan- 
 handle of West Virginia to Lake Brie. Had not the western 
 part of Virginia adhered to the Union, this narrow strip of 80 
 miles would have been the only connecting link between the 
 Bast and the West. What might have resulted had the Gov- 
 ernment not been able to maintain a line of communication 
 between the Atlantic coast and the Mississippi Valley by 
 means of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and through the 
 Kanawha Valley, no one can tell. The estimate that President 
 Lincoln placed upon tiie action of the loyal people of the moun- 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 17 
 
 tains is indicated in the statement he made with reference to 
 the admission of West Virginia into the Union, and which you 
 find on the programme which is in your hands to-day. 
 
 Should I be asked to characterize the patriotic work of 
 Governor Pierpont in one brief statement, it would be that 
 he was the conservative leader who made it possible by legal 
 methods to constitute the State of West Virginia. I have said 
 he was conservative, and so he was; but when his duty was 
 made plain then he became the aggressive, earnest, capable 
 leader, brave and daring, fearing only not to do right. No 
 more patriotic citizen ever lived in the Commonwealth over 
 whose affairs he had control for nearly eight years. I refer, 
 of course, to the State of Virginia, because he was never gov- 
 ernor of West Virginia. He was known, however, as one of 
 the war governors and assisted in putting into the field more 
 than 40,000 troops in the support of the Union cause. He 
 was intimately associated with John A. Andrew, Oliver P. 
 Morton, John A. Dix, and others of that notable group of 
 men who loyally supported President Lincoln throughout the 
 civil conflict and who rendered such efficient aid toward the 
 suppression of the rebellion. 
 
 To others has been allotted the pleasing task of speaking 
 more fully of the life and character of the one whom we honor 
 here to-day. I can not forbear, however, from saying a word 
 in this connection. Graduating from Allegheny College, at 
 Meadville, Pennsylvania, Governor PierponT had as class- 
 mates and tutors such men as Gordon Battelle, Bishop Mathew 
 Simpson, Bishop Kingsley, Homer Clark, and others, among 
 whom existed a friendship that was severed only by death. 
 Implicitly accepting the faith of his fathers, he became an 
 active Christian worker, and whether as Sunday-school teacher 
 
 and superintendent, or as president of the highest ecclesiastical 
 49963° — 10 2 
 
i8 Governor Francis Harrison Pier pout 
 
 organization of his denomination, the Methodist Protestant 
 Church, his ability, his zeal, and broad humanitarianism were 
 always manifest. 
 
 In beautiful Woodlawn Cemetery, near the town which was 
 his home for nearly three quarters of a century, lie the remains 
 of the noble character whose pure life and whose lofty patriot- 
 ism we commemorate at this hour. On his tomb is chiseled 
 the phrase, "Father of West Virginia," and just below, with 
 even a higher meaning and in loftier strain, we read, "Patriot, 
 Statesman, Christian." 
 
 The first suggestion that the statue of Francis H. PierponT 
 should be one of West Virginia's contributions to this Hall 
 was in a resolution adopted by the Society of the Army of 
 West Virginia at Fairmont in 1900. At the next session 
 of the legislature a bill was introduced providing for such a 
 statue, and after careful consideration the measure was passed 
 by a unanimous vote and a commission constituted to carry 
 out the provisions of the act. The members of the commission 
 were as follows: Albert B. White, governor; Anthony Smith, 
 president of the senate; William G. Wilson, speaker of the 
 house; and James F. Brown, Clarence L. Smith, John Frew, 
 and Thomas C. Miller. Shortly afterwards the commission 
 organized and after considerable correspondence, with artists 
 and sculptors and frequent conferences with the family of 
 Governor Pierpont, a contract for the execution of the work 
 was awarded to Mr. Franklin Simmons, a prominent American 
 sculptor then residing at Rome, Italy. Work on the model 
 and the statue progressed satisfactorily, and it was completed 
 and placed where it now stands in December, 1904. It is 
 with sadness that we record the death of two members of the 
 commission before the work was finished — Honorable John 
 Frew, of Wheeling, and General Clarence h. Smith, of Fair- 
 mont. Both were lifelong friends of Governor Pierpont, and 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 19 
 
 they would have rejoiced with us to-day in the completion of 
 this fitting testimonial to the life and character of their old 
 friend and associate. 
 
 For various reasons the presentation of the statue has been 
 delayed till this hour. The principal cause has been the ina- 
 bility of the governor's only daughter, Mrs. W. H. Siviter, on 
 account of feeble health, earlier to attend the ceremonies which 
 she to-day witnesses with gratitude and thanks to all who have 
 had any part in thus honoring her father. This large body of 
 West Virginians, testifying to the debt of gratitude they owe 
 one of her leading citizens, shows that Governor Pierpont is 
 not forgotten, but that his memory is held in loving remem- 
 brance by the people of the State which he had such a promi- 
 nent part in making. 
 
 To me it is a peculiar pleasure to have a part in these cere- 
 monies, tinged even as they are by sadness. It is my fondest 
 memory that Governor PierponT was my father's lifelong 
 friend; he was my boyhood ideal, the counselor of my early 
 manhood and the inspiration of my best efforts, and I am 
 glad to know that his prototype is to stand in this Hall among 
 those who have made the world better by their high ideals, 
 their lofty patriotism, their unblemished character, and their 
 sublime devotion to duty. 
 
 And now. Governor Glasscock, on behalf of the commission 
 constituted by the legislature of West Virginia, and authorized 
 to procure a statue in marble of Francis Harrison Pierpont, 
 I have the honor of presenting to you. West Virginia's chief 
 executive, the statue provided by the commission. It stands 
 here amidst this group of great Americans as the symbol of 
 a life that was singularly devoted to the public service in the 
 highest patriotic endeavor and as a type of noble manhood 
 worthy the emulation of all the youth of our land. 
 
,20 Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 Mr. WooDYARD. The statue will be unveiled by Miss Frances 
 Pierpont Siviter, a granddaughter of Governor Francis Har- 
 rison Pierpont. 
 
 [The statue was then unveiled amid great applause.] 
 Mr. WooDYARD. I have very great pleasure in introducing to 
 you Honorable 'William E. Glasscock, governor of West Vir- 
 ginia, who will accept the statue on behalf of the State. 
 
 Address of Governor William E. Glasscock. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen: Francis H. Pierpont, whose 
 statue in marble I thus have the honor to present on behalf 
 of the State of West Virginia to the American Congress, was 
 the third son of Francis and Catharine (Weaver) Pierpont, 
 and was born January 25, 1814, in Monongalia County, Vir- 
 ginia, on the farm settled by his grandfather, John Pierpont. 
 In 1 814, Francis Pierpont, the father of the subject, moved 
 from the old homestead to land purchased by him about 2 
 miles from Fairmont, now Marion — then Harrison — County, 
 West Virginia. In 1827 he made his residence in Middletown, 
 now Fairmont, where he conducted a tannery in connection 
 with his farm. His young son Francis H., the subject, as- 
 sisted his father in his several occupations until manhood. 
 His educational opportunities were, in the meantime, limited. 
 In June, 1835, he entered Allegheny College, at Meadville, 
 Pennsylvania, from which he was graduated with the degree 
 of bachelor of arts in September, 1839. He taught school 
 until 1 841, when he removed to Mississippi, where he contin- 
 ued teaching; but the following year he returned home because 
 of the failing health of his father. Having studied law in the 
 leisure intervals of his career as a teacher, he was now ad- 
 mitted to the bar. From 1848 for a period of eight years 
 he served as local counsel of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad 
 Company for the counties of Marion and Taylor. In 1853 he 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 
 
 21 
 
 engaged in the mining and shipping of coal by rail, and soon 
 after in the manufacture of fire bricks. In December, 1854, 
 he married Julia A., daughter of Reverend Samuel Robinson, 
 a Presbyterian minister of New York. In religious faith he 
 was a member of the Methodist Episcopal Church. He now 
 confined himself to the law, and was engaged in its practice 
 at Fairmont when the terrible storm of civil strife swept over 
 the land. Nowhere else did it rage so fiercely as in Virginia, 
 which then extended from the Chesapeake to the Ohio. The 
 year i860 5Found this grand "Old Dominion" in a state of 
 the wildest commotion, a condition unexampled in history, 
 unless it be France in the early days of the French Revolu- 
 tion. Her people hesitated long, but at length the time for 
 final action arrived, and Governor John Letcher, influenced 
 by the pressure of the time, issued a proclamation convening 
 the general assembly in extraordinary session on January 7, 
 1 86 1, and some days later an act was passed providing for a 
 convention of the people of Virginia to meet February 4, 1861. 
 It was a remarkable body of men. Among them were ex- 
 President John Tyler, Honorable Henry A. Wise, ex-governor 
 of the Commonwealth, and many others who had held high 
 positions in the councils of the State and Nation. 
 
 The world knows the story of the action of that convention. 
 On the 17th of April, 1 861, it adopted an ordinance of secession. 
 This action was popular in eastern Virginia, where from the 
 mountains to sea all was enthusiasm, but it met with fierce oppo- 
 sition in the northwestern part of the old Commonwealth. 
 There for weeks public meetings of citizens had been held in 
 many of the counties, in all of which there was not only an 
 expression of the disapproval of secession, but a determined 
 effort to resist it. Thus far all had been individual action on the 
 part of the several counties, but now (April 22, 1861) the first 
 call for united action went out from Clarksburg in Harrison 
 
-22 Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 County, the birthplace of "Stonewall" Jackson. There, but 
 five days after the adoption of the ordinance of secession, nearly 
 twelve hundred citizens convened in compliance with a call 
 issued forty-eight hours before. The convention was organ- 
 ized by the election of John Hursey chairman and John W. 
 Harris secretary. There were eminent speakers present, and 
 much enthusiasm was manifested. Before adjournment a pre- 
 amble and series of resolutions were adopted without a dissenting 
 voice. One of the latter was as follows : 
 
 Be it resolved, That it be and is hereby recommended to the people in 
 «ach and all of the counties composing northwestern Virginia to appoint 
 delegates, not less than five in number, of their wisest, best, and most dis- 
 creet men, to meet in convention on the 13th day of May next, to consult 
 and determine upon such action as the people of northwestern Virginia 
 should take in the present fearful emergency. 
 
 A succeeding resolution named ten of the foremost men present 
 to represent Harrison County in the proposed convention. 
 
 That evening, Mr. C. E. Ringler, editor and proprietor of the 
 Western Virginia Guard, published at Clarksburg, issued an extra 
 edition of his paper in which was printed an "Address of the con- 
 vention to the people of northwestern Virginia." In this the 
 foregoing preamble and resolutions were embodied. Messengers 
 mounted on horseback bore copies of the Guard to Weston, 
 Kingwood, and Morgantown, and to adjoining and adjacent 
 counties. Other copies were distributed along the lines of rail- 
 road westward to Wheeling and Parkersburg, eastward to Mar- 
 tinsburg, and even to the lower Potomac. The time was short, 
 the emergency great, and from Hancock County to Wayne and 
 from Wood to Berkeley the people hastened to comply with the 
 request of the Clarksburg convention. Public meetings were 
 held in counties, in cities, in towns, at churches, schoolhouses, 
 and crossroads, and delegates appointed to the proposed con- 
 vention at Wheeling. Days seemed weeks, but time passed and 
 brought the eventful 13th day of May, 1861. 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 23 
 
 THE I^IRST CONVENTION OF THE PEOPLE OF NORTHWESTERN 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 ■ The morning of the 13th day of May, 1 861, witnessed a gather- 
 ing in the city of WheeHng of the most determined men that ever 
 assembled on the banks of the Ohio. The convention convened 
 at 1 1 o'clock in Washington Hall. It was but ten days before 
 the vote on the ordinance of secession. The body was called to 
 order by Honorable Chester D. Hubbard, on whose motion Wil- 
 liam B. Zinn, of Preston County, was made temporary president; 
 and George R. Latham, of Taylor County, was chosen temporary 
 secretary. The report of the committee on credentials showed 
 that 436 duly accredited delegates were in attendance. The 
 committee on permanent organization reported as follows: F'or 
 president, John W. Moss, of Wood County; for secretaries, 
 Charles B. Waggener, of Mason County, Marshall M. Dent, of 
 Monongalia County, and J. Chandler, of Ohio County. A com- 
 mittee was appointed on state and federal relations, consisting of 
 one member from each of the twenty-eight counties represented. 
 The real work of the 'convention now began. A very excited 
 controversy sprang up on the plan to be adopted for immediate 
 action. There were those — many of them — who came to the 
 convention determined to vote for an immediate and unqualified 
 division of the State, however violent or revolutionary it might 
 appear. Some delegations, indeed, came to Wheeling with a ban- 
 ner flying at their head indorsed, "New Virginia, now or never." 
 Their plan was to immediately adopt a constitution and form 
 of government for the counties represented and proceed to 
 fill all offices by temporary appointment. But there was 
 another party, respectable both as to members and intelligence, 
 who felt and saw the irreparable mischief that would follow 
 in the true point of distinction between spasmodic disruption 
 and authorized resistance. Foremost among these was Francis 
 
24 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 H. Pierpont, one of the delegates from Marion County. He 
 and those who acted with him argued that the delegates had not 
 been apppointed with this end in view, nor empowered to act 
 with such extreme vigor; that the convention had not been 
 legally convened, and its action could not, therefore, bind the 
 people to acquiescence either in law or reason or by any known 
 rule or precedent; that no vote had yet been taken on the 
 ordinance of secession, and hence the State of Virginia still had 
 a government, under the Constitution of the United States, at 
 Richmond; and that the Federal Government would not recog- 
 nize a State created thus, because it was not in compliance with 
 the mode prescribed by the Constitution of the United States. 
 Thus the first and second days were consumed in acrimonious 
 debates. The partisans of both views maintained their ground 
 with unrelenting hostility, and great dissatisfaction prevailed 
 on all sides. Debate was renewed on the morning of the third 
 day, but in a milder spirit; the voice of better counsels was 
 beginning to prevail, and all felt the imperative necessity of 
 some action that should be, as far as possible, harmonious 
 in its character. Late at night the discussions were inter- 
 rupted by the. committee on state and federal relations begging 
 leave to report through its chairman, Campbell Tarr. The 
 report consisted of a series of thirteen resolutions, and it was a 
 skillful blending of all opinions. The recent action of the Rich- 
 mond convention was reviewed and the course to be pursued by 
 the people of northwestern Virginia outlined in the event of 
 the ratification of the ordinance of secession by the people of 
 Virginia on the ensuing 23d day of May, eight days hence. 
 This report elicited but little discussion and was adopted with 
 but two dissentient voices. Then a single voice was heard amid 
 the silent multitude; it was that of earnest prayer beseeching 
 the blessings of Heaven upon the work prepared. This ended, 
 a thousand voices united in singing the Star-Spangled Banner, 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 25 
 
 and the first convention of the people of northwestern Virginia, 
 that usually referred to as the first Wheeling convention, ad- 
 journed sine die. 
 
 the; second convention of the pEopi.E of northwestern 
 
 virginia. 
 
 The report of the committee on state and federal relations 
 
 adopted by the first convention provided for a second convention 
 
 should the people ratify the ordnance of secession. This was 
 
 done in the eighth resolution as follows: 
 
 8. Be it resolved, That in the event of the ordinance of secession being 
 ratified by a vote, we recommend to the people of the counties here repre- 
 sented, and all others disposed to cooperate with us, to appoint on the 4th 
 day of June, 1861, delegates to a general convention, to meet on the i ith of 
 that month, at such place as may be designated by. the committee herein- 
 after provided, to devise such measures and take such action as the safety 
 and welfare of the people they represent may demand ; each county to ap- 
 point a number of representatives to said convention equal to double the 
 number to which it will be entitled in the next house of delegates, and the 
 senators and delegates to be elected on the 23d instant, by the counties 
 referred to, to the next general assembly of Virginia, and who concur in 
 the views of this convention, to be entitled to seats in the said convention 
 as members thereof. 
 
 The report further provided for a central committee, together 
 
 with its duties set forth in the twelfth and thirteenth resolutions, 
 
 as follows : 
 
 12. Be it resolved, That John S. Carlile, James S. Wheat, Chester D. 
 Hubbard, Francis H. PierponT, Campbell Tarr, George R. Latham, 
 Andrew Wilson, S. H. Woodward, and James W. Paxton be a central com- 
 mittee to attend to all the matters connected with the objects of this con- 
 vention, and that they have power to assemble this convention at any 
 time they may think necessary. 
 
 IT,. Be it resolved. That the central committee be instructed to prepare 
 an address to the people of Virginia in conformity with the foregoing reso- 
 lutions and cause the same to be published and circulated as extensively 
 as possible. 
 
 Speedily this central committee, of which Francis H. PiER- 
 
 PONT was a member, prepared and sent out broadcast "An 
 
26 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 address to the people of northwestern Virginia," which con- 
 tained more than two thousand words and was one of the most 
 stirring appeals ever made to any people. 
 
 The ordinance of secession was ratified by the people of Vir- 
 ginia May 23, 1861, and this, of course, paved the way for a 
 second Wheeling' convention of the people of northwestern 
 Virginia, as provided for in the foregoing resolution of the first 
 convention. Accordingly delegates were appointed on the 4th 
 day of June ensuing, and the convention assembled in Washing- 
 ton Hall, Wheeling, six days later, June 10. One hundred and 
 six members were in attendance, one of whom was Francis H. 
 Pierpont, a delegate from Marion County. On his motion 
 Dennis B. Dorsey was elected as temporary chairman, and 
 Francis H. Pierpont was then made chairman of the com- 
 mittee on permanent organization, on the recommendation of 
 which Arthur I. Boreman, of Wood County, who afterwards 
 became the first governor of West Virginia, was made perma- 
 nent president; Gibson Lamb Cranmer, of Ohio County, per- 
 manent secretary, and Thomas Hornbrook, of Ohio County, 
 sergeant-at-arms. The convention then proceeded to appoint 
 a committee on order of business, otherwise known as the com- 
 mittee of seventeen. Of this committee Francis H. Pierpont 
 was a member. On the third day of the session, this committee 
 reported "A declaration of the people of Virginia, represented 
 in convention at Wheeling, Thursday, June 13, 1861." It was 
 a most remarkable state paper, possessing much historical 
 interest for the people of both the Virginias. This was adopted, 
 and on the same da> "^he committee of seventeen reported "An 
 ordinance for the reorganization of the state government." It 
 provided for the appointment of a governor, lieutenant-governor, 
 and attorney-general for the State of Virginia by the convention, 
 together with an executive council, to consist of five members, 
 and prescribed an oath or affirmation to be taken or made by all 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 27 
 
 state and county officers under the reorganized government. 
 On the sixth day of the session Francis H. Pikrpont made the 
 greatest speech of his life in advocacy of the adoption of this 
 ordinance. On the eighth day it was adopted. That evening 
 there was a caucus of the members to agree upon nominees for 
 the several offices. 
 
 BEGINNING OF THE RESTORED GOVERNMENT — ITS CONTINUANCE 
 AT WHEELING. 
 
 On June 20, 1861, the chairman announced that the first busi- 
 ness before the convention was the election of a governor, lieu- 
 tenant-governor, attorney-general, and council. Then Daniel 
 lyamb, of Ohio County, arose and said: 
 
 I desire, Mr. President, to present to the convention for the office of 
 governor the name of Francis H. Pierpont, of Marion County. Mr. 
 PiERPONT needs no eulogium at my hands. He is known to all of us. He 
 is known throughout this country as having been one of the ablest, the most 
 decided, and indefatigable advocates of our cause from the very start. We 
 all know that heart and soul he is with us. 
 
 No other nominations were made. A vote was taken, and 
 every member present voted for Mr. PiErpont. Daniel Polsley, 
 of Mason County, was then elected to the office of lieutenant- 
 governor and James S. Wheat, of Ohio County, was chosen attor- 
 ney-general; Peter G. Van Winkle, of Wood County, Daniel 
 Lamb and James W. Paxton, of Ohio County, William A. Harri- 
 son, of Harrison County, and William Lazier, of Monongalia 
 County, were elected members of the executive council, or coun- 
 cil of state. Governor Pierpont then delivered a brief inaugural 
 address and took the oath of office, it being administered by 
 Andrew Wilson, a justice of the peace for Ohio County. Gov- 
 ernor Pierpont acted with great promptness. Early on the 
 morning of the next day he appointed Lucian A. Hagans, of 
 Preston County, secretary of the Commonwealth. An hour later 
 he wrote President Lincoln, informing him that an insurrection 
 
28 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 existed in Virginia which he was unable to suppress, and there- 
 fore called upon the Government of the United States to furnish 
 a military force to aid in its suppression and to protect the good 
 people of the Commonwealth from domestic violence. Four 
 days later Simon Cameron, Secretary of War, made reply, prom- 
 ising assistance and directing his letter to "Honorable Francis 
 H. Pierpont, governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, Wheel- 
 ing, Virginia." Five days later Caleb B. Smith, Secretary of the 
 Interior, certified "To His Excellency Francis H. Pierpont, 
 governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia," the basis of repre- 
 sentation in Congress, as determined by the Eighth Census, and 
 that thereunder the Commonwealth of Virginia was entitled to 
 II members in the House of Representatives for the Thirty- 
 eighth Congress. Thus, within five days after Governor PiER- 
 ponT's election by the convention, he had secured the recognition 
 of the restored government by the National Government. This 
 convention having completely restored the government of the 
 Commonwealth adjourned on the 25th of June to reassemble on 
 the 6th of August ensuing. 
 
 Governor Pierpont issued a proclamation, convening the 
 general assembly in extraordinary session at Wheeling, July i, 
 1 86 1. In this body there were present 10 senators and 49 
 members of the house of delegates. Daniel Frost, of Jackson 
 County, was elected speaker, and Gibson Lamb Cranmer, of 
 Ohio County, clerk. Governor PierponT's message to that 
 body is one of the most remarkable state papers connected with 
 the restored government. Having dwelt upon the conditions 
 of existing civil war, he said : 
 
 We are passing through a period of gloom and darkness in our country's 
 history, but we need not despair; there is a just God who rides upon the 
 whirlwind and directs the storm. Let us look to Him with abiding confi- 
 dence. 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 29 
 
 On the ninth day of the session the assembly elected the fol- 
 lowing state officers, viz", Samuel Crane, of Tucker County, 
 auditor of public accounts; Campbell Tarr, of Brooke County, 
 treasurer of the Commonwealth; and Lucian A. Hagans, of 
 Preston County, secretary of the Commonwealth. On the 
 same day, the assembly elected John S. Carlile, of Harrison 
 County, a United States Senator, to succeed R. M. T. Hunter, 
 who had resigned his seat in that body. Then followed an elec- 
 tion of the successor to James N. Mason, who, like Hunter, had 
 resigned his seat after Virginia adopted the ordinance of seces- 
 sion; and Waitman T. Willey, of Monongalia County, was elected 
 to this position. Carlile and Willey proceeded at once to Wash- 
 ington, where they were admitted to seats in the Congress which 
 had assembled in extraordinary session on the 4th day of July. 
 Having finished its business, the assembly adjourned July 26. 
 The second Wheeling convention reassembled on the 6th day 
 of August and continued in session until the 21st day of that 
 month. Its chief work was that of providing for the division 
 of the State, and the formation of the new State of West Vir- 
 ginia within the limits of the old Commonwealth. The assembly 
 held its regular session, beginning December 2, 1861, and ending 
 February 13, 1862. By an act passed January 7, it provided 
 that on the 22d of the ensuing May an election by the people 
 should be held to choose officials for the unexpired term of gov- 
 ernor, lieutenant-governor, and attorney-general. This was 
 done on the date fixed, when Francis H. PierponT received 
 14,924 votes for governor, Daniel Polsley 14,328 votes for lieu- 
 tenant-governor, and James S. Wheat 13,441 votes for attorney- 
 general — all elected without opposition — ^for the unexpired term 
 of Governor Letcher and the lieutenant-governor and attorney- 
 general serving with him. 
 
 The restored government continued at Wheeling exactly two 
 years, i. e., until June 20, 1863. This last-named day was a 
 
30 Governor Francis Harrison Pier pout 
 
 remarkable one in the history of the Virginias. In Wheeling a 
 vast multitude thronged the streets. Thousands of flags flut- 
 tered in the breeze; the display of bunting was the most attrac-- 
 tive even seen in the "Western Metropolis." A procession 
 marched through the principal streets and then halted in front 
 of Linsley Institute. It was filled with people; the streets were 
 filled with men, women, and children, and the yards, windows, 
 and roofs were filled with eager faces. A large platform had been 
 erected in front of the institute, and thither the officers — 
 officials of two state governments — were conducted as they 
 arrived. Honorable Chester D. Hubbard called the multi- 
 tude to order. Thirty-five tastefully attired and beautiful 
 little girls, representing the American States, sang the Star- 
 Spangled Banner. Reverend J. T. McLure addressed the 
 Throne of Grace. Then came two governors — Francis H. 
 PiERPONT, the head of the restored government, and Arthur 
 I. Boreman, chief executive of a State just beginning to be. 
 The first delivered a valedictory, the second an inaugural ad- 
 dress. The sovereignty of the restored government of Vir- 
 ginia was terminated on the soil of West Virginia. Governor 
 PiEjRPONT retired with the restored government to Alexandria. 
 Three cheers were given for West Virginia; the little girls sang 
 E Pluribus Unum; the band played the Star-Spangled Banner, 
 and thus terminated ° the ceremonies of the inauguration of 
 West Virginia as a free and independent State — made possible 
 by the existence of the restored government. 
 
 THE RESTORED GOVERNMENT AT ALEXANDRIA. 
 
 By an act of the 5th of February, 1863, it was provided that 
 whenever the governor should deem it expedient to remove the 
 seat of the restored government to Alexandria, or to any other 
 place in the Commonwealth outside of the city of Wheeling, he 
 should make proclamation thereof; and he was further author- 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 31 
 
 ized to convene the general assembly at such place as he should 
 
 select for the seat of government. Before doing this, he visited 
 
 Washington City July 11, 1863, and was in Alexandria five days 
 
 later. He resolved to make this the capital of the restored 
 
 government. It was the old Belhaven of colonial days, first 
 
 military headquarters of Colonel Washington in 1754; the scene 
 
 of the landing of Braddock's ill-fated army of 1755; and was 
 
 long a commercial emporium of Virginia. Here Governor 
 
 PiERPONT occupied as a capital building that building that was 
 
 formerly used by the Farmers Bank of Virginia, and herein 
 
 were fixed all the executive offices. From here, on the 27th of 
 
 August, Governor Pierpont issued a proclamation or address 
 
 to the people of Virginia. In this he said: 
 
 In establishing a seat of government at Alexandria, I hope to be brought 
 into near contact with the people; to give personal attention, as far as pos- 
 sible, to the rights of the citizens ; to assure all of my sincere determination 
 to restore harmony and good will, as far as I can, between the civil and 
 military authorities. In those portions of the State occupied by the mili- 
 tary and in which civil government has not been established under the au- 
 thority of the reorganized government of Virginia, the people will have to 
 endure military rule, and to submit to the orders of the generals command- 
 ing the military departments. In sections in which the restored govern- 
 ment has been organized by the election of the various civil officers required 
 by the laws of the State, it is expected that the said officers will discharge 
 the duties of their respective offices in conformity with said laws. * * * 
 I most earnestly invite the cooperation of all right-minded men and women 
 in my ardent desire to secure peace and security to each county and neigh- 
 borhood in the Commonwealth, assuring all that I have no other object in 
 view than the present welfare and future prosperity of my native State. 
 
 At this time the civil list of the restored government was as 
 follows: Francis H. Pierpont, governor; Leopold P. C. 
 Cowper, lieutenant-governor; Lucian A. Hagans, secretary of 
 state; G. T. Smith, treasurer; Lewis W. Webb, auditor; Fred- 
 erick E. Foster, adjutant-general; and Thomas R. Bowden, 
 attorney-general. On the 23d day of May preceding (1863) 
 Governor Pierpont had been reelected governor of Virginia for 
 the full term of four years, beginning January i, 1864. At the 
 
32 Governor Francis H arrison Pier pout 
 
 same time Leopold P. C. Cowper was elected lieutenant-governor 
 and Thomas R. Bowden, attorney-general, for a similar term. 
 Likewise the members of the general assembly — the second 
 under the restored government — were chosen. These consisted 
 of 6 senators and 13 members of the house of delegates. It con- 
 vened in the City'Hall, December 7, 1863, when the counties of 
 Accomac, Northampton, Alexandria, Fairfax, Loudon, Norfolk, 
 Princess Anne, and Norfolk City and Hampton district were rep- 
 resented in the senate; and the counties of Accomac, Northamp- 
 ton, Prince William, Norfolk, Alexandria, Loudon, Elizabeth 
 City, Fairfax, and Norfolk city and Portsmouth city in the 
 house of delegates. The 5th of February, 1864, this body 
 elected Lucian A. Hagans secretary of state, Lewis W. Webb 
 auditor of public accounts, and John J. Henshaw treasurer of 
 the Commonwealth. At the opening of this session both 
 branches received the message of Governor PierponT. In this 
 he reviewed the history of the restored government while Wheel- 
 ing was its capital city. Among other recommendations he 
 strongly urged the calling of a convention to frame a new con- 
 stitution for the Commonwealth. A bill known as the "Con- 
 vention bill No. 9" was accordingly prepared jand enacted into 
 law. In compliance therewith a constitutional convention 
 assembled at Alexandria February 13, 1864, and adjourned sine 
 die April 1 1 ensuing. The body consisted of 17 members, repre- 
 senting the counties of Accomac, Northampton, Alexandria, 
 Fairfax, Elizabeth city, Loudon, Norfolk, Norfolk city. Princess 
 Anne, Warwick, Charles city. New Kent; and the cities of Nor- 
 folk, Portsmouth, and Williamsburg. On the 7th of April a 
 constitution was adopted by the convention, but it was not rati- 
 fied by the people — was never submitted to them for ratifica- 
 tion. The general assembly convened in extraordinary session 
 
Ceremonies ifi Statuary Hall ■ 33 
 
 December 5, 1864; adjourned March 7, 1865. In his message 
 
 to the body at this session Governor Pierpont said : 
 
 The condition of the Commonwealth, as far as I can learn, is deplorable 
 indeed. The fires of civil war have lighted nearly every neighborhood in 
 three-fourths of it. 
 
 Then he proceeded to detail the difficulty of reorganizing the 
 counties then under federal control, because of the hostility of 
 General Benjamin F. Butler, commandant of the Military Dis- 
 trict of Virginia and North Carolina. 
 
 A year had now passed away and the legislature proceeded to 
 the election of an auditor, treasurer, and secretary of state. 
 For the first, Lewis W. Webb was reelected; for the second, 
 Warren W. Wing was chosen; and Lucian A. Hagans having 
 resigned, Charles H. Lewis was elected to the office of secretary 
 of state. 
 
 On the 14th of April President Lincoln was assassinated. The 
 next day Major-General C. C. Augur, commanding the Depart- 
 ment of Washington, offered a reward of $10,000 for the arrest 
 of the assassin. April 21 Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, 
 offered an additional reward of $100,000. On the same day 
 Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania, offered a reward of $10,000, 
 and on the 23d Governgr PiERPONT added to the foregoing a 
 reward of $2,000 for the arrest of J. Wilkes Booth or any of his 
 accomplices. Intense excitement prevailed at Alexandria, as 
 elsewhere throughout the country; and there, on the i8th of 
 April, that on which the deceased President was buried, all the 
 bells in the old city tolled from 12 until 5 o'clock p. m. 
 
 THE RESTORED GOVERNMENT AT RICHMOND. 
 
 Richmond had fallen, and much of it lay in ashes. The old 
 confederate states government had ceased to exist. At a cabi- 
 net meeting, on the 24th of April, it was decided that the restored 
 
 49963° — 10 3 
 
34 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 government, whose capital was at Alexandria, on the Potomac, 
 should be removed to Richmond. In accordance with this deci- 
 sion President Johnson issued an executive order to Governor 
 Pierpont, directing a change in the place of the restored govern- 
 ment. With its removal its personnel was again almost entirely 
 changed. As before stated, Lucian A. Hagans, secretary of the 
 Commonwealth, had resigned and returned to his home in Pres- 
 ton County, West Virginia, and his successor was Charles H. 
 Lewis, from Rockingham County, Virginia, a brother of John F. 
 Lewis, afterwards United States Senator from that State. The 
 auditor of public accounts, Lewis W. Webb, had been succeeded 
 by William F. Taylor, and Francis J. Smith was now treasurer 
 of the Commonwealth instead of Warren W. Wing, who had 
 served in that capacity in the preceding year at Alexandria. 
 David H. Strother, of Martinsburg, West Virginia, author of the 
 Virginia Cannon, and who has arisen to the rank of brigadier- 
 general in the Federal Army, was adjutant-general. 
 
 On the morning of May 25 Governor Pierpont, with the gov- 
 ernment officials, left Alexandria on the United States mail 
 steamer Diamond for Richmond, but on account of accidents 
 did not arrive at its destination until the following day. Upon 
 his arrival in Richmond he was met by a reception committee 
 with Charles Palmer at its head, who greeted the executive as 
 follows : 
 
 Governor Pierpont, it affords me pleasure, as the organ of my fellow- 
 citizens, to offer you their cordial welcome upon your arrival as our chief 
 magistrate to the capital of this ancient Commonwealth, the Mother of 
 States and Statesmen, and to assure you that your coming is greeted with 
 pleasure and hope, believing that you will still continue your efforts, in con- 
 nection with our national authorities, to restore Virginia to that quiet and 
 peace in the sisterhood of States of our glorious Union, which she now so 
 earnestly desires, after the evils of a cruel war just terminated. Let me, 
 in their name, ask your attention to the importance of at once taking such 
 means as will revive their industrial interest and by a speedy restoration of 
 civil law restore the long-wished-for period of quiet and peace, and let us 
 all, both people and rulers, in a spirit of mutual forgiveness and forbearance 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 35 
 
 toward each other, wipe out all asperities of the past, and with united hearts 
 and hands emulate each other in the effort to replace Virginia in that bright 
 galaxy of States first and foremost. 
 
 Governor PierponT responded briefly and appropriately. 
 Then he and his suite were conducted to the carriages in waiting 
 for them. The procession moved to the governor's mansion. 
 Thousands lined the route and a battery on Capitol Square fired 
 15 guns as the cortege approached. The executive mansion s 
 was occupied by many invited guests. Ladies and gentlemen 
 entered the portal and were cordially greeted. Some one pro- 
 posed three cheers for Governor Pierpont and these were lustily 
 given. Then Francis J. Smith, of the city of Richmond, stepped 
 forward and delivered an eloquent address. He said, in part: 
 
 A little more than four years ago the bonds of friendship, the social and 
 commercial relations between the North and the South were ruthlessly 
 severed — consequences are familiar to us all. If I were to attempt to draw 
 a picture of them the colors would be red and black; red, as typical of the 
 blood spilled, as the black would be of the mourning consequent thereto; 
 but I turn away from the gloomy retrospect, not with sadness, to look to the 
 future, which is full of hope * * * if ^g can not forget, let us endeavor 
 to forgive, that angry passions may be pushed into silence. At early morn 
 behold the Stars and Stripes gracefully waving from the capitol of this 
 ancient Commonwealth; that banner upheld, the enjoyment of life, liberty, 
 and the pursuit of happiness will ever be secure. * * * Let me speak 
 now for the ladies. They are ready to greet you. They all join us in 
 extending to you a hearty and cordial welcome. 
 
