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MENTAL AND SOCIAL CONDITION OF SAVAGES
PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET «QUArd5
LONDON
}J;'l lb^r:j\f%:lliih'M^
THE
ORIGIN OF CIVILISATION
AND THE
PRIMITIVE CONDITION OF MAN
MENTAL and SOCIAL CONDITION of SAVAGES
BY
SIE JOHN LUBBOCK, ^BAET.
MP., F.E.S., D.C.L., LL.D.
AUTHOR OF 'PREHISTORIC TIMES' ETC. : HONORARY SECRETARY OF THE LONDON BANKERS
PELXOW OP THE SOC. OP ANTIQUARIES ; OF THE GEOLOGICAL, ENTOMOLOGICAL, AND
OTHER SOCIETIES : PRESIDENT OP THE LONDON CHAMBER OP COMMERCE
AND VICE-CHAIRMAN OF THE LONDON COUNTY COUNCIL
Jift^ €bilion, faitfe itwmerons gi,b!bitions
NEW YORK
D. APPLE TON AND COxMPANY
1898
^
^^'
^;c(,<^%
34%!-
PEE FACE
1^ my work on ' Prehistoric Times ' I have devoted
several chapters to the description of modern
savages, because the weapons and implements now Lised
by the lower races of men throw much light on the sig-
nification and use of those discovered in ancient tumuli,
or in the drift gravels ; and because a knowledge of
modern savages and their modes of life enables us more
accurately to picture, and more vividly to conceive
the manners and customs of our ancestors in bygone
ages.
In the present volume, which is founded on a course
of lectures delivered at the Eoyal Institution in the
spring of 1868, I projDOse more particularly to describe
the social and mental condition of savages, their art,
their systems of marriage and of relationship, their re-
ligions, language, moral character, and laws. Subse-
quently I shall hope to publish those portions of my
lectures which have reference to their houses, dress,
boats, arms, implements, &c. From the very nnture of
the subjects dealt with in the present volume, I shall
have to record many actions and ideas very abhorrent to
vill PESFACE
us ; so many, in fact, that if I pass them without com-
ment or condemnation, it is because I am reluctant to
fatigue the reader by a wearisome iteration of disap-
provaL In the chajDters on Marriage and Keligion
more especially, though I have endeavoured to avoid
everything that was needlessly offensive, still it was
impossible not to mention some facts which are very
repugnant to our feelings. Yet were I to express my
sentiments in some cases, silence in others might be
held to imply indifference, if not approval.
Montesquieu ^ commences with an apology that por-
tion of his great work which is devoted to Religion.
As, he says, ' on pent juger parmi les tenebres celles
qui sont les moins epaisses, et parmi les abimes ceux
qui sont les moins profonds, ainsi Ton pent chercher
entre les religions fausses celles qui sont les plus con-
formes au bien de la societe ; celles qui, quoiqu'elles
n'aient pas I'effet de mener les hommes aux felicites de
I'autre vie, pen vent le plus contribuer a leur bonheur
dans celle-ci. Je n'examinerai done les diverses reli-
gions du monde que par rapport au bien que Ton en
tire dans I'etat civil, soit que je parle de celle qui a sa
racine dans le ciel, ou bien de celles qui ont la leur sur
la terre.' The difficulty which I have felt has taken a
different form, but I deem it necessary to say these
few words of explanation, lest I should be supposed to
approve that which I do not expressly condemn.
^ Esprit des Lois, liv. xxiy. ch. 1.
FEE FACE ix
Klemm, in his ' AUgemeine Culturgeschichte der
Menscben,' and recently Mr. Wood, in a more popular
manner ('Natural History of Man'), have described
the various races of man consecutively ; a system which
has its advantages, but which does not well bring out
the general stages of progress in civilisation.
Various other works, amongst which I must
specially mention Mliller's ' Geschichte der Americani-
schen Urreligionen,' M'Lennan's ' Primitive Marriage,'
and Bachofen's ' Das Mutterrecht,' deal w^ith particular
portions of the subject. Maine's interesting work on
' Ancient Law,' again, considers man in a more ad-
vanced stage than that which is the special subject of
my work. *
The plan pursued by Tylor in his remarkable work
on the ' Early History of Mankind ' more nearly re-
sembles that which I have sketched out for myself, but
the subject is one which no two minds would view in
the same manner, and is so vast that I am sure my
friend will not regard me as intruding upon a field
which he has done so much to make his own.
Nor must I omit to mention Lord Kames' ' His-
tory of Man,' and Montesquieu's ' Esprit des Lois,' both
of them works of great interest, although written at
a time when our knowledge of savage races was even
more imperfect than it is now.
Yet the materials for such a work as the present
are immense, and are daily increasing. Those who take
X PEE FACE
an interest in the subject become every year more and
more numerous ; and while none of my readers can be
more sensible of my deficiencies than I am myself, yet,
after ten years of study, I have been anxious to pub-
lish this portion of my work, in the hope that it may
contribute something towards the progress of a science
which is in itself of the deepest interest, and which has
a pecidiar importance to an empire such as ours, com-
prising races in every stage of civilisation yet attained
by man.
High Elms, Down, Keitt:
February, 1870.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTOEY CHAPTER.
PAGE
Importance of tlie Subject — Difficulty of the Subject — Inactivity of
the Savage Intellect — Condition of the Lowest Races of Men
— Curious Customs with reference to Mothers-in-Law — La Couvade
— Reasons for La Couvade — Savage Ideas on the Influence of Food
— Curious Ideas with reference to Portraits — Use of Prayers as
Medicine — Savage Ideas of Disease — Medical Treatment among
Savages — Fancies about Twins — Life attributed to Inanimate Ob-
jects — Salutations 1
CHAPTER II.
ART AND ORNAMENTS.
Art as an Ethnological Character — Ancient Art — Art in Africa — Esqui-
maux Drawings — The Quippu — Picture-writing — Indian Census
Roll — Indian Tombstones — Picture-writing in North America —
Indian Biography — Indian Petition — Rock Sculptures — Savage
Ornaments — Cheek Studs — Labrets — Ornamentation of the Skin —
Tribe Marks — Tattooing — Artificial Alteration of Form — Hairdress-
ing — Fiji Head-dresses 38
CHAPTER III.
MARRIAGE AND RELATIONSHIP.
The Position of Women among Savages — Absence of Affection in
Marriage — Absence of Marriage — Relationship among Savages —
Different Kinds of Marriage — Polyandry — Separation of Husband
and Wife — Absence of Marriage Ceremony — Marriage Ceremonies
xii CONTENTS
PAGE
— Relationships Independent of Marriage — Soutli Sea System of
Relationship — Toda System of Relationship — Pre valence of Adoption
— The MiUc-tie — Original or Communal Marriage — Origin of Mar-
riage — Bachofen's Views — Wrestling for Wives — M'Lennan's Views
— The True Explanation — Origin of Marriage by Capture— Preva-
lence of Marriage by Capture — Originally a Reality — Subsequently a
Form — Hindustan — Central India — Malay Peninsula — Kalmucks —
Tonguses— Kamchadales — Mongols — Koreans — Esquimaux — North
and South Americans — Fijians — Polynesians — Philippine
Islanders — Negritos— Africa — Circassians — Europe — Rome — Poland
— Russia — Britain — Explanation of Marriage Ceremonies — Marriage
by Confarreatio — Expiation for Marriage — Babylonia — Armenia —
Balearic Islands— Temporary Wives — Exogamy— Origin of Ex-
ogamy — Prevalence of Exogamy — Australia — Africa — Hindostan
— Northern Asia — China — Circassia — North America — South
America — The Causes of Polygamy — Polyandry — Polyandry
Exceptional — The System of Levirate — Endogamy — The Milk-tie —
Relationship through Females — Causes and Wide Distribution of
the Custom — Neglect of Paternal Relation — Origin of Relationship
in the Male Line — Change from Female to Male Kinship — System
of Kinship through Males — The Present System . . . .69
CHAPTER IV.
THE ORIGIN OF MARRIAGE.
Communal Marriage — Australian Marriage Law — Two Forms of Mar-
riage in Australia — Origin of Individual Marriage — Marriage by
Capture — Australia — India — Northern Asia — America — Esqui-
maux — Indians — South America — Pacific Islands — Africa — Arabia
— Europe — Symbol of Capture — Temporary Marriages — Exogamy
— Origin of Exogamy — Origin of Marriage — Polyandry — TheLevi-
rate — Endogamy — Relationship through Females — Relationship
throush Males
CHAPTER V.
ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIONSHIPS.
On the Development of Relationships — Different Systems of Relation-
ships—Classification of Systems — Nature of the Evidence — Custom
of addressing Persons by their Relationship — Similarities of System
among the Lower Races — Malayans — Fijians — Redskins — Nomen-
clature of Relationships — ESect of Female Kinship on S3-stems of
Relationship — The Hawaiian System — American Systems — Import-
CONTENTS
ance of the Mother's Brother in the Family System — The Micmac
System — Burmese and Japanese Systems — The Wj^andot System
— The Tamil and Fijian Systems — Remarkable Terms in Use —
Explanation of the Terms — System of the Oneidas — Otawas — The
Kaffir System — Mohegans — Crees — Chippewas — Summary of Red-
skin Systems — Hindoo Sj^stems — Karens — Esquimaux — Remarkable
Similarities — Indications of Progress — Incompleteness of Systems —
Existing Systems Incompatible with the Theory of Degradation —
Evidence of Progress — No Evidence of Deoradation — Conclusion . 162
CHAPTER VI.
RELIGION.
Mental Inactivity of Savages — Religious Characteristics of Savages —
Religious Characteristics of the Lower Races of Man — Classification
of the Lower Religions — Religions according to Sanchoniatho —
Religious Condition of the Lowest Races — Absence of Religion —
Rudimentary Religions — Religious Ideas as suggested by Sleep —
Religious Ideas as suggested by Dreams — Nightmare — Shadows —
Thunder — Spirits regarded as Evil — Spirits regarded as causing
Disease — Madness reverenced — Belief in Witchcraft — Disbelief
among Savages in the Existence of Natural Death — Low Ideas of
Spirits entertained by Savages — Greek and Roman Conceptions —
Savage Ideas as to Eclipses — Various Notions as to Eclipses — Belief
in Ghosts — Future Life dependent on Mode of Death — Belief in the
Plurality of Souls — Divination — Sorcery — Confusion of Name and
Thing— Confusion of Part and Whole — Similarity of Witchcraft —
Wizards — Belief in Witchcraft shared by European Travellers —
Sorcerers not necessarily Impostors — Fasting — Religious Dances —
Smoking as a Religious Ceremony — Intoxication as a Religious Rite 205
CHAPTER VII.
RELIGION (continued).
Animal-Worship — Origin of Animal- Worship — The Kobong — The
Totem — Totemism in America — Totems in India and Polynesia— Ser-
pent-Worship — Serpent- Worship in Asia — Africa — Guinea — Why-
dah — Agoye the Fetich of Whydah — Kaffraria — Madagascar —
Polynesia — America — The Worship of other Animals — Polynesia —
Sandwich Islands — ^Fiji Islands — Siberia— China— India— Ceylon
— The Philippines — Africa— Madagascar — Europe — The Custom of
Apologising to Animals for killing them— The Worship of the
Celestial Bodies— Savage Tendency to Deification — Deities not sup-
xiv CONTENTS
posed to be Supernatural — Life attributed to Inanimate Objects —
Souls attributed to Inanimate Objects — Tree- Worship in Europe —
Egypt — Arabia — Congo — India — Ceylon — Hill Tribes of India —
Siberia — Sumatra — Philippines — Fijians— North America — Mexico
— Peru — Patagonia — Water-Worship — Europe — Siberia—India —
Africa — North America — Central America — The Worship of Stones
—Attributes of the God Mercury — Siberia — Hindostan — New Zea-
land — The Arabians — Phoenicians in Europe — Africa — Polynesia —
Fiji Islands — Micronesia — America — Fire- Worship — Vestals —
Asia — America — Africa — Sun and Moon Worship — America — India
— Asia — Africa — Sundry Worships ...... 261
CHAPTER VIII.
RELIGION (concluded).
Religion of Australians — Veddahs — Californians — Bachapins — Kaffirs
— Fetichism — Hindostan — Negroes — Fetichism in other Races
— North America — China — Siberia — Africa — Totemism — Develop-
mental and Adaptational Modifications of Religion — Myths — Sha-
manism in Siberia — Greenland — Pacific Islands — Africa — India —
Idolatry — Origin of Idolatry — Connection with the Worship of An-
cestors — India — Africa — Polynesia — Siberia — Solomon's Explana-
tion — Idols not mere Emblems — Worship of Men — Worship of
Chiefs — Worship of Trarellers — The Worship of Principles
Sacrifices — Confusion of the Victim with the Deity— Worship of the
Sacrifice — Eating the Sacrifice — Human Sacrifices — Europe —
America — The Jews — Temples — Priests— Mystery Men— The Soul
Ideas of Heaven — The Future State — Creation — Prayer — Morality
— The Progress of Religion— Science and Religion .... 325
CHAPTER IX.
CHARACTER AND MORALS.
Difficulty of ascertaining the Character of Savage Races — -Insecurity
of Life and Property among Savages— Progress in Morals— Moral
Condition of Savages— Confusion of Family A flection and Moral
Feeling— Absence of Moral Feeling-^-Religion not necessarily con-
nected with Morality— Future Life not necessarily one of Punish-
ment or Reward— Rank in Heaven — Law and Right Growth of
Moral Feeling — Origin of Moral Feeling 394
CONTENTS XV
PAGE
CHAPTER X.
LANGUAGE.
Gesture Language — The Origin of Language — All Language reducible
to a Few Root-words — Origin of Root-words — Onomatopoeia — Wear
and Tear of Words — Nicknames and Slang Terms — Origin of the
Terms Father and Mother — Words for Father and Mother in A^arious
Languages — The Choice of Root-words — Poverty of Savage Lan-
guages — Deficiency in Terms of Afiection — Absence of Abstract Terms
— Deficiency in Numerals — Savage Diffieulties in Arithmetic — Use
of the Fingers in Arithmetic, as shown in the Names of Numerals
— The Origin of the Decimal System 416
CHAPTER XL
LAWS.
Importance of the Subject — Savage Laws not founded on the Family
— Tyranny of Fashion among Savages — Tyranny of Custom among
Savages — Superstitious Customs — Rules relating to Legal Cere-
monies and Contracts — Court Language — Gradations of Rank — Salu-
tations and Ceremonies — Conduct of Public Business — Property in
Land — Communal Property — Laws of Inheritance — Absence of
Wills — Roman Wills — ^Rights of Children — The Yasu — Custom of
naming Parents after Children — Laws of Inheritance — The Punish-
ment of Crime — Regulated Revenge — The Laws of Property — Mani-
fest and Non-Manifest Thieves — The WerD-eld — General Conclusion 448
APPENDIX.
PART I.
Difficulty of obtaining Conclusive Evidence— The Stationary Condi-
tion of Savages — No Evidence of Earlier Civilisation — Evidence
derivable from Domestic Animals and Pottery— Indications of Pro-
gress among Savages— Savages not Incapable of Civilisation- — In-
digenous Origin of Mexican Civilisation— Progress as indicated by
Language — Traces of Barbarism in Civilised Countries— Arbitrary
Customs — Unity of the Human Race— -Mental Differences in the
Different Races 487
CONTENTS
PART II.
The Weapons of Monkeys — True Nature of Barbarism — Sequence of
Customs — The Diffusion of Mankind — The Influence of External
Conditions — The Esquimaux — Original and Universal Barbarism —
Supposed Inevitability of Degradation — Supposed Evidence of De-^
oradation — The Survival of Customs — Progress of Religious Ideas —
Fetichism — Totemism — Idolatry — The True Theory of the Four
Ages — Evidence from Crossed Races — Similarity existing between
Savages and Children — Language of Savages — Tendency to Redu-
plications — Ancient Ceremonies and Modern Games — Development
of the Individual, and that of the Species ..... 60:
NOTES 531
INDEX o41
ILLUSTRATIONS
DESCEIPTION OF THE PLATES.
PLATE PAGE
Frontispiece — View op Stonehenge. From an original draw-
ing by M. Griset To face Title
I. Sketch op Mammoth, on a piece of ivory, found in the Rock-
shelter at La Madeleine, in the Dordogne . . To face 38
IL Fijian Modes of Dressing the Hair. After Williams.
' Fiji and the Fijians,' p. 158 To face %^
III. Indian Sacred Stones. After Forbes Leslie. ' Early Races of
Scotland,' voL ii. p. 464 To face 808
IV. A Human Sacrifice in Tahiti. After Cook . . To face 371
V. Group of Sacred Stones in the Dekhan. After Forbes
Leslie. * Early Races of Scotland,' vol. ii. p. 460 . To face 375
DESCRIPTION OF THE FIGURRS.
FIG.
1. Group of Reindeer. From a photogTaph presented to me by
M. le Marquis de Vibraye 39
2-1. Drawings on Esquimaux Bone Drillbows. Presented to
the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford by Captain Beechey . 41
5. North American Indian Census Roll. After Schoolcraft.
' History of the Indian Tribes,' vol. ii. p. 222 . . . . 47
6. Indian Gravepost. After Schoolcraft. 'History of the Indian
Tribes,' vol. i. p. 356 48
7. Indian Gravepost. After Schoolcraft. 'History of the Indian
Tribes,' vol. i. p. 356 48
xviii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
I'IG. rAGK
8. Indian Baek Lettee. After Schoolcraft. 'History of the
Indian Tribes,' vol. i. p. 338 . 49
9. Indian Bark Letter. After Schoolcraft. ' History of the
Indian Tribes,' vol. i. p. 336 51
10. Indian Biography. After Schoolcraft. ' History of the Indian
Tribes,' vol. i. p. 336 52
11. Indian Petition. After Schoolcraft. 'History of the Indian
Tribes,' vol. i. p. 416 53
12. Caroline Islander. After Freycinet. 'Voyage autour du
Monde,' pi. 57 64
13. New Zealand Head. After Freycinet. ' Voyage autour du
Monde,' pi. 107 65
14. New Zealand Head. After Freycinet. * Voyage autour du
Monde,' pi. 1C7 . . . . • 65
15-17. Shoulder-blades PREPARED FOR Divination. After Klemm.
' All. Cultur. d. Mens,' vol. iii. p. 200 243
18, A Sacred Dance of the Virginians. Lafitau, vol. ii. p. 135. 259
19, Agoye, An Idol op Whiddah, Astley's 'Col. of Voyages,'
vol. iii. p. 50 272
20, Sacred Stones, Fiji Islands. Williams, loc. cit. vol. i.
p. 220 .314
LIST OF THE PRI.YCIPAL WORKS QUOTED
IN THIS VOLUME.
Adelung, Mithridates.
Allen and Thomson, Exped. to the
River Niger.
Arago, Narrative of a Voyage round
the World.
Arbousset and Daumas. Tour at the
Cape of Good Hope.
Asiatic Researches.
Astley, Collection of Voyages,
Atkinson, Oriental and Western
Siberia,
„ Upper and 'Lower Amoor.
Azara, Voyages dans I'Amerique Me-
ridionale.
Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht.
Baikie, Exploring Voyage up the
Rivers Kwora and Binue.
Bain, Mental and Moral Science.
Baker, Albert Nyanza.
„ Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia.
Bancroft, Native Races of Pacific
States.
Barth, Travels in Central Africa,
Battel, The Strange Adventures of
(Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels).
Beechey, Narrative of a Voyage to the
Pacific.
Bosnian, Description of Guinea (Pin-
kerton's Voyages and Travels),
Brett, Indian Tribes of Guiana.
Brooke, Lapland.
Bruce, Travels in Abyssinia.
Burchill, Travels in Southern Africa.
Burton, Lake Regions of Africa,
„ First Footsteps in Africa,
„ Abbeokuta and the Cameron
Mountains.
Burton, City of the Saints.
„ Mission to the King of Da-
home.
Caillie, Travels to Timbuctoo.
Callaway, Religious System of the
Amazulu.
Campbell, Tales of the West High-
lands.
„ Wild Tribes of Khoudistan
Carver, Travels in North America.
Casalis, The Basutos.
Catlin, North American Indians,
Chapman, Travels in S. Africa,
Charlevoix, History of Paraguay.
Clarke, Travels,
Collins, English Colony in Nev/ South
Wales.
Cook, Voyage round the World. (In
Hawkes worth's- Voyages.)
„ Second Voyage towards the
South Pole.
„ Third Voyage to the Pacific
Ocean.
Cox, Manual of Mythology.
Crantz, History of Greenland.
Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of
Bengal.
Dalzel, Hist, of Dahomy.
Darwin, Animals and Plants under
Domestication.
,, Origin of Species.
„ Researches in Geology and
Natural History.
Davis (Dr. J, B,), Thesaurus Cranio-
rum,
Davis, The Chinese.
XX
LIST OF WOBKS QUOTED
Davy, Account of Ceylon,
Deane, Worship of the Serpent traced
throughout the World.
De Brosses, Du Culte des Dieux
fetiches.
De Hell, Steppes of the Caspian Sea.
Denham, Travels in Africa.
Depons, Travels in South America.
Dias, Diccionario da Lingua Tupy.
Dieffenbach, New Zealand.
Dobrizhoffer, History of the Abipones.
Drury, Adventures in Madagascar.
Dubois, Description of the People of
India.
Dulaure, Histoire abregee des diffe-
rents Cultes.
Dann, The Oregon Territory.
Dupuis, Journal of a Eesidence in
Ashantee.
D'Urville, Voyage au Pole sud.
Earle, Residence in New Zealand.
Egede, Greenland.
Ellis, Three Visits to Madagascar.
,, Polynesian Researches.
Erman, Travels in Siberia.
Erskine, Western Pacific.
Eyre, Discoveries in Central Australia.
Farrar, Origin of Language.
„ Primitive Manners and Cus-
toms.
Fergusson, Tree and Serpent Worship.
Fison and Hewitt, The Kamilaroi and
Kurnai.
Fitzroy, Voyage of the ' Adventure '
and ' Beagle.'
Forbes Leslie, Early Races of Scotland.
Forster, Observations made during a
Voyage round the World.
Forsyth, Highlands of Central India.
Franklin, Journey to the Shores of the
Polar Sea.
Eraser, Travels in Koordistan and Me-
sopotamia.
„ Tour to the Himalaya Moun-
tains.
Freycinet, Voyage autour du Monde.
Fustel de Coulangen, La Cite Antique.
Gaius, Commentaries on Roman Law.
Galton, Tropical South Africa.
Gama, Descripcion historica y crono-
logica de las Peclras de Mexico.
Garcilasso de la Vega, Commentaries
of the Yneas.
Gardner, Faiths of the World.
Gibbs (H. H.), Romance of the
Chevelere Assigne.
Girard de Rielle, La Mythologie Com-
paree.
Girard-Teulon, La Mere chez certains
Peuples de I'Antiquite.
Gladstone, Juventus Mundi.
Goguet, De I'Origine des Lois, des
Arts et des Sciences.
Graah, Voyage to Greenland.
Gray, Travels in Western Africa.
Grey (Sir G.), Polynesian Mythology.
„ Journal of Two Expedi-
tions of Discovery in North- wesit
and Western Australia.
Hale, Ethnology of the United States
Exploring Expedition.
,, Ethnology and Philology.
Hallam, History of England.
Hamilton, Account of the Kingdom
of Nepaul.
Hanway, Travels in Persia.
Hayes, Open Polar Sea.
Hawkesworth, Voyages of Discovery
in the Southern Hemisphere.
Hearne, Vojage to the Northern
Ocean.
Herodotus.
Hooper, Tents of the Tuski.
Humboldt, Personal Researches.
Hunter, Comparative Dictionary of
the Non- Aryan Languages
of India and High Asia.
,, The Annals of Rural Bengal.
Hume, Essays.
„ History of England.
Inman, Ancient Faiths in Ancient
Names.
James, Expedition to the Rocky
Mountains.
Jones, Antiquities of the Southern
Indians.
LIST OF WORKS QUOTED
XXI
Journal of the Royal Institution.
Jukes, Voyage of the ' Fly.'
Karnes, History of Man.
Kenrick, Phoenicia.
Keppel, Visit to the Indian Archi-
pelago.
„ Expedition to Borneo.
Klemm, Allgemeine Culturgeschichte
der Menschheit.
,, Werkzeuge und Waffen.
Koelle, Polyglotta Africana.
Kolben, History of the Cape of Good
Hope.
Kolff, Voyage of the * Dourga.'
Kotzebue, Voyage Round the World.
Labat, A'oyage aux lies de I'Amerique.
Labillardiere, Voyage in Search of La
Perouse.
Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages ameri-
cains.
Laird, Expedition into the Interior of
Africa.
Lander (R. and J .), Niger Expedition.
Lang, Aborigines of Australia.
Latham, Descriptive Ethnology.
Lecky, History of Rationalism.
Lewin, Hill Tracts of Chittagong.
„ Wild Races of South-Eastern
India.
Lichtenstein, Travels in South Africa.
Livingstone, Missionary Travels and
Researches in South Africa.
„ Expedition to the Zambesi.
Locke, On the Human Understanding.
Lubbock, Prehistoric Times.
Lyall, Asiatic Studies.
Lyon, Journal during the Voyage of
Captain Parry.
McGillivray, Voyage of the ' Rattle-
snake.'
]\IacLean, Compendium of Kaffir Laws
and Customs.
M'Lennan, Primitive Marriage.
„ Studies in Ancient History.
McMahon, The Karens of the Golden
Chersonese.
Maine, Ancient Law.
„ Early Law and Customs.
Marco Polo, Travels of.
Mariner, Tonga Islands.
Marsden, History of Sumatra.
Martins, Von dem Rechtszustande
unter denUreinwohnern Brasiliens.
Merolla, Voyage to Congo (Pinker-
ton's Voyages and Travels).
Metlahkatlah, published by the Church
Missionary Societ5^
Metz, Tribes of the Neilgherries.
Middendorf, Sibirische Reise.
Mollhansen, Journey to the Pacific.
Monboddo, Origin and Progress of
Language.
Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois.
Moor, Notices of the Indian Archi-
pelago.
Morgan, Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila-
delphia.
Moser, The Caucasus and its People.
Mouhot, Travels in the Central Parts
of Indo-China.
Miiller (C. 0.), Scientific Mythology.
„ (C. S.), Description de toutes
les Nations de I'Empire de
Russie.
„ (F. G.), Geschichte der Ameri-
kanischen Urreligionen.
„ (Max), Chips from a German
Workshop.
„ „ Lectures on Language,
First Series.
„ „ Lectures on Language,
Second Series.
Nilsson, On the Stone Age.
Olaus Magnus.
Ortolan, Justinian.
Pallas, Voyages en differentes Pro-
vinces de I'Empire de Rnssie.
„ Voyages entrepris dans les
Gouvernements meridionaux
de rEmj)ire de Russie.
Park, Travels.
Parkyns, Life in Abyssinia.
Perouse, La, Voyage autour du Monde.
Petherick, Egypt, the Soudan, and
Central Africa.
Phear, The Aryan Village.
XXll
LIST OF WORKS QUOTED
Pliny, Natural History.
Post, Die Anfange des Staats- und
Eechtslebens.
,, Der Ursprung des Eechts.
„ Die Geschlechtsgenosseu-
schaft.
„ Bausteine fiir eine allgemeine
Eechtswissenschaft.
,, Einleitung in eine Naturwissen-
schaft des Eechts.
Pregevalsky, From Kulga to Lob Nor.
Prescott, History" of Mexico.
,, History of Peru.
Prichard, Natural History of Man.
Proceedings of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences.
Proceedings of the Boston Society of
Natural History.
Proyart, History of Loango (Pinker-
ton's Voyages and Travels).
Baffles, History of Java.
Eeade, Savage Africa.
Eenan, Origine du Langage.
Eeport of Committee of Legislative
Council of Victoria on the Abori-
gines.
Eeville, Les Eeligions des Peuples non-
civilises.
Eichardson, Journal of a Boat Jour-
ney.
Eink, Greenland.
Eobertson, History of America.
Eoss, Voyage to Baffin's Bay.
Eutimeyer, Beitr. zur Kenntniss der
fossilen Pferde.
Scherzer, Voyage of the 'No vara.'
Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes.
Seebohm, The English Village Com-
munity.
Seeman, A Mission to Viti.
Shooter, Kafirs of Natal.
Shortland, Traditions and Supersti-
tions of the New Zealanders.
Smith (A.), Theory of Moral Senti-
ments and Dissertation on
the Origin of Languages.
„ (G.), (Bishop of Victoria), Ten
Weeks in Japan.
„ (L), History of Virginia.
Smith (W.), Voyage to Guinea.
Smithsonian Eeports.
Snowden and Prall, Grammar of the
Mpongwe Language. Nev^' York.
Speke, Discovery of the Source of the
Nile.
Spencer (H.), Principles of Sociology.
„ and Duncan, Descriptive ,
Sociology.
Spencer's Principles of Biology.
Spiers, Life in Ancient India.
Spix and Martius, Travels in Brazil.
Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage
Life.
Squiers, Serpent Symbol in America,
Stephens, South Australia.
Stevenson, Tiavels in South America.
Strahlenberg, Description of Eussia,
Siberia, and Great Tartary,
Systems of Land Tenure. Published
by the Cobden Club.
Tacitus.
Tanner, Narrative of a Captivity
among the North American
Indians.
Taylor, New Zealand and its Inhabit-
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Tertre, History of the Caribby Islands.
Tindall, Grammar and Dictionary of
the Namaqua (Hottentot) Lan-
guage.
Transactions of the American Anti-
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Transactions of the Ethnological Soc.
Transactions of the E. S. of Victoria.
Tuckey, Expedition to explore Eiver
Zaire.
Tnpper, Punjab Customary Law.
Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia.
Tylor, Anahuac.
„ Early History of Man.
Upliam, History and Doctrine of
Buddhism in Ceylon.
Vancouver, Voyage of Discovery.
Vogt, Lectures on Man.
Waitz, Anthropologic der Naturvolker.
Wake, Chapters on Man.
LIST OF W0BK8 QUOTED
Wallace, Travels in the Amazons and
Eio Negro.
„ Malay Archipelago.
Watson and Kaye, The People of
India.
Wedgwood, Introduction to the Dic-
tionary of the English
Language.
„ Origin of Language.
Whately (Archbishop of Dublin),
Political Economy.
Whipple, Report on the Indian Tribes.
Whitney, Language, and the Science
of Language.
Wilkes, United States Exploring Ex-
pedition.
Williams, Fiji and the Fijians.
Wood, Natural History of Man.
Wrangel, Siberia and the Polar Sea.
Wright, Superstitions of England.
Wuttke, Die ersten Stufen der Gesch.,
der Menschheit.
Yate, New Zealand.
THE ORIGIN OE CIVILISATION
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
THE study of the lower races of men, apart from the
dh^ect importance which it possesses in an empire
like ours, is of great interest from three points of view.
In the first place, the condition and habits of existing
savages resemble in many ways, though not in all, those
of our own ancestors in a period now long gone by : ^
in the second, they illustrate much of what is passing
among ourselves — many customs which have evidently
no relation to present circumstances ; and some ideas
which are rooted in our minds, as fossils are imbedded
in the soil : while, thirdly, we can even, by means of
them, penetrate some of that mist which separates the
present from the future.
In fact, the lower races of men in various parts of the
world present us with illustrations of a social condition
^ I am very glad to find that so the general conclusions at which I
able and cautious a critic as Mr. have arrived. See his Physics and
Bagehot has expressed his assent to Politics, 1872, especially the excellent
the line of argument here used, and chapter on ' Nation-making.'
2 IMPOBTANCE OF THE SUBJECT
ruder, and more archaic, than any which history records
as having ever existed among the more advanced races.
Even among civilised peoples, however, we find traces
of former barbarism. Not only is language in this re-
spect extremely instructive ; but laws and customs are
often of very ancient origin, and contain symbols which
are the relics of former realities. Thus the use of stone
knives in certain Egyptian ceremonies points to a time
when that people habitually used stone implements.
Again, the form of marriage by purchase (coemptio)
among the Eomans indicates a period in their history
when they habitually bought wives, as so many savage
tribes do now. So also the form of capture in weddings
can only be explained by the hypothesis that the cap-
ture of wives was once a stern reality. In such cases
as these the sequence is obvious. The use of stone
knives in certain ceremonies is evidently a case of sur-
vival, not of invention ; and in the same way the form
of capture in weddings would naturally survive the
actual reality, while we cannot suppose that the reality
would rise out of the symbol.
It must not be assumed, however, that the con-
dition of primitive man is correctly represented by even
the lowest of existing races. The very fact that the
latter have remained stationary, that their manners,
habits, and mode of life have continued almost unaltered
for generations, has created a strict, and often compli-
cated, system of customs, from which the former was
necessarily free, but which has in some cases gradually
acquired even more than the force of law. In order
then, to arrive at a clear idea of this primitive con-
dition of the human race, we must eliminate these
NATURE OF THE EVIBENOE 3
customs from our conception of that condition ; and
this we are best enabled to do by a comparison of
savao;e tribes belonofino; to different families of the
human race.
Although the differences of race, of geographical
position, and of their general surroundings, have neces-
sarily led to considerable divergencies in the social and
mental development of different tribes, still I have en-
deavoured to show that, in the main, the development
of higher and better ideas as to Marriage, Relationships,
Law, Religion, &c., has followed in its earlier stages a
very similar course even in the most distinct races of
man ; and when we find customs and ideas which to us
seem absurd or illogical, reappearing in separate families
of mankind at the same stage of development, we may
safely conclude that, however absurd they may appear
to us, they rest on some ground which once appeared
sufficient, and are no unmeaning or insignificant acci-
dents.
It has been said by some writers that savages are
merely the degenerate descendants of more civilised an-
cestors, and I am far from denying that there are cases
of retrogression. But, in the first place, a tribe which
had sunk from civilisation into barbarism would by no
means exhibit the same features as one which had risen
into barbarism from savagery. And, what is even more
important, races which fall back in civilisation diminish
in numbers. The whole history of man shows how the
stronger and progressive increase in numbers, and drive
out the weaker and lower races. I have endeavoured,
for instance, to show that the ideas on the subject of
relationships which are prevalent among the less
B 2
4 EVIDENCE OF PBOGBESS
advanced races, would naturally arise in the course of
progress, but are inconsistent with the theory of degra-
dation. So, again, a people who trusted in luck would
have no chance in the struggle for existence against one
which believed in law : if we find a belief in fetichism
interwoven with the religion of even the highest races,
it is because these races were Fetichists before they
became Buddhist, Mahometan, or Christian. A tribe
in which the feeling of relationship was weak and ill-
defined would be at a great disadvantage as compared
with one in which the family feeling was strong. Hence,
although we are very far as yet from having arrived
at such a result, I believe it will be possible for us to
realise to ourselves a condition through which cur
ancestors must have passed in pre-historic times — one
more primitive than any of which we have at present
an actual example.
At any rate, it cannot be doubted that the careful
study of manners and customs, traditions and supersti-
tions, will eventually solve many difficult problems of
Ethnology. This mode of research, however, requires
to be used with great caution, and has in fact led to
many erroneous conclusions. For instance, in more
than one case, savage races have been regarded as de-
scendants of the Ten Tribes, because their customs
offered some singular points of resemblance with those
recorded in the Pentateuch. In these cases, a wider
acquaintance with the manners and customs of savage
races would have shown that these coincidences, so far
from being, as supposed, peculiar to these tribes, were,
in fact, common to several, if not to most, of the prin-
cipal races of mankind. Much careful study will, there-
IMFOETANGE OF THE SUBJECT 5
fore, be required before this class of evidence can be
used with safety, though I doubt not that eventually it
will be found most instructive.
The study of savage life is, moreover, as I have
already observed, of peculiar importance to us, forming,
as we do, part of a great empire, with, colonies in every
part of the world, and fellow-citizens in many stages of
civilisation. Of this our Indian possessions afford us a
good illustration. 'We have studied the lowland popu-
' lation,' says Mr. Hunter,-'- ' as no conquerors ever studied
' or understood a subject race. Their history, their habits,
'their requirements, their very weaknesses and preju-
' dices are known, and furnish a basis for those political
' inductions which, under the titles of administrative
' foresight and timely reform, meet popular movements
' half-way. The East India Company grudged neither
' honours nor solid rewards to any meritorious effort to
* illustrate the peoples whom it ruled.' . . ,
' The practical result now appears. English ad-
' ministrators understand the Aryan, and are almost
' totally ignorant of the non- Aryan, population of
' India. They know with remarkable precision how
' a measure will be received by the higher or purely
' Aryan ranks of the community ; they can foresee
' with less certainty its effect upon the lower or semi-
' Aryan classes, but they neither know nor venture to
' predict the results of any line of action among the
'non- Aryan tribes. Political calculations are impos-
' sible without a knowledge of the j)eople. But the evil
' does not stop here. In the void left by ignorance,
' prejudice has taken up its seat, and the calamity of
^ Non -Aryan Languages of India, p. 2.
6 DIFFICULTY OF THE SUBJECT
' the lion- Aryan races is not merely that they are not
^ understood, but that they are misrepresented.'
Well, therefore, has it been observed by Sir Henry
Maine, in his excellent work on ' Ancient Law,' that,
* even if they gave more trouble than they do, no pains
* would be wasted in ascertaining the germs out of
* which has assuredly been unfolded every form of
' moral restraint which controls our actions and shapes
' our conduct at the present moment. ... As societies
* do not advance concurrently, but at different rates of
' progress, there have been epochs at which men trained
^ to habits of methodical observation have really been
* in a position to watch and describe the infancy of
' mankind.' ^ He refers particularly to Tacitus, whom
he praises for having ' made the most of such an oppor-
' tunity ;' adding, however, 'but the '' Germany," unlike
' most celebrated classical books, has not induced others
' to follow the excellent example set by its author, and
' the amount of this sort of testimony which we possess
' is exceedingly small.'
This is, however, I think, far from being reallv the
case. At all ejDochs some ' men trained to habits of
' methodical observation have really been in a ]30sition
to watch and describe the infancy of mankind,' and
the testimony of our modern travellers is in many cases
of the same nature as that for which we are indebted to
Tacitus.
It must, however, be admitted that our information
with reference to the social and moral condition of the
lower races of man is certainly very far from being
satisfactory, either in extent or in accuracy. Travellers
^ Maine's Ancient Law, p. 120.
MENTAL CONDITION OF 8AVAGUS 7
naturally find it far easier to describe the houses, boats,
food, dress, weapons, and implements of savages, than
to understand their thoughts and feelings. The whole
mental condition of a savage is so different from ours,
that it is often very difficult to follow what is passing
in his mind, or to understand the motives by which he
is influenced. Many things appear natural and almost
self-evident to him, which produce a very different im-
pression on us. ' What ! ' said a negro to Burton, ' am
' I to starve, while my sister has children whom she can
' sell ? '
When the natives of the Lower Murray first saw
pack oxen, some of them were frightened and took them
for demons ^ with spears on their heads,' while others
thought they were the wives of the settlers, because
they carried the baggage.-^
Moreover, though savages always have a reason,
such as it is, for what they do and what they believe,
their reasons often are very absurd. The difficulty of
ascertaining what is passing in their minds is of course
much enhanced by the difficulty of communicating
with them. This has produced many laughable mis-
takes. Thus, when Labillardiere enquired of the
Friendly Islanders the word for 1,000,000, they seem
to have thought the question absurd, and answered him
by a word which apparently has no meaning ; when he
asked for 10,000,000, they said ' laoalai,' which I will
leave unexplained; for 100,000,000, 'laounoua,' that is
to say, • nonsense ; ' while for the higher numbers they
gave him certain coarse expressions, which he has
gravely published in his table of numerals.
^ Taplin, The Narinyeri, p. 53.
8 EBE0B8 ARISING FBOM
A mistake made by Dampier led to more serious
results. He bad met some Australians, and appre-
bending an attack, be says : — ' I discbarged my gun to
^ scare tbem, but avoided sbooting any of tbem ; till,
^finding tbe young man in great danger from tbem,
' and myself in some, and tbat tbougb tbe gun bad a little
' frigbtened tbem at first, yet they had soon learnt to despise
^ it, tossing up tbeir bands, and crying "Poob, poob,
' ^'poob ! " and coming on afresb witb a great noise, I
^ tbougbt it bigb time to cbarge again, and sboot one of
^ tbem, wbicb I did . . . and returned back with my men,
' designing to attempt tbe natives no fartber, being very
'sorry for wbat bad happened already.'^ 'Poob,
'poob,' however, or 'puff, puif,' is tbe name which
savages, like children, naturally apply to guns.
Another source of error is, tbat savages are often
reluctant to contradict wbat is said to tbem. Living-
stone calls special attention to this as a character-
istic of tbe natives of Africa.^ Mr. Oldfield,^ again,
speaking of the Australians, tells us : — ' I have found
' this habit of non- contradiction to stand very much
' in my way when making enquiries of tbem, for, as
' my knowledge of their language was only sufficient
'to enable me to seek information on some points
' by putting suggestive questions, in which they im-
' mediately concurred, I was frequently driven nearly
' to my wits' end to arrive at the truth. A native once
' brought me in some specimens of a species of euca-
^lyptus, and being desirous of ascertaining the habit of
' the plant, I asked, " A tall tree ? " to which bis ready
* Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. si. p. 473. ^ Expedition to tlie Zamlbesi, p. 309.
3 Trans. Ethn. Soc. N.S. vol. iii. p. 255.
IGNOUANGE OF LANGUAGE 9
' answer was in the affirmative. Not feeling quite
' satisfied, I again demanded, " A low bush ? " to which
' '' Yes," was also the response.'
Again, the mind of the savage, like that of the child,
is easily fatigued, and he will then give random answers,
to spare himself the trouble of thought. Speaking of
the Ahts (N.W.America), Mr. Sproat^ says: — 'The
' native mind, to an educated man, seems generally to
' be asleep ; and if you suddenly ask a novel question,
' you have to repeat it while the mind of the savage is
' awaking, and to speak with emphasis until he has quite
' got your meaning. ... A short conversation wearies
' him, particularly if questions are asked that require
' eflforts of thought or memory on his part. The mind
' of the savage then appears to rock to and fro out of
' mere weakness, and he tells lies and talks nonsense.'
' I frequently enquired of the negroes,' says Park,
' what became of the sun during the night, and whether
' we should see the same sun or a different one, in the
' morning ; but I found that they considered the ques-
' tion as very childish. The subject appeared to them
' as placed beyond the reach of human investigation ;
'they had never indulged a conjecture, nor formed any
' hypothesis, about the matter.' -
Such ideas are, in fact, entirely beyond the mental
range of the lower savages, w^hose extreme mental in-
feriority we have much difficulty in realising.
Speaking of the wild men in the interior of Borneo,
Mr. Dalton^ says that they are found living 'absolutely
^ Scenes and Studies of Savage ^ Moor's Notices of the Indian
Life, p. 120. Archipelago, p. 49. See also Keppel's
- Park's Travels, vol. i. p. 265. Expedition to Borneo, vol. ii. p. 10.
10 ABJECT CONDITION OF TUB
^ in a state of nature, who neither cultivate the ground
^ nor live in huts ; who neither eat rice nor salt, and who
* do not associate with each other, but rove about some
' woods, like wild beasts ; the sexes meet in the jungle,
* or the man carries away a woman from some campong.
^ When the children are old enough to shift for them-
* selves, they usually separate, neither one afterwards
' thinking of the other. At night they sleep under some
4arge tree, the branches of which hang low ; on
^ these they fasten the children in a kind of swing ;
' around the tree they make a fire to keep off the wild
' beasts and snakes. They cover themselves with a piece
' of bark, and in this also they wrap their children ; it
' is soft and warm, but will not keep out the rain. The
' poor creatures are looked on and treated by the other
' Dyaks as wild beasts.'
Lichtenstein describes a Bushman as presenting
^ the true physiognomy of the small blue ape of Caf-
^ fraria. What gives the more verity to such a com-
^ parison was the vivacity of his eyes, and the flexibility
' of his eye-brows. . . . Even his nostrils and the
^ corners of his mouth, nay his very ears, moved in-
^ voluntarily. . . . There was not, on the contrary, a
' single feature in his countenance that evinced a con-
' sciousness of mental powers.' -^
Under these circumstances it cannot be wondered at
that we have most contradictory accounts as to the cha-
racter and mental condition of savages. Nevertheless,
by comparing together the accounts of different tra-
vellers, we can to a great extent avoid these sources of
^ Lichtenstein, vol. ii. p. 224.
L0WE8T EACU8 OF MEN 11
error ; and we are very much aided in this by the re-
markable similarity between different races. So striking,
indeed, is this, that different races in similar stages of
development often present more features of resemblance
to one another than the same race does to itself in
different stages of its history.
Some ideas, which seem to us at first inexplicable
and fantastic, are yet very widely distributed. Thus
among many races a woman is absolutely forbidden to
speak to her son-in-law. Franklin ^ tells us that among
the American Indians of the far North ' it is considered
^ extremely improper for a mother-in-law to speak or
' even look at him ; and when she has a communication
^ to make to him it is the etiquette that she should turn
' her back upon him, and address him only through the
' medium of a third person.'
Further south, among the Omahaws, ^ neither the
^ father-in-law nor mother-in-law will hold any direct
^ communication with their son-in-law.' ^ Harmon says
that among the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains
the same rule prevails. Baegert ^ mentions that among
the Indians of California ' the son-in-law was not
' allowed, for some time, to look into the face of his
' mother-in-law, or his wife's nearest relations, but had
' to step on one side, or to hide himself when these
' women were present.'
Lafitau,^ indeed, makes the same statements as re-
gards the North American Indians generally. We find
^ Journey to the Shores of the Translated by 0. Rau, in Smith-
Polar Sea, vol. i. p. 137. sonian Rep. for 1863-4, p. 368.
^ James's Expedition to the ^ Moeurs des Sauvages Ameri-
Rocky Mountains, vol. i. p. 232. cains, vol. i. p. 676.
2 Account of California, 1773.
12 GUBI0U8 CUSTOMS WITH BEFEBENGE TO
it among the Crees and Dacotahs, and again in Florida.
Rochefort mentions it among the Caribs, and in South
America it recurs among the Arawaks.
In Asia, among the Mongols and Kalmucks, a woman
must not speak to her father-in-law nor sit down in his
presence. Among the Ostiaks of Siberia,^ ' une fille
mariee evite autant qu'il lui est possible la presence du
pere de son mari, tant qu'elle n'a pas d'enfant ; et le
mari, pendant ce temps, n'ose pas paroitre devant la
mere de sa femme. S'ils se rencontrent par hasard, le
mari lui tourne le dos, et la femme se couvre le visage.
On ne donne point de nom aux filles ostiakes ; lors-
qu'elles sont mariees, les hommes les nomment Imi,
femmes. Les femmes, par respect pour leurs maris,
ne les appellent pas par leur nom ; elles se servent du
mot de Take, hommes.'
In China, according to Duhalde, the father-in-law,
after the wedding day, * never sees the face of his
* daughter-in-law again ; he never visits her,' and if they
chance to meet he hides himself.^ A similar custom
prevails in Borneo and in the Fiji Islands. In Australia,
also. Eyre states that a man must not pronounce the
name of his father in-law, his mother-in-law, or his
son-in-law.
Dubois mentions that in certain districts of Hindo-
stan a woman ' is not permitted to speak to her mother-
' in-law. When any task is prescribed to her, she shows
' her acquiescence only by signs ; ' a contrivance, he
1 Pallas, vol. iv. pp. 71, 577. Russie, pt. i. pp. 191-203; pt. ii.
He makes the same statement with p. 104.
reference to the Samoyedes, loc. cit. ^ Astley's Collection of Voyages,
p. 99. See also Miiller, Description vol. iv. p. 91.
de toutes les Nations de I'Empire de
M0THEB8-IN-LAW 13
sarcastically adds, ' well adapted for securing domestic
• tranquillity.' ^
In Central Africa, Gail lie '^ observes that, ' from this
moment the lover is not to see the father and mother
of his future bride : he takes the greatest care to avoid
them, and if by chance they perceive him they cover
their faces, as if all ties of friendship were broken. I
tried in vain to discover the origin of this whimsical
custom ; the only answer I could obtain was, " It's our
'' way." The custom extends beyond the relations : if
the lover is of a different camp, he avoids all the in-
habitants of the lady's camp, except a few intimate
friends whom he is permitted to visit. A little tent is
generally set up for him, under which he remains all
day, and if he is obliged to come out, or to cross the
camp, he covers his face. He is not allowed to see his
intended during the day, but, when everybody is at
rest, he creeps into her tent and remains with her till
daybreak.' Among the Kaffirs^ a married woman 'is
required to " hlonipa " her father-in-law and all her
husband's male relations in the ascending line — that
is, to be cut off from all intercourse with them. She
is not "allowed to pronounce their names, even men-
tally ; and whenever the emphatic syllable of either of
their names occurs in any other word, she must avoid
it, by either substituting an entirely new word, or at
least another syllable, in its place. The son-in-law is
placed under certain restrictions towards his mother-
in-law. He cannot enjoy her society or remain in the
^ On the People of India, p. 235. ^ KaiRr Laws and Customs, pp.
- Caillie's Travels to TimlDuctoo, 95, 96.
Yol. i. p. 94.
14 MOTHERS-IN-LAW
^ same hut with her ; nor can he pronounce her name. ^
Among the Bushmen in the far South, Chapman re-
counts exactly the same thing, yet none of these obser-
vers had any idea how general the custom is.
In Australia, among the aborigines of Victoria, ' it
^ is compulsory on the mothers-in-law to avoid the sight
^ of their sons-in-law, by making the mothers-in-law
^ take a very circuitous route on all occasions to avoid
* being seen, and they hide the face and figure with the
' rug which the female carries about her.' ^ So strict is
the rule, that if married men are jealous of any one,
they sometimes promise to give him a daughter in
marriage. This places the wife, according to custom,
in the position of a mother-in-law, and renders any
communication between her and her future son-in-law a
capital crime.
More or less similar customs occur among the
Dyaks, and other races, and cannot possibly be without
a cause.
Mr. Tylor, who has some very interesting remarks
on these customs in his ' Early History of Man,' observes
that 'it is hard even to 2:uess what state of thing's
' could have brought them into existence,' nor, so far
as I am aware, has any one else attempted to explain
them. In the Chapter on Marriage I shall, however
point out the manner in which I conceive that they
have arisen.
Another curious custom is that known in Bearn
under the name of La Couvade. Probably every Eno--
lishman who had not studied other races would assume
as a matter of course, that on the birth of a child the
^ Keport of Select Committee on Aborigines, Victoria, 1859, p. 73.
LA GOUVADU 15
motlier would everywhere be put to bed and nursed.
But this is not the case. In many races the father, and
not the mother, is doctored when a baby is born.
Yet though this custom seems so ludicrous to us,
it is very widely distributed. Commencing with South
America, DobritzhofFer tells us that ' no sooner do you
^ hear that a woman has borne a child, than you see the
^ husband lying in bed huddled up with mats and skins,
* lest some ruder breath of air should touch him, fasting,
^ kept in private, and for a number of days abstaining
^ religiously from certain viands : you would swear it
^ was he who had had the child. ... I had read about
' this in old times, and laughed at it, never thinking I
^ could believe such madness, and I used to suspect
^ that this barbarian custom was related more in jest
' than in earnest ; but at last I saw it with my own
^ eyes among the Abipones.'
In Brazil, among the Coroados, Martins tells us that
^ as soon as the woman is evidently pregnant, or has
' been delivered, the man withdraws. A strict regimen
' is observed before the birth ; the man and the woman
' refrain for a time from the flesh of certain animals, and
' live chiefly on fish and fruits.' ^
Further north, in Guiana, Mr. Brett ^ observes that
' some of the men of the Acawoio and Caribi nations,
' when they have reason to expect an increase of their
' families, consider themselves bound to abstain from
^ certain kinds of meat, lest the expected child should,
* in some very mysterious way, be injured by their par-
' taking of it. The Acouri (or Agouti) is thus tabooed,
^ Spix's and Martius's Travels in ^ Brett's Indian Tribes of Guiana,
Brazil, vol. ii. p. 247. p. 355.
16
REASON FOB LA COJJYABE
lest, like that little animal, the child should be meagre :
the Haimara, also, lest it should be blind — the outer
coating of the eye of that fish suggestmg film or
cataract ; the Lahba, lest the infant's mouth should
protrude like the labba's or lest it be spotted like the
labba, which spots would ultimately become ulcers.'
And again : — ' On the birth of a child, the ancient
Indian etiquette requires the father to take to his ham-
mock, where he remains some days as if he were sick,
and receives the cons^ratulations and condolence of his
friends. An instance of this custom came under my
own observation, where the man, in robust health and
excellent condition, without a single bodily ailment,
was lying in his hammock in the most provoking
manner, and carefully and respectfully attended by
the women, while the mother of the new-born infant
was cooking — none apparently regarding her ! ' ^
Similar statements have been made by various other
travellers, including De Tertre, Giliz, Biet, Fermin, and
in fact almost all who have written on the natives of
South America.
In North America, Bancroft mentions the existence
of a similar custom among the natives of California and
New Mexico. Remy states that among the Shoshones,
when a woman is in labour, the husband also is bound
' to remain in seclusion, away from every one, even from
' his wife.' ^ In Greenland, after a woman is confined,
the 'husband must forbear working for some weeks,
« neither must they drive any trade during that time ; '^
in Kamskatka, for some time before the birth of a baby,
1 Brett, loG. cit. p. 101.
^ Journey to the Great Salt Lake
City, p. 126.
2 Egede's Greenland, p. 196.
BEASON FOB LA COUVADE 17
the husband must do no hard work. In South India,
Mr. Tylor^ quotes Mr. F. W. Jennings as stating that
among natives of the higher castes about Madras,
Seringapatam, and on the Malabar Coast, ' a man, at the
' birth of his first son or daughter by the chief wife, or
^ for any son afterwards, will retire to bed for a lunar
^ month, living principally on a rice diet, abstaining
*from exciting food and from smokmg.' In Fiji, also,
when a child is born, the father, as well as the mother,
is careful to abstain from eating anything which might
disagree with the infant.
Similar notions occur among the Chinese of West
Yunnan, among the Dyaks of Borneo, in Melanesia, in
Madagascar, on the west coast of Africa, among the
Kaffirs, in the north of Spain, in Corsica, and in the south
of France, where it is called ' faire la couvade.' While,
however, I regard this curious custom as of much
ethnological interest, I cannot agree with Mr. Tylor in
regarding it as evidence that the races by whom it is
practised belong to one variety of the human species.^
On the contrary, I believe that it originated indepen-
dently in several distinct parts of the world.
It is of course evident that a custom so ancient, and
so widely spread, must have its origin in some idea
which satisfies the savage mind. Several explanations
have been suggested. Professor Max Muller,^ in his
' Chips from a Grerman Workshop,' says : — ' It is clear
' that the poor husband was at first tyrannised over by
'his female relations, and afterwards frio^htened into
^ Tylor's Early History of Man, ^ Chips from a German Work-
2nd ed., p. 301. shop, vol. ii. p. 281.
' Loc. cit. p. 296.
18 SAVAGE IDEAS OK TEE INFLUENCE OF FOOD
^superstition. He then began to make a martyr of
' himself till he made himself really ill, or took to his
' bed in self-defence. Strange and absurd as the cou-
' vade appears at first sight, there is something in it
' with which, we believe, most mothers-in-law can
' sympathise.' Lafitau^ regards it as arising from a dim
recollection of original sin ; rejecting the Carib and
Abipon explanation, which I have little doubt is the
correct one, that they do it because they believe that if
the father engaged in any rough work, or was careless
in his diet, ' cela feroit mal a I'enfant, et que cet enfant
' participeroit a tons les defauts naturels des animaux
* dont le pere auroit mange.'
This idea — namely, that a person imbibes the
characteristics of an animal which he eats — is very
widely distributed. In India, Forsyth mentions that
Mahouts often give their elephant ' a piece of a tiger's
^ liver to make him courageous, and the eyes of the
' brown horned owl to make him see well at night.' ^
The Malays at Singapore also give a large price for the
flesh of the tiger, not because they like it, but because
they believe that the man who eats tiger ^ acquires the
^ sagacity as well as the courage of that animal,'^ an
idea which occurs among several of the Indian hill
tribes.^
' The Dyaks of Borneo have a prejudice against the
^ flesh of deer, which the men may not eat, but which is
^allowed to women and children. The reason given
' for this is, that if the warriors eat the flesh of deer
1 Moeurs des Saiivages Am6ri- ^ Keppel's Visit to the Indian
cains, vol. i. p. 259. Archipelago, p. 13.
2 Forsyth's Highlands of Central * Dalton's Des. Ethn. of Bengal,
India, p. 452. p. 38.
SAVAGE IDEAS ON THE INFLUENCE OF FOOD 19
* they become as faint-hearted as that animal.' ^ ' In
^ ancient times those who wished for children used to
^ eat frogs, because that animal lays so many eggs.' ^
The Caribs will not eat the flesh of pigs or of tor-
toises, lest their eyes should become as small as those
of these animals.^ The Dacotahs eat the liver of the
dog, in order to possess the sagacity and courage of
that animal.^ The Arabs also imjDute the passionate
and revengeful character of their countrymen to the
use of camel's flesh.^ In Siberia the bear is eaten under
the idea that its flesh ' gives a zest for the chase, and
' renders them proof against fear.' ^ The Kaffirs also
prepare a powder 'made of the dried flesh of various
^ wild beasts, intending by the administering of this
' compound to impart to the men the qualities of the
^ several animals.' ^
Tylor^ mentions that an 'English merchant in
^ Shanghai, at the time of the Taeping attack, met his
' Chinese servant carrying home a heart, and asked him
' what he had got there. He said it was the heart of a
^ rebel, and that he was going to take it home and eat
'it to make him brave.' The New Zealanders, after
baptising an infant, used to make it swallow pebbles,
so that its heart might be hard and incapable of pity.^
Even cannibalism is sometimes due to this idea, and the
New Zealanders eat their most formidable enemies partly
^ Keppel's Expedition to Borneo, ^ Astley's Collection of Voyages,
vol. i. p. 231. vol. ii. p. 143.
^ Inman's Ancient Faiths in An- " Atkinson's Upper and Lovrer
cient Names, p. 383. Amoor, p. 462.
^ Miiller's Geschichte der Ameri- '^ Callaway's Religious System of
canischen Urreli^ionen, p. 221. tlie Amazulu, pt. iv. p. 438.
* Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, vol, ^ Early History of Man, p. 131 .
ii. p. 80. ^ Yate's New Zealand, p. 82.
c 2
20 SAVAGE IDEAS WITS REFERENCE TO PORTRAITS
for this reason. Until quite recent times many medical
remedies were selected on this principle. It is from the
same kind of idea that ' eyebright,' because the flower
somewhat resembles an eye, was supposed to be good
for ocular complaints.
To us the idea seems absurd. Not so to children.
I have myself heard a little girl say to her brother, ' If
' you eat so much goose you will be quite silly ; ' and
there are perhaps few children to whom the induction
would not seem perfectly legitimate.
From the same notion, the Esquimaux, ' to render
' barren women fertile or teeming, take old pieces of the
* soles of our shoes to hang about them ; for, as they
' take our nation to be more fertile, and of a stronger
' disposition of body than theirs, they fancy the virtue
^ of our body communicates itself to our clothing.' ^
In fact, savages do not act without reason, any more
than we do, though their reasons may often be bad ones
and seem to us singularly absurd. Thus they have a
great dread of having their portraits taken. The better
the likeness, the worse they think for the sitter ; so
much life could not be put into the copy, except at the
expense of the original. Once, when a good deal an-
noyed by some Indians, Kane got rid of them instantly
by threatening to draw theui if they remained. Catlin
tells an amusing, but melancholy, anecdote in reference
to this feeling. On one occasion he was drawing a
chief named Mahtocheega, in profile. This, when ob-
served, excited much commotion among the Indians :
' Why was half his face left out ? ' they asked ; ' Mah-
' tocheega was never ashamed to look a white man in the
^ Egede's Greenland, p. 198.
0UBI0U8 IDEAS WITH BEFUBUNGJE TO PORTRAITS 21
' face.' Malitocheega himself does not seem to have
taken any offence, but Shonka, ' the Bog,* took advan-
tage of the idea to taunt him. ' The Englishman knows,'
he said, ' that you are but half a man ; he has painted
' but one half of your face, and he knows that the rest
' is good for nothing.' This view of the case led to a
fight, in which poor Mahtocheega was shot ; and, as ill
luck w^ould have it, the bullet by which he was killed
tore away just that part of the face which had been
omitted in the drawing.
This was very unfortunate for Mr. Catlin, who had
great difficulty in making his escape, and lived some
months after in fear of his life ; nor was the matter
settled until both Shonka and his brother had been
killed in revenge for the death of Mahtocheega.
Franklin also mentions that the North American
Indians ' prize pictures very highly, and esteem any
'they can get, however badly executed, as efficient
charms.' ^ The natives of Bornou had a similar
horror of being ' written ; ' they said ' that they did not
' like it ; that the Sheik did not like it ; that it was a
' sin ; and I am quite sure, from the impression, that we
' had much better never have produced the book at all.' ^
The Fetich women in Dahome, says Burton, ' were easily
' dispersed by their likenesses being sketched.' ^ In his
Travels in Lapland, Sir A. de C. Brooke says : — ' I
' could clearly perceive ^ that many of them imagined
' the magical art to be connected with what I was doing,
^ and on this account showed signs of uneasiness, till
^ Voyage to the Polar Seas^ ii. 6. ^ Mission to the King of Da-
~ Denham's Travels in Africa, home, i. 278.
vol. i. p. 27-5. ' '^ Brooke's Lapland, p. 354.
22 SAVAGE IDEAS IN BEGAED TO WRITING
' reassured by some of the merchants. An instance of
' this happened one morning, when a Laplander knocked
' at the door of my chamber, and entered it, as they
' usually did, without further ceremony. Having come
' from Alten to Hammerfest on some business, curiosity
' had induced him, previously to his return, to pay the
' Englishman a visit. After a dram he seemed quite at,
' his ease ; and producing my pencil, I proceeded, as he
' stood, to sketch his portrait. His countenance now
* immediately changed, and taking up his cap, he was on
^ the point of making an abrupt exit, without my being
^ able to conjecture the cause. Ashe spoke only his
^ own tongue, I was obliged to have recourse to as-
' sistance ; when I found that his alarm was occasioned
' by my employment, which he at once comprehended,
' but suspected that, by obtaining a likeness of him, I
' should acquire over him a certain power and influence
' that might be prejudicial. He therefore refused to
' allow it, and expressed a wish, before any other steps
^ were taken, to return to Alten, and ask the permission
' of his master.' Mr. Ellis mentions the existence of a
similar feeling in Madagascar.^
We can hardly wonder that writing should seem to
savages even more magical than drawing. Carver, for
instance, allowed the North American Indians to open
a book as often as and wherever they pleased, and then
told them the number of leaves. ' The only way they
' could account,' he says, ' for my knowledge, was by
' concluding that the book was a spirit, and whispered
^ me answers to whatever I demanded of it.' '^
^ Three Visits to Madagascar, p. 358. 2 Travels, p. 265.
SAVAGE IDEAS IN BEGABD TO WRITING 23
Father Btiegert mentions ^ that ' a certain missionary
^ sent a native to one of his colleagues, with some loaves
^ of bread and a letter statmg their number. The mes-
' senger ate a part of the bread, and the theft was con-
' sequently discovered. Another time when he had to
' deliver four loaves, he ate two of them, but hid the
' accompanying letter under a stone while he was thus
' engaged, believing that his conduct would not be
* revealed this time, as the letter had not seen him in
' the act of eating the loaves.'
Further north, the Minatarrees, seeing Catlin intent
over a copy of the ' New York Commercial Advertiser,'
were much puzzled, but at length came to the conclu-
sion that it was a medicine- cloth for sore eyes. One of
them eventually bought it for a high price.''^
This use of writing as a medicine prevails largely in
Africa, where the priests or wizards w^ite a prayer on a
piece of board, wash it off, and make the patient drink
it. Caillie ^ met with a man who had a great reputation
for sanctity, and who made his living by writing prayers
on a board, washing them off, and then selling the water,
which was sprinkled over various objects and supposed
to improve or protect them.
Mungo Park on one occasion profited by this idea.
' A Bambarran having,' he says, ' heard that I was a
' Christian, immediately thought of procuring a saphie ;
^ and for this purpose brought out his walha or writing-
' board, assuring me that he would dress me a supper
' of rice if I would write him a saphie to protect him
' from wicked men. The proposal was of too great
^ Smithsonian Report, 1864, p. 379. ^^
2 American Indians, vol. ii. p. 92. ^ Travels, vol. i. p. 262.
24 USJE OF FBAYEBS AS MEBIGINE
' consequence to me to be refused ; I therefore wrote the
' board full from top to bottom on both sides ; and my
^landlord, to be cerlain of having the whole force of
' the charm, washed the writing from the board into a
^calabash with a little water, and, having said a few
' prayers over it, drank this powerful draught ; after
' which, lest a smgie word should escape, he licked the
'board until it was quite dry.'^ The same practice
occurs in India, where, however. Sir A. Lyall tells
me that the native practitioner may sometimes be seen
openly mixing croton oil in the ink with which he
writes his charm.
Among the Kirghiz, also, Atkinson tells us that
the Mullas sell amulets, ' at the rate of a sheep
' for each scrap of paper ; ' ^ and similar charms are
' in great request among the Turkomans,' ^ and in
Afghanistan.^
In Africa, the prayers written as medicine or as
amulets are generally taken from the Koran. It is
admitted that they are no protection from firearms ;
but this does not the least weaken the faith in them,
because, as guns were not invented in Mahomet's time,
he naturally provided no specific against them.^
The science of medicine, indeed, like that of astro-
nomy, and like religion, assumes among savages very
much the character of witchcraft.
Ignorant as they are of the processes by which life
^ Park's Travels, vol. i. p. 357. Asia, p. 50.
See also p. 56. Caillie's Travels to ^ Masson's Travels in Balo-
Timbuctoo, vol. i.p. 376. Earth, vol. chistan, Afghanistan, &c., vol. i. pp.
"• P- 449. 74, 90, 312 ; vol. ii. pp. 127, 302.
2 Siberia, p. 310. 5 Astley's Collection of Voyages,
3 Vambery's Travels in Central vol. ii. p. 35.
SAVAGE IDEAS ON DISEASE 26
is iriaintained, of anatomy and of physiology, the true
nature of disease does not occur to them. Thus the
negroes universally believe that diseases are caused by
evil spirits : ^ among the Kaffirs, ' diseases are all attri-
' buted to three causes — either to being enchanted by an
' enemy, to the anger of certain beings whose abode
' appears to be in the rivers, or to the power of evil
' spirits.' ^ So, again, in Guinea, the native doctors paint
their patients different colours in honour of the spirit
which is supposed to have caused the disease.^ In West
Australia, for the same reason, it is the duty of the
doctor to run round and round his patient, shouting as
he goes, to keep away the evil spirit.^
Similar theories on the origin and nature of disease
occur in various parts of the world, as, for instance, in
Siberia, among the Kalmucks, the Kirghiz, and Bash-
kirs ; ^ in many of the Indian tribes, as the Abors,
Kacharis, Kols, &c. ; ^ in Ceylon ; ^ among the Karens ; ^
in the Andamans ; in the Samoan, Harvey, and other
Pacific islands ; ^ in Madagascar, among the Caribs,^^
&c. The consequence of this is that cures are effected
by ejecting or exorcising the evil spirit. Among the Kal-
mucks, this is the business of the so-called ' Priests,'
^ Pritcliard's Natural History of pp. 123, 169.
Man, vol. ii. p, 704. "^ Dalton's Des. Etlmology of
^ LichteDstein, toI. i. p. 255. Bengal, pp. 25, 85.
Maclean's Kaffir Laws and Customs, "^ Saint-Hilaire, Le Boudha et sa
p. 88. Eeligion, p. 387.
^ Astlej's Collection of Voyages, ® The Karens of the Chersonese,
voi.ii.p. 439. Cruickshank, Eighteen pp. 123, 354.
Years on the Gold Coast, vol. ii- ^ Turner's Nineteen Years
pp. 134, 144. Polynesia, p. 224. Gerland's Cont.
* Forrest, Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of W^aitz's Anthrop. vol. vi. p. 682.
vol. iii. p. 319. ^° Tylor's Primitive Culture, vol.
^ Muller's Des. de toutes les Na- ii. p. 134.
tions de I'Empire de Russie, part i.
m
26 SAVAGE IDEAS ON DISEASE
who induce the evil spirit to quit the body of the patient
and enter some other object. If a chief is ill, some
other person is induced to take his name, and thus, as
is supposed, ' the evil spirit passes into his body.' ■•• In
Eome there was an altar dedicated to the Goddess
Fever.^ Certain forms of disease, indeed, are now, and,
as we know, have long been, regarded, even among the
more advanced nations of the East, as caused by the
presence of evil spirits. ' The Assyrians and Baby-
lonians,' says the Rev. A. H. Sayce, 'like the Jews
' of the Talmud, believed that the world was swarm-
^ ing with obnoxious spirits who produced the various
^ diseases to which man is liable.' ^
Many savage races do not believe in natural death,
and if a man, however old, dies without being wounded,
conclude that he must have been the victim of magic.
Thus, then, when a savage is ill, he naturally attributes
his suiFerings to some enemy within him, or to some
foreign object, and the result is a peculiar system of
treatment, curious both for its simplicity and uni-
versality.
' It is remarkable in the Abiponian (Paraguay) phy-
* sicians,' says Father DobritzhofFer,^ ' that they cure
' every kind of disease with one and the same medicine.
' Let us examine this method of healing. They apply
'their lips to the part affected, and suck it, spitting
' after every suction. At intervals they blow upon that
^ De Hell's Steppes of the Gas- vol. i, p. 131.
plan Sea, p. 256. * History of the Abipones, vol. ii.
2 Epictetus, trans, by Mrs. Carter, p. 249. See also Azara, Voy. dans
vol. i. pp. 91, 104. I'Amer. Merid., vol. ii. pp. 25, 117,
3 Kecords of the Past, pub. by 140, 142.
the Society of Biblical Literature,
MEDIGAL TBEATMENT AMONG SAVAGES 27
'part of the body which is in pain. That blowing and
' sucking are alternately repeated. . . . This method of
' healing is in use amongst all the savages of Paraguay
' and Brazil that I am acquainted with. . . . The
' Abipones, still more irrational, expect sucking and
* blowing to rid the body, of whatever causes pain or
' inconvenience. This belief is constantly fostered by
Hhe jugglers with fresh artifices; for when they pre -
' pare to suck the sick man, they secretly put thorns,
' beetles, worms, &c., into their mouths, and spitting
' them out, after having sucked for some time, say to
' him, pointing to the worm or thorn, " See here the
' '' cause of your disorder." At this sight the sick man
' revives, when he thinks the enemy that has tormented
' him is at length expelled i'
At first one might almost be disposed to think that
some one had been amusing himself at the expense of
the worthy father, but we shall find the very same mode
of treatment among other races. Martins tells us that
the cures of the Gruaycurus (Brazil) ' are very sunple,
' and consist principally in fumigating or in sucking
' the part afifected, on which the Paye spits into a pit,
' as if he would give back the evil principle which he
' has sucked out to the earth and bury it.' ^
In British Guiana, Mr. Brett mentions that, ' if the
' sorcerer observes signs of recovery, he will pretend to
' extract the cause of the complaint by sucking the part
' afi'ected. After many ceremonies, he will produce from
' his mouth some strange substance, such as a thorn or
' gravel-stone, a fish bone or bird's claw, a snake's tooth
' or a piece of wire, which some malicious yauhahu is
^ Travels in Brazil, vol. ii. p. 77<
28 MEDICAL TEEATMENT AMONG SAVAGES
' supposed to have inserted in the affected part.' ^ The
Mexican doctors pretend to extract a piece of bone or^
some other object, which they then indicate to the
patient as having been the cause of his suffering.^
In North America, among the Carohna tribes, ' the
' theory was that all distempers were caused by evil
' spirits.' °
Father Baegert mentions that the Californian sor-
cerers blow upon and suck those who are ill, and finally
show them some small object, assuring them that it had
been extracted, and that it was the cause of the pain.
Wilkes thus describes a scene at Wallawalla, on the
Columbia River : — ' The doctor, who was a woman,
' bending over the body, began to suck his neck and
' chest in different parts, in order more effectually to
' extract the badsj)irit. She would every now and then
^ seem to obtain some of the disease, and then faint
' away. On the next morning she was still found suck-
ling the boy's chest. . . . So powerful was the influence
' operated on the boy that he indeed seemed better. , . .
' The last time Mr. Drayton visited the doctress, she
' exhibited a stone, about the size of a goose's egg, saying
' that she had taken the disease of the boy out of him.' ^
Among the Prairie Indians, also, all diseases are
treated alike, being referred to one cause, viz., the
presence of an evil spirit, which must be expelled.
This the medicine-man ' attempts, in the first place, by
' certain incantations and ceremonies, intended to secure
^ Brett's Indian Tribes of Guiana, Soutliern Indians, p. 31.
p. 364. 4 United States Exploring Expe-
^ Bancroft, Native Races of the dition, vol. iv. p. 400. See also
Pacific States, vol. ii. p. 602. Jones's Antiquities of the Southern
^ Jones's Antiquities of the Indians, pp. 29, 30.
MEDICAL TREATMENT AMONG SAVAGES 29
' the aid of the spirit or spirits he worships, and then
' by all kinds of frightful noises and gestures, and suck-
' ing over the seat of pain with his mouth.' ^ Speaking
of the Hudson's Bay Indians, Hearne says : — ' Here it
* is necessary to remark that they use no medicine either
^ for internal or external complaints, but perform all
' their cures by charms — in ordinary cases sucking the
' part affected, blowing and singing/ ^
Again, in the extreme North, Crantz tells us that
among the Esquimaux old women are accustomed ^ to
' extract from a swollen leg a parcel of hair or scraps
' of leather ; they do it by sucking with their mouth,
' which they had before crammed full of such stuff.' ^
Passing on to the Laplanders, we are told that if any
one among them is ill, a wizard sucks his forehead and
blows in his face, thinking thus to cure him. Among
the Tunguses the doctor sucks the forehead of his
patient.
In South Africa, Chapman thus describes a similar
custom : — A man having been injured, he says, 'our
' friend sucked at the wound, and then . . . extracted
' from his mouth a lump of some substance, which wa&
' supposed to be the disease.' ^
In New Zealand,^ each disease was regarded as
being caused by a particular god ; thus ' Tonga was the
' god who caused headache and sickness : he took up his
' abode in the forehead. Mako-Tiki, a lizard god, was
1 Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, vol. ^ Travels in Africa, vol. ii. p. 45.
i. p. 250. See also Livingstone's Travels in
2 Yojage to the Northern Ocean, South Africa, p. 130.
p^ 189. ^ Taylor's New Zealand and
3 History of Greenland, vol. i. its Inhabitants, p. 34. Shortland,.
p. 14. P- 114.
30 SAVAGE IDEAS ON THE CAUSES OF DISEASES
' the source of all pains in the breast ; Tu-tangata-kino
^ was the god of the stomach ; Titi-hai occasioned pains
^ in the ankles and feet ; Rongomai and Tuparitapu
' were the gods of consumption ; Koro-kio presided
^ over childbirth.'
' Sickness,' says Yate/ ' is brought on by the
' " Atua," who, when he is angry, comes to them in
' the form of a lizard, enters their inside, and preys
* upon their vitals till they die. Hence they use incan-
^ tations over the sick, with the expectation of either
^ propitiating the angry deity or of driving him away ;
' for the latter of which purposes they make use of
^ the most threatening and outrageous language.' The
Stiens of Cambodia believe ' in an evil genius, and
' attribute all disease to him. If any one be suiFering
' from illness, they say it is the demon tormenting
' him ; and, with this idea, make, night and day, an
^ insupportable noise around the patient.' ^
' Among the Bechuana tribes, the name adopted by
^ the missionaries (for God) is Morimo. . . . Morimo,
^ to those who know anything about it, had been
' represented by rain-makers and , sorcerers as a male-
* volent being which . . . sometimes came out and
' inflicted diseases on men and cattle, and even caused
' death.' The word did not at first convey to the
' Bechuana mind the idea of a person or persons, but
^ of a state or disease, or what superstition would style
' bewitched. . . . They could not describe who or what
^ Morimo was, except something cunning or mali-
' cious. . . . They never applied the name to a human
Yate's New Zealand, p. 141.
Mouhot's Travels in the Central Parts of Indo-China, vol. i. p. 250.
_ SAVAGE IDEAS ON THE CAUSES OF DISEASES 31
' being, except in the way of ridicule, or in adulation
^ to those who taught his greatness, wisdom, and
* power.' ^
The same idea occurs in Madagascar. Sibree gives
the following account : — ' A woman of rank appointed
* for the occasion began to dance, while another, seated
' behind the sick persons, began to beat a worn-out
^ spade, suspended by a string, with a hatchet, quite
^ close to their ears, making a horrid din. The idea of
^ this is to drive the angatra (evil spirit) possessing the
^ sick person, into one of those dancing.' ^
* The good spirits of the departed, Azimo or Bazimo,
* may be propitiated by medicines, or honoured by
' offerings of beer or meal, or anything tbey loved while
' in the body ; and the bad spirits, " Mchesi," of whom
^ we have heard only at Litte, and therefore cannot be
^ certain that they belong to the pure native faith, may
^ be prevented by medicine from making raids, and mis-
^ chief in the gardens. A man with headache was heard
' to say, " My departed father is now scolding me ; I feel
^ " his power in my head ; " and he was observed to re-
^ move from the company, make an offering of a little
^ food on a leaf, and pray, looking upwards, to where he
' supposed his father's spirit to be. They are not, like
* Mohammedans, ostentatious in their prayers.' ^
The Koussa Kaffirs,^ says Lichtenstein, ascribe all
their diseases ' to one of three causes : either to being
' enchanted by an enemy ; to the anger of certain beings,
^ whose abode appears to be in the rivers ; or to the
^ power of evil spirits.' Among the Kols of JN'agpore,
1 Moffat's Trayels, p. 260. ^ Livingstone, toI. ii. p. 520.
" Folk Lore Record, vol. ii. p. 46. ^ Lichtenstein, vol. ii. p. 255.
32 SUCKING OUT THE EVIL
as Colonel E. T. Dalton tells us, ' all disease in men
' and in cattle is attributed to one of two causes : the
' wrath of some evil spirit who has to be appeased,
* or the spell of some witch or sorcerer.' ^ The same
is the case with the Cinghalese,^ and indeed with the
aboriginal races of India generally.
In Australia, we are told by ex-Governor Eyre, in
his interesting work, that, ' as all internal pains are
' attributed to witchcraft, sorcerers possess the power
' of relieving or curing them. Sometimes the mouth is
' applied to the surface where the pain is seated, the
' blood is sucked out, and a bunch of green leaves
' applied to the part. Besides the blood, which is
' derived from the gums of the sorcerer, a bone is some-
' times put out of the mouth, and declared to have been
' procured from the diseased part. On other occasions
' the disease is drawn out in an invisible form, and
' burnt in the fire or thrown into the water.' ^
Thus, then, we find all over the world this primitive
cure by sucking out the evil, which perhaps even with
ourselves lingers among nurses and children in the
universal nursery remedy of ' Kiss it and make it well.'
These misconceptions of the true nature of disease
lead to many other singular modes of treatment. Thus,
among the Kukis, the doctor, not the patient, takes the
remedies. Consequently, food is generally prescribed,
and in cases of severe illness a bufirilo is sacrificed, and
the doctor gives a feast.^
1 Trans. Ethn. Soc, N.S., 1868, Trans. Etlm. Soc, N.S., vol. iii.
p. 30. p. 243.
2 St.-Hilaire, Boudlia, p. 387. * Dalton's Des. Ethn. of Bengal,
3 Discoveries in Central Australia, p. 46.
vol. ii. p. 360. See also Oldfield,
LIFE ATTRIBUTED TO INANIMATE OBJECTS 33
Another curious remedy practised by the Austra-
lians is to tie a line round the forehead or neck of the
patient, while some kind friend rubs her lips with the
* other end of the string until they bleed freely ; this
' blood is supposed to come from the patient, passing
^ along the string.' ^ It naturally follows from this,
and is, as will be presently shown, the belief of many of
the lower races of men, that death also is the work of
vile spirits.
Some curious ideas prevalent among savages arise
from the fact that as their own actions are due to life,
so they attribute life even to inanimate objects. Even
Plato assumed that everything which moves itself must
have a soul, and hence that the world must have a soul.
Heame tells us that the^N^orth American Indians pre-
fer one hook that has caught a big fish to a handful
that have never been tried ; and that they never put
two nets together for fear they should be jealous of one
another.^
The Esquimaux thought that Captain Lyons 's
musical box was the child of his small hand-organ.^
The Bushmen supposed that Chapman's big waggon
was the mother of his smaller ones ; they ' despise an
' arrow that has once failed of its mark ; and on the
' contrary consider one that has hit as of double value.
' They will, therefore, rather make new arrows, how
' much time and trouble soever it may cost them, than
' collect those that have missed, and use them again.' *
In Mangaia Mr. Gill informs me that a club or spear
^ English Colony in New South ^ Lyons's Journal, p. 140.
Wales, pp. 363, 382, ^ Lichtenstein's Travels in South
2 Loc. cit. p. 330. Africa, vol. ii. p. 271 .
D
34 KILLING INANIMATE OBJECTS
which has not taken human life is not considered fit to
go into battle. Hence many an unoffending person is
murdered merely to qualify some weapon for use in war.
The natives of Tahiti sowed some iron nails given
them by Captain Cook, hoping thus to obtain young
ones. They also believe that ' not only all animals, but
' trees, fruit, and even stones, have souls, which at death,
' or upon being consumed or broken, ascend to the divi-
' nity, with whom they first mix, and afterwards pass
' into the mansion allotted to each.'
The Tongans were of opinion that ' if an animal
' dies,"^ its soul immediately goes to Bolotoo ; if a stone
' or any other substance is broken, immortality is equally
^ its reward ; nay, artificial bodies have equal good luck
* with men, and hogs, and yams. If an axe or a chisel
^ is worn out or broken up, away flies its soul for the
* service of the gods. If a house is taken down or any
' way destroyed, its immortal part will find a situation
^ on the plains of Bolotoo.' Hence probably the custom
of breaking the implements, &c., buried with the dead.
This was done to render them useless, for the savage
would not dream of violating the sanctity of the tomb ;
but because the implements required to be 'killed,' so
that their spirits, like those of the wives and slaves,
might accompany their master to the land of shadows.
Lichtenstein relates that the king of the Koussa
Kaffirs, having broken off a piece of the anchor of a
stranded ship, died soon afterwards ; upon which all
the Kaffirs made a point of saluting the anchor very
respectfully whenever they passed near it, regarding it
as a vindictive being.
^ Mariner's Tonga Islands, vol. ii. p. 137.
SALUTATIONS 35
Some similar accident probabl}^ gave rise to the
ancient Mohawk notion that some great misfortune
would happen if any one spoke on Saratoga Lake. A
strong-minded Englishwoman, on one occasion, while
being ferried over, insisted on talking, and, as she got
across safely, rallied her boatman on his superstition ;
but I think he had the best of it after all, for he at once
replied, ' The Great Spirit is merciful, and knows that a
^ white woman cannot hold her tongue.' ^
The forms of Salutation among savages are some-
times very curious, and their modes of showing their
feelings quite unlike ours, though they can generally be
explained without difficulty. Kissing appears to us to
be the natural lano-uao-e of affection. ' It is certain,'
says Steele, ' that nature was its author, and it began
^ with the first courtship ; ' but this seems to be quite a
mistake. In fact, it was unknown to the Australians,
the Papouans, the Indians of Guiana, and the Esqui-
maux. The Polynesians did not kiss ; they pressed not
the lips, but the nose. The African negroes, we are
told, do not like it, otherwise I should have thought
that, when once discovered, it would have been uni-
versally popular. The New Zealanders, and the Hervey
Islanders did not know how to whistle ; ^ the West
Africans do not shake hands ; ^ the Batonga (one of the
tribes residing on the Zambesi) salute their friends by
throwing themselves on their backs on the ground,
rolling from side to side, and slapping their thighs with
their hands. ^
^ Burton's Abbeokuta, vol. i. p. ^ Burton's Mission to Dahome,
198. vol. i. p. 36.
^ Traditions of the New Zea- '^ Livingstone's Travels in South
landers, p. 131. Africa, p. 551.
D 2
36 SALUTATIONS
Clapping of hands is a high mark of respect in
Loango, and occurs also in various other negro tribes ^
the Dahomans and some of the coast negroes snap
their fingers at a person as a compliment. In Loango
courtiers salute the king by leaping backwards and
forwards two or three times, and swinging their arms.
The Fuegians show friendship by jumping up and down,,
and amongst ourselves 'jumping for joy' has become
proverbial.
The Bakaa, one of the Zambesi tribes, have a
peculiar prejudice against children who cut the upper
front teeth before the lower ones ; and ' you cut your
' top teeth first ' is one of the bitterest insults a man
can receive.^ I understand that among English nurses
also it is considered to indicate a weakly constitution.
The Polynesians and the Malays always sit down
when speaking to a superior ; a Chinaman puts on his
hat instead of taking it oif. Cook asserts that the
people of Mallicollo show their admiration by hissings
and the same is the case, according to Casalis, among
the Kafiirs.^ In some of the Pacific Islands, in parts
of Hindostan ^ and some parts of Africa, it is considered
respectful to turn your back to a superior. In the
Hervey Islands the head is thrown back, instead of for-
wards, as a salutation. Doughty ^ tells us that in Arabia,
if a beast is ill, they spit into water and then give it to the
animal to drink. Parents also often ask their children
to spit at them. He is disposed to consider that this
is done as a protection against evil spirits, but does not
^ Livingstone, loc. cit. p. 577. ^ Diilaois, loc cit. p. 210.
^ The BasutoS; by the Kev. E. ^ Travels in Arabia Desert a, by
Casalis, p. 234. C. M. Doughty, vol. ii. p. 164.
SALUTATIONS 37
:seem very clear on the subject. Some of the New
Guinea tribes salute a friend by squeezing their own
noses ; ^ on the White Nile,^ in Masai-land, and in
Ashantee they spit at you,^ and the people of Iddah
shake their fist as a friendly greeting.^ The Todas of
the Neilgherry Hills are said to show respect by ' raising
' the open right hand to the brow, resting the thumb on
' the nose ; ' on the upper Nile, Dr. Schweinfurth tells
us^ that the mode of showing admiration is to open
the mouth wide, and then cover it with the open hand ;
and it has been asserted that in one tribe of Esquimaux
it is customary to pull a person's nose as a compliment,
though it is but right to say that Dr. Rae thinks there
was some mistake on the point ; on the other hand, Dr.
Blackmore mentions that 'the sign of the Arapahoes,
' and from which they derive their name,' consists in
-seizing the nose with the thumb and forefinger.^
It is asserted that in China a coffin is regarded as
an appropriate present for an aged relative, especially if
he be in bad health.
^ Oomrie, Jour. Anthr. Inst. * Allen and Thomson, vol. i.
1876, p. 108. p. 290.
2 Petherick, pp. 424, 441. ^ Heart of Africa, vol. ii. p. 77.
.Schweinfurtli, vol. i. p. 204. « Trans. Ethn. Soc. 1869, p. 310.
3 Dupnis, p. 178.
38 ART AS AN
CHAPTEE 11.
AET AND OKNAMENTS.
THE earliest traces of art yet discovered belong to the
Stone Age — to a time so remote that the reindeer
was abundant in the south of France, and that probably,
though on this point there is some doubt, even the
mammoth had not entirely disappeared. These works
of art are sometimes sculptures, if one may say so, and
sometimes drawings or etchings made on bone or horn
with the point of a flint.
They are of peculiar interest, both as being the most
ancient works of art known to us — older than any Egyp-
tian statues," or any of the Assyrian monuments — and
also because, though so ancient, they show really con-
siderable skill. There is, for instance, a certain spirit
about the subjoined group of reindeer (fig. 1), copied
from a specimen in the collection of the Marquis de
Yibraye. The mammoth (PI. I.) represented on the
opposite page, though less artistic, is perhaps even more
interesting. It is scratched on a piece of mammoth's
tusk, and was found in the cave of La Madeleine in the
Dordogne.
It is somewhat remarkable that while even in the
Stone Period we find very fair drawings of animals, yet
in the latest part of the Stone Age, and throughout that
of Bronze, they are almost entirely wanting, and the
>c--<'^^
JETHNOLOGIGAL GHABACTUB 39
ornamentation is confined to various combinations of
straight and curved lines and geometrical patterns.
This, I believe, will eventually be found to imply a
difference of race between the population of Western
Europe at these different periods. Thus at present the
Esquimaux (see figs. 2-4) are very fair draughtsmen,
while the Polynesians, though much more advanced in
many ways, and though skilful in ornamenting both
themselves and their weapons, have very little idea
GKOUr OP KEINDEEil
indeed of representing animals or plants. Their tattoo-
ings, for instance, and the patterns on their weapons,
are, like the ornaments of the Bronze Age, almost in-
variably of a geometrical character. Representations
of animals and plants are not, indeed, entirely wanting ;
but, whether attempted in drawing or in sculpture, they
are always rude and grotesque. With the Esquimaux
the very reverse is the case : among them we find none
of those graceful spirals, and other geometrical patterns,
4P ABT AS AN
SO characteristic of Polynesia ; but, on the other hand,
their weapons are often covered with representations
of animals and hunting scenes. Thus Beechey,^ de-
scribing the weapons of the Esquimaux at Hotham's
Inlet, says : —
' On the outside of this and other instruments there
^ were etched a variety of figures of men, beasts, birds,
' &c., with a truth and a character which showed the
' art to be common among them. The reindeer were
* generally in herds ; in one picture they were pursued
' by a man in a stooping posture, in snow-shoes ; in
* another he had approached nearer to his game, and
^ was in the act of drawing his bow. A third repre-
^ sen ted the manner of taking seals with an inflated skin
^ of the same animal as a decoy ; it was placed upon the
' ice, and not far from it was a man lying upon his
' belly, with a harpoon ready to strike the animal when
' it should make its appearance. Another was dragging
* a seal home upon a small sledge ; and several baidars
^ were employed harpooning whales which had been
* previously shot with arrows ; and thus, by comparing
' one with another, a little history was obtained which
' gave us a better insight into their habits than could be
' elicited from any signs or intimations.' Some of these
drawings are represented in figs. 2-4, which are taken
from specimens presented by Captain Beechey to the
Ashmolean Museum at Oxford.
Hooper^ also mentions drawings among the Tuski,
especially ' a sealskin tanned and bleached perfectly
' white, ornamented all over in painting and staining
^ Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific. yoI. i. p. 251.
2 Tents of the Tuski, p. 65.
ETHNOLOGICAL CEAEACTEB
43
42 ART AS AN ETHNOLOGICAL GHABAGTEB
' with figures of men, boats, animals, and delineations of
' wliale-fishing, &c.'
In the same way we may, I think, fairly hope even-
tually to obtain from the ancient drawings of the bone
caves a better insight into the habits of our predeces-
sors in Western Europe ; to ascertain, for instance,
whether their reindeer were domesticated or wild. As
yet, however, mere representations of animals have been
met with, and nothing has been found to supplement
in any way the evidence derivable from the imple-
ments, &c.
But though we thus find traces of art — simple, in-
deed, but by no means contemptible — in very ancient
times, and among very savage tribes, there are also
other races who are singularly deficient in this respect.
Thus, though some Australians are capable of mak-
ing rude drawings of animals, &c., others, on the con-
trary, as Oldfield ^ tells us, ' seem quite unable to
' realise the most vivid artistic representations. On
' being shown a large coloured engraving of an abo-
' riginal New Hollander, one declared it to be a ship,
^ another a kangaroo, and so on ; not one of a dozen
' identifying the portrait as having any connection with
' himself. A rude drawing, with all the lesser parts
' much exaggerated, they can realise. Thus, to give
' them an idea of a man, the head must be drawn dis-
' proportionately large.'
Dr. CoUingwood,^ speaking of the Kibalans of For-
' mosa, to whom he showed a copy of the ' Illustrated
* London News,' tells us that he found it ' impossible
1 Trans. Ethn. Soc, N.S., vol. iii. p. 227.
- Ibid. vol. vi. p. 139.
ABT IN AFBIGA 43
' to interest them by pointing out the most striking
' illustrations, which they did not appear to compre-
' hend;
Denham in his ' Travels in Central Africa,' says
that Bookhaloom, a man otherwise of considerable in-
telligence, though he readily recognised figures, could
not understand a landscape. ' I could not,' he says,
^ make him understand the intention of the print of the
' sand wind in the desert, which is really so well described
' by Captain Lyons's drawing ; he would look at it up-
' side down ; and when I twice reversed it for him he
' exclaimed 5 *' Why ! why ! it is all the same." A
' camel or a human figure was all I could make him
*" understand, and at these he was all agitation and
' delight — " Gieb ! gieb ! " — Wonderful ! wonderful !
' The eyes first took his attention, then the other
' features ; at the sight of the sword he exclaimed,
' " Allah ! Allah ! " and on discovering the guns,
' instantly exclaimed, " Where is the powder ? " ' ^
So also the Kaffir has great difiiculty in understand-
ing drawings, and perspective is altogether beyond him.
Central and Southern Africa seem, indeed, to be very
backward in matters of art. Still, the negroes are not
altogether deficient in the idea. Their idols cannot be
called, indeed, works of art, but they often not only
represent men, but give some of the African character-
istics with grotesque fidelity.
The Kaffirs also can carve fair representations of
animals and plants, and are fond of doing so. The
handles of their spoons are often shaped into unmistak-
able likenesses of girafi*es, ostriches, and other animals.
1 Denham's Travels in Africa, vol. i. p. 167.
44 THE QUIPPU
As to the Bushmen, we have rather different ac-
counts. It has been stated by some that they have
no idea of perspective, nor of how a curved surface can
possibly be represented on a fiat piece of paper ; while,
on the contrary, other travellers assert that they readily
recognise drawings of animals or flowers. The Chinese,
although so advanced in many ways, are, we know,
very deficient in the idea of perspective.
We may safely conclude that no race of men in the
Stone Age had attained the art of communicating facts
by means of letters, or even by the far ruder system of
picture-writing ; nor does anything, perhaps, surprise
the savage more than to find that Europeans can com-
municate with one another by means of a few black
scratches on a piece of paper.
Even the Peruvians had no better means of record-
ing events than the Quippu or Quipu, which was a cord
about two feet long, to which a number of different
coloured threads were attached in the form of a fringe.
These threads were tied into knots, whence the name
Quippu, meaning a knot. These knots served as cyphers,
and the various threads had also conventional meanings
attached to them, indicated by the various colours.
This singular and apparently very cumbersome mode of
assisting the memory reappears in China and in Africa.
Thus, ' As to -^ the original of the Chinese characters,
' before the commencement of the monarchy, little cords
' with sliding knots, each of which had its particular
' signification, were used in transacting business. These
' are represented in two tables by the Chinese, called
' Hotu, and Lo-shu. The first colonies who inhabited
^ Astley's Collection of Voyages, vol. iv. p. 194.
PIOTUBE-WBITING 45
' Sechicen had no other literature besides some arith-
' metical sets of counters made with little knotted cords
^ in imitation of a string of round beads, with which
^ they calculated and made up all their accounts in com-
' merce.' Again, in West Africa, we are told that the
people of Ardrah ^ ' can neither write nor read. They
' use small cords tied, the knots of which have their
' signification. These are also used by several savage
' nations in America.' It seems not impossible that
tying a knot in a pocket-handkerchief may be the direct
lineal representative of this ancient and widely-extended
mode of assisting the memory.
The so-called picture-writing is, however, a great
advance. Yet from representations of hunts in general,
such as those of the Esquimaux (see figs. 2-4), it is
indeed but a step to record pictorially some particular
hunt. Again, the Esquimaux almost always places his
mark on his arrows, but I am not aware that any Poly-
nesian ever conceived the idea of doing so. Thus we
get among the Esquimaux a double commencement, as
it were, for the representation of ideas by means of
signs.
This art of pictorial writing was still more advanced
among the Eed Skins. Thus Carver tells us that on
one occasion his Chipeway guide, fearing that the Nau-
dowessies, a hostile tribe, might accidentally fall in with
and attack them, ' peeled the bark from a large tree near
' the entrance of a river, and with wood- coal mixed with
' bear's grease, their usual substitute for ink, made in an
' uncouth but expressive manner the figure of the town of
' the Ottagaumies. He then formed to the left a man
^ Astley's Collection of Voyages, vol. iii. p. 71.
46 PIOTURE.WBITING
' dressed in skins, by which he intended to represent a
'- Naudowessie, with a line drawn from his mouth to that
' of a deer, the symbol of the Chipeways. After this he
' depicted still farther to the left a canoe as proceeding
^ up the river, in which he placed a man sitting with
' a hat on ; this figure was designed to represent an
^ Englishman, or myself, and my Frenchman was drawn
^ with a handkerchief tied round his head, and rowing
' the canoe ; to these he added several other significant
' emblems, among which the pipe of peace appeared
' painted on the prow of the canoe. The meaning he
^ intended to convey to the Naudowessies, and which I
' doubt not appeared perfectly intelligible to them, was
' that one of the Chipeway chiefs had received a speech
' from some Naudowessie chiefs at the town of the Otta-
' gaumies, desiring him to conduct the Englishman, who
^ had lately been among them, up the Chipeway river ;
' and that they thereby required that the Chipeway,
' notwithstanding he was an avowed enemy, should
' not be molested by them on his passage, as he had the
' care of the person whom they esteemed as one of their
' nation.' ^
An excellent account of the Red Skin pictorial art
is given by Schoolcraft in his ' History of the Indian
' Tribes in the United States.'
Fig. 5 represents the census-roll of an Indian band
at Mille Lac, in the territory of Minnesota, sent in to
the United States agent by Nago-nabe, a Chipeway
Indian, during the progress of the annuity payments in
1849. The Indians generally denote themselves by their
' totem,' or family sign ; but in this case, as they all had
^ Carver's Travels, p. 418.
INDIAN CENSUS-nOLL
47
II
Fie. 5
mill
(1
13
^-
20
10
II
I I
I 1
I I
I I
23
•26
C)
28
32
"C)
34
II
INDIA2^ CEI^SUS-EOLL
48
INDIAN TOMBSTONES
the same totem, he had designated each family by a sign
denoting the common name of the chief. Thus number
5 denotes a catfish, and the six strokes indicate that
the Catfish's family consisted of six individuals ; 8 is a
beaver skin, 9 a sun, 13 an eagle, 14 a snake, 22 a
buiFalo, 34 an axe, 35 the medicine-man, and so on.
Fig. 6
Fig. 7
IN-DIAN GKAVE-POSTS (Schoolcraft, vol. i. pi. 60)
Fig. 6 is the record of a noted chief of the St. Mary's
band, called Shin-ga-ba-was-sin, or the Image-stone, who
died on Lake Superior in 1828. He was of the totem
of the crane, as indicated by the figure. The six strokes
on the right, and the three on the left, are marks of
honour. The latter represent three important general
treaties of peace in which he had taken part at various
times.^ Among the former marks are included his
^ Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. i. p. 357.
FIGTUEE- WRITING
49
Fie. 8
presence under Tecumseh, at the battle of Moravian-
town, where he lost a brother.
Fig. 7 represents the adjedatig, or tomb-board, of
Wabojeeg, a celebrated
war-chief, who died on
Lake Superior, about
1793. He was of the
family or clan of the
reindeer. This fact is
symbolised by the
figure of the deer.
The reverse position
denotes death. His
own personal name,
which was the White
Fisher, is not noticed.
The seven marks on
the left denote that
he had led seven war
parties. The three per-
pendicular lines below
the totem represent
three wounds received
in battle. The figure
of a moose's head re-
lates to a desperate
conflict with an en-
raged animal of this
kind. Fig. 8 is copied
from a bark letter
which was found above St. Anthony's Falls in 1820.
' It consisted of white birch bark, and the figures had
E
50 PIGTUBE'WBITING IN JSfOETH AMERICA
' been carefully drawn. H^o. 1 denotes the flag of tlie
* Union : No. 2 the cantonment, then recently established,
' at Cold Spring, on the western side of the cliffs, above
' the influx of the St. Peters : No. 4 is the symbol of the
' (Commanding oflicer (Colonel H. Leavenworth), under
^ w^hose authority a mission of peace had been sent into
^ the Chippewa country : No. 11 is the symbol of
^ Chakope, or the Six, the leading Sioux chief, under
' whose orders the party moved : No. 8 is the second
' chief, called Wabedatunka, or the Black Dog. The
' symbol of his name is No. 10 ; he has fourteen lodges.
^ No. 7 is a chief, subordinate to Chakope, with thirteen
' lodges, and a bale of goods (No. 9), which was devoted
' by the Government to the objects of the peace. The
^ name of No. 6, whose wigwam is No. 5, with thirteen
^ subordinate lodges, was not given.' ^
This was intended to imply that a party of Sioux,
headed by Chakope, and accompanied or at least coun-
tenanced by Colonel Leavenworth, had come to this spot
in the hope of meeting the Chippewa hunters and con-
cluding a peace. The Chippewa chief, Babesacundabee,
who found this letter, read off its meaning without
doubt or hesitation.
On one occasion a party of explorers, with two
Indian guides, saw, one morning, just as they were
about to start, a pole stuck in the direction they were
going, and holding at the top a piece of bark, covered
with drawings, intended for the information of any other
Indians who might pass that way. This is represented
in fig. 9.
No. 1 represents the subaltern officer in command
1 Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, vol. i. pp. 352, 353.
INDIAN BARK LETTER
51
of tlie party. He is drawn with a sword, to denote his
rank. No. 2 denotes the secretary. He is represented
as holding a book, the Indians having understood him
to be an attorney. No. 3 represents the geologist, ap-
propriately indicated by a hammer. Nos. 4 and 5 are
attaches ; No. 6 the interpreter. The group of figures
marked 9 represents seven infantry soldiers, each of
whom, as shown in group No. 10, was armed with a
musket. No. 15 denotes that they had a separate fire,
and constituted a separate mess. Figs. 7 and 8 repre-
sent the two Chippewa guides. These are the only
Fig. 9
v:
iffiflfflr^
INDIAN BAKE LETTER
human figures drawn without the distinguishing symbol
of a hat. This was the characteristic seized on by them,
and generally employed by the Indians, to distinguish
the Red from the White race. Figs. 11 and 12 repre-
sent a prairie hen and a green tortoise, which constituted
the sum of the preceding day's chase, and were eaten at
the encampment. The inclination of the pole was de-
signed to show the course pursued, and there were three
hacks in it below the scroll of bark, to indicate the esti-
mated length of this part of the journey, computing from
water to water. The following figure (fig. 10) gives
the biography of Wingemund, a noted chief of the
E 2
52
INDIAN JBIOGBAPEY
Delawares. 1 shows that it belonged to the oldest branch
of the tribe, which use the tortoise as their symbol ; 2
is his totem or symbol ; 3 is the sun, and the ten strokes
represent ten war parties in which he was engaged.
Those figures on the left represent the captives which
he made in each of his excursions, the men being distin-
guished from the women, and the captives being denoted
by having heads, while a man without his head is of
course a dead man. The central figures represent three
Fi&. 10
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY
forts which he attacked ; 8 one on Lake Erie, 9 that of
Detroit, and 10 Fort Pitt, at the junction of the Alle-
ghany and the Monongahela. The sloping strokes denote
the number of his followers.^
Fig. 1 1 represents a petition presented to the Presi-
dent of the United States for the right to certain lakes
(8) in the neighbourhood of Lake Superior (10).
No. 1 represents Oshcabawis, the leader, who is of
^ Schoolcraft, vol. i. p. 353.
INDIAN PETITION
53
54 8AVAGE 0ENAMENT8
the Crane clan. The eyes of his followers are all con-
nected with his to symbolise unity of views, and their
hearts to denote unity of feeling. No. 2 is Wai-mit-tig-
oazh, whose totem is a marten ; No. 3 is Ogemagee-
zhig, also a marten ; 4 is another marten, Muk-o-mis-ud-
ains, the Little Tortoise ; 5 is 0-mush-kose, the Little
Elk, belonging, however, to the Bear totem ; 6 belongs
to the Manfish totem, and 7 to the Catfish. The eye of
the leader has a line directed forwards to the President,
and another backwards to the lakes (8).
The manner in which such picture-writing would
ultimately have led to the use of an alphabet, would
probably have been that the drawings would have come
to represent, first a word, and then a sound, being at
the same time simplified and conventionalised.
In some places of Western Europe, rock sculptures
have been discovered, to which we cannot yet safely
ascribe any meaning, but on which perhaps the more
complete study of the picture-writing of modern savages
may eventually throw some light.
We will now pass to art as applied to the purposes
of personal decoration. Savages are passionately fond
of ornaments. In some of the very lowest races, indeed,
the women are almost undecorated, but that is only be-
cause the men keep all the ornaments themselves. As
a general rule, we may say that Southerners ornament
themselves, Northerners their clothes. In fact, all savage
races who leave much of their skin uncovered delight
in painting themselves in the most brilliant colours
they can obtain. Black, w^hite, red, and yellow are
the favourite, or rather, perhaps, the commonest colours.
Although perfectly naked, the Australians of Botany
SAVAG:E 0BNAMENT8 55
Bay were by no means without ornaments. Tliey
painted themselves with red ochre, white clay, and
charcoal ; the red was laid on in broad patches, the
white generally in stripes, or on the face in spots, often
with a circle round each eye ; ^ through the septum of
the nose they wore a bone as thick as a man's finger and
five or six inches long. This was of course very awk-
ward, as it prevented them from breathing freely through
the nose, but they submitted cheerfully to the incon-
venience for the sake of appearance. 4ir
They had also necklaces made of shells, neatly cut
and strung together ; earrings, bracelets of small cord,
and strings of plaited human hair, which they wound
round their waists. Some also had gorgets of large
shells hanging from the neck across the breast. On all
these things they placed a high value.
Spix and Martins ^ thus describe the ornaments of a
Coroado woman : — ' On the cheek she had a circle, and
' over that two strokes ; under the nose several marks
' resembling an M ; from the corners of the mouth to
' the middle of the cheek were two parallel lines, and
' below them on both sides many straight stripes ;
' below and between her breasts there were some con-
' nected segments of circles, and down her arms the
' figure of a snake was depicted. This beauty wore no
' ornaments, except a necklace of monkeys' teeth.'
In Tanna ' one would have the one half of his face
' smeared with red clay, and the other the plain dark
' copper skin ; another would have the brow and cheeks
' red ; another would have the brow red and cheeks
^ Hawkesworth's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 635.
^ Travels in Brazil, vol. ii. p. 224.
56 SAVAGE ORNAMENTS
' black ; another all the face red, and a round, black,
^ glittering spot on the forehead ; and another would
* have his face black all over. The black all over, by the
' way, was the sign of mourning.' ^
The savage also wears necklaces and rings, bracelets
and anklets, armlets and legiets — even, if I may say so,
bodylets. Round their bodies, round their necks,
round their arms and legs, their fingers, and even their
toes, they wear ornaments of all kinds. From their
number and weight these must sometimes be very
inconvenient. Lichtenstem saw the wife of a Beetuan
chief wearing no less than seventy-two brass rings.
A South African chieftainess, visited by Living-
stone,^ wore ' eighteen solid brass rings, as thick as
' one's finger, on each leg, and three of copper under
* each knee ; nineteen brass rings on her left arm, and
' eight of brass and copper on her right ; also a large
' ivory ring above each elbow. She had a pretty bead
^ necklace, and a bead sash encircled her waist.'
Nor are they particular as to the material : copper,
brass, or iron, leather or ivory, stones, shells, glass, bits
of wood, seeds, or teeth — nothing comes amiss. In
South-East Island, one of the Louisiade Archipelago,
M'Grillivray even saw several bracelets made each of a
lower human jaw, crossed by a collar bone ; and other
travellers have seen brass curtain rings, the brass plates
for keyholes, the lids of sardine cases, and other such
incongruous objects, worn with much gravity and
pride.
The Felatah ladies in Central Africa spend several
^ Turner's Nineteen Years in Polynesia, p. 5.
~ Exp. to the Zambesi, p. 284.
CHEEK STUDS— LABBETS 57
hours a day over tlieir toilet. In fact they begin over-
night by carefully wrapping their fingers and toes in
henna leaves, so that by morning they are a rich
purple. The teeth are stained alternately blue, yellow,
and purple, one here and there being left of its natural
colour, as a contrast. About the eyelids they are very
particular ; pencilling them with sulphuret of antimony.
The hair is coloured carefully with indigo. Studs and
other jewellery are worn in great profusion.^
Not content with hanging things round their necks,
arms, ankles, and in fact wherever nature has enabled
them to do so, savages also cut holes in themselves for
the purpose.
The Esquimaux from Mackenzie River westward
make two openings in their cheeks, one on each side,
which they gradually enlarge, and in which they wear
an ornament of stone resembling in form a large stud,
and which may therefore be called a cheek stud.
Brenchley saw the natives of the Solomon Islands
decorated by crabs' claws stuck in the cartilage of the
nose.^
Throughout a great part of Western America, and
again in Africa, we also find the custom of wearing a
piece of wood through the central part of the lower lip.
A small hole is made in the lip during infancy, and it is
then extended by degrees until it is sometimes as much
as two inches long. Some races extend the lobe of the
ear until it reaches the shoulder ; others file the teeth in
various manners.
Thus, among the Rejangs of Sumatra, ' both sexes
^ Laird's Expedition into the Interior of Africa, vol. ii. p. 94.
^ Cruise of the 'Curacoa,' p. 250.
58 OBNAMENTATION OF THE SKIN
^ have the extraordinary custom of filing and otherwise
' disfiguring their teeth, which are naturally very white
' and beautiful, from the simplicity of their food. For
^ files they make use of small whetstones of different
^ degrees of fineness, and the patients lie on their backs
* during the operation. Many, particularly women of
* the Lampong country, have their teeth rubbed down
^ quite even with the gums ; others have them formed
^ in points, and some file off no more than the outer
' coat and extremities, in order that they may the
^ better receive and retain the jetty blackness with
' which they almost universally adorn them.' ^
In Dr. Davis's collection is a Dyak skull in which the
six front teeth have each been carefully pierced with a
small hole, into which a pin with a spherical brass head
has been driven. In this way, the upper lip being
raised, the shining knob on each tooth would be dis-
played.^ Some of the African tribes also chip their
teeth in various manners, each community having a
fashion of its own.
Ornamentation of the skin is almost universal among
the lower races of men. In some cases every individual
follows his own fancy ; in others, each clan has a special
pattern. Thus, speaking of Abeokuta, Captain Burton ^
says : — ' There was a variety of tattoos and orna-
mentation, rendering them a serious difiiculty to
strangers. The skin patterns were of every variety,
from the diminutive prick to the great gash and the
large boil-like lumps. They affected various figures
— tortoises, alligators, and the favourite hzard, stars,
1 Marsden's History of Sumatra, ^ Thesaurus Craniorum, p. 289.
p. 52. 3 Abeokuta, vol. i. p. 104.
TRIBE MABK8 69
* concentric circle, lozenges, right lines, welts, gouts of
' gore, marble or button-like knobs of flesli, and ele-
' vated scars, resembling scalds, which are opened for
' the introduction of fetish medicines, and to €xpel evil
' influences. In this country every tribe, sub -tribe, and
^ even family, has its blazon,^ whose infinite diversifica-
^ tions may be compared with the lines and ordinaries
* of European heraldry.'
' The Ardrahs ^ make an incision in each cheek,
' turning up a part of the flesh towards the ears and
^healing it in that position. The Mahees are distin-
' guished by three long oblique cuts on one cheek, and a
' cross on the other.'
In South Africa the Nyambanas are characterised by
a row of pimples or warts, about the size of a pea, and
extending from the upper part of the forehead to the
tip of the nose. Among the Bachapin Kaffirs, those who
have distinguished themselves in battle are allowed the
privilege of marking their thigh with a long scar, which
is rendered indelible and of a bluish colour by rubbing
ashes into the fresh wound.
The tribal mark of the Bunns^ (Africa) consists of
three slashes from the crown of the head down the
face toward the mouth ; the ridges of flesh stand out
in bold relief. This painful operation is performed by
cutting the skin, and taking out a strip of flesh ; palm
oil and wood ashes are then rubbed into the wound,
thus causing a thick ridge. The Bornouese in Central
Africa have twenty cuts or lines on each side of the
^ See also Baikie's Exploring ^ Dalzel, History of Dahom,
Voyage, pp. 77, 294, 336, and es- p. xviii.
pecially 460. ^ Trans. Ethn. Soc, vol. v. p. 86.
60 TATTOOING
face, which are drawn from the corners of the mouth
towards the angles of the lower jaw and cheekbone.
They have also one cut m the centre of the forehead,
six on each arm, six on each leg, four on each breast,
and nine on each side, just above the hips. This makes
91 large cuts, and the process is said to be extremely
painful on account of the heat and flies. ^
The islanders of Torres Straits ornament themselves
by a large oval scar, slightly raised and neatly made.
It is situated on the right shoulder, but some of them
have a second on the left. At Cape York many of the
natives also had two or three long transverse scars on
the chest. Many had also a two-horned mark on each
breast, but these differences seemed to depend on the
taste of the individual.
The custom of tattooing is found almost all over
the world, though, as might be expected, it is most
developed in hot countries. In Siberia, however, the
Ostiak women tattoo the backs of the hands, the fore-
arm and the front of the leg. The men only tattoo,
on the wrist, the mark or sign which stands as their
signature.^
Among the Tuski ^ ' the faces of the women are tat-
' tooed on the chin in diverging lines ; men only make
' a permanent mark on the face for an act of prowess
' or success, such as killing a bear, capturing a whale,
' &c., and possibly also, in war time, for the death of an
' enemy.' The Aleutian Islanders decorate their hands
and faces with figures of quadrupeds, birds, flowers, &c.
^ Denham, vol. iii, p. 175. ^ Hooper, the Tents of the
2 Pallas, vol. iv. p. 56. Tuski, p. 37.
TATTOOING 61
Among the Tunguses the patterns are generally formed
by straight and curved lines. ^
Among the Arabs ^ ' the Aenezi women puncture
^ their lips and dye them blue ; the Serhhan women
^ puncture their cheeks, breasts, and arms, and the
^ Ammour women their ankles.'
The Malagasy do not generally tattoo, but the
women of the Betsileo tribes, according to Mr. Camp-
bell,^ have their arms ' tattooed all over, some of them
* having also a kind of open-work collar tattooed round
^ their necks. The breasts of the men were ornamented
' after the same fashion.'
Many of the hill tribes of India tattoo.^ Among
the Abors, for instance, the men have a cross on the
forehead ; the women a smaller one on the upper lip
just below the nose, and seven stripes under the mouth.
The Khyens are more extensively tattooed, with figures
of animals, &c. ; they admit that it is not ornamental,
but allege that they were driven to it because their
women were naturally so beautiful that they were con-
stantly carried off by neighbouring tribes. The Oraon
women have three marks on the brow and two on the
temple, while the men burn marks on their forearm.
The women of Brumer Island, on the south coast of
New Gruinea, were tattooed on the face, arms, and front
of the body, but generally not on the back, in vertical
stripes less than an inch apart, and connected by zigzag
markings. On the face these were more complicated,
1 Miiller's Des. de toutes les ^ Sibree's Madagascar and its.
Nat. de I'Emp. de Russie, pt. iii. People, p. 221.
pp. 58, 112. ^ Dalton's Des. Ethn. of Bengal^
2 Burckhardt's Notes on the Be- pp. 27, 114, 251.
doiiins and Wahabys, vol. i. p. 51.
62 • TATTOOING
and on the forearm and wrist they were frequently
so elaborate as to resemble lace-work.^ The men were
more rarely tattooed, and then only with a few lines or
stars on the right breast. Sometimes, however, the
markings consisted of a double series of large stars and
dots stretching from the shoulder to the pit of the
stomach.
Not content with the paint already mentioned, the
inhabitants of Tanna have on their arms and chests
elevated scars, representing plants, flowers, stars, and
various other figures. ' The inhabitants of Tazovan,
' or Formosa, by a very painful operation, impress on
' their naked skins various figures of trees, flowers,
^ and animals. The great men in Guinea have their
^ skin flowered like damask ; and in Decan the women
' likewise have flowers cut into their flesh on the fore-
^ head, the arms, and the breast, and the elevated scars
^ are painted in colours, and exhibit the appearance of
' flowered damask.' ^
In the Tonga Islands ' the men are tattooed from
' the middle of the thigh to above the hips. The women
' are only tattooed on the arms and fingers, and there
' very slightly.'^ In the Fiji Islands, on the contrary,
the women are tattooed and not the men.
In the Gambier Islands, Beechey says,^ ' tattooing is
' so universally practised, that it is rare to meet a man
* without it ; and it is carried to such an extent that
* the figure is sometimes covered with small checkered
^ lines from the neck to the ankles, though the breast is
1 M'Gillivray's Voyage of the jd. 588.
* Kattlesnake,' vol. i. p. 262. ^ Qook's Voyage towards the
2 Forster's Ohservations made South Pole, vol. i. p. 218.
during a Voyage round the World, * Beechey, vol. i. p. 138.
TATTOOING 63
^ generally exempt, or only ornamented with a single
* device. In some, generally elderly men, the face is
' covered below the eyes, in which case the lines or net-
' work are more open than on other parts of the body,
' probably on account of the pain of the operation, and
' terminate at the upper part in a straight line from ear
^ to ear, passing over the bridge of the nose. With
^ these exceptions, to which we may add the fashion,
' with some few, of blue lines, resembling stockings,
^ from the middle of the thigh to the ankle, the effect is
^ becoming, and in a great measure destroys the appear-
' ance of nakedness. The patterns which most improve
'the shape, and which appear to me peculiar to this
' group, are those which extend from the armpits to
' the hips, and are drawn forward with a curve which
' seems to contract the waist, and at a short distance
' gives the figure an elegance and outline, not unlike
^ that of the figures seen on the walls of the Egyptian
^ tombs.'