 Governor PiERPONT delivered a splendid response. In part 
 
 he said : 
 
 Mr. Smith and Gentlemen: I should not do justice to my own feelings 
 were I to say that I was not moved by the remarks you have just made 
 and by the circumstances with which we are surrounded. * * * As far 
 as I am personally concerned, the position I have occupied for the past four 
 years has been one entirely unsought by me. At the beginning I had no 
 more idea of occupying the position I now do than I had of doing any other 
 strange thing which I never expected to do. Providential circumstances 
 have combined to place me in this position. Thousands of times I have 
 felt that I would rather be in any other position than this. But as my 
 fellow-citizens asked me to serve them, I could not do otherwise than accept 
 
2,6 Governor Francis H arrison Pierpo7it 
 
 the trust. But I have acted sincerely with a view to the future. * * * 
 Our Nation has been divided, contending with the most powerful armies in 
 the South, and yet we are able to point out to the nations and say. Keep 
 your positions, or you shall keep them, and to-day we present the greatest 
 nation, the most magnificent people known among the nations of the earth. 
 I come among you pledging all the efforts and energies of my heart and 
 mind to the building up of this great State, founded by those great states- 
 men to whom you h'ave referred. 
 
 Governor Pierpont hastened to make good his promise and 
 immediately entered upon a poHcy of conciHation and restora- 
 tion, which made his name a prominent one in the annals of 
 Virginia. He at once called around him the foremost men of the 
 old Commonwealth — men who had followed her fortunes through 
 the civil war. Among these were such as John B. Baldwin, 
 Hugh W. Sheffey, M. W. Harmon, and William M. Tate. Thus 
 he learned of conditions throughout Virginia. Destruction and 
 desolation were everywhere in evidence and a large part of the 
 capital city was lying in ashes. He was told of the destitution 
 in the hospitals for the insane at Williamsburg and Staunton, 
 and of the nakedness and almost starvation present in the 
 schools for the deaf, the blind, and the dumb at the latter places. 
 
 The treasurer of the restored government had taken with him 
 to Richmond the sum of $98,000, and Governor Pierpont now 
 sent his adjutant-general, David H. Strother, in person, to all 
 the counties that had been represented in the general assembly 
 at Alexandria and summoned the representatives to Richmond. 
 They came — 5 senators and 1 1 delegates — and they met in the 
 governor's reception room. There he explained to them the 
 conditions existing throughout the old Commonwealth, and that 
 they alone could change them by legislation; and that if they 
 would do this he would convene them in extraordinary session. 
 They assembled, and the session began Monday, June 19, 1865, 
 and ended Friday — the 23d — ensuing, covering a period of but 
 five days. This body in this period removed the disability to 
 vote, and by resolution the next general assembly was given 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 37 
 
 continued authority to remove the disqualifications to hold 
 office. With the funds appropriated Governor PierponT reha- 
 bilitated the western lunatic asylum, the institution for the 
 deaf, dumb, and blind, and the eastern lunatic asylum, all of 
 which institutions were in extreme destitution. 
 
 Doctor R. A. Brock, the distinguished historian of Virginia, 
 himself an ex-confederate soldier, writing in 1882 of the admin- 
 istration of Governor Pierpont at Richmond, says: 
 
 Another example is now presented of an honorable and successful career 
 attendant upon probity and persistent purpose. He also found, upon his 
 arrival in Richmond, the United States marshal busy libeling the property 
 of the late confederates for confiscation. A few days afterwards President 
 Johnson issued a proclamation confiscating the estates of certain classes 
 unless pardoned. It was stipulated that all petitions should be recom- 
 mended by the governor. He soon perceived that the President was 
 temporizing, and was led to apprehend that the "pardon mill" was a 
 farce at least if no worse. He accordingly determined to recommend all 
 petitions offered him. He next protested to the Attorney-General against 
 the further iniquity of libeling property which it was never designed to 
 confiscate, and which only entailed grievous expense on the owners. His 
 protest was effective. He next interposed for the suppression of the class 
 of pardon-broker harpies who obstructed the due course of the executive 
 clemency as provided. He refused to recommend any petition which 
 would pass into the hands of a broker, and this disarmed these rapacious 
 thieves. He next interposed for the relief of citizens who were under civil 
 indictment for offenses which were within the province of military authority 
 and recommended leniency and conciliation to the courts. 
 
 He also appointed, upon the recommendation of those duly 
 interested, efficient regents for the University of Virginia and 
 for the Virginia Military Institute without reference to party 
 affiliation. He had been the chief executive — governor of 
 Virginia — seven years, six months, and twenty-six days; two 
 years at Wheeling; one year, nine months, and ten days at 
 Alexandria; and three years, nine months, and sixteen days at 
 Richmond. 
 
 PiERPONT was too earnest and single minded to give himself 
 to self-seeking. He was never a politician. He accepted the 
 post as the head of the restored government and the duties 
 
38 Governor Francis H arrisoh Pierpont 
 
 thereto attaching, surrounded with danger, and rather shunned 
 than sought by his contemporaries; and having served the 
 public ends in this most difficult position, in a most trying time, 
 without trying to promote his own personal fortunes, he went 
 back when his task was finished to his modest home at Fairmont, 
 West Virginia, by the Monongahela, and sat down again to 
 earn his living as a practicing attorney. There he lived to a 
 ripe old age, dying in his eighty-fifth year, and is buried in 
 Woodlawn Cemetery at that place. He continued in office as 
 governor beyond the expiration of his term — January i, 1868 — 
 serving until April 16 ensuing, when he was succeeded by 
 General Henry H. Wells, appointed provisional governor by 
 General John M. Schofield, commanding the Military Depart- 
 ment of Virginia. 
 
 The most remarkable chapter in the history of the govern- 
 ment of the individual American States is that which treats in 
 detail of the restored government of Virginia from 1861 to 1868. 
 It has been called a "reorganized government" and a "pro- 
 visional government," but it was neither. The people of north- 
 western Virginia foreswore their allegiance to the old Virginia 
 state government, but upon its ruins, as it were, they restored 
 the exact form, giving a strict adherence to its constitutional 
 and statutory forms of law. There was reorganization, but not 
 change. They abstained from the introduction of any new 
 elements of revolution, and they avoided as far as possible all 
 new and original theories of government. It was an adherence 
 to the old constitutional standard of principle, and to the tra- 
 ditional habits and thoughts of the people — a strict adherence 
 "to the old model" — the Virginia government of former days. 
 Hence it was a restoration of a governmental form well known 
 to the people — a "restored government" — one designed for the 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 39 
 
 whole State, and not for a part of it. Its existence made 
 
 possible the formation of the State of West Virginia. 
 
 And right here will you permit me to repeat the words of 
 
 James G. Blaine, one of the greatest and best statesmen this 
 
 country has ever produced! 
 
 West Virginia indeed got only what was equitably due and what she 
 was entitled to claim by the natural right of self-government. The war 
 brought good fortune to her as conspicuously as it brought ill fortune to 
 the older State from which she was wrenched. West Virginia is to be 
 congratulated, and her creditable career and untiring enterprise since she 
 assumed the responsibility of self-government show how well she deserved 
 the boon. 
 
 It was the boast of Governor Pierpont down to the end of 
 his life that the restored government adhered strictly to the 
 constitution and laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia through- 
 out all the period of its existence, save in one instance, that of 
 reducing the quorum in the general assembly, which was done 
 at Wheeling in July, 1861. He was a benefactor of Virginia, 
 assisting her, as he did, to rise, phoenix-like, from her own ashes. 
 Had there been no restored government, there would have been 
 no State of West Virginia. From both States he merits the 
 highest honor, and in recognition of this fact West Virginia 
 has placed his statue in Statuary Hall of the National Capitol, 
 that he may be represented among those who have acted wisest 
 and best for their respective States. 
 
 It may be said of him as was said of another great American 
 citizen : 
 
 He was a man of simple and child-like nature, as all really great men 
 are, and of warm and generous sympathies. * * * There was nothing 
 cramped or small about the man. He was great in the broadest, best, 
 and completest sense of the word — a full, well-balanced, well-rounded 
 character, a nobleman of nature, and a nobleman of education, reason, 
 and action. 
 
 The quality in him which should be held up for the admiration 
 and example of this and future generations is his complete and 
 entire devotion to dutv. 
 
40 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 Mr. WooDYARD. By request, Miss Siviter will recite a poem 
 appropriate to this occasion — Miss Siviter. 
 
 Miss Siviter recited the following poem: 
 
 You are standing midst the mighty in the Great White Hall of Fame; 
 On the Nation's list of heroes they have written high your name; 
 And the powers and-princes pass you and they give you meed of praise, 
 But 'twas Freedom you were wooing, and not Fame, in those dark days. 
 
 Filled with manhood's high ideals, by a slave-block you stood near; 
 Watched the virgin crouching on it, saw her trembling, felt her fear; 
 And your spirit rose within you, as one lead the maid away, 
 And you gave yourself to Freedom — life and soul and strength — that day. 
 
 When the loud alarm of battle flung a challenge to the North, 
 Home and childish hands clung to you, but your country called you forth 
 On the strong God lays the burden when He makes a people free, 
 And on hearts that are most tender doth He write His stern decree. 
 
 In the shout and din of battle, she was born, the brave, free State; 
 Humble men stood sponsor for her, but their every deed was great — 
 West Virginia, child of Freedom, lift your happy head on high; 
 Truth and Justice are your birthright; you were born to Liberty. 
 
 But it must be, up in heaven, that the holy angels know 
 
 Of the struggles and the triumphs of those toiling here below; 
 
 And men's hearts were moved to action ; so they placed you. Statesman, there 
 
 That the world might know and fear it, what is wrought by work and prayer. 
 
 Mr. WooDYARD. Honorable John W. Mason, of Fairmont, 
 West Virginia, judge of the circuit court of the fourteenth cir- 
 cuit of West Virginia, and long a neighbor and warm friend of 
 Governor PierponT, had accepted an invitation to deliver an 
 historical and personal address on this occasion, but sudden and 
 dangerous illness confines him to his home. 
 
 We are fortunate in having with us Honorable Alston Gordon 
 Dayton, judge of the district court of the United States for the 
 northern district of West Virginia, of Philippi, long an esteemed 
 and intimate friend of the man whose memory we honor this 
 day, who will speak upon the public services and the life and 
 character of Governor PierponT. 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 41 
 
 Address of Honorable Alston Gordon Dayton 
 The primary purpose of this Statuary Hall is to perpetuate 
 the memory of those two men in each State who had most to do 
 in her creation or earlier upbuilding. How true West Virginia 
 has been to this purpose in presenting this statue here to-day, 
 as also upon how firm a foundation rests the right of Francis 
 Harrison PierponT's name and menfory to this preeminent 
 recognition, needs but a just and impartial review of those 
 stirring times, when amid the thunders of war and carnage, 
 West Virginia was added to the sisterhood of States. 
 
 After the lapse of forty-seven years since her admission, 
 when the mistake of seeking to divide this nation has been 
 universally recognized; when all men now know that we could 
 not have lived and prospered "half slave and half free;" when 
 another war fought in behalf of humanity and freedom has 
 welded together our people and made us one in deed and truth 
 as well as name, we can review this war-time birth of West 
 Virginia without passion and without prejudice. It is but sim- 
 ple justice to the State, and to the memory of her patriots who 
 risked their lives and all that she might become a State, that 
 the widespread impressions entertained that her entrance into 
 the Union was a trick of political manipulation, to be condoned 
 by some as a political necessity, but nevertheless a proceeding 
 that was of doubtful legality, should be dissipated by a truer 
 knowledge of the facts. It is my purpose to-day, as briefly as I 
 may, and in no spirit of controversy, to estabhsh two proposi- 
 tions by a simple recital of facts. 
 
 First. That no State in the Union had a clearer title resting 
 upon the Constitution and laws of the United States than had 
 West Virginia with which to come and seek her right to be 
 recognized as a State. Mark, I say legal right and clear title. 
 Touching the Nation's reserved right of discretion to admit or 
 
42 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 refuse and the wisdom of its favorable exercise thereof at the 
 time, there can now be no longer question. Therefore, remem- 
 bering the dangers, the losses of life and property endured, the 
 sublime self-sacrifices made, and the loyalty and patriotism 
 displayed, by the futhers who achieved our independent state- 
 hood, I go a step farther and say no State has a prouder history, 
 and no brighter star appears in the azure field of our Nation's 
 flag than the one placed there to mark the birth of the war-born 
 child. 
 
 Second. With a profound admiration for each of those hun- 
 dreds of men, who, in the storm and whirlwind of secession 
 stood forth like giant rocks to breast and break its force; a 
 body of men that, for courage and patriotic devotion to the 
 cause they espoused, could not be excelled in the world's history, 
 the Willeys, Campbells, Boremans, Lambs, Carliles, McGrews, 
 Hubbards, Stuarts, Tarrs, Browns, Jacksons, Patricks, Halls, 
 Dents, Goffs, Harrisons, Stevensons, Daytons, Melvins, Mar- 
 shalls, Atkinsons, Davises, Flemings, Bowens, Shuttleworths, 
 Withers, Lightburns, Polsleys, Boughners, Garrisons, Fitches, 
 Vandervorts, Caldwells, McClures, Logans, Wheats, Nortons, 
 Hornbrooks, McPorters, Hagans, Johnsons, Vroomans, Bukeys, 
 Mosses — how many, many more — who could not, would not live 
 under any other flag but Old Glory — I say with profound admira- 
 tion, yes, a deep veneration for them all, it seems to me that 
 among them must stand out and be recognized as preeminent 
 Francis Harrison Pierpont, and this because in the darkest 
 hour and gloom, when others were ready to despair, he thought 
 out the right, the true, the legal way to save Virginia west of 
 the Alleghenies to the Union, and at the same time give that 
 territory independent statehood. 
 
 To demonstrate these two propositions we must not forget 
 that Virginia's treatment of her people west of the Alleghenies 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 43 
 
 had never been either just or generous. Her dominating civi- 
 lization centered itself in the lands draining to the sea and not 
 those flowing to the Gulf. This eastern civilization, springing 
 from the cavalier class of England, living in broad plantations 
 along the sea and its contributory waters, maintained by slave 
 labor and educated to refinement and luxury, had little sym- 
 pathy for, or patience with, those plain, hardy, middle-class 
 people who came from Pennsylvania, Ohio, and other Eastern 
 and Western States into the wilderness and mountain fast- 
 nesses to hew out homes with their own hands, for they were 
 too poor to buy slaves and too thrifty to tolerate them. It 
 was only when the troublesome question of providing revenue 
 came up, or when the lust to hold vast boundaries of land for 
 future speculative purpose (a lust bred in the bone of these 
 English Raleighs) was especially indulged, that they turned 
 their minds to the wilderness in the West; and then they were 
 prepared to act in accord with their own enlightened interest. 
 One of the results was the establishment of a land office, 
 where these lands west of the Alleghenies were sold at 2 cents 
 an acre. Anyone could buy as much as he pleased and where 
 he pleased within the territory. All he had to do was to sur- 
 vey a line or two, mark a few trees, and lay down by protrac- 
 tion on a map as many thousand acres as his means would 
 allow him to pay for into the treasury of the State, present 
 this "survey," and secure a patent. The State would not 
 undertake to warrant and protect its titles. Every one could 
 take as many as he cared to pay for, but he must take at the 
 peril of one or of forty having taken up the same land before. 
 Thus revenue was obtained, to the relief of the planters, and 
 their lust for land was gratified at the same time. How de- 
 plorable this policy was has been demonstrated, not only by 
 the vast litigation produced; not alone by the great hardships 
 incurred by the settlers themselves in these mountains who 
 
44 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 could never feel secure in their homes because they knew not 
 what day an older title would oust them, but by the greater 
 fact that by this policy lands, timbers, oils, gas, and othei 
 mineral resources were dissipated which, if conserved, would 
 have been sufficient to have paid all the expenses of the State 
 for a thousand yfears. Another result came whereby the slaves 
 of the eastern planter were by law assessed and taxed upon 
 one basis, while the cattle and other personal property of the 
 western mountaineer were assessed and taxed upon another 
 and several times greater one. Still another result was, that 
 in order to vest control of the State for all time in the slave- 
 holding planters, the basis of legislative representation was 
 fixed, not alone upon the free white voting population, but 
 that of the slave one as well. 
 
 This kind of legislation did not pass without protest. Such 
 protest began as early as 1816; became emphatic in the Staun- 
 ton convention of 1825; was carried by PhiHp Doddridge, 
 aided by Chief Justice Marshall, into the convention of 
 1829-30, and, failing there, came down to the convention 
 of 1850-51, where some concessions were obtained only under 
 threat on the part of the western members to withdraw. 
 
 Was it to be wondered at that, after this treatment of a half 
 century, when it was then proposed to, and demanded of, these 
 mountaineers that they should join these seaside planters in 
 recreancy to the State, its memories, its traditions, its Wash- 
 ingtons, Jeffersons, Marshalls, Monroes; should tear down the 
 flag ; rend in twain the Constitution and make naught the Union 
 fought and died for by their fathers — that these sturdy, brave, 
 loyal sons of the hills should determine that at last had come 
 the hour when they must write for themselves a new and effec- 
 tive declaration of independence ? 
 
 What a thrilling, significant fact it was that, on that memor- 
 able 17th of June, 1861, when, in convention assembled, their 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 45 
 
 representatives, without dissenting voice, passed their declara- 
 tion to restore the government of Virginia under the Union and 
 the Union's flag, that CarUle could spring to his feet and say: 
 
 We have 56 votes recorded in favor of our declaration, and we may 
 remember that there were just 56 signers to the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence. 
 
 It is said that then these strong men w^ept as only strong men 
 can. But I anticipate a little. Webster, so far back as 1851, 
 had plainly warned Virginia that in the very day in which she 
 should make the attempt of secession her western counties would 
 arise in their strength and throw off her authority and form an 
 independent State. The wise men of Virginia never doubted 
 the fulfillment of this prophesy, nor did they doubt, if the clash 
 of arms did come, that it would be upon Virginia soil. Men like 
 Lee and Jackson were at heart bitterly opposed to disunion; the 
 majority of sentiment in the State was opposed to it. So clearly 
 is this true that we need but call attention to the fact that the 
 State in the election of i860 had reversed its policy, refused to 
 follow the lead of Democracy, and voted with Kentucky and 
 Tennessee for Bell, the candidate of the conservative union or 
 American Party. But when, on December 17, i860. South Caro- 
 lina declared to secede and other Southern States followed her 
 lead, John Letcher, governor of Virginia, became a conspicuous 
 illustration of how dangerous a thing it is to have a weak man in 
 place where a strong man is needed. Letcher at heart did not 
 want secession. On the contrary, he hoped that the States 
 would get together somehow in convention and adjust things, 
 either by recognizing the necessity of slavery or by repealing the 
 restrictive laws against its extension and thus allow the sore still 
 to fester. He wanted to wait and hope against hope. At the 
 same time there existed already in Virginia a body of as deter- 
 mined, united, and, I may say, of as brilliant and talented men 
 as seldom ever before banded together in a bad cause. They 
 
46 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 persuaded Letcher that he ought not to bear responsibility alone; 
 that the legislature, representing the people, was always the 
 body that should share responsibility with the executive, and 
 that it was for these representatives to determine Virginia's 
 course of action. Letcher yielded and called an extra session of 
 the legislature. 'This body was also in reality opposed to seces- 
 sion. This did not for a moment daunt this determined band of 
 conspirators, who knew each other, had but one purpose and 
 but one fixed and predetermined plan of action. After a week's 
 stormy session they had cajoled, browbeaten, persuaded, and 
 terrorized this legislative body into the idea of shirking respon- 
 sibility too under the specious plea that its representation was 
 not broad enough of the people; that a convention should be 
 called fresh from the people for the express purpose of dealing 
 with the problems. 
 
 Never before had a convention in Virginia been called to deal 
 with the organic law but by express vote of the people before- 
 hand obtained. That mattered not to these determined men. 
 They knew conventions could be overawed, driven, controlled. 
 The people could not. To proceed regularly and submit to a 
 vote the calling of a convention meant the rock upon which their 
 revolutionary scheme would go to pieces. The convention met 
 and still it was a Union one, but its Union majority was divided, 
 leaderless, and many attached conditions to their loyalty. On 
 the other hand, the minority had but one object, one purpose, 
 one plan, and a leader in the person of Henry A. Wise, as adroit, 
 ready, brilliant, and daring as ever led a mob. This minority 
 hypocritically, but plausibly, plead for fairness and full consid- 
 eration of the claims for union and for secession. It secured a 
 hearing for three of the ablest and most eloquent representatives 
 of the confederacy, with which it was in constant communica- 
 tion the while and with which it was in full accord. These men 
 pictured the coming glory of the new republic of the South ; of 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 47 
 
 its future capture of the manufacturing industries of New Eng- 
 land for the South, where cotton would be king; of the com- 
 mercial prosperity that would come to the South's Atlantic sea- 
 board from over the seas. In brief, it was the old temptation. 
 The convention was taken to the top of the high mountain and 
 shown the wealth and gold of the world, and all was promised if 
 Virginia would yield and bow down. But still she would not. 
 Then more drastic measures were resorted to, such as taunts and 
 insults. The Union members were called submissionists, pol- 
 troons, and cowards, for, steadily and continuously but quietly, 
 in accord with a well conceived and executed plan, the hot- 
 heads, determined on secession, were being drawn into Rich- 
 mond; mobs were forming; incendiary addresses were being 
 indulged, while conservative, law-abiding people stayed at home. 
 It is the old story of conspiracy. When strong enough, it 
 threw off the mask; the shot on Sumter was fired; Lincoln's 
 call for troops came; and the ordinance of secession, in the fear- 
 ful excitement following, when the streets of Richmond were 
 filled with mobs, was reported one day and passed behind barred 
 doors the next by a vote of 88 yeas to 55 nays. The counties 
 west of the Alleghenies furnished 11 votes for and 32 against it. 
 Then a scene seldom equaled was enacted. The Stars and 
 Stripes were hauled down, tied to a horse's tail, and dragged 
 through the streets amid the derisive shouts of thousands. The 
 delegates from the west who had voted against the ordinance 
 had speedily to flee for their lives. This was particularly so of 
 Francis H. Pie;rpont and Waitman T. Willey, who had "cried 
 out and spared not" in the convention in opposition to the dire 
 heresy and wrong. When they brought back the news to the 
 mountains the people stood and listened dumbfounded. They 
 had not dreamed of such an outcome as this. What did 
 it mean? They gathered in knots on the streets and corners 
 in the towns and villages, at the country stores and crossroads, 
 
48 Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 and with bated breaths whispered to each other, "What does it 
 mean, what does it mean?" By the log fires the old men sat 
 and trembled, seeking to foretell the future. Young men began 
 to get down the old guns; mothers went into quiet corners alone 
 to weep. Everywhere talk of war commenced — war in the 
 mountains, war 'at their very doors. Gloom and dread and a 
 sense of impending parting and death universally prevailed. 
 But not long did these men whom God, "by the touch of the 
 mountain sod," had made hardy and strong, brave and true, 
 remain in helpless impotency. The reaction came; Instead of 
 asking "What does it mean?" they began to ask each other 
 why they had been so betrayed, why they should be swept into 
 disunion and dishonor against their wills? Why should they 
 tear down the flag they loved, be treacherous to the Union for 
 which every heart throb beat true? Their mountain homes 
 were humble, but they held their altars and their household 
 gods, and why should they be menaced, devastated, destroyed 
 because the seashore planters willed it so ? And the tide of 
 righteous wrath and indignation rose higher daily as they saw 
 the arrogant acts and heard the insolent taunts of the minority 
 around them who approved the southern cause to the effect that 
 they were helpless, had been trapped, and must go with the 
 State and not the Nation. They saw Confederate companies 
 forming to draw them farther and farther into the maelstrom. 
 Their anger rose to fever heat. They would not bear it — they 
 would stand by their faith ; they would protest ; they would have 
 another convention that should repudiate the ordinance; they 
 would secede from the seceding Virginia, form a new State of 
 their own, to be named after the pure waters of the Kanawha, 
 and for this State in the Union, loyal to the Stars and Stripes, 
 they would fight and die if necessity required it. This move- 
 ment for a new State originated in a mass convention that came 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 49 
 
 together, almost without notice, in Clarksburg, the home of the 
 Gofifs, the Harrisons, the Davises, and of Carlile. This meeting 
 issued the call for the first Wheeling convention. This call was 
 promptly responded to and immediate steps were taken to see 
 that representatives from all the counties should be present. 
 The Intelligencer, edited and controlled by A. W. Campbell — 
 as strong, brave, true, and patriotic as any man living at the 
 time — was trumpeting the call everywhere, and the mountaineers 
 were burning to answer it. It is absolutely impossible for any- 
 one who did not live through it all to conceive how fiercely, in 
 this battle between the forces, the contest was waged for the 
 upper hand. 
 
 It was a sad rending in thousands of homes of the most sacred 
 ties. Fathers and brothers divided in opinion and took sides 
 against each other. It sent Stonewall Jackson to the southern 
 camp to die, and it sent his sister as a ministering angel to the 
 Union wounded and dying. 
 
 The world will never know under what conditions some of 
 those delegates to that convention were elected and what dangers 
 they incurred in attending. As a single instance, it is unre- 
 corded history that at Philippi, where the first battle of the war 
 was to be fought, a confederate company had already been 
 formed and a Confederate flag floated from the court-house 
 cupola. It was the open threat that no Union meeting should 
 be held there and no man should go from there to that conven- 
 tion. A meeting was held by five men in a shop at midnight, by 
 a lantern's light behind blinded doors and windows, a delegate 
 was selected who, when came the time to go, mounted his horse 
 at midnight and at full speed thundered through the guarded 
 bridge determined to go or die. When he returned some days 
 after it was only to flee for his life, with a price placed upon his 
 head. 
 
 49963° — 10 4 
 
50 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 That was a short but memorable convention that met in 
 Wheeling on Monday, May 13, 1861. It was composed of 422 of 
 the strongest men the counties west of the Alleghenies could 
 produce, men whose names borne to-day by their sons are house- 
 hold words in West Virginia, the symbols of successful and honor- 
 able lives, examples of virile manhood in the best sense of the 
 word. And a more loyal, partiotic body of men never gathered 
 together on American soil. They lost no time in jumping into 
 the midst of things. They had three sessions for the first two 
 days and four upon the last one. It was an hour big in destiny 
 for the mountains; at the same time, it was an hour of eminent 
 peril. These men, strong, brave, and patriotic as they were, 
 were also restless, impatient. The fire of indignation raged 
 fiercely within them and the desire for immediate decisive action 
 was almost irresistible. They knew exactly what they wanted 
 to do. They knew that nothing short of making known their 
 undying loyalty tx) the Union and at the same time securing a 
 separation from the eastern planters would satisfy. 
 
 They knew well the work to be done, but they did not then 
 know the orderly way, the right way, the legal way to do it; the 
 procedure that could meet the requirements of the Constitution 
 and laws of the United States, secure the approval of Congress, 
 and satisfy the logical analysis of time and history. It did not 
 take long to demonstrate that Carlile was the popular leader. 
 He, in many respects, was the counterpart of Henry A. Wise. 
 Brilliant, dashing, magnetic, eloquent, but erratic, he was for 
 action, action at once, now! He wanted to form a State there 
 and then by sheer revolutionary methods, and he made a speech 
 in favor of his plan that swept all before it. The emotion in the 
 hearts of those strong men burst forth ; they shouted, they wept, 
 and apparently there was but one sentiment, one conclusion, and 
 one result — the adoption of Carlile's plan. It was the crisis. 
 Had Carlile's plan been adopted West Virginia would not be a 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 51 
 
 State to-day. It required brave hearts and clear heads, how- 
 ever, to stem the tide! God be praised, they were there. Out 
 from the ranks onto the platform came first Waitman T. Willey 
 and then Francis H. Pie;rpont. Uke the giants in intellect, in 
 wisdom, in eloquence that they were, they spoke as few men in 
 such circumstances could have spoken, for self-control, for 
 patience, for orderly procedure, for legal methods, and they pre- 
 vailed. The storm ceased. Carlile withdrew his resolution, 
 the convention adopted a series of thirteen "resolves" declaring 
 the ordinance of secession void; the schedule attached thereto 
 suspending election of Members to the National Congress an 
 usurpation of power not to be submitted to; the agreement and 
 ordinance of the Richmond convention turning over to the con- 
 federacy the military forces of the State to be subversive of the 
 rights of the people; calling on the people to vote against the 
 ordinance of secession; to vote for Members of the National 
 Congress in their districts ; for loyal men for state senators and 
 delegates; condemning the action of the Richmond convention 
 in turning over the State to the confederacy as unconstitutional 
 and against her material interests; providing, in case the ordi- 
 nance of secession should be ratified by vote, for a general con- 
 vention to meet on June 1 1 following, fixing the methods of its 
 selection and basis of representation, and for a committee to 
 attend to the details thereof ; declaring for peaceable separation 
 from eastern Virginia; their determination to support the Con- 
 stitution and laws of the United States, and directing its central 
 committee to prepare an address to the people of the State. This 
 central committee consisted of John S. Carlile, James S. Wheat, 
 Chester D. Hubbard, Francis H. Pierpont, Campbell Tarr, 
 George R. Latham, Andrew Wilson, S. H. Woodyard, and James 
 W. Paxton. The men of this day engaged in this struggle did 
 not have time to think of their future reputations and cared 
 little or nothing for historical credit for their writings or deeds; 
 
52 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 therefore we do not know which one of these men wrote the 
 address to the people which followed, but we do know that it 
 stands as a model of its kind. And we do know that Francis 
 H. Pierpont, as a member of this committee, of this convention, 
 who had been expelled from the Richmond one because he was 
 loyal and true, Went home to think out, find out the right, the 
 true, the legal way to solve the problem of how Virginia should 
 be saved to the Union and West Virginia should be formed and 
 admitted to statehood. It is related by so good an authority as 
 A. W. Campbell that, to do this, he took the Constitution of the 
 United States and sat himself down to study it line for line, word 
 for word; that when he came to section 4 of Article IV pro- 
 viding — 
 
 The United States shall guarantee to every state in this Union a Republican 
 Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and 
 on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legisla- 
 ture cannot be convened), against domestic violence. 
 
 like a flash the whole solution was his, and he sprang to his feet 
 
 and fairly shouted, "I have it, I have it." 
 
 And how simple the solution was! How fully that greatest 
 
 instrument of organic law, promulgated under the name of 
 
 Virginia's deputy, and the Nation's father, George Washington, 
 
 on the 17th day of September, 1787, had provided for this crisis 
 
 when some of Virginia's sons, like Washington in the time agone, 
 
 burned to save the Nation, while other of her sons were seeking 
 
 to destroy it ! 
 
 . The right of secession could not be recognized for a moment. 
 
 The fallacy of that logic had been thrashed out and exposed by 
 
 years of previous debate. The Federal Constitution was the 
 
 supreme law of the land. The Union was not a league, not a 
 
 confederation, but a Nation. Virginia was an integral part of 
 
 it, and as such was entitled to maintain its state government 
 
 and enforce its state laws under national protection. If part of 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 53 
 
 Virginia's citizens desired to embark in rebellion and lawless 
 conflict with the supreme law of the land, those who stood for 
 law and the Constitution surely did not have to follow. They 
 had but to stand fast, and the Federal Government was bound 
 to afford them protection. If the officers of the State, "clothed 
 with a little brief authority," should abandon their posts of duty 
 and refuse to act, refuse to enforce the laws, the laws provided 
 that the vacancies thereby created should be filled and govern- 
 ment should not fail. It was all as clear as the noonday sun. 
 Carlile had simply begun at the wrong end first, had the 
 cart before the horse. Virginia was still in the Union, only her 
 officers had abandoned their trust, and, more, Virginia was 
 entitled to her Representatives in Congress, to elect her legisla- 
 tive agents, to enact laws for her, and see to their enforcement, 
 and, if a legislature of Virginia thus elected under the law saw 
 fit to grant permission to the counties west of the Alleghenies to 
 form a new State, then the requirement of the Federal Consti- 
 tution would be fully and legally m.et. If the counties east of 
 the Alleghenies did not want this permission given, let them 
 quit their rebellion, their foolish design to secede, elect their 
 accredited membership to the legislatures, and vote the propo- 
 sition down. They might be sure if they sulked and stayed 
 away that the other counties would vote its adoption, but such 
 result would be solely their fault. Time will not permit more 
 than a mere mention of succeeding events. It was plain sailing 
 after PiErpont had found the way. The members of this first 
 Wheeling convention went home to speak, vote, and work 
 against the ratification of the ordinance of secession. In the 
 last hour of its session Willey, racked with physical pain, was 
 called upon and spoke burning words of cheer and encourage- 
 ment. With clear voice and flashing eye he proclaimed : 
 
 God has blessed this country. God has blessed all the men who have 
 loved this Union. His hand has been manifested in all our history. He 
 
54 G overnor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 stood by Washington, its great founder and defender. He stood by our 
 forefathers in the establishment of this Government, and by working out 
 our glorious destiny thus far in the space of less than three-quarters of a 
 century. God has made the American people the greatest on the earth; 
 and I firmly believe in the hidden councils of His mysterious providence 
 there is a glorious destiny awaiting an united American people still. 
 
 And further on, vi/^hen exhorting them to go home and defeat the 
 
 ordinance of secession, "pile up our glorious hills upon it; bury 
 
 it deep, so that it will never make its appearance among us 
 
 again," the memory of PiKRPONT's indomitable, fearless, tireless 
 
 energy must have flashed through his mind, for he said that for 
 
 himself he M^anted to go into Marion County, v^^anted to 
 
 Help Hall a little. Want to take Frank Pierpont along over there, too. 
 They have threatened to hang him out there, and I am sure if he gets 
 strung up first he will break the rope and I will escape. 
 
 What a true touch, humorous though it be, of appreciation of 
 
 the character, sincerity, and bravery of PiKRPONT! He never 
 
 tired, he never stopped thinking, writing, speaking against 
 
 secession and for the Union from this time on until the struggle 
 
 ended. He campaigned for lyincoln in 1864 in several States. 
 
 At times he faced cheering thousands, at times frenzied mobs. 
 
 It mattered not. The old Puritan blood that coursed in his 
 
 veins was up. He minced not his words, he spared not! 
 
 Threatened to hang him ? Yes, a hundred times, and a hundred 
 
 times they would have hanged him if they could, and he — well, 
 
 if he could have broken the ropes and got his breath again he 
 
 would have finished the speech he was at the time making for 
 
 the Union. 
 
 He heeded not reviling tones 
 
 Nor sold his heart to idle moans, 
 
 Though cursed and scorn'd and bruised with stones 
 
 ******* 
 
 He seemed to hear a Heavenly Friend 
 
 And thro' thick veils to apprehend 
 
 A labor working to an end. 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 55 
 
 The ratification of the ordinance of secession, no matter 
 how hard the mountaineers might strive to defeat it, was a 
 foregone conclusion. Wise and his coadjutors had seen to 
 that by having the convention turn over to the confederacy 
 the military forces and the election machinery and virtually 
 the state government. The vote was a useless form. It did 
 not fail, however, to show that the counties west were over- 
 whelmingly opposed to it. Then came the second Wheeling 
 convention, the carrying out of PiUrpont's plan to restore 
 the government of Virginia, his unanimous selection by the 
 convention, and subsequently by vote of the people, to its 
 head as governor and its full recognition as legal by the Na- 
 tional Government, the election of Representatives in Congress 
 and of a Virginia legislature that duly and legally enacted the 
 law granting permission for the formation of West Virginia, 
 which the Constitution of the Union required; the removal of 
 the capitol of this restored and legal government of Virginia 
 from Wheeling to Alexandria and finally back to Richmond; 
 the convention that met and framed the constitution of West 
 Virginia; its ratification by the people; the long struggle in 
 Congress where Willey, representing the restored government, 
 fought so strongly against such odds, so valiantly and so suc- 
 cessfully as to make his name immortal in our hearts. And, 
 too, in passing, remember how dear bluff old Ben Wade, of 
 Ohio, helped. And then PiERPONT's telegram dictated to 
 and sent by Campbell that persuaded Lincoln to sign the bill 
 whereby West Virginia became . a State bearing the motto 
 "Montani semper liberi." 
 