Fig. 12 represents a Caroline Islander, after Frey-
cinet, and gives an idea of the tattooing, though it cannot
be taken as representing the form or features character-
istic of those islanders.
The tattooing of the Sandwich Islanders is less
ornamental, the devices being, according to Arago,
' unmeaning and whimsical, without taste, and in general
' badly executed.' ^ Perhaps, however, the most beau-
tiful of all was that of the New Zealanders (see figs.
13 and 14), who were generally tattooed in curved
or spiral lines. The process is extremely painful, par-
ticularly on the lips ; but to shrink from it, or even to
1 Arago's Letters, pt. ii. p. 147.
64
TATTOOING
show any signs of suiFering while under the operation^
would be thought very unmanly. The natives used
the ' Moko ' or pattern of their tattooing as a kind of
Fig. 12
CAEOLINE ISLANDEE
signature. The women have their lips tattooed with
horizontal lines. To have red lips is thought to be a
great reproach.^
^ For details of Polynesian tat- ploring Expedition : Ethnography,
tooing see Hale's United States Fix- p. 40.
ARTIFICIAL ALTERATION OF FORM
65
When tastefully executed, tattooing has been re-
garded by many travellers as a real ornament. Thus
Laird says that some of the tattooing in West Africa
' in the absence of clothing gives a finish to the skin.' ^
Many similar cases might be given in which savages
ornament themselves, as they suppose, in a manner which
must be very painful. Perhaps none is more remarkable
Fig. 13
Fig. 14
HEAD OP NEW ZEALANDEE
HEAD OF NEW ZEALANDEE
than the practice which we find in several parts of the
world of modifying the human form by means of tight
bandages. The small size of the Chinese ladies' feet is
a well-known case, but is scarcely less mischievous than
the compression of the waist as practised in Europe.
The Samoans ^ and some of the American tribes even
modified the form of the head. One w^ould have
1 Narrative of an Expedition into ^ burner's Nineteen Years in
the Interior of Africa, vol. i. p. 291. Polynesia, p. 175.
r
QQ EAIBDBE88ING
supposed that any such compression would have exer-
cised a very prejudicial effect on the intellect ; but, as far
as the existing evidence goes, it does not appear to do so.
The mode of dealing with the hair varies very much
in different races. Some races remove it almost entirely,
some leave a ridge along the top of the head ; the Kaffir
wears a round rmg of hair ; the North American Indian
regards it as a point of honour to leave one tuft, in case
he ever has the misfortune of being defeated, for it would
be mean to cheat his victor of the scalp, the recognised
emblem of conquest.
The Islanders of Torres Straits twist their hair into
long pipe-like ringlets, and also wear a kind of wig pre-
pared in the same fashion. Sometimes they shave the
head, leaving a transverse crest of hair. At Cape York
the hair is almost always kept short.^ In Tanna the
women wear it short, but have it all laid out in a forest
of little erect curls, about an inch and a half long.
The men wear it twelve and eighteen inches long,
and have it divided into some six or seven hundred
little locks or tresses. Beginning at the roots, every one
of these is carefully wound round by the thin rind of a
creeping plant, giving it the appearance of a piece of
twine. The ends are left exposed for about two inches,
and oiled and curled.^
The Fijians give a great deal of time and attention
to their hair, as is shown m PI. II. Most of the chiefs
have a special hairdresser, to whom they sometimes
devote several hours a day. Their heads of hair are
often more than three feet in circumference, and Mr.
^ M'Gillivray's Voyage of the ^ Turner's Nineteen Years in
^ Rattlesnake/ pp. 11, 13. Polynesia, p. 77.
FEEJEEAN MODES OF DRESSING THE HAIR
FIJI HAIBDBESSES 67
Williains measured one which was nearly five feet round.
This forces them to sleep on narrow wooden pillows or
neck-rests, which must be very uncomfortable. They
also dye the hau\ Black is the natural and favourite
colour, but some prefer white, flaxen, or bright red.
' On one head/ says Mr. Williams,^ ' all the hair is
' of a uniform height ; but one-third in front is ashy or
^ sandy, and the rest black, a sharply defined separation
^ dividing the two colours. Not a few are so ingeniously
^ grotesque as to appear as if done purposely to excite
* laughter. One has a large knot of fiery hair on his
^ crown, all the rest of his head being bald. Another
^ has the most of his hair cut away, leaving three or four
^ rows of small clusters, as if his head were planted with
* small paint-brushes. A third has his head bare except
* where a large patch projects over each temple. One,
^ two, or three cords of twisted hair often fall from the
' right temple, a foot or eighteen inches long. Some
* men wear a number of these braids, so as to form a
^ curtain at the back of the neck, reaching from one ear
Ho the other. A mode that requires great care has
^ the hair brought into distinct locks radiating from the
* head. Each lock is a perfect cone about seven inches
^ long, having the base outwards ; so that the surface of
* the hair is marked out into a great number of small
^ circles, the ends being turned in in each lock, towards
' the centre of the cone. ' ^ In some of the Pacific
Islands the natives wear wigs, or tresses of hair, in
addition to their own.^
1 Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i. p. p. 338, et seq.
158. ^ Hale's United States Expl.
^ See, for many further par- Expedition : Ethnography, p. 12.
ticulars, Darwin's Descent of Man,
P 2
68 SOUDAN EAIBBEE8S
Schweinfurtli describes a dandy, belonging to the
Dinkas, a negro tribe of the Soudan, whose hair was
dyed red, and trained up into points like tongues of
flame, standing stiffly up, all round his head.
In fact, the passion for self- ornamentation seems to
prevail among the lowest as much as, if not more than^
among the more civilised races of man.
I
69
CHAPTER III.
MAREIAGE AND RELATIONSHIP.
NOTHING, perha23S, gives a more instructive insight
into the true condition of savages than their ideas
on the subject of relationship and marriage ; nor can
the great advantages of civihsation be more conclusively
proved than by the improvement which it has already
effected in the relation between the two sexes.
Marriage, and the relationship of a child to its father
and mother, seem to us so natural and obvious, that we
are apt to look on them as aboriginal and general to
the human race. This, however, is very far from being
the case. The lowest races have no institution of mar-
riage ; true love is almost unknown among them ; and
marriage, in its lowest phases, is by no means a matter
of affection and companionship.
The Hottentots, says Kolben,^ ' are so cold and in-
' different to one another that you would think there
' was no such thing as love between them.' Among the
Koussa Kaffirs, Lichtenstein asserts that there is ' no
' feeling of love in marriage.' ^ In North America, the
Tinne Indians had no word for ' dear ' or ' beloved ; '
and the Algonquin language is stated to have contained
no verb meaning ' to love | ' so that when the Bible was
^ Kolben's Hist, of the Cape of ^ Travels in .South Africa, vol. i.
Good Hope, vol. i. p. 162. p. 261.
70 THE POSITION OF WOMEN AMONG 8AVAGES
translated by the missionaries into that language it was
necessary to invent a word for the purpose.
'In his native state,' says Mr. Morgan,^ 'the (North
' American) Indian is below the passion of love. It is
' entirely unknown among them, with the exception, to
'a limited extent, of the village Indians.' He men-
tions elsewhere a case of an Ahahuelin woman named
' Ethabe,' who had been married for three years to a
Blackfoot Indian, yet there was no common articulate
language which they both understood. They communi-
cated entirely by signs, neither of them having taken
the trouble to learn the other's language.^
Though the songs of savages are generally devoted
to the chase, war, or women, they can very rarely be
called love songs. Dr. Mitchell, for instance, who was
for several years chairman of the United States Senate
Committee on Indian Affairs, mentions that ' neither
' among the Osages nor the Cherokees could there be
' found a single poetical or musical sentiment, founded
' on the tender passion between the sexes. Though
' often asked, they produced no songs of love.' ^
In Yariba (Central Africa),^ says Lander, 'marriage
'is celebrated by the natives as unconcernedly as pos-
' sible : a man thinks as little of taking a wife as of
' cutting an ear of corn — affection is altogether out of
' the question.' The King of Boussa,^ he tells us in
another place, ' when he is not engaged in public affairs,
' usually employs all his leisure hours in superintending
^ Systems of Consanguinity and 317.
Affinity of the Human Family, p. * R. and J, Lander's Niger Ex-
207. pedition, vol. i. p. 161.
2 Loc. cit. p. 227. ' " Ibid. vol. ii. p. 106. See also
5 Archseol. Americana, vol. i. p. p. 197.
ABSBNGI] OF AFFECTION IN MARRIAGE 71
^ the occupations of his household, and making his own
' clothes. The Midiki (queen) and he have distinct
^ establishments, divided fortunes, and separate inte-
* rests ; indeed, they appear to have nothing in com-
' mon with each other, and yet we have never seen so
^friendly a couple since leaving our native country.'
On the Gold Coast, ' not even the appearance of
' affection exists between husband and wife.' ^ Among
the Mandingoes marriage is merely a form of regulated
slavery. Husband and wife ' never laugh or joke to-
* gether.' ' I asked Baba,' says Caillie, ' why he did not
' sometimes make merry with his wives. He replied
' that if he did he should not be able to manage them,
^ for they would laugh at him when he ordered them to
' do anything.' ^
According to Galton, Dammara women ' divorce
* themselves as often as they like ; ... in fact, the
' spouse was changed almost weekly, and I seldom knew,
' without inquiry, who the pro tempore husband of each
*lady was at any particular time.' ^
In India, the Hill tribes of Chittagong, says Captain
Lewin, regard marriage 'as a mere animal and con-
* venient connection ; ' as the ' means of getting their
* dinner cooked. They have no idea of tenderness, nor
' of chivalrous devotion.' ^
Among the Samoyedes^ of Siberia the husbands
show little affection for their wives, and, according to
Pallas, ' daignent a peine leur dire une parole de
^ douceur.' Further East, in the Aleutian Islands, the
1 Burton's Mission to the King * Hill Tracts of Ohittagong, p.
of Dahomey,, vol. ii. p. 190. 116.
2 Travels, vol. i. p. 350. ^ Pallas's Voyages, vol. iv. p. 94.
3 Tropical Soutli Africa, p. 197.
72 ABSENCE OF AFFECTION IN MAEBIAGE
marriages, according to Miiller/ ' meritent a peine le
' nom ; ' and the facts lie mentions go far to justify this
statement.
Among the Guyacurus of Paraguay ' the bonds of
* matrimony are so very slight, that when the parties do
^ not like each other they separate without any further
* ceremony. In other respects they do not appear to
' have the most distant notions of that bashfulness so
' natural to the rest of mankind.' ^ The Guaranis seem
to have been in a very similar condition.^ In North
America the marriage tie was by no means regarded as
of a religious character.^
In Australia ' little real affection exists between
^ husbands and wives : and young men value a wife
' principally for her services as a slave ; in fact, when
* asked why they are anxious to obtain wives, their
' usual reply is, that they may get wood, water, and
' food for them, and carry whatever property they
' possess.' ^
The position of women in Australia seems indeed
to be wretched in the extreme. They are treated
with the utmost brutality, beaten and speared in the
limbs on the most trivial provocation. Few women,
says Eyre, ' will be found, upon examination, to be free
' from frightful scars upon the head, or the marks of
' spear wounds about the body. I have seen a young
* woman who, from the number of these marks, appeared
' to have been almost riddled with spear wounds. If
^ Des. de toutes les Nat. de I'Em- vol. ii. p. 60.
pire de Russie, part iii. p. 129. * Jones, Antiquities of the
^ Charlevoix, Hist, of Paraguay, Southern Indians, p. 67,
vol. i. p. 91. ° Eyre's Discoveries, vol. ii. p.
3 Loc. cit. p. 352. See also Azara, 321. See notes.
RELATIONSHIP AMONG SAVAGES 73
^ at all good-looking, their position is, if possible, even
^ worse than otherwise.'
Again, our family system, which regards a child as
equally related to his father and his mother, seems so
natural that we experience a feeling of surprise on
meeting with any other system. Yet we shall find, I
think, reason for concluding that a man was first re-
garded as merely related to his tribe ; then to his
mother but not to his father ; then to his father and
not to his mother ; and only at last to both father and
mother. Even among the Eomans the family was
originally based, not on marriage or on relationship,
but on power ; ^ ' le lien seul,' says Ortolan, ' de la
' parente naturelle, de la parente de sang, n'est rien chez
les ' Romains ; ' and a man's wife and children only
formed a part of his family, not because they were his
relatives, but because they were subject to his control ;
so that a son who was emancipated — that is to say,
made free — had no share in the inheritance, having
ceased to belong to the family. In fact, the word,
' family ' is said to be derived from an Osque word,
'famul,' a slave.
The fact is, we require a new word for a sort of
relationship which we do not ourselves recognise.
Savages who have the custom of descent through
females do not recognise the family of the father as
belonging to the same gens. In one sense they are
not relations. They have no right of inheritance, nor
does a very near connection (from our point of view)
interpose any barrier to marriage. On the other hand,
1 Ortolan's Expl. Hist, des Instituts de TEmp. Justinien, vol. i. pp. 126,
128,180,416.
74 BELATIONSHIP AMONG SAVAGES
of course no one would assert that they recognised no
bond of union between father and son.
They have, in fact, three distinct bonds of union : —
1. The tribe ;
2. The gens ; and
3. That actual connection which exists between
father and son, even though they are not regarded as
belonging to the same gens or family.
We shall, however, be better able to understand
this part of the question when we have considered the
various phases which marriage presents ; for it is by
no means of a uniform character, but takes several
very distinct forms. In some cases nothing of the sort
appears to exist at all ; in others it is essentially
temporary, and exists only till the birth of the child,
when both man and woman are free to mate themselves
afresh. In others, the man buys the woman, who be-
comes as much his property as his horse or his dog.
The Romans had two forms of marriage. One was
created by a religious ceremony, ^ confarreatio.' In
this case the wife at once came under the ' manus ' of her
husband, and her position was technically almost exactly
that of a slave or a child. In the second form of
marriage, that by sale, the wife was so closely assimi-
lated to property that the full rights of possession
could not be acquired until the usual period of prescrip-
tion had passed. A title by prescription could only be
acquired by a year's continued possession. Accordingly
it became quite usual for the wife to return three days
every year to her father's house, the result of which was
that she never came under the ' manus ' of her husband.
She then remained a member of her father's family, and
BIFFEBENT KINDS OF MABBIAGE 75
the husband acquired no legal power over her. Her
status in the two cases was therefore quite different.
In Sumatra there were formerly three perfectly dis-
tinct kinds of marriage : the ' Jugur,' in which the man
purchased the woman ; the ' Ambel-anak,' in which the
woman purchased the man ; and the ' Semando,' in
which they joined on terms of equality. In the mode of
marriage by Ambel-anak, says Marsden,^ ' the father of
' a virgin makes a choice of some young man for her
' husband, generally from an inferior family, which re-
' nounces all further right to, or interest in, him ; and
' he is taken into the house of his father-in-law, who
' kills a buffalo on the occasion, and receives twenty
^ dollars from his son's relations. After this, the buruk
' baik' nia (the good and bad of him) is invested in the
^ wife's family. If he murders or robs, they pay the
' bangun, or fine. If he is murdered, they receive the
^ bangun. They are liable to any debts he may con-
' tract in marriage ; those prior to it remaining with
' his parents. He lives in the family, in a state between
' that of a son and a debtor. He partakes as a son of
' what the house afibrds, but has no property in himself.
* His rice plantation, the produce of his pepper garden,
' with everything that he can gain or earn, belongs
' to the family. He is liable to be divorced at their
' pleasure, and though he has children, must leave all,
* and return naked as he came.'
In the Jugur marriage the woman became the pro-
perty of the man.
' The Semando ^ is a regular treaty between the
* parties, on the footing of equality. The adat paid to
1 Marsden's Hist, of Sumatra, p. 262. ^ j^^-^^ p 26.3.
IQ DIFFERENT KINDS OF MARRIAGE
' the girl's friends has usually been twelve dollars.
' The agreement stipulates that all effects, gains, or
' earnings are to be equally the property of both ; and,
' in case of divorce by mutual consent, the stock, debts,
' and credits are to be equally divided. If the man
' only insists on the divorce, he gives the woman her
' half of the effects, and loses the twelve dollars he has
' paid. If the woman only claims the divorce, she
' forfeits her right to the proportion of the effects, but
' is entitled to keep hertikar, bantal, and dandan (para-
' phernalia), and her relations are liable to pay back the
' twelve dollars ; but it is seldom demanded.'
These three forms of marriage, co-existing in Sumatra,
represent, as we shall see, three stages passed through
successively by various other races.
In Ceylon there were two kinds of marriage — the
Deega marriage, and the Beena marriage. In the
former the woman went to her husband's hut ; in the
latter the man transferred himself to that of the woman.
Moreover, according to Davy, marriages in Ceylon were
provisional for the first fortnight, at the expiration of
which period they were either annulled or confirmed.^
Again, in various parts of Africa we find two kinds
of marriage existing together. In Guinea, besides the
ordinary wives, a man often buys some slave whom he
consecrates to his Bossum or God. The Bossum wife
then becomes his in an exceptional sense. She is sacri-
ficed at her husband's death, she ranks next to the head
wife, and shares his religion.
The Hassani3'eh Arabs have a very curious form
of marriage, which may be called ' three-quarter ' mar-
1 Davy's Ceylon, p. 286.
DIFFEBENT KINDS OF MARBIAGE 11
riage ; that is to say, the woman is legally married
for three days out of four, remaining perfectly free for
the fourth.
In Australia the tribes are divided into clans, and a
man may not marry a woman of the same clan. On
the other hand, the men are regarded as by birth hus-
bands of all the women whom they can legally marry.
Besides this, however, a man has, or may have, an
individual wife, generally acquired by capture.
Among the Eomans, as shown by the Laws of the
Twelve Tables, and as already mentioned, there were in
reality two kinds of marriage, and, as Ortolan says, ^ il
* faut se bien garder de confondre entre eux le mariage
* (nuptise, justae nupti^, justum matrimonium) et la
' puissance maritale (manus).' ^ The latter required the
performance of ceremonies, which were unnecessary for
the former.
Among the Karoks, marriage is strictly a matter of
purchase : when a young man has paid the price of his
bride, she becomes his property ; on the other hand, if he
cannot provide the whole sum he is sometimes allowed
to pay a portion, and become what is called 'half-
' married.^ In that case, instead of bringing her to his
cabin, and making her his slave, he goes to hers and
becomes subject to her, or rather to her father. Azara
tells us that among the Guanas careful stipulations were
made as to the duties and obligations the bride under-
took with reference to her husband : how far she was
bound to provide him food, whether she was to procure
the necessary firewood, whether she was to be the sole
wife, whether she was to be free to marry another man
* Ortolan's Expl. Hist, des Inst, de I'Emp. Justinieu, p. 127.
78 BIFFEEENT KINDS OF MABBIAGE
also, and in that case how much of her time the first
husband wished to engage.
In Japan, among the higher classes, it is said that
the eldest son brings his bride to the paternal home ;
but, on the other hand, the eldest daughter does the
same, and retains her name, which is assumed by the
bridegroom. Thus the wife of an eldest son joins her
husband's family ; but, on the other hand, the husband
of an eldest daughter enters into that of his wife.
Among the Romans, though ' coemptio,' or purchase,
was one of the recognised forms of marriage, it would
seem that originally this merely gave possession, and
a woman who belonged to any man by coemptio might
otherwise be married to another.-^ Hence the eldest son
of one family cannot marry the eldest daughter of an-
other. As regards the younger children, if the husband's
father provides the house, the wife takes her husband's
name ; while, if the bride's father does so, the bridegroom
assumes that of his wife.^
Among the Reddies ^ of Southern India a very
singular custom prevails : — ' A young woman of sixteen
' or twenty years of age may be married to a boy of five
' or six years ! She, however, lives with some other
' adult male — perhaps a maternal uncle or cousin — ^biit
' is not allowed to form a connection with the father's
' relatives ; occasionally it may be the boy-husband's
^ father himself — that is, the woman's father-in-law !
' Should there be children from these liaisons, thev are
' fathered on the boy-husband. When the boy grows
^ Fustal de Coulonges, La Cite Family, p, 428.
Antique, p. 376. 3 gbortt. Trans. Ethn. Soc, New
'■^ Morgan's System of Consan- Series, vol. vii. p. 194.
guinity and Affinity of tlie Human
POLYANDRY 79
^ up, the wife is either old or past child-bearing, when
^ he in his turn takes up with some other " boy's " wife
^ in a manner precisely similar to his own, and procreates
' children for the boy -husband.'
Polyandry, or the marriage of one woman to several
men at once, is more common than is generally sup-
posed, though much less so than polygamy, which is
almost universally permitted among the lower races of
men. One reason — though I do not say the only one —
for this, is obvious when pointed out. Long after our
children are weaned, milk remains an important and
necessary part of their food. We supply this want with
cow's milk ; but among people who have no domesti-
cated animals this cannot, of course, be done, and con-
sequently the children are not weaned until they are
two, three, or even four years old, during all which period
the husband and wife generally remain apart. Thus,
in Fiji, ' the relatives of a woman take it as a public
' insult if any child should be born before the customary
' three or four years have elapsed, and they consider
^ themselves in duty bound to avenge it in an equally
^ public manner.' ^
It seems to us natural and proper that husband and
wife should enjoy as much as possible the society of
one another. But this view is by no means universal.
On the contrary, among the Turkomans, according to
Eraser, for six months or a year, or even sometimes
two years, after a marriage, the husband was only
allowed to visit his wife by stealth. ' After the wed-
' ding,' says Burnes, ' the bride returns to the house of
^ her parents, and passes a year in preparing the carpets
^ Seemann, A Mission to Fiji, p. 191.
80 SEPARATION OF HUSBAND AND WIFE
' and clothes, which are necessary for a Toorkmun tent ;
^ and on the anniversary of her elopement she is finally
^ transferred to the arms and house of her gallant lover.' ^
Among the Samoyedes the bride and bridegroom
are kept apart for a month after their marriage,^ and
Klemm states that the same is the case among the Cir-
cassians until the first child is born. Martins mentions
the existence of a similar custom among some of the
Brazilian tribes.^ Among the Fijians, husbands and
wives do not usually spend the night together, except
as it were by stealth. It is quite contrary to Fijian
ideas of delicacy that they should sleep under the same
roof. A man spends his day with his family, but
absents himself on the approach of night.^ In Chitta-
gong (India), although, ' according to European ideas,
' the standard of morality among the Kyoungtha is low,^
yet husband and wife are on no account permitted to
sleep together until seven days after marriage.^
Burckhardt^ states that in Arabia, after the wedding,
if it can be called so, the bride returns to her mother's
tent, but again runs away in the evening, and repeats
these flights several times, till she finally returns to her
tent. She does not go to live in her husband's tent for
some months, perhaps not even till a full year, from the
wedding-day. Among the Yotyaks, some weeks after
the wedding the bride returns to her father's tent, and
lives there for two or three months, sometimes even for
^ Burnes' Travels in Bokhara^ * Seemaiin'sMissiontoViti,p.l9].
vol. ii. p. 56. See also Vambery's ^ Lewin's Hill Tracts of Chitta-
Travels in Central Asia, p. 323. gong, p. 51.
2 Pallas, vol. iii. p. 79. ^ Burckhardt's Notes, vol. ii. p.
3 Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. vol. ii. 269, quoted in M'Lennan's Primitive
p. 198. Marriage, p. 302.
ABSENCE OF MARRIAGE CEREMONY 81
a year, during which time she dresses and behaves like
a girl, and after which she returns to her husband ;
making, however, even on the second occasion, a show
of resistance.-^
Lafitau informs us that among the North American
Indians the husband only visits the wife -as it were by
stealth : — ' lis n'osent aller dans les cabanes particulieres,
* oil habitent leurs epouses, que durant Tobscurite de la
' nuit ; . . . ce serait une action extraordinaire de s'y
* presenter le jour.' ^
In Futa, one of the West African kingdoms, it is
said that no husband is allowed to see his wife's face
until he has been three years married.
In Sparta, and in Crete, according to Xenophon and
Strabo, it was the custom that married people for some
time after the wedding only saw one another as it were
clandestinely ; and a similar custom is said to have
existed among the Lycians. So far as I am aware, no
satisfactory explanation of this custom has yet been
given. I shall, however, presently venture to suggest
one.
There are many cases in which savages have no such
thing as any ceremony in marriage. ' I have said nothing, '
says Metz, ' about the marriage ceremonies of the Bada-
' gas (Hindostan), because they can scarcely be said to
' have any.' The Kurumbas, another tribe of the Neil-
gherry Hills, ' have no marriage ceremony.' ^ According
to Colonel Dalton.^ the Keriahs of Central India ' have
' no word for marriage in their own language, and the
^ Miiller's Des. de toutes les ^ Loc. cit. vol. i. p. 576.
Nations de TEmp. de Kussie, part ii. ^ Trans. Ethn. Soc. vol. vii.p. 276.
p. 71. ^ Ibid. vol. vi. p. 25.
G
82 ABSENCE OF MARRIAGE CEREMONY,
' only ceremony used appears to be little more than a sort
' of public recognition of the fact.' It is very singular,
he adds elsewhere, 'that of the many intelligent observers
' who have visited and written on Butan not one has
' been able to tell us that they have such an institution
' as a marriage ceremony.' The tie between man and
woman seems to be very slight, and to be a mere matter
of servitude. ' From my own observation,' he continues,
*I believe the Butias to be utterly indifferent on the
' subject of the honour of their women.' ^ So also the
Spanish missionaries found no word for marriage^ nor
any marriage ceremony, among the Indians of Cali-
fornia.^ Farther north, among the Kutchin Indians,
' there is no ceremony observed at marriage or birth.' ^
The same is the case among the Aleutians,^ and several
other North Pacific tribes.
The marital rite, says Schoolcraft, ' among our
tribes' (i.e. the Redskins of the United States) 'is no-
' thing more than the personal consent of the parties,
' without requiring any concurrent act of a priesthood, a
' magistracy or witnesses ; the act is assumed by the par-
^ ties, without the necessity of any extraneous sanction.' ^
According to Brett, there is no marriage ceremony
among the Arawaks of South America.^ Martins makes
the same assertion with reference to the Brazilians
generally,^ and it is also the case with some of the
Australian tribes.^
^ Des. Ethn. of Bengal, p. 97. ^ Indian Tribes, pp. 248, 132.
^ Bagaert, Smithsonian Report, *^ Guiana, p. 101.
1863, p. 368. Bancroft, vol. i. p. 565. ' Loc. cit. p. 51.
^ Smithsonian Eeport^ 1866, p. ^ Eyre's Discoveries, vol. ii. p.
326. 319.
^ Bancroft, vol. i. pp. 92, 277.
ABSENCE OF MAEBIAGE GBBEMONY 83
There is, says Bruce, ' no such thmg as marriage in
Abyssinia, unless that which is contracted by mutual
consent, without other form, subsisting only till dis-
solved by dissent of one or other, and to be renewed
or repeated as often as it is agreeable to both parties,
who, when they please, live together again as man and
wife, after having been divorced, had children by others,
or whether they have been married, or had children
with others or not. I remember to have once been at
Koscam in presence of the Iteghe (the queen), when,
in the circle, there was a woman of great quality, and
seven men who had all been her husbands, none of
whom was the happy spouse at that time.' ^ Among
the Bedouin Arabs there is a marriage ceremony in the
case of a girl, but the re-marriage of a Avidow is not
thought sufficiently important to deserve one. Speke
says, ' there are no such things as marriages in
' Uganda.' ^
Of the Mandingoes (West Africa), Caillie^ says that
husband and wife are not united by any ceremony ; and
Hutton ^ makes the same statement as regards the Ash-
antees. In Congo and xingola ^ ' they use no peculiar
' ceremonies in marriage, nor scarce trouble themselves
' for consent of friends.' Le Vaillant says that there are
no marriage ceremonies among the Hottentots.; ^ and the
Bushmen, according to Mr. Wood, had in their language
no means of distinoTiishins^ an unmarried from a married
girl.7
^ Brace's Travels, vol. iv. p. 487. '" Astley's Ooll. of Voyages, vol.
~ Journal, p. 361. iii. pp. 221, 227.
^ Loc. cit. vol. i. p. 350. ^ Voyages, vol. ii. p. 58.
^ Klemm, Cultur d. Mensclien, '^ Natural History of Man, vol. i.
vol. iii. p. 280. p. 269.
G 2
84 MAEBIAGE CEBUMONIES
In Northern Asia the Tunguses are said to have no
marriage ceremony.
Yet we must not assume that marriage is necessarily
and always lightly regarded where it is unaccompanied
by ceremonial.
There is a great distinction between what may be
called ^ lax ' and ' brittle ' marriages. In some countries
the marriage tie may be broken with the greatest ease,
and yet, as long as it lasts, is strictly respected ; while
in other countries the very reverse is the case.
Perhaps on the whole any marriage ceremony is
better than none at all, but some races have practices at
marriage which are extremely objectionable. Some, also,
are very curious, and no doubt symbolical. At Bonabe,
one of the Micronesian Pacific Islands, the wife is
tattooed with the marks standing for the names of her
husband's ancestors.^ One portion of the marriage
ceremony among the Mundaris, one of the Bengal Hill
tribes, is very suggestive. The bride walks in front of
the bridegroom with a pitcher of water on her head,
supported by one arm. The bridegroom walks behind,
and through the pretty loophole thus formed he shoots
an arrow. The girl walks on to where the arrow falls,
picks it up with her foot, takes it into her hand, and re-
spectfully returns it to her husband.^ In many parts
of India, bride and bridegroom are marked with one
another's blood, probably to signify the intimate union
which has taken place between them. This is the
custom, for instance, among the Birhors. Colonel Dal-
ton believes this to be ' the origin of the custom now so
' Hale's United States Explor, ^ Dalton's Des. Etlin. of Bengal,
Exped.: Ethnography, p. 76. p. 195.
MARRIAGE CEREMONIES 85
* universal of marking with red lead.' ^ In other cases
the idea symbolised is less obvious. Among some of the
Hindoo tribes the bride and bridegroom are respectively
married to trees in the first instance, and subsequently
to one another. Thus a Kurmi bridegroom is married
to a mango, his bride to a malwa tree.^ The idea under-
lying this I take to be that they are thus devoted to the
deities of the Mango and Malwa, and, having thus be-
come respectively tabooed to other men and women, are,
with the consent of the deities, espoused to one another.
In ancient Russia, as part of the marriage ceremony,
the father took a new whip, and after striking his
daughter gently with it told her that he did so for the
last time, and now presented the whip to the bride-
groom, to whose power she then passed.^
Among the Canadian Indians, Carver^ says that,
when the chief has pronounced the pair to be married,
* the bridegroom turns round, and, bending his body,
' takes his wife on his back, in which manner he carries
' her, amidst the acclamations of the spectators, to his
' tent.' The Western tribes regard it as an important
part of the marriage ceremony that the bride should be
carried to her husband's dwelling.^ In Mexico also
the husband took the bride on his back and carried her
a short distance.^ Bruce, in Abyssinia, observed an
identical custom. When the ceremony is over, he says,
' the bridegroom takes his lady on his shoulders, and
' carries her off to his house. If it be at a distance he
1 Dalton's Des. Etlin. of Bengal, * Travels, p. 374.
pp. 220, 319. ■' Bancroft, vol. i. pp. 411, 703,
2 Ibid. p. 319. 730.
3 Meiners, Vergl. des alt. imd "^ Ihid. Yol.ii, ^. 261.
neuer. Rnsslands, vol. ii. p. 167.
86 LIFTING TEE BEIBE
^ does the same thing, but only goes entirely round about
' the bride's house/ ^
In China, when the bridal procession reaches the
bridegroom's house, the bride is carried into the house
by a matron, and ' lifted over a pan of charcoal at the
' door.' 2
We shall presently see that these are no isolated
cases, nor is the act of lifting the bride over the bride-
groom's threshold an act without a meaning. I shall
shortly mention many allied customs, to the importance
and significance of which our attention has recently
been called by M'Lennan, in his masterly work on
' Primitive Marriage.'
I will now attempt to trace up the custom of mar-
riage in its gradual development. There is strong
evidence that the lowest races of men live, or did live,
in a state of what may perhaps be called ^ Communal
Marriage.' In many of the cases above given (pp. TO-
TS) there can hardly be said to be any true marriage in
our sense of the term, and many other instances might
be given. In the Andaman Islands,^ Sir Edward
Belcher states that the custom is for the man and
woman to remain together until the child is weaned,
when they separate as a matter of course, and each
seeks a new partner ; but Mr. Man did not find this
to be the custom among the families he visited. The
Bushmen of South Africa are stated to be entirely with-
out marriage. Among the Nairs (India), as Buchanan
tells us, ' no one knows his father, and every man looks
' on his sister's children as his heirs.' They may be
1 Vol. vii. p. 67. 285.
^ Davis, The Chinese, vol. i. p. ^ Trans. Ethn. Soc. vol. v. p. 45.
BELATI0N8HIPS INDUPENBENT OF MABEIAGE 87
said to have group marriages. A man may marry
several women, and a woman may be the wife of several
men. The Teehurs of Oude ' live together almost in-
^ discriminately in large communities, and even when
' two people are regarded as married the tie is but
' nominal.' ^
In China, communal marriage is stated to have pre-
vailed down to the time of Fouhi,^ in Egypt to that of
Menes, and in Greece to that of Cecrops. The Massa-
getse,^ and the Auses,^ an Ethiopian tribe, had, according
to Herodotus, no marriage — a statement which is con-
firmed by Strabo as regards the former. Strabo and
Solinus made the same statement as regards the
Garamantes, another Ethiopian tribe, and Ammianus
Marcellinus with reference to certain Arabian tribes. In
California, according to Baegert,^ the sexes met without
any formalities, and their vocabulary did not even
contain the words ' to marry.' Garcilasso de la Yega
asserts that among some of the Peruvian tribes, before
the time of the Incas, men had no special wives.^
Mr. Hyde, Principal of the North Pacific Missionary
Institute, to whom I am indebted for various valuable
suggestions, writes me that among the Pacific Islanders
there was an ' utter absence of what we mean by the
' family, the household, and the husband ; the only
* thing possible was to keep distinct the line through
1 The People of India, by J. F. ^ Clio, vol. i. p. 216.
Watson and J. W. Kaye, published * Melpomene, vol. iv. p. 180.
by the Indian Government, vol. ii. ^ Loc. cit. p. 368.
pi. 85. ^ Commentaries of the Incas,
^ Goguet, L'Origine des Lois, trans, by C. R. Markham, vol. ii. p.
des Arts, et des Sciences, vol. iii. 443.
p. 328.
88 AUSTRALIAN SYSTEM OF BELATIONSHIP
' the mother, and enumerate the successive generations
* with the several putative fathers.' The original
Hawaian word for ' to marry ' meant ' to try,' and
the missionaries have been attempting to replace this
by our word ' mare ' under a native form.
Speaking of the natives of Queen Charlotte Island,
Mr. Poole says,^ ' among these simple and primitive
' tribes the institution of marriage is altogether un-
' known.' The women appear to consider almost all
the men of their own clan in the light of husbands.
They are, on the contrary, very circumspect in their
behaviour with other men.
According to native legends, communal marriage
existed in ancient times among the natives of Australia.
Messrs. Fison and Howitt state that the South Aus-
tralian tribes^ are divided into two classes or clans,
Kumite and Kroki, the feminine equivalents of which are
Kumitegor and Krokigor, and every Kumite is theoreti-
cally the husband of every Krokigor, every Kroki being
in the same way the husband of every Kumitegor. It
is not asserted that marital rights are in full force at
the present day, but they exist and are still acknow-
ledged to a certaui extent. So again the Kamilaroi
tribes, near Sydney, are divided into four great clans,^
in which the males are known as Ippai, Murri, Kubbi,
and Kumbo ; the females, Ippata, Matha, Kapota, and
Butha.
' I. Ipai may marry only Kubitha.
' II. Murri may marry only Butha.
^ Queen Charlotte Islands, p. ^ Pritchard's Nat. Hist, of Man,
312. ^ol. ii. p. 491. Kidley's Journ.
2 See Fison and Howitt, The Anthr. Inst. 1872, p. 263. Lang's
Kamilaroi and Kiirnai, p. 50. Queensland, p. 383.
AUSTRALIAN SYSTEM OF BELATIONSHIP 89
'III. Kubi may marry only Ipatha.
' ly. Kumbu may marry only Matha.
' Any attempt to infringe these rules would be
^ unanimously resisted, even to bloodshed ; but it
^ seems they never dream of attempting to transgress
' them.'
Even if a man has captured a woman in war, he
may not marry her if she belongs to a forbidden class.
' I. The children of Ipai by Kubitha are all Muri.
' II. The children of Muri are all Ippai and Ippata.
' III. The children of Kubi are all Kumbu and
' Butha.
' IV. The children of Kumbu are all Kubi and
' Kubitha.'
But Mr. Lance first pointed out, and he has since
been fully confirmed by subsequent writers, that in a
certain sense every Ipai is regarded as married, not by
any individual contract, but by organic law, to every
Kubitha ; every Kubi to every Ipatha, and so on. If,
for instance, a Kubi, says Mr. Lance, ' meet a stranger
' Ipatha, they address each other as spouse. A Kubi
' thus meeting an Ipatha, though she were of another
^ tribe, would treat her as his wife, and his right to do
^ so would be recognised by her tribe.' -^ The idea of
marriage in Australia, say Messrs. Fison and Howitt,^
' is something more than the marriage of group to
' group, loithin a tribe. It is an arrangement, extending
' across a continent, which divides many scattered —
' widely scattered — tribes into intermarrying classes,
^ and gives a man of one class marital rights over
^ Quoted by Fison and Howitt, ^ The Kamilaroi and Kurnai, p.
ioc. cit. p. 53. 54,
90 AUSTRALIAN SYSTEM OF RELATION SHIF
^ women of another class in a tribe a thousand miles
' away, and speaking a language other than his own.'
It would appear, however, that this right is now dying
out, and is in most cases merely nominal.
Mr. Bulmer, an English missionary in Australia,
not understanding their customs, and wishing to make
friends with the natives, allowed himself to be adopted
with native ceremonials so as to become the brother of
a young native of whom he had formed a high opinion.
Next time he met the young man's wife he said to her :
' You know you are my sister now. I am your hus-
' band's brother.' ' Oh, no,' she said, laughing heartily ;
^ you are now my husband.' And he found he had
most unintentionally married her, according to native
ideas, and every other woman of her name !
The backwardness (until lately) of the Sandwich
Islanders in their social relations is manifested in their
language. This is shown from the following table
extracted from a longer one, given by Mr. Morgan in a
most interesting work on the Origin of the Classification
System of Eelationship.-^
Hawaian English
/Great grandfather
Great great uncle
Great grandmother
T-r- • -n Great OTandaunt
Kupuna signifies ^(jr.^aLher
Granduncle
Grandmother
\Grandaunt.
^ Systems of Oonsangumity and Affinity.
SOUTH SUA SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP
91
Hamaian
Makua kana
English
/Fatlier
Father's brother
Father's brother-in-law
1 Mother's brother
Mother's brother-in-law
Grandfather's brother's son.
Makua waheena
/Mother
Mother's sister
-< Mother's sister-in-law
Father's sister
I Father's sister-in-law.
Son
Sister's son
Brother's son
Brother's son's son
Kaikee kana = < Brother's daughter's son
Sister's son's son
Sister's daughter's son
Mother's sister's son's son
mother's brother's son's son.
Hunona
/Brother's son's wife
I Brother's daughter's husband
I Sister's son's wife
vSister's daughter's husband.
Waheena
rWife
Wife's sister
Brother's wife
Wife's brother's wife
^ Father's brother's son's wife
Father's sister's son's wife
Mother's sister's son's wife
^Mother's brother's son's wife.
92 SOUTH SEA SYSTEM OF EELATIONSHIP
Hawaian English
(Husband
Husband's brother
Sister's husband.
Punalua = Wife's sister's husband (brother-in-law),
Kaikoaka = Wife's brother.
The key of this Hawaian or Sandwich Island ^ system
is the idea conveyed in the word waheena (woman).
Thus—
Hamaicm English
rWife
__ , Wife's sister
Waheena =\ ,
1 Brother s wiie
IWife's brother's wife.
All these are equally related to each husband. Hence
the word —
Kaikee = Child, also signifies brother's wife's child;
and no doubt the wife's sister's child, and the wife's
brother's wife's child. So also, as the sister is wife to
the brother-in-law (though not to her brother), and as
the brother-in-law is husband to his brother's wife, he is
consequently a father to his brother's children. Hence
^ Kaikee ' also means ' sister's son ' and ^ brother's son.'
In fact ' Kaikee ' and * Waheena ' correspond to our
words ' child ' and ' woman,' and there are apparently
no words answering to " son,' ' daughter,' * wife,' or
* husband.' That this does not arise from poverty of
^ Morgan, Proceedings of the American Association, 1868.
SOUTH SEA SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP 93
language is evident, because the same system discri-
minates between other relationships which we do not
distinguish.
Perhaps the contrast is most clearly shown in the
terms for brother-in-law and sister-in-law.
Thus, when a woman is speaking —
Sister-in-law = husband's brother's wife = punalua.
Sister-in-law = husband's sister = kaikoaka.
But brother-in-law, whether sister's ) . . , _
, , T 11 Tj 1 ,1 h = kana, i.e. husband,
husband or husband s brother J '
When, on the contrary, a man is speaking —
Sister-in-law — wife's sister = waheena, i.e. wife.
Sister-in-law = brother's wife = waheena, i.e. wife.
And so —
Brother-in-law = wife's brother = kaikoaka.
Brother-in-law = wife's sister's husband = punalua.
Thus a woman has husbands and sisters-in-law, but
no brothers-in-law ; a man, on the contrary, has wives
and brothers-in-law, but no sisters-in-law. The same
idea runs through all other relationships : cousins, for
instance, are called brothers and sisters.
So again, while the Romans distinguished between
the
Father's brother = patruus, and the mother^s brother =
avunculus ;
Father's sister = amita, and the mother's sister = matertera ;
the first two in Hawaian are makua kana, which also
signifies father ; and the last two are makua waheena,
which also means mother.
94 SOUTH SEA SYSTEM OF BELATIONSHIP
In the next chapter I shall enter more at length
into the subject of Relationships, but my object at
present is to show that the idea of Marriage does not, in
fact, enter into the Hawaian system. Uncleship, aunt-
ship, cousinship, are ignored ; and we have only —
Grandparents
Parents
Brothers and sisters
Children, and
Grandchildren.
This division into generations was no matter of
mere nomenclature ; but, lax as their ideas appear to
us in many ways, Mr. Gill, the well-known missionary
in the South Seas, tells me that in the Henry group
marriage out of one's generation was strictly forbidden ;
even when as a mere matter of age it might be quite
suitable.
Here, moreover, it is clear that the child is related to
the group. It is not specially related either to its father
or its mother, who stand in the same relation as uncles
and aunts ; so that every child has several fathers
and several mothers.
There are, I think, reasons in the social habits of
these islanders which go far to explain the persistence
of this archaic nomenclature. From the mildness of the
climate and the abundance of food, children soon become
independent ; the prevalence of large houses, used as
mere dormitories, and the curious prejudice against
eating in common, must also have greatly tended to
retard the development of special family feelings. Yet
the system of nomenclature above mentioned did not
TOBA SYSTEM OF BELATI0N8HIP 95
correspond with the actual state of society as found by-
Captain Cook and other early voyagers.
Among the Todas of the Neilgherry Hills, however,
when a man marries a girl she becomes the wife of all
his brothers as they successively reach manhood, and
they also become the husbands of all her sisters as they
become old enough to marry. In this case ' the first-
' born child is fathered upon the eldest brother, the
' next-born on the second, and so on throughout the
' series. Notwithstanding this unnatural system, the
' Todas, it must be confessed, exhibit much fondness
' and attachment towards their offspring, more so than
^ their practice of mixed intercourse would seem to
' foster.' 1
In the Tottiyars of India, also, we have a case in
which it is recorded that ' brothers, uncles, and
' nephews hold their wives in common.' ^ So also,
according to Nicolaus,^ the Galactophagi had commu-
nal marriage, ' where they called all old men fathers,
^ young men sons, and those of equal age brothers.'
^ Among the Sioux and some other North American
' tribes the custom is to buy the eldest of the chiefs
' daughters ; then the others all belong to him, and are
' taken to wife at such times as the husband sees fit.' ^
Such social conditions as these tend to exj^lain the
frequency of adoption among the lower races of men,
and the fact that it is often considered to be as close a
connection as real parentage. Among the Esquimaux,
Captain Lyon tells us that ' this curious connection
^ Sliortt, Trans. Etlm. Soc, ^ Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht,
N.S., vol. vii p. 240. p. 21.
2 Dubois' Descrip. of the People ^ Ethn. Joui-nal, 1869, p. 286.
of India, p. 3.
96 FEEVALENCE OF AFOFTION
* binds the parties as firmly together as the ties of
' blood ; and an adopted son, if senior to one by nature,
^ is the heir to all the family riches.' ^
In Central Africa, Denham states that ' the practice
^ of adopting children is very prevalent among the
' Felatahs, and, though they have sons and daughters of
' their own, the adopted child generally becomes heir
Ho the whole property.'^ In Madagascar^ also Hhe
' adoption of other children, generally those of relatives,.
' is of frequent occurrence. These children are regarded
^ in every respect as if they were born of their adopted
' parents, and their real father and mother give up all
* claim to them.'
Ht is a custom,' says Mariner,^ ' in the Tonga
* Islands, for women to be what they call mothers to
' children or grown-up young persons who are not their
^ own, for the purpose of providing them, or seeing that
' they are provided, with all the conveniences of life ; '
this is often done even if the natural mother be still
living, in which case the adopted mother ' is regarded
' the same as the natural mother.' The same custom
also existed in Samoa,^ the Marquesas, and other Pacific
Islands.^ Among the Romans, also, adoption was an
important feature, and was effected by the symbol of a
mock birth, without which it was not regarded as com-
plete. This custom seems to have continued down to
the time of Nerva, who, in adopting Trajan, transferred
1 Journal, p. 353. See 365. * Mariner's Tonga Islands, vol. ii.
~ Denliam's Travels in Africa, p. 98.
vol. iv. p. 131. 5 Nineteen Years in Polynesia,
^ Sibree's Madagascar and its p . 179.
People, p. 197. ^ Gerland,Waitz' Anthropologic,
vol. vi. p. 216.
THE MILK-TIE 97
the ceremony from the marriage-bed to the temple of
Jupiter.^ Diodorus ^ gives a very curious account of
the same custom as it existed among the Greeks, men-
tioning that Juno adopted Hercules by going through
a ceremony of mock birth. To this day, in some Con-
tinental codes, adoption gives the right of inheritance.^
In other cases the symbol of adoption represented
not the birth, but the milk, tie. Thus, in Circassia,
the woman offered her breast to the person she was
adopting. In Abyssinia, Parkyn tells us that ' if a man
' wishes to be adopted as the son of one of superior
' station or influence, he takes his hand, and, sucking
' one of his fingers, declares himself to be his " child by
' " adoption," and his new father is bound to assist .him
^ as far as he can.' ^
Among some races marriage between foster children
is strictly forbidden.
The same idea of adoption underlies, perhaps, the
curious Esquimaux habit of licking anything which is
presented to them, apparently in token of ownership.^
Dieffenbach^ also mentions the practice of licking a
present in New Zealand ; here, however, it is the donor
who does so. In the Tonga Islands, Captaui Cook tells
us that the natives ^ have a singular custom of putting
' everything you give them to their heads, by way of
^thanks, as we conjectured.'^ Labillardiere observed
the same practice in Tasmania.®
1 Miiller,DasMutterrecht,p.254. vol. i. p. 34.
2 IV. 39. See Notes. ^ New Zealand, vol. ii. p. 104.
2 Maine, Early Law and Custom, ^ Voyage towards the South
p. 96. Pole, vol. i. p. 221.
* Parkyn's Abyssinia, p. 198. ^ Gerland, Waitz' Anthropolo-
^ Franklin's Journeys, 1819-22, gie, vol. vi. p. 812.
H
98 OBIGINAL OB GOMMUNAL MABBIAGE
Assuming, then, that the communal marriage system
shown in the preceding pages to prevail, or have pre-
vailed, so widely among races in a low stage of civilisa-
tion, represents the primitive and earliest social con-
dition of man, we now come to consider the various
ways in which it may have been broken up and replaced
by individual marriage.
Montesquieu lays it down almost as an axiom, that
* r obligation naturelle qu'a le pere de nourrir ses
' enfants a fait etablir le mariage, qui declare celui qui
' doit remplir cette obligation.' ^ Elsewhere he states
that ' il est arriv6 dans tous les pays et dans tons les
^ temps que la religion s'est melee des manages.' ^ How
far these assertions are from the truth will be conclu-
sively shown in the following pages.
Bachofen,^ M'Lennan,^ and Morgan, the most recent
authors who have studied this subject, all agree that
the primitive condition of man, socially, was one in
which marriage did not exist, ^ or, as we may perhaps
for convenience call it, of communal marriage, where
all the men and women in a small community were
regarded as equally married to one another.
Bachofen considers that after a while the women,
shocked and scandalised by such a state of things,
revolted against it, and established a system of marriage
with female supremacy, the husband being subject to
the wife, property and descent being considered to go
in the female line, and women enjoying the principal
share of political power. The first period he calls that
^ Esprit des Lois, vol.ii. p. 186. * Primitive Marriage."
* Loc. cit. p. 299. 5 Ibid, xyiii. xix.
' Das Mutterrecht.
ORIGIN OF IIABBTAGE 99
of ^ Hetairism/ the second of ' Mutterrecht,' or ' mother-
' right.'
In the third stage he considers that the ethereal
influence of the father prevailed over the more material
idea of motherhood. Men claimed pre-eminence, pro-
perty and descent were traced in the male line, sun
worship superseded moon worship, and many other
changes in social organisation took place — mainly
because it came to be recognised that the creative
influence of the father was more important than the
material tie of motherhood. The father, in fact, was
the author of life, the mother a mere nurse.
Thus he regards the first stage as lawless, the second
as material, the third as spiritual. I believe, however,
that communities in which women have exercised the
supreme power are rare and exceptional, if indeed they
ever existed at all. We do not find in history, as a
matter of fact, that women do assert their rights, and
savage women would, I think, be peculiarly unlikely to
uphold their dignity in the manner supposed. On the
contrary, among the lowest races of men, as, for
instance, in Australia, the position of the women is one
of complete subjection ; and it seems to me perfectly
clear that the idea of marriao-e is founded on the riohts,
not of the woman, but of the man, being an illustration
of
the good old plan,
That lie should take who has the power,
And he should keep who can.
Among low races the wife is indeed literally the
property of her husband. As Petruchio says of
Catherine —
LofC: ^^
100 RELATIONSHIP AMONG THE ROMANS
I will be master of what is mine own.
Slie is my goods, my chattels ; she is my house^
My household stuff, my field, my barn,
My horse, my ox, my ass, my anything.
So thoroughly is this the case, that a Roman'^s
^ family ' originally, and indeed throughout classical
times, meant his slaves, and the children only formed
part of the family because they were his slaves ; so that
if a father freed his son, the latter ceased to be one of
the family, and had no part in the inheritance.
* The mere tie of blood relationship,' says Ortolan^
^ was of no account among the Romans The
' most general expression and the most comprehensive
' term indicating relationship in Roman Law is cognatio
^ — the cognation, that is to say, the tie between persons
' who are united by the same blood, or those reputed by
'the law as such (cognati ; quasi una communiter nati),.
' But cognation alone, whether it proceeds from legal
' marriage or any other union, does not place the indi-
' vidual within the family, nor does it give any right of
' family.' ^ Even at the present day, in some parts of
Africa, a man's property goes, not to his children, as
such, but to his slaves.
Among the West African tribes of the Gold Coast,
under ordinary circumstances the wife was the slave of
her husband, purchased of her father by the dowry, but
if ' the wife be a woman of free status, who contracts
' a free union with her husband, not only are her children
' not his slaves, but neither she nor they become mem-
' bers of his family.' ^
^ Ortolan's History of Rom an Law, ^ Foreign Office Despatch, Aug..
tr, by Pricha,rd and Nasmith, p. 129. 21, 1874.
WRESTLING FOB WIVES 101
The fact that the wife is regarded literally as the
property of the husband explains those cases which seem
to us so remarkable, in which great laxity of conduct
before, is combined with the utmost strictness after,
marriage. Hence, also, the custom, so prevalent among
the lower races of men, that on the death of the elder
brother the wives belong to the second.
This complete subjection of the woman in marriage
also explains those cases in which women of rank were
considered too great to marry. Livingstone distinctly
states this in the case of Mamochisane, daughter of
Sebituane, chief of the Bechuanas. Sebituane ' could
^ not look upon the husband except as the woman's
^ lord, so he told her all the men were hers, she might
^ take any one, but ought to keep none.' ^
Hearne tells us, that among the Hudson's Bay
Indians ' it has ever been the custom for the men to
' wrestle for any woman to whom they are attached ;
' and, of course, the strongest party always carries off
^ the prize. A weak man, unless he be a good hunter
^ and well-beloved, is seldom permitted to keep a wife
^ that a stronger man thinks worth his notice. . . .
^ This custom prevails throughout all their tribes, and
^causes a great spirit of emulation among their youth,
^ who are upon all occasions, from their childhood, trying
' their strength and skill in wrestling.' ^ Franklin also
says that the Copper Indians hold women in the same
low estimation as the Chipewyans do, 'looking upon
' them as a kind of property, which the stronger may
^ Travels in South Africa, p. Tuckey's Exp. to the River Zaire,
179. See also Burton's Dahomey, p. 140.
vol. i. pp. 107, 366; vol. ii. p. 72. 2 Hearne, p. 104.
102 M'LENNAN'S VIEWS
' take from the weaker ; ' ^ and Richardson^ 'more than
' once saw a stronger man assert his right to take the
' wife of a weaker countryman. Anyone may challenge
' another to wrestle, and, if he overcomes, may carry off
' the wife as the prize.' Yet the women never dream
of protesting against this, which, indeed, seems to them
perfectly natural. The theory, therefore, of Dr. Bacho-
fen, and the sequence of social customs suggested by
him, although supported with much learning, cannot, I
think, be regarded as correct.^
M'Lennan, like Bachofen and Morgan, starts with a
stage of Hetairism or communal marriage. The next
stage was, in his opinion, that form of polyandry in
which brothers had their wives in common ; afterwards
came that of the levirate, i.e. the system under which,
when an elder brother died, his second brother married
the widow, and so on with the others in succession.
Thence he considers that some tribes branched off into
endogamy, others into exogamy ; ^ that is to say, some
forbade marriage out of, others within, the tribe. If
either of these two systems was older than the other,
he considers that exogamy must have been the more
ancient. Exogamy was based on infanticide,^ and led
to the practice of marriage by capture.^
In a further stage the idea of female descent, pro-
ducing as it would a division in the tribe, obviated the
necessity of capture as a reality and reduced it to a
symbol,
1 Journey to tlie Shores of the Tracts of Chittagong, pp. 47, 77, 80,
Polar Seas, vol. viii. p. 43. 93, 98, 101.
^ Richardson's Boat Journey, * I^oc. cit. p. 145.
vol. ii. p. 24. * Loc, cit. p. 138.
^ See, for instance, Lewin's Hill ^ Loc. dt. p. 140.
THE TEUE EXPLANATION 103
In support of this view, Mr. M'Lennan has certainly-
brought forward many striking facts ; but, while ad-
mitting that it probably represents the succession of
events in some cases, I cannot but think that these are
exceptional. Exogamy is in fact often associated with
polygamy, which under Mr. M'Lennan's system could
not well be.
Fully admitting the prevalence of infanticide among
savages, it will, I think, be found that among the
lowest races boys were killed as frequently as girls.
Eyre expressly states that this was the case in
Australia.^ In fact, the distinction between the sexes
implies an amount of forethought and prudence which
the lower races of men do not possess.
For reasons to be given in the next chapter, I be-
lieve that communal marriage was gradually superseded
by individual marriage founded on capture, and that
this led firstly to exogamy and then to female infanti-
cide ; thus reversing M'Lennan's order of sequence.
Endogamy and regulated polyandry, though frequent,
I regard as exceptional, and as not entering into the
normal progress of development.
^ Discoveries, &c., vol. ii. p. 324.
104
CHAPTER lY.
THE ORIGIN OF MARRIAGE.
THE evidence given in tlie preceding chapter, and
which might have been much increased, seems to
me to prove, and indeed it is now admitted by most
of those who have studied the subject, that there was a
time when individual marriage did not exist, and when
mankind lived in a state of what I have suggested we
might call communal marriage.
The curious Australian marriage laws, under which
marriage between members of the same clan is strictly
forbidden, but on the other hand every man is legally
and technically the husband of every woman belonging
to some one or more other clans, have been already
mentioned on p. 90.
It has been supposed by some that an extension of
these restrictions might gradually lead up to individual
marriage, but this is not so, because a development of
the Austrahan rules would always result in the marriage,
not of individuals, but of classes — however much the
class might be reduced by subdivision, the wives would
remain in common within the gens.
Such arrangements may be, and in some tribes no
doubt are, the nearest approach to what we call marriage,
but a husband in this sense is very different from a
husband in ours. He has not the exclusive right to
a particular woman, which is in our idea the essence of
th:e] origin of mabbiage 105
matrimony, and the existence of which is just what we
have to account for.-^ Speaking generally, however, we
find in Australia, side by side with these class mar-
riages, the presence also of individual marriage. Though
the same word has been generally used in both cases, it
is evident that the relationship is really very different.
' In the following pages,' say Messrs. Fison and
Howitt,^ ' the words marriage, husband, wife, and indeed
' all the terms of kinship, are used in a certam accom-
^modated sense. Husband and wife are not neces-
^ sarily man and wife according to our ideas. " My
* " husband," for instance, among tribes such as the Aus-
* tralian, does not necessarily single out any one man in
* particular. A woman may apply it to any one of a
' group of tribal brothers who have the right of taking
^ her to wife.'
The question then is. How did individual marriage
take its origin ?
The theory I have ventured to suggest as regards
the former question is, that originally no man could
appropriate any woman of his own tribe exclusively
to himself, nor could any woman dedicate herself to
one man, without infringing tribal rights ; but that, on
the other hand, if a man captured a woman belonging
to another tribe he thereby acquired an individual and
peculiar right to her, and she became his exclusively,
no one else having any claim or property in her. Thus,
then, the women in such a community would fall into
two classes : The one, subject no doubt to the disad-
vantage of being aliens, and so to say slaves, but yet
^ See Lubbock on Australian ^ The Kamilaroi and Kurnai,
Marriage Customs, J. Anthr. Inst. p. 28.
1885.
106 PROBABLE OBIGIN OF MABBIAGE
enjoying the protection, and in many cases having
secured the aiFection, of one man. The other, nominally
no doubt free, but in the first place subject to the
attentions of all their tribesmen — attentions no doubt
often very unwelcome, but yet which could not be
rejected without giving bitter offence ; and in the
second without any claim on any one specially for
food, shelter, and protection.
It seems to me that under such circumstances many
women belonging to the latter class would long to
exchange their nominal freedom, and hazardous privi-
leges, for the comparative peace and security of the
former. On the other hand, many men would desire
to appropriate exclusively to themselves some woman of
their own tribe by whom they were specially attracted.
Hence would naturally arise a desire on the part of
many to extend the right of capture, which originally
had reference only to women of a different tribe, and
to apply it to all those belonging to their own.
As a matter of fact, we find in Australia, side by side
with the division of the tribes into classes or ' gentes '
and the custom that all the men are regarded as
possessing marital rights over all the women of some
one, or more, of the other classes, the existence also of
individual marriage ; one man and one woman especially
connected together as in more civilised communities.
The words husband and wife have been usually applied to
both of these cases. At the same time, whether we apply
the same word in both relationships or not, we must not
lose sight of the fact that the two are very different,^
^ It would be convenient, I think, to say, for instance, tliat a woman
to use some sucli term as the New was ' noa ' to a particular gens or
Zealand ^noa,' in the former case, and gentes, and wife to a particular man.
TWO FORMS OF MABBIAGF IN AUSTRALIA 107
and it is this latter or true marriage to which my sug-
gestion refers.
It must not, however, be considered that the right
to take any woman belonging to another class was
originally a concession. The true process was in the
reverse order, and the forbidding to take a woman of
the man's own class must be regarded as a restriction.
There are not wanting traditions of a time when this
restriction did not exist. But, however this may be,
we have complete and conclusive evidence that in large
portions of Australia every man had the privilege of a
husband over every woman not belonging to his own
gens ; sharing of course those privileges with every
other man belonging to the same class or gens as
himself.
But although we may call this ' marriage ' — and it
is a right which in old times was, and to a certain extent
still is, recognised as perfectly legal and respectable —
it does not help us to the origin of individual marriage.
In addition to the 1,000 miles of wives so forcibly
described by Messrs. Fison and Howitt, the Australian
had his own individual wife. How does he acquire a
special right to her ? I have argued that this was
originally by right of capture ; Messrs. Fison and
Howitt deny this. But let us see what they say them-
selves a few pages further on. In describing the
habits of the Kiirnai they come to his marriage. How
does he procure his wife ? ' The young Kiirnai,' says
Mr. Fison,^ ' could, as a rule, acquire a wife in one way
'only. He must run away with her. ... It is no
' use his asking for a wife excepting under the most
^ Kamilaroi and Kurnai, p. 200.
108 AUSTRALIAN MABBIAGE CUSTOMS
' exceptional circumstances, for he could only acquire
^ one in the usual manner, and that was by running off
* with her.'
As regards the Geawe-gal tribe, they say, ' In the
' case of female captives, they belonged to their captors,
4f of a class from which wives might be legally taken
' by them. If of a forbidden class, then I think that
* the captor might make an exchange with some one of
' the proper class who had a woman at his disposal.
* In the Wonghi tribe, whose territory was situated on
' the north side of the Lachlan River, for about eighty
' miles above Whealbah, a woman was the property of
' her captor when she was not of a tribe forbidden to
' him,' i.e. if she did not belong to a gens with which it
was unlawful for him to intermarry.
Speaking of the Turras, another Australian tribe,
they say, ' There is individual marriage. Consent of
* the woman's parents is necessary before marriage ; if
' this is refused, the pair occasionally elope. Wives are
\ also obtained by gift, exchange, or capture. A female
* captive belonged to the captor.' Again, the Kamilaroi
have ' the right to the female captive, controlled by the
' exogamous rule of marriage.' Indeed, speaking gener-
ally, they observe, ' that marriage is brought about
' throughout Australia by capture is quite certain.'
It is obvious, indeed, that even under a communal
marriage, a warrior who had captured a beautiful girl
in some marauding expedition would claim a peculiar
right to her, and, when possible, would set custom at
defiance. We have already seen that there are other
cases of the existence of marriage under two forms side
by side in one country ; and there is, therefore, no real
TEE TRUE EXPLANATION 10^
difficulty in assuming the co-existence of communal
and individual marriage. It is true that under a com-
munal marriage system no man could appropriate a girl
entirely to himself without infringing the rights of the
whole tribe. Such an act would naturally be looked
on with jealousy, and only regarded as justifiable under
peculiar circumstances. A war- captive, however, was
in a peculiar position : the tribe had no right to her ;
her capturer might have killed her if he chose ; if he
preferred to keep her alive he was at liberty to do so ;
he did as he liked, and the tribe was no sufferer. On
the other hand, if a marriage system had already existed,
it is unlikely that the first wives would have suffered
a mere captive to obtain the same station as them-
selves.-^
M'Lennan,^ indeed, says that ' it is impossible to
' believe that the mere lawlessness of savages should be
' consecrated into a legal symbol, or to assign a reason
' — could this be believed — why a similar symbol should
' not appear in transferences of other kmds of property. '^
The symbol of capture, however, was not one of law-
lessness, but, on the other hand, of — according to the
ideas of the times — lawful possession. It did not refer
to those from whom the captive was taken, but was-
intended to bar the rights of the tribes into which she
was introduced. Individual marriage was, in fact, an
infringement of communal rights ; the man retaining to
himself, or the man and woman mutually appropriat-
ing to each other, that which previously belonged to-
^ I am glad to find that Mr. H. accept my sug-gestious as to com-
Spencer, in his Principles of Socio- munal marriage, or as to the rights-
logy, p. 650 et seq., endorses this of men within the tribe,
view, though he does not altogether ^ Loc. cit. p. 44.
110 OEIGIN OF MABBIAGE BY GAPTUBE
the whole tribe. Thus, among the Andamaners, any
woman who attempted to resist the marital privileges
claimed by any member of the tribe was liable to severe
punishment.^
ISTor is it, I think, difficult to understand why the
symbol of capture does not appear in transferences of
other kinds of property. Every generation requires
fresh wives ; the actual capture, or at any rate the
symbol, needed therefore repetition. This, however,
does not apply to land ; when once the idea of landed
property arose, the same land descended from owner to
owner. In other kinds of property, again, there is an
important, though different kind of, distinction. A
man made his own bow and arrows, his own hut, his
own arms ; hence the necessity of capture did not exist,
and the symbol would not arise.
McLennan supposed that savages were driven by
female infanticide, and the consequent absence or pau-
city of women, into exogamy and marriage by capture.
He considered that the ' practice of capturing women
' for wives could not have become systematic unless it
* were developed and sustained by some rule of law or
^ custom,' and ' that the rule of law or custom which
^ had this effect was exogamy.' ^
I shall presently give my reasons for rejecting this
explanation. He also considers that marriage by capture
followed, and arose from, that remarkable custom of
marrying always out of the tribe, for which he has pro-
posed the appropriate name of exogamy. On the con-
trary, I believe that exogamy arose from marriage by
1 Trans. Ethn. Soc, N.S., vol. ii. ^ j ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^.^^ ^^^ article in
p. 35. the Fortnightly for June 1877.
OBIGIN OF MABEIAGE BY CABTUBB 111
capture, not marriage by capture froui exogamy ; that
capture, and capture almost alone, could originally give
a man the right to monopolise a woman, to the exclu-
sion of his fellow- clansmen ; and that hence, even after
all necessity for actual capture had long ceased, the
symbol remained ; capture having, by long habit, come
to be received as a necessary preliminary to marriage.
That marriage by capture has not arisen from female
modesty is, I think, evident not only because we have
no reason to suppose that such a feeling prevails spe-
cially among the lower races of man, but also, firstly,
because it cannot explain the mock resistance of the
relatives ; and, secondly, because the very question to
be solved is why it became so generally the custom to
win the female not by persuasion but by force,
M'Lennan's view throws no light on the remarkable
ceremonies of expiation for marriage, to which I shall
presently call attention. I will, however, first proceed
to show how widely ' capture,' either actual or symboli-
cal, enters into the idea of marriage. M'Lennan was,
I believe, the first to appreciate its importance. I have
taken some of the following instances from his valuable
work, with, however, much additional evidence.
It requires, no doubt, strong evidence, which, how-
ever, exists in abundance, to satisfy us that the origin
of marriage was independent of all sacred and social
considerations ; that it had nothing to do with mutual
afi'ection or sympathy ; that it was invalidated by any
appearance of consent ; and that it was symbolised, not
by any demonstration of warm aficction on the one side
and tender devotion on the other, but by brutal violence
and unwilling submission.
112 MABBIAOE BY CAPTUBE OBIGINALLY A BEALITY
Yet, as already mentioned, the evidence is over-
whelming. So completely, for instance, did the Caribs
supply themselves with wives from the neighbouring
races, and so little communication did they hold with
them, that the men and women actually spoke different
languages. So, again, in Australia the men, says Old-
field, ' are in excess of the other sex, and, consequently,
' many men of every tribe are unprovided with that
' especial necessary to their comfortable subsistence, a
' wife — who is a slave in the strictest sense of the word,
' being a beast of burden, a provider of food, and a
' ready object on which to vent those passions that the
' men do not dare to vent on each other. Hence, for
' those coveting such a luxury, arises the necessity of
^ stealing the women of some other tribe ; and, in their
* expeditions to effect so laudable a design, they will
* cheerfully undergo privations and dangers equal to
' those they incur when in search of blood-revenge.
* When, on such an errand, they discover an unprotected
' female, their proceedings are not of the most gentle
' nature. Stunning her by a blow from the dowak (to
' make her love them, perhaps), they drag her by the
' hair to the nearest thicket to await her recovery.
' When she comes to her senses they force her to
^ accompany them ; and, as at worst it is but the ex-
' change of one brutal lord for another, she generally
^ enters into the spirit of the affair, and takes as much
' pains to escape as though it were a matter of her own
' free choice.' ^
Collins thus describes the manner in which the na-
tives about Sydney used to procure wives : — ' The poor
1 Trans. Ethn. Soc, vol. iii. p. 250.
SUBSEQUENTLY A FORM 113
* wretcli is stolen upon in the absence of her protectors.
^ Being first stupefied with blows, inflicted with clubs
' or wooden swords, on the head, back, and shoulders,
^ every one of which is followed by a stream of blood,
^ she is then dragged through the woods by one arm,
* with a perseverance and violence that it might be sup-
^ posed would displace it from its socket. This outrage
' is not resented by the relations of the female, who
* only retaliate by a similar outrage when they find an
' opportunity.' ^
Marriage by capture is the third form of marriage /
specially recognised by ancient Hindoo law.^
In Bali also,^ one of the islands between Java and
New Guinea, it is stated to be the practice that girls
' are stolen away by their brutal lovers, who sometimes
' surprise them alone, or overpower them by the way,
' and carry them off w^ith dishevelled hair and tattered
* garments to the woods. When brought back from
^ thence, and reconciliation is effected with enraged
' friends, the poor female becomes the slave of her
^ rough lover, by a certain compensation -price being paid
' to her relatives.'
So deeply rooted is the feeling of a connection
between force and marriage that we find the former
used as a form long after all necessity for it had ceased ;
and it is very interesting to trace, as Mr. M'Lennan
has done, the gradual stages through which a stern
reality softens down into a mere symbol.
It is easy to see that if we assume the case of a
1 Collins's Englisli Colony in Aryas, p. 127.
New South Wales, p. 362. ^ Notices of the Indian Archi-
^ Biihler's Sacred Books of the pelago, p. 90.
114 BINDOSTAN
country in which there are four neighbouring tribes^
who have the custom of exogamy, and who trace pedi-
grees through the mother, and not through the father
a custom which, as we shall presently find, is so
common that it may be said to be the usual one among
the lower races — after a certain time the result would
be that each tribe would consist of four septs or clans,
representmg the four original tribes, and hence we
should find communities in which each tribe is divided
into clans, and a man must always marry a woman of
a different clan. But as communities became larger
and more civilised the actual ^ capture ' would become
inconvenient, and at last impossible.
Gradually, therefore, it came to be more and more a
mock ceremony, forming, however, a necessary part of
the marriage ceremony. Of this many cases might be
given.
Speaking of the Khonds of Orissa, Major-General
Campbell says that on one occasion he ' heard loud cries
^ proceeding from a village close at hand. Fearing some
' quarrel, I rode to the spot, and there I saw a man
' bearing away upon his back something enveloped in
^ an ample covering of scarlet cloth ; he was surrounded
' by twenty or thirty young fellows, and by them pro-
' tected from the desperate attacks made upon him by
' a party of young women. On seeking an explanation
' of this novel scene, I was told that the man had just
' been married, and his precious burden was his bloom-
* ing bride, whom he was conveying to his own village.
' Her youthful friends (as it appears is the custom)'
* were seeking to regain possession of her, and hurled
^ stones and bamboos at the head of the devoted.
CENTRAL INDIA 115
^ bridegroom, until he reached the confines of his own
' village.' ^
Dalton mentions that among the Kols of Central
India, when the price of a girl has been arranged,
' the bridegroom and a large party of his friends
' of both sexes enter wdth much singing and dancing,
' and sham fighting in the village of the bride, where
' they meet the bride's party, and are hospitably enter-
' tained.' ^
Sir W. Elliot also mentions that not only amongst
the Khonds, but also in ' several other tribes of Central
' India, the bridegroom seizes his bride by force, either
' affected or real ; ' ^ and the same was customary
among the Badagas of the Neilgherry Hills, the Mun-
dahs, Hos, Garos, Oraons, Ghonds, and other Hill tribes.^
Among the Garos a young man and woman who
wish to marry take some provisions and retire to the
Hills for a few days. The girl goes first, and the lover
follows after, well knowing, of course, where she will be
found. In a few days they return to the village, when
the marriage is publicly announced and solemnised, a
mock fight taking place, though in this case the pre-
tended reluctance is on the part of the bridegroom.^
In this tribe the girls propose to the men, as is also
said to be the case among the Bhiuyas.^
In parts of the Punjab,^ 'when the bridegroom's
1 Quoted in M'Lennan's Primi- * Metz, The Tribes of the Neil-
tive Marriage, p. 28. gherries, p. 74. See also Lewin's
2 Trans. Ethn. Soc. vol. vi. p. 24. Hill Tracts of Chittagong, pp. 36, 80.
See also p. 27 ; the Trihes of India, ^ Dalton's Des, Ethn. of Bengal,
vol. i. p. 15 ; and Dalton's Des. p. 64.
Ethnology of Bengal, pp. 64, 86, ^ Loe. cit. p. 142.
193, 252, 278, 319. ' Tupper's Punjab Customary
3 Trans. Ethn. Soc. 1869, p. 325. Law.
i2
116 MALAY PENINSULA— KALMUCKS
* party goes to bring the bride from her father's house,
' they are met by a party of the bride's friends and rela-
^ tions, who stop the path. Hereupon a sham fight of a
' very rough description ensues, in which the bridegroom
* and his friends, before they are allowed to pass, are well
* drubbed with good thick switches.'
M. Bourien ^ thus describes the marriage ceremony
among the wild tribes of the Malay Peninsula : — ' When
^ all are assembled, and all ready, the bride and bride-
^ groom are led by one of the old men of the tribe
* towards a circle more or less great, according to the
' presumed strength of the intended pair ; the girl
' runs round first, and the young man pursues a short
* distance behind ; if he succeeds in reaching her and
' retaining her, she becomes his wife ; if not, he loses
* all claim to her. At other times, a larger field is
' appointed for the trial, and they pursue one another
* in the forest. The race, according to the words of the
^ chronicle, " is not to the swift, nor the battle to the
' '' strong," but to the young man who has had the good
^ fortune to please the intended bride.'
Among the Kalmucks, De Hell tells us that, after
the price of the girl has been duly agreed on, when the
bridegroom comes with his friends to carry oiF his
bride, ' a sham resistance is always made by the people
* of her camp, in spite of which she fails not to be borne
^ away on a richly caparisoned horse, with loud shouts
^ and feu de joie.' ^
Dr. Clarke^ gives a romantic account of the cere-
1 Trans. Ethn. Soc. 1865, p. 81. ^ Travels, vol. i. p. 332. See
® Steppes of the Caspian, p. 259. also Vambery's Travels in Central
Quoted in M'Lennan's Primitive Asia, p. 323. Burnes' Travels in
Marriage, p. 30. Bokhara, pp. 11, 56.
TUNGU8E8—KAMGHADALES 1 L 7
mony. ' The girl/ he says, ' is first mounted, who
^ rides off at full speed. Her lover pursues ; if he
' overtakes her, she becomes his wife, and the marriage
^ is consummated on the spot ; after this she returns
^ with him to his tent. But it sometimes happens that
' the woman does not wish to marry the person by
' whom she is pursued ; in this case, she will not suffer
' him to overtake her. We were assured that no ui-
* stance occurs of a Kalmuck girl being thus caught,
* unless she have a partiality to the pursuer. If she
^ dislikes him, she rides, to use the language of English
' sportsmen, " neck or nought," until she has completely
* effected her escape, or until her pursuer's horse be-
* comes exhausted, leaving her at liberty to return,
' and to be afterwards chased by some more favoured
* admirer.'
' Among the Tunguses and Kamchadales,' says
Ernan,^ ' a matrimonial engagement is not definitely
' arranged and concluded until the suitor has got the
* better of his beloved by force, and has torn her
^ clothes.' Attacks on women are not allowed to be
avenged by blood unless they take place within the
yourt or house. The man is not regarded as to blame
if the woman ' has ventured to leave her natural place,
* the sacred and protecting hearth.' Pallas observes
that in his time 'marriage by capture prevailed also
' among the Samoyedes.' ^ At present the custom is
for the bridegroom to tap the father and the mother of
^ Travels in Siberia, vol. ii. p. "-^ Vol. iv. p. 97. See also Ast-
442. See also Karnes' History of ley's Collections of Voyages, vol. iv.
Man, vol. ii. p. 58. p. 575.
118 MONGOLS— K0BEAN8— ESQUIMAUX
the bride on the shoulder with, a small stick — the last
trace of an ancient reality.-^
Among the Mongols,'^ when a marriage is arranged,
the girl 'flies to some relations to hide herself. The
* bridegroom coming to demand his wife, the father-in-
^ law says, " My daughter is yours ; go, take her wher-
* " ever you can find her." Having thus obtained his
^ warrant, he, with his friends, runs about searching,
^ and, having found her, seizes her as his property, and
^ carries her home as it were by force.' Marriage by
capture, indeed, prevails throughout Siberia. In Kam-
skatka, says Mliller, ' attraper une fille est leur ex-
* pression pour dire marier.' ^
' In the Korea, when a man marries, he mounts on
* horseback, attended by his friends, and, having ridden
' about the town, stops at the bride's door, where he is
^ received by her relations, who then carry her to his
^ house, and the ceremony is complete.' * Traces of the
custom also occur in Japan.^
Among the Esquimaux of Cape York (Smith Sound),
according to Dr. Hayes,^ ' there is no marriage cere-
* mony further than that the boy is required to carry
* off his bride by main force ; for, even among these
^ blubber- eating people, the woman only saves her
^ modesty by a sham resistance, although she knows
* years beforehand that her destiny is sealed, and that
* she is to become the wife of the man from whose
^ Seebohm, Siberia in Europe, See also pt. i. p. 170 ; pt. iii. pp.
p. 74. 38, 71.
2 Astley, vol. iv. p. 77. * Ibid. p. 342.
^ Des. de toutes les Nations de ^ Le Japon lUustre, vol. ii. p.
I'Empire de Eussie, pt. ii. p. 89. 130.
6 Open Polar Sea, p. 432.
NORTH AMERICA 119
* embraces, when the nuptial day comes, she is obliged
^ by the inexorable law of public opinion to free herself,
* if possible, by kicking and screaming with might and
' main, until she is safely landed in the hut of her future
^ lord, when she gives up the combat very cheerfully
^ and takes possession of her new abode.'
In Greenland, according to Egede, ' when a young
^ man likes a maiden, he commonly proposes it to their
* parents and relations on both sides ; and, after he has
' obtained their consent, he gets two or more old women
* to fetch the bride (and if he is a stout fellow he will
* fetch her himself). They go to the place where the
^ young woman is, and carry her away by force.' ^
We have already seen (p. 101) that marriage by
capture exists in full force among the Northern Red-
skins. Further south in California, ' when an Oleepa
' lover wishes to marry, he first obtains permission from
^ the parents. The damsel then flies and conceals her-
' self; the lover searches for her, and, should he succeed
* in findino; her twice out of three times, she belono's to
' him. Should he be unsuccessful, he waits a few weeks
^ and then repeats the performance. If she again elude
' his search, the matter is decided against him.' ^
Among the Mosquito Indians also, after the wed-
ding is all arranged and the presents paid, the bride is
arrayed in her best, and the bridegroom on a given
signal rushes in, seizes his bride, and carries her oiF,
followed by her female relatives, who pretend to try to
rescue her.^
^ History of Greenland, p. 143. ^ Bancroft, Native Races of the
Crantz, Hist, of Greenland, vol. i. p. Pacific States, p. 389.
158. • ^ J^oc. cit. p. 733.
120 SOUTH AMERICA— FIJIAN8
The aborigines of the Amazon Valley, says Wallace,^
' have no particular ceremony at their marriages, except
^ that of always carr3ring away the girl by force, or
' making a show of doing so, even when she and her
* parents are quite willing.' M. Bardel, in the notes to
D'Urville's Yoyage, mentions that among the Indians
round Conception, in South America, after a man has
agreed on the price of a girl with her parents, he sur-
prises her, and carries her off to the woods for a few
days, after which the happy couple return home.'^
In Tierra del Fuego, as Admiral Fitzroy tells us,^
as soon ' as a youth is able to maintain a wife by his
' exertions in fishing or bird- catching, he obtains the
' consent of her relations, and .... having built or
•^ stolen a canoe for himself, he watches for an oppor-
' tunity, and carries off his bride. If she is unwilling
^ she hides herself ui the woods until her admirer is
Vheartily tired of looking for her, and gives up the
^ pursuit ; but this seldom happens.'
Williams mentions that among the Fijians the cus-
tom prevails ^ of seizing upon a woman by apparent
' or actual force, in order to make her a wife. On
' reaching the home of her abductor, should she not
' approve of the match, she runs to some one who can
' protect her ; if, however, she is satisfied, the matter is
' settled forthwith ; a feast is given to her friends the
' next morning, and the couple are thenceforward con-
* sidered as man and wife.' *
Earle ^ gives the following account of marriage in
^ Travels in the Amazons, p. 497. * Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i. p.
2 Vol. iii. pp. 277 and 22. 174.
5 Voyage of the ^Adventure' and ^ Residence in New Zealand, p»
'Beagle,'Tol. ii. p. 182. 244.
POLYNESIANS— TSILIFFINE ISLANDERS 121
ISTew Zealand, which he regards as ' most extraordmary/
while in reality it is, as we now see, nothing of the
sort : — ' The New Zealand method of courtship and
' matrimony is,' he says, ' most extraordinary ; so much
' so that an observer could never imagine any affection
' existed between the parties. A man sees a woman
' whom he fancies he should like for a wife ; he asks the
' consent of her father, or, if an orphan, of her nearest
' relation ; which, if he obtains, he carries his " intended "
'off by force, she resisting with all her strength ; and,
' as the New Zealand girls are generally pretty robust,
' sometimes a dreadful struggle takes place ; both are
' soon stripped to the skin ; and it is sometimes the
' work of hours to remove the fair prize a hundred
' yards. If she breaks away she instantly flies from her
^ antagonist, and he has his labour to commence again.'
Even after a marriage, it is customary in New Zea-
land to have a mock scufHe. Mr. Yate ^ gives a good
illustration. There was, he says, ' a little opposition to
' the wedding, but not till it was over, as is always the
' custom here. The bride's mother came to me the
' preceding afternoon, and said she was well pleased in
' her heart that her daughter was going to be married
' to Pahau ; but that she must be angry about it with
' her mouth in the presence of her tribe, lest the natives
^ should come and take away all her possessions, and
' destroy her crops. This is customary on all occasions.'
Among the Ahitas of the Philippine Islands, when
a man wishes to marry a girl, her parents send her
before sunrise into the Avoods. She has an hour's start,
after which the lover goes to seek her. If he finds her
^ Yate's New Zealand, p. 96.
122 NEGBIT08—AFBICA
and brings her back before sunset, the marriage is
acknowledged ; if not, he must abandon all claim to
her.^ The natives of New Guinea also have a very
similar custom.^
Among the Kaffirs marriage is an affair of purchase,
notwithstandiug which ' the bridegroom is required to
' carry off his bride by force, after the preliminaries are
' completed. This is attempted by the help of all the
' friends and relatives that the man can muster, and
' resisted by the friends and relatives of the woman ;
' and the contest now and then terminates in the dis-
* comfiture of the unlucky husband, who is reduced to
' the necessity of waylaying his wife, when she may
^ be alone in the fields or fetching water from the well.'^
In the West African kingdom of Futa,^ after all
other preliminaries are arranged, ' one difficulty yet
* remains, viz. how the young man shall get his wife
' home ; for the women-cousins and relations take on
' mightily, and guard the door of the house to prevent
' her being carried away. At last, by the bridegroom's
' presents and generosity, their grief is assuaged. He
' then provides a friend, well mounted, to carry her off ;
' but as soon as she is on horseback the women renew
' their lamentations, and rush in to dismount her.
' However, the man is generally successful, and rides
' off with his prize to the house prepared for her.'
Gray mentions^ that a Mandingo (West Africa),
^ Earl's Native Races of the Good Hope, p. 249; and Maclean's
Indian Archipelago, p. 133. Kaffir Laws and Customs, p. 52. :
^ Gerland's Waitz' Anthropolo- * Astley's Collection of Voyages,
gie, vol. i. p. 633. vol. ii. p. 240.
^ Pritchard's Nat. Hist, of Man, ^ Gray's Travels in Western
ii. 403. See also Arbousset's Tour Africa, p. 56.
to the North-east of the Cape of
AFBIGA 123
wishing to marry a young girl at Kayaye, applied to
her mother, who ' consented to his obtaining her in any
^ way he could. Accordingly, when the poor girl was
' employed in preparing some rice for supper, she was
' seized by her intended husband, assisted by three or
^ four of his companions, and carried off by force. She
' made much resistance, by biting, scratching, kick-
* ing, and roaring most bitterly. Many, both men and
' women, some of them her own relations, who wit-
' nessed the affair, only laughed at the farce, and con-
^ soled her by saying that she would soon be reconciled
* to her situation.' Evidently therefore this was not,
as Gray seems to have supposed, a mere act of lawless
violence, but a recognised custom, which called for no
interference on the part of spectators. Denham,^ de-
scribing a marriage at Sockna (North Africa), says that
the bride is taken on a camel to the bridegroom's house,
' upon which it is necessary for her to appear greatly
' surprised, and refuse to dismount ; the women scream,
' the men shout, and she is at length persuaded to
^ enter.'
Thompson found a similar custom among the
Watuta of Masai Land.
Among the Arabs of Sinai, when a marriage has
been arranged, the girl is waylaid by her lover ' and
^ a couple of his friends, and carried off by force to his
' father's tent. If she entertains any suspicion of their
' designs, she defends herself with stones, and often
* inflicts wounds on the young men, even though she
^ does not dislike the lover.' ^
^ Loc. cit. vol. i. p. 39. douins and Wahabys, vol. i. p. 263.
2 Burckliardt's Notes on the Be- See also pp. 108, 234.
124 GIBGASSIA—EUBOPU—ROMU
In Circassia weddings are accompanied by a feast,
^ in the midst of whicli the bridegroom has to rush in,
' and, with the help of a few daring young men, carry
^ off the lady by force ; and by this process she becomes
' the lawful wife.' ^ According to Spencer, another im-
portant part of the ceremony consists in the bridegroom
drawing his dagger and cutting open the bride's corset.
As regards Europe, Plutarch ^ tells us that in Sparta
the bridegroom usually carried off his bride by force,
evidently, however, of a friendly character. I would
venture to suggest that the character of Helen, as
portrayed in the ' Iliad,' can only be understood by
regarding her marriage with Paris as a case of marriage
by capture.^ ' Les premiers Romains,' says Ortolan,*
^ ont ete obliges de recourir a la surprise et a la force
* pour enlever leurs premieres femmes,' and he points
out that long after any actual violence had ceased it
was customary to pass a lance over the head of the
bride, ' en signe de la puissance que vaacquerir le mari."
Hence also, while a man might be married in his
absence, this was not the case as regards the woman.
A man might capture a bride for his friend, but the
woman could not be captured unless really present.^
In North Friesland, ' a young fellow called the bride-
' lifter lifts the bride and her two bridesmaids upon the
^ waggon in which the married couple are to travel to
* their home.' ^ M'Lennan states that in some parts of
France, down to the seventeenth century, it was cus-
^ Moser, The Caucasus and its * Expi. Hist, des Inst, de I'Emp.
People, p. 31 ; quoted by M'Lennan, Justinien, pp. 81, 82.
loc. cit. p. 36. 5 j^QQ ^^Y. p. 127.
2 gge also Herodotus, vi. 65. « M'Lennan, loc. cit. p. 33.
^ See Appendix.
POLAND— BUS8IA— BRITAIN^ IBELAND 125
tomary for the bride to feign reluctance to enter the
bridegroom's house.
In Poland, Lithuania, Russia, and parts of Prussia,
according to Seignior Gaya,^ young men used to carry
oiF their sweethearts by force, and then apply to the
parents for their consent.
Lord Kames,^ in his ' Sketches of the History of
^ Man,' mentions that the following marriage ceremony
was, in his day, or at least had till shortly before, been
customary among the Welsh : — ' On the morning of
' the wedding-day the bridegroom, accompanied by his
' friends on horseback, demands the bride. Her friends,
* who are likewise on horseback, give a positive refusal,
' on which a mock scuffle ensues. The bride, mounted
^ behind her nearest kinsman, is carried off, and is pur-
' sued by the bridegroom and his friends, with loud
' shouts. It is not uncommon on such an occasion to
' see 200 or 300 sturdy Cambro-Britons riding at full
' speed, crossing and jostling, to the no small amuse-
' ment of the spectators. When they have fatigued
' themselves and their horses, the bridegroom is suffered
' to overtake his bride. He leads her away in triumph,
' and the scene is concluded with feasting and festivity.'
Sir H. Piers says that in Ireland, after a marriage
had been arranged, ^ on the day of bringing home, the
'bridegroom and his friends ride out and meet the bride
' and her friends at the place of meeting. Being come
' near each other, the custom was of old to cast short
' darts at the company that attended the bride, but at
' such distance that seldom any hurt ensued. Yet it is
^ Marriage CeremoDies, p. 35. chapter ix.
See also Olaus Magnus, vol. xiv. ^ History of Man, vol. ii, p. 59.
126 TURKEY— BENGAL— PEILIPPINES
^ not out of the memory of man that the Lord of Hoath
' on such an occasion lost an eye.' ^
In European Turkey Mr. Tozer tells us that ' the
^ Mirdites never intermarry ; but when any of them,
^ from the highest to the lowest, wants a wife, he carries
' off a Mahometan woman from one of the neighbouring
^ tribes, baptizes her, and marries her. The parents, we
^ were told, do not usually feel much aggrieved, as it
^ is well understood that a sum of money will be paid
/ in return.' '^
To these instances many others might have been
added, as for instance the natives of Sumatra, the
Mapuches, Bushmen, &c.
In all these cases the girl is carried off by the man ;
but among the Garos of Bengal we find a similar custom,
only that it is the bridegroom who is carried off. He
pretends to be unwilling and runs away, but is caught
by the friends of the bride, and then taken by force, ' in
* spite of the resistance and counterfeited grief and
^ lamentation of his parents, to the bride's house.' ^ So
also among the Ahitas of the Philippine Islands, if her
parents will not consent to a love match, the girl seizes
the young man by the hair of his head, carries him off,
and declares she has run away with him. In such a
case it appears that marriage is held to be valid, whether
the parents consent or not.^
Thus, then, we see that marriage by capture, either
as a stern reality or as an important ceremony, prevails
in Australia, among the Malays, in Hindostan, Central
^ Descr. of Westmeath. Quoted ^ Bon wick, The Tasmanians, p.
by M'Lennan. 71.
^ The Highlands of Turkey, vol. * Dalton, Descr. Ethn. of Bengal,
i. p. 318. p. 64.
WIDE BANGS OF MAEEIAGE BY GAPTUBE 127
Asia, Siberia, and Kamskatka ; among the Esquimaux,
the Northern Redskins, the Aborigines of Brazil, in
Chili, and Tierra del Fuego, in the Pacific Islands, both
among the Polynesians and the Fijians, in the Philip-
pines, in Tasmania, among the Kaffirs, Arabs, and
Negroes, in Circassia, and, until recently, throughout a
great part of Europe.
I have already referred to the custom of lifting the
bride over the doorstep, which we find in such distinct
and distant races as the Romans, the Redskins of
Canada, the Chinese, and the Abyssinians. Hence,
also, perhaps, our honeymoon, during which the bride-
groom keeps his bride away from her relatives and
friends ; hence even, perhaps, as Mr. M'Lennan supposes,
the slipper is, in mock anger, thrown after the departing
bride and bridegroom.
The curious custom which forbids the father-in-law
and the mother-in-law to speak to their son-in-law, and
vice versa, which I have already shown (p. 12) to be
very widely distributed, but for which no satisfactory
explanation has yet been given, seems to be a natural
consequence of marriage by capture. When the capture
was a reality, the indignation of the parents would also
be real • when it became a mere symbol, the parental
anger would be symbolised also, and would be continued
even after its origin was forgotten.^ According to-
statistics collected by Mr. Tylor ^ this avoidance seems
to be especially frequent in tribes where the custom is
for the husband to live with his wife's relations. At
1 I am glad to see that Mr. Howitt's Kamilaroi and Kurnai, p.
Morgan is disposed to adopt this 16.
suggestion. Introd. to Fison and ^ jo^^i-jj^^j^thr. Inst. 1889, p.24.
128 MABBIAGJE BY CONFAREEATIO
first this seemed to me unfavourable to the view which
connects it with marriage by capture, but this is, after
all, not so. If the theory is that the wife has been cap-
tured, and yet the husband lives with the wife's relations,
the natural way of marking the fact would be that the
relations would show their displeasure.
The separation of husband and wife, to which also I
have referred (p. 72), may also arise from the same
custom. It is very remarkable, indeed, how persistent
are all customs and ceremonies connected with marriage.
Thus our ' bride cake,' which so invariably accompanies
a wedding, and which must always he cut by the bride,
may be traced back to the old Roman form of marriage
by ' confarreatio,' or eating together. So also among
the Iroquois, bride and bridegroom used to partake to-
gether of a cake of ' sagamite,' ^ which the bride offered
to her husband. The Fiji Islanders^ have a very
similar custom. The marriage ceremony in Samoa,
says Turner, ' reminds us of the Roman confarreatio.' ^
' Confarreatio ' also exists among the Karens and Bur-
mese.^ Again, among the Tipperahs, one of the Hill
tribes of Chittagong, the bride prepares some drink,
* sits on her lover's knee, drinks half, and gives him the
* other half ; they afterwards crook together their little
' fingers.' ^ In one form or another a similar custom is
found among most of the Hill tribes of India. Among
the Ghiliaks (JSTorthEast Asia) the definitive part of the
marriage ceremony consists in the bride and bridegroom
^ Lafitau, vol. i. pp. 566, 571. ^ M'Mahon, The Karens of the
^ Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i. p. G. Chersonese, pp. 322, 350.
170. ^ Lewin's Hill Tracts of Chitta-
^ Nineteen Years in Polynesia, gong, pp. 71^ 80. Dalton's Descr.
p. 186. Ethn. of Bengal, p. 193.
MAEBIAGB BY CAPTURE 129
drinking out of the same cup. A very similar custom
occurs in New Guinea ; ^ among the Samoyedes, and in
Madagascar also, part of the marriage ceremony con-
sists in the bride and bridegroom eating out of one
dish.^ The German word ' vermahlen ' points to the
same idea.
Among the Chuckmas (a tribe residing among the
Chittagong hills) the bride and bridegroom are bound
together with a muslin scarf, and then eat together.^
Here also I must mention the curious custom of
l3oy -marriages, under which a girl is legally married to a
mere boy, who is regarded as the father of her children,
while she herself lives with someone else, generally the
father of her nominal husband. This arrangement is
found among some of the Caucasian tribes, in parts of
Russia, among the Reddies in South India, and the
•Chibchas of New Granada. It has not, I think, been
satisfactorily explained.
Mr. M'Lennan conceives that marriage by capture
arose from the custom of exogamy, that is to say, from
the custom which forbade marriage withm the tribe.
Exogamy, again, he considers to have arisen from the
practice of female infanticide. I have already indicated
the reasons which prevent me from accepting this ex-
planation, and which induce me to regard exogamy as
arising from marriage by capture, not marriage by cap-
ture from exogamy. Mr. M'Lennan's theory seems to
me quite inconsistent with the existence of tribes which
have marriage by capture and yet are endogamous.
' Gerland's Con. of Waitz' An- People, p. 193.
throp., vol. vi. p. 633. ^ Lewin, Wild Tribes of South-
^ Sibree's Madagascar and its eastern India, p. 177.
K
130 EXPIATION FOB MARRIAGE
The Bedouins, for instance, have marriage by capture,
and yet the man has a recognised right to marry his
cousin, if only he be willing to give the price demanded
for her.^
Mr. M'Lennan, indeed, feels the difficulty which
would be presented by such cases, the existence of
which he seems, however, to doubt ; adding, that if
the symbol of capture be ever found in the marriage
ceremonies of an endogamous tribe, we may be sure
that it is a relic of an early time at which the tribe was
organised on another principle than that of exogamy.^
Another objection to his theory is the presence of
marriage by capture with polygamy.
That marriage by capture has not arisen merely from
female coyness is, I think, evident, as already mentioned ;
firstly, because it does not account for the resistance of
the relatives ; secondly, because it is contrary to all
experience that feminine delicacy diminishes with civi-
lisation ; and thirdly, because the very question to be
solved is why it has become so generally the custom
to win the wife by force rather than by persuasion.
It leaves moreover entirely unexplained the case men-
tioned on p. 126, in which the man, not the bride, is
captured.
The explanation which I have suggested derives
additional probability from the evidence of a general
feeling that marriage was an act for which some com-
pensation was due to those whose rights were invaded.
The nature of the ceremonies by which this was
effected makes me reluctant to enter into this part of
1 Klemm, Allgem, Culturg. d. Menscli, vol. iv. p. 146.
^ Zoc. cit. p. 53.
EXPIATION FOB MAEBIAGE 131
the subject at length ; and I will here, therefore, merely
indicate in general terms the character of the evidence.
I will firstly refer to certain details given by Dulaure ^
in his chapter on the worship of Venus, of which he
regards these customs merely as one illustration,
although they have, I cannot but think, a signification
deeper than, and different from, that which he attri-
butes to them.
We must remember that the better known savage
races have, in most cases, now arrived at the stage in
which paternal rights are recognised, and hence that
fathers can and do sell their daughters into matrimony.
The price of a wife is, of course, regulated by the
circumstances of the tribe, and every, or nearly every,
industrious young man is enabled to buy one for him-
self. As long, however, as communal marriage rights
were in force this would be almost impossible. That
special marriage was an infringement of these com-
munal rights, for which some compensation was due,
seems to me the true explanation of the offerings which
virgins were so generally compelled to make before being
permitted to marry.-
The same feeling, probably, gave rise to the curious
custom existing, according to Strabo,^ among the ( Par-
thian) Tapyrians, that when a man had two or three
children by one wife, he was obliged to leave her, so
that she might marry someone else. There is some
reason to suppose that a similar custom once prevailed
among the Romans ; thus Cato, who was proverbially
austere in his morals, did not think it right permanently
^ Hist, abregee des diiF. Cultes. ^ See Appendix.
3 Strabo, ii. pp. 515, 520.
132 TEMFOBABY WIVES
to retain his wife Martia, whom his friend Hortensius
wished to marry. This he accordmgly permitted, and
Martia lived with Hortensius until his death, when she
returned to her first husband. The high character of
Cato is sufficient proof that^he would not have permitted
this, if he had regarded it as wrong ; and Plutarch ex-
pressly states that the custom of lending wives existed
among the Romans. Akin to this feeling is that which
induces so many savage tribes ^ to provide their guests
with temporary wives. To omit this would be regarded
as quite inhospitable. The practice, moreover, seems to
recognise the existence of a right inherent in every
member of the community, and to visitors as temporary
members ; which, in the case of the latter, could not
be abrogated by arrangements made before their arrival,
and, consequently, without their concurrence. The
prevalence of this custom brings home to us forcibly
the difference existing between the savage and the
civilised modes of regarding the relation of the sexes
to one another.
Perhaps the most striking case of all is that afforded
by some of the Brazilian tribes. The captives taken
by them in war used to be kept for some time and
fatted up ; after which they were killed and eaten.
Yet even here, during the time that they had to live,
^ach poor wretch was generally provided with a tem-
porary wife.^
This view also throws some light on the remarkable
subordination of the wife to the husband, which is so
^ For instance, the Esquimaux, Arabs, Abyssinians, Kaffirs, Mongols,
;Nortli and South. American Indians, Tutski, &c.
Polynesians, Australians, Berbers, ^ Lafitau,MoeursdesSauv.Amer.,
Eastern and Western Negroes, vol. ii. p. 294.
UXOGAMY 133. -
characteristic of marriage, and so curiously inconsistent
with all our avowed ideas ; moreover, it tends to explain
those curious cases in which HetairsB were held in
greater estimation than those women who were, as we
should consider, properly and respectably married to a.
single husband.^ The former were originally fellow -
countrywomen and relations ; the latter captives and.
slaves. And even when this ceased to be the case, the
idea would long survive the circumstances which gave
rise to it.^
1 now pass to the curious custom, for which
M'Lennan has proposed the convenient term ' exogamy ^
— that, namely, of necessarily marrying out of the
tribe. Tylor, who also called particular attention to
this custom in his interesting work on ' The Early
^ History of Man,' which was published in the very
same year as M'Lennan's ' Primitive Marriage,' thought
that ' the evils of marrying near relatives might be the
' main ground of this series of restrictions.' Morgan^
also considers exogamy as * explainable, and only ex-
' plainable, as a reformatory movement to break up the
' intermarriage of blood relations,' and which could only
be effected by exogamy, because all in the tribe were
regarded as related. We cannot, however, attribute to
savages any such farsighted ideas. Moreover, in fact,
exogamy afforded little protection against the marriage
of relatives, and, wherever it was systematised. it per-
mitted marriage even between half brothers and sisters^
either on the father's or mother's side. Where an ob-
^ Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht, ^ See Appendix,
pp. xix. 125. Burton's Lake Ke- ^ Proc. Amer. Acad, of Arts and
gions of Africa, vol. i. p. 198. Sciences, 1866.
134 OEIGIN OF EXOGAMY
jection to the intermarriage of relatives existed, exogamy
was unnecessary ; where it did not exist, exogamy, if
this view was correct, could not arise.
M'Lennan says, ' I believe this restriction on mar-
^ riage to be connected with the practice in early times
* of female infanticide, which, rendering women scarce,
* led at once to polyandry within the tribe, and the cap-
* turing of women from without.' -^ He has not alluded
to the natural preponderance of men over women.
Thus, throughout Europe, the proportion of boys to
girls is as 106 to 100. '^ Here, therefore, even without in-
fanticide, we see that there is no exact balance between
the sexes. In many savage races, in various parts of
the world, it has been observed the men are much more
numerous, but it is difficult to ascertain how far this is
due to an original difference, and how far to other
causes. Moreover, many of the races which are endo-
gamous in one sense, as not marrying out of the tribe,
are yet exogamous in the true sense, as not marrying
within the ' gens.'
It is conceivable that the difference between endo-
gamous and exogamous tribes may have been due to
the different proportion of the sexes : those races tend-
ing to become exogamous where boys prevail ; those, on
the other hand, endogamous where the reverse is the
case.^ I am not, however, aware that we have any
statistics which enable us to determine this point, nor
do I believe that it is the true explanation of the
custom.
Infanticide is, no doubt, very prevalent among
^ Loc. cit. p. 138. 2 Waitz' Anthropology, p. 111.
' See Das Mutterrecht, p. 109.
ORIGIN OF EXOGAMY 135
savages. As long, indeed, as men were few in number,
enemies were scarce and game was tame. Under these
circumstances, there was no temptation to mfanticide.
There were some things which women could do better
than men — some occupations which pride and laziness,
or both, induced them to leave to the women. As
soon, however, as in any country population became
even slightly more dense, neighbours became a nuisance.
They invaded the hunting grounds, and disturbed the
game. Hence, if for no other reason, Avars would arise.
Once begun, they would break out agam and again,
under one pretence or another. Men for slaves,
women for wives, and the thirst for glory, made
a weak tribe always a temptation to a strong one.
Under these circumstances, female children became a
source of weakness in several ways. They ate, and did
not hunt. They weakened their mothers when young,
and, when grown-up, were a temptation to surrounding
tribes. Hence female infanticide is easily accounted for.
Yet I cannot regard it as the true cause of exogamy.
It does not appear to have been so general as Mr.
McLennan supposes, nor does it specially characterise
the very lowest races.
I cannot, then, regard as satisfactory any of the
explanations which have hitherto been proposed to
account for the origin of exogamy. The true solution
is, I think, of a diiferent character. We must remem-
ber that under the communal system the women of
the tribe were all common property. No one could
appropriate one of them to himself without infriuging
on the sreneral rio^hts of the tribe. Women taken in
war were, on the contrary, in a different position. The
136 PEEVALENCU OF EXOGAMY— AUSTRALIA
tribe, as a tribe, had no right to them, and men surely
would reserve to themselves exclusively their own
prizes. These cajDtives, then, would naturally become
the wives in our sense of the term. Several causes
would tend to increase the importance of the separate,
and decrease that of communal, marriage. The im-
pulse which it would give to, and receive back from, the
development of the affections ; the convenience with
reference to domestic arrangements ; the natural vfishes
of the wife herself; and, last not least, the inferior
energy of the children sprung from ' in and in '
marriages, would all tend to increase the importance of
individual marriage.
Even were there no other cause, the advantage of
crossing, so well known to breeders of stock, would
soon give a marked preponderance to those races by
whom exogamy was largely practised, and for several
reasons, therefore, we need not be surprised to find exo-
gamy very prevalent among the lower races of man.
When this state of things had gone on for some time^
usage, as M'Lennan well observes, would ' establish a
' prejudice among the tribes observing it — a prejudice
' strong as a principle of religion, as every prejudice
' relating to marriage is apt to be — against marrying
' women of their stock.' ^
We should not, perhaps, have a piiori expected to
find among savages any such remarkable restriction, yet
it is very widely distributed ; and from this point of
view we can, I think, clearly see how it arose.
In Australia, where the same family names are com-
mon almost over the whole continent, no man may
^ Loc. cit. p. 140.
A USTEALIA— AFRICA 137
marry a woman whose family name is the same as his
own, and who belongs therefore to the same tribe.^
' ISo man/ says Mr. Lang, ' can marry a woman of
^ the same clan, though the parties be no way related
' according to our ideas.' ^
In addition to the Australian cases already mentioned
(ante, p. 88), the natives of West Australia and Port
Lincoln are divided into two great clans, and no man
may marry a woman of the same clan.^ So also in New
Britain and the Duke of York group of islands the
natives are divided into two classes, and marriage be-
tween persons of the same clan is thought very dis-
reputable.'*
In Eastern Africa, Burton ^ says that ' some clans of
' the Somal will not marry one of the same, or even of
' a consanguineous family ; ' and the Bakalari have the
same rule.^
Du Chaillu,^ speaking of Western Equatorial Africa,
says, ^ the law of marriages among the tribes I have
' visited is peculiar ; each tribe is divided into clans ;
* the children in most of the tribes belong to the clan of
' the mother, and these cannot by any possible laws
' marry among themselves, however removed in degree
' they may have been connected : it is considered an
' abomination among them. But there exists no ob-
^jection to possessing a father's or brother's wife. I
^ Eyre's Discoveries in Australia, •* Brown, quoted in Wallace's
vol. ii. p. 329. Grey's Journal, p. Australasia, p. 470.
242. 5 First Footsteps, p. 120.
2 The Aborigines of Australia, '^ Trans. Ethn. Soc, N.S., vol. i.
p. 10. Taplin's The Narinyeri, p. 1. p. 321.
^ Forrest, Journ. Anthrop. Insti- "^ Ibid. p. 307.
tute, vol. V. p. 317.
138 EINDOSTAN
' could not but be struck with the healthful influence
' of such regulations against blood marriages among
' them.'
In India the Khasias/ Juangs,^ and Waralis are
divided into sections, and no man may marry a woman
belonging to his own section. In the Magar tribes
these sections are called Thums, and the same rule pre-
vails. Colonel Dalton tells us that ' the Hos, Moondahs,
' and Oraons are divided into clans or keelis, and may
' not take to wife a girl of the same keeli.' Again, the
Garrows are divided into " maharis,' and a man may not
marry a girl of his own ' mahari.'
The Munnieporees and other tribes inhabiting the
hills round Munniepore — the Koupooees, Mows, Mu-
rams, and Murrings, as M'Lennan points out on the
authority of M'Culloch — ' are each and all divided into
' four families : Koomrul, Looang, Angom, and King-
' thaja. A member of any of these families may marry
' a member of any other, but the intermarriage of
^ members of the same family is strictly prohibited.' ^
On the contrary, the Todas, says Metz,^ ' are divided
' into five distinct classes, known by the names Peiky,
' Pekkan, Kuttan, Kennae, and Tody ; of which the
^ first is regarded as the most aristocratic. These classes
^ do not even intermarry with each other, and can there-
' fore never lose their distinctive characteristics.' The
Khonds, as we are informed by General Campbell, ^ re-
^ gard it as degrading to bestow their daughters in
^ Godwin Austen, Journ. Anthr. ^ Account of the Valley of Mun-
Inst., 1871, p. 131. niepore, 1859, pp. 49, 69.
2 Dalton'sDescr.Ethn. of Bengal, ^ Tribes of the Neilgherry Hills,
p. 158. p. 21.
NEPA UL— CEYLON— CIEGASSIA 139
^ marriage on men of their own tribe ; and consider it
^ more manly to seek their wives in a distant country.' ^
Major M'Pherson also tells us that they consider mar-
riage between people of the same tribe as wicked, and
punishable with death. The mountain tribes of Nepaul,
before the advent of the Kajpoots, are said to have con-
sisted of twelve Thums or clans, and no man was per-
mitted to marry a woman of the same Thum.'^
We are indebted to Mr. Brito,^ of Colombo, for a
very interesting treatise on the rules of succession among
the Mukkuvars of Ceylon. These rules are founded on
the custom that no one may marry a person of the
same ' kudi,' i.e. anyone who is related on the mother's
side. Indeed, all relationship is from the mother, none
from the father ; succession is traced through the
mother ; land, if inherited, is out of marital power, and
is managed by the males for the females.
The Kalmucks, according to De Hell, are divided
into hordes, and no man can marry a woman of the
same horde. The bride, says Bergman, speaking of the
same people, is always chosen from another stock ;
' among the Derbets, for instance, from the Torgot
' stock, and araono; the Toro^ots from the Derbet
' stock.'
The same custom prevails among the Circassians and
the Samoyedes.^ The Ostyaks regard it as a crime to
marry a woman of the same family or even of the same
name.^
When a Jakut (Siberia) wishes to marry, he must,
' Campbell, p. 142. ^ xhe MukkuTa Law.
2 Hamilton's Account of the King- ^ Pallas, vol. iv. p. 96.
dom of Nepaul, p. 27. ^ Ibid. vol. iv. p. 69.
140 CHINA— NORTH AMEUIGA
says Middendorf/ choose a girl from another clan. No
one is permitted to marry a woman from his own. In
China, says Davis, ^ ' marriage between all persons of
' the same surname being unlawful, this rule must of
* course include all descendants of the male branch for
^ ever ; and as, in so vast a population, there are not a
' great many more than one hundred surnames through-
' out the empire, the embarrassments that arise from so
' strict a law must be considerable.'
Among the Tinne Indians of North- West America,
' a Chit-sangh cannot, by their rules, ^ marry a Chit-
* sangh, although the rule is set at naught occasionally ;
* but when it does take place the persons are ridiculed
' and laughed at. The man is said to have married his
' sister, even though she may be from another tribe,
' and there be not the slightest connection by blood
' between them. The same way with the other two
^ divisions. The children are of the same colour as
^ their mother. They receive caste from their mother :
' if a male Chit-sangh marry a Nah-tsingh woman, the
' children are Nah-tsingh ; and if a male Nah-tsingh
' marry a Chit-sangh woman, the children are Chit-
^ sangh, so that the divisions are always changing. As
' the fathers die out, the country inhabited by the
* Chit-sangh becomes occupied by the Nah-tsingh, and
' so vice versa. They are continually changing coun-
' tries, as it were.'
Among the Kenaiyers (N.W. America), ' it was the
^ custom that the men of one stock should choose their
^ Sibirisclie Reise, p. 72. See ^ r^^^^ Chinese, vol. i. p. 282.
also Miiller's Descr. de toutes les ^ Notes on the Tinneh. Har-
Races de I'Einp. de Russie, pt. ii. disty, Smithsonian Report, 1866^
p. 68. p. 315.
EXOGAMY IN NORTH AMEBIGA 141
* wives from another, and the offspring belonged to
* the race of the mother. This custom has fallen into
' disuse, and marriages in the same tribe occur ; but the
' old people say that mortality among Kenaiyers has
^ arisen from the neglect of the ancient usage. A man's
' nearest heirs in this tribe are his sister's children.' ^
The Tsimsheean Indians of British Columbia^ are
similarly divided into tribes and totems, or ' crests,
^ which are common to all the tribes. The crests are
' the whale, the j^orpoise, the eagle, the coon, the wolf,
* and the frog. In connection with these crests, several
' very important points of Indian character and law are
' seen. The relationship existing between persons of
^ the same crest is nearer than that between members of
' the same tribe, which is seen in this, that members of
' the same tribe may marry, but those of the same crest
* are not allowed to do so under any circumstances ;
' that is, a whale may not marry a whale, but a whale
' may marry a frog,' &c.
Very similar rules exist among the Thlinkeets,^ and
indeed, as regards the Northern Redskins generally,
it is stated^ in ' Archaeologia Americana' that 'every
' nation was divided into a number of clans, varying in
' the several nations from three to eight or ten, the
' members of which respectively were dispersed indis-
' criminately throughout the whole nation. It has been
' fully ascertained that the inviolable regulations by
' which these clans were perpetuated amongst the
^ Richardson's Boat Journey, p. 6,
vol. i. p. 406. See also Smithsonian ^ Bancroft, loe. cit. vol. i. p. 1 09.
Report, 1866, p. 326. * Gallatin, loc. cit. vol. xi. p. 109.
^ Metlahkatlah, puhlished by the Lafitau, vol. i. p. 558. Tanner's
Church Missionary Society, 1869? Narrative, p. 313.
142 EXOGAMY IN SOUTH AMEBIGA
' southern nations were, first, that no man could marry
^ in his own clan ; secondly, that every child should
' belong to his or her mother's clan.'
Among the Mayas of Yucatan, according to Ilerrera,
marriage was forbidden between people of the same
name.
The Indians of Guiana ^ ' are divided into families,
* each of which has a distinct name, as the Siwidi,
' Karuafudi, Onisidi, &c. Unlike our families, these all
' descend in the female line, and no individual of either
' sex is allowed to marry another of the same family
' name. Thus, a woman of the Siwidi family bears the
' same name as her mother, but neither her father nor
' her husband can be of that family. Her children and
' the children of her daughters will also be called Siwidi,
' but both her sons and daughters are prohibited from
' an alliance with any individual bearing the same name ;
' though they may marry into the family of their father
' if they choose. These customs are strictly observed,
^ and any breach of them would be considered as
' wicked.'
The Brazilian races, according to Martius, differ
greatly in their marriage regulations. In some of the
very scattered tribes, who live in small families far
remote from one another, the nearest relatives often
intermarry. In more populous districts, on the contrary,
the tribes are divided into families, and a strict system
of exogamy prevails.^ In Mangaia, according to Mr.
Gill, in olden times, a man was not permitted to marry
a woman of his own tribe.^
^ Brett's Indian Tribes of Guiana, p. 98.
- Zoc. cit. p. 63. 2 Savage Life in Polynesia, p. 136.
THE CAUSES OF FOLYGAMY 14a
Thus, then, we see that this remarkable custom
of exogamy exists throughout Western and Eastern
Africa, in Circassia, Hindostan, Tartary, Siberia, China,
Polynesia, and Australia, as well as in North and South
America.
The relations existing between husband and wife in
the lower races of man, as indicated in the jDreceding^
pages, are sufficient to remove all surprise at the preva-
lence of polygamy. There are, however, other causes,,
not less powerful, though perhaps less prominent, ta
which much influence must be ascribed. Thus in all
tropical regions girls become marriageable very young ;
their beauty is acquired early, and soon fades, while
men, on the contrary, retain their full powers much
longer. Hence, when love depends, not on similarity of
tastes, pursuits, or sympathies, but entirely on external
attractions, we cannot wonder that every man who is
able to do so provides himself with a succession of
favourites, even when the first wife remains not only
nominally the head, but really his confidant and adviser.
Another cause has no doubt exercised great influence.
Milk IS necessary for children, and in the absence of do-
mestic animals it consequently follows that they are not
weaned until they are several years old. The effect of
this on the social relations has been already referred to.^
Polyandry, on the contrary, is far less common,
though more frequent than is generally supposed..
M'Lennan and Morgan, indeed, both regard it as a
phase through which human progress has necessarily
passed.
If, however, we define it as the condition in which
^ Ante, p. 79.
144 POLYANDRY
one woman is married to several men, bat (as distin-
guished from communal marriage) to them exclusively,
then I am rather disposed to regard it as an exceptional
phenomenon, arising from the paucity of females.
M'Lennan, indeed,^ gives a long list of tribes which
he regards as polyandrous, namely, those of Thibet,
Cashmeer, and the Himalayan regions, the Todas,
Coorgs, Nairs, and various other races in India, in
Ceylon, in New Zealand,^ and one or two other Pacific
islands, in the Aleutian Archipelago, among the
Koryaks, the Saporogian Cossacks, on the Orinoco, in
parts of Africa, and in Lancerote. He also mentions
the ancient Britons, some of the Median cantons, the
Picts, and the Gretes, while traces of it occurred among
the ancient Germans. On the other hand, to the in-
stances quoted by M'Lennan we may add that of some
families among the Australians,^ Nukahivans,^ and
Iroquois.
If we examine the above instances, some of them
will, I think, prove irrelevant. The passage referred
to in Tacitus^ does not appear to me to justify us in
regarding the Germans as having been polyandrous.
Erman is correctly referred to by M'Lennan as
mentioning the existence of ' lawful polyandry in the
^ Aleutian Islands.' He does not, however, give his
authority for the statement. The account he gives of
the Koryaks by no means, I think, proves that poly-
andry occurs among them. The case of the Kalmucks,
to judge from the account given by Clarke,^ is certainly
^ Loc. cit. p. 180. 4 Ibid. vol. vi. p. 128.