 And what of PmRPONT? He remained faithful to his post 
 as governor of Virginia until his term expired, until the Union 
 was no longer in danger, then came back to the West Virginia 
 hills, to his old home at Fairmont, to become the honored 
 and esteemed private citizen, the pride of his family and 
 
56 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 neighbors, the friend of the friendless and poor, to build a 
 church, to superintend and teach in its Sunday school for 
 more than thirty years, to live a pure and stainless life filled 
 with good deeds. He never sought office or honors, but at 
 the same time he never" failed to take a deep and always intel- 
 ligent, helpful interest in all things tending to the upbuilding 
 of his community, his State, and his Nation. His trust in 
 God and his faith in the future of our country grew stronger 
 as the years of life advanced, and those closing years were 
 full of peace and happiness. May I tell why I personally 
 know this to be true? At the close of the political campaign 
 of 1896 Judge Warren B. Hooker, of New York, then in Con- 
 gress,, and others were billed to address meetings on one day 
 at Morgantown, on the next day at Fairmont. The Morgan- 
 town meeting was one of the largest gatherings ever held in 
 that section of the State. It was an outpouring of the masses, 
 and when the morning parade was over and the afternoon 
 hour for speaking arrived, near, if not quite, ten thousand 
 men and women faced the speaker's platform erected in the 
 court-house square. As a token of appreciation of the pres- 
 ence of this throng, our governor, William E. Glasscock; our 
 Congressman, George C. Sturgiss; E. M. Grant, Doctor Fitch, 
 and others put their heads together and planned a surprise 
 for us. When the time came Governor Glasscock stepped 
 forward, resigned the honor of presiding, and introduced as 
 chairman in his stead — Waitman T. Willey! No man can 
 truly describe the scene that followed. The old Senator, 
 trembling under the weight of his 85 years of life that had 
 been filled with toil and conflict, with great sacrifices and 
 noble deeds, was going to make his last platform speech! 
 With difficulty he arose to his feet, in fact had to be assisted, 
 and in feeble tones he started, "My neighbors and friends," 
 then stopped, and stood looking off with tear-dimmed eyes 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 57 
 
 into space, his whole frame convulsed with emotion. His 
 was always a commanding presence — it was peculiarly so at 
 this time; smooth faced, a giant's frame of more than six 
 feet in height and not a surplus ounce of flesh clothing it, his 
 wonderfully expressive face, his dark, flashing, but sunken, 
 eyes, gave him almost a supernatural appearance. Controlling 
 himself, in sweet and simple words that brought tears to thou- 
 sands of eyes, he referred to the long years he had spent in 
 Monongalia and among her people; declared that if it were pos- 
 sible he would gladly call back twenty-five years to continue 
 his associations and labors; but that was not possible, and the 
 time had come when he must depart and the ties of affection, 
 so long existing, must be broken. His voice grew stronger as he 
 touched the problems confronting our State, and every sentence 
 was fraught with an earnest, abiding solicitude for her future 
 prosperity and upbuilding. Still stronger came the words as 
 he advanced to the national issues. He referred to the crisis 
 of '61, to his witnessing the tearing down of the old flag in 
 Richmond and the indignation that surged through. his soul 
 at the sight. "But," said he, as by magic his frame straight- 
 ened itself to its full height, the old fire came into his eyes, the 
 long, bony arms shot forth, and his voice rang out like a trum- 
 pet, "my neighbors, I fear a greater crisis than that of '61 now 
 confronts us, and much as I love my country's flag, much as I 
 am attached to you, I say to you, standing as I am with one foot 
 in tim.e and the other in eternity, I would rather see you, my 
 neighbors, my friends, haul down this flag that so proudly floats 
 over us here to-day, attach it to the horse's tail, and, amid 
 derisive shouts, drag it through the streets of my beloved Mor- 
 gantown than have you vote for national repudiation and dis- 
 honor." And then came such an appeal for country and national 
 integrity as will never be forgotten by those who heard it. 
 When that meeting was over people generally declared that it 
 
58 Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 could not be equaled, and that Senator Willey's speech, for 
 dramatic power and effect, would stand alone and unapproached, 
 at least within the memory of those who heard it. John W. 
 Mason, now Judge Mason, who but for sickness would be now 
 addressing you far better than I am able to do, and other party 
 leaders at Fairmont thought the meeting could be fully dupli- 
 cated. Judge Hooker and his associates were entirely skepti- 
 cal; in fact, they declared it an impossibility. When the day at 
 Fairmont was over they admitted they were wrong. The crowd 
 present was as large as that at Morgantown, and Mason filled 
 his place as chairman only long enough to introduce in a few 
 touching words West Virginia's Grand Old Man and Virginia's 
 loyal old governor, Francis H. Pierpont, to preside in his stead 
 and make his last platform speech. He, too, was tottering 
 under the weight of more than the fourscore years which by 
 reason of strength are allotted to man, and those years, too, 
 had been filled with dangers, sacrifices, and noble deeds. He, 
 too, had to be assisted to his feet and stood for a while supporting 
 himself upon the shoulder of another. And his voice trembled 
 at the start, but not long. Those present will not soon forget 
 how that dear old kindly face soon flushed with enthusiasm, 
 how the old eyes sparkled, and the voice rang out, and the 
 trembling limbs straightened themselves, and he stood forth 
 strong and jubilant as in the olden time. Willey's voice had 
 been a trumpet, sounding forth a warning call to vigilance and 
 the duty of meeting impending danger. Pierpont's was the 
 joyous note of the clear-toned bell, sounding forth the glad 
 summons to thanksgiving and praise for a victory that a clear 
 insight into the future, and an abiding faith in the honor and 
 integrity of the masses, made him sure would come. As we 
 looked on his venerable form, into his placid, kindly face, heard 
 the old burning thoughts, clothed in his wonted eloquent lan- 
 guage, spring to his lips, listened to his joyous words outlining 
 
Ceremonies in Statuary Hall 59 
 
 the sure and glorious future of our Nation and State, he appeared 
 as one inspired. He seemed to be piercing the veil between the 
 present and the future, and as we hung on his words foretelling 
 the future of the State for which he had done so much and had 
 loved so well — 
 
 His voice sounded like a prophet's word, 
 And in its glad tones were heard 
 The shouts, of millions yet to be. 
 
 The final summons came to him soon after in Pittsburg, where 
 he had gone to live with his children and his grandchild in the 
 home of his devoted daughter and son-in-law. He was all ready 
 to go. His faith was sure and steadfast and reached the beyond. 
 And on that Sabbath day when his friends there came to look 
 upon him for the last time they found him enveloped in the old, 
 soiled, time-worn flag with paper stars pasted on the azure 'field 
 that had a history. May I recall it ? 
 
 In Md;y, 1 86 1, it was reported at Fairmont that a company of 
 confederate cavalry was on its way to destroy the railroad 
 bridge there. The news caused great joy to those whose sym- 
 pathies were with the South, and this joy was expressed by the 
 display of many confederate flags. Messengers to the Union 
 forces went swiftly, and soon the news came that a company was 
 on its way to the defense. This made glad the hearts of those 
 who loved the Union, but there was one cause of regret; they 
 had no flag with which to greet these soldiers when they came. 
 Then it was that the devoted wife of PierponT gathered some of 
 her neighboring women together and in hot haste made a flag. 
 They did not have other material suitable to make the stars, so 
 they cut them out of paper and pasted them on the blue field. 
 Then Mrs. Pierpont led a shouting band of hundreds to the 
 bridge that was to have been destroyed, and proudly planted 
 her flag there to encourage the boys in blue and tell them when 
 they arrived that some hearts there were loyal and true. 
 
6o Governor Francis Harrison Pier pont 
 
 Yes; they enfolded him in the flag that his loved one who had 
 left him years ago had made, and thus they bore him up the 
 Monongahela to the mountains again, back to the old home ; and 
 the old companion in his struggles who had been educated at 
 the same college, loved the same church, lived a like blameless 
 life filled with heroic deeds. Senator Willey, came up those waters 
 also that day and stood by the open grave and spoke his last 
 words of tribute, how tender and affecting, to his friend, his 
 copatriot, and then went back himself to die and be with him 
 at rest. 
 
 Lord God of Sabaoth, the God of Battle, and the God of Peace, 
 train us, sons and daughters of men like these, with their loyalty 
 and devotion, to support and defend the Constitution of the 
 United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; and to 
 bear true faith and allegiance to the same, so that we may be 
 worthy of the heritage of the "mountains lying west of the 
 Alleghenies." 
 
 Mr. WooDYARD. The exercises will be concluded by the bene- 
 diction, by Reverend U. G. B. Pierce, D. D., Chaplain of the 
 Senate. 
 
 Benediction by Reverend Ulysses G, B. Pierce, D. D. 
 
 And now as God was with our sires, so may He be with their 
 sons and with our children henceforth and forever. The blessing 
 of God, our Father, be and remain with you all. Amen. 
 
Ktttptnmt of ^tatu? of 
 
PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE. 
 
 March 8, 1910. 
 
 Mr. Scott. I submit a concurrent resolution, and ask that it 
 lie on the table subject to call. 
 
 The concurrent resolution (S. C. Res. 24) was read and ordered 
 to lie on the table, as follows: 
 
 Resolved by the Senate {the House of Representatives concurring) , That the 
 statue of Francis H. Pierpont, presented by the State of West Virginia 
 to be placed in Statuary Hall, is accepted in the name of the United States, 
 and that the thanks of Congress be tendered to the State for the contribu- 
 tion of the statue of one of its most eminent citizens, illustrous for the 
 purity of his life and his distinguished services to the State and Nation. 
 
 Second. That a copy of these resolutions, suitably engrossed and duly 
 authenticated, be transmitted to the governor of the State of West Virginia. 
 
 April 4, 1910. 
 
 Mr. Scott submitted the following resolution (S. Res. 209), 
 
 which was considered by unanimous consent, and agreed to: 
 
 Resolved, That exercises appropriate to the reception and acceptance 
 from the State of West Virginia of the statue of Francis H. Pierpont, 
 erected in Statuary Hall in the Capitol, be made the special order for 
 Saturday, April 30, 1910, after the conclusion of the routine morning 
 business. 
 
 ApriIv 30, 1 910. 
 The Chaplain, Rev. Ulysses G. B. Pierce, D. D., offered the 
 following prayer: 
 
 Almighty God, our heavenly Father, we thank Thee for the 
 great love wherewith Thou hast loved us and that Thou hast 
 not left Thyself without witness. As much as we adore the 
 beauty and the power of Thine hand in the outer world, as 
 clearly as we trace Thy providence in history, we thank Thee 
 
 63 
 
64 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 even more, O heavenly Father, for Thy revelation in Thy chil- 
 dren. We thank Thee for the life and for the service of him 
 whose life we are to recall this day. Grant that the memory of 
 such may never fade from our minds and that the example of 
 such may kindle anew in our hearts the ardor of holy and patri- 
 otic devotion. And unto Thee, our Father and our God, will 
 we render all praise, now and forever more. Amen. 
 
 Mr. Scott. Mr. President, I ask that the concurrent reso- 
 lution submitted by me on March 8 be read by the Secretary. 
 
 The Vice-President. The Secretary will read the concur- 
 rent resolution as requested. 
 
 The Secretary read as follows: 
 
 Resolved by the Senate {the House of Representatives concurring), That the 
 statue of Francis H. Pierpont, presented to the State of West Virginia 
 to be placed in Statuary Hall, is accepted in the name of the United States, 
 and that the thanks of Congress be tendered to the State for the contribu- 
 tion of the statue of one of its most eminent citizens, illustrious for the 
 purity of his life and his distinguished services to the State and Nation. 
 
 Second. That a copy of these resolutions, suitably engrossed and duly 
 authenticated, be transmitted to the governor of the State of West Virginia. 
 
 Mr. Scott. Mr. President, I send to the desk a letter from 
 the governor of West Virginia, which I ask may be read. 
 
 The Vice-President. The Secretary will read the letter from 
 the governor of West Virginia as requested. 
 
 The Secretary read as follows: 
 
 Charleston, W. Va., April 30, 1910. 
 To the Senate and House of Representatives , Washijigton, D. C: 
 
 Pursuant to action of the legislature of West Virginia, there has been 
 erected in the Capitol of the United States a marble statue of the late 
 Francis H. Pierpont, of West Virginia. In behalf of thfe people of this 
 State I have the honor and the pleasure of presenting to the Government 
 and the people of the United States this statue of one of the most famous 
 sons of West Virginia. Governor Pierpont is known in our history as 
 the great war governor of the restored government of Virginia, and by 
 the people of West Virginia he is held in high and affectionate esteem for 
 the great aid he gave them in their effort to attain statehood. A man of 
 simple and strenuous life, of great heart and mind, of strong conviction 
 
Proceedings in the Senate 65 
 
 and superb courage, of high ideals and lofty character, and of devotion to 
 
 duty as he saw it; a man careful to discharge every obligation of the citizen, 
 
 a patriot in whom there was no guile, and a public officer who knew and 
 
 acted upon the knowledge that public office is created for the benefit of 
 
 the people and not for the benefit of the officeholder, Governor Pierpont 
 
 will ever stand out in our country's history as a heroic character in the 
 
 throes attendant upon the second birth of the great Republic — a time that 
 
 tried men's souls. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Wm. E. Glasscock, 
 
 Governor of West \ 'irginia 
 49963^ — lo s ■ 
 
Address of Mr. Elkins, of West Virginia 
 
 Mr. President: To-day West Virginia honors the memory 
 and deeds of Francis H. Pierpont, one of. her most illustrious 
 sons, by tendering to the Nation his statue in marble to be 
 placed in Statuary Hall. 
 
 The credit of having formed the new State of West Virginia, 
 now a great Commonwealth, with nearly a million and a half of 
 happy, prosperous, and contented people, and destined to hold 
 within her borders one of the densest populations in the Union, 
 must ever remain with Governor Pierpont and his associates. 
 
 Before the Revolutionary war the question of dividing the 
 Colony of Virginia and giving a separate government in some 
 form to the people of the mountain portion was agitated. 
 
 A certain amount of friction and jealousy always existed 
 between the people of the mountain region of Virginia and 
 those -of the agricultural lands extending back from the ocean 
 to the Allegheny Mountains. The people of the lowlands, aris- 
 tocratic in their tendencies, were wealthy, and generally owners 
 of plantations and slaves, while the people inhabiting the moun- 
 tainous portion of the State, who always loved liberty, were 
 poor and compelled to battle with nature and the elements for 
 a livelihood. 
 
 Following the Revolutionary war for independence and for 
 
 thirty or forty years preceding the late civil war the question 
 
 of separation or division of the State was again raised and, off 
 
 and on, became acute. 
 
 67 
 
68 Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 In a speech made a short time before his death, October 24, 
 1852, at the laying of the corner stone of a monument in the 
 city of Richmond, Daniel Webster warned the people that in 
 case of secession or the dissolution of the Union, Virginia would 
 be divided into two States. 
 
 Old Virginia, which had given to the Nation so many great 
 statesmen and great Presidents, with her proud history, her 
 glorious and hallowed memories, and splendid traditions, chose, 
 in an hour of passion, the way of secession — Agoing out of the 
 orbit of the Nation's life. This false step and the civil war that 
 followed furnished the way to West Virginia being made a State 
 in the Union. 
 
 The loyal and liberty-loving mountaineers of what is now 
 West Virginia seized this opportunity and realized the fruition 
 of the hopes cherished in the hearts of their ancestors for more 
 than a century. 
 
 The ordinance of secession was passed by the State of Vir- 
 ginia on May 23, 1861, and. ratified by the majority of the people 
 on June 11, 1861. Following the passage of the ordinance, and 
 even before its ratification, the people of northwestern Virginia, 
 residing principally in the mountains and the valley of the Ohio 
 River, and occupying that portion of the Commonwealth now 
 embracing West Virginia, who were in the main loyal to the 
 Union, called a convention to protest against the act of seces- 
 sion and to take steps to reorganize and restore the state govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The first convention assembled, with this end in view, on May 
 13, 1 86 1, and after a session of three days adjourned on May 16. 
 It adopted a series of resolutions, the ninth of which is as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 Resolved, That inasmuch as it is a conceded poUtical axiom that gov- 
 ernment is founded on the consent of the governed, and is instituted 
 for their good, and it can not be denied that the course pursued by the 
 ruUng power in the State is utterly subversive and destructive of our 
 
Address of Mr. Elkins, of West Virginia 69 
 
 interests, we believe we may rightfully and successfully appeal to the 
 proper authorities of Virginia to permit us peacefully and lawfully to 
 separate from the residue of the State and form ourselves into a govern- 
 ment to give effect to the wishes, views, and interests of our constituents. 
 
 This was a direct appeal to Virginia by the citizens opposed 
 to secession, founded on good reasons, to consent to the forma- 
 tion of a new State. 
 
 The second convention assembled June 11 and remained in 
 session until August 21. 
 
 It proceeded at once to form a government, calling it the 
 reorganized government of Virginia. The proceedings of this, 
 as well as succeeding conventions, which perfected the machin- 
 ery of the restored government, were attended by many promi- 
 nent citizens of West Virginia now living and highly honored. 
 
 Arthur I. Boreman was president of the first convention and 
 
 afterwards became the first governor of the State of West 
 
 Virginia. In this convention "A declaration of the people of 
 
 Virginia represented in convention at Wheeling protesting 
 
 against secession" and declaring vacant the offices of all who 
 
 favored the same was adotped, which is as follows: 
 
 Viewing with great concern the deplorable condition to which this once 
 happy Commonwealth must be reduced unless some regular adequate 
 remedy is speedily adopted, and appealing to the Supreme Ruler of the 
 Universe for the rectitude of our intentions, do hereby, in the name and 
 on behalf of the good people of Virginia, solemnly declare that the preserva- 
 tion of their dearest rights and liberties and their security in person and 
 property imperatively demand the reorganization of the government of the 
 Commonwealth, and that all acts of the said convention and executive 
 tending to separate this Commonwealth from the United States, or to levy 
 and carry on war against them, are without authority and void; and the 
 offices of all who adhere to the said convention and executive, whether 
 legislative, executive, or judicial, are vacated. 
 
 On the 2oth of June, 1861, the reorganized State of Virginia 
 elected state officials, Francis H. Pierpont being named gov- 
 ernor. 
 
 There was a regular session of the general assembly, con- 
 vened December 2, 1861, which adjourned February 13, 1862. 
 
yo Governor Francis Harrison Pier pout 
 
 In his message to the legislature Governor PierponT said: 
 
 1 regret that I can not congratulate you upon the termination of the 
 great civil war with which it has pleased Divine Providence to chasten the 
 pride of the American people. It still rages in our midst and around our 
 very homes. But a year ago no nation was more prosperous than this. 
 Peace, happiness, and prosperity prevailed throughout the land. Now the 
 elements of civil society have been broken up. Brothers are arrayed 
 against brothers and father against son, and rapine and murder are deso- 
 lating the land. 
 
 The following extract is taken from the governor's message 
 
 to the third session of the general assembly, v^^hich convened 
 
 December 4, 1862, and adjourned February 6, 1863: 
 
 Gentlemen, it is our fortune to live in these times of fearful responsibili- 
 ties and duties. We are making history to be read by and exert its influence 
 upon coming generations. With a deep sense of our responsibilities and 
 with an earnest supplication to the Great Source of all strength for assist- 
 ance in the discharge of our respective duties during this momentous crisis, 
 let us enter upon the work before us. 
 
 These messages give a vivid picture of the horrors and results 
 of civil war and show what manner of man Governor PikrponT 
 was; they also show the great difficulties against which he and 
 his associates contended under most trying conditions and the 
 tremendous responsibilities resting upon them. How true and 
 how prophetic it was that he and his associates were making 
 history to be read by future generations, and what glorious his- 
 tory it is. This history should be read and studied by our chil- 
 dren from generation to generation. No better understanding 
 of our Constitution and the structure of our Government could 
 be gained than by studying the causes leading up to the great 
 civil war and the consequences that followed. 
 
 On the 5th of February, 1863, the restored government was 
 removed to Alexandria and made the seat of government for 
 the State of Virginia. Simultaneous with the organization and 
 establishment of the restored government of Virginia, steps were 
 taken to form the State of West Virginia from a part of the old 
 State. 
 
Address of Mr. Elkins, of West Virginia 71 
 
 By reorganizing the State of Virginia and giving it a legal 
 existence, Governor PierponT placed it within the power of the 
 State to give its consent to the formation of the new State, thus 
 complying with the Constitution of the United States, which 
 
 says: 
 
 No new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any 
 other State without the consent of the legislature of the State concerned. 
 
 This provision of the Constitution made it necessary to secure 
 the consent of the State of Virginia to the division of the State, 
 and accordingly the general assembly of the reorganized gov- 
 ernment of the State of Virginia, under proclamation of Gov- 
 ernor PiERPONT, dated April 18, 1862, was convened in extra 
 session at Wheeling, May 12 following. On the second day of 
 the session. May 13, an act giving the consent of the legislature 
 of the State of Virginia for the formation and erection of the 
 new State within the jurisdiction of Virginia was passed. 
 
 In this way the consent of the State of Virginia to the forma- 
 tion of a new State was obtained, and the new State of West 
 Virginia was formed, a constitution adopted, and application 
 made for admission into the Union. 
 
 The Thirty-seventh Congress was then in session. The re- 
 stored government of Virginia had five Members of the House 
 of Representatives and two Senators. The movement to have 
 the State admitted at that session did not succeed, because of 
 the failure to make certain provisions in the constitution respect- 
 ing slavery. 
 
 A constitutional convention was assembled February 12, 
 1863, which made the necessary changes in the constitution 
 regarding slavery, and as amended it was again submitted to 
 Congress, when the ordinance to admit West Virginia as a new 
 State in the Union was passed, and on the 20th of April Presi- 
 dent Lincoln issued a proclamation declaring sixty days after 
 the date thereof the State of West Virginia should be admitted 
 into the Union as a new State. 
 
72 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 On the 2oth of June, 191 3, the State will celebrate its fiftieth 
 anniversary as a State in the ITnion. Steps have been taken to 
 this end. There will be thanksgivings and rejoicings by all the 
 people within her borders for the great blessings, happiness, 
 and prosperity the State has enjoyed from the beginning and 
 the splendid outl6ok the future promises. That day should be 
 observed and celebrated in a way to impress our people and instill 
 in the minds of our children loyalty and affection for the State 
 and Nation. The state and national flags should float together 
 from every school, court-house, hall, and public place in the 
 State. There should be expressions of joy everywhere, music, 
 patriotic airs, processions, and every demonstration of respect 
 made and gratitude shown to the founders of the State. 
 
 Speeches should be made wherever speakers can be found to 
 tell the story again and again of the deeds done, obstacles over- 
 come, and sacrifices made to give to us and the unborn millions 
 who come after us a great and rich Commonwealth. The 20th 
 of June should be the independence day of West Virginia and 
 legalized as a holiday for all the years to come. 
 
 President Lincoln favored the creation and admission of the 
 State of West Virginia into the Union because he believed it 
 was right and in accordance with law. He favored it for 
 another reason. Looking at the map of the Union which he 
 was trying to preserve, he saw the success of the confederacy 
 or the secession movement meant dividing the Northern States 
 in twain, because the northern limit of Virginia was only 
 about 100 miles from the Lakes. This would have added to 
 the unnumbered woes and disasters following the dissolution of 
 the Union. 
 
 Governor Pierpont had good blood in his veins. He was 
 related to the distinguished family bearing his name in New 
 York, from which State his grandfather moved, in 1770, to old 
 Virginia, locating near Morgantown, where he built a blockhouse 
 
Address of Mr. Elkins, of West Virginia 73 
 
 for protection against the Indians, and where his father and he 
 were born. 
 
 After attending the country schools at his home he went to 
 Allegheny College at Meadville, Pennsylvania, and was gradu- 
 ated in the year 1839. He then studied and became a lawyer, 
 being successful both in his profession and in business. 
 
 As time goes on and the clouds of the great civil war are 
 
 lifted, his deeds and great achievements will be seen with 
 
 clearer vision, better understood, and he will rank in history 
 
 as one of the great men of his time. 
 
 His triumph will be sung, 
 
 By some yet unmolded tongue 
 
 Far on in summers that we shall not see — 
 
 and unborn poets and orators will rise up to do justice to his 
 deeds and memory. We are too close to the great events, we 
 are still too near the shadow of the great mountain, to trace its 
 outline and know its height and grandeur. 
 
 While he was the life of the movement to restore the govern- 
 ment of old Virginia, he was, at the same time, the soul of the 
 greater movement to form the new State of West Virginia. 
 
 He was a man of high ideals, firm and just in his convictions, 
 and fixed in his purposes. He was virile, forceful, insistent, and 
 dominating. A devout member of the great Methodist Church, 
 he was a religious man and always had within him the fear of 
 God, which is the beginning of wisdom. He was made of such 
 stuff as builders of states and empires are made. 
 
 He founded a State whose people will love and bless his 
 memory as the suns roll on. 
 
 He loved Hberty, law, order, and justice, and devoted his life 
 to promoting all these things and helping his fellow-man. 
 
 He chained his name to undying fame and then joined the 
 dead who never die. [Applause on the floor and in the galleries.] 
 
Address of Mr. Dolllver, of Iowa 
 
 Mr. President: The distinguished Senators from West Vir- 
 ginia have done me the honor to invite me to participate in the 
 reception of the statue of Governor Pierpont. I sincerely 
 appreciate the compliment they pay me, and I have a genuine 
 interest in this occasion, because I was born among the West 
 Virginia hills, and this man, whose career we are celebrating 
 and whose figure we are setting up in our Hall of Fame, was 
 one of the legendary heroes of my boyhood. A great name; 
 so near that we saw him and knew him and felt that high 
 influence which his personality exercised on everybody coming 
 in contact with him. 
 
 He seemed particularly near to us because my good old father 
 was a Methodist preacher, and this man's house was a hospit- 
 able place for his entertainment during all the years of his itin- 
 erant ministry among the mountains of West Virginia. So this 
 occasion has to me a little more than a historic interest, because 
 I find it associated with all the enthusiasms of my boyhood and 
 my young manhood, and because it recalls some of the happiest, 
 freest years of my life. 
 
 I think we ought to say, among other things, that the artist 
 who made this figure of Governor Pierpont has won a very rare 
 success in the most difficult art that has ever been practiced 
 among men. I believe it was Mr. Emerson who said there is a 
 certain absurdity in a statue, a certain necessary failure to pro- 
 duce any illusion of the imagination by the mere chiseling of 
 marble or the mere casting of metal. Whether that is true or 
 
 75 
 
76 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 not I do not know. All I know about statues is that very few 
 of them have ever made any impression upon me, either as 
 images of the men typified or as impressive figures for any 
 purpose. 
 
 Our own Statuary Hall bears a pathetic witness to the fact 
 that this art is not a very common one, either among our own 
 countrymen or anywhere in the world; and yet this artist has 
 succeeded in producing a figure of Governor PierponT very life- 
 like, a figure so natural that those who remember the kindly 
 and benignant face of the old governor pause reverently before 
 it; because there is in it a suggestion of truth which does not 
 occur very often to one who inspects the statuary in this Capitol. 
 And so, to start with, I desire to pay a passing tribute to the 
 genius in whose mind this figure was formed before it took shape 
 in the marble. 
 
 There is another thing that has impressed me as I have 
 thought of this statue. Many men have come to me to ask, 
 "Who was Governor Pierpont? What did he do? Why 
 should his statue stand with Washington and the famous states- 
 men of other generations?" A very narrow question, because 
 as I look at it it is not the business of the sculptor to perpetuate 
 a man's fame. The greatest fame in the world is made ridiculous 
 by an effort to perpetuate it by the chiseling of stone or the 
 modeling of clay. 
 
 Washington needs no statue here or anywhere. The monu- 
 ment which we have builded is in some sense a barbarism, a 
 theft from pagan ages. It is a curiosity, exciting merely the 
 interest of travelers and tourists. The fame of Washington has 
 not been helped by it at all, because his achievements and his 
 career are beyond all that, and his monument lies in the recorded 
 history of the world rather than in any feeble attempts of his 
 countrymen to perpetuate the memory of his deeds. 
 
Address of Mr. Dolliver , of Iowa 77 
 
 The same thing is true of lyincoln. There have been several 
 attempts in recent years to provide a fitting statue of Mr. 
 Lincoln for this city. I doubt very much whether it had better 
 be pursued. The Republic itself while it endures among men 
 will be a memorial to him ; and of all leaders of past generations 
 he least of all needs the poor tribute either of the genius of our 
 artists or of the resources of our Treasury. [Applause in the 
 galleries.] 
 
 Nobody thinks of such a thing as building a monument to 
 the Man of Nazareth, because the sort of service He rendered 
 to the world, the change His ministry wrought in the move- 
 ments of history, make such a thing superfluous; and men turn 
 away from the desecration and look to the word that spoke, and 
 as never man spoke, the thing that was done, and to the miracle 
 that was wrought in the midst of the ages, as a complete memo- 
 rial of a ministry like that. 
 
 I believe that in presenting this monument and writing upon 
 it the name of the war governor of Virginia the State has been 
 guided by a very intelligent sort of enthusiasm for one of its 
 early heroes. Governor Pierpont's fame did need this tribute. 
 Otherwise the things which he did and the celebrity he had 
 among men might easily have slipped out of the memory of 
 contemporaries and successors and the riches which he added 
 to the history of his times been lost to the youth of the country 
 which he served. The State did wisely to select him, because 
 he engaged in an enterprise so essential to the welfare of the 
 Republic that unless it be understood, unless the motives of the 
 men who did the work are known and kept ahve among our 
 people, incalculable loss will occur to our institutions. 
 
 I do not think he was a great man in the sense in which 
 Napoleon or Caesar or the mighty captains of the past were 
 great men. In fact, the more I see of all kinds of men, the less 
 interest I take in those writings which undertake to point out 
 
yS Governor Francis H arrison P ierpont 
 
 the characteristics of great men. I do not know whether 
 Napoleon was a great man or not. I know that he waged great 
 wars, won great victories, lost great battles, and ended some- 
 what ambiguously on a desert island; but I have read some- 
 where that he left no trace of his career in Europe that can be 
 found to-day except his grave. 
 
 What was done in the mountains of West Virginia during the 
 civil war left the only trace on the map of the United States 
 that is to be found now at the end of fifty years after that con- 
 flict was ended. Not a foot of the territory of the United States 
 was disturbed, not a line of the national boundaries was inter- 
 fered with ; the map went back exactly as it was, with this excep- 
 tion — that in a corner of Virginia there was written, now nearly 
 fifty years ago, the name of a new State, and that State itself is 
 more permanent than all our monuments. The object which I 
 think the people of West Virginia have had in view is to connect 
 with the origin of the State the name of one of the men of heroic 
 mold, though very humble position in the world, who helped to 
 lay its foundations. 
 
 A great man is a man who fears God, keeps His command- 
 ments, and, with an ordinary good sense, has the fortunfe to 
 stand in some angle of the fight where the history of the world 
 is being made. He becomes great because he has the oppor- 
 tunity of doing great things, though before the deed he may not 
 have been lifted up among his fellow-men, and though after 
 the deed he may fall into such obscurity as to raise questions 
 within fifty years as to what he did and what manner of man 
 he was. This monument is really to the State of West Virginia. 
 It is a monument to times that we hardly yet understand. It 
 is a sort of a memorial of our heroic age. 
 
 In the last few years I have become interested in studying 
 original historical documents. I bought an old history of Eng- 
 land, now out of print for more than one hundred and forty 
 
Address of Mr. Dolliver , of Iowa 79 
 
 years, the history which contains the original documentary 
 story of the progress of parUamentary government in England, 
 a book I think Macaulay had read, because I notice that what 
 he has paraphrased into captivating English prose this good 
 Frenchman, M. Rapin, had written down in extenso the docu- 
 ments just as they were filed, the debates just as they were 
 spoken. And the thing about the old records that impressed 
 me was that there is a certain rugged simplicity about every 
 one of them. The controversy between the barons and King 
 John is put down in language that everybody can understand. 
 King John understood it thoroughly and acted accordingly; 
 and it reads now not particularly like a high forum of debate, 
 but like a dead level of dead earnest conversation with im- 
 portant business on hand. The speeches and letters of Oliver 
 Cromwell have a singular simplicity of manner about thein. 
 One would hardly call them learned or eloquent, and they cer- 
 tainly were not long, as we sometimes have speeches these days, 
 but they went to the root of the matter. Every convention in 
 which he participated got impressed instantly with the ideas 
 that were in his head. 
 
 The routine of the convention that declared our independence, 
 is a very crude thing, looked at from the standpoint of learned 
 parliamentary discussion, and even our constitutional conven- 
 tion seems to have been composed of men with certain definite 
 ideas in their minds and a certain quietness of speech rather 
 impressive in these days of learning and eloquence and remarks 
 without end. 
 
 But I have compared the proceedings of these mountain people 
 of my native State with the parliamentary debates around 
 which English liberty has been organized in all centuries, and I 
 am not exaggerating anything when I say that the men who 
 rode on horseback into Wheeling from the mountains and tied 
 
8o Governor Francis H arrison Pierponf 
 
 their horses behind the old hotel, with which my boyhood was 
 familiar, and inquired of a policeman where the convention was 
 meeting — these men created a literature as lofty, as pure, as 
 patriotic, as interpretative of the spirit of freedom as was ever 
 made either in England or America in all the struggles which 
 have been fought out in the progress of civil liberty. 
 
 I knew all these names; they were all household words. I do 
 not want to be invidious about them. I would not mention any 
 of them without the approval of the governor of West Virginia. 
 But I picked out in my boyhood the men who in my imagina- 
 tion had made the State of West Virginia. I picked out one 
 of them, possibly, because he was the brother of my grandfather, 
 an old-time Virginia lawyer, as sturdy a character as ever 
 entered the House of Representatives. He was in that old 
 House before the war, during the war, and long afterwards. 
 He belonged to a generation that was past and gone even when I 
 knew him — William G. Brown, of Preston County. 
 
 He was a member of the Richmond convention. He voted 
 against the ordinance of secession, and he used to interest me 
 when I was a child by telling me that he saddled his own horse 
 in the night and started back for Preston County because he 
 could not sleep. I said, "Uncle William, why could you not 
 sleep?" He said, "There were a large number of people walk- 
 ing up and down under my window with a rope suggesting in a 
 loud tone of voice, 'Hang William G. Brown!'" So the old 
 gentleman could not sleep, and having delivered his message 
 against the ordinance of secession in a speech almost prophetic 
 of what afterwards happened, he saddled his horse and went 
 back to Preston County. I put him among the giants of those 
 days, entitled to the memory of all patriotic students of Ameri- 
 can history. 
 
Address of Mr. Dolliver, of lo 
 
 wa 
 
 Then there was Waitman T. Willey, a name I am afraid not 
 very familiar to our times, and yet those of us who knew him 
 and studied law with him and had the daily contact and inspira- 
 tion of his great presence will never forget him, and will never 
 forget the mark he made upon the national life. 
 