2 Lafitau, loc. cit. vol. i. p. 555. ^ Germania, xx.
3 Gerland's Waitz' Anthropo- « travels, vol. i. p. 241.
logie, vol. vi. p. 774.
POLYANDBY EXCEPTIONAL 145
one in which brothers, but brothers only, have a wife in
common.
For Polynesia, M'Lennan relies on the Legend of
Rupe, as told by Sir G. Grey.^ Here, however, it
is merely stated that two brothers named Ihuatamai
and Ihuwareware, having found Hinauri, when she was
thrown by the surf on the coast at Wairarawa, ' looked
' upon her with pleasure, and took her as a wife between
' them both.' This seems to me rather a case of com-
munal marriage than of polyandry, especially when the
rest of the legend is borne in mind. Neither is the evi-
dence as regards Africa at all satisfactory. The cus-
tom referred to by M'Lennan^ probably originates in
the subjection of the woman which is there implied by
marriage, and which may be regarded as inconsistent
with high rank.
Several of the above cases are, indeed, I think,
merely instances of communal marriage. Indeed, it is
evident that where our information is incomplete, it
must often be far from easy to distinguish between
communal marriage and true polyandry.
Polyandry is no doubt widely distributed in Ceylon,
India, and Thibet, and among some of the hill tribes
of India. A pretty Dophla girl once came into
the station of Luckimpur, threw herself at Colonel
Dalton's feet, ' and in most poetical language asked me
' to give her my protection.' She was promised by her
father to a man whom she did not love, and had
' eloped with her beloved. This was interesting and
^ romantic' Colonel Dalton sent for the beloved, and, he
^ Polynesian Mythology, p. 81. "^ Eeade's Savage Africa, p. 43.
L
146 TEE 8YSTI]M OF LBYIBATJE
says, ^ tlie romance was dispelled. She had eloped with
' two young men.' ^ In Ceylon the joint husbands are
always brothers,^ and this is also the case among the
tribes residing at the foot of the Himalaya ^ Mountains.
But, on the whole, lawful polyandry (as opposed to
mere laxness of morality) seems to be an exceptional
system, generally intended to avoid the evils arising
from monogamy where the number of women is less
than that of men.
The system of L evirate, under which, at a man's
death, his wife or wives pass to his brother, is, I think,
more intimately connected with the rights of property
than with polyandry. This custom is widely distributed.
It is found, for instance, among the Mongols ^ and
Kaffirs,^ and in Yucatan.^ When an elder brother
dies, says Livingstone,^ ' the same thing occurs in re-
^ spect of his wives ; the brother next in age takes them,
^ as among the Jews, and the children that may be born
^ of those women he calls his brothers also.'
In India, among the Nairs, ' a man always takes to
' wife, by the custom called Sagai, his elder brother's
^ widow.' ^ Among the Pacific Islanders, Mr. Brenchley
mentions that in Erromango ' the wives of deceased
'• brothers fall to the eldest surviving brother.' ^
Similar statements have been made also as regards
some of the Negro tribes, the Mexicans, Samoans, New
Zealanders, and Khyens.
1 Des. Ethn. of Bengal, p. 36. of the Cape of Good Hope, pp. 38,
2 Davy's Ceylon, p. 286. 138.
2 Eraser's Tour to the Himala ^ Bancroft, vol. ii. p. 671.
Mountains, pp. 70, 206. 7 Travels in South Africa, p. 185.
* Wuttke's Ges. der Menschheit, ^ Dalton's Des. Ethn. of Bengal,
Tol. i. p. 223. p. 138.
5 Arhousset's Tour to the N.E. ^ Cruise of the ' Cura^oa,' p. 319.
ENDOGAMY 147
Passing on now to the custom of endogamy,
I must first observe that there is not the opposition
between exogamy and endogamy which Mr. M'Lennan
supposed. Some races which are endogamous as re-
gards the tribe are yet exogamous as regards the gens.
Thus some of the Indian races, as the Abors,^ Kocchs,
and Hos, are forbidden to marry excepting within the
tribe. The latter at least, however, are not truly endo-
gamous, for, as already mentioned, they are divided
into ' keelis ' or clans, and ^ may not take to wife a girl
' of their own keeli.' ^ Thus they are in fact exogamous,
and it is possible that some of the other cases of endo-
gamy might, if we were better acquainted with them,
present the same duplex phenomenon.
M'Lennan remarks that ' the separate endogamous
' tribes are nearly as numerous, and they are in some
' respects as rude, as the separate exogamous tribes.' ^
So far as my knowledge goes, on the contrary,
endogamy is much less prevalent than exogamy, and it
seems to me to have arisen from a feeling of race-pride,
as, for instance, in Peru,^ and a disdain of surrounding
tribes which were either really or hypothetically in a
lower condition, though in some cases it may be due to
weakness, and a consequent desh-e to avoid offending
powerful neighbours. \
Among the Ahts of N. W. America, as mentioned by
Sproat, ' though the different^tribes of the Aht nation
' are frequently at war with one another, women are not
' captured from other tribes for marriage, but only to be
^ Dalton's Des. Ethn. of Bengal, ^ Loc. cit. p. 145.
p. 28. ■* Wuttke's Ges. der Menschlieit,
2 Ante, p. 115. vol. i. pp. 325, 331.
L 2
148 ENDOGAMY
' kept as slaves. The idea of slavery connected with
' capture is so common, that a free-born Aht would hesi-
' tate to marry a woman taken in war, whatever her
' rank had been in her own tribe.' ^
Endogamy also prevails among several of the wild
tribes of Central America.^
Amonsf the Yerkalas ^ of Southern India ' a custom
' prevails by which the first two daughters of a family
^ may be claimed by the maternal uncle as wives for his
' sons. The value of a wife is fixed at twenty pagodas.
' The maternal uncle's right to the first two daughters
' is valued at eight out of twenty pagodas, and is carried
' out thus : if he urges his preferential claim, and
' marries his own sons to his nieces, he pays for each
^ only twelve pagodas ; and, similarly, if he, from not
' having sons, or any other cause, forego his claim,
' he receives eight pagodas of the twenty paid to the
' girls' parents by anybody else who may marry them.'
Among some of the Karen tribes marriage between near
relations is the rule.^
The Doingnaks, a branch of the Chukmas, appear
also to have been endogamous, and Captain Lewin
mentions that they ' abandoned the parent stem during
'the chiefship of Jaunbux Khan, about 1782. The
' reason of this split was a disagreement on the subject
' of marriages. The chief passed an order that the
' Doingnaks should intermarry with the tribe in general.
' This was contrary to ancient custom, and caused dis-
' content and eventually a break in the tribe.' ^ This
^ Sproat, Scenes and Studies of vol. vii. p. 187.
Savage Life, p. 98. ^ M'Mahon, p. 69.
2 Bancroft, vol. i. p. 703. » Lewin's Hill Tracts of Chitta-
3 Sliortt, Trans. Ethn. Soc, N.S., gong, p. 65.
ENB0GA2IY 149
is one of the very few cases where we have evidence of
a change in this respect.
The Kalangs of Java are also endogamous, and when
a man asks a girl in marriage he must prove his descent
from their peculiar stock.^ The Alantchu Tartars for-
bid marriages between those whose family names are
different.^ Among the Bedouins, ^ a man has an ex-
' elusive right to the hand of his cousin,'^ and it is the
custom of the Karens that ' marriages must always be
' contracted by relations.' ^ Livingstone also mentions
that in South Africa the women of the Akombwi ' never
' intermarry with any other tribe.' ^ In Guam brothers
and sisters used to intermarry, and it is even stated that
such unions were preferred as being most natural and
proper.^ Endogamy would seem to have prevailed in
the Sandwich Islands,^ and in New Zealand, where, as
Yate mentions, ' great opposition is made to anyone
^ taking, except for some political purpose, a wife from
' another tribe, so that such intermarriages seldom
' occur.' ^ Barrow mentions that the Hottentots seldom
married out of their own kraal. ^ On the whole, how-
ever, endogamy seems a far less common custom than
exogamy.
The idea of relationship as existing amongst us,
founded on marriage, and implying equal connection of
a child to its father and mother, seems so natural and
^ Raffles' History of Java, vol. i. ^ Exp. to the Zambesi, p. 39.
p. 328. *^ Arago's Letters. Freycinet's
•-^ M'Lennan, loc. cit. p. 146. Voyage, vol. ii. p. 17.
3 Burckhardt's Notes on the ^ Ibid. p. 94.
Bedouins and Wahabys, vol. i. pp. ^ New Zealand, p. 99.
113, 272. ^ Travels in South Africa, vol. i.
* Morgan, Syst. of Cons, and AfF. p. 144.
of the Human Family, p. 444.
150 THU MILK-TW
obvious that there are, perhaps, many to whom the
possibility of any other system has not occurred. The
facts already recorded will, however, have pre23ared us
for the existence of peculiar ideas on the subject of rela-
tionship. The strength of the foster -feeling, the milk-
tie, among the Scotch Highlanders is a familiar instance
of a mode of regarding relationship very diiFerent from
that prevalent amongst us.
We have also seen that, under the custom of com-
munal marriage, a child was regarded as related to the
tribe, but not specially to any particular father or
mother. Such a state of things, indeed, is only pos-
sible in very small communities. It is evident that
under communal marriage — and little less so wherever
polygamy prevailed, and men had many wives — the tie
between and father and son must have been very slight.
Among agricultural tribes, and under settled forms of
government, the chiefs often have very large harems,
and their importance even is measured by the number
of their wives, as in other cases by that of their cows or
horses.
This state of things is in many ways very preju-
dicial. It checks, of course, the natural affection and
friendly intercourse between man and wife. The King
of Ashantee, for instance, always had 3,333 wives ;
but no man can love so many women, nor can so*
many women cherish any personal affection for one
man.
Even among hunting races, though men were un-
able to maintain so many wives, still, as changes are of
frequent occurrence, the tie between a mother and child
is much strono'er than that which binds a child to its.
BELATIONSHIP THROUGH FEMALES 151
father. Hence we find that among many of the lower
races relationship through females is the prevalent cus-
tom, and we are thus able to understand the curious
practice that a man's heirs are not his own, but his
sister's children.
By some it has been regarded as indicating the high
respect paid to women. Thus Plutarch tells us that
^ when Bellerophon slew^ a certain wild boar, which
' destroyed the cattle and fruits in the province of the
' Xanthians, and received no due reward of his services,,
' he prayed to Neptune for vengeance, and obtained
' that all the fields should cast forth a salt dew and be
' universally corrupted, which continued till he, conde-
^ scendingly regarding the women suppliants, prayed to
' Neptune and removed his wrath from them. Hence
^ there was a law among the Xanthians that they should
' derive their names in future, not from the fathers, but
' from the mothers.' ^
Montesquieu^ regarded relationship through females
as intended to prevent the accumulation of landed pro-
perty in few hands — an explanation manifestly inap-
plicable to many, nay, the majority, of cases in which
the custom exists — and the explanation above suggested
is, I have no doubt, the correct one.
Thus, when a rich man died in Gruinea, his property,
excepting the armour, descended to the sister's son,
expressly, according to Smith, on the ground that he
must certainly have been a relative.^ Battel mentions
that the town of Longo (Loango) ' is governed by four
^ Plutarch, Concerning the Vir- 143. See also Pinkerton's Voyages,
tues of Women. vol. xv. pp. 417, 421, 528 ; Astley's
^ Esprit des Lois, vol. i. p. 70. Collection of Voyages, vol. ii. pp.
3 Smith's Voyage to Guinea, p. 63, 256.
152 BELATIONSEIP THROUGH FUMALBS
' chiefs, who are sons of the king's sisters ; for the
' king's sons never come to be kings.' ^ Quatremere men-
tions that ' chez les Nubiens, dit Abou Selah, lorsqu'un
' roi vient a mourir et qu'il laisse un fils et un neveu du
' cote de sa soeur, celui monte sur le tr6ne de preference
' a I'heritier naturel.' ^
In Central Africa, CaiUie ^ says that ' the sovereignty
' remains always in the same family, but the son never
' succeeds his father ; they choose in preference a son of
' the king's sister, conceiving that by this method the
' sovereign power is more sure to be transmitted to one
' of the blood royal ; a precaution which shows how
' little faith is put in the virtue of the women of this
* country.' In South Africa, among the Bangalas of
the Cassange valley, ^ the sons of a sister belong to her
' brother ; and he often sells his nephews to pay his
' debts ; ' ^ the Banyai ' choose the son of the deceased
' chiefs sister in preference to his own offspring.' In
Northern Africa we find the same custom among the
Berbers ; ^ Burton records it as existing in the North-
East ; and on the Congo, according to Tuckey, the
chieftainships ' are hereditary, through the female line,
' as a precaution to make certain of the blood royal in
' the succession.'^ Sibree mentions that the same is the
case in Madagascar, where the custom is defended ex-
pressly on the ground ' that the descent can be proved
^ Pinkerton's Voj^ages, vol. xvi. p. 273.
p. 331. * Livingstone's Travels in South
^ M^m. Geogr. sur I'Egypte et Africa, pp. 434, 617.
sur quelques contrees voisines, Paris, ^ La Mere chez certains peuples
1811. Quoted in Bachofen's Mutter- de I'Antiquite, p. 45.
recht, p. 108. ^ Tuckey's Exp. to the Kiver
3 Oaillie's Travels, vol. i. p. 153. Zaire, p. 365.
Barth's Travels, vol. i. p. 337 ; vol. ii.
CAUSES AND WIDE DISTBIBUTION OF TEE CUSTOM 153
* from the mother, while it is often impossible to know
' the paternity of a child.' ^
Herodotus ^ supposed that this custom was peculiar
to the Lycians : they have, he says, ' one custom pecu-
* liar to themselves, in which they differ from all other
' nations ; for they take their name from their mothers,
' and not from their fathers ; so that if anyone asks
' another who he is, he will describe himself by his
' mother's side, and reckon up his maternal ancestry in
' the female line.' Poly bins makes the same statement
as regards the Locrians ; and on Etruscan tombs
descent is stated in the female line.
In Athens, also, relationship through females pre-
vailed down to the time of Cecrops.
Tacitus,^ speaking of the Germans, says, ' Children
are regarded with equal affection by their maternal
uncles as by their fathers ; some even consider this as
the more sacred bond of consanguinity, and prefer it
in the requisition of hostages.' He adds, ' A person's
own children, however, are his heirs and successors ;
no wills are made.' From this it would appear as if
female inheritance had been recently and not universally
abandoned. Among the Picts also the throne until a
late period was always held by right of the female.
In the Irish Legends it is stated that this was a con-
dition imposed by Eremon, who when the Picts were
about to invade Scotland supplied them with wives on
this condition.^
In India the Kasias, the Kocchs, and the Nairs have
^ Madagascar and its People, ^ De Mor. Germ. xx.
p. 192. * Ferguson, The Irish before the
2 Olio, 173. Conquest, p. 129.
154 NEGLECT OF PATERNAL BELATION
the system of female kinsliip. BQchanan^ tells us that
among the Bantar in Tulava a man's property does not
descend to his own children, but to those of his sister.
Sir W. Eliot states that the people of Malabar ' all
' agree in one remarkable usage — that of transmitting
' property through females only.' ^ He adds, on the
authority of Lieutenant Conner, that the same is the
case in Travancore, among all the castes except the
Ponans and the Namburi Brahman s.
As Latham states, 'no Nair son knows his own
' father ; and, vice versa, no Nair father knows his own
^ son. What becomes of the property of the husband ?
' It descends to the children of his sister.' ^
Among the Limboos (India), a tribe near Darjee-
ling,* the boys become the property of the father on his
paying the mother a small sum of money, when the
child is named and enters his father's tribe : girls re-
main with the mother, and belong to her tribe.
Marsden tells us ^ that among the Battas of Sumatra
' the succession to the chiefships does not go, in the
^ first instance, to the son of the deceased, but to the
' nephew by a sister ; and that the same extraordinary
' rule, with respect to the property in general, prevails
' also amongst the Malays of that part of the island,
' and even in the neighbourhood of Padang. The
' authorities for this are various and unconnected with
' each other, but not sufficiently circumstantial to
' induce me to admit it as a generally established
' practice.'
^ Vol. iii. p. 16. 4 Campl)ell, Trans. Ethn. Soc,
2 Trans. Ethn. Soc, 1869, p. 119. N. S., vol. vii. p. 155.
3 Descriptive Ethnology, vol. ii. ^ Marsden's History of Sumatra^
p. 463. p. 376.
EELATIONSHIF THROUGH FEMALES 155
Among the Kenaiyers at Cook's Inlet, according to
Sir Jolm Richardson, property descends, not to a man's
own children, but to those of his sister.^ The same is
the case with the Kutchin,^ and it is said generally,
though not always, among the Columbian Indians.^
Carver'* mentions that among the Hudson's Bay
Indians the children 'are always distinguished by the
' name of the mother ; and if a woman marries several
' husbands, and has issue by each of them, they are all
' called after her. The reason they give for this is, that
' as their offspring are indebted to the father for their
' souls, the invisible part of their essence, and to the
' mother for their corporeal and apparent part, it is.
' more rational that they should be distinguished by the
' name of the latter, from whom they indubitably derive
' their being, than by that of the father, to which a
' doubt might sometimes arise whether they are justly
' entitled.' ' Descent amongst the Iroquois is in the
' female line, both as to the tribe and as to nationality.
' The children are of the tribe of the mother. If a
' Cayuga marries a Delaware woman, for example, his
* children are Dela wares and aliens, unless formally
' naturalised with the forms of adoption ; but if a
^ Delaware marries a Cayuga woman, her children are
' Cayugas, and of her tribe of the Cayugas. It is the
' same as if she marries a Seneca.' ^
In fact, among the North American Indians gene-
rally, as we shall see more particularly in the next
^ Boat Journey, vol. i. p. 406. 259; also ante, p. 112.
2 Smithsonian Keport, 1866, p. ^ Morgan's Syst. of Cons, and
326. Aff. of the Human Family, p. 165.
^ Bancroft, vol. i. p. 193. Hunter's Captivity among the North
* Carver, p. 378. See also p. American Indians, p. 249.
156 SUBOBDINATION OF FATEENAL UFLATION
chapter, the relationship of the uncle, that is to say, the
mother's brother, is more important than any other.
He is practically the head of his sister's family. Among
the Choctas, for instance, even now, if a boy is to be
placed at school, his uncle, and not his father, takes him
to the mission and makes the arrangement.^ A similar
rule prevailed in Haiti and Mexico.^ According to
Gromara, among the Peruvians, except as regards the
Incas, nephews inherited, not sons.
As regards Polynesia, Mariner states that in the
Friendly or Tonga Islands ' nobility descends by the
' female line ; for when the mother is not a noble, the
' children are not nobles.' ^ The same custom, or traces
of it, exist throughout Polynesia, but it would seem that
these islanders were passing from the stage of relation-
ship through females to that through males. The
existence of inheritance through females is clearly indi-
cated in the Fijian custom known as Vasu. In some
of the Carolines and Mariannes the highest honour
passed in the female line.^ In the Hervey Islands,
children belong either to the tribe of the father or to
that of the mother, according to arrangement ; gener-
ally, however, to that of the father.^
In Western Australia, ' children of either sex always
^ take the family name of their mother.' ^ In other
districts, however, as, for instance, on the Lower
1 Morgan, loc. cit. p. 158. Antlir. vol. v. pt. ii. pp. 108, 114,
^ Miiller, Gescli. d. American. 117.
Urreligionen, pp. 167, 539. ^ Qi^^ Myths of the South
^ Tonga Islands, vol. ii. pp. 89, Pacific, p. 36.
91. 6 Eyre, loc. cit. p. 330. Eidley,
* Hale, United States Ex. Exp., Journal Anthrop. Institute, 1872,
p. 83. Gerland, Con. of Waitz' p. 264.
OBIGIN OF BELATIONSHIP IN THE MALE LINE 157
Murray, a man's children belong to his tribe, and not
to that of the mother.^
Among the ancient Jews, Abraham married his
half sister, Nahor married his brother's daughter, and
Amram his father's sister ; this was permitted because
they were not regarded as relations. Tamar also evi-
dently might have married Amnon, though they were
both children of David : ' Speak unto the king,' she
said, ' for he will not withhold me from thee ; ' for, as
their mothers were not the same, they were no relations
in the eye of the law. Solon also permitted marriage
with sisters on the father's side, but not on the
mother's.
Here, therefore, we have abundant evidence of the
second stage, in which the child is related to the
mother, and not to the father ; whence a man's heir is
his nephew on the sister's side — not his own child, who
is in some cases regarded as no relation to him at all.
When, however, marriage became more respected,
and the family affections stronger, it is easy to see that
the rule under which a man's property went to his
sister's children would become unpopular, both with
the father, who would naturally wish his children to
inherit his property, and not less so with the children
themselves. This change is even now in process
among the more civilised North American Indians.^
M. Girard Teulon, indeed, to whom we are indebted
for a very interesting memoir on this subject,^ regards
the first recognition of his parental relationship as an
1 Taplin, Tlie Narinyeri, p. 10, ^ La Mere chez certains peuples
2 Report of the Peabody Museum, de 1' Antiquity.
vol. iii. p. 214.
158 CHANGE FEOM FEMALE TO MALE KINSHIP
act of noble self-devotion on the part of some great
genius in ancient times. ' Le premier/ he says, ' qui
' consentit a se reconnaitre pere fut un homme de genie
^ et de coeur, un des grands bienfaiteurs de I'humanite.
^ Prouve en efFet que I'enfant t'appartient. Es-tu sur
' qu'il est un autre toi-meme, ton fruit ? que tu I'as
' enfante ? ou bien, a I'aide d'une genereuse et volon-
' taire credulite, marches-tu, noble inventeur, a la con-
' quete d'un but superieur ? '
Bachofen also, while characterising the change from
female to male relationship as the ' wichtigsten Wende-
^ punktin der Geschichte des Geschlechts-Yerhaltnisses,'
explains it, as I cannot but think, in an altogether erro-
neous manner. He regards it as a liberation of the
spirit from the deceptive appearances of nature, [an
elevation of human existence above the laws of mere
matter ; as a recognition that the creative power is the
most important ; and, in short, as a subordination of the
material to the spiritual part of our nature. By this
step, he says, ' man durchbricht die Bander des Tellu-
' rismus, und erhebt seinen Blick zu den hohern Eegionen
' des Kosmos.' ^
These seem to me, I confess, very curious notions,
and I cannot at all agree with them. The recognition
of paternal responsibility grew up, I believe, gradually
through the impulses of natural alFection. The adoption
of relationship through the father's line, instead of
through the mother's, was probably effected by the natural
wish which everyone would feel that his property should
go to his own children. It is true that we have not many
cases like that of Athens, in which there is a record of
^ Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht; p. 27.
CHANGE FROM FJBMALJEJ TO MALE KINSHIP 159
this change ; but as it is easy to see how it might
have been brought about, and difficult to suppose
that the opposite step can ever have been made ; as,
moreover, we find relationship through the father very
general, not to say universal, in civilised races, while
the opposite system is very common among savages, it
is evident that this change must frequently have been
effected.
Taking all these facts, then, into consideration, when-
ever we find relationship through females only, I think
we may safely look upon it as the relic of an ancient
barbarism.
As soon as the change was made, the father would take
the place held previously by the mother, and the father,
instead of the mother, would be regarded as the parent.
Hence, on the birth of a child, the father would natur-
ally be very careful what he did, and what he ate, for
fear the child should be injured. Thus, I believe,
arises the curious custom of the Couvade to which I
referred in my first chapter.
Relationship to the father at first excludes that
to the mother, and, from having been regarded as no
relation to the former, children came to be looked on as
none to the latter.
In some parts of South America, where it is cus-
tomary to treat captives well in every respect for a
certain time, giving them clothes, food, a wife, &c., and
then to kill and eat them, any children they may have
are killed and eaten also.^ As a general rule inherit-
ance and relationship go together ; but in some parts of
Australia, while the old rule of tracing descent through
1 Lafitau, vol. ii. p. 307.
160 SYSTEM OF KINSHIP TEEOUGH MALES
the mother still exists, property is inherited in the male
line/ though it appears that the division is made during
the father's life.
How completely the idea of relationship through
the father, when once recognised, might replace that
through the mother, we may see in the very curious
trial of Orestes. Agamemnon, having been murdered
by his wife Clytemnestra, Avas avenged by their son
Orestes, who killed his mother for the murder of his
father. For this act he was prosecuted before the
tribunal of the gods by the Erinnyes, whose function it
was to punish those who shed the blood of relatives.
In his defence, Orestes asks them why they did not
punish Clytemnestra for the murder of Agamemnon ;
and when they reply that marriage does not constitute
blood relationship, — ' She was not the kindred of the
' man whom she slew,' — he pleads that by the same
rule they cannot touch him^ because a man is a relation
to his father, but not to his mother. This view, though
it seems to us so unnatural, was supported by Apollo
and Minerva, and being adopted by the majority of the
gods, led to the acquittal of Orestes.
Hence we see that the views prevalent on relation-
ship — views by which the whole social organisation is
so profoundly affected — are by no means the same
among different races, nor uniform at the same histori-
cal period. We ourselves still confuse affinity and con-
sanguinity ; but into this part of the question it is not
my intention to enter : the evidence brought forward
in the preceding pages is, however, I think, sufficient
to show that children were not in the earliest times
^ Grey's Australia, vol. ii. pp. 226, 236.
THE FEESENT SYSTEM 161
regarded as related equally to their father and their
mother, but that the natural progress of ideas is, first,
that a child is related to his tribe generally ; secondly,
to his mother, and not to his father ; thirdly, to his
father, and not to his mother ; lastly, and lastly only,
that he is related to both.
M
162
CHAPTER Y.
ON THE DEVELOPMENT OE EELATIONSHIPS.
IN the previous chapter I have discussed the ques-
tion of marriage as it exists among the lower races
of men, and the relation of children to their parents. In
the present, I propose to consider the question of rela-
tionships in general, and to endeavour to trace up the
ideas on this subject from their rudest form to that in
which they exist amongst more civilised races.
For the facts on which this chapter is based we are
mainly indebted to Mr. Morgan, who has collected a great
mass of information on the subject, which has recently
been published by the Smithsonian Institution. Though
I dissent from Mr. Morgan's main conclusions, his work
appears to me one of the most valuable contributions
to ethnological science which has appeared for many
years. ^ It contains schedules, most of which are very
complete, giving the systems .of relationships of no less
than 139 races or tribes ; and we have, therefore (though
there are still many lamentable deficiencies — the Sibe-
rians, South Americans, and true Negroes being, for
instance, as yet unrepresented), a great body of evidence
illustrating the ideas on the subject of relationships
which prevail among different races of men.
^ Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family, by
L. H. Morgan, 1870.
ON TEE DEVELOPMENT OF BELATI0N8HIPS 163
Oar own system of relationships naturally follows
from the marriage of single pairs ; and it is, in its gene-
ral nomenclature, so mere a description of the actual
facts, that most persons tacitly regard it as necessarily
general to the human race, with, of course, verbal and
unimportant differences in detail. Hence but little in-
formation can- be extracted from dictionaries and voca-
bularies. They generally, for instance, give words for
uncle, aunt, and cousin ; but an uncle may be either a
father's brother or a mother's brother, and an aunt may
be either a father's sister or a mother's sister ; a first
cousin, again, may be the child of any one of these four
uncles and aunts ; but practically, as we shall see, these
cases are in many races distinguished from one another ;
and I may add, in passing, it is by no means clear that
we are right in regarding them as identical and equiva-
lent. Travellers have, on various occasions, noticed
with surprise some special peculiarity of nomenclature
which came under their notice ; but Mr. Morgan was the
first to collect complete schedules of relationships. The
special points which have been observed have, indeed,
been generally regarded as mere eccentricities ; but this
is evidently not the case, because the principle or prin-
ciples to which they are due are consistently carried
out, and the nomenclature is reciprocal generally,
though not quite without exceptions. Thus, if the
Mohawks call a father's brother, not an uncle, but a
father, they not only call his son a brother and his
grandson a son, but these descendants also use the
correlative terms.
We must remember that our ideas of relationships
are founded on our social system, and that, as other
164 DIFFERENT 8Y8TEM8 OF BELATI0N8HIPS
races have very different habits and ideas on this sub=
ject, it is natural to expect that their systems of rela-
tionship would also differ from ours. I have in the
previous chapter pointed out that the ideas and customs
with reference to marriage are very dissimilar in dif-
ferent races, and we may say, as a general rule, that,
as we descend in the scale of civilisation, the family
diminishes, and the tribe increases, in importance.
Words have a profound influence over thought, and
true family-names prevail principally among the highest
races of men. Even m the less advanced portions of
our own country, we know that collective names were
those of the tribe, rather than the family.
I have already mentioned that among the Romans
the ' family ' was not a natural family in our sense of
the term. It was founded,^ not on marriage, but on
power. The family of a chief consisted, not of those
allied to him by blood, but of those over whom he
exercised control. Hence, an emancipated son ceased
to be one of the family, and did not, except by will,
take any share in his father's ]3roperty ; on the other
hand, the wife introduced into the family by marriage,
or the stranger converted into a son by adoption,
became regularly recognised members of the family,
though no blood tie existed.
Marriage, again, in Rome, was symbolised by cap-
ture or purchase, as among so many of the lower races
at the present day. In fact, the idea of marriage
among the lower races of men generally is essentially
of a different character from ours ; it is material, not
spiritual ; it is founded on force, not on love ; the wife
^ See Ortolan's Justinian, p. 126, et seq.
CLASSIFICATION OF SYSTFMS 165
is not united with, but enslaved to, her husband. Of
such a system traces, and more than traces, still exist
in our own country : our customs, indeed, are more
advanced, and wives enjoy a very different status in
reality, to that which they occupy in law. Among
the Redskins, however, the wife is a mere servant to
her husband, and there are cases on record in which
husband and wife, belonging originally to different
tribes, have lived together for years without either
caring to acquire the other's language, satisfied to com-
municate with one another entirely by signs.
It must, however, be observed that, though the
Redskin family is constituted in a manner very unlike
ours, still the nomenclature of relationships is founded
upon it, such as it is, and has no relation to the tribal
system, as will presently be shown.
Mr. Morgan divides the systems of relationships
into two great classes, the descriptive and the classifica-
tory, which he regards as radically distinct. The first,
he says (p. 12), ' which is that of the Aryan, Semitic,
^ and Urahan families, rejecting the classification of
* kindred, except so far as it is in accordance with the
' numerical system, describes collateral consanguinei,
' for the most part, by an augmentation or combination
* of the primary terms of relationship. The second,
^ which is that of the Turanian, American Indian, and
^ Malayan families, rejectmg descriptive phrases in every
^instance, and reducing consanguinei to great classes
' by a series of apparently arbitrary generalisations,
' applies the same terms to all the members of the same
' class. It thus confounds relationships, which, under
■' the descriptive system, are distinct, and enlarges the
166 NATURE OF THE EVIDENCE
' signification both of the primary and secondary terms
' beyond their seemingly appropriate sense.'
While, however, I fully admit the immense diifer-
ence between, say, our English system and that of the
Kingsmill Islanders, as shown in Table I.^ opposite,
they seem to me to be rather the extremes of a series
than founded on different ideals.
Mr. Morgan admits that systems of relationships
have undergone a gradual development, following that
of the social condition ; but he also attributes to them
great value in the determination of ethnological affini-
ties. I am not sure that I exactly understand his
views as to the precise bearing of these two conclusions
in relation to one another ; and I have elsewhere ^ given
m}^ reasons for dissenting from his interpretation of the
facts in reference to social relations. I shall, therefore,
now confine myself to the question of the bearing of
systems of relationships on questions of ethnological
affinity, and to a consideration of the manner in which
the various systems have arisen. As might naturally
have been expected, Mr. Morgan's information is most
full and complete with reference to the North American
Indians. Of these, he gives the terms for no less than
268 relationships in about seventy different tribes. Of
these relationships, some are, for our present j^urposes,
much more important than others. The most signifi-
cant are the following : —
1. Brother's son and dauofhter.
2. Sister's son and daughter.
^ I have constructed this table in a manner which seems to me
from Mr. Morgan's schedules, select- more instructive than that adopted
ing the relationships which are the by Mr. Morgan,
most significant, and arranging them ^ Jour. Anthr. Inst. vol. i.
UPS.
12
Kappir
Uncle
Cousin
Son
?
Grandctiild
Father
Brother, B. or Y.
Son
?
G-randchild
Uncle
Brother, B. or Y.
Son
?
Grandchild
Aunt
Brother, B. or Y.
Son
?
G-randchild
Grandfather
Grandmother
Son
Son
Son
Son
Grandchild
Grandchild
13
MOHIGA
Uncle
Stepbrother
Stepchild
Stepchild
Grandson
Stepmother
Stepbrother
Stepchild
Stepchild
Grandchild
Stepfather
Stepfather
Stepchild
Grandchild
Mother
Brother, E.
Stepchild
Stepchild
Grandchild
Grandfather
Grandmothe
Stepson
Stepson
Nephew
Sou
Grandchild
Grandchild
the Tamil.
HIPS.
^ Eighteen
10
11
Hare
Omaha
Mother's brother
Uncle
Cousin
Uncle
Son
Uncle
?
Uncle
Son
Brother, E. i
Son
Brother, E.
Grandson
Uncle
Aunt
Aunt
Cousin
Nephew
Son
Grandchild
Son
Grandchild
Son
Grandchild
Son
Grandchild
Table I.— SYSTEMS OF RELATIONSHIPS.
sister's son, SLS.
Brothor's sou's soi
Sister's sou's son
TWO-MOONTAI>
Secuiid littlti !
. ' Brother, E. ur Y.
Grfiudsou I
Little Motlier, or
I Uncle
iil*miile 1 Graudsou
I Motlier
, E. or Y. Brother, B. or Y.
Brother, E. or Y.
Nephew
Graiidehild
Little father
Brother, E. or Y.
Nephew
Grandmother
Grimdchild mole i Grandson
Mother, I
Brother. E. or "i
' Grandmother
j Neiihew
Grandson
Srandsin
Grandson
Mother
Mother
Mother
Brother, E. or T.
SSn
Brother, E. or y.
Brother
Bo°y _
Grandfather
Grandfather
GrandfatuSr
Grandmother
Grandmother
Grandmother
Brother, E. or Y.
?
Grfuidohild
' Brother, E. or T.
13
U
15
10
17
MOllIOAS
H..„.
Oa..
Ojibwa (Lake
Mieliigim)
Kirks
Uncle
Uncle
Uncle
Unele
■ Uuele
Sf
Nephew
Gmndson
GrandohUd
Coujln
iSiud
§?ptw ;
Stepmother
Annt
...
Amit
' Aunt
Stepchild
Stepchild
Grandson
■s
s.
■ Gnvmlsou
Uncle
stepfather
«»»
Undo
Stepfather
Stepchild
Brother
Nephew
Stepson
^■"Tild
sr
Gmudohild
:°N7ptw ,
• Grandson
Mother
Aunt
Stepmother
Stepmother
1 Annt
Brother, E. or T.
Brother
Brother, E. or Y.
Stepbrother
Co»f .
d! N.
I The Tehigii aud Caimrese s
Tamil nud Fijiflii
Table II.— SYSTEMS OF EELATIONSHIPS.
'
REDKxnTSS
MIOMAOS
6
6
Cow
«?:—
Gi....dLw...
CllEhOKEE
HABE
OMAHA
SAWK ASD F..X
OXEIbA
OTAWA
Mother's brother . . . .
Uncle
Uncle
Uncle
Elder broth
Uncle
Mother's brother
Uncle
Uncle
Uncle
Unele
Cousin
Uncle
Stepbrother
Grandchild
Nephew
Nephew
Stepbrother
Grandson
Grandchild
UratWr. E. or Y.
Nephew
Grandchild
Grandchild
Grandchild
M.,tlu-r
Aunt
Aunt
Nei;!;;;;;
:; :; d„;.ht^i;^tM.s;
loS
Kephew
Nephew
Nephew
llew
:;
Brother
Brother
iz
GraSdehlld
Grandchild
Nephew
''•^'
Son
Father
Brother
Eather
Son
GmnddnUl
ADDRESSING PERSONS BY RELATIONSHIPS 167
3. Motlier's brother.
4. Mother's brother's son.
5. Father's sister.
6. Father's sister's son.
7. Father's brother.
8. Father's brother's son.
9. Mother's sister.
10. Mother's sister's son.
11. Grandfather's brother.
12. Brothers' and sisters' grandchildren.
Now let me call attention to the Wyandot system as
shown in column 8 of Table I. It will be observed
that a mother's brother is called an nncle ; his son a
cousin ; his grandson a son when a male is speaking, a
nephew when a female is speaking ; his great-grandson
a grandson. A father's sister is termed an aunt ; her
son a cousin ; her grandson a son ; her great-grandson
a grandson. A father s brother is a father ; his son a
brother, distinguished, however, by different terms ac-
cording as he is older or younger than the speaker ; his
grandson a son ; his great-grandson a grandson. A
mother's sister is a mother ; ^ her son is a brother, dis-
tinguished as before ; her grandson a son when a male
is speaking, a nephew when a female is speaking. A
grandfather's brother is a grandfather ; and a grand-
father's sister is a grandmother. A brother's son is a
son when a male is speaking, but a nephew when a
* In Madagascar ' first cousins ' that we learn the exact degree of
' are usually termed brother and ' relationship. These secondary fa-
* sister, and uncles and aunts father ' thers and mothers seem often to be
^ and mother respectively ; and it is ' regarded with little less affection
' only by asking distinctly of persons ' than the actual parents.' — Sibre^'s
' whether they are " of one father " Madagascar and its People, p. 192.
' or are " uterine brother and sister,"
168 ADDRESSING PERSONS BY RELATIONSHIPS
female is speaking ; while a sister's son is a nephew
when a male is speaking, but a son when a female is
speaking. Lastly, brothers' grandchildren and sisters'
o-randchildren are called ^grandchildren.
This system, at first, strikes one as illogical and in-
consistent. How can a person have more than one
mother? How can a brother's son be a son, or an
uncle's great-grandson a grandson ? Again, while
classing together several relationships which we justly
separate, it distinguishes between elder and younger
brothers and sisters ; and in several cases the relation-
ship depends on the sex of the speaker. Since, how-
ever, a similar system prevails over a very wide area, it
cannot be dismissed as a mere arbitrary or accidental
arrangement. The system is, moreover, far from being
merely theoretical, in every- day use. Every member
of the tribe knows his exact relationship to each other,
according to this system ; and this knowledge is kept
up by the habit, general among the American tribes, and
occurring also elsewhere — as, for instance, among the
Esquimaux, the Tamils, Telugus, Chinese, Japanese,
Fijians, &c. — of addressing a person, not by his
name, but by his relationship. Among the Telugus
and Tamils an elder may address a younger by name,
but a younger must always use the term for relationship
in speaking to an elder. This custom is, probably,
connected with the curious superstitions about names ;
but, however it may have arisen, the result is that an
Indian addresses his neighbour as ' my father,' ' my son,'
or ' my brother,' as the case may be : if not related, he
says ^ my friend.'
Thus the system is kept up by daily use ; nor is
8IMILABITIE8 OF SYSTEM 169
it a mere mode of expression. Although, in many
respects, opposed to the existing customs and ideas, it
is, in some, entirely consonant with them : thus, among
many of the Redskin tribes if a man marries the eldest
girl in a family he can claim in marriage all the others
as they successively come to maturity ; this custom
exists among the Shyennes, Omahas, lowas, Kaws,
Osages, Blackfeet, Crees, Minnitarees, Crows, and other
tribes. I have already mentioned that among the
Redskins, generally, the mother's brother exercises a
more than paternal authority over his sister's children.
I shall have occasion to refer again to this remarkable
exaggeration of avuncular authority.
Mr. Morgan was much surprised to find that a
system more or less like that of the Wyandots was very
general among the Redskins of North America ; but
he was still more astonished to find that the Tamil
races of India have one almost identical. A com-
parison of columns 8 and 9 in Table I. will show that
this is the case, and the similarity is even more striking
in Mr. Morgan's tables, where a larger number of rela-
tionships is given.
How, then, did this system arise? How is it to be
accounted for ? It is by no means consonant, in all
respects, to the present social conditions of the races in
question ; nor does it agree with tribal affinities. The
American Indians generally follow the custom of exo-
gamy, as it has been called by Mr. M'Lennan — that is
to say, no one is permitted to marry within the clan ;
and as descent goes in the female line, a man's brother's
son, though called his son, belongs to a difi'erent clan ;
while his sister's son does belong to the clan, though he
170 BED SKIN 8 AND TAMIL RACES
is regarded as a nephew, and consequently as less
closely connected. Hence a man's nephew belongs to
his clan, but his son belongs to a different clan.
Mr. Morgan discusses, at some length/ the conclu-
sions to be drawn from the wide extension of this system
over the American continent, and its presence also in
India. ' The several hypotheses/ he says, ' of accidental
' concurrent invention, of borrowing from each other,
' and of spontaneous growth, are entirely inadequate.' '^
With reference to the hypothesis of independent develop-
ment in disconnected areas, he observes that it pos-
^ sesses both plausibility and force.' It has, therefore,
he adds, 'been made a subject of not less careful study
' and reflection than the system itself. Not until after
' a patient analysis and comparison of its several forms
^ upon the extended scale in which they are given in
' the tables, and not until after a careful consideration
' of the functions of the system, as a domestic institu-
' tion, and of the evidence of its mode of propagation
' from age to age, did these doubts finally give way, and
' the insufficiency of this hypothesis to account for the
' origin of the system many times over, or even a second
' time, became fully apparent.'
And again, ' if the two families — i.e. the Redskin
* and the Tamil — commenced on separate continents in
' a state of promiscuous intercourse, havmg such a
' system of consanguinity as this state would beget, of
' the character of which no conception can be formed,
' it would be little less than a miracle if both should
' develop the same system of relationship.' ^ He con-
1 See, for instance, pp. 157, 392, 394, 421, 456, &c.
2 Loc. cit. p. 495. 3 j^Qc^ ^it p. 505.
IlEDSKINS AND TAMIL EACES 171
eludes, then, that it must be due to ' transmission with
' the blood from a common original source. If the four
'hypotheses named cover and exhaust the subject, and
' the first three are incapable of explaining the present
' existence of the system in the two families, then
' the fourth and last, if capable of accountmg for its
' transmission, becomes transformed into an established
' conclusion.' ^
That there is any near alliance between the Eedskin
and Tamil races would be an ethnological conclusion
of great importance. It does not, however, seem to me
to be borne out by the evidence. The Pijian system,
with which the Tongan is almost identical, is very
instructive in this respect, and scarcely seems to have
received from Mr. Morgan the consideration which it
merits. Now, columns 9, 10, and 11 of Table I. show
that the Fijian, Tongan, and Australian systems are
almost identical with the Tamil. "'^ If, then, this similarit}^
is, in the case of the Tamil, proof of close ethnological
affinity between that race and the Redskins, it must
equally be so in reference to the Fijians, the Tongans,
and the Australians. It is, however, well known that
these races belong to very distinct divisions of mankind,
and any facts which prove similarity between these
races, however interesting and important they may be
as proofs of identity in human character and history,
can obviously have no bearing on special ethnological
affinities. Moreover, it seems clear, as I shall attempt
presently to show, that the Tongans have not used
their present system ever since their ancestors "first
* Ibid. See also p. 497. Australia the system appears to be
^ In some parts, at any rate, of very similar.
172 MALAYANS— FIJIANS
landed on the Pacific Islands, but that it has subse-
quently developed itself from a far ruder system, which
is still in existence in many of the surrounding islands.
I may also observe that the Two- Mountain Iroquois,
whose close ethnological affinity with the Wyandot s no
one will question, actually agree, as shown by columns 3
and 4 of Table L, more nearly with this ruder Pacific,
or, as Morgan calls it, ' Malayan ' system than they do
with that of the neighbouring American tribes.
For these and other reasons, I think it impossible
to adopt Mr. Morgan's views, either on the causes
which have led to the existence of the Tamil system, or
as to the ethnological conclusions which follow from it.
How, then, have these systems arisen, and how can
we account for such remarkable similarities between
races so distinct, and so distant, as the Wyandots,
Tamils, Fijians, and Tongans ? In illustration of
my views on this subject, I have constructed the
preceding table (Table L), in which I have given the
translation of the native words, and, when one word is
used for several relationships, have translated it by the
simplest. Thus, in Fijian, the word ' Tamanngu ' —
literally ' Tama my,' the suffix ' nngu ' meaning ' my '
— is applied, not only to a father, but to a father's
brother ; hence, as the father is the more important, we
say that they call a father's brother a father.
In many cases the origins of the terms for relation-
ships are undeterminable ; I shall discuss some in a
subsequent chapter. Others, however, have so far
withstood the wear and tear of daily use as to be still
traceable.
Thus, in Polish, the word for my great-uncle is.
NOMENGLATCfBE OF RELATIONSHIPS 173
literally, ' my cold grandfather ; ' the word for ' wife '
among the Crees is ' part of myself ; ' that for husband,
among the Choctas, is ' he who leads me ; ' a daughter-
in-law among the Delawares is called ' Nah-hmn,'
literally, ' my cook ; ' for which ungracious expression,
however, they make amends by their word for husband
or wife, ' Wee-chaa-oke,' which is, literally, ' my aid
' through life.'
It might, a priori^ be supposed that the nomencla-
ture of relationships would be greatly affected by the
question of male or female descent. This, however,
does not appear to be the case. Under a system of
female descent, combined with exogamy, a man must
marry out of his tribe ; and, as his children belong to
their mother's tribe, it follows that a man's children do
not belong to his tribe. On the other hand, a woman's
children, whomsoever she may marry, belong to her
tribe. Hence, while neither a man's nor his brother's
children belong to the same tribe as himself, his sister' &
children must do so, and are, in consequence, often
regarded as his heirs. In fact, for all practical purposes,
among many of the Redskin and other tribes, a man's
sister's sons are regarded as his children.
As we have already seen, this remarkable custom
prevails, not only among the Redskins, but also in
various other parts of the world. As regards the
native tribes of North America, it may also be laid
down as a general proposition that the mother's brother
exercises more authority over his sister's children than
does their father. He has a recognised right to any
property they may acquire, if he choose to exercise it ;
he can sive orders which a true father would not
174 NOMENGLATUBE OF EELATIONSHIPS
venture to issue ; he arranges the marriages of his
nieces, and is entitled to share in the price paid for
them. The same custom prevails even among the semi-
civilised races ; for instance, among the Choctas the
uncle, not the father, sends a boy to school.
Yet among these very tribes a man's sister's son is
called his nephew, while his brother's son is called his
son.
Thus, although a man's mother's brother is called
an uncle, he has, in reality, more power and responsi-
bility than the true father. The true father is classed
with the father's brother and the mother's sister ; but
the mother's brother stands by himself, and, although
he is called an uncle, he exercises the real parental
power, and on him rests the parental responsibility. In
fact, while the names of relationships follow the mar-
riage customs, the ideas are guided by the tribal
organisation. Hence we see that not only do the ideas
of the several relationships, among the lower races of
men, diiFer from ours ; but the idea of relationship, as
a whole, is, so to say, embryonic, and subsidiary to that
of the tribe.
In fact, the idea of relationship, like that of mar-
riage, was founded, not upon duty, but upon power.
Only with the gradual elevation of the race has the
latter been subordinated to the former.
I have endeavoured to illustrate the various sys-
tems of relationships by Table I. (opposite p. 166),
which begins with the Hawaiian, or Sandwich Island
system.
The Hawaiian language is rich in terms for rela-
tionships. A grandparent is ' Kupuna,' a parent is
TBE HAWAIIAN SYSTEM 175
' Makua,' a child ' Kaikee/ a son-in-law, or daughter-in-
law, is ' Hunona,' a grandchild ' Moopuna ; ' brothers in
the plural are ' Hoahanau ; ' a brother-in-law, or sister-
in-law, is addressed as ' Kaikoeke ; ' there are special
words for brother and sister according to age and sex ;
thus, a boy speaking of an elder brother, and a girl
speaking of an elder sister, use the term ' Kai-kuuana ; '
a boy speaking of a younger brother, or a girl of a
younger sister, uses the word ' Kaikaina ; ' a boy speak-
ing of a sister calls her ' Kaikuwahine,' while a sister calls
a brother, whether older or younger, ' Kai-kuaana.'
They also recognise some relationships for which we
have no special terms ; thus, an adopted son is ' Hanai ; '
the parents of a son-in-law, or daughter-in-law, are
' Puluna ; ' a man addresses his brother-in-law, and a
woman her sister-in-law, as ' Punalua ; ' lastly, the word
' Kolea ' has no corresponding term in English.
It will be observed that these relationships are con-
ceived in a manner entirely unlike ours ; we make no
difference between an elder brother and a younger
brother, nor does the term used depend on the sex of
the speaker. The contrast between the two systems is,
however, much more striking when we come to con-
sider the deficiencies of the Hawaiian system, as indi-
cated in the nomenclature. Thus, there is no word for
cousin, none for uncle or aunt, nephew or niece, son or
daughter ; nay, while there is a word indicating parent,
there is said to be none for father or even for mother.
The principal features of this interesting system,
so elaborate, yet so rude, are indicated in the second
column of Table I. I have already mentioned that
there is no word for father or mother : for the latter
176 TEE HAWAIIAN SYSTEM
they say ' parent female,' for the former, ' parent male ; '
but the term ' parent male ' is not confined to the true
parent, but is applied equally to the father's brother
and mother's brother ; while the term ' parent female '
denotes also father's sister and mother's sister. Thus,
uncleships and auntships are ignored, and a child may
have several fathers and several mothers. In the suc-
ceeding generation, as a man calls his brother's and
sister's children his children, so do they regard him
as their father. Again, as a mother's brother and a
father's brother are termed ' parents male,' a mother's
sister and father's sister, ' parents female,' their sons are
regarded as brothers, and their daughters as sisters.
Lastly, a man calls the children of these constructive
brothers and sisters, equally with those of true brothers
and sisters, his children ; and their children, his grand-
children.
The term ' parent male,' then, denoted not only a
man's father,
but also his father's brother
and mother's brother ;
while the term ' parent female ' in the same way
denotes not only a man's mother,
but also his mother's sister
and father's sister.
There are, in fact, six classes of parents : three on the
male side, and three on the female.
The term, ' my elder brother,' or ' younger brother,'
as the case may be,^ stands also for my
^ Among tlie Australians, near ^ for brother and sister always involve
Sydney, ' brothers and sisters speak ' the distinction of elder or younger/
' of one another by titles that indicate — Ridley, Journ. Anthr. Inst., vol.
' relative age ; that is, their words xxvi. p. 266.
TH:E] HAWAIIAN SYSTmi 177
Mother's brother's son,
Mother's sister's son,
Father's brother's son,
Father's sister's son,
while their children, again, are all my grandchildren.
Here there is a succession of generations, but no
family. We find here no words for true fathers and
mothers, uncles or aunts, nephews or nieces, but only
Grandparents,
Parents,
Brothers and sisters,
Children and
Grandchildren.
This nomenclature is actually in use, and so far from
having become obsolete, being in Fiji combined with
inheritance through females, and the custom of im-
mediate inheritance, gives a nephew the right to take
his mother's brother's property : a right which is
frequently exercised, and never questioned, although
apparently moderated by custom. It will very likely
be said, that though the word ^son,' for instance, is used
to include many who are really not sons, it by no
means follows that a man should regard himself as
equally related to all his so-called ' sons.' And this
is true, but not in the manner which might have been
a priori expected. For, as many among the lower races
of men have the system of inheritance through females,
it follows that they consider their sister's children to
be in reality more nearly related to them, not only than
their brother's children, but even than their very own
children. Hence we see that these terms, son, father,
mother, &c., which to us imply relationship, have not
178 THE HAWAIIAN SYSTEM
strictly, in all cases, this significance, but rather imply
the relative position in the tribe.
Additional evidence of this is afforded by the re-
strictions on marriage which follow the tribe, and not
the terms. Thus the customs of a tribe may, and con-
stantly do, forbid marriage with one set of constructive
sisters or brothers, but not with another.
The system shown in column 2 is not apparently
confined to the Sandwich Islands, but occurs also in
other islands of the Pacific. Thus, the Kingsmill
system, as shown in column 3, is essentially similar,
though they have made one step in advance, having
devised words for father and mother. Still, however,
the same term is applied to a father's brother and a
mother's brother as to a father : and to a father's sister
and a mother's sister as to a mother ; consequently,
first cousins are still called brothers and sisters, and
their children and grandchildren are called children
and grandchildren.
The habits of the South Sea Islanders, the entire
absence of privacy in their houses, their objection to
sociable meals, and other points in their mode of life,
have probably favoured the survival of a very rude
system, though the nomenclature is not in accordance
with their present social and family relations, but in-
dicates a time when these were less developed than at
present. We know as yet no other part of the world
where the nomenclature of relationships is so primitive.
Yet a near approach is made by the system of the
Two-Mountain Iroquois, which is, perhaps, the lowest
yet observed in America. In this tribe a brother's
children are still regarded as sons, and a woman calls
AMEBIC AN SYSTEMS 179
her sister's children her sons ; a man, however, does
not regard his sister's children as his children, but dis-
tinguishes them by a special term ; they become his
nephews. This distinction between relationships, which
we regard as identical, has its basis in, and is in accord-
ance with, American marriage customs. Unfortunately
I have no means of ascertaining whether these rules
prevail among the tribes in question, but they are so
general among the Indians of North America that in al]
probability it is the case. One of these customs is that
if a man marries a girl who has younger sisters, he
thereby acquires a right to those younger sisters as
they successively arrive at maturity.^ This right is
w^idely recognised, and frequently acted upon. The
first wife makes no objection, for the work which fell
heavily on her is divided with another, and it is easy to
see that, when polygamy prevails, it would be uncom-
plimentary to refuse a wife who legally belonged to you.
Hence a woman regfards her sister's sons as her sons :
they may be, in fact, the sons of her husband : any
other hypothesis is uncomplimentary to the sister.
Throughout the North American races, therefore, we
shall find that a woman calls her sister's children her
children ; in no case does she term them nephews or
nieces, though in some few tribes she distinguishes
them from her own children by calling them step-
children.
Another general rule in America, as elsewhere, is
that no one may marry within his own clan or family.
It has been shown in the previous chapter that this rule
is not only general in North America, but widely
^ Arcli£eol. Amer. vol. ii. p. 109.
n2
180 AMEEIOAN SYSTEMS
prevalent elsewhere. The result is, that as a woman
and her brother belong to one family, her husband must
be chosen from another. Hence, while a man's father's
brother and sister belong to his clan, and his mother's
sister, being one of his father's wives, is a member of
the family — one of the fire- circle, if I may so say — the
mother's brother is necessarily neither a member of the
fire- circle nor even of the clan. Hence, while a father's
sister and mother's sister are called mother, and a
father's brother father, in most of the Eedskin tribes
the marriage rules exclude the mother's brother, who
is accordingly distinguished by a special term, and in
fact is recognised as uncle. Thus we can understand
how it is that of the six classes of parents mentioned
above, the mother's brother is the first to be distin-
guished from the rest by a special name. It will, how-
ever, be seen by the table that among the Two-Mountain
Iroquois a mother's brother's son is called brother, his
grandson son, and so on. This shows that he also was
once called ' father,' as in Polynesia, for in no other man-
ner can such a system of nomenclature be accounted
for. All the other relationships, as given in the table,
are, it will be seen, identical with those recognised in
the Hawaiian and Kingsmill systems. Thus, in two re-
spects only, and two, moreover, which can be satisfac-
torily explained by their marriage regulations, do the
Two-Mountain Iroquois difi'er from the Pacific system.
It is true that these two points of difi'erence involve
some others not shown in the table. Thus, while a
woman's father's sister's daughter's son is her son, a
man's father's sister's daughter's son is his nephew,
because his father's sister's daughter is his sister, and
THE MICMAC SYSTEM 181
Ms sister's son, as already explained, is his nephew. It
should also be added that the Two- Mountain Iroquois
show an advance, as compared with the Hawaiian
system, in the terms relating to relationships by
marriage.
The Micmac system, as shown in column 5, is in
three points an advance on that of the Two- Mountain
Iroquois. Not only does a man call his sister's son his
nephew, but a woman applies the same term to her
brother's son. Thus, men term their brother's sons
^ sons,' and their sister's sons ' nephews ; ' while women,
on the contrary, call their brother's sons ' nephews,'
and their sister's sons ' sons ; ' obviously because there
was a time when, though brothers and sisters could not
marry, brothers might have their wives in common,
while sisters, as we know, habitually married the same
man. It is remarkable also that a father's brother and
a mother's sister are also distinguished from the true
father and mother. In this respect the Micmac system
is superior to that prevailing in most other Redskin
races. For the same reason, not only is a mother's
brother termed an uncle, but the father's sister is no
longer called a mother, being distinguished by a special
term, and thus becomes an aunt. The social habits of
the Eedskins, which have already been briefly alluded
to, sufficiently explain why the father's sister is thus
distinguished, while the father's brother and mother's
sister are still called respectively father and mother.
Moreover, as we found among the Two-Mountain Iro-
quois that although the mother's brother is recognised
as an uncle, his son is still called brother, thus pointing
back to a time when the father's brother was still called
182 BUBMESE AND JAPANESE 8Y8TEM8
father ; so here we see that though the father's sister is
called aunt, her son is still regarded as a brother ;
indicating the existence of a time when, among the Mic-
macs, as among the Two-Mountain Iroquois, a father's
sister was termed a mother. It follows as a consequence
that, as a father's brother's son, a mother's brother's
son, a father's sister's son, and a mother's sister's son,
are considered to be brothers, their children are termed
sons by the males ; but as a woman calls her brother's
son a nephew, so she applies the same term to the sons
of the so-called brothers.
If the system of relationship be subject to gradual
growth, and approach step by step towards perfection,
we should naturally expect that, from differences of
habits and customs, the various advances would not
among all races follow one another in precisely the same
order. Of this the Micmacs and Wyandots afford us
an illustration. While the latter have, on the whole,
made most progress, the former are in advance on one
point ; for though the Micmacs have distinguished a
father's brother from a father, he is among the Wyandots
still termed a father ; on the other hand, the Wyandots
call a mother's brother's son a cousin, while among the
Micmacs he is still termed a brother.
Here we may conveniently consider two Asiatic
nations — the Burmese and the Japanese — which, though
on the whole considerably more advanced in civilisation
than any of the foregoing races, yet appear to be singu-
larly backward in their systems of family nomenclature.
I will commence with the Burmese. A mother's brother
is called either father (great or little) or uncle ; his son
is regarded as a brother ; his grandson as a nephew ;
THE WYANDOT 8Y8TEM 183
his great-grandson as a grandson. A father's sister is
an aunt ; but her son is a brother, her grandson is a
son, and her great-grandson a grandson. A father's
brother is still a father (great or little) ; his son is a
brother; his grandson a nephew ; and his great-grand-
son a grandson. A mother's sister is a mother (great
or little) ; her son is a brother ; her grandson a nephew ;
and her great-grandson a grandson. Grandfathers'
brothers and sisters are grandfathers and grandmothers.
Brothers' and sisters' sons and daughters are recognised
as nephews and nieces, whether the speaker is a male or
female ; but their children again are still classed as
grandchildren.
Among the Japanese a mother's brother is called a
^ second little father ; ' a father's sister a ' little mother '
or ' aunt ; ' a father's brother a ' little father ' or ' uncle ; '
and a mother's sister a ' little mother ' or ' aunt.' The
other relationships shown in the table are the same as
among the Burmese.
The Wyandots, descendants of the ancient Hurons,
are illustrated in the eighth column. Their system is
somewhat more advanced than that of the Micmacs.
While, among the latter, a mother's brother's son, and
a father's sister's son, are called brothers, among the
Wyandots they are recognised as cousins. The children
of these cousins, however, are still by males called sons,
thus reminding us that there was a time when these
cousms were still regarded as brothers. A second mark
of progress is, that women regard their mother's brother's
grandsons as nephews, and not as sons, though the
great-grandsons of uncles and aunts are still, in all cases,
termed grandsons.
184 THE WYANDOT SYSTEM
I crave particular attention to this system, which
may be regarded as the typical system of the Redskins/
althousrh, as we have seen, some tribes have a ruder
nomenclature, and we shall presently allude to others
which are rather more advanced. A mother's brother
is termed uncle ; his son is a cousin ; his grandson is
termed nephew when a woman is speaking, son in the
case of a male. In either case, his grandson is termed
grandson. A father's sister is an aunt, and her son a
cousin ; but her grandson and great-grandson are
termed, respectively, son and grandson, thus reminding
us that there was a time when a father's sister was re-
garded as a mother. A father's brother is called father ;
his son, brother ; his grandson, son ; and his great-
grandson, grandson.
A mother's sister is a mother, her son is a brother,
her grandson is called nephew by a female, son by a
male ; her great-grandson is, in either case, called
grandson. A grandfather's brother and sister are called
grandfather and grandmother respectively.
A brother's son is called son by a male, and nephew
by a female, while a sister's son is called nephew by a
male, and son by a female, the reasons for which have
been already explained.
Lastly, brothers' son's sons and daughters, sisters'
son's sons and daughters, are all called grandsons and
granddaughters. Thus we see that in every case the
third generation returns to the direct line.
The two following columns represent the Tamil and
^ The Peruvian system appears, been very similar, in some of its
from the vocabularies given in most essential features, to that of
Mr. Clements Markham's Quichua the Wyandots.
Grammar and Dictionary, to have
TEE TAMIL AND FIJIAN SYSTEMS 185
rijian systems, with wliich also that of the Tonga Islands
very closely agrees. I have already called attention to
this, and given my reasons for being unable to adopt
the explanation suggested by Mr. Morgan.
It will be observed that the only differences shown
in the table between the system of these races and that
of the Wyandots, are, firstly, that the mother's brother's
grandson is regarded among the Wyandots as a nephew
by males, and as a son by females ; while in the Tamil
and Fijian system the reverse is said to be the case, "
-and he is termed son by males, and nephew by females.
Secondly, that the father's sister's grandson is regarded
-as a son among the ^^yandots, while in the Tamil and
Fijian system he is, when an uncle is speaking, recognised
as a nephew. The latter difference merely indicates that
the Tamil and Fijian systems are slightly more advanced
than the Wyandot. The other difference is more diffi-
cult to understand.
But though the Redskin, Tamil, and Fijian sys-
tems, differing as they do from ours in many ways,
which at first seem altogether arbitrary and unaccount-
able, agree so remarkably with one another, we find,
also, in some cases, remarkable differences among the
Redskin races themselves. These differences affect
principally the lines of the mother's brother and father's
sister. This is natural. They are the first to be dis-
tinguished from true parents, and new means have,
therefore, to be adopted to distinguish the relationships
thus recognised. In several cases other old terms were
tried, with very comical results. These modes of over-
coming the difficulty were so unsatisfactory, that, by
the time a father's sister's son was recognised as a
186 BEMAEKABLE TEEMS IN USE
cousin, tlie necessity for the creation of new terms
seems to have been generally felt.
Table II. shows, as regards fourteen tribes, the re-
sult of the attempt to distinguish these relationships.
Taking, for instance, the line which gives the terms
in use for a mother's brother's grandson, we find the
following, viz. son, stepbrother, grandson, and grand-
child, stepson, and uncle ; in the case of a father's
sister's grandson (male speaking), we have grandchild,
son, stepson, brother, and father ; when a female is
speaking, grandchild, son, nephew, brother, and father.
Thus, for this single relationship we find six terms in
use, and a difference of three generations, viz. from
grandfather to son. At first the use of such terms
seems altogether arbitrary, but a further examination
will show that this is by no means the case.
Column 2 gives the system of the Kedknives, one
of the most backward tribes on the American continent
as regards their nomenclature of relationships. Here,
though a mother's brother and a father's sister are,
respectively, uncle and aunt, their children are regarded
as brothers, their grandchildren as sons, and their
great-grandchildren as grandsons. The Munsee system
shows a slight advance. Here, though the women call
their sister's sons their sons, the males, on the contrary,
term them nephews, and, consequently, apply the same
term to their mother's brother's daughter's son, and
their father's sister's daughter's son ; because, as in
the preceding case, mother's brother's daughters, and
father's sisters daughters, are termed sisters. The
Micmacs (column 3) show another step in advance.
Here, not only does a man call his sister's son nephew,
EXPLANATION OF THE TEBM8 18/
but, in addition, a woman applies the same term to
her brother's son ; consequently, not only a mother's
brother's daughter's son, if a male is speaking, but a
mother's brother's son's son, if a female is speaking, and
the corresponding relations on the side of the father's
sister, are termed nephews.
Among the Delawares a mother's brother's son, and
father's sister's son, are distinguished from true brothers
by a term corresponding to ' stepbrother.' They appear
to have also felt the necessity of distinguishing a step-
brother's son from a true son ; but, having no special
term, they retain the same word, thus calling a step-
brother's son a stepbrother. This principle, as we shall
see, is followed by several other tribes, and has produced
the most striking inconsistencies shown in the table.
We find it again among the Crows, where a father's
sister is called mother, her daughter again, mother ; but
as her son cannot of course be a mother, he is called
' father.' The same system is folio v^ed by the Pawnees,
as shown in columns 7 and 8 ; and the Grand Pawnees
carry it a generation lower, and call their father's
sister's grandson on the male side ' father ; ' a father's
sister's daughter's son is, however, called a brother.
Among the Cherokees we find this principle most
thoroughly carried out, and a father's sister's grandson
is also called a father. This case is the more interesting,
because the circumstance which produced the system
is no longer in existence ; for, as will be seen, a father's
sister is called an aunt. It is not at first obvious that
a father's sister being called a mother would account for
her son being called a father ; but, with the Crow and
Pawnee systems before us, we see that the Cherokees
188 SYSTEMS OF TEE OMAHAS, ONEIDAS, OTAWAS
could not call their father's sister's sons ' fathers,' unless
there had been a time when a father's sister was regarded
as a mother.
The Hare Indians supply us with a case in which,
mother's brothers and father's sisters being distin-
guished from fathers and mothers, their children are no
longer termed brothers, but are distinguished as cousins ;
while their grandchildren and great-grandchildren, on
the contrary, are still termed sons and grandsons.
So far as the relationships shown in the table are
concerned, the system of the Omahas, and of the Sawks
and Foxes, is identical. A mother's brother is an
uncle, and, for the reason already pointed out in the
case of the Delawares, his sons and son's sons, and even
son's grandsons, are also termed grandsons. His
daughter's sons, on the contrary, retain the old name
of brother. A father's sister is an aunt, her children
are nephews, and the descendants of these nephews are
grandchildren.
Among the Oneidas, a father's brother is an uncle,
and his son is a cousin ; his son's sons, however, are
still sons. His daughter's son is a son, when a female is
speaking ; but, for the reason already explained in the
case of the Munsees, males term them nephews. The
relationships connected with a father's sister are dealt
with in a similar manner, except that a father's sister is
still called mother.
The Otawa system resembles the Micmac, and is
formed on the same plan, being, however, somewhat
more advanced, inasmuch as the children of uncles and
aunts are recognised as cousins, and a man calls his
cousin's son, not his son, but his stepson. The Ojibwa
THE KAFFIB 8Y8TFM 189
system is the same, except that a woman also calls her
mother's brother's daughter's son, and father's sister's
daughter's son, her stepson, instead of her son. In
some of the relationships by marriage the same causes
have led to even more striking differences. Thus, a
woman generally calls her father's sister's daughter's
husband her brother-in-law ; but among the Missouri
and Mississippi nations her son-in-law ; among the
Minnitarees, the Crows, and some of the Chocta clans,
her father ; among the Cherokees, her step-parent ; the
Eepublican Pawnees, and some of the Choctas, her
grandfather ; and among the Tukuthes, her grandson !
Having thus pointed out the curious results to
which some of the lower races have been led in their
attempts to distinguish relationships, and endeavoured
to explain those shown in Table II., I will now return
to the main argument.
The Kaffir (Amazulu) system is given in column
12, Table I. Here, for the first time, we find the
father's brother regarded as an uncle, and the mother's
sister as an aunt. In other respects, however, the
system is not more advanced than the Tamil, Fijian,
or Wyandot. The mother's brother is called uncle ; ^
his son, cousin ; his grandson, son ; and his great-grand-
son, grandchild. A father's sister, quaintly enough, is
called father, the Kaffir word for which, uhaba, closely
resembles ours. His son, however, is called brother ;
his grandson, accordingly, son ; his great-grandson^
grandchild. A father's brother, as already mentioned,
is uncle ; but, as before, his son is called brother ; his
^ It iS; howeyer, significant that he calls his sister's sons ^sons/ and not
nephews.
190 TED M0EEGAN8
grandson, son ; and his great-grandson, grandson. So,
also, a mother's sister is an aunt, but lier son is a
brother ; her grandson, a son ; and her great-grandson,
a grandson. As in all the preceding cases, grand-
fathers' brothers and sisters are considered as, re-
spectively, grandfathers and grandmothers. Brothers'
sons and sisters' sons are called sons, and, lastly, their
sons again are grandsons. ■
Excepting in the case of nephews, this system, there-
fore, closely resembles the Tamil, Fijian, and Wyandot ;
the other principal differences being a more correct
nomenclature of uncles and aunts.
Column 13, Table I., exhibits the nomenclature in
use among the Mohegans, whose name signifies ' sea-
side people,' from their geographical position on the
Hudson and the Connecticut. They belong to the
great Algonkin stock. Here, for the first time, a dis-
tinction is introduced between a father and a father's
brother. The latter, however, is not recognised as an
uncle ; that is to say, a father's brother and a mother's
brother are not regarded as equivalent relationships,
but the former is termed stepfather. This distinguish-
ing prefix is the characteristic feature ; and, as will be
seen, we find the terms stepmother, stejDbrother, and
stepchild (to the exclusion of cousin), as natural con-
sequences of the stepfather ship. Still, the mother's
sister remains a mother, and her son a brother ; and
the derivation of this system from one similar to those
already considered is, moreover, indicated by the fact
that the members of the third generation are still
regarded as grandchildren.
The Crees and the Ojibwas, or Chippewas (of Lake
I
M0HEGAN8~GBUE8—GHIPPEWAS 191
Michigan), who also belong to the great Algonkin
stock, resemble the Mohegan in the use, though with
some minor differences, of the prefix ' step-', a device
which occurs also in a more complicated form among
the Chinese. In some points, however, they are rather
more advanced, and, in fact, these tribes possess the
highest system of relationship yet recorded among the
Redskins of North America. A mother's brother is an
uncle, and his son is a cousin ; as regards his grandson,
the tendency to the use of different terms, according as
the speaker is a male or female, shows itself in the use
by the former of the term stepson, where the latter say
nephew as in some of the ruder tribes. In both cases,
mothers' brothers' great-grandchildren are called grand-
children. A father's sister is an aunt, and the nomen-
clature with reference to her descendants is the same as
in the case of the mother's brother. A father's brother
is a stepbrother ; his son is still called a brother by
males among the Crees, but is called stepson by the
Ojibwas ; the other relationships in this line being the
same as in the case of the mother's brother and father's
sister.
No Redskin regards his mother's sister as an aunt ;
but the Crees and Ojibwas distinguish her from a true
mother by the term stepmother, and her descendants
are addressed by the same terms as those of the father's
brother. The grandfather's brothers and sisters are
called grandfathers and grandmothers. As before,
brothers' sons, when a female is speaking, and sisters'
sons, when a male is speaking, are called nephews ;
while brothers' sons, when a male is speaking, and
sisters' sons, when a female is speaking, are no longer
192 SUMMARY OF BEBSKIN SYSTEMS
regarded as true sons, but are distinguished as stepsons.
The grandchildren of these nephews and stepsons are^
however, all termed grandchildren.
If, now, we compare this system with that of the
Two-Mountain Iroquois, we find that out of twenty-
eight relationships given in the table only ten have
remamed the same. Of these, two are indicative of
progress made by the Two- Mountain Iroquois — namely,
the term for mother's brother and sister's son ; the
other eight are marks of imperfection still remaining in
the Ojibwa nomenclature : points, moreover, not by any
means characteristic of American races, but common,
also, as we have seen, to the Hawaiian, Kingsmill,
Burmese, Japanese, Tongan, Fijian, Kaffir, and
Tamil systems ; as we shall also find, to the Hindi,
Karen, and Esquimaux ; in fact, to almost all, if not all,
barbarous peoples, and even to some of the more
advanced races.
Column 14, Table L, shows the system of nomen-
clature as it exists in Hindi, and it may be added that
the Bengali, Marathi, and Gujerathi are essentially the
same, although the words differ. All these languages
are said to be Sanskrit as regards their words ; abori-
ginal, on the contrary, in their grammar. Hindi con-
tains 90% of Sanskrit words, Grujerathi as much as 95%.
With three or four exceptions, it appears that the terms
for relationship may be all of Sanskrit origin.
Here, for the first time, we find that a brother's son
and a sister's son are termed nephews, whether the
speaker is a male or a female. Yet nephews' children
are still termed grandchildren. Again, for the first
time, the mother's brother, father's brother, mother's
HINDOO SYSTEMS^KABENS 198
sister, and father's sister are regarded as equivalent,
and the terms for their descendants are similar. The
two former — i.e. mother's brother and father's brother,
are termed ' uncles ; ' the two latter — i.e. mother's sister
and father's sister, are called ' aunts.' Yet, as reo'ards
the next generations, the system is less advanced than
the Ojibwa, for uncles' sons and aunts' sons are termed
brothers ; their grandsons, nephews ; and their great-
grandsons, grandsons. It should, however, be observed
that, in the first three languages, viz. the Hindi, Ben-
gali, and Marathi, besides the simple term ' brother,'
the terms * brother through paternal uncle,' ' brother
through paternal aunt,' ' brother through maternal
uncle,' and ' brother through maternal aunt,' are also in
use, and are less cumbersome than our English literal
translation would indicate. The system, therefore, is
transitional on this point. Lastly, a grandfather's
brother is called ' grandfather ; ' a grandfather's sister,
' grandmother.'
The Karens are a rude, but peaceful and teachable
race, inhabiting parts of Tenasserim, Burmah, Siam,
and extending into the southern parts of China. They
have been encroached upon and subjected by more
powerful races, and are now divided into different
tribes, speaking different dialects, of which three are
given in Mr. Morgan's tables. Though rude and
savage in their mode of life, they are described as
extremely moral in their social relations — praise which
seems to be corroborated by their system of relation-
ships, as shown in column 17, Table I.
Column 18 shows the system of another rude
people, belonging to a distinct family of the human
o
194 KABENS— ESQUIMAUX
race, and inhabiting a distant and very different part
of the world. Like the Karens, the Esquimaux are a
rude people, but, like them, they are a quiet, peaceable,
and moral race. No doubt on some points their ideas
differ from ours ; their condition does not admit of much
refinement — of any great advance in science or art.
They cannot be said to have any religion worthy of the
name, yet there is, perhaps, no more moral people on the
face of the earth ; none among whom there is less crime ;
and it is, perhaps, not going too far to say that there is,
as far as I can judge, no race of men which has more
fully availed itself of its opportunities.
It is most remarkable to find that these two races of
men, so distinct, so distant, so dissimilar in their modes
of life, without a word in common, yet use systems
of relationshijD which, in their essential features, are
identical, although by no means in harmony with the
existing social condition : in both, uncles and aunts are
correctly recognised, and their children regarded as
cousins ; their grandchildren, however, are termed
nephews, and the children of these so-called nephews
are classed, as in all the previous cases, as grand-
children. Thus, out of the twenty-eight relationships
indicated in the table, the Karens and Esquimaux agree
with us in twelve, and differ in sixteen. As regards
every one, however, of these sixteen they agree with
one another, while in eight they follow the same system
as every other race which we have been considering.
These facts cannot be the result of chance ; there
is one way, and, as it seems to me, one way only, of
accounting for them, and that is by regarding them
as the outcome of a progressive development, such as
INDICATIONS OF PE0GBES8 195
that which I have endeavoured to sketch. An examin-
ation of the several cases will, I think, confirm this
view.
The Karen -Esquimaux system is inconsistent with
itself in three respects, and precisely where it differs
from ours. The children of cousins are termed nephews,
which they are not ; the children of nejDhews are re-
garded as grandchildren, and a grandfather's brothers
and sisters are termed, respectively, grandfathers and
grandmothers.
The first fact— namely, that a mother's brother's
grandsons, and a mother's sister's grandsons, a father's
sister's grandsons, and a father's brother's grandsons,
are all termed ' nephews ' — clearly points to the existence
of a time when a mother's brother and a father's brother
were regarded as fathers, a mother's sister and a father's
sister as mothers, and their children, consequently, as
brothers. The second — namely, that the great-grand-
children of uncles and aunts are regarded as grand-
children — similarly points to a time when nephews and
nieces were termed, and regarded as, sons and daughters,
and their children, consequently, as grandchildren.
Lastly, why should grandfathers' brothers and grand-
fathers' sisters be called grandfathers and grandmothers,
unless there was a time when fathers' brothers and sisters
were respectively called ' fathers' and 'mothers : ' unless
the Karens and Esquimaux once had a system of
relationship similar to that which still prevails among
so many barbarous tribes, and which, to all appearance,
has been gradually modified ? Hence, though the
Karens and Esquimaux have now a far more correct
system of nomenclature than that of many other races,
o 2
196 INCOMPLETENESS OF SYSTEMS
we find, even in this, clear traces of a time when these
peoples had not advanced in this respect beyond the
lowest stage.
As already mentioned, the European nations follow,
almost without exception, a strictly descriptive system,
founded on the marriage of single pairs. The principle
is, however, departed from in a few rare cases, and
in them we find an approach to the Karen-Esquimaux
system. Thus, in Spanish, a brother's great-grandson
is called ' grandson.' Again, in Bulgarian, a brother's
grandson and sister's grandson are called ' Mai vnook
mi,' literally ' httle grandson my.' A father's father's
sister is termed a grandmother, and a father's father's
brother a grandfather, as is also the case in Russian.
The French and Sanskrit, alone, so far as I know,
among the Aryan languages, have special words for
elder and younger brother. Among Ar3^an races the
Romans and the Germans alone developed a term for
cousin,^ and we ourselves have, even now, no word for
a cousin's son. The history of the term ' nephew ' is-
also instructive. The word ' nepos,' says Morgan,^
^ among the Romans, as late as the fourth century, was
' applied to a nephew as well as a grandson, although
' both " avus " and " avunculus " had come into use.
' Eutropius, in speaking of Octavianus, calls him the
'nephew of Caesar, " Csesaris nepos." (Lib. vii. c. i.)
' Suetonius speaks of him as " sororis nepos " (Caesar,
' c. Ixxxiii.), and afterwards (Octavianus, c. vii.) de-
' scribes Caesar as his great-uncle, '' major avunculus,"
^ So that of many nations it may be said, literally as well as figuratively,
that ' les nations n'ont pas de cousins.'
^ Log. cit. p. 35.
EYIBENGB OF FBOGBESS 197
' in which he contradicts himself. When " nepos " was
^ finally restricted to grandson, and thus became a strict
' correlative of " avus," the Latin language was with-
^ out a term for nephew, whence the descriptive phrase,
* " Fratris vel sororis filius." In English, "nephew"
' was applied to grandson, as well as nephew, as late as
^ 1611, the period of King James's translation of the
' Bible. Niece is so used by Shakspeare in his will, in
' which he describes his granddaughter, Susannah Hall,
' as " my niece." '
So that even among the most advanced races we find
some lingering confusion about nephews, nieces, and
grandchildren.
Thus, then, we have traced these systems of relation-
ships from the simple and rude nomenclature of the
Sandwich Islanders up to the far purer and more correct
terminology of the Karens and Esquimaux. I have
endeavoured to show that the systems indicated are
explicable only on the theory of a gradual improvement
and elevation, and are incompatible with degradation ;
that as the valves indicate the course of the blood in
our veins, so do the terms applied to relationships point
out the course of past history. In the first place, the
moral condition of the lower races, wherever we can
ascertain it, is actually higher than that indicated by
the phraseology in use ; and, secondly, the systems
themselves are, in almost all cases, inexplicable, except
on the hypothesis that they were themselves preceded
by still ruder ones.
Take, for instance, the case of the Two- Mountain
Iroquois ; they call a mother's brother an uncle, but his
son they regard as a brother. This is no accident, for
198 EXISTING SYSTEMS INCOMPATIBLE
the idea is carried out in the other relationships, and
occurs also in other races. On the theory of progress
it is easily accounted for : if a father's brother was pre-
viously called a father, his son would, of course, be a
brother ; and when the father's brother came to be dis-
tinguished as an uncle some time would, no doubt,
often elapse before the other changes, consequent on
this step, would be effected. But how could such a
system be accounted for on the opposite theory ? How
could a father's brother's son come to be regarded as a
brother, if a father's brother had always been termed
an uncle ? The sequence of terms for the relationships
connected with a father's sister, on the two hypotheses
of progress on the one hand, and degradation on the
other, may be illustrated as in the Table III. (p. 204).
In the first, or lowest stage, the sequence is mother,
brother, son, grandson, as in the Sandwich and Two-
Mountain Iroquois system. In the next stage, the
mother's sister being recognised as an aunt, and the
other relationships remaining the same, we have the
sequence, aunt, brother, son, grandson, as among the
Micmacs. When a brother's son becomes a nephew
we have aunt, brother, nephew, grandson, as in the
Burmese, Japanese, and Hindi systems. In the next
stage, an aunt's son being distinguished as a cousin,
we have aunt, cousin, nephew, grandson, as among the
Tamils and Fijians. The last two stages would be
aunt, cousin, aunt's grandson, grandson ; and, lastly,
aunt, cousin, aunt's grandson, aunt's great-grandson.
Thus, out of these six stages, five at least actually
exist.
On the other hand, on the theory of retrogression,
WITH TEE THEORY OF DEGEADATION 199
we should commence with the highest system : namely,
aunt, cousin, aunt's grandson, and aunt's great-grand-
son. The second stage would be, mother, cousin, aunt's
grandson, aunt's great-grandson. The third, mother,
brother, aunt's grandson, aunt's great-grandson. The
fourth, mother, brother, nephew, aunt's great-grand-
son. The fifth, mother, brother, son, aunt's great-
grandson. And the last, mother, brother, son, grand-
son. Thus, it will be observed that, except, of course,
the first and last, they have not a stage in common ;
and, though there may be some doubt whether the
sequence suggested on the second hypothesis is the one
which would be followed, it cannot be maintained that
we could ever have the systems which would occur in
the case of progress as shown in Table IIL, and the
first four of which are actually in existence.
Whenever, then, the son or daughter of an uncle,
or aunt, is termed a brother, as in the case of seven of
the races referred to in the table, we may be sure that
there was once a time when that uncle, or aunt, was
termed a father or mother ; whenever a cousin's son is
termed a son, as again in seven races, we must infer,
not only that those cousins were once regarded as
brothers, but that brothers' sons were once termed
sons. Ao;ain, when great-uncles and aunts are termed
grandfathers and grandmothers — when great-nephews
and nieces are termed grandchildren, as in the case of
all the races we have been considering — we have, I
submit, good reason to infer that those races must once
have had a system of nomenclature as rude as that of
the Hawaiians or Kingsmill Islanders.
But it may be asked : admitting that the seventeen
200 EVIDENCE OF PB0GBE8S
races, illustrated in Table I., are really advancing, are
there not cases of the contrary ? The answer is clear :
out of the 139 races whose systems of relationship are
more or less completely given by Mr. Morgan, there is
not one in which evidence of degradation is thus indi-
cated. To show this clearly and concisely, I have pre-
pared the following table (p. 201). It will be seen
that, taking merely the relation of uncles and aunts with
reference to their children, there are 207 cases indicating
progress. On the other hand, there are four cases, the
Cayuda, Onondaga, Oneida, and Mohawks, among
whom, while a father's sister is called a mother, her son
is called a cousin. These cases, however, are neutra-
lised by the fact that the sons of these cousins are called
sons. We have, therefore, a very large body of evidence
indicating progress, and collected among very different
races of men, while there appear to be none which
favour the opposite hypothesis.
In the preceding chapter, I have endeavoured to show
that relationship is, at first, regarded as a matter, not of
blood, but of tribal organisation ; that it is, in the second
stage, traced through the mother ; in the third, through
the father ; and that only in the fourth stage is the idea
of family constituted as amongst ourselves. To obtain
clear and correct ideas on this subject, it is necessary
to know the laws and customs of various races. The
nomenclature alone would, in many cases, lead us into
error, and, in fact, has often done so. When checked
by a knowledge of the tribal rules and customs, it is,
however, most interesting and instructive. From this
point of view especially, Mr. Morgan's work is of great
value. It has been seen, however, that I differ greatly
NO EVIBBNGE OF BEGUADATION
201
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202 CONCLUSION
from him as to the conclusions to be drawn from the
facts which he has so diligently collected.
Of course, I do not deny that these facts may, in
some cases, indicate ethnological affinities ; but the}^ have
not, I think, so great an importance in solving ques-
tions of ethnological relationships as he supposes. I do
not, however, in any way, undervalue their importance ;
they afford a striking evidence in favour of the doctrine of
development, and are thus a very interesting and impor-
tant contribution to the great problem of human history.
Mainly from the materials which he has so laboriously
collected, and for which ethnologists owe him an im-
mense debt of gratitude, I have endeavoured to show :
Firstly, that the terms for, what we call, relation-
ships, are, among the lower races of men, mere ex-
pressions for the results of marriage customs, and do
not comprise the idea of relationship as we understand
it ; that, in fact, the connection of individuals inte?' se,
their duties to one another, their rights, and the descent
of their property, are all regulated more by the rela-
tion to the tribe than by that to the family ; that, when
the two conflict, the latter must give way.
Secondly, that the nomenclature of relationships is,
in all the cases yet collected, explainable in a clear and
simple manner on the hypothesis of progress.
Thirdly, that while two races in the same state of
social condition, but of which the one has risen from
the lowest known system, the other sunk from the
highest, would, necessarily, have a totally different
system of nomenclature for relationships, we have not
a single instance of such a system as would result from
the latter hypothesis.
CONCLUSION 203
Fourthly, that some of those races which approxi-
mate most nearly to our European system differ from
it upon points only explainable on the hypothesis that
they were once in a much lower social condition than
they are at present.
204
SYSTEMS OF RELATIONSHIP
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' than daneiiig'to the sound of very noisy instruments.
Bonwick, speaking of the Tasmanians, tells us that
^ among their superstitious rites dancing was con-
* spicuous.' ^
The idea is by no means confined to mere savages.
Even Socrates ^ regarded the dance as a part of religion,
and David, we know, did so too.^
Dancing still takes place at the Breton ' Pardons,'
and, says Jehan, ' H y a moins d'un siecle que Ton dansait
' dans la chapelle meme pour honorer le saint du lieu.' ^
As sacrificial feasts so generally enter into religi-
ous ceremonials, we need not wonder that smoking is
throughout America closely connected with all religious
ceremonies, just as incense is used for the same purpose
in the Old World.6
The Zulus, also, when sacrificing, burn incense,
thinking that ' they are giving the spirits of their people
^ a sweet savour.' "^
Among the Sonthals, one of the aboriginal tribes
of India, the whole of their religious observances ' are
* generally performed and attended to by the votaries
' whilst in a state of intoxication ; a custom which re-
^ minds us of the worship of Bacchus among the Greeks
' and Romans.' ^ The Mandingoes, also, are said to
intoxicate themselves under the belief that they thus
acquire a sort of inspiration.
^ Depons, Tr. in S. America, ^ 2 Sam. vi. 14, 22.
vol. i. p. 198. See also Zeit. f. Eth- ^ La Bretagne, p. 856.
nologie, 1870, p. 276. o Lafitau, vol. ii. p. 133.
^ Daily Life of the Tasmanians, ' Callaway's Religious System of
p. 186. the Amazulu, p. 141.
3 Soc. apud Athen., lib. 14, ^ ^he People of India, by J. F.
p. 628. Quoted in Lafitau, vol. i. Watson and J. W. Kaye, vol. i.
p. 200. p. 1.
261
CHAPTER YIL
RELIGION (^continued).
I HAVE already observed that any rational classifica-
tion of religions should be founded, not so much
on the nature of the object worshipped as on the con-
ception formed of the nature of the Deity. In support
of this view I will now quote some illustrations to show
how widely distributed is the worship of various mate-
rial objects, and how much they are interwoven with
one another.
How ready savages are to^ deify any unfamiliar
objects, is well shown in the following story from
Lander's ' Niger Expedition.'
In most African towns and villages, says Lander,^
' I was treated as a demigod.' He mentions that on
one occasion, having landed at a village which white
men had never visited before, his party caused great
astonishment and terror. When at length they suc-
ceeded in establishing a communication with the natives,
the chief of the village gave the following account of
what had taken place. ' A few minutes,' ^ he said, ' after
' you first landed, one of my people came to me and
' said that a number of strange jDCople had arrived at
' the market-place. I sent him back again to get as
^ R. and J. Lander's Niger Expedition, vol. iii. p. 198.
- Loc. cit. Yol. iii. p. 78.
262 DEIFICATION OF MEN
' near to you as he could, to hear what you intended
' doing. He soon after returned to me and said that
' you spoke a language which he could not understand.
' Not doubting it was your intention to attack my
' village at night and carry off my people, I desired
' them to get ready to fight. ... But when you came
' to meet us unarmed, and we saw your white faces, we
' were all so frightened that we could not pull our
' bows, nor move hand or foot ; and when you drew
' near me, and extended your hands towards me, I felt
' my heart faint within me, and believed that you were
' '' children of Heaven," and had dropped from the
^ skies.' In the Andaman Islands the white men were
regarded as spirits.^ In early Irish history also we are
told that Fedelin and Ethne, daughters of Loegaire, took
St. Patrick and his companions for spirits.^
Barth was identified by the Fulahs with their
God ' Fete ; ' Thompson and Mofi'att were taken by the
Bechuana women for deities, while Tuckey makes a
similar statement as regards Congo, and according to
Chapman, the Bushmen describe the white men as the
children of God. A common Samoan prayer used to
be, ' Drive away from us '' Sailing Gods," lest they bring
disease and death.' ^ Among the natives of India the
deification of men is still active.^
Among the Todas the ' Palal,' w^ho is neither a chief
nor a priest, but whose special function it is to tend the
sacred bufiPaloes, really considers himself a god during
his term of ofiice ; though it is in his power to divest
himself of his sacred character, and become a man again,
1 Mam., J. Anthr. Inst., 1882, s Turner's Samoa, p. ix.
p. 101. 4 Lyell, Fortnightly Review,
2 Todd's St. Patrick, p. 452. Sept. 1875.
ORIGIN OF ANIMAL-WOBSHIP 263
if he can find anyone else who will consent to take his
place. ^
The natives of the Lower Murray, as I have already
mentioned, when oxen were first introduced, concluded
they were demons, and fled in terror. They called
them Wunda-Wityeri, ' beings with spears on their
' heads.' ^ Another tribe, on the contrary, thought
the pack- oxen were the wives, because they carried the
baggage.^ Man}'- of the lower races, also, when they
first came in contact with white men, took them for
ghosts.
The worship of animals is very prevalent among
races of men in a somewhat higher stage of civilisation
than that characterised by Fetichism. Plutarch, long
ago, suggested that it arose from the custom of repre-
senting animals upon standards ; and it is possible that
some few cases may be due to this cause, though it is
manifestly inapplicable to the majority, because, in the
scale of human development, animal- worship much pre-
cedes the use of standards, which, for instance, do not
appear to have been used in the Trojan war.^ Diodorus
explains it by the myth that the gods, being at one
time hard pressed by the giants, concealed themselves
for a while under the form of animals, which in con-
sequence became sacred, and were worshipped by men. '
Another ancient suggestion was that the Egyptian
chiefs wore helmets in the form of animals' heads, and
that hence these animals were worshipped. This
theory, however, will not apply generally, because
the other races which worship animals do not use such
^ Marshall's Todas, p. 136. ^ j^^-^, p, 53,
'^ Taplin, The Narrinyeri, p. 3. * Goguet, loc. cit. toI. ii. 364.
264 ANIMAL.W0B8HIP
helmets, and even in Egypt there can be little doubt
that the worship of animals preceded the use of
helmets.
Plutarch, as already mentioned, supposed that the
crocodile was worshipped because, having no tongue,
it was a type of the Deity, who makes laws for nature
by his mere will ! This far-fetched explanation shows
an entire misconception of savage nature.
The worship of animals is, however, susceptible of
a very simple explanation, and perhaps, as I have ven-
tured to suggest,^ may have originated from the practice
of naming, first mdividuals, and then their families,
after particular animals. A family, for instance, which
was called after the bear, would come to look on that
animal first with interest, then with respect, and at
length with a sort of awe.
The habit of calling children after some animal or
plant is very common, which amongst the lowest races
might naturally be expected from the poverty of their
language. The Issinese of Guinea named their chil-
dren ' after some beast, tree, or fruit, according to their
* fancy. Sometimes they call it after their fetich or
' some white, who is a mingo, that is, friend to them.' ^
The Hottentots also generally named their children
after some animal.^ In Congo ^ ' some form of food is
' forbidden to everyone : in some it is a fish, in others
' a bird, and so on. This is not, however, expressly
' stated to be connected with the totem.' In Tasmania,
according to Milligan, names of children are taken from
1 Prehistoric Times, 1869, p. 598. ^ j^^-^ ^^i ^^^ ^ 357^
'^ Astley's Collection of Voyages, "^ Ibid. p. 2S2.
vol. ii. p. 436.
TEE KOBOXG—TEE TOTEM 265
plants, animals, or other natural objects, and the same
is the case among the hill tribes of India.
The ' totem ' or sacred animal or jDlant was thus re-
garded in some mysterious sense as the ancestral spirit,
or soul of the family.
In Southern Africa the Bechuanas are subdivided
into men of the crocodile, men of the fish, of the mon-
key, of the buffalo, of the elephant, porcupine, lion,
vine, and so on. No one dares to eat the flesh or wear
the skin of the animal to the tribe of which he belongs ;
and although m this case the totems are not wor-
shipped,^ each tribe has a superstitious dread of the
animal after which it is named.
In Madagascar ' the pretty species of lemur called
' Babacoote is believed by the Betanimena tribe to be an
' embodiment of the sj)irits of their ancestors, and there -
' fore they look with horror upon killing them.' ^
In China, also, the name is frequently 'that of a
' flower, animal, or such-like thing.' ^ In Australia we
seem to find the totem, or, as it is there called, kobong,
almost in the very moment of deification. Each family,
says Sir G. Grey,^ ' adopts some animal or vegetable
' as their crest qr sign, or kobong, as they call it. I
' imagine it more likely that these have been named
' after the families, than that the famihes have been
' named after them.' This, however, does not seem to
me at all probable.
' A certain mysterious connection exists between
^ The Basutos, Kev. E. Casalis, vol. iv. p. 91.
p. 211. Livingstone's Travels in S. ^ Two Expeditions in Australia,
Africa, p. 13. ' " vol. ii. p. 228. Taplin, The Nar-
- Folk-Lore Record, vol. ii. p. 22. rinyeri, p. 1.
■^ Astley's Collection of Voyages,
266 T0TEMI8M IN AMERICA
^ the family and its kobong, so that a member of the
' family will never kill an animal of the species to which
' his kobong belongs, should he find it asleep ; indeed,
' he always kills it reluctantly, and never without afFord-
' ing it a chance of escape. This arises from the family
' belief that some one individual of the species is their
' nearest friend, to kill whom would be a great crime,
' and to be carefully avoided. Similarly, a native who
^ has a vegetable for his kobong, may not gather it
' under certain circumstances, and at a particular period
' of the year.' ^
The Columbian Indians are divided into clans or
' crests,' called after some animal, which must not be
shot or ill-treated in the presence of anyone belonging
to its ' crests,' or clan.
Here we see a , certain feeling for the kobong or
totem, though it does not amount to worship, and is
apparently confined to certain districts.^ In America,
on the other hand, it has developed into a veritable
religion.
The totem of the Redskins, says Schoolcraft,^ ' is a
' symbol of the name of the progenitor — generally some
' quadruped, or bird, or other object in the animal
' kingdom, which stands, if we may so express it, as
' the surname of the family. It is always some animated
'object, and seldom or never derived from the inani-
' mate class of nature. Its significant importance is
' derived from the fact that individuals unhesitatingly
' trace their lineage from it. By whatever names they
^ Bancroft, N. E. of P. S., p. 202. ^ Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes,
2 Eyre, vol. ii. p. 328. See also vol. ii. p. 49. See also Lafitau, vol.
Taplin, Jour. Anthr. Inst., vol. iv. i. pp. 464, 467.
p. 53.
TOTEMS IN INBIA AND POLYNESIA 267
* may be called during their lifetime, it is the totem,
* and not their personal name, that is recorded on the
^ tomb, or adjedatig, that marks the place of burial.
^ Families are thus traced when expanded into bands or
* tribes, the multiplication of which, in North America,
* has been very great, and has increased, in like ratio,
* the labours of the ethnologist.' The Osages^ believe
themselves to be descended from a beaver, and conse-
quently will not kill that animal. In Peru, again,
many of the Indian families believed themselves to be
descended from animals.^
So, also, among the Khonds of India the different
tribes ' take their designation from various animals,
' as the bear tribe, owl tribe, deer tribe,' &c., &c.^
The Kols of Nagpore also are divided into ' keelis '
or clans, generally called after animals, which, in
consequence, they do not eat. Thus the eel, hawk,
and heron tribe abstain respectively from the flesh
of these animals.^ The Oraons also are divided
into tribes, usually named after some animal or plant,
which is not eaten by the tribe after which it is
named. ^
Among the Samoans, ' one saw his god in the eel,
another in the shark, another in the turtle, another in
the dog, another in the owl, another in the lizard, and
so on. ... A man would eat freely of what was
regarded as the incarnation of the god of another
man, but the incarnation of his own particular god he
1 Schoolcraft, vol. i. p. 320. ^ Dalton, Trans, Ethn. Soc, N.S.,
^ Garcilasso de la Vega, vol. i. vol. vi. p. 36.
p. 75. -^ Dalton's Des. Ethn. of Bengal,
" Early Eaces of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 254. See also Campbell's Wild
p. 495. Tribes of Khondistan, p. 26.
268 SEBPMNT.WOBSHIP
'would consider it death to injure or to eat.' ^ In
Northern Asia, among the Yakuts, 'each tribe looks
' on some j^articular animal as sacred, and abstains
' from eating it.' ^
If, moreover, we bear in mind that the deity of a
savage is merely a being of a slightly different nature
from — though generally somewhat more powerful than
— himself, we shall at once see that many animals, such
as the bear or elephant, fulfil in a great measure his
conception of a deity.
This is still more completely the case with nocturnal
animals, such as the lion and tiger, where the effect is
heightened by a certain amount of mystery. As the
savage, crouching at night by his camp-fire, listens to
the cries and roars of the animals prowling about, or
watches them stealing like shadows round and round
among the trees, what wonder if he weaves mysterious
stories about them ? And if in his estimate of animals
he errs in one direction, we perhaps have fallen into the
opposite extreme.
As an object of worship, however, the serpent is
pre-eminent among animals.^ Not only is it malevolent
and mysterious, but its bite — so trifling in appearance
and yet so deadly, producing fatal effects rapidly, and
apparently by no adequate means — suggests to the
savage almost irresistibly the notion of something
divine according to his notions of divinity. There were
also some lower, but powerful, considerations which
tended greatly to the development of serpent- worship.
^ Turner's Nineteen Years in p. 364. ;
Polynesia, p. 238. ^ Deane's Worship of the Serpent
^ Latham, Des. Ethnol., vol. i. traced throughout the World.
SEEPENT-WOBSEIP 269
The animal is long-lived and easily kept in captivity ;
hence the same individual might be preserved for a long
time, and easily exhibited at intervals to the multitude.
In other respects the serpent is a convenient god. Thus
in Guinea, where the sea and the serpent were the prin-
cipal deities, the priests, as Bosman expressly tells us,
encouraged offerings to the serpent rather than to the
sea, because, in the latter case, 'there happens no
' remainder to be left for them.' ^
Mr. Fergusson, in his work on Tree and Serpent-
worship, has suggested that the beauty of the serpent,
or the brilliancy of its eye, had a part among the
causes of its original deification. I cannot, Jiowever,
agree with him in this. Nor do I believe that serpent-
worship is to be traced up to any common local origin ;
but, on the contrary, that it sprang up spontaneously in
many places, and at very different times. In considering
the wide distribution of serpent- worship, we must re-
member that in the case of the serpent we apply one
liame to a whole order of animals ; and that serpents
occur all over the world, except in very cold regions.
On the contrary, the lion, the bear, the bull, have less
extensive areas, and consequently their worship could
never be so general. If, however, we compare, as we
ought, serpent- worship with quadruped- worship, or
bird-worship, or sun-worship, we shall find that it has
no exceptionally wide area.
Mr. Fergusson, like previous writers, is surprised to
find that the serpent-god is frequently regarded as a
beneficent being. Mtiller, in his Scientific MythoJogy,
has endeavoured to account for this by the statement
^ Pinkerton, vol. x\i. p. 500.
270 ASIA— AFRICA
that the serpent typified not only barren, impure
nature, but also youth and health. This is not, I
think, the true explanation. It may be that the serpent-
god commenced as a malevolent being, who was flat-
tered, as cruel rulers always are, and that, in process of
time, this flattery, which was at first the mere expres-
sion of fear, came to be an article of faith. If, how-
ever, the totemic origin of serpent -worship, as above
suggested, be the correct one, the serpent, like other
totemic deities, would, from its origin, have a bene-
volent character.
As mentioned in Mr. Fergusson's work, the serpent
was worshipped anciently in Egypt,^ in India,^ Phoe-
nicia,^ Babylonia,^ Grreece,^ as well as in Italy,^ where,
however, it seems not to have prevailed much. Among
the Lithuanians ' every family entertained a real serpent
' as a household god.' '^
Passing on to those cases in which the serpent is
even now worshipped, or was so until lately, we find in
Asia evidence of serpent- worship, in Persia,^ Cashmere,^
Cambodia, Thibet,^^ India,^^ China ( traces ),^^ Ceylon,^^
1 Herodotus, Euterpe, 74. vol. iv. p. 193. Deane, loc. cit.
2 TertuUian, De Prescript. Here- p. 246.
ticorum, c. xlvii. Epiphanius, lib. ^ Mogruil, 166. W^indischmann,
1 Heres. xxxvii. p. 267, et seq. 37. Shah Nameh, Atkinson's trans-
^ Eusebius, Free. Evan., vol. i. lation, p. 14.
p. 9. Maurice Ind. Antiq., vol. vi. ^ Asiatic Res., vol. xv. pp. 24, 25.
p. 273. Ayeen Akbaree, Gladwin's trans.,
* Bel and Dragon, v. 23. p. 137.
•^ Pausanias, vol. ii. pp. 187, 176. ^° Hiouen-Thsang, vol. i. p. 4.
^lian, De Animal., xvi. 39. Hero- " Fergusson's Tree and Serpent
dotus, viii. 41. Worship, p. 56.
« ^Elian, Var. Hist., ix. p. 16. ^^ j^^-^ p 5^
Propertius, Eleg. viii. p. 4. Deane, ^^ History and Doctrine of Budd-
loc. cit. p. 253. bism in Ceylon, Upham.
"^ Lord Karnes' History of Man,
GUINiJA—WHYDAH 271
and among the Kalmucks.^ In Africa the serpent was
worshipped in some parts of Upper Egypt, ^ and in
Abyssinia.^ Among the negroes on the Guinea Coast
it used to be the principal deity/' Smith, in his voyage
to Guinea,^ says that the natives ' are all pagans, and
' worship three sorts of deities. The first is a large,
' beautiful kind of snake, which is inoffensive in its
' nature. These are kept in fittish-houses, or churches,
' built for that purpose in a grove, to whom they
' sacrifice great store of hogs, sheep, fowls, and goats,
' &c., and if not devoured by the snake, are sure to be
' taken care of by the fetishmen or pagan priests.' From
Liberia to Benguela, if not farther, the serpent is the
principal deity,^ and, as elsewhere, is regarded as being
on the whole beneficent. To it the natives resort in
times of drought and sickness, or other calamities. No
negro would intentionally injure a serpent, and anyone
doing so by accident would assuredly be put to death.
All over the country are small huts, built on purpose
for the snakes,^ which are attended and fed by old
women. These snakes are frequently consulted as
oracles.
In addition to those small huts were temples, which,
judged by a negro standard, were of considerable mag-
nificence,^ with large courts, spacious apartments, and
1 Klemm, Cult, der Mens., vol. 489 ; Burton, vol. ii. p. 139 ; Smith,
iii. p. 202. loc. cit. p. 195 ; Burton's Dahome,
^ Pococke, Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. i. p. 94.
vol. XV. p. 269. ^ Smith's Voyage to Guinea,
^ Dillmann in Zeitsch. der Mor- p. 195. See also Bosman, Pinkerton's
genlandischen Gesells., vol. vii. p. Voyages, vol. xvi. p. 184, et seq.
338. Ludolf. Comment, vol. iii. '^ Bosman, loc. cit. pp. 494-499.
p. 284 ; Bruee's Travels, vol. iv. Smith, loc. cit. p. 195.
p. 35. "^ Astley, loc. cit. pp. 27, 32.
^ Astley 's Voyages, vol. iii. p. ^ Ihid. p. 29.
272
AGOYE, TSE FETICH OF WEYDAR
numerous attendants. Each of these temples had a
special snake. That of Whydah was supposed to have
Fig. 19
AGOTE, AN IDOL OF WHTBAH. (Astley's Collection of Voyages.)
appeared to the army during an attack on Ardra. It
was regarded as a presage of victory, which so encour-
KAFFBABIA—MADA GA8GAB 273
aged tlae soldiers that they were perfectly successful.
Hence this fetich was reverenced beyond all others,
and an annual pilgrimage was made to its temple with
much ceremony. It is rather suspicious that any young
women who may be ill are taken off to the snake's house
to be cured. For this questionable service the attend-
ants charge a high price to the parents.
It is observable that the harmless snakes only are
thus worshipped. ' Agoye,' the fetich of Whydah
which has serpents and lizards coming out of its head ^
(fig. 19), presents a remarkable similarity to some of
the Hindoo idols. By the 12th article of a treaty made
so recently as 1856 by the British consul for Biafra and
Fernando Po, British subjects are expressly forbidden
to kill or injure a certain species of snake which is held
sacred by the nation.
Snakes, says Schweinfurth, ' are the only creatures
* to which either Dinka or Shillooks (Upper Nile Re-
^ gion) pay any sort of reverence.' ^
The Kaffirs of South Africa have a general belief
that the spirits of their ancestors appear to them in the
form of serpents.^
Ellis mentions that in Madagascar the natives re-
gard serpents ' with a sort of superstition.'^
In Fiji, ' the god ^ most generally known is
' Ndengei, who seems to be an impersonation of the
^ abstract idea of eternal existence. He is the subject
^ Astley, loc. cit. vol. iii. p. 50. Livingstone's Exp. to the Zambesi,
'^ Heart of Africa, vol. i. p. 158. p. 46.
^ Casalis' Basutos, p. 246. Chap- ^ Three Visits to Madagascar,
man's Travels, vol. i. p. 195. Oal- p. 143.
laway's Religious System of the ^ Fiji and the Tijians, vol. ii.
Araazulu. Arboiisset, loc. cit. p. 138. p. 217.
274 POLYNESIA—AMEBICA
' of no emotion or sensation, nor any appetite except
' hunger. The serpent — the world-wide symbol of
' eternity — is his adopted shrine. Some traditions re-
' present him with the head and part of the body of
' that reptile, the rest of his form being stone, emblem-
' atic of everlasting and unchangeable duration. He
^ passes a monotonous existence in a gloomy cavern ;
' evincing no interest in anyone but his attendant, Uto,
^ and giving no signs of life beyond eating, answering
' his priest, and changing his position from one side to
' the other.'
In the Friendly Islands the water snake was much
respected.^
In America serpents were worshipped by the Aztecs,^
Peruvians,^ Natchez,^ Caribs,^ Monitarris,^ Mandans,^
Tatur,^ Pueblo Indians,^ &c.
Alvarez, during his attempt to reach Peru from
Paraguay, is reported ^^ to have seen the ' temple and
' residence of a monstrous serpent, whom the inhabit-
* ants had chosen for their divinity, and fed with human
' flesh. He was as thick as an ox, and seven-and-twenty
' feet long, with a very large head, and very fierce
^ though small eyes. His jaws, when extended, dis-
^ played two ranks of crooked fangs. The whole body,
^ except the tail, which was smooth, was covered with
Mariner, vol. ii. p. 106. ^ Ibid. p. 221.
Squier's Serpent SymlDol in ^ Klemm, vol. ii. p. 162.
America, p. 162. Gama, Descripcion ^ Ibid. p. 163.
Historica y Cronologica de las Pe- 8 Power's Amer, Ethn., vol. iii.
dras de Mexico, 1882, p. 39 ; Bernal p. 144.
Diaz, p. 125. 9 Molhausen, Tour to the Pacific,
^ Miiller, Ges. d. Amer. Urreligi- vol. i. p. 264.
onen, p. 366. Garcilasso de la Vega, lo Charlevoix's History of Para-
vol. i. p. 48. guay, vol. i. p. 110.
* Ibid. p. 62.
TEi: WOBSEIP OF OTHBB ANIMALS 'lib
* round scales of a great thickness. The Spaniards,
' though they could not be persuaded by the Indians
' that this monster delivered oracles, were exceed-
' ingly terrified at the first sight of him ; and their
' terror was greatly increased when, on one of them
' having fired a blunderbuss at him, he gave a roar
' like that of a lion, and with a stroke of his tail shook
' the whole tower.'
The worship of serpents being so widely distributed,
and presenting so many similar features, we cannot
wonder that it has been regarded as something special
that attempts have been made to trace it up to one
source, and that it has been regarded by some as the
primitive religion of man.
I will now, how^ever, proceed to mention other cases
of zoolatry.
Animal worship w^as very prevalent in America.^
The Redskins reverenced the bear,^ the bison, the hare,^
and the wolf,^ and some species of birds.^ The jaguar
was worshipped in some parts of Brazil, and especially
in La Plata.^ In South America birds and jaguars
seem to have been the specially sacred animals. The
owl in Mexico was regarded as an evil spirit ; ^ in South
America toads,^ eagles, and goatsuckers were much ven-
erated.^ The Abipones^^ think that certain little ducks
' which fly about at night uttering a mournful hiss, are
^ the souls of the departed.'
^ Miiller, Am. TJrr., p. 60, et seq. ^ Prescott, -vol. i. p. 48.
~ Ibid. p. 61. 8 Depons, Tr. in South America,
'■" Schoolcraft, vol. i. p. 316. vol. i. p. 198.
4 Mhller, loc. cit. p. 257. ^ Muller, Amer. Urr., p. 237.
•' Ibid. p. 134. Klemm, loc. cit. ^^ Dobritzhoffer, Hist, of the
vol. ii. p. 164. Abipones, vol. ii. p. 74.
« Miiller, loc. cit, p. 2m.
T 2
25^6 POLYNESIA
In Yucatan it was customary to leave an infant
alone in a place sprinkled with ashes. Next morning
the ashes were examined, and if the footprints of any
animal were found on them it was chosen as the deity
of the infant/
The semi- civilised races of Mexico^ and Peru were
more advanced in their religious conceptions. In the
latter the sun was the great deity.^ Yet in Peru,^
even at the time of the conquest, many species of
animals were still much reverenced, including the fox,
dog, llama, condor, eagle, and puma, besides the serpent,
and various species of fish- From these animals the
various families of Indians were considered to be
descended,^ and each species was supposed to have a
representative, or archetype, in heaven.^ In Mexico a
similar feeling prevailed, but neither here nor in Peru
can it truly be said that animals at the time of the con-
quest were nationally regarded as actual deities.
The Polynesians, also, had generally advanced be-
yond the stage of totemism. The heavenly bodies were
not worshipped, and when animals were regarded with
veneration, it was rather as representatives of the deities
than with the idea that they were really deities. Still,
the Tahitians ^ had a superstitious reverence for various
kinds of fish and birds, such as the heron, kingfisher,
and woodpecker ; the latter apparently because they
frequented the temples.
^ De Brosses, Du Oulte des ^ Garcilasso de la Vega, vol. i.
Dieux Feticlies, p. 46. p. 75.
2 MuUer, loc. cit. p. 481. e p^^scott's History of Peru,
3 Prescott's History of Peru, p. 87. Garcilasso de la Vega, vol. i.
p. 88. p. 176.
* Miiller, p. 366. Garcilasso de 7 Polynesian Kesearclies, vol. ii.
la Vega, vol. i. pp. 47, 168. p. 203.
NBW ZEALAND— POLYNESIA . 277
In the Dnke of York group the population was
divided into two clans, each called after an insect, and
they will on no account injure the insect after which
they are named.
The Sandwich Islanders^ seem to have regarded the
raven as sacred,^ and the New Zealanders, according to
Forster, regarded a species of tree creeper as the ' bird
' of the divinity.' ^ The Tongans considered that the
deities ' sometimes come into the living bodies of lizards,
' porpoises, and a species of water snake ; hence these
' animals are much respected.'* At Tukopia the shark
was regarded as a divinity.^ The Kingsmill Islanders
also worshipped certain kinds of fish.^
The Bishop of Wellington informs us that ' spiders
' were special objects of reverence to Maoris ; and, as the
' priests further told them that the souls of the faithful
^ went to heaven on gossamer threads, they were very
' careful not to break any spiders' webs, or gossamers.
' Lizards were also supposed to be chosen by the Maori
' gods as favourite abodes.' ^ Moembe, a chief of
Yanikoro, regarded a crab as his Atua.^
The Hervey Islanders worshipped various animals
as messengers or incarnations of the gods.^
In the Fiji Islands,^^ besides the serpent, ' certain
' birds, fish, and plants, and some men, are supposed to
' have deities closely connected with or residing in
^ Cook's Third Voyage, vol. iii. Exp. p. 97.
p. 160. 7 Trans. Ethn. Soc, 1870, p. 367.
2 Cook's Voyage to the Pacific, « Rev. d'Anthrop., 1376, p. 267.
vol. iii, p. 161. 9 Gill, Myths of the South Paci-
^ Voyage round the World, vol. i. fie, p. 20.
p. 519. ^0 Williams's Fiji and the Fijians,
* Mariner, loc. cit. vol. ii. p. 106. vol. i. p. 219. Seemann, Mission to
•' Rev. d'Anthrop., 1876, p. 268. Viti, p. 392.
" Hale, Ethn. of the U. S. Expl.
278 SIBERIA— GEINA—INBIA
' them. At Lakemba, Tui Lakemba, and on Vanua
' Levu, Ravuravu, claim the hawk as their abode ;
' Yiavia, and other gods, the shark. One is supposed to
' inhabit the eel, and another the common fowl, and so
' on, until nearly every animal becomes the shrine of
' some deity. He who worships the god dwelling in
' the eel must never eat of that fish, and thus of the
^ rest ; so that some are tabu from eating human flesh,
' because the shrine of their god is a man.' The
octopus was worshipped in the Penrhyn Islands, the
bat in Samoa, and elsewhere the tree- crab, the centi-
pede, and other animals.
In Siberia Erman mentions that ' the Polar bear, as
' the strongest of God's creatures, and that which seems
' to come nearest to the human being, is as much vene-
' rated by the Samoyedes as his black congener by the
' Ostyaks. They even swear by the throat of this
' strong animal, whom they kill and eat ; but when it is
^ once killed, they show their respect for it in various
' ways.' ^
Each tribe of the Jakuts ' look on some particular
' creature as sacred, e.g. a swan, goose, raven, &c., and
' such is not eaten by that tribe, though the others may
' eat it.' ^ The same feeling extends even to plants ; and
in China, when the sacred apricot tree is broken to
make the spirit-pen, it is customary to write an apology
on the bark.^
The Hindus, says Dubois,'* ' in all things extrava-
' gant, pay honour and worship, less or more solemn, to
' almost every living creature, whether quadruped, bird,
^ Erman, vol. ii. p. 55. Miiller, - StraMenberg, p. 383.
Des. de toutes les Nat. de I'Emp. 3 Tjlor, Roy. Inst. Journ., vol. v.
Russe, pt. i. p. 107. p. 527. ^ Loe. cit. p. 445.
CEYLON— THE PHILIPPINES— AFRICA 279
^ or reptile.' The cow, the ape, the eagle (known as
garuda), and the serpent, receive the highest honours ;
but the tiger, elephant, horse, stag, sheep, hog, dog, cat,
rat, peacock, cock, chameleon, lizard, tortoise, fish, and
even insects, have been made objects of worship. The
ox is held especially sacred throughout most of India
and Ceylon. Among the Todas ^ the ' buffaloes and bell
' are fused into an incomprehensible mystic whole, or
^ unity, and constitute their prime object of adoration
' and worship.' . . . . ' Towards evening the herd is
' driven back to the tuel, when such of the male and
' female members of the family as are present assemble,
' and make obeisance to the animals.'
Dr. Anderson found the worship of the horse and
the snake interwoven with the Buddhism of the Shans
of West Yunan.'^ The goose is worshipped in Ceylon,^
and the alligator in the Philippines. The ancient
Egyptians were greatly addicted to animal -worship,
and even now Sir S. Baker states that on the White
Nile the natives will not eat the ox.^ The common
fowl also is connected with superstitious ceremonies
among the Obbo and other Mle tribes.^ ' The tiger,'
says Dalziel, ' is the Fetish of Dahomy.' ^ The King
of Ardra, on the Guinea Coast, had certain black
birds for his fetiches,^ and the negroes of Benin also
reverence several kinds of birds. The negroes of
Guinea regard ^ ' the sword-fish and the bonito as
1 Trans. Ethn. Soc.,N.S., vol. vii. ■^ Albert N'yanza, vol. i. p. 69.
pp. 250, 253. See also Ethn. Journ., ^ Baker, loc. cit. vol. i. p. 327.
1869, p. 97. 6 Hist, of Dahomy, p. vi.