 By the side of these two was Governor PierponT. The Sena- 
 tor from West. Virginia [Mr. Elkins] said that he had a college 
 education. I suppose that is true, and yet he did not use that 
 very much in the rough business of the life which he lived 
 among that people. Here is his speech in that convention. I 
 find in it no classical allusions of any sort, no ornaments of 
 learning, but a straight, relentless statement of the situation of 
 the mountain counties of Virginia. His idea was that when 
 people were about to be hung it was important to get together 
 and hang the people who were conspiring against the safety and 
 comfort of the population. It was on that theory and in that 
 spirit that he joined the first convention in West Virginia. 
 
 I say that he was a great man only in this, that he had the 
 intuitive perception to realize the character of the crisis. He 
 had that unfaiHng common sense which is the greatest faculty 
 of the human mind, whatever men may say, to do the thing 
 that was wise and needed at the time to master the situation 
 and administer it for the welfare of the people. 
 
 There is something interesting about the childlike simplicity 
 of the old man, shrinking from any responsibility except the 
 responsibiHty of doing what ought to be done. He did not want 
 to be governor; he did not want to be Senator. 
 
 The position of governor of the reorganized State of Virginia 
 was not a position for which there were many candidates, for 
 the reason that the State of Virginia had retired from the Union 
 and had joined by a treaty of peace and concord and amity a 
 
 49963° — 10 6 
 
82 Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 foreign power, according to the official documents, and had 
 every arrangement made to greatly diminish the number and the 
 activities of such persons within her borders as were discon- 
 tented with that situation. So an office that usually would have 
 had a good many candidates for it did not present a field of 
 very active rivalry; but by common consent they passed over 
 the orators and lawyers and statesmen Who thronged the con- 
 vention, and they said, "Mr. PierponT, will you do this work?" 
 It was in vain he said that there were others better calculated 
 for it than he was. They said, "We want you to do this work; 
 everybody has confidence in you." And he did the work with- 
 out any fear, except the fear of God. 
 
 I have here a letter which he wrote to his wife within an hour 
 after the convention had selected him as the governor of the 
 State of Virginia. I intend to read it, because under such cir- 
 cumstances it becomes an authentic interpretation of the man's 
 life. Here are his words, which no eye was to see except the 
 woman whose fortunes were bound up in his : 
 
 The convention to-day unanimously conferred on me the position of 
 governor of Virginia. In this revolution divine Providence only knows 
 what will be the result of this step. I have sincerely asked for His guid- 
 ance and protection. The way has been opened through my instrumen- 
 tality to assume the shape it has. It may be a good God has in His Provi- 
 dence placed me in this position for wise purposes of His own. Though 
 all around seem to look on it as the hour of my triumph, yet to me it was 
 the most trying day of my life. I earnestly pray for wisdom from on high. 
 
 A sentiment like that puts this man among the saints of 
 God of all ages. And it is an interesting fact that no step was 
 ever taken in the progress of liberty among men that did not 
 leave in the literature of the situation evidence of this sublime 
 faith in the providence of God. 
 
 But it is said that the convention at Richmond had the same 
 faith in God's providence. That is true. We are living in a 
 
Address of Mr. Dolliver , of Iowa 83 
 
 very strange world. The old Psalmist, King of Israel, under- 
 stood this world probably better than any other man who ever 
 lived in it. vSometimes he throws into a single sentence explana- 
 tions of the mysteries that surround us. How do men pray to 
 God for victory in causes that are opposed to each other ? What 
 does the old Psalmist say ? — 
 
 Like as a father pitieth his children, so the Lord pitieth them that 
 fear him. 
 
 For He knoweth our frame; He remembereth that we are dust. 
 
 Would the good Lord pity people who were striving in the 
 light of day for worthy objects directly in line with His will? 
 Not at all. The fact that the good Lord looks with pity upon 
 his children is at least a suggestion that our blunders, our mis- 
 takes, our shortcomings excite not vengeance, but only divine 
 compassion; pity that we are dust, pity that our frame is so frail. 
 So all efforts of men to serve Him, all the heathenisms of other 
 ages, all the errors and heresies of faith in all centuries — these 
 are not things for strife, because God, knowing our frame, look- 
 ing with sympathy upon His children, has an eye of pity even 
 for our blunders and for our misfortunes. 
 
 It can not be denied that the purposes of Providence lay with 
 Governor Pierpont at Wheeling rather than with Governor 
 Letcher at Richmond. No man fathoms these mighty upheavals 
 of nations, and yet now, at the end of fifty years, it is no offense 
 to say, and as a filial descendant of the Commonwealth I do not 
 hesitate to say, that the counsel at Richmond was a counsel of 
 blindness and confusion and that this counsel in the mountains 
 of West Virginia, where men on horseback undertook to restate 
 the civil rights of the community, was a counsel almost inspired 
 in its insight into plans of Providence. Long since all the bitter- 
 ness of strife has been forgotten, but it is a dull mind which 
 can. not see that those mountaineers understood the increasing 
 
84 Governor Francis Harrison Pierp07it 
 
 purpose which runs through the ages a good deal better than it 
 was understood at Richmond, and that what they did has had 
 not only the sanction of history, but the sanction which is exem- 
 plified in the uninterrupted blessing and favor of Almighty God. 
 
 The formation of the State of West Virginia was not a sudden 
 agitation. The debate at Wheeling indicates that for a genera- 
 tion the mountaineers had been trying to get away from Rich- 
 mond. They complained that the wealth of the State and the 
 power of the State was on the east side of the mountains. They 
 complained that they could not reach the capital except on 
 horseback. They complained that their commerce was with the 
 Ohio River and with Pittsburg rather than with the James and 
 with Norfolk. For a generation there had been unrest and 
 uncertainty of the future in the minds of those mountaineers. 
 Besides that there was little or ho slavery in the mountains; 
 not that those people were better than other people in Virginia, 
 but because slavery was not profitable in the mountains, and 
 so it had made no foothold there; and seeing the institution of 
 slavery afar off, those mountaineers had not lost the prejudice 
 against it which Washington and Jefferson had, and which was 
 universal in the States in still later times. 
 
 And so they claimed, on account of unequal tax levies, that 
 they were not getting as much out of Virginia as they were 
 putting in. They had one-third of the territory and one-third 
 of the population, but they did not have any canals or public 
 works. The only visible evidence of the bounty of Virginia on 
 the west side of the mountains was the insane asylum at Weston, 
 since developed into a very great institution. But with that 
 exception, the century of taxpaying into the treasury at Rich- 
 mond produced no tangible evidences of their connection with 
 the public funds of the State of Virginia. 
 
Address of Mr. Dolliver, of Iowa 85 
 
 And so those mountaineers were grumbling, and occasional 
 public meetings had been held for twenty-five or thirty years 
 looking toward a partition of the State, in order that that 
 portion of it which was commercially connected with the 
 Ohio River might not be under bondage to a state govern- 
 ment the influence and bounty of which seldom extended 
 beyond the Allegheny Mountains. And so, in a certain sense, 
 they were ripe for the new agitation. 
 
 Now, I do not intend to debate the constitutional law that 
 is involved in the creation of the State of West Virginia. When 
 I was a boy it was a very common subject of debate and a 
 very bitter subject. I have more than once been engaged in 
 debate down there in West Virginia that resulted in the crude 
 and unattractive form of argument known as fist fighting. 
 Such were the passions that were alive even when I was a boy, 
 and those passions are still alive when we stir them up now, 
 and for that reason I do not intend to debate it. It was a very 
 debatable question. 
 
 Here were thirty-four counties in Virginia. Virginia seceded 
 from the Union, threw off the Constitution, and declared it 
 void and no longer applicable to them; allied itself with a 
 foreign power; and here are these thirty-four counties calling 
 a popular convention to reorganize the State. Well, they kept 
 pretty close to the ancient precepts and landmarks of civil 
 liberty. They had the Bill of Rights of Virginia in one hand 
 and a few additions on their own account in the other when 
 they held that convention. 
 
 After they got Virginia reorganized, they elected members 
 of Congress, my uncle, William G. Brown, one of them, with 
 Waitman T. Willey and John S. Carlile in the Senate. 
 
 Now, when the Senate and House received those gentlemen 
 as representatives from the State of Virginia the folks down 
 
86 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 in the foothills thought that was a pretty good indorsement 
 -of the claim that they were the- State of Virginia. But they 
 had no sooner got their men seated here than the legislature, 
 acting for the thirty-four counties claiming to be the' State of 
 Virginia, passed a simple little resolution giving the consent 
 of the State of Virginia to the erection, within certain bound- 
 aries, of a new State to be called West Virginia. They started 
 out to call it Kanawha, but they feared the people would not 
 generally be able to pronounce that, and for fear it might be 
 taken as a sort of desire to get away from the memories and 
 liistory of the Old Dominion, they wrote it down West Vir- 
 ginia. As soon as they had given the consent of Virginia to 
 the erection of the northwestern counties into the State of 
 West Virginia, they prepared a constitution and came down 
 here and offered themselves for admission into the Union, and 
 it produced about as interesting a constitutional controve:gsy 
 as ever occurred in the history of any country. 
 
 It bothered Abraham Lincoln a good deal. He had a great 
 Cabinet, but from what I can find out, reading biographies of 
 those of them that left literary remains, it was not an alto- 
 gether harmonious body. Nevertheless, when the question of 
 signing the bill and admitting the State of West Virginia into 
 the Union came up, Mr. Lincoln thought he should go to the 
 bottom of it, and so he wrote to each member of his Cabinet 
 to let him know his views about the law and about the expe- 
 diency of signing the bill; and each one of them replied in 
 writing. I wish that practice could be perpetuated and the 
 replies printed occasionally so that we might know better than 
 we do now what is going on in the executive departments. 
 
 This book, which I regard as the greatest biography that 
 has ever appeared in any language of the world — Abraham 
 Lincoln: A History, by Nicolay and Hay, two men who knew 
 
Address of Mr. Dolliver, of Iowa 87 
 
 him better than anybody else — contains the answer of each one 
 of the members of the Cabinet. 
 
 I do not intend to read them, but I intend to print them 
 just the same as if I had- read them. 
 
 The Cabinet divided equally on the question. Mr. Seward 
 says, "Yes; the thing is perfectly constitutional and absolutely 
 right and expedient." Mr. Chase said, "Yes; nobody can 
 question the constitutionality of it, and, so far as its expe- 
 diency is concerned, the only thing wrong about it is it was a 
 little slow in coming." Mr. Stanton, a great Democrat, the 
 man who wrote to Buchanan the day after the battle of Bull 
 Run that the Government was gone to pieces simply because 
 Lincoln had not sense enough to administer it, made his re- 
 port, and I believe I will read that, because one would natu- 
 rally expect, if anybody would be opposed to it, Stanton would 
 be the man. Mr. Stanton made a very brief statement of his 
 views. He says: 
 
 The Constitution expressly authorizes a new State to be formed or 
 erected within the jurisdiction of another State. The act of Congress 
 is in pursuance of that authority. The measure is sanctioned by the 
 legislature of the State within whose jurisdiction the new State is formed. 
 When the new State is formed, its consent can be given, and then all the 
 requirements of the Constitution are complied with. I have been unable 
 to perceive any point on which the act of Congress conflicts with the 
 Constitution. By the erection of the new State the geographical bound- 
 ary heretofore existing between the free and slave States will be broken, 
 and the advantage of this upon every point of consideration surpasses 
 all objections which have occurred to me on the question of expediency. 
 
 So he thinks it was not only constitutional, but absolutely 
 right and expedient. 
 
 The other three took the very opposite opinion. Mr. Welles, 
 the Secretary of the Navy, said it was all wrong; that it was 
 a scandalous advantage taken of revolutionary conditions to 
 misrepresent the situation. The Attorney-General, Mr. Bates— 
 I do not know much about him, either for or against, but this 
 
88 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 book, the proceedings of the West Virginia convention, indi- 
 ■cates that he had what would now be called the typewriter 
 habit; that he was writing down there and telling them what 
 to do, and, curiously enough, he wrote one thing to one fellow 
 and- when that letter was read another fellow got up and said 
 that he also had heard from him, and read another letter, 
 apparently the very opposite. So I do not put much confi- 
 dence in his constitutional views. He was satisfied that it was 
 a fraudulent transaction and would scandaHze everybody con- 
 cerned with it. A similar view was taken by Mr. Blair. I will 
 print them all, partly for the purpose of preserving the history 
 of this transaction and partly for the purpose of showing how 
 much wiser a man sat at the head of that Cabinet than any or 
 all of them put together that surrounded his table. 
 
 On the 23d of December, 1862, the President addressed the following 
 note to his constitutional advisers: "A bill for an act entitled 'An act for 
 the admission of the State of "West Virginia" into the Union, and for 
 other purposes,' has passed the House of Representatives and the Senate 
 and has been duly presented to me for my action. I respectfully ask 
 of each of you an opinion, in writing, on the following questions, to wit: 
 First. Is the said act constitutional? Second. Is the said act expedient?" 
 Six members of the Cabinet answered this request with written opinions; 
 the Secretary of the Interior, Caleb B., Smith, the seventh member,, had 
 recently retired frorn the Cabinet, having been appointed to a judgeship in 
 Indiana and his successor had not yet been named. Three members — 
 Seward, Chase, and Stanton — answered the questions in the affirmative, 
 the other three — Welles, Blair, and Bates — in the negative. 
 
 Upon the constitutional point Mr. Seward's argument, in part, ran 
 thus: 
 
 "It seems to me that the political body which has given consent in 
 this -case is really and incontestably the State of Virginia. So long as the 
 United States do not recognize the secession, departure, or separation 
 of one of the States, that State must be deemed as existing and having a 
 constitutional place within the Union, whatever may be at any moment 
 exactly its revolutionary condition. A State thus situated can not be 
 deemed to be divided into two or more States merely by any revolutionary 
 proceeding which may have occurred, because there can not be, constitu- 
 tionally, two or more States of Virginia. 
 
 "The newly organized State of Virginia is therefore at this moment, 
 by the express consent of the United States, invested with all the rights 
 
■ Address of Mr. Dolliver , of Iowa 89 
 
 of the State of Virginia and .charged with all the powers, privileges, and 
 dignity of that State. If the United States allow to that organization 
 any of these rights, powers, and privileges, it must be allowed to possess 
 and enjoy them all. If it be a State competent to be represented in Con- 
 gress and bound to pay taxes, it is a State competent to give the required 
 consent of the State to the formation and erection of the new State of 
 West Virginia within the jurisdiction of Virginia." 
 
 "Upon the question of expediency," wrote Mr. Seward, "I am d'eter- 
 mined by two considerations: First. The people of Western Virginia will 
 be safer from molestation for their loyalty, because better able to protect 
 and defend themselves as a new and separate State, than they would be ii 
 left to demoralizing uncertainty upon the question whether, in the prog- 
 ress of the war, they may not be again reabsorbed in the State of Virginia 
 and subjected to severities as a punishment for their present devotion to 
 the Union. The first duty of the United States is protection to loyalty 
 wherever it is found. Second. I am of opinion that the harmony and peace 
 of the Union will be promoted by allowing the new State to be formed 
 and erected, which will assume jurisdiction over that part of the valley of 
 the Ohio which lies on the south side of the Ohio River, displacing, in a 
 constitutional and lawful manner, the jurisdiction heretofore exercised 
 there by a political power concentrated at the head of the James River." 
 On the question of constitutionality Mr. Chase argued, in part : 
 "In every case of insurrection involving the persons exercising the 
 powers of state government, when a large body of the people remain faith- 
 ful, that body, so far as the Union is concerned, must be taken to consti- 
 tute the State. It would have been as absurd as it would have been 
 impolitic to deny to the large loyal population of Virginia the powers of 
 a state government, because men whom they had clothed with executive 
 or legislative or judicial powers had betrayed their trusts and joined in 
 rebellion against their country. It does not admit of doubt, therefore, as 
 it seems to me, that the legislature which gave its consent to the formation 
 and erection of the State of West Virginia was the true and only lawful 
 legislature of the State of Virginia. The Madison Papers clearly show that 
 the consent of the legislature of the original State was the only consent 
 required to the erection and formation of a new State within its jurisdiction. 
 That consent having been given, the consent of the new State, if required, 
 is proved by her application for admission. Nothing required by the 
 Constitution to the formation and admission of West Virginia into the 
 United States is therefore wanting, and the act of admission must neces- 
 sarily be constitutional. Nor is this conclusion technical, as some may 
 think. The legislature of Virginia, it may be admitted, did not contain 
 many members from the eastern counties. It contained, however, repre- 
 sentatives from all counties whose inhabitants were not either rebels them- 
 selves or dominated by greater numbers of rebels. It was the only legis- 
 lature of the State known to the Union. 
 
90 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 "If its consent was not valid, no consent could be. If its consent was 
 not valid, the Constitution, as to the people of West Virginia, has been so 
 suspended by the rebeUion that a most important right under it is utterly- 
 lost." 
 
 With regard to the question of expediency, he writes: 
 
 "The act is almost universally regarded as of vital importance to their 
 welfare by the loyal people most immediately interested, and it has received 
 the sanction of large majorities in both Houses of Congress. These facts 
 afford strong presumptions of expediency. It may be said, indeed, that 
 the admission of West Virginia will draw after it the necessity of admitting 
 other States under the consent of extemporized legislatures assuming to 
 act for whole States, though really representing no important part of 
 their territory. I think this necessity imaginary. There is no such legis- 
 lature, nor is there likely to be. No such legislature, if extemporized, is 
 likely to receive the recognition of Congress or the Executive. The case 
 of West Virginia will form no evil precedent. Far otherwise. It will 
 encourage the loyal by the assurance it will give of national recognition 
 and support, but it will inspire no hopes that the National Government will 
 countenance needless and unreasonable atternpts to break up or impair 
 the integrity of States. If a case parallel to that of West Virginia shall 
 present itself, it will doubtless be entitled to like consideration; but the 
 contingency of such a case is surely too remote to countervail all the 
 considerations of expediency which sustain the act." 
 
 The answer of Mr. Stanton accords with his habitual positiveness of 
 opinion and brevity of statement: 
 
 "The Constitution expressly authorizes a new State to be formed or 
 erected within the jurisdiction of another State. The act of Congress 
 is in pursuance of that authority. The measure is sanctioned by the legis- 
 lature of the State within whose jurisdiction the new State is formed. 
 When the new State is formed its consent can be given, and then all the 
 requirements of the Constitution are complied with. I have been unable 
 to perceive any point on which the act of Congress conflicts with the Con- 
 stitution. By the erection of the new State the geographical boundary 
 heretofore existing between the free and slave States will be broken, and 
 the advantage of this, upon every point of consideration, surpasses all 
 objections which have occurred to me on the question of expediency. 
 
 "Many prophetic dangers and evils might be specified, but it is safe 
 to suppose that those who come after us will be as wise as ourselves, and 
 if what we deem evils be really such, they will be avoided. The present 
 good is real and substantial; the future may safely be left in the care of 
 those whose duty and interest may be involved in any possible future 
 measures of legislation." 
 
 One or two extracts from the opinion of Mr. Welles will indicate the 
 course of his argument in the negative : 
 
 " Under existing necessities an organization of the loyal citizens, or of a 
 portion of them, has been recognized and its Senators and Representatives 
 
Address of Mr. Dolliver, of Iowa 91 
 
 admitted to seats in Congress. Yet we can not close our eyes to the fact 
 that the fragment of the State which in the revolutionary tumult has insti- 
 tuted the new organization is not possessed of the records, archives, sym- 
 bols, and traditions or capital of the Commonwealth. Though calling 
 itself the State of Virginia, it does not assume the debts and obligations 
 contracted prior to the existing difficulties. Is this organization, then, 
 really and in point of fact anything else than a provisional government 
 for the State? It is composed almost entirely of those loyal citizens who 
 reside beyond the mountains and within the prescribed limits of the pro- 
 posed new State. In this revolutionary period, there being no contes- 
 tants, we are compelled to recognize the organization as Virginia. Whether 
 that would be the case, and how the question would be met and disposed 
 of were the insurrection this day abandoned, need not now be discussed. 
 Were \'irginia or those parts of it not included in the proposed new State 
 invaded and held in temporary subjection by a foreign enemy instead of 
 the insurgents, the fragment of territory and population which should suc- 
 cessfully repel the enemy and adhere to the Union would doubtless during 
 such temporary subjection be recognized, and properly recognized, as 
 Virginia. 
 
 " When, however, this loyal fragment goes further and not only de- 
 clares itself to be Virginia, but proceeds by its own act to detach itself 
 permanently and forever from the Commonwealth and to erect itself 
 into a new State within the jurisdiction of the State of Virginia, the ques- 
 tion arises whether this proceeding is regular, legal, right, and, in honest 
 good faith, conformable to and within the letter and spirit of the Consti- 
 tution. Congress may admit new States into the Union, but any attempt 
 to dismember or divide a State by any force or unauthorized assumption 
 would be an inexpedient exercise of doubtful power, to the injury of such 
 State. Were there no question of doubtful constitutionality in the move- 
 ment the time selected for the division of the State is most inopportune. 
 It is a period of civil commotion, when unity and concerted action on the 
 part of all loyal citizens and authorities should be directed to a restoration 
 of the Union and all tendencies toward disintegration and demoralization 
 avoided." 
 
 Mr. Blair's argument, also in the negative, was in part as follows: 
 , "The question is only whether the State of Virginia has consented to 
 the partition of her territory and the formation of that part of it called 
 western Virginia into a separate State. In point of fact, it will not be 
 contended that this has been done, .for it is well known that the elections 
 by which the movement has been made did not take place in more than 
 a third of the counties of the State, and the votes on the constitution did 
 not exceed 20,000. The argumicnt for the fulfillment of the constitutional 
 provisions applicable to this case rests altogether on the fact that the gov- 
 ernment organized at Wheeling (in which a portion of the district in which 
 it is proposed to create a new State is represented with a few of the eastern 
 
92 Governor Francis Harrison P ierpont 
 
 counties) has been recognized as the government of the State of Virginia 
 for certain purposes by the executive and legislative branches of the Federal 
 Government, and it is contended that by these acts the Federal Govern- 
 ment is estopped from denying that the consent given by this government 
 of Virginia to the creation of the new State is a suflficient consent within the 
 meaning of the Constitution. It seems to me to be a suflficient answer to 
 this argument to say: 
 
 "First, that it is 'confessedly merely technical, and assumes, unwar- 
 rantably, that the qualified recognition which has been given to the govern- 
 ment at Wheeling for certain temporary purposes precludes the Federal 
 Government from taking notice of the fact that the Wheeling government 
 represents much less than half the people of Virginia when it attempts to 
 dismember the State permanently. Or, second, that the present demand 
 of itself proves the previous recognitions relied on to enforce it to be erro- 
 neous, for, unquestionably, the fourth article of the Constitution prohibits 
 the formation of a new State within the jurisdiction of an old one without 
 the actual consent of the old State; and if it be true that we have so dealt 
 with a third part of the people of Virginia as that to be consistent we should 
 now permit that minority to divide the State, it does not follow that we 
 should persist, but, on the contrary, it demonstrates that we have here- 
 tofore been wrong; and if consistency is insisted on and is deemed necessary, 
 we should recede from the positions heretofore taken. As to the expediency 
 of the measure, I do not think it either necessary to recede from those posi- 
 tions or proper to take the new step insisted on now. There is no positive 
 prohibition in the Constitution against the action taken by the Senate and 
 House of Representatives in relation to the recognition of the Wheeling 
 government or in relation to the action taken by the Executive, and all that 
 can be said, if we reject the claim of the Wheeling government to represent 
 the people of Virginia for the purpose now under consideration, will be 
 that it admits our previous action to have been irregular. 
 
 "The answer to this is that, if not regular, it was substantially just, 
 and the circumstances of the case excuse the irregularity. For it was 
 proper that the loyal people and the State of Virginia should be repre- 
 sented in Congress, and the representation allowed was not greater than 
 their numbers entitled them to. But whilst it was just to the people of 
 western Virginia, whose country was not overrun by the rebel armies, to 
 allow this representation, and for this purpose and for the purposes of local 
 government to recognize the state government instituted by them, it would 
 be very unjust to the loyal people in the greater part of the State, who are 
 now held in subjection by rebel armies, and who far exceed in number the 
 20,000 who have voted on the constitution for western Virginia, to permit 
 the dismemberment of their State without their consent." 
 
 The opinion of Attorney-General Bates was long and elaborate, and 
 only a small part of it can be quoted here to show the course and spirit 
 of his argument in the negative: 
 
Address of Mr. Dolliver, of Iowa 93 
 
 " We all know — everybody knows — that the government of Virginia 
 recognized by Congress and the President is a government of necessity, 
 formed by that power which lies dormant in every people, which, though 
 known and recognized, is never regulated by law, because its exact uses 
 and the occasions for its use can not be foreknown, and it is called into 
 exercise by the great emergency which, overturning the regular govern- 
 ment, necessitates its action without waiting for the details and forms 
 which all regular governments have. 
 
 "It is intended only to counteract the treacherous perversion of the 
 ordained powers of the State, and stands only as a political nucleus around 
 which the shattered elements of the old Commonwealth may meet and 
 combine, in all its original proportions, and be restored to its legitimate 
 place in the Union. It is a provisional government, proper and necessary 
 for the legitimate object for which it was made and recognized. That 
 object was not to divide and destroy the State, but to rehabilitate and 
 restore it. That government of Virginia, so formed and so recognized, 
 does not and never did, in fact, represent and govern more than a small 
 fraction of the State — perhaps a fourth part. And the legislature which 
 pretends to give the consent of Virginia to her own dismemberment is (as I 
 am credibly informed) composed chiefly, if not entirely, of men who repre- 
 sent those forty-eight counties which constitute the new State of West 
 Virginia. The act of consent is less in the nature of a law than of a con- 
 tract. It is a grant of power, an agreement to be divided. And who 
 made the agreement, and with whom? The representatives of the forty- 
 eight counties with themselves! Is that fair dealing? Is that honest legis- 
 lation? Is that a legitimate exercise of a constitutional power by the legis- 
 lature of Virginia ? It seems to me that it is a mere abuse, nothing less than 
 attempted secession, hardly veiled under the flimsy forms of law." 
 
 Between the conflicting and evenly balanced counsel the de- 
 ciding opinion of President Lincoln becomes doubly interesting. 
 The. complete document reads as follows. Mr. Lincoln made a 
 memorandum when he signed it, and it is worth listening to. 
 He wrote : 
 
 The consent of the legislature of Virginia is constitutionally necessary 
 to the bill for the admission of West Virginia becoming a law. A body 
 claiming to be such legislature has given its consent. We can not well 
 deny that it is such, unless we do so' upon the outside knowledge that the 
 body was chosen at elections in which a majority of the qualified voters 
 of Virginia did not participate. But it is a universal practice in the popular 
 elections in all these States to give no legal consideration whatever to those 
 who do not choose to vote as against the effect of the votes of those who do 
 choose to vote. Hence it is not the qualified voters, but the qualified voters 
 who choose to vote, that constitute the political power of the State. 
 
94 Governor Francis Harrison P ierpont 
 
 A very profound observation, applicable to many aspects of 
 
 our contemporaneous politics of to-day. A man who does not 
 
 vote is not in a position to complain about anything that has 
 
 been done on a subject. 
 
 Much less than to nonvoters should any consideration be given to those 
 who did not vote in thjs case, because it is also a matter of outside knowl- 
 edge that they were not merely neglectful of their rights under and duty 
 to this Government, but were also engaged in open rebellion against it. 
 Doubtless among these nonvoters were some Union men whose voices were 
 smothered by the more numerous secessionists, but we know too little of 
 their number to assign them any appreciable value. Can this Government 
 stand if it indulges constitutional constructions by which men in open 
 rebellion against it are to be accounted, man for man, the equals of those 
 who maintain their loyalty to it ? 
 
 There was a habit of Abraham Lincoln's mind that no other 
 mind except possibly that of the old Greek, Socrates, has ex- 
 hibited — the art, by a simple question, of reaching the heart of 
 a controversy. Now, listen to what he said: 
 
 Are they to be accounted even better citizens and more worthy of con- 
 sideration than those who merely neglect to vote? If so, their treason 
 against the Constitution enhances their constitutional value. Without 
 braving these absurd conclusions we can not deny that the body which con- 
 sents to the admission of West Virginia is the legislature of Virginia. I do 
 not think the plural form of the words "legislatures" and "States" in the 
 phrase of the Constitution "without the consent of the legislatures of the 
 States concerned," etc., has any reference to the new State concerned. 
 That plural form sprang from the contemplation of two or more old States 
 contributing to form a new one. The idea that the new State was in danger 
 of being admitted without its own consent was not provided against,- 
 because it was not thought of as I conceive. It is said the devil takes care 
 of his own. Much more should a good spirit — the spirit of the Constitution 
 and the Union — take care of its own. I think we can not do less than live. 
 
 But is the admission into the Union of West A^irginia expedient? This, 
 in my general view, is more a question for Congress than for the Executive. 
 Still I do not evade it. More than on anything else, it depends on whether 
 the admission or rejection of the new State would, under all the circum- 
 stances, tend the more strongly to the restoration of the national authority 
 throughout the Union. That which helps most in this direction is the most 
 expedient at this time. Doubtless those in remaining Virginia would 
 return to the Union, so to- speak, less reluctantly without the division of the 
 old State than with it, but I think we could not save as much in this quarter 
 by rejecting the new State as we should lose by it in West Virginia. We 
 
Address of Mr. Dolliver , of Iowa 95 
 
 can scarcely dispense with the aid of West Virginia in this struggle; much 
 less can we afford to have her against us in'Congress and in the field. Her 
 brave and good men regard her admission into the Union as a matter of 
 life and death. They have been true to the Union under very severe 
 trials. We have so acted as to justify their hopesr and we can not fully 
 retain their confidence and cooperation if we seem to break faith with 
 them. In fact, they could not do so much for us, if they would. Again, 
 the admission of the new State turns that much slave soil to free, and thus 
 is a certain and irrevocable encroachment upon the cause of the rebellion. 
 The division of a State is dreaded as a precedent. But a measure made 
 expedient by a war is no precedent for times of peace. It is said that the 
 admission of West Virginia is secession and tolerated only because it is our 
 secession. Well, if we call it by that name, there is still difference enough 
 between secession against the Constitution and secession in favor of the 
 Constitution. I believe the admission of West Virginia into the Union is 
 expedient. 
 
 When you celebrate your fiftieth anniversary you can exhibit 
 the handwriting of the man who has had more to do with the 
 progress of modern civiUzation than any other man who has 
 lived in the world in these latter centuries. 
 
 So the old State of Virginia has lost a good deal, and yet 
 not so much as it expected to lose. State lines are now less 
 important as to our commerce than they were then. It makes 
 very little difference in the commerce of a commtmity where 
 the state line is. I said once, when I was younger, and I have 
 never had a good opportunity to take it back until now, that 
 a state line is not nearly so important in a practical sense as 
 is a line fence in the United States. I have very little interest 
 in state rights, although I find myself acquiring a very large 
 interest in state duties and state opportunities to serve the 
 community. The old State lost a good deal. One thing they 
 lost, and that was the hardiest and bravest and finest little 
 community in the world. They were a choice lot, these hardy 
 Scotch-Irish men of the mountains and valleys of old Virginia. 
 They loved the old Commonwealth. One of the old farmers 
 said in the convention that it broke his heart to think of not 
 including Mount Vernon in the new State. He said he did not 
 
96 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 think that he could live in this world with the grave of Wash- 
 ington outside of the boundaries of the State in which he had 
 been born. They had a love for the old traditions as tender 
 as the love of a woman; yet they had their grievances, and 
 they made up their minds to defend their rights. 
 
 History sometimes reads almost like a satire on human 
 .affairs. It has been said that He who sitteth in the heavens 
 sometimes laughs at what is going on here in the world. If 
 that is so, what a jocose aspect this drama of the secession 
 of the States from the Union must have had. The Union of 
 these States was not made by constitutions or by laws. God 
 made this nation when He made this continent, and it is no 
 more possible to destroy it than it was possible to turn the 
 rivers in it back on their sources or cut our mountain ranges 
 in two. That is the reason that love for the Union was so 
 common all over Virginia, whatever the vote was on the sub- 
 ject of secession; that is the reason why men cast their lot 
 with the old State, with tears running down their cheeks; 
 that is the reason why clear down to Louisiana there were 
 whole parishes and communities of men who were willing to 
 fight for the Union; that is the reason why the mountaineers 
 of Kentucky and Tennessee and Virginia, rising up as one 
 man, prevented the dissolution of the Union. Those men 
 were mad who undertook to turn aside the purpose of God 
 to make one nation on this continent. I do not impeach 
 their motives; it is not necessary, and it is not becoming to 
 do so. Men do not take their lives in their hands without 
 good motives; but they were mad; they were unable to see 
 the direction of the world's greatest affairs. 
 
 The nation is not a political institution, but it is a moral 
 personality, exactly as a person is, and you might just as 
 well undertake to take apart the arms and legs and vital 
 organs of a man, in order to get a better situation for him in 
 
Address of Mr. Dolliver , of Iowa 97 
 
 this world, as to undertake to divide this moral personality 
 which constitutes the life of our institutions on this continent. 
 
 When the State of West Virginia left the old State, her 
 people did not know it at the time, but they took with them 
 not only one-third of the population, but a storehouse of 
 natural wealth and resources unknown anywhere else in the 
 world. This population of hardy farmers, digging a little 
 coal to burn, who, out of their love for the Union, established 
 a new Commonwealth, have seen in the last fifty years grow 
 up in West Virginia an industrial civilization that is the pride 
 and the glory not only for the young Commonwealth, but of 
 all the sister States of the Union. Her population has in- 
 creased; her system of education has been enlarged; schools 
 and newspapers and all the instrumentalities of civilization 
 have flourished among that p'eople, and to-day the young 
 Commonwealth rivals the older States of the Union in the 
 prospects of its material advancement and prosperity. 
 
 I congratulate the State that in picking out somebodv for 
 honor and everlasting fame in this Capitol they have chosen 
 a man so representative of the life that is lived in those moun- 
 tains — a humble sort of man, hardly to be called great, as 
 that word is used by historians and novelists, but great in 
 the large sense that he had the heart and the brain to inter- 
 pret the events of his own time and to lead his people in the 
 direction of happiness, safety, and prosperity. [Applause on 
 the floor and in the galleries.] 
 
 49963° — 10 7 
 
Address of Mr. Heyburn, of Idaho 
 
 J. 
 
 Mr. President: The tribute tfiat lias been paid to the State 
 of West Virginia and to the man who more than any other 
 stands for the State as its sponsor has been so eloquent, so full 
 of history and of wise conclusions drawn from it, that I am 
 embarrassed to know just what may be added to those remarks. 
 
 Statues of marble are not carved as monuments to the deeds 
 of men or their accomplishments; they are carved to perpetuate 
 the personal figure of the man responsible for the deed. It is 
 difficult, in selecting from among the men who have been iden- 
 tified with the life of a nation, a community, or an epoch, to 
 determine who shall best stand for the great conditions to be 
 represented. We have in this carved marble the personal ap- 
 pearance, the image of Governor PierponT; but there are 
 monuments to Governor Pierpont that stand beyond the walls 
 of this Capitol that will in all time, even after the marble figure 
 has crumbled or been broken, pay an immortal tribute to that 
 man's actions. 
 
 The geographical lines that mark the State of West Virginia 
 upon the face of the earth are an enduring monument that will 
 not fade while this Government lives. The civilization that 
 marks the State of West Virginia and distinguishes it among 
 the States of the Union is the real monument to the memory of 
 Governor Pierpont. 
 
 I recall no man in history who undertook a greater, a more 
 difficult, and more uncertain duty than was undertaken by 
 Governor Pierpont in the hour in which he wrote that beau- 
 tiful letter to his wife. Impressed as he was in that hour by the 
 
 99 
 
lOO Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 responsibility that he had assumed, his first thought went out 
 to the sharer of his responsibilities as well as the joys of his 
 life. That letter, in the minds of men, is a monument to the 
 character of the man than which no better or greater monument 
 will ever be erected. 
 