^ Expedition to Western Yunan "^ Astley's Collection of Voyages,
via Bhamo, p. 115. vol. iii. pp. 72, 99.
^ Tennent's Ceylon, vol. i. p. ^ Astley, vol. ii. p. 667. Bur-
484. ton's Daliome, vol. ii. pp. 145, 148.
280 MABAGASGAB—BUBOTE
' deities, and such is their veneration for them that
' they never catch either sort designedly. If a sword-
' fish happen to be taken by chance, they will not
' eat it till the sword be cut ofi", which, when dried,
' they regard as 2,fetisso^ They also regard the croco-
dile as a deity. On the Guinea Coast, says Bosnian, ' a
' great part of the negroes believe that man was made
^ by Anansie : that is, a great spider.' ^ In South Africa
the Malekutus and some Baperis worship the porcupine,
while other Baperis regard a monkey as their tutelary
deity.^
In Madagascar, Ellis ^ tells us that the natives regard
crocodiles ' as possessed of supernatural power, invoke
' their forbearance with prayers, or seek protection by
' charms, rather than attack them ; even the shaking of
' a spear over the waters would be regarded as an act
' of sacrilegious insult to the sovereign of the flood,
' imperilling the life of the offender the next time he
' should venture on the water.'
The nations of Southern Europe had for the most
part advanced beyond animal -worship even in the
earliest historical times. The extraordinary sanctity
attributed, in the Twelfth Odyssey, to the oxen of the
sun, stands almost alone in Greek mythology, and is
regarded by Mr. Gladstone as of Phoenician origin. It
is true that the horse is spoken of with mysterious
respect, and that deities on several occasions assumed
the form of birds ; but this does not amount to actual
worship.
^ PinkertoD, loc. cit. vol. xvi. ^ Three Visits to Madagascar,
P- 306. p. 297. See also Sibree, loc. cit.
~ Arbousset, loc. cit. p. 176. p. 193.
AMERICA 281
The deification of animals explains probably the
curious fact that various savage races habitually apolo-
gise to the animals which they kill in the chase ; thus,
the Vogulitzi^ of Siberia, when they have killed a bear,
address it formally, and maintain ' that the blame is to
' be laid on the arrows and iron, which were made and
' forged by the Russians.' The same custom exists
among the Ostyaks,^ the Samoyedes,^ and the Ainos of
Yesso.^ Schoolcraft^ mentions a case of an Indian on
the shores of Lake Superior begging pardon of a bear
which he had shot. Dr. Rae states that all the Northern
Americans treat with great respect any bear they may
kill, apologising to it, and regretting the disagreeable
necessity under which they found themselves.
Before engaging in a hunt the Chippeways have a
^ medicine ' dance in order to propitiate the spirits of
the bears or other game.^ The Sioux, Minnitarees,
and Mandans had a very similar custom. So also in
British Columbia,^ when the fishing season commenced,
and the fish began coming up the rivers, the Indians
used to meet them, and ' speak to them. They paid
' court to them, and would address them thus : " You
' "fish, you fish ; you are all chiefs, you are ; you are
' " all chiefs." '
Among the Northas, when a bear is killed it is
dressed in a bonnet, covered with fine down, and
solemnly invited into the chiefs presence.^
^ Stralilenberg's Voyage to Si- ^ Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes,
beria, p. 97. vol. iii. p. 229.
^ Voyages, vol. iv. p. 85. ^ Catlin's Amer. Tnd., vol. ii.
^ De Brosses, Dieux Fetiches, p. 248.
p. 61. 7 Metlahkatlah, p. 96.
* Trans. Ethn. Soc, N.S., vol. iv. ^ Bancroft, loc. cit. vol. i. p. 187.
p. 36.
282 THE CUSTOM OF APOLOGISING
The Koussa Kaffirs^ had a very sunilar custom.
Before a party goes out huntmg, a very odd ceremony
or sport takes place, which they consider as absolutely
necessary to ensure success to the undertaking. One
of them takes a handful of grass into his mouth, and
crawls about upon all-fours to represent some sort of
game. The rest advance as if they would run him
through with their spears, raising the hunting cry, till
at length he falls upon the ground as if dead. If this
man afterwards kills a head of game, he hangs a claw
upon his arm as a trophy, but the animal must be
shared with the rest.' ^ Lichtenstein also mentions that
if an elephant is killed, they seek to exculpate them-
selves towards the dead animal, by declaring to him
solemnly that the thmg happened entirely by accident,
not by design.' ^ To make the apology more complete,
they cut off the trunk and bury it carefully with much
flattery.
The inhabitants living in the neighbourhood of Lake
Itasy are accustomed to make a yearly proclamation to
the crocodiles, warning them that they will revenge the
death of any of their friends ' by killing as many vaay
' in return, and warning the well-disposed crocodiles to
' keep out of the way, as they have no quarrel with
' them, but only with the evil-minded reptiles who
' have taken human life.' ^
Speaking of a Mandingo who had killed a lion. Gray
says : ^ 'As I was not a little surprised at seeing the
' man, who I conceived ought to be rewarded for
^ Lichtenstein's Travels, vol. i. p. 254.
p. 269. Shooter, the Kaffirs of ^ j^qIj^ Lore Record, vol. ii. p. 21.
Natal, p. 215. 4 Qray's Travels in V^^estern
^ Lichtenstein's Travels, vol. i. Africa, p. 143.
TO ANIMALS FOB KILLING THEM 283
* having first so disabled the animal as to prevent it
* from attacking us, thus treated, I requested an ex-
* planation ; and was informed that, being a subject
' only, he was guilty of a great crime in killing or
' shooting a sovereign, and must suffer this punishment
'until released by the chiefs of the village, who, know-
' ing the deceased to have been their enemy, would not
' only do so immediately, but commend the man for his
' good conduct.'
The Steins of Cambodia ^ believe that ' animals also
' have souls which wander about after their death ; thus
* when they have killed one, fearing lest its soul should
^ come and torment them, they ask pardon for the evil
* they have done to it, and offer sacrifices proportioned
* to the strength and size of the animal.'
The Sumatrans speak of tigers^ with a degree of
" awe, and hesitate to call them by their common name
' (rimaa or machang), terming them respectfully satwa
' (the wild animals), or even nenek (ancestors) ; as
' really believing them such, or by way of soothing and
* coaxing them. When an European procures traps to
* be set, by means of persons less superstitious, the in-
' habitants of the neighbourhood have been known to
' go at night to the place, and practise some forms, in
' order to persuade the animals that it was not laid by
' them, or with their consent.'
The deification of inanimate objects seems at first
somewhat more difiicult to understand than that of
animals. The names of individuals, however, would be
^ Mouhot's Travels in the Cen- ^ Marsden's Hist, of Sumatra,
tral Parts of Indo-China, vol. i. p. 292. See also Depons, Travels in
p. 252. S. America, vol. i. p. 199.
284 SAVAGE TENDENCY TO BEIFIGATION
taken not only from animals, but also from inanimate
objects, and would tbus, as suggested at p. 266, lead to
the worship of the latter as well as of the former. Some,
moreover, are singularly lifelike. No one, I think, can
wonder that rivers should have been regarded as living.
The constant movement, the ripples and eddies on their
surface, the vibrations of the reeds and other water
plants, the murmuring and gurgling sounds, the clear-
ness and transparency of the water, combine to produce
a singular effect on the mind even of civilised man.
Seneca long ago observed, that ' if you walk in a
' grove, thick planted with ancient trees of unusual
^ growth, the interwoven boughs of which exclude the
' light of heaven ; the vast height of the wood, the
' retired secrecy of the place, the deep unbroken gloom
' of shade, impress your mind with the conviction of a
' present deity.'
The savage also is susceptible to such influences, and
is naturally prone to personify not only rivers but also
other inanimate objects.
Who can wonder at the worship of the sun, moon,
and stars, which has been regarded as a special form of
religion, and is known as Sabseism ? It does not, how-
ever, in its original form, essentially differ from moun-
tain or river- worship. To us, with our knowledge of
astronomy, sun-worship naturally seems a more sub-
lime form of religion, but we must remember that the
lower races who worship the heavenly bodies have no
idea of their distance nor, consequently, of their mag-
nitude. Nay, the very distance and magnitude of the
sun, combined with the regularity of its course, rendered
it the less likely to be selected by the lowest races of
SAVAGE TENDENCY TO DEIFICATION 285
men as an object of worship. Religion is not with them
a deep feeling of the soul, but a profound fear of
some immediate evil, a desire for some immediate good.
Hence the savage worships something which is close to
him, something which he can see and hear ; and the law-
less, turbulent action of the sea gives him more the
impression of life and energy than the regular and
stately movements of the heavenly bodies. Even when
these are worshipped, it is in entire ignorance of their
real magnitude and grandeur. The people of Chincha,
in Peru, worshipped the sea rather than the sun, ' which
^ did them no good at all, but rather annoyed them by
' its excessive heat.' ^ Hence the curious ideas with
reference to eclipses which I have already mentioned
(p. 236). Again, in illustration of the sanae fact, the
New Zealanders believed that Mawe, their ancestor,
caught the sun in a noose, and wounded it so severely
that its movements have been slower, and the days con-
sequently longer, ever since.^ According to another
account, Mawe ' tied a string to the sun and fastened
^ it to the moon, that as the former went down, the
' other, being pulled after it by the superior power of
' the sun, may rise and give light during his absence.' ^
A very similar story also occurs in Samoa ^
Even the Greeks were disposed to regard the earth
as a living entity.
^ The name of Earth,' says Plutarch,^ ' is dear to all,
' and to the Greek even venerable ; and with us it is the
^ Garcilasso de la Vega, vol. i. ^ Turner's Nineteen Years in
p. 149. Polynesia, p. 248.
" Polynesian Mythology, p. 35. ^ Plutarch's Morals.
3 Yate, loc. cit. p. 143.
286 DEITIES NOT SUPPOSED TO BE SUPERNATURAL
' hereditary rule to worship her in the same way as any
' other Deity. We men are far from thinking the moon,
' which is a celestial earth, to be a body without life, and
' without mind, and destitute of those things which the
' Gods have a right to enjoy.'
We must always bear in mind that the savage
notion of a deity is essentially different from that enter-
tained by higher races. Instead of being supernatural,
he is merely a part of nature. This goes far to explain
the tendency to deification which at first seems so
strange.
A good illustration, and one which shows how
easily deities are created by men in this frame of mind,
is mentioned by Lichtenstein. The king of the Roussa
Kaffirs having broken off", a piece of a stranded anchor,
died soon afterwards, upon which all the Kaffirs looked
upon the anchor as alive, and saluted it respectfully
whenever they passed near it.^ Again, the natives
near Sydney made it an invariable rule never to whistle
when beneath a particular cliff, because on one occasion
a rock fell from it, and crushed some natives who were
whistling underneath it.^
A very interesting case is recorded by Mr. Fer-
gusson.^ ' The following instance of tree- worship,' he
says, ' which I myself witnessed, is amusing, even if not
' instructive. While residing in Tessore, I observed at
' one time considerable crowds passing near the factory
' I then had charge of As it might be merely an ordi-
' nary fair they were going to attend, I took no notice ;
1 Travels, Yol. i. p. 254. 3 rp^,^^ ^^^ Serpent Worship,
2 OoUiDs' EngUsh Colony in N. S. p. 74.
Wales, p. 382.
LIFE ATTBIBUTBJD TO INANIMATE OBJECTS 287
' but as the crowd grew daily larger, and assuraed a
' more religious character, I inquired, and was told that
^ a god had appeared in a tree at a place about six miles
^ off. Next morning I rode over, and found a large
^ space cleared in a village I knew well, in the centre of
' which stood an old decayed date tree, hung with gar-
' lands and offerings^ Around it houses were erected
' for the attendant Brahmins, and a great deal of busi-
' ness was going on in offerings and Puja. On my
* inquiring how the god manifested his presence, I was
^ informed that soon after the sun rose in the morning
' the tree raised its head to welcome him, and bowed it
^ down again when he departed. As this was a miracle
' easily tested, I returned at noon and found it was so !
' After a little study and investigation the mystery
^ did not seem difficult of explanation. The tree had
' originally grown across the principal pathway through
' the village, but at last hung so low that, in order to
' enable people to pass under it, it had been turned
' aside and fastened parallel to the road. In the opera-
' tion the bundle of fibres which composed the root had
' become twisted like the strands of a rope. When the
^ morning sun struck on the upper surface of these, they
^ contracted" in drying, and hence a tendency to un-
' twist, which raised the head of the tree. With the
^ evening dews they relaxed, and the head of the tree
^ declined, thus proving to the man of science, as to the
^ credulous Hindu that it was due to the direct action
' of the Sun God.'
The savage, indeed, accounts for all movement by
life.-^ Hence the wind is a living being. Nay, even
^ Dogs appear to do the same.
288 lif:e attributed to inanimate objects
motionless objects are regarded in a particular stage of
mental progress as possessing spirits. The Karens
believe that every object has its special spirit/ The
chief of Teah could hardly be persuaded but that
Lander's watch was alive and had the Dower of movine^.^
It is probably for this reason that in most languages
inanimate objects are distinguished by genders, being at
first regarded as either male or female. Hence also the
practice of breaking or burning the weapons, &c., buried
with the dead.^ Thus, the Wotyaks of Siberia are said
to break the knife which they generally bury with
the dead.^ Franklin records it of Chippewayans, and
a similar custom prevails among the Tinneh, and
other North American tribes. The Ainos, also, always
break the things deposited with the dead.^ The Todas
burn the property of the dead, though silver and other
valuables are only passed through the fire. It is pos-
sible that in some cases the destruction of the property
of the deceased may simply have arisen from a dislike
to use articles which have belonged to the dead. In
other instances this is certainly not the case. Thus,
among the fishermen of Lob Nor in Central Asia,
according to Col. Prejevalsky, when a man dies half
his nets are buried with him, half being retained by his
heir. It has been generally supposed that this destruc-
tion of the objects buried with the dead was merely to
prevent them from being a temptation to robbers. This
1 The Karens of the Gold Cher- Anthrop. Inst., vol. ii. p. 238.
sonese, p. 121. Shooter, Kaffirs of Natal, p. 161.
2 Niger Expedition, vol. ii. p. * Cartailhac, Mat. pour servir a
220. I'Hist. de rHomme, 1876, p. 88.
3 Livingstone's Zambesi, p. 522. ^ Kev. J. Bachelor in Nature,
John's Hill Tribes of Aracan, Journ. 1888, p. 331.
SOULS ATTBTBUTED TO INANIMATE OBJECTS 289
is not so, ho^Yever ; savages do not invade the sanctity
of the tomb. Just, however, as they kill a man's wives
and slaves, his favourite horse or dog, that they may
accompany him to the other world, so do they ' kill '
the weapons, that the spirits of the bows, &c., may also
go with their master, and that he may enter the other
world armed as a chief should be. Thus the Tahitians ^
believed ' that not only all other animals, but trees,
' fruit, and even stones, have souls which, at death or
' upon being consumed or broken, ascend to the divinity,
' with whom they first mix, and afterwards pass into
' the mansion allotted to each.' The Utes Indians also
destroyed the jDroperty of the dead, and then buried it
with him.^
The Fijians ^ considered that ' if an animal or a
' plant die, its soul immediately goes to Bolotoo ; if a
' stone or any other substance is broken, immortality is
' equally its reward ; nay, artificial bodies have equal
^ good luck with men, and hogs, and yams. If an axe
' or a chisel is worn out or broken up, away flies its
' soul for the service of the gods. If a house is taken
' down, or any way destroyed, its immortal part will
^ find a situation on the plains of Bolotoo.'
The Finns believed that all inanimate objects had
their ' haltia,' or soul.^
Sproat,^ speaking of N.-W. America, says that
' when the dead are buried, the friends often burn
^ Cook's Third Voyage, vol. ii. Seem aim's Mission to Viti, pp. 392,
p. 106. 398.
^ Yarrow, Mortuary Customs '^ Castren. Finn. Myth., pp. 170,
among the North American Indians, 182.
p. 31. ^ Sproat's Scenes and Studies of
^ Mariner, loc cif. vol. ii. p. 137. Savage Life, p. 213.
U
290 SOULS ATTEIBUTED TO INANIMATE OBJECTS
' blankets with them, for by destroying the blankets in
' this upper world, they send them also with the de-
^ parted soul to the world below.' The Red Indian,
says Col. Dodge, perfectly understands that the dead
does not actually take to the land of spirits the material
articles buried with him, but they think that ' the spirit
^ of the dead man will have the use of the phantoms of
' those articles.' ^
Among the Hill tribes of India the Garos break the
objects buried with the dead, who ' would not benefit
' by them if they were given unbroken.' ^ In China,^
^ if the dead man was a person of note, the Bonzes make
' great processions ; the mourners following them with
' candles and perfumes burning in their hands. They
' ojffer sacrifices at certain distances, and perform the
' obsequies, in which they burn statues of men, women,
^ horses, saddles, and other things, and abundance of
' paper money ; all which, they believe, in the next life,
' are converted into real ones, for the use of the party
^ deceased, or in some cases forwarded in his care to
' friends who had gone before.' ^
Thus, then, by man in this stage of progress every-
thing was regarded as having life, and being more or
less a deity.
' Africans, as a rule,' says Captain Burton, ' wor-
' ship everything except the Creator.' ^
In India, says Dubois,^ ' a woman adores the basket
^ which serves to bring or to hold her necessaries, and
1 Dodge, Hunting Grounds of * Primitive Culture, vol. i. p. 445.
the Great West, p. 284. ^ Burton's Dahome, vol. ii. p.
2 Dalton's Des. Ethn. of Bengal, 134.
P- 67. 6 People Qf i^^^^^ ^ 373^ gee
2 Astley, vol. iv. p. 94. also pp. 383, 386.
WOBSHIP OF INANIMATE OBJECTS 291
' offers sacrifices to it ; as well as to the rice-mill, and
' other implements that assist her in her household
' labours. A carpenter does the like homage to his
^ hatchet, his adze, and other tools ; and likewise offers
' sacrifices to theui. A Brahman does so to the style
' with which he is going to write ; a soldier to the arms
' he is to use in the field ; a mason to his trowel, and a
' labourer to his plough.' Amongst the Karens every
object of nature is supposed to have its guardian
spirit/
The popular religion of the Andean people, says
Mr. Clements Markham,^ ' consisted in the belief that
' all things in nature had an ideal or soul which ruled
' and guided them, and to which men might pray for
' help.'
In the words of Sir S. Baker : ^ ' Should the present
' history of the country be written by an Arab scribe,
' the style of the description would be purely that of
' the Old Testament, and the various calamities or the
' good fortunes that have in the course of nature be-
' fallen both the tribes and the individuals would be re-
' counted either as special visitations of Divine wrath,
^ or blessings for good deeds performed. If in a dream
^ a particular course of action is suggested, the Arab
' believes that God has spoken and directed him. The
' Arab scribe or historian would describe the event as
' the '' voice of the Lord " (Kallam el Allah) having
' spoken unto the person ; or, that God appeared
'to him in a dream and '''' said^ &c." Thus, much
1 M'Mahon, Karens of the Gold. p. 11.
Chers., p. 121. ^ xhe Nile Tributaries of Abys-
^ Rites and Laws of the Incas, sinia, by Sir S. W. Baker, p. 130.
u 2
292 TBEE-WORSEIP
' allowance would be necessary, on the part of a Euro-
^ pean reader, for the figurative ideas and expressions
' of the people.'
Mr. Fergusson, indeed, regards tree-worship in as-
sociation with serpent- worship as the primitive faith of
mankind. Mr. Wake^ also says: 'How are we to
' account for the Polynesians also affixing a sacred
' character to a species of the banyan, called by them
' the ava tree, and for the same phenomenon being
' found among the African tribes on the Zambesi and
' the Shire, among the negroes of Western equatorial
'Africa, and even in Northern Australia ? Such a
' fact as this cannot be accounted for as a mere coin-
' cidence.'
Since, however, tree- worship equally prevails in
America, we cannot regard it as any ' evidence of the
' cbmmon origin of the various races which practise ' it.
It is, however, one among many illustrations that the
human mmd, in its upward progress, everywhere passes
through the same or very similar phases.
Tree-worship formerly existed in Assyria, Greece,^
Poland,^ and France. In Persia Sir T. Chardin
frequently mentions sacred trees on which were hung
garjnents, rags, and amulets ; Tacitus ^ mentions the
sacred groves of Germany, and those of England are
familiar to everyone. In the eighth century, St, Boniface
found it necessarv to cut down a sacred oak ; even re-
cently an oak copse at Loch Slant, in the Isle of Skye,
was held so sacred that no person would venture to cut
^ Chapters on Man, p. 250. ^ Olaus Magnus, Bk. III. ch. i.
~ Baumcultus der Hellenen, ^ Tacitus, Germania, ix.
Botticher. 1856.
EUROPE— EGYPT 293
the smallest branch from it ; ^ and it is said that oak-
worship is still practised in Livonia.^
Trees were worshipped by the ancient Celts, and
De Brosses ^ even derives the word kirk, now softened
into church, from quercus^ an oak ; that species being pe-
culiarly sacred. The Lapps also used to worship trees.^
At the present day tree- worship prevails through-
out Central Africa, south of Egypt and the Sahara/
The Shangallas in Brace's time worshipped ' trees,
'serpents, the moon, planets, and stars.' ^ The date
tree, says Burckhardt, ' was worshipped by the tribe
' Khozaa ; and the Benit Thekyf adored the rock called
' £1 Lat ; a large tree, called Zat Arowat, was revered
' by the Koreysh.' ^ The negroes of Guinea ^ wor-
shipped three deities — serpents, trees, and the sea.
Park ^ observed a tree on the confines of Bondou hung
with innumerable offerings, principally rags. 'It had,'
he says, ' a very singular appearance, being decorated
' with innumerable rags or strips of cloth, which per-
' sons travelling across the wilderness had tied to the
' branches.'
In Central Africa Barth^^ mentions the sacred
groves of the Marghi — a dense part of the forest
surrounded with a ditch, where, in the most luxuriant
and widest- spreading tree, their god ' Zumbi is wor-
' shipped.'
^ Early Races of Scotland, vol. i. '^ Travels in Arabia, vol. i. p.y299.
p. 171. ^ Voyage to Guinea, p. 195.
^ Jour. Anthr. Inst., 187.% p. 275. Bosnian, Pinkerton's Voyages, vol.
^ De Brosses, loc. at. p. 175. xvi. p. 4^4. MeroUa, Pinkerton's
^ De Brosses, loc. cit. p. 169. Voyages, vol. xvi. p. 236.
^ Park, p. 65. ^ Travels, 1817, vol. i. pp. 64,
^ Travels, vol. iv. p. 35. See also 106. See also Caillie, vol. i. p. 156.
vol. vi. p. 344. 1-5 Travels, vol. ii. p. 380.
294 INDIA— CEYLON
The negroes of Congo ^ adored a sacred tree called
' '' Mirrone." One is generally planted near the houses
' as if it were the tutelar god of the dwelling, the
' Gentiles adoring it as one of their idols.' They place
calabashes of palm wine at the feet of these trees, in
case they should be thirsty. Bosnian also states that
along the Gruinea Coast almost every village has its
sacred grove.^ At Addacoodah, Oldfield^ saw a
' gigantic tree, twelve yards and eight inches in circum-
' ference. I soon found it was considered sacred, and
' had several arrows stuck in it, from which were sus-
' pended fowls, several sorts of birds, and many other
' things, which had been offered by the natives to it as
' a deity.' Chapman mentions a sacred tree among the
Kaffirs, which was hung; with numerous offerino^s.^
The Bo tree is much worshipped in India ^ and
Ceylon.^ ' The planting of the R4jayatana tree by
' Buddha,' says Fergusson, ' has already been alluded
' to, but the history of the transference of a branch of
' the Bo tree from the Buddh-gya to Anuradhapura is
' as authentic and as important as any event recorded
' in the Ceylonese annals. Sent by Asoka (250 B.C.),
' it was received with the utmost reverence by Devanam-
' piyatisso, and planted in the most conspicuous spot in
' the centre of his capital. There it has been reverenced
' as the chief and most important *' numen " of Ceylon
^ MeroUa's Voyage to Congo. ^ Expedition, vol. ii. p. 117.
Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 236. Astley's * Travels, vol. ii. p. 50. Klemm
Collection of Voyages, vol. ii. pp. quotes also Villault, Eel. des Costes
95, 97. d'Afrique S., pp. 263, 267. Arbous-
2 Loc. cit. p. 399. See also Ast- set, loc. cit. p. 104.
ley's Collection of Voyages, vol. ii. ^ Tree and Serpent Worship,
p. 26. Tuckey's Narrative, p. 181. pp. 56, et seq.
Livingstone's South Africa, p. 495. ^ j^^-^_ p_ ^g^
HILL TRIBES OF INDIA 295
' for more than 2,000 years, and it, or its lineal de-
' scendant, sprung at least from the old root, is there
' worshipped at this hour. The city is in ruins ; it-
* great dagobas have fallen to decay ; its monasteries
' have disappeared ; but the great Bo tree still
^ flourishes according to the legend — ever green, never
' growing or decreasing, but living on for ever for the
' delight and worship of mankind. Annually thou-
' sands repair to the sacred precincts within which
' it stands, to do it honour, and to offer up those
' prayers for health and prosperity which are more
' likely to be answered if uttered in its presence. There
' is probably no older idol in the world, certainly none
' more venerated.'
Some of the Chittagong Hill tribes worship the
bamboo,^ and in the Simla Hills Cupressus torulosa is
regarded as a sacred tree.^ In Beerbhoom, tree-worship
is very general, and ' once a year the whole capital
' repairs to a shrine in the jungle.' ^ This shrine con-
sists of three trees, but it would appear that they are
now venerated rather as the abodes of deities, than as
the actual deities themselves. The Khyens also worship
a thick bushy tree called Subri.*
In Siberia the Jakuts have sacred trees on which
they ' hang all manner of nicknacks, as iron, brass,
' copper, &c.' ^ The Ostyaks also, as Pallas informs us,
used to worship trees.^ ' There was pointed out to us,'
1 Lewin's Hill Tracts of Chitta- Bengal, 1868, p. 131.
gong, p. 10. Dalton's Trans. Ethn. * Dalton's Des. Ethn. of Bengal,
Soc, vol. vi. p. 34. p. 115.
2 Thompson's Travels in W. ^ Strahlenberg's Travels in Si-
Himalaya, p. 19. beria, p. 381.
^ Hunter's Annals of Rural ^ Loc. cit. vol. iv. p. 79.
296 SIBERIA— SUMATRA
says Erman, ' as an important monument of an early
' epoch in the history of Beresov,^ a larch about fifty
' feet high, and now, through age, flourishing only at
' the top, which has been preserved in the churchyard.
' In former times, when the Ostyak rulers dwelt in
' Beresov, this tree was the particular object of their
' adoration. In this, as in many other instances, ob-
' served by the Russians, the peculiar sacredness of the
' tree was due to the singularity of its form and growth,
^ for about six feet from the ground the trunk separated
' into two equal parts, and again united. It was the
' custom of the superstitious natives to place costly
' offerings of every kind in the opening of the trunk ;
' nor have they yet abandoned the usage.' Hanw^ay,^
in his Travels in Persia, mentions a tree ' to which
' were affixed a number of rags left there as health-
' offerings by persons afflicted with ague. This was
■besides a desolate caravanserai where the traveller
' found nothing but water.'
In some parts ^ of Sumatra likewise ' they super-
' stitiously believe that certain trees, particularly those
' of venerable appearance, are the residence, or rather
' the material frame, of spirits of the woods ; an opinion
' which exactly answers to the idea entertained by the
' ancients of the dryades and hamadryades. At Ben-
' kunat, in the Lampong country, there is a long Btone,
' standing on a flat one, supposed by the people to
' possess extraordinary power of virtue. It is reported
^ Erman's Travels in Siberia, vol. Scotland, vol. i. p. 163. See also De
i. p. 464. See also Des. de toutes Brosses, loc. cit. pp. 144, 145.
les Nat. de I'Emp. Russe, pt. xi. ^ Marsden's History of Sumatra,
p. 43. p. .301.
^ Quoted in the Early Races of
PHILIPPINES— FIJIAN S—NOBTE AMERICA 297
* to have been once thrown down into the water, and
' to have raised itself again into its original position,
^ agitating the elements at the same time with a pro-
' digious storm. To approach it without respect they
^ believe to be the source of misfortune to the offender.'
Among the natives of the Philippines also we find
the worship of trees.^ They ' believed that the world at
^ first c onsisted only of sky and water, and between these
' two a glede (hawk) ; which, weary with flying about,
' and finding no place to rest, set the water at variance
' with the sky, which, in order to keep it in bounds,
' and that it should not get uppermost, loaded the water
' with a number of islands, in which the glede might
' settle and leave them at peace. Mankind, they said,
^ sprang out of a large cane with two joints ; that floating
' about in the water was at length thrown by the waves
' against the feet of the glede, as it stood on shore,
* which opened it with its bill ; the man came out of one
'joint, the woman out of the other. These were soon
' after married by the consent of their god, Bathala
' Meycapal, which caused the first trembling of the
' earth ; and from thence are descended the different
' nations of the world.'
The Fijian s also worshipped certain plants.^ Tree-
worship was less prevalent in America. Trees and
plants were worshipped by the Mandans and Moni-
tarees.^ A large ash was venerated by the Indians of
Lake Superior.^
In North America, Franklin^ describes a sacred tree
^ Marsden's History of Sumatra, ^ Miiller, Amer. Urrel., p. 59.
p. 303. 4 Muller. Amer. Urrel., p. 125.
^ Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i. ^ Journeys to the Polar Sea,
p. 219. vol. i p. 221.
298 MEXICO— PEBU— PATAGONIA
on which the Crees ' had hung strips of buffalo flesh
' and pieces of cloth.' They complained to him of some
'Stone Indians, who, two nights before, had stripped
' their revered tree of many of its offerings.' In Mexico
Mr. Tylor ^ observed an ancient cypress of remarkable
size : ' all over its branches were fastened votive ofl'er-
' insrs of the Indians, hundreds of locks of coarse black
' hair, teeth, bits of coloured cloth, rags and morsels of
' ribbon.' In Nicaragua, not only large trees, but even
maize and beans, were worshipped.^ Maize was also
worshipped in the Peruvian province of Huanca.^
In Patao;onia, Mr. Darmn^ mentions a sacred tree
' which the Indians reverence as the altar of Walleechu.
' It is situated on a high part of the plain, and hence is
' a landmark visible at a great distance. As soon as a
' tribe of Indians come in sight of it they offer their
' adorations by loud shouts. . . . Being winter, the
' tree had no leaves, but in their place numberless
' threads, by which the various offerings, such as cigars,
' bread, meat, pieces of cloth, &c., had been suspended.
' Poor people, not having anything better, only pulled
' a thread out of their ponchoo, and fastened it to the
' tree. The Indians, moreover, were accustomed to
' pour spirits and mate into a certain hole, and like-
* wise to smoke upwards, thinking thus to afford all
' possible gratification to Walleechu. To complete the
' scene, the tree was surrounded by the bleached bones
' of the horses which had been slaughtered as sacrifices. '
^ Anahuac, p. 215. He men- ^ Martius, loc. cit. p. 80. G. de
tions a second case of the same sort la Vega, Oommem. of the Tncas,
on p. 265. vol. i. pp. 47, 331.
^ Miiller, loc. cit. p. 494. See ^ Researches in Geology and
also p. 491. Natural History, p. 79.
WATUE-WOBSHIF 299
The Abenaquis also had a sacred tree.^
Thus, then, this form of rehgion can be shown to be
general to most of the great races of men at a certain
stage of mental development.^
We will now pass to the worship of lakes, rivers,
and springs, which we shall find to have been not less
widely distributed. It was at one time very prevalent
in Western Europe. Herodotus mentions the exist-
ence of sacred lakes among the Libyans.^ According
to Cicero, Justin, and Strabo, there was a lake near
Toulouse in which the neighbouring tribes used to
deposit offerings of gold and silver. Tacitus, Pliny,
and Virgil also allude to sacred lakes. In the sixth
century, Gregory of Tours mentions a sacred lake on
Mount Helanus.
In Brittany there is the celebrated well of St. Anne
of Auray, and the sacred fountain at Lanmeur, in the
crypt of the church of St. Melars, to which crowds of
pilgrims still resort.^
In our own country traces of water- worship are also
abundant. It is expressly mentioned by Gildas, and is
said to be denounced in a Saxon homily preserved in
Cambridge.^ ' At St. Fillan's ^ well, at Comrie, in
' Perthshire, numbers of persons in search of health, so
'late as 1791, came or were brought to drink of the
' water and bathe in it. All these walked or were
' carried three times deasil (sunwise) round the well.
^ De Brosses, Du Culte des ^ Mon. Hist. Brit. vii.
Dieux Fetiches, p. 51. Lafitau, vol. ^ Wright's Superstitions of Eng-
i. p. 146. land.
2 Early Eaces of Scotland, vol. ^ Early Races of Scotland, vol. i.
i. p. 158. p. 156.
* Melpomene, 158, 181.
300 EUBOFE— SIBERIA
' They also threw each a white stone on an adjacent
' cairn, and left behind a scrap of their clothing as an
' offering to the genius of the place.' In the Scotch
islands also are many sacred wells, and I have myself
seen the holy well in one of the islands of Loch Maree
surrounded by the little offerings of the peasantry, con-
sisting principally of rags and halfpence.
Colonel Forbes Leslie ^ observes that in Scotland
' there are few parishes without a holy well ; ' nor was
it much less general in Ireland. The kelpie, or spirit
of the waters, assumed various forms, that of a man,
woman, horse, or bull being the most common. Scot-
land and Ireland are full of legends about this spirit, a
firm belief in the existence of which was general in the
last century, and is even now far from abandoned.
Of river- worship we have many cases recorded in
Greek history. ^ Peleus dedicated a lock of Achilles'
hair to the river Spercheios. The Pulians sacrificed a
bull to Alpheios ; Themis summoned the rivers to the
great Olympian assembly. Okeanos, the Ocean, and
Various fountains were regarded as divinities. Water-
worship in the time of Homer was, however, gradually
ebbing "away ; and belonged rather, I think, to an earlier
stage in development, than, as Mr. Gladstone believes,
to a different race.^
In Northern Asia, the Tunguses * and Yotyaks ^
worship various springs. De Brosses mentions that the
^ See Forbes Leslie'8 Early ^ j^-^ ^^ ^77, 187.
Races of Scotland, vol. i. p. 145. ^ Pallas, vol. iv. p. 641.
Campbell's Tales of the VS^est High- ^ Des. de toutes les Nat. de
^a^ids. TEmp. Russe, pt. ii. p. 80.
^ Juventus Mundi, p. 190.
INDIA 301
' River Sogcl was worshipped at Samarcand.^ In ^ the
' tenth century a schism took place in Persia among
^ the Armenians, one part}' being accused of despising
^ the holy well of Vagarschiebat.'
The Bouriats also, though Buddhists, have sacred
lakes. Atkinson thus describes one. In an after-dinner
ramble, he says,^ ' I came upon the small and pictu-
' resque lake of Ikeougoun, which lies in the mountains
' to the north of San-ghin-dalai, and is held in venera-
' tion. They have erected a small wooden temple on
' the shore, and here they come to sacrifice, offering up
^ milk, butter, ard the fat of the animals, which they
' burn on the little altars. The large rock in the lake
' is with them a sacred stone, on which some rude
' figures are traced ; and on the bank opposite they
'place rods with small silk flags, havmg inscriptions
' printed on them.' Lake Ahoosh also is accounted
sacred among the Baskirs."^
The divinity of water, says Dubois, is recognised by
' all the people of India.' ^ Besides the well-known
worship of the holy Ganges, the tribes of the Neilgherry
Hills ^ worship rivers under the name of Grangamma,
and in crossing them it is usual to drop a coin into the
water as an offering and the price of a safe passage.
In the Deccan and in Ceylon trees and bushes near
springs may often be seen covered with votive offerings.^
The worship of rivers also prevails among many of the
1 Loc. cit. p. 146. ■' The People of India, p. 125.
2 Whipple, Report on the Indian See also pp. 376, 419.
Tribes, p. 44. '' The Tribes of the Neilgherry
3 Siberia, p. 445. Hills, p. 68.
^ Atkinson's Oriental and West- '^ Early Races of Scotland, vol. i.
em Siberia, p. 141. p. 163.
302 AFEICA
Hill tribes, as, for instance, the Karrias, Santhals,
Khonds, &c.^ The Karens' and Burmese also ^ have
' sacred wells, .... the waters of which are inhabited
' by spirits, which carry off girls, just like the Scotch
^ water-spirits.' The people of Sumatra ' are said to pay
^ a kind of adoration to the sea, and to make it an offer-
' ing of cakes and sweatmeats on their beholding it for the
^ first time, deprecating its power of doing them harm.' ^
In the Ashantee country, Bosman mentions 'the
' Chamascian river, or Rio de San Juan, called by the
' negroes Bossum Pra, which they adore as a god, as
' the word Bossum signifies.' ^ The Eufrates, the prin-
cipal river of Whydah, is also looked on as sacred, and
a yearly procession is made to it.^ Phillips ^ mentions
that on one occasion in 1693, when the sea was un-
usually rough, the Kabosheers complained to the king,
who ' desired them to be. easy, and he would make the
' sea quiet next day. Accordingly he sent his fetish-
' man with a jar of palm oil, a bag of rice and corn, a
^ jar oipitto^ a bottle of brandy, a piece of painted calico,
' and several other things to present to the sea. Being
' come to the seaside (as the author was informed by
' his men who saw the ceremony), he made a speech to
' it, assuring it that his king was its friend, and loved
' the white men ; that they were honest fellows, and
' came to trade with him for what he wanted ; and that
' he requested the sea not to be angry, nor hinder them
^ Early Races of Scotland, vol. * Loe. cit. p. 348. See also
ii. p. 497. Dalton's Des. Ethn. of p. 494. Smith's Voyage to Guinea,
Bengal, p. 159. p. 197.
2 M'Mahon, The Karens of the ^ Astley, loc. cit. p. 26.
Gold. Chersonese, pp. 307, 343. ^ Astley's Collection of Voyages,
Marsden, loc. cit. p. 301. vol. ii. p. 411.
AFRICA 303
^ to land their goods ; he told it that if it wanted palm
' oil, his king had sent it some ; and so threw the jar
' with the oil into the sea, as he did, with the same
' compliment, the rice, corn, pitto, brandy, calico, &c.'
Again, Yillault^ mentions that lakes, rivers, and ponds
come in also for their share of worship. He was present
at a singular ceremony near Akkra. A great number
of blacks assembled about a pond, bringing with them
a sheep and some gallipots, which they offered to the
pond, M. Yillault being informed ' that this lake, or
' pond, being one of their deities, and the common
' messenger of all the rivers of their country, they threw
^ in the gallipots with these ceremonies to implore his
' assistance ; and to beg him to carry immediately that
' pot, in their name, to other rivers and lakes to buy
^ water for them, and hoped, at his return, he would
^ pour the pot-full on their corn, that they might have a
* good crop.'
Some of the negroes on the Guinea Coast ^ ' looked
' on the whites as the gods of the sea ; that the mast
' was a divinity that made the ship walk, and the pump
' was a miracle^ since it could make water rise up, whose
' natural property is to descend.' Mr. Creswick, in his
description of the Veys, says,^ ' There is a dangerous
' rock in the Mafa river, which is never passed without
' giving tribute, either a leaf of tobacco, a handful of
' rice, or drmk of rum, as a peace-offering to the spirit
' of the flood.' On the Zambesi, the natives place offer-
ings on the rocks in dangerous places, to propitiate the
spirits of the waters.^
^ Astley's Collection of Voyages, ^ Trans. Ethn. Soc, vol. vi. p. 359.
p. 668. ^ Astley, vol. ii. p. 105. * Livingstone's Zambesi, p. 41.
304 NORTH AMERICA
In North America the Dacotahs ^ worship a god of
the waters under the name of Unktahe. They say that
' this god and its associates are seen in their dreams. It
^ is the master-spirit of all their juggling and super sti
' tious belief. From it the medicine-men obtain their
' supernatural powers, and a great part of their religion
' springs from this god.' Franklin ^ mentions that, the
wife of one of his Indian guides being ill, her husband
' made an oiFering to the water- spirits, whose wrath he
' apprehended to be the cause of her malady. It con-
' sisted of a knife, a piece of tobacco, and some other
' trifling articles, which were tied up in a small bundle,
' and committed to the rapid.' Carver ^ observes that
when the Redskins ' arrive on the borders of Lake
' Superior, on the banks of the Mississippi, or any other
' great body of water, they present to the spirit who
' resides there some kind of offering, as the prince of
' the Winnebagoes did when he attended me to the Falls
' of St. Anthony.' Tanner also gives instances of this
custom.^ On one occasion a Redskin, addressing the
spirit of the waters, ' told him that he had come a long
' way to pay his adorations to him, and now would
' make him the best offerings in his power. He
' accordingly first threw his pipe into the stream ; then
' the roll that contained his tobacco ; after these, the
' bracelets he wore on his arms and wrists ; next an
' ornament that encircled his neck, composed of beads
' and wires ; and at last the earrings from his ears ; in
' Scboolcraft's Indian Tribes, pt. ^ Carver's Travels, p. 383.
iii. p. 485. 4 Narrative of the Captivity of
■^ Journey to the Shores of the John Tanner, p. 46.
Polar Sea, 1819-22, vol. ii. p. 245.
CENTRAL AMEBIGA 305
^ short, he presented to his god every part of his dress
^ that was valuable.' ^ The Mandans also were in the
habit of sacrificing to the spirit of the waters.^
In North Mexico, near the 35th parallel. Lieutenant
Whipple found a sacred spring which from time imme-
morial ^ had been held sacred to the rain-god.' ^ No
animal may drink of its waters. It must be annually
cleansed with ancient vases, which, having been trans-
mitted from generation to generation by the caciques,
are then placed upon the walls, never to be removed.
The frog, the tortoise, and the rattlesnake, represented
upon them, are sacred to Montezuma, the patron of the
place, who would consume by lightning any sacrilegious
hand that should dare to take the relics away. In
Nicaragua rain was worshipped under the name of
Quiateot. The principal water-god of Mexico, how-
ever, was Tlaloc, who was worshipped by the Toltecs,
Chichemecs, and Aztecs.^ In New Mexico, not far from
Zuni, Dr. Bell ^ describes a sacred spring ' about eight
' feet in diameter, walled round with stones, of which
' neither cattle nor men may drink : the animals sacred
' to water (frogs, tortoises, and snakes) alone must
' enter the pool. Once a year the cacique and his
' attendants perform certain religious rites at the
' spring : it is thoroughly cleared out ; water-pots are
' brought as an offering to the spirit of Montezuma, and
' are placed bottom upwards on the top of the wall of
^ stones.' In Peru the sea, under the name of Mama
Cocha, was the principal deity of the Chinchas.^ The
' Ibid. p. 67. p. 40.
'^ Catlin's North American In- ^ Miiller, Amer. Urrel., p. 496.
dians, vol. i. p. 160. ^ Ethn. Journ., 1869, p. 227.
3 Report on the Indian Tribes, *^ Miiller, Amer. Urrel., p. 368.
X
306 THE WORSHIP OF STONES
Indians of the Coast, says Garcilasso de la Vega, ' from
^ Truxillo to Tarapaca, which are at the northern and
' southern extremities of Peru, worshipped the sea in
* the shape of a fish.' ^ One branch of the Collas deduced
their origin from a river, the others from a spring ; ^
there was also a special rain-goddess. In Paraguay^
also the rivers are propitiated by offerings of tobacco.
We will now pass to the worship of stones and
mountains, a form of religion not less general than those
already described.
M. Dulaure, in his ' Histoire Abregee des Cultes,'
explains the origin of stone -worship as arising from the
respect paid to boundary-stones. I do not doubt that
the worship of some particular stones may thus have
originated. Hermes, or Termes, was evidently of this
character, and hence we may j)erhaps explain the pecu-
liar characteristics of Hermes, or Mercury, whose symbol
was an upright stone.
Mercury, or Hermes, says Lempriere, ' was the mes-
' senger of the gods. He w^as the patron of travellers
' and shepherds ; he conducted the souls of the dead
' into the infernal regions, and not only presided over
' orators, merchants, and declaimers, but he was also the
^ god of thieves, pickpockets, and all dishonest persons.'
He invented letters and the lyre, and was the originator
of arts and sciences.
It is difiicult at first to see the connection between
these various offices, chara«terised as they are by such
opposite peculiarities. Yet they all follow, I think, from
the custom of marking boundaries by upright stones.
1 Loc. cit. p. 148. p. 168.
^ Garcilasso de la Vega, vol. i. ^ ^.oc. cit. p. 258.
ATTRIBUTES OF THE GOD MEBGUEY 307
Hence the name Hermes, or Termes, the boundary. In
the troublous times of old, it was usual, in order to
avoid disputes, to leave a tract of neutral territory be-
tween the possessions of different nations. These were
called marches ; hence the title of Marquis, which means
an officer appointed to watch the frontier or 'march.'
These marches, not being cultivated, served as grazing
grounds. To them came merchants in order to ex-
change on neutral ground the products of their respec-
tive countries, they were, in fact, the first markets ; here
also for the same reason treaties were negotiated. Here
again international games and sports were held. Upright
stones were used to indicate places of burial ; and lastly
on them were engraved laws and decrees, records of
remarkable events, and the praises of the deceased.
Hence Mercury, represented by a plain upright
stone, was the god of travellers because he was a land-
mark ; of shepherds as presiding over the pastures ; he
conducted the souls of the dead into the infernal regions
because even in very early days upright stones were
used as tombstones ; he was the god of merchants,
because commerce was carried on principally at the
frontiers ; and of thieves out of sarcasm. He was the
messenger of the gods because ambassadors met at the
frontiers ; and of eloquence for the same reason. He
invented the lyre, and presided over games, because
contests in music, &c., were held on neutral ground ;
and he was regarded as the author of letters, because
inscriptions were engraved on upright pillars.
Stone- worship, however, in its simpler forms has, I
think, a different origin from this and is merely a form
of that indiscriminate worship which characterises the
I 2
308 SIBJ^BIA—EINBOSTAN
human mind in a particular phase of development.
Pallas states that the Ostyaks^ and Tunguses worship
mountains,^ and the Tartars stones.^ Near Lake BaikaP
is a sacred rock which is regarded as the special abode
of an evil spirit, and is consequently much feared by
the natives. In India stone- worship is very prevalent,
especially among the aboriginal tribes. The Asagas of
Mysore ' worship a god called Bhuma Devam, who is
' represented by a shapeless stone.' ^ ' One thing is cer-
' tain,' says Mr. Hislop, ' the worship (of stones) is
' spread over all parts of the country from Berar to the
' extreme east of Bustar, and that not merely among the
' Hinduised aborigines, who had begun to honour Khan-
' dova, &c., but among the rudest and most savage
^ tribes. He is generally adored in the form of an un-
^ shapely stone covered with vermilion.'^ ' Two rude
^ slave castes in Tulava (Southern India), the Bakadara
* and Betadara, worship a benevolent deity named Buta,
' represented by a stone kept in every house.' ^ * Indeed,
' in every part of Southern India, four or five stones may
^ often be seen in the ryots' field placed in a row and
' daubed with red paint, which they consider as guardians
^ of the field and call the five Pandus.' ^ Colonel Forbes
Leslie supposes that this red paint is intended to repre-
sent blood. ^ The god of each Khond village is repre-
sented by three stones.^^ PL III. represents a group of
* VoyagesdePallaSjVol. iv. p.79. ^ Aboriginal Tribes, p. 16.
2 Ibid. pp. 434, 648. Quoted in Etbn. Journ., yoI. viii.
3 Ibid. pp. 514, 598. p. 96.
* HiU's Travels in Siberia, vol. ii. "^ J. Etbn. Soc, vol. viii. p. 115.
p. 142. 8 jr^^-^ ^oi ix^ p 125.
^ Buchanan's Journey, vol. i. p. 9 Early Eaces of Scotland, vol. ii.
338. Quoted in Etbn. Journ., vol. p. 462.
viii. p. 96. 10 Zoo. cit vol. ii. p. 497.
"^7 5
irt Ml'' '.'\ ' >: i'' -'',1,1
if \1'iJ S^#M
V I' i ''/
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HINBOSTAN—NJSW ZEALAND 309
sacred stones, near Delgaum in the Dekkan, from a
figure given by Colonel Forbes Leslie in his interesting
work.^ The three largest stood ' in front of the centre
of two straight lines, each of which consisted of thir-
teen stones. These lines were close together, and the
edges of the stones were placed as near to each other
as it was possible to do with slabs which, although
selected, had never been artificially shaped. The stone
in the centre of each line was nearly as high as the
highest of the three that stood in front ; but the
others gradually decreased in size from the centre until
those at the ends were less than a foot above the ground
into which they were all secured. Three stones, not
fixed, were placed in front of the centre of the group ;
they occupied the same position, and were intended for
the same purposes, as those in the circular temple just
described. All the stones had been selected of an
angular shape, with somewhat of an obelisk form in
general appearance. The central group and double
lines faced nearly east, and on that side were white-
washed. On the white, near, although not reaching
quite to the apex of each stone, nor extending alto-
gether to the sides, was a large spot of red paint, two-
thirds of which from the centre were blacked over,
leaving only a circular external belt of red. This
gave, as I believe it was intended to do, a good repre-
sentation of a large spot of blood.'
In connection with these painted stones it is remark-
able that in New Zealand red is a sacred colour, and
' the way of rendering anything tapu was by making it
' red. When a person died, his house was thus painted ;
^ Loc. cit. vol. ii. p. 464.
310 EINDOSTAN
' when the tapu was laid on anything, the chief erected
' a post and painted it with the kura ; wherever a corpse
' rested, some memorial was set up ; oftentimes the
' nearest stone, rock, or tree served as a monument ;
'but whatever object was selected, it was sure to be
' painted red. If the corpse w^as conveyed by water,
' wherever they landed a similar token was left ; and
' when it reached its destination, the canoe was dragged
' on shore, painted red, and abandoned. When the
' hahunga took place, the scraped bones of the chief
' thus ornamented, and wrapped in a red- stained mat,
' were deposited in a box or bowl smeared with the
' sacred colour and placed in a painted tomb. Near
' his final resting-place a lofty and elaborately carved
' monument Was erected to his memory ; this was called
' the tiki, which was also thus coloured.' ^ Eed was also
a sacred colour in Congo. ^
Colonel Dalton describes ^ a ceremony which curi-
ously resembles the well-known scene in the life of
Elijah, when he met the jmests of Baal on the top of
Carmel, showed his superior power, and recalled Israel
to the old faith. The Sonthals of Central Hindostan
worship a conspicuous hill called ' Marang Boroo.' In
times of drought they go to the top of this sacred
mountain, and offer their sacrifices on a large flat stone>
playing on drums and beseeching their god for rain.
' They shake their heads violently, till they work them-
' selves into a phrensy, and the movement becomes
' involuntary. They go on thus wildly gesticulating
^ Taylor's New Zealand and the 273.
New Zealanders, p. 95. 3 Trans. Ethn. Soc, N.S., vol. vi.
^ MeroUo, Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. p. 35.
TEB ARABIANS, PECENIC1AN8, ETC. 311
'till a ''little cloud like a man's hand" is seen. Then
' they arise, take up their drums, and dance the kurrun
' on the rock, till Marang Boroo's response to their
' prayer is heard in the distant rumbling of thunder,
' and they go home rejoicing. They must go " fasting
' " to the mount," and stay there till " there is a sound
' " of abundance of rain," when they get them down
' to eat and drink. My informant tells me it always
' comes before evening.'
The Arabians down to the tiuie of Mahomet, wor-
shipped a black stone. ' The Beni Thekyf adored the
' rock called El Lat.' ^ The Phcenicians also worshipped
a deity under the form of an unshapen stone.^ The god
Heliogabalus was merely a black stone of a conical
form. Upright stones were worshipped by the Romans
and the Greeks, under the name of Hermes, or Mercury.
The Thespians had a rude stone, which they regarded
as a deity, and the Boeotians worshipped Hercules uader
the same form.^ The Laplanders also had sacred
mountains and rocks.^ Stone- worship indeed is said
even now to linger in some of the Pyrenean valleys.
In Western Europe during the middle ages we meet
with several denunciations of stone-worship, proving its
strong hold on the people. Thus '^ 'the worship of
' stones was condemned by Theodoric, Archbishop of
' Canterbury, in the seventh century, and is among
' the acts of heathenism forbidden by King Edgar
' in the tenth, and by Cnut in the eleventh century.
' In a council held at Tours in a.d. 567, priests were
^ Burckhardt's Tr. in Arabia, ^ Dulaure, loc. cit. p. 50.
vol. i, p. 299. ■' Forbes Leslie, loc. cit. vol. i.
~ Kenrick's Phoenicia, p. 323. p. 256.
^ See De Brosses, loc. cit. p. 155.
312 EUROPE
' admonished to shut the doors of their churches against
' all persons worshipping upright stones, and Mahe
' states that a manuscript record of the proceedings of a
' council held at Nantes in the ninth century makes
'mention of the stone- worship of the Armoricans.'
' Les Franqais,' says Dulaure/ ' adorerent des pierres
' plusieurs siecles apres I'etablissement du christianisme
' parmi eux. Diverses lois civiles et rehgieuses attestent
' I'existence de ce culte. Un capitulaire de Charle-
' magne, et le concile de Leptine, de I'an 743, defendent
' les ceremonies superstitieuses qui se pratiquent aupres
' des pierres et aupres des Fans consacres a Mercure et
'a Jupiter. Le concile de JSTanteSjCite par Reginon,
' fait la meme defense. II nous apprend que ces pierres
' etaient situees dans des lieux agrestes, et que le peuple,
' dupe des tromperies des demons, y apportait ses voeux
' et ses offrandes. Les conciles d'Arles, de Tours, le
' capitulaire d'Aix-la-Chapelle, de Fan 789, et plusieurs
' synodes, renouv client ces prohibitions.'
In L-eland in the fifth century, King Laoghaive wor-
shipped a stone pillar called the Crom-Cruach, which
was overthrown by St. Patrick. Another stone at
Clogher was worshipped by the Irish under the name
of Kermand-Kelstach.^ There was a sacred stone in
Jura^ round which the people used to move ' deasil,'
i.e. sunwise. ' In some of the Hebrides '^ the people
' attributed oracular power to a large black stone.' In
the island of Skye ' in every district there is to be met
' with a rude stone consecrated to Gruagach, or Apollo.
^ Dulaure, loc. cit. vol. i. p. 304. ^ Forbes Leslie, loc. cit. vol. i.
' Dr. Todd's St. Patrick, p. 127. p. 267.
^ Martin's Western Isles, p. 241.
I
AFBIG A— POLYNESIA 313
' The Rev. Mr. McQueen of Skye says that in almost
' every village the sun, called Grugach, or the Fair-
^ haired, is represented by a rude stone ; and he further
' states that libations of milk were poured on thegruaich-
' stones.' ' Finn Magnusen/ says Prof. Nilsson, * relates
* that the peasants in certain mountain districts in Nor-
' way, even as late as the close of the last century, used
' to preserve stones of a round form, and reverenced them
' in the same manner as their pagan ancestors used to
' worship their idols. They washed them every Thurs-
' day evening, smeared them before the fire with butter,
' or some other grease, then dried them and laid them in
' the seat of honour upon fresh straw ; at certain times
^ of the year they were steeped in ale, and all this under
' the supposition that they would bring luck and com-
' fort to the house.' ^
Passing to Africa, Caillie observed near the negro
village of N 'pal a sacred stone, on which everyone as
he passed threw a thread out of his 'pagne,' or breech-
cloth, as a sort of offering. The natives firmly believe
that when any danger threatens the village this stone
leaves its place and ' moves thrice round it in the pre-
' ceding night, by way of warning.' ^ Bruce observes
that the pagan Abyssinians ' worship a tree, and likewise
' a stone.' ^
The Tahitians believed in two principal gods ; ' the
' Supreme Deity, one of these two first beings, they call
^ Taroataihetoomoo, and the other, whom they sup-
' pose to have been a rock, Tepapa.' ^ The volcanic
^ Nilsson on the Stone Age, p. ^ Bruce's Travels, vol. vi. p. 343.
241. * Hawkesworth's Voyages, vol.
2 Oailli^, vol. i. p. 25. ii. p. 238.
314
FIJI ISLANDS
mountain Tongariro was ' held in traditional veneration
' by the New Zealanders.' ^ The Hervey Islanders also
worshipped upright stones.^
In the Fiji^ Islands 'rude consecrated stones, (fig.
' 20) are to be seen near Vuna, where offerings of food
' are sometimes made. Another stands on a reef near
' Naloa, to which the natives tarn a ; and one near Tho-
EiG. 20
SACEED STONES. (Fiji Islands.)
' kova, Na Fiti Levu, named Lovekaveka, is regarded
' as the abode of a goddess, for whom food is provided.
' This, as seen in the engraving, is like a round black
' milestone, slightly inclined, and having a liku (girdle)
' tied round the middle. The shrine of Rewau is a
' large stone, which, like the one near Naloa, hates mos-
^ Dieffenbach's New Zealand,
vol. i. p. 347.
2 Gill, Myths of the South
Pacific, p. 32.
3 Williams' Fiji and the Fijian s,
vol. i. p. 220.
AMEBIGA 315
^ quitoes, and keeps them from collecting near where he
' rules ; he has also two large stones for his wives, one
' of whom came from Yandua, and the other from
' Yasawa. Although no one pretends to know the
' origin of Ndengei, it is said that his mother, in the
' form of two great stones, lies at the bottom of a moat.
* Stones are also used to denote the locality of some
' other gods, and the occasional resting-places of others.
' On the southern beaches of Vanua Levu a large stone
' is seen which has fallen upon a smaller one. ^ These,
' it is said, represent the gods of two towns on that coast
' fighting, and their quarrel has for years been adopted
' by those towns.' On one of these sacred stones in the
same neighbourhood are circular marks, closely resem-
bling those on some of our European menhirs, &c.
In Micronesia, in the groups of Apamama and
Tarawa, ' Tabueriki is worshipped under the form of a
' flat coral stone, of irregular shape, about three feet
' long by eighteen inches wide, set up on one end in the
'open air.'^ The.Tannese also venerate stones, and
the principal deity of Tokalau was supposed to be
embodied in a stone, which is carefully wrapped up in
fine mats.^ The Sumatrans also, as already mentioned
{ante, p. 296), and the Torres Straits Islanders^ had
sacred stones.
Sproat mentions a mountain in Vancouver's Island
which the natives are afraid to mention, fearing that if
they did so it would cause them to be wrecked at sea.^
1 Hale's Ethn. of the U. S. Ex. ^ Gill, Life in the Southern Isles,
Exp., p. 97. p. 217.
^ Turner's Nineteen Years in "* Scenes and Studies of Sav. Life,
Polynesia, pp. 88, 527. p. 265.