 To assume the duties of governor of the State of Virginia in 
 that hour was an heroic deed that is unsurpassed in the history 
 of this or any other country. To undertake to maintain a state 
 government that should be true and loyal to the Union in that 
 hour within its borders required more courage than was pos- 
 sessed by the soldiers who went there from without its borders 
 to defend it. Not only the duties, but the responsibilities 
 undertaken by Governor Pierpont when he assumed his duties 
 as governor of Virginia — the whole State of Virginia — were almost 
 beyond possible comprehension in this hour. 
 
 It must be borne in mind that when he was appointed governor 
 the boundaries of Virginia included West Virginia. His home 
 was in that portion of Virginia that is now West Virginia. He 
 went out from that honie into the very camp of the enemy of 
 his State and of his country; set up a state government in the 
 little town of Alexandria, and he maintained it there on the very 
 firing line of the rebellion during all the years of that war. 
 When peace came he dared to take the capital of the State into 
 the old capital of the rebellion ; he held it there ; and maintained 
 there the government of the State of Virginia for three years 
 after the war. That was as heroic a deed as any man ever did 
 in the history of a nation. While peace had been compelled, 
 yet the sentiment of the war and the sentiment of opposition 
 to the Union was there in Richmond, Va., when this hero 
 steadily maintained the duties and the dignities of a State. 
 
 I can not understand why men should stammer in identifying 
 Governor Pierpont with those great events. After I had been 
 requested to participate in these ceremonies I took up the 
 
Address of Mr. Heyburn, of Idaho loi 
 
 history of that hour as it was written in the journals of that 
 day, and I found there written articles denouncing this man 
 around his home and his official place of business that are as 
 startling as anything in the history of this country. There had 
 been no reconciliation in that city of Richmond during those 
 times until the officers of the United States went down there 
 in their capacity as military commanders to support him in his 
 efforts. It was a trying situation and his life was daily in 
 jeopardy. 
 
 This is the man to whom to-day we do honor. We place his 
 image in the Capitol as a reminder so long as it may stay there 
 as an index to true patriotism, and no man will hereafter pass 
 through that hall and gaze upon that statue without either 
 remembering or inquiring who Governor Pierpont was. That is 
 the highest function that this statue will perform. It matters 
 but little to the individual whether or not his statue or his image 
 shall stand in a prominent place when he is, as was Governor 
 Pierpont, absorbed in the performance of a high duty without 
 hope of reward. 
 
 When West Virginia became one of the States of the Union 
 he did not enter the political field in contest for office ; he retired 
 to his home and, with two exceptions, did not leave it except 
 for his own pleasure. 
 
 He was appointed to high position by the President of the 
 United States, and filled the office to the satisfaction of the 
 people. Then he returned to the home of his early selection, 
 and there, until a very few years ago, he resided. He died in 
 the city of Pittsburg, where he was temporarily visiting with 
 his daughter, but his body was carried back to the soil of the 
 State that owed its existence, in a large measure, to his patri- 
 otism, his intelligence, and his endeavor, there to rest, I trust; 
 under such a monument as will make it impossible for the people 
 
I02 Governor Francis H arrison Pier pout 
 
 of that State ever at all to be led to inquire who was this man 
 whose grave is thus marked. 
 
 It is proper that the eulogies pronounced upon this occasion 
 should come rather from those who have been identified with 
 the State. The Senator from Iowa [Mr. Dolliver], who was born 
 within the State, has paid a tribute so beautiful and so impress- 
 ive as to convince us that he has not forgotten the lessons that 
 he gathered from the surroundings of his childhood. The senior 
 Senator from West Virginia [Mr. Elkins], in glowing terms has 
 told us of the endearment in which the people of West Virginia 
 hold this man's memory. He occupies the relation to that 
 State that was occupied by the founders of this Nation, and I 
 know that it needs not the ceremonies of this hour to impress 
 it upon the minds of the people not only of West Virginia, but of 
 all the country, that, the man to whose memory we pay this 
 tribute to-day is worthy of it, as worthy as was ever any man 
 whose memory was thus recognized and commemorated. 
 
Address of Mr. Oliver, of Pennsylvania 
 J- 
 
 Mr. President : The story of the formation of West Virginia 
 is one of the romances of American history. The ordinance of 
 secession was passed in the Virginia convention, despite the 
 almost unanimous protest of the delegates from the transmoun- 
 tain counties, on the 17th day of April, 1861. Only five days 
 later twelve hundred citizens of Harrison County met in mass 
 convention at Clarksburg and issued a jcall to the people of the 
 counties of northwestern Virginia to appoint delegates of "their 
 wisest, best, and most discreet men," to assemble in convention 
 at Wheeling on the 13th day of May ensuing, "to consult and 
 determine upon such action as the people of northwestern Vir- 
 ginia should take in the fearful emergency." The convention 
 which assembled in response to this call contained representa- 
 tives from twenty-six counties. It remained in session three 
 days and adopted a series of resolutions nullifying the ordinance 
 of secession and calhng upon the people, in the event of its rati- 
 fication, to appoint delegates to a general convention, to meet 
 at Wheeling on the nth of June, "to devise such measures and 
 take such action as the safety of the people they represent may 
 demand." This second convention met on the day appointed. 
 It contained ninety-nine delegates, representing thirty-one coun- 
 ties. Within three days of assembhng it declared all acts of the 
 convention and executive, tending to separate the Common- 
 wealth of Virginia from the United States, to be without author-- 
 ity and void, and the offices of all who adhered to the said con- 
 
 103 
 
I04 Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 vention and executive, whether legislative, executive, or judicial, 
 to be vacated. It promptly adopted an ordinance for the reor- 
 ganization of the state government, and by a unanimous vote 
 chose Francis Harrison Pierpont, one of its own members, 
 as governor of Virginia, with a full corps of state officers, to serve 
 for six months, or until their successors should be elected and 
 qualified. On the 22d of May following, Governor Pierpont 
 was elected by the people for the unexpired term of Governor 
 Letcher, and in May, 1863, at an election held in those counties 
 of eastern Virginia occupied by the Federal Army, for the full 
 term of four years, from January i , 1 864. 
 
 From a strictly legal standpoint it is hard to justify the move- 
 ment by which the Pierpont government was set up, although 
 able arguments to the contrary were presented to the conven- 
 tion. It was revolution, pure and simple, and it required success 
 to make it even respectable; it was justified by the dire emer- 
 gency which confronted the loyal people of West Virginia, and 
 by that alone. It met with that measure of success which made 
 it not only respectable, but illustrious, and it is a curious fact 
 that the present government of the Old Dominion traces its title 
 through the usurper Pierpont, and not through the legitimist 
 Letcher. 
 
 The government headed by Pierpont called itself the restored 
 government of Virginia, and under his able guidance gave its 
 full support to the administration of President Lincoln and to 
 the movement to erect a new State out of the transmountain 
 counties. PiERPONT himself was the logical man for governor 
 of the new Commonwealth and would doubtless have been 
 chosen for that place had he so desired; but it seemed to him 
 that his duty pointed toward the maintenance of at least the 
 semblance of a loyal government for old Virginia, now wholly 
 given over to the rebellion, except where her soil was occupied 
 by the federal troops. He therefore, upon the establishment of 
 
Address of Mr. Oliver, of Pennsylvania 105 
 
 the new State, moved his capital to Alexandria, and, after the 
 Union forces occupied Richmond, to that city, where he served 
 until superseded by the miUtary governor, General H. H. Wells, 
 in the spring of 1868. 
 
 It was in his administration of the government of Virginia 
 after the fall of Richmond that the full strength of Governor 
 PiERPONT's character came out. He found himself, in the midst 
 of a hostile population, governor of a Commonwealth of which 
 he was no longer even a citizen. The United States marshal' 
 was instituting proceedings looking to the confiscation of the 
 property of all participants in the rebellion. Governor PiER- 
 PONT protested vigorously against all such proceedings and set 
 his face resolutely in the direction of conciliation and pacifica- 
 tion. He recommended for pardon all who appHed to him. 
 With the meager funds at his disposal he rehabilitated as best 
 he could the charitable institutions of the State, which were 
 destitute, and for three years governed with a wisdom and 
 moderation beyond praise. After surrendering his office in 1868 
 he returned to his old home at Fairmont, where he spent the 
 remaining thirty years of his life in dignified and honorable 
 retirement. 
 
 Mr. President, West Virginia does well to honor PierponT. 
 He was born within her borders. With the exception of the 
 five years spent as governor — first at Alexandria, and then at 
 Richmond— he lived there all his long life. His body lies 
 buried beneath her soil. It is somewhat of an anomaly that, 
 although he is rightly called the Father of West Virginia, he 
 never held office under her government, except to serve one 
 term as a member of the legislature. His Americanism was 
 not merely typical; it was ideal. He was not a brilliant man 
 as that phrase is usually accepted, but he possessed that "sav- 
 ing grace of common sense" which, in the crises of men and 
 of nations, is better far than genius. He had that serene poise 
 
io6 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 which fits men for any emergency, no matter how grave; and 
 above all and beyond all, he had a high and unflinching integ- 
 rity, personal and political, which flattery could not cajole and 
 no temptation could seduce. He would neither do wrong him- 
 self nor tolerate it in those around him. In his later years it 
 was his proud bo'ast that in his three years' administration at 
 Richmond he restored stable government to Virginia without 
 a whisper of scandal or even a suspicion of that corruption which 
 unfortunately stained the annals of so many Southern States 
 during that trying period. West Virginia does well, indeed, to 
 place him among the immortals; and of all that silent but illus- 
 trious company amongst whom his image stands for all time as 
 the tribute of a grateful Commonwealth, some there are, doubt- 
 less, who in life surpassed him in the splendor of their achieve- 
 ments, but not one excelled him in the strength and vigor of his 
 integrity or has left to his children a more stainless name. 
 
Address of Mr. Scott, of West Virginia 
 
 Mr. President : All students of history are familiar with the 
 memorable events which led to the admission into the Union 
 of the aggregation of counties west of the Allegheny Mountains 
 in Virginia as a separate State. During the stirring times from 
 April 19, 1 86 1, when the Old Dominion withdrew from the 
 Union, until December 31, 1862, when President Lincoln rati- 
 fied the action of Congress admitting West Virginia to the sis- 
 terhood of States, none took a more prominent part and none 
 labored more zealously and with more patriotic ardor for the 
 Union than did Francis H. PiERPONT, governor of the restored 
 government of Virginia, and one of the fathers of the mountain 
 State of West Virginia. 
 
 Governor PiERPonT was born in Monongalia County, Vir- 
 ginia, now a part of West Virginia, June 25, 18 14. His early 
 life was spent on a farm; but at the age of 22 he entered Alle- 
 gheny College, Meadville, Pennsylvania, and in June, 1840, he 
 graduated from that institution. He afterwards taught school 
 in Mississippi, studying law in his spare moments, and was admit- 
 ted to practice in Fairmont, Marion County, at which place 
 he built up a lucrative law practice. Though he left there tem- 
 porarily at different times, Fairmont remained his home there- 
 after. He died, however, in Pittsburg, at the home of his only 
 daughter, in March, 1899. 
 
 Having been educated in the North, where he was closely 
 associated with northern people and imbued with northern 
 
 107 
 
io8 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 ideas, Governor PierponT was naturally opposed to human 
 slavery, and his convictions, intense and deep-rooted, found 
 voice on every occasion when the opportunity presented. Ever 
 alive to the questions of the day, Governor Pierpont took an 
 active part in the discussion of all public issues. He commenced 
 his career as a public speaker in the college halls, and at one 
 time there were few platform speakers his equal in the State. 
 Concerning his ability as a speaker and as a man, the Intelli- 
 gencer, of Wheeling, West Virginia, a strong advocate of the 
 Union, published the following May 6, 1861: 
 
 FRANK PIERPONT'S SPEECH. 
 
 Frank Pierpont is one of those men well fitted for the stormy and revo- 
 lutionary times that are upon us. He has the moral, physical, and mental 
 power of a leader. A truer man to the cause of the Union, in our opinion, 
 does not live; and he has that vigor of apprehension, that incisiveness of 
 speech, and that indomitable will and courage that carries the people with 
 him. His speech on Saturday, although by no means illustrative of his 
 capacity, suffering, as he was, from cold and hoarseness, was very strong 
 and impressive, and was eagerly listened to throughout its entire length 
 by the people. 
 
 He is doing a glorious work in the mountain counties, and is worthy to be 
 the colleague of such men as Carlisle, Dent, Burdett, Brown, the editors 
 of the Grafton Virginian, the Clarksburg Guard, and others of the noble 
 army that are rescuing western Virginia from the hands of the traitorous 
 spoilers. Western Virginia, when she comes to be a State by herself, as 
 we most devoutly hope she may ere long, will owe a debt of gratitude to 
 these men not easily repaid. 
 
 Governor Pierpont was really the father of the idea of form- 
 ing West Virginia, and it is perhaps not giving him too much 
 credit to say that had it not been for his foresight there might 
 not have been a West Virginia. 
 
 Nothing is more interesting at this time than an article writ- 
 ten by Noah S. Reader in the Wellsburg Record. This graph- 
 ically describes the situation in the western part of Virginia, 
 and tells of Governor Pierpont having been in four of the prin- 
 cipal counties and everywhere he had been asking what the 
 
Address of Mr. Scott, of West Virginia 109 
 
 Union people could do. He expected advice himself, but instead 
 found that the Unionists were coming to him for advice. He 
 simply said, "Hold on to the Union." Mr. Reader then de- 
 scribes how in this depressed state of mind he went to his office 
 and took down the Constitution of the United States. Audibly 
 he said: "Old Constitution, I will give you one more reading." 
 He does not know why he had not done it before, but he com- 
 menced at the preamble, carefully reading article by article 
 and section by section until he came to the section which pro- 
 vides that — 
 
 The Government of the United States shall guarantee a republican form 
 of government to each State in the Union, repel invasion, and suppress 
 insurrection and rebellion when called on by the legislature or by the gov- 
 ernor if the legislature can not be convened in time. 
 
 When he got through the section he sprang to his feet, threw 
 the book with force on the table, and exclaimed, "I have got 
 you!" He walked the floor for a few minutes in brisk step, 
 and in less than a minute the whole proceedings of the con- 
 vention, its representation, the declaring of all offices held by 
 secessionists vacant, representation in Congress, and division 
 of the State passed before him like a panorama. He went into 
 his house and told his wife that it was clear. He met one of his 
 neighbors on the street and remarked to him, "It will all come 
 out right." He knew at that stage that success could only be 
 had by secrecy. 
 
 This was prior to the meeting held at Wheeling on the nth 
 of May, and it was at this meeting that Governor Pierpont 
 presented his resolution for calling a delegate convention to 
 meet in Wheeling on the 13th day of June and to appoint a 
 committee of safety, whose duty it was to direct the manner of 
 electing these members to attend and such other affairs as they 
 deemed necessary for the Union cause. And it was after these 
 resolutions had been adopted and the committee of safety ap- 
 
no Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 pointed that he was asked for his plan of action and explained 
 
 it as follows: 
 
 On principle the loyal people of the State are entitled to the protection 
 of the laws of the States and United States. When our convention assem- 
 bles I have no doubt we will know that the governor of the State has 
 joined the southern confederacy. The convention will pass resolutions 
 declaring, in the language of the Declaration of Independence, that " he 
 has abdicated his office by joining a foreign state," and that it is the right 
 of this convention to appoint a governor and lieutenant-governor and 
 pass such other ordinances as are necessary to turn out of office all dis- 
 loyal men and to fill them by loyal men, and do anything else that may 
 be necessary. Our actions must go to the whole State. We will call the 
 legislature together immediately, if necessary. You observe the conven- 
 tion is composed of double the number of delegates of the lower house. It 
 may be we will need a legislature and convention both at once. We will 
 elect Senators to fill the places made vacant by resignation of Hunter and 
 Mason. We will commission our members elected and send them to Con- 
 gress. The governor will call upon the President for military aid to sup- 
 press the rebellion. In the meantime we will get the United States Army 
 to occupy the Monongahela and Kanawha valleys, drive the rebels beyond 
 the mountains, and we will organize below. Now, if we carry out this 
 programme, we will represent the State of Virginia and divide the State 
 by the consent of Congress and the consent of the legislature of Virginia. 
 
 His programme was, in the main, carried out. Delegates 
 attended that convention from forty counties lying west of 
 the Blue Ridge Mountains. He was the representative from 
 Marion County. Recognizing his sterling qualities as a man, 
 a lawyer, a statesman, and a loyal citizen, the convention of 
 June II, 1 86 1, unanimously elected him provisional governor 
 of the reorganized State of Virginia, and Daniel Polsley, of 
 Mason County, was elected lieutenant-governor. Within a 
 year Governor PierponT was elected by the people governor 
 of Virginia under the "restored government." Two years 
 later he was reelected governor for a term of four years, hav- 
 ing undisputed sovereignty over the people in the territory 
 west of the Blue Ridge Mountains. Meanwhile he gave his 
 powerful aid to the movement for the creation of a new State, 
 and after the admission of West Virginia into the Union in 
 
Address of Mr. Scott, of West Virginia iii 
 
 1863 he removed the seat of government of Virginia to Alex- 
 andria. Following the surrender of General Lee at Appo- 
 mattox, Governor PierponT transferred his headquarters to 
 Richmond, being most cordially greeted there by many of 
 his fellow-citizens who four years before had cast their for- 
 tunes with the South. Within a few months he completely 
 restored the functions of the state government, and it is worthy 
 to be noted that there was never a suspicion of dishonesty or 
 misdeed attaching to his administration. No man, it was said, 
 could ever be appointed to office under Governor PierponT 
 who did not possess the moral and intellectual qualifications 
 for the position. Nearly the entire judiciary was changed, 
 and it was said by the men and newspapers of that day that 
 he gave Virginia the best judiciary the Commonwealth ever 
 had. He was the first governor of Virginia, it is also stated, 
 who ever issued a Thanksgiving proclamation. As the war 
 governor of Virginia he was the steadfast friend of President 
 Lincoln, who recognized him as a valuable and able supporter 
 of his administration. 
 
 Although active in politics and a man of power and influence, 
 Governor Pierpont held public position but seldom. At the 
 expiration of his term as governor of Virginia he returned to 
 his home in Fairmont, where naturally he found a large amount 
 of business that had been long neglected. He lived thereafter 
 comparatively a quiet life. He served a term in the legislature 
 at the earnest solicitation of his friends, was a delegate to a 
 national convention of his party, and President Garfield ap- 
 pointed him collector of internal revenue. He served a term 
 as president of the general conference of the Methodist Prot- 
 estant Church, up to that time the only layman ever chosen 
 to this position. 
 
 Governor PierponT was a large-hearted, true man, and a 
 just one. His love of country was of the intense order, and 
 
112 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 to the support of his views he brought a fine logic which but 
 few could combat. He was possessed of a wonderfully reten- 
 tive memory, and was splendidly equipped legally. There is, 
 perhaps, no one within the confines of the State which Gov- 
 ernor PiKRPONT helped to create who does not acknowledge 
 the versatilitv and clear-headed legal acumen he manifested 
 in the presence of the serious problems he so successfully 
 solved as a leader in the troublesome times just before and 
 during the civil war. History may do but scant justice to 
 this man; his fame may be perpetuated by the marble statue 
 unveiled to-day, but there is a monument which bears his 
 name indelibly, and that is found in the hearts of his country- 
 men; there Franlcis H. Pierpont will live while the lifeblood 
 flows. 
 
 The Vice-President. The question is on agreeing to the con- 
 current resolution. 
 
 The concurrent resolution was unanimously agreed to. 
 
 Mr. Scott. Mr. President, as a further mark of respect, I 
 move that the Senate adjourn. 
 
 The motion was unanimously agreed to, and (at 3 o'clock 
 and 7 minutes p. m.) the Senate adjourned until Monday, 
 May 2, 1 910, at 12 o'clock meridian. 
 
PROCEEDINGS IN THE HOUSE. 
 
 April 2, 1910. 
 
 Mr. Sturgiss. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent for 
 the present consideration of the following resolution, which I 
 send to the desk and ask to have read. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows : ' 
 
 House resolution 567. 
 
 Resolved, That exercises appropriate to the reception and acceptance 
 from the State of West Virginia of the statue of Francis H. Pierpont, 
 erected in Statuary Hall in the Capitol, be made the special order for 
 Saturday, April 30, 19 10, at 3 o'clock in the afternoon. 
 
 The Speaker. Is there objection ? 
 There was no objection. 
 The resolution was agreed to. 
 
 April 30, 1910. 
 
 The Speaker pro tempore. The hour of 3 o'clock p. m. 
 having arrived, the Clerk will read the special order governing 
 the business for the remainder of the day's session. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows : 
 
 On motion of Mr. Sturgiss, by unanimous consent — 
 
 Resolved, That exercises appropriate to the reception and acceptance 
 from the State of West Virginia of the statue of Francis H. Pierpont, 
 erected in Statuary Hall in the Capitol, be made the special order for 
 Saturday, April 30, 19 10, at 3 o'clock in the afternoon. 
 
 The Speaker pro tempore. The Chair will ask the gentle- 
 man from West Virginia [Mr. Gaines] to act as Speaker pro 
 tempore during the ceremonies. 
 
 Mr. Gaines assumed the chair as Speaker pro tempore. 
 
 49963° — 10 — — 8 113 
 
114 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 Mr. Sturgiss. Mr. Speaker, I desire to send to the Clerk's 
 desk and ask to have read a letter from the governor of West 
 Virginia, addressed to both the House and the Senate. 
 
 The Speaker pro tempore. The Clerk will read. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows : 
 
 Charleston, W. Va., April 30, igio. 
 To the Senate and House of Representatives , Washington, D. C. : 
 
 Pursuant to action of the legislature of West Virginia, there has been 
 erected in the Capitol of the United States a marble statue of the late 
 Francis H. Pierpont, of West Virginia. In behalf of the people of this 
 State I have the honor and the pleasure of presenting to the Govern- 
 ment and the people of the United States this statue of one of the most 
 famous sons of West Virginia. Governor Pierpont is known in our 
 history as the great war governor of the restored government of Vir- 
 ginia, and by the people of West Virginia he is held in high and affec- 
 tionate esteem for the great aid he gave them in their effort to attain 
 statehood. A man of simple and strenuous life, of large heart and mind, 
 of strong conviction and superb courage, of high ideals and lofty char- 
 acter, and of devotion to duty as he saw it, a man careful to discharge 
 every obligation of the citizen, a patriot in whom there was no guile, 
 and a public officer who knew and acted upon the knowledge that public 
 office is created for the benefit of the people and not for the benefit of the 
 officeholder, Governor Pierpont will ever stand out in our country's 
 history as a heroic character in the throes attendant upon the second 
 birth of the great Republic, a time that tried men's souls. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Wm. E. Glasscock, 
 Governor of West Virginia. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Sturgiss, by unanimous consent, Senate 
 
 concurrent resolution No. 24 was taken from the Speaker's 
 
 table and read as follows : 
 
 Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring), That 
 the statue of Francis H. Pierpont, presented by the State of West 
 Virginia to be placed in Statuary Hall, is accepted in the name of the 
 United States, and that the thanks of Congress be tendered to the State 
 for the contribution of the statue of one of its most eminent citizens, 
 illustrious for the purity of his life and his distinguished services to the 
 State and Nation; 
 
 Second. That a copy of these resolutions, suitably engrossed and 
 duly authenticated, be transmitted to the governor of the State of West 
 Virginia. 
 
Address of Mr. Hubbard of West Virginia 
 
 Mr. Speaker : In the midst of the civil war a body of people, 
 long settled in the very center of the country's population and in 
 its oldest Commonwealth, people who had elected to abide by 
 the Union proceeded in accordance with the provisions of the 
 Constitution of the United States to form the new State of West 
 Virginia. The action by which this was accomplished was by 
 some reckoned as revolution, but never did revolution so observe 
 order or obey law. As that people seceded from secession, so 
 did their revolution arrest revolution. They fought in the 
 forum as well as in the field for their country and their State, and 
 the laws were not silent amid the arms with which they won 
 their statehood and their peace. The passions of that time have 
 long since been stilled, the wisdom of that work has long been 
 manifest, and all that dwell within her borders have given their 
 loyalty and love to West Virginia. 
 
 There was one man who by the people of that State has been 
 considered as foremost in the work of its formation, and now 
 that that State, no longer after the lapse of half a century to 
 be called new, is privileged to place in yonder hall a statue of 
 one of its great representatives, it puts there Francis H. Pier- 
 PONT in marble no more solid than his worth, no whiter than his 
 fame. 
 
 The State formed by that statesman's genius to stand for- 
 ever in the Union does well in turn to invoke the sculptor's 
 genius to model the form of that statesman to stand among 
 those of the great men who have founded or saved or nobly 
 
 served other Commonwealths. 
 
 115 
 
ii6 Governor Francis Harrison Pier pout 
 
 To understand the people who did that work, and that man 
 representative of them, to comprehend the political drama then 
 enacted among the hills of West Virginia, we must go back even 
 a century earUer to the time when on that soil the trans- Alle- 
 gheny frontiersman taught the Nation the value of the indi- 
 vidual. Until he subdued the wilderness, and there planted 
 corn, and at the same time planted civilization, every migra- 
 tion, colonization, and foundation was organized if not govern- 
 mental. Whether in sacred or profane history a great move- 
 ment of the people, a settlement of new land was the work of 
 some government or church, some military power or commer- 
 cial enterprise, of some authority. In that way, indeed, had 
 been planned the settlement of the region west of the Alle- 
 ghenies and along the Ohio. In England there was the Wal- 
 pole Company, the Ohio Company, the Royal Company, and the 
 Mississippi Company. Why, if George Washington had had his 
 way — and he might have had it but for the coming of the Revo- 
 lutionary war — there might have been a West Virginia a century 
 earlier, and, if there had been, Washington would have been its 
 first governor. 
 
 So in America the Pilgrims, the Puritans, the Virginia Com- 
 pany of London, other companies and colonies, the grantees of 
 royal charters, laid the foundations of this Nation of ours. 
 Under such auspices Virginia had broadened out from the coast 
 to the Blue Ridge, and at that barrier had paused. Organized 
 effort made one attempt to stretch yet farther. A governor 
 and his followers crossed over into the Valley of Virginia, and 
 for that- exploit the one was knighted by his sovereign, and the 
 others were called the Knights of the Golden Horseshoe. 
 
 But from that hour the work of exploring the wilderness 
 beyond and of developing the country became the work of the 
 indvidual. 
 
Address of Mr. Hubbard, of West V irginia 117 
 
 In the men of that region and era was a personal initiative 
 greater than had been known before. By the middle of the 
 eighteenth century adventurous individuals had explored south- 
 western Virginia and Kentucky. A few had made their homes 
 in the Valley of Virginia, but none beyond the Alleghenies. 
 And then, without any encouragement by government, indeed, 
 against its wish, without concert of action — a man by himself, 
 or two or three together, a family far from others, or perhaps 
 several grouped about a blockhouse — that people began to cross 
 the crest of the Alleghenies to the headwaters of the streams 
 that flowed toward the unknown, undefined, mysterious West. 
 They settled upon the lands that suited their fancy in that wide 
 domain of western Virginia then known as Augusta, and there 
 are farms still held under titles that began in the tomahawk 
 right of a pioneer ancestor. The achievements of those pioneers 
 were not by the command of others; they took orders from 
 their own needs and wills. They fought, but they wore no uni- 
 form. They furnished their own arms and ammunition and 
 equipment, their owns transportation and subsistence. Reared 
 among hardships, they were physically active and tireless and 
 mentally reflective rather than impulsive. 
 
 Individual and independent, as they were, their common dan- 
 gers and like tastes made it easy for them to act in unision. 
 They could assemble in an army, but they must elect their own 
 officers. 
 
 They had no dread of wild beasts, savage foes, British arms; no 
 fear of old habits or new ideas. They did not submit to the 
 tyranny of some yesterday or the threats of any to-morrow. 
 
 African slavery had but little place in their social structure, 
 industrial system, or moral code. They would not be masters 
 any more than they could be slaves. 
 
 Among such men George Washington had his training, and 
 knowing them he could say in the dark hours of the Revolution, 
 
Ti8 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 "Leave me but a banner to plant among the mountains of 
 Augusta and I will rally round me the men who will raise our 
 bleeding country from the dust and set her free." 
 
 Prom the time of the Revolution to that of the civil war that 
 people changed but little. If they did not acquire culture, they 
 still possessed saving common sense. If, secluded by their 
 mountain walls, they missed opportunity, they did not lose 
 capacity. If their material progress was slow, their spirit re- 
 mained free and their patriotism undimmed. If "they had not 
 the learning of books, they had the Anglo-Saxon genius for self- 
 government, for they were, as those who succeed them still are, 
 of the purest strain of Anglo-Saxon blood. In these days of 
 hyphenated Americans these people remain the most American 
 Americans. In the Appalachian range is the largest body of 
 native Americans in the country. In that mountain region, 
 extending from Pennsylvania to Alabama, stretching from east 
 to west 200 miles or more, is a population of millions, almost all 
 whites, almost all descended from English and Scotch who had 
 •settled in the colonies before the Revolution. Out of those 
 mountains went into the armies of the civil war more men of 
 Anglo-Saxon blood than ever followed Marlborough or Welling- 
 ton. One hundred and fifty thousand of them, lovers of liberty 
 and of their country, rose at the call of Lincoln and justified the 
 faith he always had in those mountaineers by saving the border 
 South to the Union. 
 
 The test of that pure Americanism, of the intense patriotism 
 -of the people, came in 1861. 
 
 For many years the western part of Virginia had found irk- 
 some its business and political relations with the eastern part 
 of the State. It was divided from the eastern part by moun- 
 tain ranges not then pierced by railroads, but no more distinctly 
 divided in that way than by differing industrial and commercial 
 
Address of Mr. Hubbard, of West Virginia 119 
 
 interests, by diverse modes of life and thought. Slavery and 
 taxation were fruitful sources of dispute. 
 
 The sullen warmth of resentment at supposed grievances 
 blazed up into flame when the east tried to take Virginia into 
 the confederacy. Not only was the banner of Washington then 
 raised among the mountains of Augusta, but his thought of a 
 new State then hardened into fact. Western Virginia clung to 
 the Union and eastern Virginia sought to leave it. The sepa- 
 ration of the two at last was inevitable. 
 
 The men who acted for the west had not had much training 
 in public life, most of them having always been in the political 
 minority. Some of them at first proposed methods which were 
 inconsiderate, if not rash. But the innate genius of the people 
 for government manifested itself. Wiser counsels prevailed. 
 Orderly methods were followed. 
 
 A^mass convention of Union men assembled in Wheeling on 
 the 13th day of May, 1861, before the popular vote on the ordi- 
 nance of secession had been taken, to consult and determine 
 upon their action. That convention summoned a delegated, 
 constituent convention, which met on the nth day of June, 
 with delegates from thirty-five counties, not all in the west. 
 That later convention declared the ordinance of secession and 
 other acts of the convention at Richmond attempting to put 
 Virginia into the confederacy to be usurpation and treason, to 
 be without authority and void; it considered the government 
 at Richmond as having abandoned il^s legal functions ; it vacated 
 the offices of all who adhered to that government; and there- 
 upon it proceeded to reorganize the government of Virginia. 
 Francis H. PiERPONT was made its governor, first by the con- 
 vention and then by popular election. 
 
 That reorganized government was recognized by all the 
 departments of the United States government, and the State of 
 West Virginia was admitted into the Union on the 20th day 
 
I20 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 of June, 1863, with the consent of the legislature of the reorgan- 
 ized government of Virginia, by act of Congress signed by 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 In the swift movement of events which resulted in reorgan- 
 izing the government of Virginia, there was but little time, and 
 perhaps little disposition, to search for historical precedents; 
 but, looking back, we can now see that the Union men of Vir- 
 ginia, with their instincts and genius for orderly government, 
 did the same things which, under like' circumstances, had been 
 done by other free peoples before them, just as we can see that 
 nothing was then done which could have been better done 
 otherwise. 
 
 Three centuries ago the United Provinces of the Netherlands 
 declared that they forsook Philip because he had forsaken 
 them, and that they had a right to depose him and elect another 
 in his room. But their government did not perish because he 
 had abdicated it, and for years the Netherlands, in the name 
 of Philip, waged war against Philip. 
 
 A century later the lords and commons of England, not in 
 Parliament, but in a convention, published a declaration of 
 right, reciting the crimes and errors of James, and asserting 
 that he had abdicated the Government. 
 
 After yet another century our Declaration of Independence 
 asserted that legislative powers are incapable of annihilation, 
 and that when those intrusted with them cease to exercise 
 them they may be resumed by the people, and recited the 
 usurpations and wrongs because of which the united colonies 
 were absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown. 
 
 The Virginia bill of rights says the people have a right to 
 peaceably assemble and alter or amend their form of govern- 
 ment when it may become necessary. 
 
 And so in still another century the loyal people of West 
 Virginia annulled the acts of those who, in the name of Vir- 
 
Address of Mr. Hubbard, of West Virginia 121 
 
 glnia, had violated the provisions of the Constitution of the 
 United States, forbidding any State to enter into any treaty, 
 alliance, or confederation or, without the consent of Congress, 
 to enter into any agreement or compact with another State; 
 and that loyal people went on to exercise the powers of gov- 
 ernment which had been abdicated at Richmond. 
 
 The case could not be better summed up than in the reasons 
 Mr. Lincoln gave for signing the bill admitting West Virginia: 
 
 The consent of the legislature is constitutionally necessary to this 
 bill for the admission of West Virginia becoming a law. A body claim- 
 ing to be such legislature has given its consent. We can not well deny 
 that it is such unless we do so upon the outside knowledge that the body 
 was chosen at elections in which the majority of the qualified voters did 
 not participate. But it is the universal practice in popular elections in 
 all these States to give no legal consideration whatever to those who 
 do not choose to vote as against the efTect of the vote of those who do 
 choose to vote. Hence it is not the qualified voters, but the qualified 
 voters who choose to vote, that constitute the political power of the 
 State. Much less than to nonvoters should any consideration be given 
 to those who did not vote in this case, because it is a matter of out.side 
 knowledge that they were not merely neglectful of their rights under 
 and duty to this Government, but were also engaged in open rebellion 
 against it. 
 
 The movement which resulted in the formation of West 
 Virginia was of the people rather than of individuals. And 
 yet there were men who led and guided that movement with 
 judgment and skill which has since been shown to be unerring. 
 No one of them can be counted first in all respects. Some 
 one must be taken, not for himself alone, but as a represent- 
 ative of the others and of the great body of the people. The 
 legislature of West Virginia acted wisely when they selected 
 PiERPONT as that one. No man was eadier at the work which 
 made the State than he, and none was about it more stead- 
 fastly or longer. No one showed more courage, made more 
 sacrifices, gave himself more fully. When he became gov- 
 ernor the office was rather one of danger than of honor. 
 
122 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 But these comparisons are vain. The place in yonder hall 
 is rightfully his, because he was peculiarly the type of his 
 people. He was one of them by birth and by inheritance, 
 by temperament, by conviction. The calm judgment of later 
 years has chosen this West Virginia patriot to stand for all 
 West Virginia patriots. 
 
 In May, 1861, at the time when the Union men were assem- 
 bled for consultation in the city of Wheeling, I came from 
 school back to my home in that city, and I found Frank 
 Pierpont as a guest in my father's house. The boyish admi- 
 ration he inspired in me then was strengthened by the years 
 of acquaintanceship that followed. The marvelous art of the 
 sculptor tells us much of what he was, but even that can not 
 tell how stalwart in body, much less how alert in mind, how 
 unyielding in will, how strenuous in action. He had the 
 moral, physical, and mental power of a leader; he had that 
 strength of thought, that vigor of speech, that intensity of 
 purpose that inspired people with courage and confidence. 
 His phrase may not always have been classic or his logic per- 
 fect, but his purpose, earnest and compelling, always held. 
 That purpose was the formation of a new State, a purpose 
 that mastered him and enabled him to master others. His 
 eye saw that end from the beginning, and that purpose 
 stretched to the very verge of his vision. At the opportune 
 time, among the mountains of Augusta, the century-long 
 dream of West Virginia became a fact, and it dims not the 
 fame of any of his compatriots, brave men and true, to say 
 that Pierpont was the man of the race, the place, and the 
 hour. 
 
Address of iMr. Keifer, of Ohio 
 
 Mr. Speaker: There was recently placed in Statuary Hall of 
 this Capitol an heroic-sized marble statue of Francis H. PiER- 
 PONT by the State of West Virginia, there to stand, it is to be 
 hoped, as typical of a representative statesman of the now won- 
 derfully progressive and prosperous, though mountainous, State 
 of West Virginia— the first and only severeign separate Com- 
 monwealth carved out of and created exclusively from territory 
 included at one time in another sovereign State of this Union. 
 It was in western Virginia in June, 1861, I first saw real war. 
 
 Governor PiERPONT was, in a large sense, instrumental in 
 creating the State of West Virginia. I leave to others who 
 knew him and are familiar with his public life and character 
 and also with his private virtues to here portray them fittingly, 
 while I turn to the conditions existing when he emerged, under 
 most trying and difficult circumstances, from an ordinary life 
 of duty and responsibility as an American citizen into patriotic 
 and heroic statesmanship and leadership. 
 
 I may observe that true greatness is always coupled with vir- 
 tue and duty whether found in public or private action. Great- 
 ness is also always, more or less, relative, also comparative. 
 Somewhere in barbaric or semibarbaric times only monsters or 
 the most savage were acclaimed as great. Later, as civilization 
 dawned, and even after it had somewhat emerged from dark- 
 ness to enlightenment, the monster idea did not disappear, and 
 even now to the less enlightened it has not, wholly disappeared. 
 
 123 
 
124 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 Heroism and duty to country, to family and to society, are, 
 however, in this age always important factors in measuring 
 distinction and greatness. 
 
 Greatness means distinction above the common mass of man- 
 kind generally; and it is usually confined to a man's own coun- 
 try, certainly to -the community in which the distinguished per- 
 son lives, or in which or for the benefit of which he acts. Of 
 course there have been, chiefly in earlier times, world-wide 
 celebrities who, in peace or war, in science or literature, as 
 leaders, discoverers, promulgators, or otherwise have made 
 themselves names and secured immortal fame. And they have 
 not always secured a name and fame for what they have done 
 for the happiness of the human race. Some of them will con- 
 tinue in the pages of history for what they have done to sub- 
 vert and oppress their fellow-men, while others whose lives 
 have been humble and less ostentatious have accomplished much 
 more for civiHzation and Christianity and for the universal happi- 
 ness of the human race, and are therefore entitled to have first 
 honors in any real or supposed hall of fame. 
 
 Distinction may be won in a bad as well as in a just cause; 
 but can fame be acquired that will permanently endure, coupled 
 with honor and accompanied with the just plaudits of a Chris- 
 tian world that does not rest upon great things done, or sought 
 to be done, for the happiness and liberty of mankind, especially 
 in the actor's own country? 
 
 In saying that fame is relative, it should also be observed 
 that it is more difficult to attain to greatness in this age of 
 progressive civilization than in any former age. The competi- 
 tion is more enlarged and fiercer, and the tests are more severe 
 in all moral and mental points than ever before. Mere bravery 
 in war or mere declamatory oratory in peace counts now for 
 little. Heroism displayed on the field or on the forum where 
 duty calls only stands for patriotism or high citizenship. Many 
 
Address of Mr. Keifer, of Ohio 125 
 
 accounted great in former times or in earlier periods of the 
 growth of civiUzation would now be regarded as despicable 
 characters should they appear, and they would deservedly be 
 execrated, not honored. 
 
 It always has been and always will be true that through edu- 
 cation and other fortuitous circumstances more is expected and 
 more is required of some persons than of others, especially than 
 is required or expected of the masses of the people of a country. 
 So those who have been educated and trained for the more 
 important positions of responsibility in life and to occupy high 
 places in the potential affairs of a nation should be justly held 
 to the highest degree of responsibility in all their public acts. 
 
 The first rays of the morning sunlight touch the crests of the 
 highest mountains before they can penetrate to the richer and 
 more fertile intervening valleys at their bases, and the rays of 
 a setting sun are again last to fade from the same mountain 
 crests at each closing day. So of the exceptional people just 
 described. They are the first to receive and to become imbued 
 with that light that shines for all, and they are the last from 
 which it is withdrawn. Their accountability should be greater 
 than those less blessed with opportunities and with favoring 
 environments. 
 
 Francis H. Pierpont, of West Virginia, whose statue we 
 accept to-day for a place in the Statuary Hall of this Capitol, 
 though not a soldier, nor yet an exceptional orator or states- 
 man, nor specially renowned in literature, art, or science, nor 
 perhaps specially in a learned profession, completely answers 
 to the true test of greatness of his day and age, and his statue 
 is worthily thus placed, to be maintained perpetually and 
 pointed to by those who pass by as that of one who recognized 
 duty and heroically performed it successfully when the rights 
 and liberties of his fellow-men and'of his country were in immi- 
 nent peril. 
 
126 Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 To give a clear description of the object of adapting the old 
 Hall of the House of Representatives to the purpose of a statu- 
 ary hall, I will read the act originally dedicating it to that 
 purpose : 
 
 And the President is hereby authorized to invite each and all the States 
 to provide and furnish statues, in marble or bronze, not exceeding two 
 in number for each ^tate, of deceased persons who have been citizens thereof 
 and illustrious for their historic renown or from distinguished civil or 
 military service, such as each State shall determine to be worthy of this 
 national commemoration; and when so furnished the same shall be 
 placed in the Hall of the House of Representatives, in the Capitol of the 
 United States, which is hereby set apart, or so much thereof as may be 
 necessary, as a national statuary hall, for the purposes herein indicated. 
 (13 U. S. Laws, p. 347.) 
 
 This legislation is a part of section 2 of a sundry civil appro- 
 priation act passed in the Thirty-eighth Congress and approved 
 by President Lincoln July 2, 1864, in the midst of a great 
 struggle for national unity, when the Union armies were mak- 
 ing their last advance in the East and West to overthrow the 
 great rebellion and when the confederate forces were putting 
 forward their last great .efforts to resist this advance. The 
 then existing peril of this country kept in mind may help to 
 determine what class of deceased citizens of the States were, 
 by Congress, expected to be regarded as "illustrious for their 
 historic renown or for distinguished civil or military service." 
 
 What has been the response to the invitation from the sev- 
 eral States of the Union, and who of their deceased have been 
 regarded as sufficiently illustrious and worthy to be commemo- 
 rated by statues in this Hall? 
 
 Twenty-four of the now forty-six States have furnished 
 statues — only forty in number. Eight States have furnished 
 only one each so far. Alabama, South Carolina, Texas, and 
 Virginia only of the eleven so-called Confederate States have 
 furnished statues for this Hall of Fame. Twenty of the other 
 States have placed statues therein. But who have been 
 
Address of Mr. Keifer, of Ohio 127 
 
 regarded as sufficiently illustrious to be worthy of commemora- 
 tion by statues in this Plall ? 
 
 The States which have placed in the Hall statues and the 
 names of the deceased persons represented I will now give. 
 After each name the years of birth and death are given : 
 
 Alabama, J. Iv. M. Curry (1825-1903), distinguished as a 
 Member of Congress of the United States, also of the confed- 
 eracy ; served in the confederate army ; was United States min- 
 ister to Spain and an author. 
 
 Connecticut, Roger vSherman (i 721-1793) and Jonathan 
 Trumbull (1710-1785); the former was a signer of the Declara- 
 tion of Independence, Member of the Continental Congress, of 
 the Constitutional Convention, of this House, and of the United 
 States Senate. 
 
 Trumbull was Chief Justice and governor of Connecticut in 
 colonial times — the only colonial governor who espoused the 
 cause of independence. 
 
 Idaho, George ly. Shoup (1836-1904), distinguished for pioneer 
 zeal and disinterested patriotism, colonel in the Union Army in 
 the civil war; governor of Idaho Territory, and also of the State 
 of Idaho. 
 
 Illinois, James vShields (1810-1879) and Frances E. Willard 
 (1839-1898). 
 
 Shields was a Union officer in the Mexican war and the 
 civil war; also, a statesman who ser^^ed in the United States 
 Senate. 
 
 Frances K. Willard alone of the women of that illustrious 
 fame won in upbuilding her sex is so far honored by a statue in 
 this Hall. She was distinguished in reform movements; was 
 president of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union and 
 editor of the Chicago Evening Post. She founded the Woman's 
 Christian Temperance Union, also the world's Woman's Chris- 
 tian Temperance Union, of which she was its corresponding 
 
128 Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 secretary, and she was the head of purity work of the World's 
 and National Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 
 
 Indiana, Oliver P. Morton (1823-1877) and Lew Wallace 
 (1827-1909). 
 
 Morton was the greatest of the war governors of the civil 
 war, and later a great constructive statesman, foremost in the 
 United States Senate. 
 
 Wallace was distinguished as a Union general in the civil war 
 and the author of A Fair God, Ben Hur, and the Prince of India. 
 
 Iowa, James Harlan (i 820-1 899), distinguished as a states- 
 man and a man of great learning; an UL. D., United States 
 Senator, and Secretary of the Interior. 
 
 Kansas, John J. Ingalls (1833-1900), who was a lawyer, 
 scholar, and statesman, the fearless peer of those with whom he 
 served in the United States Senate three terms. 
 
 Maine, William King (1768-1852), was Maine's first governor 
 and always active and influential in her politics; likewise a suc- 
 cessful banker and business man. 
 
 Maryland, Charles Carroll (1737-1832), of Carrollton, and 
 John Hanson (1715-1783). 
 
 Carroll was educated by French Jesuits, was for independence 
 of the colonies, was of the council of safety of his State, was a 
 Member of the Continental Congress, and was the last surviving 
 signer of the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 Hanson was a patriot of the Revolution, president of the 
 Continental Congress, and encouraged enlistments in the army 
 in the war for independence. 
 
 Massachusetts, Samuel Adams (1722-1803) and John Win- 
 throp (1588-1649). 
 
 Adams was a patriot of the Revolution and of special fame 
 in securing the independence of the colonies and in launching 
 the constitutional Government. He was governor of his State. 
 
Address of Mr. Keifer, of Ohio 129 
 
 Winthrop was a colonial governor of Massachusetts; an author; 
 believed in evangelizing the Indians; opposed democracy, and 
 believed superior minds, though always in the minority, should 
 rule. 
 
 Michigan, Lewis Cass (i 782-1 866), a statesman of just renown, 
 Senator, Cabinet officer, and held other high official positions 
 covering a long period of his country's history. He left the 
 Cabinet of President Buchanan when secession was imminent. 
 
 Missouri, Francis P. Blair (1821-1875) and Thomas H. Ben- 
 ton (1782-1858) both of historic fame, the former as soldier in 
 the civil war, and was an editor, and long in political life. 
 
 The latter as Senator, statesman, and author, always heroic- 
 ally standing with President Jackson and other great patriots 
 for the Union of the States. 
 
 New Hampshire, John Stark (1728-1822) and Daniel Web- 
 ster (1782-1852). 
 
 Stark achieved fame as a soldier in the French and Indian 
 wars and in the Revolution. 
 
 Webster, a son of New Hampshire, was a lawyer and states- 
 man in his adopted State, Massachusetts. In the United States 
 Senate he combated by his unanswerable arguments the doc- 
 trine of the right of secession. 
 
 New Jersey, Richard Stockton, (1730-1781) and Philip Kear- 
 ney (1815-1862). 
 
 Stockton stood for patriotism and high citizenship in the 
 period of the Revolution. 
 
 Kearney was a soldier in his country's wars and, long after 
 he lost an arm in battle, he was killed at Chantilly (1862) in 
 the civil war. 
 
 New York, Robert R. Livingston (1746-18 13) and George 
 Clinton (1739-1812), both early governors of New York and 
 otherwise illustrious as progressive citizens. Livingston was a 
 49963° — 10 — 9 
 
130 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 Delegate to the Continental Congress and a signer of the Dec- 
 laration of Independence. 
 
 Clinton was a soldier in the French and Indian and Revolu- 
 tionary wars, was a Member of the Continental Congress, sev- 
 eral times governor of New York, and was Vice-President of 
 the United States. 
 
 Ohio, James A. Garfield (1831-1881) and William Allen 
 (1807- 1879). 
 
 Garfield was a scholar, major-general of volunteers in the 
 civil war, statesman with long service in this House, and was 
 President of the United States and illustrious in all capacities. 
 Allen was Senator and once governor of Ohio, and he commanded 
 the confidence of his political party during a long public life. 
 The former fought and the other merely acquiesced in the war 
 for the Union. 
 
 Pennsylvania, J. P. G. Muhlenberg (1746-1807) and Robert 
 Fulton (1765-1815). 
 
 Muhlenberg was an early distinguished minister of the gospel 
 of Virginia and Pennsylvania, was a colonel in the Revolution, 
 and fought under Generals Wayne and Washington, and served 
 in this House in the First, Third, and Sixth Congresses. 
 
 Fulton's fame rests largely on his adaptation of steam power 
 to propelling boats and ships. A great continental celebration 
 has just been held (1909) in New York City in his honor. 
 
 Rhode Island, Nathanael Greene (i 742-1786) and Roger Wil- 
 liams (1599-1683). 
 
 Greene was a Revolutionary general of renown. Roger Wil- 
 liams was an early Puritan pioneer minister of the gospel in 
 the colonies and among the Indians, famed for his zeal and 
 ability, especially in the cause of religious liberty. He was the 
 founder of Providence and Rhode Island. 
 
 South Carolina, John C. Calhoun (1782-1850), the most dis- 
 tinguished exponent of so-called states rights and of slavery and 
 
Address of Mr. Keifer, of Ohio 131 
 
 its extension, which inevitably and necessarily culminated in 
 secession, rebellion, and the civil war. He was the father of 
 a school of earnest men who believed secession was warranted 
 by the Constitution of the United States, at least permissible 
 under it, because not expressly forbidden, and who believed 
 that the Constitution did not provide for its own perpetuation 
 or for the preservation of the Union of the States, and that it 
 was therefore constitutional to destroy the one and to over- 
 throw the other, this though he had long contended that the 
 Constitution made slavery lawful wherever it extended over 
 United States territory. He did not live to see the baneful 
 result of his doctrine and the overthrow of human slavery. 
 
 Texas, Stephen F. Austin (1790-1836) and Samuel Houston 
 (1793-1863). 
 
 Austin was a Texas revolutionist and did much to wrest 
 Texas from Mexico. 
 
 Houston was specially distinguished for his successful efforts 
 in liberating Texas from Mexico, also as a general and states- 
 man, as President of the Republic of Texas, and as governor 
 of Texas, Member of this House, and for his loyalty to the Union 
 against his State. 
 
 Vermont, Ethan Allen (1737-1789) and Jacob Collamer 
 (1791-1865). 
 
 Allen was of Revolutionary fame. He demanded and re- 
 ceived the surrender of Ticonderoga "in the name of the Con- 
 tinental Congress and the Great Jehovah." For three years 
 he was a captive with the British. 
 
 Collamer was an illustrious statesman of marked ability. 
 He was a member of the assembly of his State, a justice of 
 its supreme court, Member of this House, Postmaster-General, 
 and he died a United States Senator. 
 
 Virginia, George Washington (i 732-1 799) and Robert E. 
 Lee (1807- 1 870). 
 
132 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 Washington's illustrious life can not be added to by recital 
 or comment. His character surpasses eulogy. When the Con- 
 stitution of the United States was adopted in convention and 
 was ready for ratification by the States he, as president of 
 the convention, in his letter of submission dated September 
 17, 1787, said: - 
 
 In all our deliberations on this subject we kept steadily in view that 
 which appears to us the greatest interest to every American, the con- 
 solidation of our Union, in which is involved our prosperity, felicity, 
 safety, perhaps our national existence. 
 
 Lee was an officer in the United States Army of high char- 
 acter when the southern confederacy was formed (February 8, 
 1 861). The day (March 5, 1861) after Lincoln was inaugu- 
 rated President he registered himself in the Adjutant-Gen- 
 eral's office as "brevet colonel and lieutenant-colonel Second 
 Cavalry." Lee's oath to his commission as lieutenant-colonel 
 bears date March 15, 1861, and promises that he would bear 
 true allegiance to the United States of America and to serve 
 them honestly and faithfully against all their enemies, and to 
 obey the orders of the President and of the officers appointed 
 over him. President Lincoln nominated him March 21, 1861, 
 as colonel First Cavalry, and the Senate confirmed him as such 
 March 23, 1861. On March 25, 1861, he was commissioned 
 colonel by the President, to take rank from March 16, 1861, 
 and he received the commission March 28, 1861, and accepted 
 it by letter March 30, 1861. Though as late as April 20, 1861, 
 after Sumter had fallen, he wrote his sister, "I recognize no 
 necessity for this state of things," he resigned from the United 
 States Army and joined the then incipient confederacy and 
 became its greatest military leader. The fact that his State, 
 as he says in the letter referred to, "after a long struggle had 
 been drawn" into a "state of revolution," and his thereafter 
 becoming a great army commander, and that he always bore 
 
Address of Mr. Keifer, of Ohio 133 
 
 an unblemished character and lived a pure life did much to 
 palliate his abandonment of the United States Army and of 
 his country in its day of need. The light that dawned on 
 him did not, however, cause him to regard his country's exist- 
 ence of first importance and of "the greatest interest to every 
 American" as did George Washington. For the mass of 
 those who followed in general their leaders there is more ex- 
 cuse. Many had really no choice but to go with those who 
 were their natural leaders. 
 
 Wisconsin, James Marquette (i 637-1 675). He was a French 
 Jesuit priest, who became a missionary among the wild tribes 
 of Indians in the northern country, and he became a discov- 
 erer and explorer therein, extending his travels to and up and 
 down the Mississippi River. 
 
 West Virginia, John R. Kenna (i 848-1 893) and Francis H. 
 PiERPONT (18 1 4-1 899). Kenna while quite young saw service 
 in the confederate army and became a Member of this House 
 and of the Senate of the United States. 
 
 PiERPONT, a resident of what is now West Virginia, very 
 early espoused the cause of the Union, and June 21, 1861, 
 at Wheeling, Virginia, was chosen by a convention provisional 
 governor of Virginia, its governor and lieutenant-governor hav- 
 ing declared for the confederacy and dissolved their allegiance 
 to the United States. He personally arranged to pay the 
 mileage and per diem of the members of the convention. He 
 called the legislature of the reorganized government of Vir- 
 ginia together July i, 1861, which elected two Senators, and 
 he issued commissions to them and to Representatives in 
 this House, who were seated at the July (1861) extra session 
 of Congress, and as governor of Virginia he generally did many 
 other things essential to preserving the rights of the loyal 
 people and to maintain their proper relations with the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States. He promptly organized and 
 
134 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 commissioned the field and company officers of regiments and 
 companies for service in the Union Army. He was chosen 
 governor in 1863 and continued to hold the office of governor 
 of Virginia until 1868. Kor a time the seat of government was 
 at Wheeling, later (June, 1863) at Alexandria, but on Rich- 
 mond being taken (April, 1865) he removed it to Richmond, 
 where he administered the office of governor through the 
 early period of the reconstruction. 
 
 Through all the trying ordeals no scandal was alleged against 
 him. Loyalty to the Union was his guiding star. The needle 
 of his chart pointed only to a restored Union. While perform- 
 ing the duties of governor of Virginia he bent his energies to 
 the creation of the new State of West Virginia. The recital 
 of the details of what he then said and did in the formation 
 of that State are fully and ably given here by distinguished 
 Representatives of the State of West Virginia. Pierpont was 
 never governor of West Virginia, as is popularly supposed. 
 
 To deter loyal citizens, the disloyal convention of Virginia, 
 besides, against the vote of the people, passing April 17, 1861, 
 an ordinance of secession, as early as July, 1861, passed an 
 ordinance declaring that any citizen holding any office under 
 the old government should be forever banished from the State, 
 and if he undertook to represent the State in the Congress 
 of the United States, he should, in addition, be guilty of trea- 
 son. About the same time the confederate congress passed 
 sequestration acts and laws to make United States citizens 
 aliens in the confederacy and to confiscate their property, 
 and it passed other laws of like character. It was under such 
 and other indescribable conditions that Francis H. Pierpont 
 took his stand and heroically and loyally maintained the Union. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 Virginia from an early time had an irrepressible conflict 
 between its eastern and western parts, and there were from 
 
Address of Mr. Keifer, of Ohio 135 
 
 time to time some efforts made pointing to a division. In 
 1790 — First Census — the white population east of the Blue 
 Ridge was 314,523 and west of it 127,594. Forty years later 
 (1830) it had increased east of the Blue Ridge to only 362,745 
 and west of it to 319,516. But few slaves were held west of 
 the Blue Ridge. The invention- of the cotton gin (Whitney, 
 1793) multiplied the demand for slave labor, and the sugar 
 industry also increased this demand, but Virginia's tobacco 
 and other once-important industries had broken down by 
 reason of the exhausted fertility of the soil and for other causes, 
 mainly attributable to slavery. Slave breeding for market 
 then became her chief source of income, and to it the slave- 
 holders turned their attention. Western Virginia proper had 
 few slaves, and slave breeding there was not profitable. In 
 1830 the value of Virginia's slave exports reached $1,500,000 
 per annum, and four years later it had risen to $10,000,000 
 per annum. All other of her industries had then languished 
 or disappeared entirely. 
 
 West of the Blue Ridge the white population greatly in- 
 creased, notwithstanding the broken and mountainous country 
 was not well situated for general cultivation; but the people 
 there toiled with their own hands and earned their bread by 
 the sweat of their own faces. No wonder under such widely 
 different conditions a widely different civilization existed — one 
 built on human slavery and the other on individual free labor. 
 
 But Virginia, in her history, has always been unique. 
 
 The story of its rending is too long for recital here, for if 
 given even in a summary way much of importance would have 
 to be left out. Her division was along the Appalachian back- 
 bone, and this because there was formed the natural line of 
 division of sentiment and interest in the institution of slavery. 
 The West Virginia mountain region was the hpme of liberty, 
 
136 Governor Francis Harrison Pier pout 
 
 though from it in earHer times many citizens emigrated to the 
 Northwestern Territory, made free by the ordinance of 1787. 
 
 Though Virginia was the earUest home of African slavery, it 
 was not, in the period of the Revolution, supposed that it 
 would continue to long exist therein. At the First Census (1790) 
 Virginia was the most populous of the original States, and she 
 had then 293,427 slaves; no other State then had one-half as 
 many. In i860 she was still in the lead, with 490,865 slaves. 
 
 Virginia early excelled in statesmen and in the advocacy of 
 political and religious liberty. Her first constitution embodied 
 a declaration of such liberty. George Nelson wrote this con- 
 stitution and Thomas Jefferson wrote its preamble. It was 
 the first written constitution of a free State in the world. The 
 first West Virginia constitution embodied, word for word, the 
 first Virginia act (1785) of religious freedom, written also by 
 Jefferson. Jefferson early described the effect and character 
 of slavery upon society, and (1782) expressed his forebodings 
 and indulged in prophetic vision thus: 
 
 Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than that these 
 people are to be free; nor is it less certain that the two races, equally 
 free, can not live in the same government. I tremble for my country 
 when I reflect that God is just, that His justice can not sleep forever. 
 The way, I hope, is preparing, under the auspices of Heaven, for a total 
 emancipation. 
 
 Jefferson was not then alone in Virginia in his desire for 
 and predictions of the freedom of the African slave. Washing- 
 ton before the Revolution presided at a "Fairfax County con- 
 vention" held to restrict slavery, and he^ with Patrick Henry 
 and other Virginia statesmen and slaveholders, predicted at the 
 close of the Revolution that the slaves would be emancipated 
 or that they would be freed violently. As late as 1821 Jeffer- 
 son wrote of slavery, also in a spirit of prophecy. George 
 
Address of Mr. Keifer, of Ohio 137 
 
 Mason, of Virginia, speaking of the effect of slaves upon a 
 
 country, also prophesied by saying: 
 
 They bring the judgment of Heaven on a country. By an inevitable 
 chain of causes and effects Providence punishes national sins by national 
 calamities. 
 
 The time for fulfilled prophecy came and Francis H. Pier- 
 PONT was a ready and willing instrument potential in its ful- 
 fillment. God's choice of men as well as his choice of methods 
 for the accomplishment of great things and in the doing of His 
 divine will are always the right men in the right place. In the 
 work of resisting secession and slavery's aggression, and in the 
 work of preserving a semblance of Virginia loyalty to the 
 Union, and in the creation of the new State of West Virginia, 
 PiERPONT was not alone. With patriotic exhortation, heroic 
 deeds, and ardent prayers the great Reverend Alexander Camp- 
 bell, the founder and propagandist of a new religious faith, a 
 profound thinker and logician, was a leader who devoutly put 
 his hand, pen, and tongue to the great work. Reverend Gordon 
 Battelle, Reverend P. T. Laishley, and Reverend Wesley Smith 
 were other divines who stood for the preservation of an undi- 
 vided Republic. Chester E. Hubbard, Archibald M. Campbell, 
 James C. McGrew, R. L. Berkshire, George R. Latham, Daniel 
 Lamb, John L. Wheat, John S. Burdett, John S. Carlile, Wait- 
 man T. Willey, and others stood foursquare for the Union. 
 Carlile and Willey each were chosen United States Senators 
 for Virginia by the reorganized legislature, and Hubbard, 
 Latham, and McGrew became Members of this House. McGrew 
 still survives at 97 years of age. "Archie" Campbell master- 
 fully molded public sentiment as editor of the Wheeling Intel- 
 ligencer and otherwise. Berkshire became a member of the 
 supreme court of West Virginia. 
 
138 Governor Francis H arrison Pier pout 
 
 In this connection, Mrs. Arnold (Beverly, Virginia), sister of 
 Thomas J. (Stonewall) Jackson, should be mentioned as actively- 
 loyal to the Union throughout the civil war. The statues of a 
 galaxy of loyal patriots of Virginia deserve to be assembled in 
 a separately dedicated Hall of Fame as colossal figures in a 
 holy cause. 
 
 The State of West Virginia, born amid turmoil, tragedy, and 
 war, must ever stand peculiarly alone in its formation. Origi- 
 nally it was composed of forty-eight counties — Ohio River and 
 mountain counties. The June, 1861, Wheeling convention 
 declared the Virginia state offices vacant by reason of their 
 treason; then undertook to organize a loyal state government 
 with, as already stated, Pierpont as governor, which govern- 
 ment was recognized by Congress. August 20, 1861, the con- 
 vention adopted an ordinance favoring the formation of a new 
 State out of the western portion of Virginia, which was ap- 
 proved by the vote of the people, and, November 26, 1861, a 
 convention assembled at Wheeling and framed a constitution 
 for it. This was ratified April, 1862, and the recognized legis- 
 lature of Virginia gave its consent to the creation of the new 
 State. Congress, December 31, 1862, passed an act for the 
 admission of West Virginia into the Union, with the annexed 
 condition that her people first ratify a substitute for the seventh 
 section, article 11 of her constitution, providing that children 
 of slaves born in her limits after July 4, 1863, should be free; 
 that slaves under 10 years of age should be free at the age of 21 
 years; that all slaves over 10 and under 21 years of age should be 
 free at the age of 25; and that no slave should be brought into 
 the State for residence. This section was almost unanimously 
 ratified by a vote of the people March 26, 1863, and April 20, 
 1863, Lincoln proclaimed West Virginia a State in the Union. 
 
Address of Mr. Keifer, of Ohio 139 
 
 This creation of a new State was justified by the rebelUous 
 times and in aid of the loyal cause. 
 
 It is a singular historic fact tliat on December 31, 1862, Presi- 
 dent Lincoln approved a law of Congress providing for the 
 admission of West Virginia as a slave State, with only gradual 
 emancipation, and the following day he issued his final eman- 
 cipation proclamation, declaring all slaves free as a war meas- 
 ure in States and parts of States thefi in rebellion, but exempt- 
 ing from its application the forty-eight counties which were to 
 comprise West Virginia. There were but forty-eight of the 
 counties of Virginia included originally in West Virginia, but 
 Congress, by an act approved March 10, 1866, consented to add 
 Berkeley and Jefferson counties to the new State. The slaves 
 of these two counties had been emancipated by President 
 Lincoln's proclamation of January i, 1863, and the mighty and 
 ever to be memorable decree of war had then been written in 
 the Constitution of the United States — thirteenth amendment, 
 ratified December 18, 1865— whereby human slavery became 
 forever impossible in our Republic, and our flag was never again 
 destined to be unfurled save as an emblem of human freedom. 
 The resultant effect of this blood-consecrated decree has pro- 
 moted liberty throughout the world. 
 
 It was urged by some loyal statesmen and by the disloyal 
 that the creation of West Virginia was itself secession; that 
 Virginia's consent was not given by Virginia because her whole 
 population did not participate in doing so; that the disloyal 
 nonvoters of the whole State outnumbered those who voted on 
 the question and in the choice of her loyal legislators. Presi- 
 dent Lincoln, among other things, in answer to these objections, 
 said : 
 
 Can this Government stand if it indulges constitutional constructions 
 by which men in open rebellion against it are to be counted, man for man, 
 the equals of those who maintain their loyalty to it? Are they to be 
 counted better citizens and more worthy of consideration than those who 
 
140 Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 simply neglect to vote? If so, their treason against the Constitution 
 enhances their constitutional value. 
 
 ***** 
 It is said the devil takes care of his own. Much more should a good 
 spirit — the spirit of the Constitution and the Union — take care of its own. 
 I think it can not do less and live. 
 
 ***** 
 The division of the State is dreaded as a precedent. But a measure 
 made expedient by war is no precedent for times of peace. It is said that 
 the admission of West Virginia is secession, and tolerated only because it 
 is our secession. Well, if we call it by that name there is still difference 
 enough between secession against the Constitution and secession in favor 
 of the Constitution. I believe the admission of West Virginia into the 
 Union is expedient. 
 
 This is not the time or occasion for pointing out contrasts 
 between those vv^ho were loyal and those who were not, nor to 
 raise questions of the propriety of placing the statues of those 
 who sought or fought to overthrow the Union our forefathers 
 founded by sacrifices made in years of struggle and at the ex- 
 pense of blood and treasure, and which they bequeathed to 
 their posterity for keeping as a perpetual inheritance. 
 
 Of the illustrious persons who are represented by statues in 
 Statuary Hall, three were wholly of Colonial times; eleven were 
 of the Colonial and Revolutionary period; ten were statesmen 
 subsequent to the formation (1789) of our Constitutional Gov- 
 ernment and prior to the civil war, but not participants therein; 
 four were Union statesmen, who participated in public affairs 
 during and since the civil war; five were Union Army officers 
 and statesmen in and since that war; two (Curry and Kenna) 
 were confederate soldiers and statesmen in or since that war; 
 one (Marquette, Wisconsin) was a Jesuit missionary and an 
 early discoverer; one (Frances E. Williard, Illinois) was a 
 philanthropist interested in her sex; one (Kearney, New Jersey) 
 was a Union officer in the civil war and in earlies wars; one 
 (Fulton, Pennsylvania) was a noted inventor; and one (Lee, 
 Virginia) was a former officer in the United States Army aiid a 
 
Address of Mr. Keifer, of Ohio 141 
 
 confederate officer during the civil war, and when it was over 
 he took no interest in pubhc affairs. 
 
 Governor Pierpont belonged to the fourth of this classifica- 
 tion, and his efforts accomplished potential and essential re- 
 sults, taken in connection with the achievements of the battle- 
 field. He and his loyal Virginia compeers will ever be honored 
 by those who admire patriotism and loyalty. They heard their 
 country's cry of danger and rushed to the rescue. He will be 
 known as the last loyal governor of the State of Virginia before 
 its division and as its governor during its return to allegiance 
 to the Union. When his public mission was ended he returned 
 to his old home (Fairmont) in West Virginia, and there he is 
 buried. His statue worthily now stands among the statues of 
 illustrious patriots, statesmen, and distinguished officers who 
 fought for a government wherein all citizens are guaranteed 
 personal and political freedom. His work secured the safety, 
 felicity, the happiness, and the liberty of his own generation 
 and of posterity. It is fitting that his remains shall sleep in a 
 cemetery near his mountain home, where he imbibed the spirit 
 that prompted him to achieve so much for the people of his 
 State and of his now disenthralled country. 
 
 Let the sound of those he wrought for 
 And the feet of those he fought for 
 Echo 'round his bones forever more. 
 
 And let his statue stand in this Capitol — Statuary Hall — 
 there to be selected out, pointed at, and gazed upon with that 
 admiration due one who, in a supreme crisis, stood for the re- 
 habilitation, rebaptism, and eternal preservation and perpetua- 
 tion of- constitutional liberty and for the Union of the States of 
 our Republic, under one flag, and God. 
 
 'Till in all lands and thro' all human story 
 The path of duty be the way to glory. 
 
 [Applause.] 
 
Address of Mr. Payne, of New York 
 
 Mr. Speaker : The separation of old Virginia into two States 
 was foreordained from the very beginning. It was a natural 
 evolution, growing out of an unnatural union. Virginia and 
 West Virginia were divided by a natural barrier — the Allegheny 
 Mountains. A century ago this made commerce between the 
 two sections extremely difficult. Without roads or other means 
 of communication, the two sections were isolated. The people 
 of the different sections were represented by two distinct classes : 
 To the east of the Alleghenies by the old "first famihes of Vir- 
 ginia;" they could trace their lineage back and were proud of 
 their descent. They were naturally politicians and natural ora- 
 tors. These characteristics they still maintain. Slavery here 
 found congenial surroundings and grew with a rapid growth. 
 The soil was fertile, and large crops of corn and of cotton were 
 easily produced. Slave labor was well adapted to agriculture, 
 and they readily convinced themselves that slavery was moral 
 and proper. The economic argument to them seemed unan- 
 swerable. It' saved to the white gentlemen, who were in the 
 great majority, a means of living without soiling their aristo- 
 cratic hands with daily toil. This was reserved for the black 
 slave and the unfortunate white man. Virginia west of the 
 Alleghenies was settled largely from Pennsylvania, Maryland, 
 and New Jersey. These sturdy men, with the belief that they 
 were divinely commissioned to earn their bread by the sweat of 
 the face, were proud of their horny hands, showing the effect of 
 
 143 
 
144 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 their daily toil. They conquered the forests, opened up the 
 rich valleys to agriculture, and blazed the way for the develop- 
 ment of the wonderful natural resources of the region. Coal, 
 oil, gas, and lumber have brought unbounded wealth to the 
 present State of West Virginia. Here slavery did not flourish. 
 Its labor could not be utilized, nor could it in any manner com- 
 pete with the free labor of these sturdy white men. It is doubt- 
 ful if there were more than 12,000 slaves in i860 west of the 
 Alleghenies, when the total slave population of Virginia was 
 over 490,000. From the beginning the people, their manners 
 and customs, in these two divisions of the State grew apart. 
 West of the Alleghenies the feeling grew that the question was a 
 moral one; that slavery in itself was essentially wrong — unjust 
 to the slave and pernicious to the slave-holding class— while east 
 of the Alleghenies the feeling that it was moral and right grew 
 apace. Early in the nineteenth century thoughtful men looked 
 forward to a separation and the erection of two States out of old 
 Virginia, and this feeling grew for more than half a century down 
 to its final accomplishment in 1863. Of course eastern Virginia, 
 oldest in development, largest in population and power, with 
 her trained politicians, controlled in government and in legisla- 
 tion. Nor did she always use her power justly toward the 
 weaker division. 
 
 The constitutional convention of 1850 and 1851 wrote into 
 the constitution of the State a provision which enabled the 
 slaveholders to make their slaves count largely as a basis for 
 representation while they counted as a minimum for the pur- 
 pose of taxation. This provision prohibited the tax on any 
 slave under 1 2 years of age, and provided a uniform assessment 
 of $300 per slave over 12 years of age. The average value of 
 each slave was much over this sum in the slave market, often 
 reaching the figure of $3,000. The inequality of this provision 
 
Address of Mr. Payne, of New York 145 
 
 is most apparent. The nearly half a million of slaves east of 
 the Alleghenies counted largely for representation against the 
 12,000 slaves west of the Alleghenies. The farm cattle were 
 taxed at their full average market value, while the constitution 
 itself protected the eastern slave owner from everything but a 
 nominal taxation on the value of his slaves. This proposition 
 had been a bone of contention for twenty years prior to the 
 convention of 1850. It did more to awaken sectional animosity 
 than any other piece of legislation or any other cause of dispute 
 between the two sections. It occasioned much bitterness in the 
 convention of 1850 and in the years that followed. The senti- 
 ment of West Virginia was well voiced in a speech made in the 
 convention of 1850 by W. T. Willey, afterwards Senator, as the 
 following extract from his speech illustrates: 
 
 We are engaged in no new controversy. This controversy commenced 
 long prior to the agitation of pubhc sentiment which convened this body. 
 This controversy commenced long prior to the convention of 1829-30. 
 It is as old as the lust of power. It is the old contest between the few 
 and the many. It is the same struggling effort continued through centu- 
 ries past to centralize power in the hands of the few against the antago- 
 nistic struggle of the many to have it diffused abroad in the community. 
 * * * It seems that even here in the good old Commonwealth of Vir- 
 ginia the same battle is to be fought again. * * * j ^fHi hq^ say that 
 anything can destroy western fealty and allegiance. But referring to those 
 principles of selfishness on which gentlemen base their resistance to our 
 claim for popular power, how can it be reasonably expected that western 
 fealty should not be diminished while that very slave property which we 
 have heretofore done all that was ever required at our hands to protect is 
 made, in the shape of taxation, the instrumentality of our political degra- 
 dation, virtually giving goods and chattels power in the government whence 
 we are excluded. 
 
 The effect of this constitutional provision was to throw the 
 whole power of the government, in both administration and 
 legislation, into the hands of the domineering class of Virginia 
 east of the mountains. History records that they used that 
 power with a strong hand. While the section west were paying 
 49963° — 10 10 
 
146 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 more than their share of the big taxation through this pro- 
 vision, a system was inaugurated that called for large expendi- 
 tures for public improvements on a mammoth scale. Railroads, 
 canals, and highways were aided and built from the state treas- 
 ury on an enormous scale. But substantially none of these 
 improvements were projected west of the Allegheny Mountains. 
 Railroad and navigation companies were aided east of the 
 mountains. It was traversed by roads built by state aid, but 
 not even one broad highway was added west of the Alleghenies. 
 This policy continued until a debt of more than $40,000,000 was 
 piled up against the State, expended in excess of the current 
 taxation. All this rankled in the breast of the West Virginian, 
 who was anxious to be loyal to his State. While he was proud 
 of his State and gloried in the great names of her sons who 
 had found a prominent place in history, he, too, was a free- 
 born American citizen, felt himself an American sovereign, and 
 entitled to equal rights and privileges with the other citizens of 
 Virginia. These things did not crush his spirit, but only en- 
 couraged him in his growing revolt and made him keen for a 
 way to escape from this injustice. West Virginia was ripe for 
 revolt before an opportunity was given her in the secession of 
 the State. 
 
 The constitutional convention which met and finally decreed 
 the secession of the State of Virginia from the Union was a 
 stormy one from the date of its convening until the final with- 
 drawal of many members from West Virginia. Of the proceed- 
 ings of this convention it is not my purpose to speak at length. 
 They have passed into history, and I leave them without com- 
 ment, except as they bear directly upon the affairs of West 
 Virginia in the formation of a new State. When the ordinance 
 of secession was finally adopted by this convention, a provision 
 was made for the affixing of the signature of each delegate to the 
 
Address of Mr. Payne, of New York 147 
 
 instrument. The delegates from the west of the Alleghenies had 
 fought the proceedings in the convention almost to a man, and 
 only two or three of them finally affixed their signatures to this 
 document. The rest immediately withdrew from the conven- 
 tion and speedily repaired to their homes, some of them fleeing 
 like "Union refugees" secretly for fear of violence, so great was 
 the excitement at the time. Immediately the convention 
 proceeded! to pass a resolution as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That William G. Brown, James Burley, John S. Burdett, 
 John S. Carlile, Marshall M. Dent, Ephraim B. Hall, Chester D. Hub- 
 bard, John J. Jackson, James C. McGrew, George McC. Porter, Chapman J. 
 Stuart, Campbell Tarr, and Waitman T. Willey be, and are hereby, ex- 
 pelled from this convention, and that their seats as members of the con- 
 vention be, and are hereby, declared vacant. 
 
 These men, representing West Virginia, had voted against the 
 adoption of the ordinance of secession. The expulsion was a 
 summary one, and it is difficult to find anything other than the 
 deep bitterness against the men who had dared to oppose the 
 will of the majority in the convention. If this was not of itself 
 a severance of the link which bound the two divisions of the 
 State, it at least had a most potent influence in hastening the 
 event. 
 
 The return of the delegates to West Virginia aroused the 
 dormant public sentiment everywhere. Meetings were held 
 in many of the cities, organized by the returning delegates. The 
 first was held at Morgantown while the ban of secrecy imposed 
 by the convention on the fact that an ordinance of secession 
 had been adopted was in force. But it had been currently 
 reported that such was the fact. The temper of the people was 
 against this action of the convention. They entered their pro- 
 tests against it; they denounced it as treason against the United 
 States, declared their unalterable opposition to such action, and 
 resolved that they would not follow Virginia, but would dis- 
 solve their civil and political relations with the east. At the 
 
148 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 same time they commended the firmness of the delegates in 
 resisting the ordinance of secession from the Union. The resolu- 
 tions were adopted with enthusiasm and seemed to express the 
 universal sentiment of the people, not only in Clarksburg but 
 of all the people west of the Alleghenies. Other meetings fol- 
 lowed in other cities. West Virginia was loyal to the Govern- 
 ment of the United States. On the 22d of April a convention 
 assembled at Clarksburg, at which some twelve hundred citizens 
 were present, representing all the counties west of the Alle- 
 ghenies. Definite action was there taken toward the initiation 
 of a movement to separate West Virginia and for the formation 
 of a new State. At the same time the civil government at 
 Richmond and throughout the State was rapidly disintegrating. 
 Officers resigned; bands of armed men were traveling the high- 
 ways, driving out the people who were opposed to the ordinance 
 of secession. The organized government throughout the State 
 seemed to be at an end. While not all the people west of the 
 Alleghenies were opposed to secession, not more than 10 per 
 cent were in its favor, ■ as disclosed afterwards by the vote 
 which was taken to ratify the ordinance of secession. Civil 
 government of the State seemed to have become a thing of the 
 past and confusion reigned supreme. 
 
 The meeting at Clarksburg recommended a convention con- 
 sisting of five delegates from the territory west of the Alleghe- 
 nies, to meet at Wheeling on the 13th of May, "to consult and 
 determine upon such action as the people of northwestern Vir- 
 ginia should take' in the present fearful emergency." Delegates 
 to this convention were appointed in nearly, if not quite all, of the 
 counties, and when this convention met it took the initiatory 
 step toward the dismemberment of Virginia. In the meantime 
 military companies were organized for self-protection, and ulti- 
 mately for the purpose of joining the armies of the Federal or 
 
Address of Mr. Payne, of New York 149 
 
 Confederate Government. Henry A. Wise was sent with a con- 
 federate force to take possession of the Kanawha Valley and to 
 hold it for the confederacy. Ultimately these, with other con- 
 federate forces, were driven out by the Union troops, and by the 
 month of September the final division of confederates, under 
 General Robert E. Lee, were beaten in an engagement at Cheat 
 Mountain, and the authority of the United States was restored 
 to West Virginia. 
 
 The convention at Wheeling assembled on the 13th of May. 
 Masses of the citizens accompanied the delegates, and all Wheel- 
 ing was intensely interested in the convention. It met without 
 legal authority ; it was forced into existence by the exigencies of 
 the case. If it had any authority, it was that which emanated 
 directly from the people. It was claimed to be justified by that 
 provision in the bill of rights which declares that — 
 
 Government is instituted for the common benefit, protection, and secur- 
 ity of the people, Nation, or community; * * * and when any govern- 
 ment shall be found to be inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a 
 majority of the community has an indisputable, inalienable, and inde- 
 feasible right to reform, alter, or abolish it in such manner as shall be 
 judged most conducive to the public weal. 
 
 Upon the organization of the convention a committee, consist- 
 ing of one delegate from each county, was appointed upon state 
 and federal relations. Upon this committee appears the name 
 of Francis H. Pierpont, whose statue in the Rotunda of the 
 Capitol is recognized and honored to-day. 
 
 Up to this time the ideas of the delegates had been conflicting 
 or had taken an indefinite form. But they soon centralized, and 
 it was evidently the firm purpose and conviction of the assem- 
 bled people that West Virginia must be separated from the old 
 State and that she must still maintain her 103'alty and allegiance 
 to the Union. On the second day of the convention Mr. John S. 
 Carlile offered a resolution, entirely revolutionary in its char- 
 
150 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 acter and plainly in defiance of section 3, Article IV, of the 
 
 Constitution, which declares: 
 
 New States may be admitted by the Congress into the Union; but no 
 new States shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other 
 State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States or 
 parts of States without the consent of the legislatures of the States con- 
 cerned, as well as 6f the Congress. 
 
 The members of the convention were plainly intent on their 
 purpose to sever West Virginia from the old State and were 
 in no mood to listen to constitutional arguments, but ready to 
 grasp at the only definite proposition that was offered. The 
 resolution provided that the committee on state and federal 
 relations should draft a constitution for the new State, to be 
 called the State of New Virginia, and provided also for the sanc- 
 tion of Congress. Mr. Waitman T. Willey, who, like Carlile, 
 had been a delegate to the convention which adopted the ordi- 
 nance of secession and had withdrawn from it, had the temerity 
 to oppose this resolution, pointing out the provision of the con- 
 stitution. He was followed by Honorable Francis H. PiKR- 
 PONT in a speech strongly supporting Mr. Willey in his conten- 
 tion with all the force and vigor of his native eloquence. Pre- 
 cisely what happened at this stage of the convention's proceed- 
 ings has never been better described than in a letter from Gov- 
 ernor PiKRPONT to Mr. Willey, from which the following extract 
 
 is taken : 
 
 When he (Mr. Carlile) concluded, I, with others, I think, asked you (Mr. 
 Willey) to go on the platform, which you did, and commenced your speech 
 in opposition to Mr. Carlile's proposition and spoke, I should think, some 
 three-quarters of an hour. My recollection is that by this time it was dark. 
 I saw your weakness and exhaustion, and I think I moved that the conven- 
 tion adjourn until 9 or 10 o'clock the next day to enable you to finish your 
 speech. On the next day the convention assembled, and you concluded 
 your remarks. I think you spoke an hour and a half that morning with 
 great earnestness. Before the convention assembled on Wednesday I 
 learned that placards had been put up at the market houses and other 
 places, calling a public meeting of the citizens that day at the court-house 
 for the purpose of condemning your opposition to Mr. Carlile's project. I 
 
Address of Mr. Payne, of New York 151 
 
 also learned that some parties had visited the various delegations the night 
 before and that morning to ascertain how they stood affected in regard to 
 that project, and that three-fourths of the delegations were in favor of 
 Carlile's project. When you concluded your speech on the morning of the 
 third day, Campbell Tarr followed in a short speech. * * * i then ob- 
 tained the floor and went on the platform and spoke for about an hour and 
 a quarter, when some movement was observed in the lobby, which was 
 crowded, induced by some questions propounded to me by Mr. Carlile, 
 which movement I thought indicated a disposition to overawe the conven- 
 tion, and supposed to be a manifestation of the spirit which had caused the 
 call of the court-house meeting. I then referred to the court-house meet- 
 ing to condemn you and denounced the movement and appealed to the 
 men of the mountain and river counties not to allow themselves to be over- 
 awed by this outside pressure. At this point the dinner hour arrived; a 
 motion was made for a recess, and that I should conclude my remarks after 
 dinner. During the recess the same parties who had taken the sense of the 
 delegations in the morning again canvassed the delegations to ascertain 
 how they stood, and they found that they were as strongly opposed to Mr. 
 Carlile's proposition as they were in favor of it in the morning. After din- 
 ner I proceeded with my remarks, but had not spoken more than ten min- 
 utes when Mr. Carlile came in and proposed to withdraw his resolution and 
 recommit the whole subject to the committee on resolutions. 
 
 At the meeting of the committee on state and federal rela- 
 tions, Governor Pierpont offered a resolution for a general con- 
 vention, to be held on the nth of June, to devise such measures 
 as the welfare of the people of the northwestern counties should 
 demand. His plan was to provide a provisional government for 
 the State of Virginia. This resolution was reported by the com- 
 mittee and adopted by a practically unanimous vote of the con- • 
 vention without further debate. 
 
 The convention met on the nth day of June, and promptly 
 adopted the following declaration: 
 
 A declaration of the people of Virginia, represented in convention, at 
 the city of Wheeling, Thursday, June 13, 1861. 
 
 The true purpose of all government is to promote the welfare and 
 provide for the protection and security of the governed; and when any 
 form of organization of government proves inadequate for or subversive 
 of this purpose it is the right, it is the duty, of the latter to alter or abolish 
 it. The bill of rights of Virginia, framed in 1776, reaffirmed in 1830, 
 and again in 1851, expressly reserves this right to a majority of her people 
 
152 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 The act of the general assembly calling the convention which assembled at 
 Richmond in February last, without the previously ex.pressed consent of 
 such majority, was therefore a usurpation, and the convention thus called 
 has not only abused the powers nominally intrusted to it, but with the 
 connivance and active aid of the executive, has usurped and exercised 
 other powers, to the manifest injury of the people, which, if permitted, 
 will inevitably subject them to military despotism. 
 
 The convention by its pretended ordinances has required the people of 
 Virginia to separate from and wage war against the Government* of the 
 United States and against the citizens of neighboring States, with whom 
 they have heretofore maintained friendly, social, and business relations. 
 
 It has attempted to subvert the Union founded by Washington and 
 his copatriots in the former days of the Republic, which has conferred 
 unexampled prosperity upon every class of citizens and upon every sec- 
 tion of the country. 
 
 It has attempted to transfer the allegiance of the people to an illegal 
 confederacy of rebellious States and required their submission to its 
 pretended edicts and decrees. 
 
 It has attempted to place the whole militarj^ force and military op- 
 erations of the Commonwealth under the control and direction of such 
 confederacy for offensive as well as defensive purposes. 
 
 It has, in conjunction with the state executive, instituted, wherever 
 their usurped power extends, a reign of terror intended to suppress the 
 free expression of the will of the people, making elections a mockery 
 and a fraud. 
 
 The same combination, even before the passage of the pretended ordi- 
 nance of secession, instituted war by the seizure and appropriation of 
 the property of the Federal Government, and by organizing and mobi- 
 lizing armies, with the avowed purpose of capturing or destroying the 
 capital of the Union. 
 
 They have attempted to bring the allegiance of the people of the United 
 States in direct conflict with their subordinate allegiance to the State, 
 thereby making obedience to their pretended ordinances treason against 
 the former. 
 
 We, therefore", the delegates here assembled in convention to devise 
 such measures and take such action as the safety and welfare of the loyal 
 citizens of Virginia may demand, having maturely considered the premises, 
 and viewing with great concern the deplorable conditions to which this 
 once happy Commonwealth must be reduced, unless some regular, adequate^ 
 remedy is speedily adopted, and appeahng to the Supreme Ruler of the 
 universe for the rectitude of our intentions, do hereby, in the name and 
 on behalf of the good people of Virginia, solemnly declare that the preser- 
 vation of their dearest rights and liberties and their security in person 
 and property imperatively demand the reorganization of the government 
 of the Commonwealth, and that all acts of said convention and executive 
 
Address of Mr. Payne, of New York 153 
 
 tending to separate this Commonwealth from the United States, or to levy 
 and carry on war against them, are without authority and void, and that 
 the offices of all who adhere to the said convention and executive, whether 
 legislative, executive, or judicial, are vacated. 
 
 They also adopted an ordinance for the reorganization of the 
 
 state government, including a provision for the election of the 
 
 state legislature. It provided for the following oath to be taken 
 
 by each of the officials elected: 
 
 I solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support the Constitution of 
 the United States, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, as the supreme 
 law of the land, anything in the constitution and laws of the State of 
 Virginia or in the ordinances of the convention which assembled at Rich- 
 mond on the 13th day of February, 1861, to the contrary notwithstanding; 
 and that I will uphold and defend the government of Virginia as vindicated 
 and restored by the convention which assembled at Wheeling on the nth 
 day of June, 1861. 
 
 The -legislature was elected and met at Wheeling on the ist 
 day of July, 1861 . The convention then proceeded to elect state 
 officers, and Francis H. Pierpont was elected governor. 
 
 This was a bold move on the part of these West Virginians. 
 They assumed the duties of the government of a State, the bulk 
 of whose population was just across the mountains engaged in 
 a civil war; people who hated them for their loyalty to the 
 Union, and who had the power, if they were captured, to try 
 them in an unfriendly court and before an unfriendly jury for 
 the usurpation of the offices of the State. But with the courage 
 of their convictions, under the intrepid leadership of Francis 
 H. PiERPONT, they proceeded calmly to their work, and law and 
 order was restored throughout all West Virginia. 
 
 On the 2oth of August, 1861, the convention which had as- 
 sembled passed an ordinance that, substantially, the territory 
 west of the Alleghenies should be erected into a separate State, 
 which was to be submitted to the legislature. 
 
 The most perplexing question that arose was with reference 
 to slavery. Though the slaves were at all times few in number 
 
154 Governor Francis H arrison Pier pout 
 
 and at this time included not more than 8,000, they were lawful 
 property under the laws of Virginia, in the opinion of the 
 people who were forming the new State. Various suggestions 
 and compromises were debated, but finally the gradual abolition 
 of slavery was placed in the act of Congress as a condition by 
 which the State' was admitted into the Union, which condition 
 was subsequently ratified by the people. Later the emanci- 
 pation by constitutional amendment settled this question for all 
 time. 
 
 Mr. John S. Carlile and Mr. Waitman T. Willey were elected 
 Senators of the restored State of Virginia, and were duly re- 
 ceived, as were also the Representatives in the Congress. For 
 some reason not yet accounted for Senator Carlile changed 
 his position as an advocate for separate statehood for West 
 Virginia while the bill was pending before the Senate and was 
 denounced by Senator Pomeroy and by Senator Wade for de- 
 sertion and "treason" toward his people. But Senator Willey 
 labored long and patiently, and with great ability, for the ad- 
 mission of the State. His speeches were notable contributions 
 to the high order of debate in the Senate on this subject. 
 When the bill came before the President, Mr. Lincoln referred 
 it to his Cabinet, and was met with conflicting views. He gave 
 the question great thought and consideration, and at length, 
 with a most clear and convincing opinion, which seems to have 
 settled all doubts as to the legality of the steps taken, he signed 
 the act which created the State of West Virginia. 
 
 Although at all times active, as in opposing secession in the 
 Virginia convention, afterwards in turning the tide which 
 seemed to be turning the delegates toward the original imprac- 
 ticable resolution of Mr. Carlile, where by his matchless elo- 
 quence he turned an overwhelming majority for into a unani- 
 mous vote against the proposition of Carlile, by his participa- 
 tion in the debate of the Wheeling convention of June 1 1 , and 
 
Address of Mr. Payne, of New York 155 
 
 by his wise action while performing the delicate task of pro- 
 visional governor, Francis H. Pierpont placed himself in the 
 forefront and earned the broad distinction which is paid to his 
 memory to-day in the erection of this beautiful statue to his 
 honor as a representative of the sons of West Virginia in the 
 Capitol of the United States. 
 
 Francis Harrison Pierpont was born January 25, 1814, in 
 Monongalia County, Virginia, now Marion County, West Vir- 
 ginia. He graduated from Allegheny College at Meadville, 
 Pennsylvania, in 1839. He took up the vocation of teacher, 
 which he followed for several years, afterwards becoming a very 
 successful lawyer and business man. He was engaged in coal 
 mining and manufacturing fire brick. He was an antislavery 
 Whig and was a presidential elector in 1848. He was a leading 
 member of the Methodist Protestant Church. He was first 
 elected provisional governor of Virginia on the 21st day of 
 June, 1 86 1, by the Wheeling convention. At a general election 
 on the fourth Thursday of May, 1862, he was elected by popular 
 vote to fill out the unexpired term of John Letcher, who was 
 declared to have vacated his office by reason of his having 
 joined the confederacy. On the fourth Thursday of May, 1863, 
 he was elected governor of the old State of Virginia for the full 
 term of four years, beginning January i, 1864. He removed 
 the seat of government from WheeHng to Alexandria before the 
 State of West Virginia began its legal existence on June 30. 
 1863. On the 25th day of May, 1865, he removed the seat of 
 government to Richmond and served the remainder of his term, 
 and after January i, 1868, held over until the i6th day of 
 April in the same year, when General Schofield, in command of 
 the first military district, appointed Henry H. Wells as pro- 
 visional governor. Thereupon, in 1868 Governor Pierpont 
 returned to his home at Fairmont, in West Virginia. He was 
 
156 Governor Francis Harrison Pier pant 
 
 elected to the house of delegates in West Virginia- in 1869, and 
 was afterwards appointed collector of internal revenue for West 
 Virginia by President Garfield. He died at Pittsburg, at the 
 home of his daughter, March 24, 1899, and was buried at Fair- 
 mont, West Virginia. 
 
 Others will speak more at length of the personal character- 
 istics of this great man. As another has said of him: 
 
 He was a towering figure even among the giants produced by popular 
 government when all its energies were invoked by the terrible crisis in 
 the life of the Nation, brought on by the secession movement. * * * 
 Governor Pierpont ranks among the truly great men whose greatness 
 is the product of their own character and is in no sense the creation of 
 circumstances. At a time of doubt, dismay, and uncertainty his patriot- 
 ism was unfaltering, active, and courageous, his action prompt, decisive, 
 and efficient, and he won for himself a distinguished place in the history 
 of his countr)\ 
 
 Let me close this with the words of Alston G. Dayton, for- 
 merly a Member of this House, who speaks from personal 
 acquaintance and knowledge, and describes his masterly elo- 
 quence in a speech delivered after he was 80 years of age : 
 
 As I looked at his venerable form, placid and kindly face, heard the old, 
 burning thoughts, clothed in his wonted eloquent language, spring to his 
 lips, listened to his joyous, prophetic words outlining the future of our 
 Nation and State, his very presence was a tower of strength. His hand 
 resting on my shoulder at the time, thrilled me, and every word seemed 
 a benediction of faith and hope. We were all deeply impressed. He was 
 peculiarly bright and happy — no doubt, no wavering, no fear. He seemed 
 to look beyond us and to pierce the veil between the present and the 
 future, and, as we hung on his words, telling us of the future of the State 
 for which he had done so much, which he had loved so well — 
 "His voice sounded like a prophet's word, 
 
 And in its sacred tones were heard 
 
 The thanks of millions yet to be." 
 
 [Applause.] 
 
Address of Mr. Gaines, of West Virginia 
 
 J- 
 
 Mr. Speaker: Fifty years ago events profoundly affecting 
 the destiny of West Virginia were moving from the hand of 
 God with bewildering haste and compelling power. In Decem- 
 ber, i860, South Carolina adopted the ordinance of secession. 
 All over Virginia, in the east and in the west, the people were 
 tremendously moved. But those of the east and those of the 
 west, while equally excited, were quite differently affected by 
 South Carolina's attempt to break up the Union. Already the 
 people of Virginia were at heart two communities, not one. 
 Before railroads were general people faced toward the mouth of 
 their rivers. Eastern Virginia looked toward the Atlantic, and 
 western Virginia toward the Ohio and the great free Northwest. 
 Eastern Virginia, adapted to slavery, was interested in main- 
 taining that institution; while western Virginia, mountainous 
 and therefore free, had long been irritated by laws which were 
 thought unjustly to discriminate in favor of the slave-holding 
 interests. When therefore the Virginians all over the State 
 rushed together in meetings to give expression to the public 
 sentiment in relation to South Carolina's fateful declaration, 
 the resolutions of the eastern meetings were quite different from 
 those of the western meetings. While in the east they were 
 resolving that secession was a constitutional right, in the west 
 they were declaring it to be revolution, and that no just cause 
 for revolution existed. The general assembly at Richmond 
 expressed itself as opposed to any attempt on the part of the 
 
 157 
 
158 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 Federal Government to "coerce a sovereign State," and called 
 a state convention. The people of Harrison County resolved 
 that they would support no man for a seat in that convention 
 "who believes that the Federal Government has not the right 
 of self-preservation." 
 
 In all this public excitement the old feeling of the people of 
 the western part of the State that their geography, their opin- 
 ions, and their interests called for a separate State was not 
 dormant. The people of Tyler County, on January 24, 1861, 
 followed up their declaration of adherence to the Union by 
 saying "that if eastern Virginia secedes, we are in favor of 
 striking West Virginia from eastern Virginia and forming a 
 State independent of the South and firm to the Union." In the 
 Virginia convention, Mr. Burley, a delegate from Marshall 
 County, offered a resolution to the effect that the right of revo- 
 lution can be exercised as well by a portion of the citizens of a 
 State against their state government as it can be exercised by 
 the whole people of a State against their* Federal Government. 
 
 I leave to others better qualified to perform it the task of 
 tracing the various steps in the formation of the State of West 
 Virginia and Governor Pierpont's leadership in the movement. 
 He seems to have possessed in higher degree than any of those 
 with whom he acted that threefold equipment of a statesman — 
 brains, information, and courage. He had that freedom from 
 hesitation and that confidence in the success of his cause which 
 are at the bottom of all really great achievement. "There can 
 be," said he, "no neutrality in this contest; and there need be 
 no doubt on the subject as to which party will triumph." 
 
 West Virginians, Mr. Speaker, are the only successful seces- 
 sionists — we seceded from secession. I trust I may be pardoned 
 at this late day for expressing the belief and the hope that the 
 great Republic will never know any other kind of successful 
 secession. West Virginians, let it be confessed, have never been 
 
Address of Mr. Gaines, of West Virginia 159 
 
 very much interested in the constitutional questions involved 
 in the formation of our State. We deny that anyone has the 
 constitutional right to take us out of the Union if we want to 
 stay in; and we have always very much wanted to stay. In 
 fact, the question fought out in the civil war was whether a 
 "sovereign State could be coerced" in regard to the matters 
 then in dispute. And it transpired, as a matter of fact, that 
 she could. The formation of the new State was a part of that 
 coercion, and was otherwise ardently desired by the people who 
 lived there. Even if it should be said by some that our course 
 was violent, then we are reconciled even to that, in view of the 
 fact that the extent of our violence was the measure of our 
 devotion to hiiman liberty and the Union. 
 
 The separation into two States was as inevitable for Virginia 
 as the great civil war for the Nation. It is well that both came. 
 Just as sectional hatred and distrust had grown until nothing 
 but war itself could have effected a cure, so the irritation 
 between the slaveholder on tide water and the inhabitants of 
 Virginia's western slope, whose streams flowed toward the Great 
 Lakes, could have been allayed by separation only. Sometimes 
 the members of a family have such incompatible ideas that 
 they quarrel if they attempt to remain one family. The people 
 of Virginia, east and west of the Alleghenies, had, with their 
 conflicting notions and interests, got on each other's nerves. 
 Separation was the only remedy. If the remedy was heroic, I 
 thank God the cure was complete. The cause of irritation re- 
 moved, we feel with pleasure and with pride our kinship with 
 the Virginians, our common source of political origin, and our 
 common political history. 
 
 West Virginia, Mr. Speaker, war born but devoted to peace, 
 happy, hospitable, and prosperous, loves ardently the flag of 
 the Union and all its people, with some special fondness for 
 our cousins of the Old Dominion. [Applause.] 
 
Address of Mr. Sturgiss, of West Virginia 
 
 J- 
 
 Mr. Speaker: The civil war in tfie United States had its 
 origin in the purpose of the slaveholding States to protect 
 and perpetuate human slavery, and this purpose found expres- 
 sion in the attempt of those States to. secede from the Union 
 and to create the confederacy. The inevitable result was "hor- 
 rid war;" war bad at tJie best, but a thousand fold worse when 
 waged between peoples of the same blood, speech, religion, 
 and with a common history and traditions in which all gloried. 
 
 Three striking and far-reaching results originated in and at- 
 tended the war and remain as perpetual memorials of the folly 
 of those who attempted to perpetuate slavery by secession and 
 civil war. 
 
 First, the claim of the right of any State to dissolve its re- 
 lations and obligations to the Union under the Constitution of 
 1787, whether an original party to that compact or coming 
 under its sway by its provisions for the admission of new States, 
 or by the acquisition of new territory, was settled against that 
 pretension; and the doctrine that the Union was indissoluble 
 and the States indestructible, and that the attempted dissolu- 
 tion of the one or the effort to secede by the other was treason, 
 and must be treated as an act of rebellion and war, was forever 
 established. Thus was interpreted the meaning of that "more 
 perfect Union," that "domestic tranquillity;" and the "bless- 
 ings of liberty to ourselves and bur posterity" for which the 
 Constitution was "ordained and established" by the people. 
 49963° — 10 11 161 
 
i62 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 Secondly, in the conflict of arms the prime motive and cause 
 of the war was completely destroyed and no vestige of slavery 
 remains to threaten a renewal of the strife. The abolition of 
 slavery by the proclamation of the President was dramatic, 
 logical, and justifiable upon the highest grounds of expediency, 
 pubUc policy, humanity, and justice. It was settled first by 
 arms, to which those who sought to protect and perpetuate it 
 had appealed, and, secondly, by writing it into the organic law 
 by the adoption of the thirteenth amendment to the Constitu- 
 tion, in 1865, after the close of the war, according to all the 
 provisions of that document duly and formally complied with 
 by twenty-seven out of thirty-six States then constituting the 
 Union. 
 
 These two results of the war were natural, indeed inevitable, 
 and had an element of retributive justice as well as of precau- 
 tion and prudence in the motives that prompted them. But 
 they left no mark, record, or monument on the political or 
 physical geography or territorial relations of the States. 
 
 The third result of the' war — no less striking in historical im- 
 portance — had nothing to do with the origin of the war. This 
 was the creation of a new State — West Virginia — out of the 
 territory constituting a part of the State of Virginia. For more 
 than a half century the people of western Virginia had dreamed 
 of and discussed the possibility of a separate State west of the 
 Allegheny and Blue Ridge Mountains. Blaine, in his Twenty 
 Years in Congress, said : 
 
 Between the two sections of the State there had long been serious antago- 
 nism. Indeed from the very origin of the settlement of western Virginia, 
 which had made but little progress when the Federal Constitution was 
 adopted, its citizens were in large degree alienated from the eastern and 
 older section of the State. The men of the West were hardy frontiersmen, 
 a majority of them soldiers of the Revolution, and their immediate de- 
 scendants, without estates, with little but the honorable record of patriotic 
 service and their own strong arms for their fortunes. They had few slaves. 
 
Address of Mr. Sturgiss, of West Virginia 163 
 
 They had their land patents, which were certificates of patriotic service 
 in the Revolutionary War, and they depended upon their own labor for a 
 new home in the wilderness. A population thus originating, a community 
 thus founded, were naturally uncongenial to the aristocratic element of the 
 Old Dominion. They had no trade relations, no social intercourse, with 
 the tide-water section of the State. Formidable mountain ranges sepa- 
 rated the two sections, and the inhabitants saw little of each other. The 
 business interests of the western region led the people to the valley of the 
 Ohio and not to the shores of the Chesapeake. The waters of the Monon- 
 gahela connected them with Pennsylvania and carried them to Pittsburg. 
 All the rivers of the western slope flowed into the Ohio and gave to the 
 people the markets of Cincinnati and Louisville. Their commercial inter- 
 course depended on the navigation of the western waters, and a far larger 
 number had visited St. Louis and New Orleans than had ever seen Rich- 
 mond or Norfolk. The West Virginians were aware of the splendid 
 resources of their section and were constantly irritated by the neglect 
 of the parent State to aid in their development. They enjoyed a climate 
 as genial as that of the Italians who dwell on the slopes of the Apennines; 
 they had forests more valuable than those that skirt the upper Rhine; 
 they had mineral wealth as great as that which has given England her 
 precedence in the manufacturing progress of the world. They were anx- 
 ious for self-government. 
 
 The President was anxious to preserve and stimulate the 
 sentiment of loyalty in the border-slave States. Delaware, 
 Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri were already in 1861 in the 
 hands of loyal state administrators. Virginia alone of the slave- 
 holding States represented territory adjoining the loyal States 
 on the north. Blaine again tersely expresses the exact situation 
 and the attitude of the President and the people of western 
 Virginia. He says: 
 
 Virginia bordered on the Ohio River for 250 miles; she was adjacent to 
 Pennsylvania for a distance of 120 miles, half on the southern, half on the 
 western line of that State. Her extreme point stretched to the northward 
 of Pittsburg, and was within 25 miles of the parallel of latitude that marks 
 the southern boundary of New England. The continued exercise of even 
 a nominal jurisdiction so far north by the State which contained the capital 
 of the rebel confederacy would be a serious impeachment of the power of 
 the National Government, and would detract from its respect at home and 
 its prestige abroad. But the National Government was of itself capable 
 only of enforcing military occupation and proclaiming the jurisdiction of 
 the sword. What the President desired was the establishment of civil 
 
164 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 government by a loyal people, with the reign of law and order everywhere 
 recognized. Happily the disposition of the inhabitants was in harmony 
 with the wishes of the administration. 
 
 Many meetings of the people were held during the winter and 
 spring of 1861 to discuss the threatened secession of Virginia, 
 and among others one in my own county of Monongalia on the 
 17th day of April', the day on which the ordinance of secession 
 ■was passed by the Richmond convention (although on that day 
 they had not learned of its passage), at which resolutions were 
 adopted declaring that "the time had come when every friend 
 of the Union should rally to the support of the flag of his coun- 
 try and defend the same; that the people of Monongaha, regard- 
 less of past party affiliations, hereby enter their solemn protest 
 against the secession of the State; that we owe undying fidelity 
 to the Federal Union;" and after reciting the grievances that 
 western Virginia had endured and submitted to under the oppres- 
 sive policy of eastern Virginia, "that now the measure of oppres- 
 sion is full, and if, as she claims, secession is the only remedy 
 for all real or supposed wrongs, then the day is near when the 
 West will arise in the majesty of its strength and repudiating 
 its oppressors will dissolve all civil and political connection with 
 the East and remain firmly under the Stars and Stripes." 
 
 A vote of thanks was passed to Waitman T. Willey and Mar- 
 shall M. Dent, their representatives in the Richmond conven- 
 tion, for their loyal stand and vote against the ordinance, and 
 they were instructed, in the event of the passage of the ordinance 
 of secession, to propose a division of the State. Thus came from 
 the people of Monongalia County one of the first resolutions 
 relative to the formation of the new State. Tyler County prob- 
 ably had the honor of passing, on January 24, 1861, the first 
 resolution of similar import. 
 
Address of Mr. Sturgiss, of West Virginia 165 
 
 At one of the largest meetings, numbering more than twelve 
 
 hundred in attendance, held in the city of Clarksburg on the 
 
 2 2d of April, 1 86 1, it was unanimously — 
 
 Resolved and recommended, That the people in each of the counties com- 
 posing northwestern Virginia appoint delegates, not less than five in num- 
 ber, of their wisest, best, and discreetest men, to meet in convention at 
 Wheeling on the 13th day of May next, to consult and determine upon what 
 position the people of northwestern Virginia should take in the fearful 
 emergency. 
 
 On that day there were assembled in the city of Wheeling 
 representatives from twenty-seven counties, and the convention 
 was called to order by Chester D. Hubbard, the father of my 
 distinguished colleague from the First District, who was later a 
 Member of Congress from that district, and George R. Latham, 
 who later represented one of the West Virginia districts in Con- 
 gress, was made temporary secretary. 
 
 On the same day on which this convention assembled a large 
 number of citizens of Berkeley County met in mass meeting at 
 Martinsburg, and in a series of resolutions, which were unani- 
 mously adopted, warned their brethern of the State that if they 
 persisted in the work of secession a division of Virginia would 
 be inevitable. 
 'The first Wheeling convention passed resolutions declaring — 
 
 That in event of the ratification of the ordinance of secession by the people 
 the counties here represented, and all others disposed to do likewise, 
 were recommended to elect delegates on the 4th day of June ensuing to a 
 general convention to meet on the nth of the same month, the business of 
 which should be to devise such measures as the safety and welfare of the 
 people should demand. Each county was authorized to appoint a num- 
 ber of delegates equal to twice its number of representatives in the next 
 general assembly, and the senators and representatives elected on the fourth 
 Thursday of May at the general election as members of the general assem- 
 bly of Virginia should be entitled to seats in the convention. 
 
 The vote on the ordinance of secession was taken on the 23d 
 day of May, 1861, and in the counties now composing West Vir- 
 ginia 44,000 votes were cast, of which 40,000 were against the 
 ordinance. 
 
i66 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 On the nth day of June, 1861, the "second Wheeling con- 
 vention," as it is commonly called, convened, and the commit- 
 tee on credentials reported thirty-five counties represented. 
 Arthur I. Boreman, of Wood County, was chosen president of 
 the convention. , He was afterwards elected the first governor 
 of West Virginia, and later a United States Senator from West 
 Virginia. 
 
 The convention unanimously adopted the following declara- 
 tion: 
 
 A declaration of the people of Virginia represented in convention at the city 
 of Wheeling, Thursday, June 13, 1861. 
 
 The true purpose of all government is to promote the welfare and provide 
 for the protection and security of the governed, and when any form or 
 organization of government proves inadequate for or subversive of this pur- 
 pose, it is the right, it is the duty of the latter to abolish it. The bill of 
 rights of Virginia, framed in 1776, reafifirmed in 1830, and again in 1851, 
 expressly reserves this right to a majority of her people. The act of the 
 general assembly calling the cofivention which assembled in Richmond in 
 February last, without the previously expressed consent of such majority, 
 was therefore a usurpation; and the convention thus called has not only 
 abused the powers nominally intrusted to it, but, with the connivance and 
 active aid of the executive, has usurped and exercised other powers to the 
 manifest injury of the people, which, if permitted, will inevitably subject 
 them to a military despotism. 
 
 The convention by its pretended ordinances has required the people of 
 Virginia to separate from and wage war against the Government of the 
 United States, with whom they have heretofore maintained friendly, social, 
 and business relations. 
 
 It has attempted to subvert the Union founded by Washington and 
 his copatriots in the purer days of the Republic, which has conferred 
 unexampled prosperity upon every class of citizens and upon every sec- 
 tion of the country. 
 
 It has attempted to place the whole military force and military op- 
 erations of the Commonwealth under the direction and control of such 
 confederacy for offensive as well as defensive purposes. 
 
 It has, in conjunction with the state executive, instituted, wherever 
 their usurped power extends, a reign of terror, intended to suppress the 
 free expression of. the will of the people, making elections a mockery 
 and a fraud. 
 
 The same combination, even before the passage of the pretended ordi- 
 nance of secession, instituted war by the seizure and appropriation of the 
 
Address of Mr. Sturgiss, of West Virginia 167 
 
 property of the Federal Government, and by organizing and mobilizing 
 armies, with the avowed purpose of capturing or destroying the capital 
 of the Union. 
 
 They have attempted to bring the allegiance of the people of the United 
 States into direct conflict with their subordinate allegiance to the State, 
 thereby making obedience to their pretended ordinances treason against 
 the former. 
 
 We, therefore, the delegates here assembled in convention to devise 
 such measures and take such action as the safety and welfare of the loyal 
 citizens of Virginia may demand, have maturely considered the premises, 
 and, viewing with great concern the deplorable condition to which this 
 once happy Commonwealth must be reduced unless some regular adequate 
 measurfe is speedily adopted, and appealing to the Supreme Ruler of the 
 Universe for the rectitude of our intentions, do hereby, in the name and on 
 behalf of the good people of Virginia, solemnly declare that the preservation 
 of their dearest rights and liberties and their security in person and property 
 imperatively demand the reorganization of the government of the Common- 
 wealth, and that all acts of said convention and executive tending to sepa- 
 rate this Commonwealth from the United StateSj or to levy and carry on 
 war against them, are without authority and void ; and that the offices of all 
 who adhere to the said convention and executive, whether legislative, 
 executive, or judicial, are vacated. 
 
 On the 14th the convention began the work of reorganizing 
 the government of Virginia, and on the same day the committee 
 reported the following ordinance, which was adopted on the 
 19th, without a dissenting voice: 
 
 An ordinance for the reorganization of the state government. 
 
 The people of Virginia, by their delegates assembled in convention at 
 Wheeling, do ordain as follows: 
 
 I. A governor, Heutenant-governor, and attorney-general for the State 
 of Virginia shall be appointed by the powers which pertain to their respec- 
 tive offices by the existing laws of the State, and to continue in office for 
 six months, or until their successors be elected and qualified, and the 
 general assembly is required to provide by law for an election of governor 
 and lieutenant-governor by the people as soon as in their judgment such 
 election can be properly held. 
 
 2.- A council, to consist of five members, shall be appointed by this 
 convention, to consult with and advise the governor respecting such 
 matters pertaining to his official duties as he shall submit for their con- 
 sideration, and to aid in the execution of his official orders. Their term 
 of office shall expire at the same time as that of the governor. 
 
 3. The delegates elected to the general assembly on the 23d day of 
 May last and the senators entitled under existing laws to seats in the 
 
i68- Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 next general assembly, together with such delegates and senators as 
 may be duly elected under the ordinances of this convention, or existing 
 laws, to fill vacancies who shall qualify themselves by taking the oath 
 or affirmation hereinafter set forth shall constitute the legislature of 
 the State, to discharge the duties and exercise the powers pertaining to 
 the general assembly. They shall hold their offices from the passage 
 of this ordinance until the end of the terms for which they were respectively 
 elected. They shall assemble in the city of Wheeling on the ist day of 
 July next and proceed to organize themselves as prescribed by existing 
 laws in their respective branches. A majority in each branch thus quali- 
 fied, voting affirmatively, shall be competent to pass any act specified in 
 the twenty-seventh section of the fourth article of the constitution of 
 the State. 
 
 4. The governor, lieutenant-governor, attorney-general, members of 
 the legislature and all officers now in the service of the State, or of any 
 county, city, or town thereof, or hereafter to be elected or appointed for 
 such service, including the judges and clerks of the several courts, sheriffs, 
 and commissioners of the revenue, justices of the peace, officers of the city 
 and municipal corporations, and officers of militia, and officers and privates 
 of volunteer companies of the State not mustered into the service of the 
 United States, shall each take the following oath or affirmation before 
 proceeding in the discharge of their several duties: 
 
 " I do solemnly swear — or affirm — that I will support the Constitution 
 of the United States and the laws made in pursuance thereof as the supreme 
 law of the land, anything in the constitution and laws of Virginia or in 
 the ordinances of the convention which assembled in Richmond on the 
 13th of February, 1861, to the contrary notwithstanding, and that I will 
 uphold and defend the government of Virginia as vindicated and restored 
 by the convention which assembled at Wheeling on the nth day of June, 
 1861." 
 
 5. If any elective officer who is required by the preceding section to 
 take such oath or affirmation fail or refuse so to do, it shall be the duty 
 of the governor, upon satisfactory evidence of the fact, to issue his writ 
 declaring the office to be vacant and providing for a special election to 
 fill such vacancy at some convenient and early day- to be designated in 
 said writ, of which due publication shall be made for the benefit of the 
 persons entitled to vote at such election, and such writ may be directed, 
 at the discretion of the governor, to the sheriff or sheriffs of the proper 
 county or counties or to a special conimissioner or commissioners to be 
 named by the governor for the purpose. If the officer who fails or refuses 
 to take such oath or affirmation be appointed by the governor, he shall 
 fill the vacancy without writ, but if such officer be appointed otherwise 
 than by the governor or by election, the writ shall be issued by the governor 
 directed to the appointing power, requiring it to fill the vacancy. 
 
 Arthur I. BorEman, President. 
 G. L. CranmER, Secretary. 
 
Address of Mr. Sturgiss, of West Virginia 169 
 
 On the 20th day of June Francis H. Pierpont was unani- 
 mously elected provisional governor, with other state officers. 
 On taking the office Mr. PierponT spoke in part as follows : 
 
 This day and this event mark a period in the history of constitutional 
 liberty and in American history. For more than three-quarters of a century 
 our Government has proceeded, in all the States and in all the Territories, 
 upon the intelligence of the people, and upon the theory that in the people 
 resides all power, and that from them all power must emanate. 
 
 ******* 
 
 We have been driven into the position we occupy to-day by the usurpers 
 at the South, who have inaugurated this war upon the soil of Virginia and 
 have made it the great Crimea of this contest. We, representing the loyal 
 citizens of Virginia, have been bound to assume the position we have 
 assumed to-day for the protection of ourselves, our wives, our children, 
 and our property. We, I repeat, have been driven to assume this position; 
 and now we are but recurring to the great fundamental principle of our 
 fathers, that to the loyal people of a State belongs the lawmaking power 
 of that State. The loyal people are entitled to the government and gov- 
 ernmental authority of the State, and, fellow-citizens, it is the assumption 
 of that authority upon which we are now about to enter. 
 
 It will be for us by firmness, and by prudence, by wisdom, by discretion 
 in all our acts, to inaugurate every step we take for the purpose of restoring 
 law and order to this ancient Commonwealth; to mark well our steps, and 
 to implore the divine wisdom and direction of Him that ruleth above, who 
 has every hair of our heads numbered, and who suffereth not a sparrow to 
 fall unnoticed to the ground, and His guidance and direction in enabling 
 us to carry out the great work we have undertaken here in humility, but 
 with decision and determination. 
 
 Pursuant to the third clause of the ordinance passed June 19, 
 a meeting of the general assembly of Virginia was held on the 
 ist day of July, the members of which had been duly chosen 
 at the general election on the 23d day of May, 1861. 
 
 The general assembly, on the 9th day of July, elected John 
 S. CarUle, of Harrison County, and Waitman T. Willey, of 
 MonongaUa County, as successors in the Senate of the United 
 States to R. M. T. Hunter and James M. Mason, who had 
 resigned their seats in that body. William G. Erown, Jacob B. 
 Blair, and Killian V. Whaley, who had been elected to the 
 House of Representatives on the same day that the members 
 
lyo Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 of the general assembly were chosen, at once proceeded to 
 Washington, where "they were admitted to seats in the respec- 
 tive Houses as Senators and Representatives from Virginia." 
 
 On June 28, 1861, William G. Brown, James Burley, John S. 
 Burdett, John S. Carlile, John J. Jackson, James C. McGrew, 
 George McC. Porter, Chapman J. Stuart, and Campbell Tarr 
 were expelled from the Richmond convention, and the seats of 
 Marshal M. Dent, Ephraim B. Hall, and Chester D. Hubbard 
 were declared vacant, and on November 16 of the same year, 
 at the first adjourned session of the Richmond convention, it 
 was 
 
 Resolved, That Waitman T. Willey be, and he is hereby, expelled as a 
 member of this body, on account of his disloyalty to the Confederate States, 
 and his adherence to the enemies of the same. 
 
 The President of the United States had already recognized 
 the restored government as de jure and de facto the government 
 of Virginia. This government levied and collected taxes and 
 was represented by county and magisterial district officers in 
 every countv of Virginia that was not within the lines of the 
 confederate army. 
 
 At the election held on the fourth Thursday of May, 1862, 
 Governor Pierpont was elected to fill out the unexpired term 
 of John Letcher, who had been elected governor for the term of 
 four years beginning on the ist day of January, i860, and on 
 the fourth Thursday of May, 1863, he was reelected for a full 
 term of four years beginning January i, 1864. 
 
 Because the seat of the restored government was at Wheeling 
 many people have fallen into the error of supposing that Gov- 
 ernor Pierpont was governor of West Virginia, but that State 
 did not come into existence until the 20th day of June, 1863, up 
 to which date all the functions and powers of the government 
 of Virginia had been exercised by the legislative, executive, and 
 judicial departments of the loyal or restored government, and 
 
Address of Mr. Sturgiss, of West Virginia lyi 
 
 step by step the pi:oper proceedings had been taken by which, 
 in accordance with the provision of the Constitution of the 
 United States, the consent of the State of Virginia to the crea- 
 tion of the State of West Virginia had been given in manner 
 and form strictly according to the provisions of the National 
 Constitution. 
 
 The act of Congress giving the consent of the United States 
 to the admission of West Virginia, and declaring it to be one of 
 the States of the Federal Union, and admitted into the Union 
 on an equal footing with the original States in all respects 
 whatever, was signed by President Lincoln on the 31st day of 
 December, 1862, and the constitution of the State having been 
 ratified by a majority of all the votes cast in the counties 
 embraced within the proposed State, the act was, by proclama- 
 tion of the President, issued on the 20th day of April, 1863, 
 declared to be in effect and force from and after sixty days 
 from the date of the proclamation, and on the 20th day of June, 
 1863, was added this thirty-fifth star to the galaxy of States.. 
 
 Governor PierponT, with the other state officers, removed 
 from Wheeling to Alexandria, Virginia, before the inauguration 
 of the state government of West Virginia, and on the 25th day 
 of May, 1865, shortly after the surrender of the confederate 
 troops, he removed with the other officers of the state govern- 
 ment to Richmond, where he continued to administer the office 
 of governor till the end of his term, January i, 1868. In the 
 meantime the Southern States were placed under military gov- 
 ernments and divided into miUtary districts. The first district 
 included the territory of Virginia— that is to say, that part of 
 the old State that remained after carving out West Virginia— 
 and Major-General John M. Schofield was placed in command 
 of this district. The relations between General Schofield and 
 Governor Pierpont were cordial and without friction, contrary 
 
172 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 to the popular belief, for he was permitted to hold over and to 
 exercise the powers of the governorship until the i6th day of 
 April, 1868, when General Schofield appointed Henry W. Wells 
 provisional governor. 
 
 The giant oak towering above its fellows is the product of 
 centuries of sunshine and storm, of nourishment drawn from 
 earth and air and sky. It has been toughened and strengthened 
 by the blasts of many a winter, and through its veins courses 
 the sap of a virile energy that makes it the monarch of the for- 
 est. So when nature would make a man of heroic mold, fitted 
 for cares and great responsibilities and capable of being a leader 
 of thought and of men of action in a great crisis, she pours into 
 his veins and works into his brain the sturdy vigor of the 
 thoughts and deeds of a long line of noble ancestors. 
 
 Nurtured by the sunshine of a long and proud ancestry, wa- 
 tered by the gentle dews of a cultured, serene home life, with 
 mental and moral fiber toughened and strengthened by the 
 struggles and experience of his early manhood, with the sap of 
 virile energy coursing through his veins, Francis H. Pierpont, 
 like the giant oak of the primeval forest, stood unbending, up- 
 right, and unafraid when the lightnings swept across the lower- 
 ing sky and the thunderous mutterings of civil war broke upon 
 a peace-loving people. 
 
 The "War Governor of Virginia" was not the product or the 
 creation of the events of the civil war, though they gave him 
 the opportunity to manifest his preeminence. He was the mas- 
 terful genius who gave shape to the thought that was in the 
 minds of all the men of western Virginia, who led in the prepar- 
 ing and planning, and who was recognized as the courageous, 
 indomitable leader into whose hands could safely be committed 
 the power and the responsibility of the revitalized state govern- 
 ment of Virginia. 
 
Address of Mr. Sturgiss, of West Virginia 173 
 
 His voice rang out like a trumpet in scores of speeches de- 
 livered in iiamlet, village, and city, encouraging the timid, 
 stimulating to action the more courageous, and pointing out the 
 way in which the letter and the spirit of the National Consti- 
 tution could be observed and, by the inherent power of the 
 people, by whose consent the State and National Governments 
 exist, could reassert the right to fill the offices created by law 
 and made vacant ipso facto by the treason of the officers who 
 had placed themselves in rebellion and beyond the lines of the 
 territory within the actual jurisdiction and the power of the 
 National Government. 
 
 Such a life as Governor PierponT's is not one that springs up 
 in a single generation. When God needs a man for a great 
 work, I believe we will always find He has been years in pre- 
 paring him for his task through the generations that lie behind 
 him, and Francis H. PierponT was no exception to this rule. 
 He sprang from a race of sturdy men whose lives had exerted a 
 decided influence on their fellows for a thousand years. There 
 is not a break in the family line from the subject of this ad- 
 dress back to one Sir Hugh, who in the year 980 was Lord of 
 Castle Pierpont in Picardy, branching from the Lords of Castle 
 Pierrepont, 6 miles from St. Sauveur, Normandy. Not finding 
 a ferry there, Charlemagne caused a stone bridge to be built, 
 giving the name "Stonebridge" or Pierrepont to the place. 
 Commenting on the name, John Pierpont, the grandfather of 
 John Pierpont Morgan, who was a cousin and devoted personal 
 friend of Governor Pierpont, says: 
 
 The name is, like most other names, originally significant; a compound 
 of the French "pier," stone, and "ppnt," bridge. You, sir, being inter- 
 preted, are Governor Stonebridge; and every stone bridge in the country 
 is nominally a Pierpont, and of all bridges the piers are the most substan- 
 tial part, and generally support the rest. 
 
 A younger son of the family, Sir Robert de Pierrepont, knight, 
 went from France to England in 1066 as a commander under 
 
174 Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 William the Conqueror, and was given large estates in Suffolk 
 and Sussex. His grandson married Frances Cavendish, a direct 
 descendant of the daughter of William the Conqueror, and so 
 the governor obtained his name — Francis. As we come down 
 the direct line we find many a name that stands for a trait in 
 Francis H. PierponT's character. There were old William the 
 Conqueror, with his iron will; the Earl of Warwick, the "king 
 maker;" the Earls of Surrey and Albemarle. Personal beauty, 
 too, was always to be found among, the Pierponts. An historian 
 of the sixteenth century says of one of his grandfathers: "He 
 was the most beautiful man in England and the quickest tem- 
 pered." And those of us who remember the governor's temper 
 when any wrong or injustice aroused it, know he came right- 
 fully by it. 
 
 The founder of the family in America was James Pierpont, 
 who came to this country in 1640, buying 300 acres of land in 
 Roxbury, Massachusetts. So the "War Governor" numbered 
 among his ancestors a king, and dukes and earls, but in his hon- 
 est, democratic heart he -ever held, " 'Tis only noble to be good; 
 kind hearts are more than coronets, and simple faith than Nor- 
 man blood." The career of the Pierpont family in this country 
 has been as notable as it was in England and France. Among 
 the distinguished men who sprang from this man are John Pier- 
 pont, the New England poet, whose writing and preaching did 
 so much for the cause of freedom; Judge Edwards Pierpont, the 
 statesman; and John Pierpont Morgan, the financier. Every 
 generation since James landed on this continent has produced a 
 great man. 
 
 The governor was most happily married. His wife was Julia 
 Robertson, a daughter of Reverend Samuel Robertson, of New 
 York, and of Puritan stock. She was a cultured, beautiful, and 
 high-spirited woman, whose whole soul was given to the cause 
 
Address of Mr. Sturgiss , of West Virginia 175 
 
 of freedom. She bore cheerfully and charmingly all the sorrows 
 and cares that came to her through her husband's devotion to 
 the State. She kept open house, and to the hundreds that came 
 every year to her home she extended a gracious hospitality and 
 sent hundreds of boxes of provisions and delicacies and com- 
 forts to the soldiers' hospitals, and so greatly were her services 
 appreciated that she received on several occasions letters of 
 thanks from President Lincoln and Mr. Hay, his secretary. 
 After the war Mrs. Pierpont and Mrs. Rutherford B. Hayes 
 were the first two -women elected honorary members of the 
 Army of West Virginia. With her own hands she fashioned the 
 first flag of the Union presented to a loyal Virginia regiment. 
 This flag, worn and discolored by use in the civil war, draped 
 the governor's coffin when he was buried, in 1899. She was 
 her husband's most trusted and confidential adviser in every 
 political move. 
 
 Anarchy and chaos came suddenly upon western Virginia. 
 The power and authority of the State could not be exercised 
 west of the mountains. The State had joined the confederacy. 
 The Federal Army was circumscribing her power and jurisdic- 
 tion. Her Senators had resigned from the Congress of the 
 United States, and her officers had renounced their allegiance 
 to the National Government and most of them had taken the 
 oath to support the Confederate States. If one could imagine 
 the sudden physical death of every officer of the state govern- 
 ment — legislative, executive, and judicial — and the sudden sus- 
 pension of all the processes of the laws for the protection of 
 life, liberty, and property, then one could conceive the reign 
 of uncertainty, apprehension, and terror that characterized the 
 year 1861. The political death of all these officers by their 
 treason against the National Government operated ■ effectually 
 
176 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 to deprive them of all power and authority to enforce the laws 
 for the protection of the citizen and his property. 
 
 The Constitution, the fourth section of the fourth article, de- 
 clares : 
 
 The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a repub- 
 lican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; 
 and on application of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legis- 
 lature can not be convened) against domestic violence. 
 
 The State was being "invaded" by the armies of the Con- 
 federate States, made up of troops from the other States of the 
 South, and "domestic violence" actually existed. It was then 
 the duty of the United States to "guarantee" the republican 
 form of government set up by the people of western Virginia, to 
 protect them from invasion by the forces of the Confederacy, 
 and from domestic violence arising from lawless men, whether 
 pretending to be acting by authority of the politically defunct 
 officials of the disloyal state government, or otherwise. The 
 people resumed the power inherent in them when their servants 
 committed political hara-kiri; reorganized and restored the state 
 government; gave to all the protection of the civil laws by the 
 due and orderly processes of the courts, by acts of legislation, 
 and by executive enforcement. The law of self-preservation, 
 the right of the people to ordain governments, and to reorganize 
 and restore the government when from any cause it wholly fails 
 in the purposes for which it was created, justify upon the highest 
 grounds of inherent right and power, of expediency and public 
 policy, the various steps by which the restored and reorganized 
 government of Virginia was brought into existence. 
 
 That existence was recognized by the President when Gov- 
 ernor Pierpont officially invoked the protection of the Federal 
 Government, which President Lincoln promised; by the raising 
 and tendering of a number of regiments by Governor PierponT 
 and their acceptance and employment by the President as Com- 
 
Address of Mr. Sturgiss, of West Virginia 177 
 
 mander in Chief. The Congress gave recognition by seating 
 Waitman T. Willey and John S. CarHle as Senators, duly elected 
 by the legislature of the restored state government, and by seat- 
 ing the Members of the House of Representatives elected under 
 the laws of that government, and, lastly, by enacting the law 
 admitting the State of West Virginia, in which it was recited 
 that the legislature of Virginia, by an act passed on the 13th 
 day of May, 1862, had given consent to the creation of the new 
 State within the jurisdiction of the State of Virginia. Section 
 3, Article IV, of the Constitution, provides that — 
 
 New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no 
 new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other 
 State * * * without the consent of the legislatures of the States 
 concerned, as well as of Congress. 
 
 Here we have the recognition of the restored government of 
 Virginia as created upon the initiative of the people of western 
 Virginia, through the various steps before recited, by the Presi- 
 dent and by Congress; the consent of Virginia through the legis- 
 lature of the restored government of Virginia by the act of May 
 13, 1862; the consent of Congress by the act of December 31, 
 1862, approved by the President, and his proclamation of April 
 20, 1863. 
 
 Secretary of State William H. Seward, in an opinion given to 
 Mr. Lincoln at his request, said, in part: 
 
 It seems to me that the political body which has given consent in this 
 case is really and incontestably the State of Virginia. So long as the 
 United States do not recognize the secession, departure, or separation of 
 one of the States that State must be deemed as existing and having a con- 
 stitutional place within the Union whatever may be at any moment its 
 revolutionary condition. A State thus situated can not be deemed to be 
 divided into two or more States merely by any revolutionary proceeding 
 which may have occurred, because there can not be, constitutionally, two 
 or more States of Virginia. * * * fhe newly organized State of Vir- 
 ginia is, therefore, at this moment by the express consent of the United 
 States, invested with all the rights of the State of Virginia and charged 
 with all the powers, privileges, and dignity of that State. If the United 
 49963° — 10 12 
 
lyS Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 States allow to that organization any of these rights, powers, and privi- 
 leges it must be allowed to possess and enjoy them all. If it be a State 
 competent to be represented in Congress and bound to pay taxes, it is a 
 State competent to give the required consent of the State to the formation 
 and erection of the new State of West Virginia within the jurisdiction of 
 Virginia. 
 
 After discussing the question in detail, Secretary Chase, 
 
 afterwards Chief Justice, declared: 
 
 It does not admit of doubt, as it seems to me, that the legislature which 
 gave its consent to the formation and erection of the State of West Vir- 
 ginia was the true and only lawful legislature of the State of Virginia. 
 
 The legal title of Francis H. Pierpont, as governor of Vir- 
 ginia from the 20th day of June, 1861, to the i6th day of April, 
 1868, is thus shown to stand upon as firm and incontestable a 
 foundation as the legal and constitutional right of West Vir- 
 ginia to her place as "a State of the Union on an equal footing 
 with the original States in all respects whatever." 
 
 Virginia stood among the Southern States as primus inter 
 pares by virtue of her proud history in the Colonial period and 
 in the Revolutionary war; by the contributions of her great 
 statesmen and orators; by the Declaration of Independence, 
 written by her brilliant and patriotic son; by her contributions 
 to the jurisprudence of the country; by her expounders of the 
 Constitution; by her great territorial area, her variety of soil 
 and climate, her splendid harbors and extended seacoast, and 
 by her imperial gift of that great empire of the Northwest, but 
 of which were carved many a State, donated in the interests 
 of harmony and union among the sister States of the untried 
 Republic. 
 
 By the glory of these memories and traditions Virginia should 
 have been the first to defend the Union and the last to dim her 
 pristine glory and sully her immaculate record by trailing in the 
 rear of the States that one by one passed ordinances of secession 
 
Address of Mr. Sturgiss, of West Virginia 179 
 
 and set up what was intended to be an alien and hostile con- 
 federacy. 
 
 But disregarding all the influences of her glorious history, 
 she yielded to the seductive voice of treason, and, the last to 
 join the confederacy, by a species of retributive justice, was 
 the first to suffer the pains and penalties of bloody war. Her 
 bosom was scarred by the tramp of contending legions, her 
 homes were desolated by fire, shot, and shell, and her popula- 
 tion decimated by the wasting sickness of camp, and by cannon 
 and saber and bayonet. She, more than any other State of the 
 South, bore the shock of civil war, endured the paralysis and 
 destruction of her commerce, agriculture, and business, saw 
 her slaves emancipated and lost as a source of profit, and, to 
 crown the climax of her humiliation, was bereft of one-third 
 of her territory, population, and wealth by a process akin to 
 the Caesarian operation. She was literally rent and torn by 
 the intense passions engendered by a long series of acts of 
 injustice, discrimination, and humiliation meted out to her 
 citizens living west of the mountains, and, by the attempt to 
 drag them from their allegiance to the Union, compelled them 
 to rebel and tear themselves loose, inspired by a spirit of loy- 
 alty to the Nation and a love of independence and hatred of 
 injustice. 
 
 As if to forever mark and perpetuate the memory of the 
 contending titanic forces at work, when the State was rent in 
 twain, the boundary lines of both States were irregular, ragged, 
 and ungainly, like the outUnes of some mighty mountain torn 
 apart by volcanic power. Thus was the third great result of 
 the war forever impressed upon the political geography of the 
 Republic. 
 
 Overtures were made in 1866 by the Virginia assembly for the 
 redintegration of the States, but met with no response from 
 West Virginia. No one in public life in West Virginia, whether 
 
i8o Governor Francis H arrison Pierpont 
 
 Democrat or Republican, whether identified with the South 
 during the war period or with the Union, has ever raised his 
 voice in favor of a reunion of the States. All are equally proud 
 of the State, its splendid resources, its magnificent development 
 on material, educational, and industrial lines, and each vies with 
 the other in unquestioned loyalty to the State whose motto so 
 well expresses the universal sentiment, " Montani semper liberi." 
 
 Nearly forty-five years have elapsed since the close of the 
 mightiest drama ever enacted upon the stage of the Western 
 Continent. Passions have been stilled. Brethern North and 
 South recognize that the civil war was not an unmixed evil. 
 Slavery was a curse to master and man, an incubus upon the 
 South, upon her soil, and her most magnificent natural wealth, 
 deterring capital and free labor, holding back education and 
 intelligence among her poorer people, both black and white. 
 With bounding strides, like a young giant loosed of his fetters, 
 the South is rivaling the North in the race for supremacy, in 
 developing her mines and her forests, in factories, furnaces, 
 railroads, agriculture, lumbering, and all forms of manufactur- 
 ing enterprises. With wisdom in seizing the benefits of that 
 policy that encourages a diversification of industries, the South 
 may hope to surpass in prosperity and wealth her sister States 
 of the North. Of the South it may most truly be said, "No 
 pent-up Utica contracts her powers." The whole boundless 
 continent is hers. Mighty rivers, great harbors, bays, and 
 gulfs; coal, iron, and oil, marble, sulphur, and timber; genial 
 climate and fertile soil, and most beautiful and picturesque 
 mountains, vales, and streams; and the trade facilities offered 
 by her proximity to the Central and South American Republics 
 and to the Orient by the Isthmian Canal, soon to be completed, 
 stimulate her sons to industrial activity and invite the enter- 
 prise, the labor, and the capital of the world. 
 
 Virginia and West Virginia have placed in the National Hall 
 of Fame types of men strikingly dissimilar in their relationship 
 
Address of Mr. Sturgiss, of West Virginia i8i 
 
 to the events of the civil war, yet with many things in common 
 that ennobled them both. Robert E. Lee, the great soldier, 
 modest in the height of his power, dignified and serene in de- 
 feat, clean in morals, pure in private life, and unsullied by any 
 suspicion of dishonesty or self-seeking, and with a profound 
 Christian faith and character— a very Sir Galahad — stands in 
 the Hall of Statuary near Francis H. Pierpont, whose purity 
 of private life and character is well typified by the chiseled 
 marble that perpetuates his memory. He, too, was unspoiled 
 by honors, was cheerful under all the cares of his great office 
 in the "times that tried men's souls," and above all suspicion 
 of mercenary motives or of profit by his position. He also had 
 the absolute faith of the sincere Christian. 
 Each believed — 
 
 The Master, when He made him, gave him hfe, and gave him breath 
 
 Whispered he should be immortal. Shall the Lord be robbed by death? 
 Nay! The clay on yonder hillside, molded by our God's own hands, 
 Shall be dowered with life eternal when His saints before Him stand. 
 
 Each was sincere in his convictions that he was doing the 
 right as God gave him to see the right. If each could speak, 
 he would take no umbrage at the presence and proximity of the 
 other in that Hall dedicated to the memory of the acknowledged 
 good and great of the States which they represent. 
 
 It is said that "no man is great to his valet," but these men 
 won the confidence and love of the strong men intimately asso- 
 ciated with them in the great work that occupied their Hves 
 during the years of the civil war. It is praise, indeed, when 
 matured and able men of strong conviction and large experience 
 and with high ideals give hearty approval, support, and praise. 
 Such were the men in West Virginia who were in closest touch 
 with Governor Pierpont— Senators Waitman T. Willey and 
 Peter G. Van Winkle, Governor A. I. Boreman, Congressmen 
 W. G. Brown, Chester D. Hubbard, and James C. McGrew, 
 Judges R. L. Berkshire and Brown, and many others. 
 
i82 Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont 
 
 Revolution and rebellion, loyalty and treason, are relative 
 terms in political history. A successful rebellion is a revolu- 
 tion. An unsuccessful revolution is a rebellion. The traitor of 
 one may be the patriot of the other when written in the annals 
 of the historian. Nothing so justifies a political enterprise as 
 success. The only treason in ethics is disloyalty to moral ideals. 
 
 But happily all speculation is ended with the civil strife. 
 
 The Union is restored and cemented in foundations deeper and 
 
 stronger than ever in the respect each section has for the other. 
 
 The poet's apostrophe is doubly appropriate now than when he 
 
 wrote: 
 
 Sail on, O Ship of State! 
 
 Sail on, O Union, strong and great ! 
 
 Humanity with all its fears. 
 
 With all the hopes of future years. 
 Is hanging breathless on thy fate! 
 We know what Master laid thy keel, 
 What Workmen wrought thy ribs of steel, 
 
 Who made each mast, and sail, and rope, 
 What anvils rang, what hammers beat, 
 In what a forge and what a heat 
 
 Were shaped the anchors of thy hope! 
 Fear not each sudden sound and shock, 
 'Tis of the wave and not the rock; 
 'Tis but the flapping of the sail. 
 And not a rent made by the gale! 
 In spite of rock and tempest's roar. 
 In spite of false lights on the shore. 
 Sail on, nor fear to breast the sea! 
 Our hearts, our hopes, are all with thee. 
 Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears. 
 Our faith triumphant o'er our fears, 
 . Are all with thee — are all with thee! 
 
 West Virginia has this day unveiled in the Capitol of the 
 
 Nation the statue of Francis Harrison Pierpont, one of 
 
 her best-beloved citizens, renowned as a patriot, administrator, 
 
 and statesman, and now confides this memorial to the care and 
 
 keeping of Congress. 
 
Address of Mr. Sturgiss, of West Virginia 183 
 
 r move, Mr. Chairman, the adoption of the resolution of 
 acceptance. 
 
 The Speaker pro tempore. The question is on agreeing to 
 the Senate concurrent resolution No. 24. 
 
 The resolution was unanimously adopted. 
 
 Mr. Sturgiss. Mr. Speaker, I move, as a further mark of 
 respect to the memory and pubHc services of the late Francis 
 H. PiERPONT, that the House do now adjourn. 
 
 The motion was agreed to. 
 
 Accordingly (at 5 o'clock and 24 minutes p. m.) the House 
 adjourned. 
 
Pi^r 11 
 
 /■I.