316 FIEE-W0B8EIP
Prescott ^ says that a Dacotah Indian ' will pick up
' a round stone, of any kind, and paint it, and go a few
' rods from his lodge, and clear away the grass, say
' from one to two feet in diameter, and. there place his
' stone, or god, as he would term it, and make an
' offering of some tobacco and some feathers, and pray
' to the stone to deliver him from some danger that he
' has probably dreamed of, or from imagination.' The
Monit arris, also, before any great undertaking, were in
the habit of making offerings to a sacred stone named
Mih Choppenish.^ In Florida a mountain called
Olaimi was worshipped, and among the Natchez of
Louisiana a conical stone.^
In South America the Peruvians kept ' stones in
' their houses, treating them as gods, and sacrificing
' human flesh and blood to them.' *
Fire-worship, again, is so widely distributed as to
be almost universal. Since the introduction of lucifer
matches we can hardly appreciate the difficulty which
a savage has in obtaining a light, especially in damp
weather. It is said, even, that some Austrahan tribes
did not know how to do so, and that others, if their fire
went out, would go many miles to borrow a spark from
another tribe, rather than attempt to produce a new one
for themselves. Hence in several very widely separated
parts of the world we find it has been customary to tell
off one or more persons, whose sole duty it should be
to keep up a continual fire. Hence, no doubt, the
4
^ Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, ^ Lafitau, vol. i. p. 146.
vol. ii. p. 229. Lafitau, vol. ii. p. 321. * Garcilasso de la Vega, vol. ii.
^ Klemm, Culturgeschichte, vol. p. 138. See also vol. i. p. 47.
ii. p. 178.
FIBE-W0B8HIP 317
origin of the Vestal Virgins ; and hence also the idea
of the sacredness of fire would naturally arise.
According to Lafitau/ M. Huet, in a work which I
have not been able to see, ' fait une longue enumeration
^ des peuples qui entretenoient ce feu sacre, et il cite
* partout ses autorit^s, de sorte qu'il paroit qu'il n'y
^ avoit point de partie du monde connu, oil ce culte ne
' fat universellement repandu. Dans I'Asie, outre les
^ Juifs et les Chaldeens dont nous venons de parler,
* outre les peuples de Phrygie, de Lycie, et de TAsie-
^ Mineure, il etoit encore chez les Perses, les Medes, les
^ Scythes y les Sarmates, chez toutes les nations du Ponte
' et de la Cappadoce, chez toutes celles des Indes, oil
' Ton se faisoit un devoir de se jeter dans les flammes,
' et de s'y consumer en holocauste, et chez toutes celles
^ des deux Arables, oil chaque jour a certaines heures
* on faisoit un sacrifice au feu, dans lequel plusieurs
^ personnes se devouoient. Dans I'Afrique il etoit non
' seulement chez les Egyptiens, qui entretenoient ce feu
^ immortel dans chaque temple, ainsi que I'assure
^ Porphyre, mais encore dans I'Ethiopie, dans la Lybie,
' dans le temple de Jupiter Ammon, et chez les Atlan-
' tiques, oil Hiarbas, roy des Garamantes et des Getules,
' avoit dresse cent autels, et consacre autant de feux,
^ que Virgile appelle des feux vigilans et les gardes
' eternelles des dieux. Dans I'Europe le culte de Vesta
' etoit si bien 6tabli que, sans parler de Rome et de
^ I'ltalie, il n'y avoit point de ville de la Grrece qui n'eut
' un temple, un prytanee, et un feu eternel, ainsi que le
^ remarque Casaubon dans ses '']!^otes sur Athen^e."
' Les temples cel^bres d'Hercule dans les Espagnes et
^ Lafitau, p. 163»
318 ASIA— AMERICA
' dans les Gaules, celui de Yulcain au mont Ethna, de
' Venus Erycine, avoient tons leurs pyrethes ou feux
' sacres. On pent citer de semblables temoignages des
' nations les plus reculees dans le nord, qui etoient
' toutes originaires des Scythes et des Sarmates. Enfin
' M. Huet pretend qu'il n'y a pas encore long temps que
' ce culte a ete aboli dans THybernie et dans la Moscovie,
' qu'il est encore aujourd'hui, non seulement chez les
' G-aures, mais encore chez les Tartares, les Chinois, et
' dans I'Amerique chez les Mexiquains. II pouvoit
' encore en aj outer d'autres.'
Among the ancient Prussians a perpetual fire was
kept up in honour of the god Potrimpos, and if it was
allowed to go out, the priest in charge was burnt to
death/
The Ainos of Yesso ^ have many gods ; but Jire, not
' the sun, the moon, or the stars, is the principal one, and
' they are accustomed to pray to it, in general terms, for
'all they may need.'^ 'Many Tunguz, Mongol, and
' Turk tribes,' says Tylor, ' sacrifice to fire, and some
' clans will not eat meat without first throwing a morsel
' upon the hearth.' ^
The Natchez and Cherokees * had a temple in which
they kept up a perpetual fire.^ The Ojibwas ^ main-
tained ' a continued fire as a symbol of their nationaUty.
' They maintained, also, a civil polity, which, however
' was much mixed up with their religious and medicinal
1 Voigt, Gesch. Preussens, vol. i. ^ Prichard's Nat. Hist, of Man,
p. 582. Scliweuk, Die Mythol. der 1855, vol. ii. p. 535.
Slawen, p. 55. '' Lafitau, vol. i. p. 167.
2 Bickmore, Trans. Ethn. Soc, ^ Warren in Schoolcraft's Indian
voL.vii. p. 20. Tribes, vol, ii. p. 138. See also
3 Tylor's Primitive Culture, vol. Whipple's Report on Indian Tribes,
ii. p. 254. p. 36.
SUN AND MOON W0B8HIP 319
' beliefs.' In Mexico also we find the same idea of
sacred fire. Colonel McLeod has seen the sacred fire
still kept burning in some of the valleys of South
Mexico.-^ At the great festival of Xiuhmolpia, the
priests and people went in procession to the mountain
of Huixachtecatl ; then an unfortunate victim was
stretched on the ' stone of sacrifice,' and killed by a
priest with a knife of obsidian ; the dish made use of to
kindle the new fire was then placed on the wound, and
fire was obtained by friction.^
In Peru ^ ' the sacred flame was entrusted to the care
' of the Virgins of the Sun ; and if, by any neglect, it
' was sufibred to go out in the course of the year, the
^ event was regarded as a calamity that boded some
^ strange disaster to the monarchy.'
Fire is also reo;arded as sacred amons^ the Damaras ^
and in Congo, and in Dahome Zo is the fire fetich. A
pot is placed in a room and sacrifice is offered to it, that
fire may ' live ' there.^
No one can wonder that the worship of sun, moon,
and stars is very widely distributed. It can, however,
scarcely be regarded as of a higher character than the
preceding forms of Totemism ; it is unknown in Aus-
tralia, and almost so in Polynesia.
In hot countries the sun is generally regarded as an
evil, and in cold as a beneficent, being. It was the
chief object of religious worship among the Natchez,^
1 Jour. Ethn. Soc, 1869, p. 225. Ges. der Mensch., vol. i. p. 276.
See also p. 246. ^ Anderson's Lake Ngami, p. 223.
■^ Humboldt's Researclies, Lon- ^ Burton's Dahome, vol. ii. p.
don, 1824, vol. i. pp. 225, 382. See 148.
also Lafitau, vol. i. p. 170. Garci- ^ Robertson's America, bk. iv.
lasso de la Vega, vol. ii. p. 162. p. 126.
3 Prescott, vol. i. p. 99. Wuttke,
320 AMEUIGA
and was also worshipped by the Navajos, and other
allied tribes in North America.^ Among the Comanches
of Texas ' the sun, moon, and earth are the principal
' objects of worship.'^ Lafitau observes that the Ame-
rican Eedskins did not worship the stars and planets,
but only the sun.^ In North- West America, however,
the Ahts worship both the sun and moon, but especially
the latter. They regard the sun as ferainine and the
moon as masculine, being, moreover, the husband of the
sun."* The Kaniagmioutes consider them to be brother
and sister.^ It has been said that the Esquimaux of
Greenland used to worship the sun. This, however,
seems more than doubtful, and Crantz ^ expressly denies
the statement.
The Peruvians worshipped the sun, making to it
offerings of drink in a vessel of gold, and declaring ' that
' what appeared to be gone had been drunk by the sun,
' and they said truly, for the sun's heat had evaporated
' the liquor.' ^ We are told, however, that the Inea
Huayna Capac questioned this, asking if it was likely
that the sun, if a god, would go over the same course
day after day. ' If he were supreme Lord he would
' occasionally go aside from his course, or rest for his
^ pleasure, even though he might have no necessity what-
' ever for doing so.' ^ The moon was held to be sister
and wife of the sun. Garcilasso states that she had no
^ Whipple's Report on Indian ^ pinart, Revue d'Antliropolo-
Tribes, p. 36. Lafitau, vol. ii. p. gie, 1873, p. 678.
189. Tertre's History of the Oaribby "^ Loc. cit. vol. i. p. 196. See
Islands, p. 236. Graah's Voyage to Greenland, p.
^ Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's 124.
Indian Tribes, vol. ii. p. 127. ^ Garcilasso de la Vega, vol. ii.
3 Loc. cit. vol. i. p. 146. pp. 60, 131 ; vol. i. p. 271.
^ Sproat's Scenes and Studies of ^ Loc. cit. p. 446. Molina,
Savage Life, p. 206. Fables and Rites of the Incas, p. 11.
d
AMEBIGA—ASIA 321
separate temple, and that no sacrifices were offered to
her.^ They also worshipped several of the stars, which
they regarded as attendants on the moon.^
In Brazil the Coroados worship the sun and moon,
the moon being the more powerful.^ The Abipones ^
thought that they were descended from the Pleiades ;
and 'as that constellation disappears at certain periods
' from the sky of South America, upon such occasions
' they suppose that their grandfather is sick, and are
' under a yearly apprehension that he is going to die ;
' but as soon as those seven stars are again visible in
' the month of May, they welcome their grandfather, as
' if returned and restored from sickness, with joyful
' shouts, and the festive sound of pipes and trumpets,
' congratulating him on the recovery of his health.'
In Central India sun-worship prevails among many
of the Hill tribes. ^ The worship of the sun as the
' Supreme Deity is the foundation of the religion of the
' Hos and Oraons as well as of the Moondahs. By the
' former he is invoked as Dhurmi, the Holy One. He
' is the Creator and the Preserver ; and, with reference
' to his purity, white animals are offered to him by his
' votaries.' ^ The sun and moon are both regarded as
deities by the Korkus,^ Khonds,^ Tunguses,^ and
Buraets.^ In Northern Asia the Samoyedes, the Mor-
^ Loc. cit. vol. i. pp. 103, 275. '^ Forbes Leslie's Early Races of
- Loc. cit. pp. 275, 183, 176. Scotland, vol. ii. p. 496. Campbell,
^ Spix and Martins, vol. ii. p. 243. Wild Tribes of Khondistan, p. 120.
^ Dobritzlioffer, loc. cit. vol. ii. ^ Bell's Travels from St. Peters-
p. 65. burg, vol. i. p. 274.
'" Colonel Dalton, Trans. Ethn. ^ Klemm, Cult. d.Mensch. vol. iii.
Soc, vol. vi. p. 33. pp. 101, 109. Miiller, Des. de toutes
*' Forsyth's Highlands of Central les Nat. de I'Empire Russe, pt. iii.
India, p. 146. p. 25.
322 SUNDRY W0B8HIP8
duans, the Tschuwasches and other tribes worshipped
the sun and moon.
In Western Africa moon- worship is very prevalent.
' At the appearance of every new moon,' says MeroUa.^
' these people fall on their knees, or else cry out, stand-
' ing and clapping their hands, " So may I renew my
' " life as thou art renewed." ' They do not, however,
appear to venerate either the sun or the stars. Bruce
also mentions moon- worship as occurring among the
Shangallas.^ Further south the Bechuanas ' watch more
' eagerly for the first glimpse of the new moon, and
' when they perceive the faint outline after the sun has
' set deep in the west, they utter a loud shout of " Kua ! "
' and vociferate prayers to it.' ^ Herodotus ^ mentions
that the Atarantes used to curse the sun as he passed
over their heads.
It is remarkable that the heavenly bodies do not
appear to be worshipped by the Polynesians. The
natives of Erromango, however, according to Mr.
Brenchiey, worship the moon, having stone images of
the form of new and full moons.^ According to Lord
Karnes, 'the inhabitants of Celebes formerly acknow-
' ledged no gods but the sun and moon.' ^ The people
of Borneo are said to have done the same.
The worship of ancestors is a natural development
of the dread of ghosts, and is another widely distributed
form of religious belief ; which, however, I shall not
^ Voyage to Congo, Pinkerton, Africa, p. 235.
vol. XV. p. 273. 4 Herodotus, iv. 184.
2 Travels, vol. iv. p. 35 ; vol. vi. -^ Cruise of the ' Cura^oa,' p. 320.
p. 344. ^ History of Man, vol. iv. p. 252.
^ Livingstone's Journeys in South
SUNDBY WORSHIPS 323
enter into here, as it may be more conveniently con-
sidered when we come to deal with Idolatry.
These are the principal deities of man in this stao-e
of his religious development. They are, however, as
already mentioned, by no means the only ones.
The heavens and earth, thunder, lightning, and
winds were regarded as deities in various parts of the
world. The Scythians worshipped an iron scimetar as
a symbol of the war- god ; ' to this scimetar they bring
" yearly sacrifices of cattle and horses ; and to these
' scimetars they offer more sacrifices than to the rest of
' their gods.' ^ In the Sagas many of the swords have
special names, and are treated with the greatest respect.
Similarly the Fijians regarded ' certain clubs with
' superstitious respect ; ' ^ and the negroes of Irawo, a
town in Western Yoruba, worshipped an iron bar with
very expensive ceremonies.^ The* New Zealanders,
some of the Melanesians, and the Dahomans worshipped
the rainbow."^
When Mr. Williams was murdered at Dillon's Bay,
a piece of red sealing-wax which they found in his
pocket ' was supposed by the natives to be some port-
*able god, and was carefully buried.' ^
In Central India, as mentioned in p. 290, a great
variety of inanimate objects are treated as deities. The
Todas are said to worship a buffalo -bell. ^ The Kotas
worship two silver plates, which they regard as husband
1 Herodotus, iv. 62. See also * Burton's Mission to Dahome,
Klemm, Werkzeuge und WafFen, vol. ii. p. 148. Trans. Etlin. Soc,
p. 225. 1870, p. 367.
^ Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i. '" Turner's Nineteen Years in
p. 219. ■ Polynesia, p. 487.
^ Burton's Abbeokuta, vol. i. ^' The Tribes of the Neilgherries^
p. 192. p. 15.
t2
324 SUNDRY WORSHIPS
and wife ; ' they have no other deity.' ^ The Kurumbas
worshijD stones, trees, and anthills.^ The Toreas,
another Neilgherry Hill tribe, worship especially a ' gold
' nose-ring, which probably once belonged to one of their
' women.' ^ According to Nonnius, the sacred lyre sang
the victory of Jupiter over the Titans, without being
touched.* Many other inanimate objects have also been
worshipped. De Brosses mentions an instance of a king
of hearts being made into a deity,^ and according to
some of the earlier travellers in America, even the rattle
was regarded as a deity.^
Thus, then, I have attempted to show that animals
and plants, water, mountains, and stones, fire, the
heavenly bodies, and a variety of other objects, are, or
have been, all very extensively and often simultane-
ously worshipped, so that they do not form the basis of
a natural classification of religions.
1 The Tribes of the Neilgherries,
p. 67.
p. 114.
4 Lafitau, vol. i. p. 205.
2 Trans. Ethn. Soc, yoL vii.
5 Loc, cit. p. 62.
p. 278.
« Ibid. p. 211.
3 The Tribes of the Neilgherries,
325
CHAPTER YIIL
RELIGION {concluded).
HAVING thus given my reasons for regarding as
unsatisfactory the classifications of religions which
have been adopted hitherto, I will now endeavour to
trace ujd the gradual evolution of religious beliefs, begin-
ning with the Australians, who possess merely certain
vague ideas as to the existence of evil spirits, and a
general dread of witchcraft. This belief cannot be said
to influence them by day, but it renders them very un-
willing to quit the camp-fire by night, or to sleep near
a grave. They have no idea of creation, nor do they
use prayers ; they have no religious forms, ceremonies,
or worship. They do not believe in the existence of
a true Deity,^ nor is morality in any way connected
with their religion, if such it can be called. The words
^ good ' or 'bad' had reference to taste or bodily com-
fort and did not convey any idea of right or wrong.^
Another curious notion of the Australians is, that white
men are blacks who have risen from the dead. This
idea was founded among the natives north of Sydney as
early as 1795, and can scarcely, therefore, be of missionary
origin.^ It occurs also among the negroes of Guinea,
^ Report of the Committee of the Australia, vol. ii, pp. 354, 365, 356.
Legislative Council on Aborigines, ^ Collins' English Colony in N.S.
Victoria, 1859, pp. 9, 69, 77. Wales, p. 303.
^ Eyre's Discoveries in Central
326 BELIGIONS OF AUSTRALIANS
New Caledonia, and elsewhere.^ The opinions of the
Australians on such points, however, seem to have been
very various and confused. They had certainly no
general and definite view on the subject.
As regards the North Australians we have trust-
worthy accounts given by a Scotchwoman, Mrs.
Thomson, who was wrecked on the Prince of Wales
Island. Her husband and the rest of the crew were
drowned, but she was saved by the natives, and lived
w^ith them nearly five years until the visit of the
' Rattlesnake,' when she escaped with some difficulty.
On the whole she was kindly treated by the men,
though the women were long jealous of her, and be-
haved towards her with uiuch cruelty. These people
had no idea of a Supreme Being.^ They did not
believe in the immortality of the soul, but held that
they are ' after death changed into white people or
' Europeans, and as such pass the second and final
' period of their existence ; nor is it any part of their
' creed that future rewards and punishments are
' awarded.' ^
Mrs. Thomson was supposed to be the ghost of
Giom, a daughter of a man named Piaquai, and when
she was teased by children, the men would often tell
them to leave her alone, saying, ' Poor thing ! she is
' nothing — only a ghost.' This, however, did not
prevent a man named Boroto making her his wife, which
shows how little is actually implied in the statement
that Australians believe in spirits. They really do
^ Smith's Guiuea, p. 215. Bos- ^ Macgillivray's Voyage of the
man, Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. xvi. ' Rattlesnake,' vol. ii. p. 29.
P- 401. 3 ^(,^_ p^Y. p. 29.
VEBBAES— GALIFOBNIANS 327
no more than believe in the existence of men some-
what different from, and a little more powerful than,
themselves. The South Australians, as described by
Stephens, had no religious rites, ceremonies, or worship ;
no idea of a Supreme Being, but a vague dread of evil
spirits.-^
The Veddahs of Ceylon, according to Davy, believe
in evil beings, but ' have no idea of a supreme and
' beneficent God, or of a state of future existence, or of
^ a system of rewards and punishments ; and, in conse-
^ quence, they are of opinion that it signifies little
* whether they do good or evil.' ^
The Indians of California have been well described
by Father Baegert, a Jesuit missionary, who lived
among them no less than seventeen years.^"^ As to
government or religion, he says,^ ^ neither the one nor
^ the other existed among them. They had no magis-
' trates, no police, and no laws ; idols, temples, religious
^ worship, or ceremonies were unknown to them, and
^ they neither believed in the true and only God nor
^ adored false deities.
' I made diligent inquiries among those with whom
* I lived, to ascertain whether they had any conception
' of God, a future life, and their own souls, but I never
' could discover the slightest trace of such a knowledge.
' Their language has no words for " God " and " soul,"
' for which reason the missionaries were compelled to
^ use in their sermons and religious instructions the
* Spanish words Dios and alma. It could hardly be
^ Stephens' South Australia, Halh. Oalifornie, 1773. Translated
p. 78. in Smithsonian Reports, 1863-4.
^ Davy's Ceylon, p. 118. '^ Smithsonian Reports, 1864,
^ Nachrichten von der Amer. p. 390.
328 BELIGIOUS IDEAS OF TEE GALIFOBNIANS
' otherwise with people who thought of nothing but
' eating and merry-making, and never reflected on
' serious matters, but dismissed everything that lay be-
' yond the narrow compass of their conceptions with the
' phrase aipekeriri, which means, " Who knows that ? "
' I often asked them whether they had never put to
' themselves the question who might be the Creator
' and Preserver of the sun, moon, stars, and other ob-
'jects of nature, but was always sent home with a vara,
' which means '' no " in their language.'
Mr. Gibbs, speaking of the Indians living in the
valleys drained by the Sacramento and the San Joaquin,
says : ' One of this tribe, who had been for three or four
' years among the whites, and accompanied the expedi-
' tion, on being questioned as to his own belief in a
^ Deity, acknowledged his entire ignorance on the sub-
' ject. As regarded a future state of any kind, he was
' equally uninformed and indifferent ; in fact, did not
' believe in any for himself. As a reason why his
' people did not go to another country after death,
' while the whites might, he assigned that the Indians
' burned their dead, and he supposed there was an end
' of them.' ^
The religion of the Bachapins, a Kaffir tribe, has
been described by Burchell. They had no outward
worship, nor, so far as he could learn, any private
devotion; indeed, they had no belief in a beneficent
Deity, though they feared an evil being called ' Mu-
' leemo,' or ' Murirao.' Thev had no idea of creation.
Even when Burchell suggested it to them, they did not
attribute it to Muleemo, but ' asserted that everything
' Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, vol. iii. p. 107.
BA CHAPIXS—EAFFIBS 329
^ made Itself, and that trees and herbage grew by their
' own will.' ^ They believed in sorcery, and in the
efficacy of amulets.
Dr. Yanderkemp, the first missionary to the Kaffirs,
' never could perceive that they had any religion, or any
^ idea of the existence of God.' Mr. Moffatt also, who
lived in South Africa as a missionary for many years,
says that they were utterly destitute of theological
ideas ; and Dr. Gardner, in his 'Faiths of the World,'
concludes as follows : - ' From all that can be ascertained
' on the religion of the Kaffirs, it seems that those of
'' them who are still in their heathen state have no idea
' (1) of a Supreme Intelligent Ruler of the universe ;
' (2) of a sabbath ; (3) of a day of judgment ; (4) of
' the guilt and pollution of sin ; (5) of a Saviour to
' deliver them from the wrath to come.'
The Eev. Canon Callaway has recently published
a very interesting memoir on ' The Religious System of
' the Amazulu,' who are somewhat more advanced in
their religious conceptions. The first portion is entitled
' Unkulunkulu, or the Tradition of Creation.' It does
not, however, appear that Unkulunkulu is regarded as
a Creator, or even as a Deity at all. He is simply the
first man. the Zulu Adam. Some complication arises
from the fact that not only the ancestor of all mankind,
but also the first of each tribe, is called Unkulunkulu,
so that there are many Onkulunkulu, or Unkulunkulus.
None of them, however, have any of the characters of
Deity ; no prayers or sacrifices are offered to them ; ^
indeed, they no longer exist, having been long dead.^
^ Travels, vol. ii. p. 550. ^ Loc. cit. pp. 9^ 25, 34, 75.
- Loc. cit. p. 260. ^ Loc. cit. pp. 15, 83, Q2.
330 KAFFIB8
Unkulimkulu was in no sense a Creator/ nor, indeed,
is any special power attributed to him.^ He, i.e. man,
arose from ' Uthlanga,' that is ' a bed of reeds,' but
how be did so no one knew.^ Mr. Callaway agrees
with Casalis, that ' it never entered the heads of the
' Zulus that the earth and sky might be the work of an
' invisible being.' ^ One native thought the white men
made the world.^ They had, indeed, no idea of or
name for God.^ When Moffatt endeavoured to explain
to a chief about God he exclaimed, ' Would that I could
' catch it ! I would transfix it with my spear ; ' yet this
was a man ' whose judgment on other subjects would
^ command attention.' ^
Yet they are not without a belief in invisible beings.
This is founded partly on the shadow, but principally
on the dream. They regard the shadow as in some way
the spirit which accompanies the body (reminding us of
the similar idea among the Greeks), and they have a
curious notion that a dead body casts no shadow.^
Still more important has been the influence of
dreams. When a dead father or brother appears to a
man in his sleep he does not doubt the reality of the
occurrence, and hence concludes that their spirits still
live. As, however, they rarely dream about their
grandfathers, they suppose them to be dead.^
Diseases are regarded as being often caused by the
spirits of discontented relatives.
In Samoa it was supposed that the spirits of the
1 Loc. cit. p. 137. 6 j^Qc^ ^^^ pp^ 207, 113, 136.
2 Loc. cit. p. 48. ' Loc. cit. p. 111.
' Loc. cit. pp. 9, 40. 8 Loc. cit. p. 91.
^ Loc. cit. pp. 54, 108. ^ Loc. cit. p. 15.
* Loc. cit. p. 55.
SFIBIT8 OF TEE BEPABTED 331
departed ' had power to return and canse disease and
' death in other members of the family. Hence, all
' were anxious as a person drew near the close of life to
' part on good terms with him, feeling assured that,
' if he died with angry feelings towards any one, he
' would certainly return, and bring some calamity upon
^ that very person or some one closely allied to him.' ^
A case is on record in which a Brahman put his
mother to death, not only with the old woman's con-
sent, but at her own request, in order that her spirit
might punish a neighbour who had offended her.
In other respects these spirits are not regarded as
possessing any special powers ; though prayed to, it is
not in such a manner as to indicate a belief that they
have any supernatural influence, and they are clearly
not regarded as immortal. In some cases departed spirits
are regarded as reappearing in the form of snakes,^
which may be known from ordinary snakes by certain
signs,^ such as their frequenting huts, not eating mice,
and showing no fear of man. Sometimes a snake is
recognised as the representative of a given man by some
peculiar mark or scar, the absence of an eye, or some
other similar point of resemblance.
In such cases sacrifices are sometimes offered to the
snake, and, when a bullock is killed, part is put away
for the use of the dead, or Amatongo, who are specially
invited to the feast, whose assistance is requested, and
wrath deprecated. Yet this can hardly be called
' ancestor-worship.' The dead have, it is true, the ad-
vantage of invisibility, but they are not regarded as
^ Turner's Nineteen Years in ^ Zoc. cit. p. 8.
Polynesia, p. 236. ^ Loc. cit. pp. 198, 199.
332 FBTIGEISM
omnipresent, omnipotent, or immortal. There are even
means by which troublesome spirits may be destroyed
or ' laid.' ^ In such cases as these, then, we see religion
in a very low phase ; that in which it consists merely
of belief in the existence of evil beings, less material
than we are, but mortal like ourselves, and if more
powerful than man in some respects, even less so in
others.
FETICHISM.
In the Fetichism of the negro, Keligion, if it can be
so called, is systematised, and greatly raised in import-
ance. Nevertheless from another point of view Fetich-
ism may almost be regarded as an anti-religion. It
has hitherto been defined as the worship of material
substances. This does not seem to me to be its true
characteristic. Fetichism is not truly a form of ' wor-
' ship ' at all. For the negro believes that by means of
the fetich he can coerce and control his deity. In fact,
Fetichism is mere witchcraft. We have already seen
{ante^ p. 250) that magicians all over the world think
that if they can obtain a part of an enemy the possession
of it gives them a power over him. Even a bit of his
clothing will answer the purpose, or, if this cannot be
got, it seems to them natural that an inj ury even to his
image would affect the original. That is to say, a man
who can destroy or torture the image thus inflicts pain
on the original, and this, being magical, is independent
of the power of that original, ^.yqyl in Europe, and in
the eleventh century, some unfortunate Jews were ac-
cused of having murdered a certain Bishop Eberhard
1 Loc. cit. p. 160.
HINDOSTAN 833
in this way. They made a wax image of him, had it
baptized, and then burnt it, and so the bishop died.
Lord Karnes says that at the time of Catherine de
Medicis ' it was common to take the resemblance of
' enemies in wax, in order to torment them by roasting
' the figure at a slow fire, and pricking it with needles.' ^
In India, says Dubois,^ ' a quantity of mud is
^ moulded into small figures, on the breasts of which
' they write the name of the persons whom they mean
' to annoy. . . . They pierce the images with thorns or
' mutilate them, so as to communicate a corresponding
' injury to the person represented.'
Now, it seems to me that Fetichism is an extension
of this belief. The negro supposes that the possession
of a fetich representing a spirit makes that spirit his
servant. We know that the negroes beat their fetich
if their prayers are unanswered, and I believe they
seriously think they thus inflict sufi'ering on the actual
deity. Thus the fetich cannot fairly be called an idol.
The same image or object may indeed be a fetich to one
man and an idol to another ; yet the tw^o are essentially
different in their nature. An idol is indeed an object
of worship, while, on the contrary, a fetich is intended
to bring the deity within the control of man — an attempt
which is less absurd than it at first sight appears, when
considered in connection with their low religious ideas.
If, then, witchcraft be not confused with religion, as I
think it ought not to be, Fetichism can hardly be called
a religion ; to the true spirit of wdiich it is indeed
entirely opposed.
^ Lord Karnes' History of Man, vol. iv. p. 261.
-^ Loc. cit. p. 347.
334 NBGEOBS
Anything will do for a fetich ; it need not represent
the human figure, though it may do so. Even an ear
of maize will answer the purpose. ' If,' said an intelligent
neo-ro to Bosman,"^ ' any of us is resolved to undertake
' anything of importance, we first of all search out a god
' to prosper our designed undertaking ; and, going out
' of doors with this design, take the first creature that
' presents itself to our eyes, whether dog, cat, or the
' most contemptible animal in the world, for our god ;
' or, perhaps, instead of that, any inanimate object that
^ falls in our way, whether a stone, or piece of wood, or
^ anything else of the same nature. This new-chosen
' god is immediately presented with an offering, which
' is accompanied with a solemn vow, that if he pleaseth
' to prosper our undertakings for the future we will
' always worship and esteem him as a god. If our de-
' sign prove successful, we have discovered a new and
' assisting god, which is daily presented with fresh
' offerings ; but if the contrary happen, the new god is
' rejected as a useless tool, and consequently returns to
' his primitive estate. We make and break our gods
' daily, and consequently are the masters and inventors
' of what we sacrifice to.'
The term Fetichism is generally connected with the
negro race, but a corresponding state of mind exists in
many other parts of the world. In fact, it may almost
be said to be universal, since it is nothing more nor less
than witchcraft ; and in the most advanced countries —
even in our own — the behef in witchcraft has scarcely
been entirely eradicated.
^ Bosman'a Guinea, Pinkerton's Loyer (3701), Astley's Collection,
Voyages, vol. xvi. p. 493. See also vol. ii. p. 440.
FETIGRISM IN OTHER RACES 335
The Badagas (Hindostan), according to Metz, are
still in a ' condition little above Feticliism. Any thin o*
' with them may become an object of adoration, if the
' head man or the village priest should take a fancy to
' deify it. As a necessary consequence, however, of this
' state of things, no real respect is entertained towards
' their deities, and it is not an uncommon thing to hear
' the people call them liars, and use opprobrious epithets
' respecting them.' ^ Again, speaking of the Chota Nag-
pore tribes of Central India, Colonel Dalton observes
that certain ' peculiarities in the paganism of the Oraon,
' and only practised by Moondahs who lived in the same
' village mth them, appear to me to savour thoroughly
' of Fetichism.' ^
In Jeypore^ the body of a small musk-rat is re-
garded as a powerful talisman. ' The body of this
' animal, dried, is enclosed in a case of brass, silver, or
' gold, according to the means of the individual, and is
' slung around the neck, or tied to the arm, to render
' the individual proof against all evil, not excepting
' sword and other cuts, musket-shot, &c.' The Abors of
Bengal worship trees, and if misfortunes occur, ' they
' retaliate on the S2:)irits by cutting down trees.' ^
In all these cases the tribes seem to me to be naturally
in the state of Fetichism, disguised, however, and
modified by fragments of the higher Hindoo religions,
which they have adopted without understanding,
The Ostyaks have fetiches to which they offer prayers
1 The Tribes of the Neilgherries, ^ Shortt, Trans. Ethn. Soc, vol.
p. 60. vi. p. 278.
2 Trans. Ethn. Soc.jN.S., vol. vi. ^^ Dalton, Des. Ethn. of Bengal,
p. 83. p. 25.
336 INDIA— NORTH AMERICA
and sacrifices. But if these are ineffectual they abuse,
beat, and even mutilate them/
ThouDfh the Redskins of North America have reached
a higher state of religious development, they still retain
fetiches in the form of ' medicine-bags.' ' Every Indian,'
says Catlin,^ ' in his primitive state, carries his medicine-
' bag in some form or other,' and to it he looks for pro-
tection, and safety. ' The nature of the medicine-bag is
' thus determined : At fourteen or fifteen years of age
' the boy wanders away alone upon the prairie, where he
' remains two, three, four, or even ^yq days, lying on the
' ground musing and fasting. He remains awake as long
' as he can, but when he sleeps the first animal of which
' he dreams becomes his '' medicine." As soon as possible
' he shoots an animal of the species in question, and
' makes a medicine-bag of the skin. To this he looks for
' protection, to this he sacrifices ; unlike the fickle negro,
' however, the Redskin never changes his fetich. To him it
' becomes anemblemof success, like the shield of the Greek,
' or the more modern sword, and to lose it is disgrace.'
The Columbian Indians have small figures in the
form of a quadruped, bird, or fish. These, though called
idols, are rather fetiches, because, as all disease is attri-
buted to them, when anyone is ill they are beaten to-
gether, and the first which loses a tooth or claw is sup-
posed to be the culprit.^
In China,^ also, the lower people, ' if, after long
' praying to their images, they do not obtain what they
' desire, as it often happens, they turn them off as im-
^ Hist. des.Decouvertes dans plus. ^ Dunn's Oregon, p. 125.
contr. de la Russie, vol. iii. p. 147. "^ Astley's Collection of Voyages,
2 American Indians, vol. i. p. 86. vol. iv. p. 218.
CHINA 337
potent gods ; others use them in a most reproachful
manner, loading them with hard names, and sometimes
with blows. " How now, dog of a spirit ! " say they
to them ; ''we give yon a lodging in a magnificent
"temple, we gild you handsomely, feed you well, and
'' offer incense to you ; yet, after all this care, you are
'' so ungrateful as to refuse us what we ask of you."
Hereupon they tie this image with cords, pluck him
down, and drag him along the streets, through all the
mud and dunghills, to punish him for the expense of
perfume which they have thrown away upon him. If
in the meantime it happens that they obtain their re-
quest, then, with a great deal of ceremony, they wash
him clean, carry him back, and place him in his niche
again ; where they fall down to him, and make ex-
cuses for what they have done. " In a truth," say
they, " we were a little too hasty, as well as you were
" somewhat too long in your grant. Why should you
'' brino; this beatino; on vourself ? But what is done
'' cannot be now undone ; let us not therefore think of
" it any more. If you will forget what is past, we will
'' gild you over again." '
Pallas, speaking of the Ostyaks, states that, ' Malgre
la veneration et le respect qu'ils ont pour leurs idoles,
malheur a elles lorsqu'il arrive un malheur a I'Ostyak,
et que I'idole n'y remedie pas. II la jette alors par
terre, la frappe, la maltraite, et la brise en morceaux.
Cette correction arrive frequemment. Cette colere est
commune a tous les peuples idolatres de la Siberie.' ^
M tiller also^ makes very similar statements. Dr.
^ Pallas' Voyages, vol. iv. p. 79.
- Des. de toutes les Nat. de TEmp. Kusse, pt. iii. p. 151.
338 MAD A GA SGA B— AFRICA
Gerland, in the continuation of Waitz's ' Anthropologie,'
mentions several cases of Fetichism in Polynesia/
In Madagascar a small basket was in every house
hung against the northern roof-post, and in it was
placed the fetich, which was sometimes a stone, some-
times a leaf, a flower or a piece of wood. This ' is the
' household '' sampy," or charm, which is trusted in and
* prayed to as a protection from evil.' ^
In Whydah (Western Africa), and I believe gene-
rally, the negroes will not eat the animal or plant which
they have chosen for their fetich.^ In Issini, on the
contrary, ' eating the fetich ' is a solemn ceremony on
taking an oath, or as a token of friendship.^
Fetichism, strictly speaking, has no temples, idols,
priests, sacrifices, or prayer. It involves no belief in
creation or in a future life, and a foiHiori none in a state
of rewards and punishments. It is entirely independent
of morality. In most, however, of the powerful negro
monarchies, religion has made some progress in organi-
sation ; but though we find both sacred buildings and
priests, the religion itself shows little, if a,ny, intellectual
improvement.
TOTEMISM.
The next stage in religious progress is that which
may be called Totemism. The savage does not abandon
his belief in Fetichism, from which, indeed, no race of
men has yet entii'ely freed itself ; but he superinduces
1 Log. cit. vol. vi. pp. 322, 341. ^ Phillips, 1693. Astley, vol. ii.
^ Sibree's Madagascar and its p. 411.
People, p. 204. 4 Loyer, 1701, loc. cit. p. 436.
I
T0TEMI8M 339
on it a belief in beings of a higher and less material
nature. In this stage everything may be worshipped
— trees, stones, rivers, mountains, the heavenly bodies,
and animals : but the hiofher deities are no lona'er re-
garded as liable to be controlled by witchcraft. Still
they are not regarded as Creators ; they do not reward
virtue, or punish vice. The spirits of the departed have
before them a weary and dangerous journey, and many
perish by the way ; heaven, however, seems to be merely
a distant part of the earth.
Even the deities still inhabit this earth ; they are
part of nature, not supernatural ; in fact, we may say
that in Fetichism the deities are non-human, in Totem-
ism superhuman, but do not become supernatural until
a still further stage of mental development.
Again, Totemism is a deification of classes ; the fetich
is an individual. The negro who has, let us say, an ear
of maize as a fetich, values that particular ear, more or
less as the case may be, but has no feeling for maize as
a species. On the contrary, the Redskin who regards
the bear, or the wolf, as his totem, feels that he is in
intimate, though mysterious, association with the whole
species.
The name ' Totemism ' is of North American origin,
and is primarily used to denote the form of religion
widely prevalent among the Redskins of that continent^
but similar religious views are held in various other
parts of the world.
In order to realise clearly the essential characteristics
of the religions of different races, we must bear in mind
that at the stage at which we have now arrived in
the course of our enquiry, the modifications of which a
z 2
340 TOTEMISM
religion is susceptible may be divided into two classes,
viz. developmental and adaptational, or adaptive. 1
use the term ' developmental ' to signify those changes
which arise from the intellectual progress of the race.
Thus a more elevated idea of the Deity is a develop-
mental change. On the other hand, a Northern people
is apt to look on the sun as a beneficent deity, while to
a tropical race it would suggest drought and destruc-
tion. Again, hunters tend to worship the moon, agri-
culturists the sun. These I call adaptational modifica-
tions. They are changes produced, not by difi'erence of
race or of civilisation, but by physical causes.
In some cases the character of the language has pro-
bably exercised much influence over that of religion.
No one, for mstance, can fail to be struck by the difi*er-
ences existing between the Aryan and Semitic religions.
All Aryan races have a complicated mythology, which
is not the case with Semitic races. Moreover, the
character of the gods is quite difi'erent. The latter have
El, Strong, Bel or Baal, Lord ; Adonis, Lord ; Shet,
Master ; Moloch, King ; Ram and Rimmon, the Exalted ;
and other similar names for their deities. The Aryans,
on the contrary, Zeus, the sky ; Phoebus Apollo, the
sun ; Neptune, the sea ; Mars, war ; Venus, beauty, &c.
Max Miiller ^ has very ingeniously endeavoured to ex-
plain this difi'erence by the different character of the
language in these two races.
As a general rule nations in whose languages the
division of the nouns into classes has no reference to the
distinctions of sex, possess no mythology ; and though
there are some apparent exceptions, it is probable, as
^ See Miiller's Chips from a German Workshop, vol. i. p. 363.
CONTRAST OF ABYAN AND SEMITIC UELIGION 341
Dr. Bleek, has suggested,^ that in such cases the ' lan-
' guages, if not at the present day sex-denoting, may
' formerly have been so,' and that thus the presence of
inherited mythological ideas in a nation may give evi-
dence of a former state of its language, a state of which
all other evidence may have now disappeared.
Among the Finns, ' Youmala,' the sky, was first
personified, and then at a later period the word came to
mean any God.
Again, in Semitic words the root remains always
distinct and unmistakable. In Aryan, on the contrary,
it soon becomes altered and disguised. Hence Semitic
dictionaries are mostly arranged according to the roots,
a method which in Aryan languages would be most
inconvenient, the root being often obscure, and in many
cases doubtful. Now, take such an expression as ' the
' sky thunders.' In any Semitic tongue the word ' sky'
would remain unaltered, and so clear in its meaning
that it would w^ith difficulty come to be thought of as
a proper name. But among the Aryans the case was
difi*erent, and we find in the earlier Yedic poetry that
the names of the Greek gods stand as mere words de-
noting natural objects. Thus the Sanskrit Dyaus, the
sky, became the Greek Zeus, and when the Greek said
Zeus fipovra his idea was not ' the sky thunders,' but
' Zeus thunders.' When the gods were thus once
created, the mythology follows as a matter of course.
Some of the statements may be obscure, but when we
are told that Hupnos, the god of sleep, was the father
of Morpheus, the god of dreams ; or that Venus,
^ On Resemblances in Busliman and Australian Mythology, Cape
Monthly Magazine, February, 1874.
342 MYTE8
married to Yulcan, lost her heart to Mars, and that the
intrigue was made known to Vulcan by Apollo, the
sun, we can clearly see how such myths might have
arisen.
The attitude of the ancients towards them is very
interesting. Homer and Hesiod relate them, apparently
without suspicion, and we may be sure that the un-
educated pubhc received them without a doubt. So
crates, however, explains the story that Boreas carried
off Oreithyia from the Ilissos, to mean that Oreithyia
was blown off the rocks by the north wind. Ovid also
says that under the name of Vesta, mere fire is to be
understood. We can hardly doubt that many others
also must have clearly perceived the origin of at any
rate a portion of these myths, but they were probabty
restrained from expressing their opinion by the dread
of incurring the odium of heterodoxy.
One great charm of this explanation is that we thus
remove soaie of the revolting features of ancient myths.
Thus, as the sun destroys the darkness from which it
springs, and at evening disappears in the twilight, so
Oedipus was fabled to have killed his father, and then
married his mother. In this way the whole of that
terrible story may be explained as arising, not from the
depravity of the human heart, but from a mistaken ap-
plication of the statement that the sun destroys the
darkness, and ultimately marries, as it were, the twilight
from which it sprang.
But although poetry may thus throw much light on
the origin of the myths which formed the religion of
Greece and Rome, it cannot explain the origin or cha-
racter of religion among the lower savages, because a
SHAMANISM 343
mythology such as that of Greece and Rome can only
arise amongst a people which have already made con-
siderable progress. True, myths do not occur among
the lowest races. Even in Madagascar, according to a
good authority,^ ' there is nothing corresponding to a
' mythology, or any fables of gods or goddesses, amongst
' the Malagasy.' Tempting, therefore, as it may be to
seek in the nature of language and the use of poetical
expressions an explanation of the religious systems of
the lower races, and fully admitting the influence which
these causes have exercised, we must look deeper for
the origin of religion, and can be satisfied only by an
explanation which is applicable to the lowest races pos-
sessing any religious opinions. In the preceding chapters
I have attempted to do this, and to show how certain
phenomena, as for instance sleep and dreams, pain,
disease, and death, have naturally created in the savage
mind a belief in the existence of mysterious and invisible
beings.
SHAMANISM.
As Totemism overlies Fetichism, so does Shamanism
overlie Totemism. The word is derived from the name
used in Siberia, where the ' Shamans ' work themselves
up into a fury, supposing or pretending that in this con-
dition they are inspired by the Spirit in whose name they
speak, and through whose inspiration they are enabled
to answer questions as well as to foretell the future.
In the phases of religion hitherto considered, the deities
(if indeed they deserve the name) are regarded as
^ Sibree's Madagascar and its People, p. 39(3.
344 SIBEEIA—TBE ESQUIMAUX
visible to all, and present amongst us. Shamanism is a
considerable advance, inasmuch as it presents us with a
higher conception of religion. Although the name is
Siberian, the phase of thought is widely distributed, and
seems to be a necessary stage in the progress of religious
development. Those who are disposed to adopt the
view advocated in this work will not be surprised to
find that ' Shamanism ' is no definite system of theology.
Wrangel, however, regarding Shamanism as a religion
in the ordinary sense, was astonished at this. ' It is
' remarkable,' he says, ' that Shamanism has no dogmas
' of any kind ; it is not a system taught or handed down
* from one to another ; though it is so widely spread, it
' seems to originate with each individual separately, as
' the fruit of a highly excited imagination, acted upon
' by external impressions, which closely resemble each
' other, throughout the deserts of Northern Siberia.' ^
It is far from always easy in practice to distinguish
Shamanism from Totemism on the one hand, and
Idolatry on the other. The main difference lies in the
conception of the Deity. In Totemism the deities in-
habit our earth ; in Shamanism they live generally in a
world of their own, and trouble themselves little about
what is passing here. The Shaman, however, is occa-
sionally honoured by the presence of Deity, or is
allowed to visit the heavenly regions.
Among the Esquimaux the ' Angekok ' answers
precisely to the Shaman. Graah thus describes a scene
in Greenland. The angekok came in the evening, and,
'the lamps ^ being extinguished, and skins hung before
1 Siberia and Polar Sea, p. 123. p. 123. See also Egede's Greenland,
2 Graah's Voyage to Greenland, p. 183, and Lyon's Journ., p. 359.
THE ESQUIMAUX 345
^ the windows (for such arts, for evident reasons, are
' best practised in the dark), took his station on the
' floor, close by a well-dried seal-skin there suspended,
^ and commenced rattling it, beating the tambourine and
' singing, in which last he was seconded by all present.
^ From time to time his chant was interrupted by a cry
^ of " Goie, Goie, Goie, Goie, Goie, Goie! " the meaning
' of which I did not comprehend, coming first from one
^ corner of the hut, and then from the other. Presently
' all was quiet, nothing being heard but the angekok
^ puffing and blowing as if struggling with something
* superior to him in strength, and then again a sound
^ resembling somewhat that of castanets, whereupon
^ commenced once more the same song as before, and
' the same cry of " Goie, Goie, Goie! " In this way a
^ whole hour elapsed before the wizard could make the
' torngak, or spirit, obey his summons. Come he did,
' however, at last, and his approach was announced
^ by a strange rushing sound, very like the sound of
' a large bird flying beneath the roof. The angekok,
' still chanting, now proposed his questions, which
^ were replied to in a voice quite strange to my ears,
* but which seemed to me to proceed from the en-
^ trance passage near which the angekok had taken his
^ station.'
The account given by Cranz agrees with the above
in all essential particulars.^
Williams ^ gives the following very similar account
of a scene in Fiji : — ' Unbroken silence follows ; the
* priest becomes absorbed in thought, and all eyes watch
^ History of Greenland, vol. i. ^ Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i.
p. 210. p. 224.
346 PACIFIG ISLANDS
him with unblinking steadiness. In a few minutes he
trembles ; slight distortions are seen in his face, and
twitching movements in his limbs. These increase to
a violent muscular action, which spreads until the
whole frame is strongly convulsed, and the man shivers
as with a strong ague fit. In some instances this is
accompanied with murmurs and sobs, the veins are
greatly enlarged, and the circulation of the blood
quickened. The priest is now possessed by his god,
and all his words and actions are considered as no
longer his own, but those of the deity who has entered
into him. Shrill cries of '" Koi au, Koi au ! " " It is 1,
" It is I ! " fill the air, and the god is supposed thus
to notify his approach. While giving the answer the
priest's eyes stand out and roll as in a frenzy ; his
voice is unnatural, his face pale, his lips livid, his
breathing depressed, and his entire appearance like that
of a furious madman : the sweat runs from every pore,
and tears start from his strained eyes ; after which the
symptoms gradually disappear. The priest looks round
with a vacant stare, and as the god says, " I depart,"
announces his actual departure by violently flinging
himself down on the mat, or by suddenly striking the
ground with his club. The convulsive movements do
not entirely disappear for some time.' The process
described by Dobritzhofi'er ^ as occurring among the
Abipones is also somewhat similar.
Among the negroes of W. Africa, Brue ^ mentions a
' prophet ' who pretended ' to be inspired by the Deity
' in such a manner as to know the most hidden secrets,
1 History of the Abipones, vol. 2 ^stley's Collection of Voyages,
ii- p. 73. vol. ii. p. 83.
AFBIGA 347
' and go invisible wherever he pleased as well as to
^ make his voice be heard at the greatest distance. His
* disciples and accomplices attested the truth of what
' he said by a thousand fabulous relations ; so that the
' common people, alway credulous and fond of novelty,
' readily give in to the cheat.' Burton mentions the
same thing in Dahome.^
Colonel Dalton states that ' the paganism of the
' Ho and Moondah in all essential features is Shaman-
' istic' ^ So also among the Karens the prophet
' throws himself into a state of clairvoyance. He
' writhes his body and limbs, rolls himself on the
' ground, and often foams at the mouth in the violence
'of his paroxysms. When he is satisfied with his
' condition, he becomes calm, and makes his prophetic
' announcement.' ^
To quote one more case from a very different part
of the world and yet exactly similar, Schweinfurth
tells us that ' the wife of the Dinka had been long
' suffering under some chronic disorder, and he had
' undertaken a long day's journey to fetch a very cele-
' brated conjuror or '' cogyoor " to treat her case. The
' incantation began in a strain which would try the very
' stoutest of nerves ; the strength of the wizard's lungs
' was astounding, and could have won a wager against a
' steaDi trumpet. The virtue of the proceeding, however,
' centered upon this, and ventriloquism was called in to
' assist in producing a dialogue between himself and the
' devil which possessed the patient. I say the " devil "
^ Mission to Dahome, vol. ii. ^ The Karens of the Golden
p. 158. Chersonese, p. 157.
2 Trans. Ethn. Soc, 1868, p. 32.
348 IDOLATRY
'because the biblical expression bas accustomed us to the
' phrase, but I disapprove of the translation, and would
' rather say the '' demon."
' In the most penetrating tone, something like the
' cackling of frightened hens, only a thousand times
' louder, the sorcerer began the enchantment, which
' consisted of several acts.
' The first act lasted two hours without intermission,
'and unless it were heard it could never be imagined.
' I was assured that this introduction was quite indis-
' pensable — as a means of intimidating the devil and com-
' pelling him to reply, it could not by any means be
' omitted from the execution of the charm. The dialogue
' which followed between the wizard and the devil was
' carried on by the artifice of ventriloquism. The wizard
' made all kinds of inquiries as to the devil's name, the
' period of his possession of the woman, his proceedings,
' and his whereabouts, and then went on to ask about
his lineage, his kinsfolk and acquaintances. When for
' an hour or more the wizard had interrogated him, till he
' had got all the answers he wanted, he set to work to
' provide the real remedy.' ^
IDOLATRY.
The worship of idols characterises a somewhat
higher stage of human development. We find no traces
of it among the lowest races of men ; and Lafitau ^ says
' Schweinfurth, Heart of Africa, ^ Moeurs des Sauvages Ameri-
P' 331. cains, vol. i. p. 151.
ABSENCE OF IDOLATRY AMONG SAVAGES 349
truly, ' On peut dire en general que le grand nombre
' des peuples sauvages n'a point d'idoles.' The error of
regarding Idolatry as the general religion of low races
has no doubt mainly arisen from confusing the Idol and
the Fetich. Fetichism, however, is an attack on the
Deity, Idolatry is an act of submission to him ; rude no
doubt, but yet humble. Hence, Fetichism and Idolatry
are not only diiFerent, but opposite, so that the one
could not be developed directly out of the other. We
must therefore expect to find between them, as indeed
we do, a stage of religion without either the one or the
other.
Captain Lyon states that the Esquimaux have no
idols. -^ ' Neither among the Esquimaux nor the Tinne,'
says Richardson, ' did I observe any image or visible
' object of worship.' ^
Carver mentions that the Canadian Indians had no
idols ; ^ and this seems to have been true of the North
American Indians generally. Lafitau mentions as
an exception the existence of an idol named Oki in
Yirginia."^
In Eastern Africa Burton states that he knows ' but
' one people, the Wanyika, who have certain statuettes
' called Kisukas.' Prichard, however, quotes a com-
munication from Dr. Kraff, in which it is stated that
' the Wanika are pagans, though they have no
' imao-es.' ^ Neither the Kaffirs nor the Bechuanas have
idols.^
1 Journal, p. 372. vol. ii. p. 398.
^ Boat Journey, vol. ii. p. 44. ^ Livingstone's Travels in South
^ Travels, p. 387. Africa, p. 158. Maclean's Comp. of
* Vol. i. p. 168. Kaffir Laws and Customs, p. 78.
s Prichard's Nat. Hist, of Man,
350 ABSENCE OF IBOLATBY AMONG SAVAGES
Nor do the West African negroes worship idols.^ It
is true that some writers mention idols, but the context
almost always shows that fetiches are really meant. In
the kingdom of Whydah ' Agoye ' was represented
under the form of a deformed black man, from whose
head proceed lizards and snakes,^ offering a striking
similarity to some of the Indian idols. This is, how-
ever, an exceptional case. Battel only mentions par-
ticularly two idols ^ and Bosnian ^ expressly says that
' on the Gold Coast the natives are not in the least
' acquainted with image- worship ; ' adding, ' but at
' Ardra there are thousands of idols,' i.e. fetiches. At
Loango there was a small black image named Chikokke
which was placed in a little house close to the port.^
These, however, were merely fetiches in human form.
For instance, we are told by the same author that in
Kakongo, the kingdom which lies to the south of Loango,
the natives during the plague ' burnt their idols, saying,
^ ^' If they will not help us in such a misfortune as this,
' '^ when can ice expect they should?''' ' ^ Thus, appa-
rently, doubting not so much their power as their will.
Again, in Congo the so-called idols are placed in fields
to protect the growing crops.'' This is clearly the
function of a fetich, not of a true idol.
In Madagascar, though of late years certain idols
were treated with great respect, yet there seems reason
to suppose that this ' idolatrous system is of compara-
1 Astley's Collection of Voyages, * Bosman's Guinea. Pinkerton,
vol. ii. p. 240, for Futa, and for loc. cit. p. 403.
Guinea, as far as Ardrah, p. 666. "' Astley, loc. cit. p. 216.
^ Astley's Collection of Voyages, '■ Ibid. p. 217.
PP- 26, 50. 7 Ibid. vol. iii. p. 229. Living-
3 Adventures of A. Battel. Pin- stone. Expedition to the Zambesi,
kerton, vol. xvi. p. 331. p. 523.
OBIGTN OF IDOLATRY 351
^ tively modern date.' ^ The Australians and Tas-
manians have no idols.
'Idolatry,' says Williams of the Fijian, 'he seems
' never to have known ; for he makes no attempt to
'fashion material representations of his gods.' ^ As
regards the New Zealanders, Yate^ says, that 'though
' remarkably superstitious, they have no gods that they
' worship : nor have they anything to represent a being
' which they call God.' DiefFenbach also observes that
in New Zealand ' there is no worship of idols, or of
' bodily representations of the Atoaa.' ^
The same may be said of the Tongans ; while on the
other hand, the reverse was the case with the Society
Islanders, and some other Polynesian tribes. The
Tannese had no idols,^ and according to Hale this is,
true with the Micronesians generally.^
Speaking of the Singe Dyaks,^ Sir James Brooke
says, ' Religion they have none : and although they
' know the name for a god ' (which is probably taken
from the Hindoos), 'they have no priests nor idols, say
' no prayers, oiFer no offerings.' He subsequently modi-
fied this opinion on some points, but as regards the
absence of idols it seems to be correct.
In India the Khasias have no temples or idols.^
The Kols of Central India worship the sun ; ' material
^ Sibree, Madagascar and its Polynesia, p. 88.
People, p. 396. ^ Ethno. of the United States
2 Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i. Expl. Exp., pp. 77, 84.
p. 216. Seeman's Mission to Viti, '^ Keppel's Expedition to Borneo,
p. 154. vol. i. p. 231.
3 Loc. cit. p. 141. s Dalton, Des. Ethn. of Bengal,
^ Loc. cit. vol. ii. p. 118. p. 57. Jour. Anthr. Ins., 1871,
^ Turner, Nineteen Years in p. 130.
352 GONNEGTION WITH TEE W0B8RIP OF ANGESTOES
' idol worship they have none.' ^ Originally, says
Dubois, the Hindoos did not resort ' to images of stone
' or other materials, .... but when the people of
' India had deified their heroes or other mortals, they
' began then, and not before,, to have recourse to statues
' and images.' ^ The Karens, again, as a race abstain from
the worship of idols. ^ In China ' it is observable ^ that
' there is not to be found, in the canonical books, the
' least footstep of idolatrous worship till the image of Fo
' was brought into China, several ages after Confucius.'
The Ostyaks never made an image of their god
' Torium,' ^ and some other Siberian tribes were without
idols.^ In fact, idols do not occur until we arrive at
the stage of the highest Polynesian Islanders. Even
then they are often, as Ellis expressly tells us,^ mere
shapeless pieces of wood ; thus leaving much to the
imagination. It may, I think, be laid down almost as
a constant rule, that mankind arrives at the stage of
monarchy in government before he reaches idolatry
in religion.
The idol usually assumes the human form, and
idolatry is closely connected with that form of religion
which consists in the worship of ancestors. We have
already seen how imperfectly uncivilised man realises
the conception of death ; and we cannot wonder that
death and sleep should long have been intimately con-
nected together in the human mind. The savage, how-
1 DaltoD, Trans, Etlin. Soc, N.S., * Astley, vol. iv. p. fi03.
vol. vi. p. 32. •'' Erman, loc. cit. vol. ii. p. 50.
' Dubois, The People of India, •' Miiller, Des. de toutes les Nat.
p. 370. de I'Empire Russe, pt. i. pp. 54, 63.
3 M'Mahon, K. of the Golden ' Polynesian Eesearches, vol. ii.
Chersonese, p. 125. p. 220.
CONNECTION WITH TEE WORSHIP OF ANCESTORS 353
ever, knows well that in sleep the spirit lives, even
though the body appears to be dead. Morning after
morning he wakes himself, and sees others rise, from
sleep. Natm^ally, therefore, he endeavours to rouse the
dead. Nor can we wonder at the very general custom
of providing food and other necessaries for the use of
the dead. Among races leading a settled and quiet life
this habit would tend to continue longer and longer.
Prayers to the dead would reasonably follow from such
customs, for even without attributing a greater power
to the dead than to the living, they might yet, from
their diiferent sphere and nature, exercise a con-
siderable power, whether for good or evil. But it
is impossible to distinguish a request to an invisible
being from prayer ; or a powerful spirit from a demi-
god.
The worship of ancestors has by some writers
been regarded as the origin of religion. I can, how-
ever, not accept this view. It is not specially character-
istic of the lowest savages, and although among them
descent is traced, as we have seen, in the female line, I
do not know any case in which female ancestors were
worshipped.
However this may be, the worshi]D of ancestors is
certainly very widely distributed.
The Kaffirs sacrifice and pray to their deceased
relatives, although ' it would perhaps be asserting too
' much to say absolutely that they believe in the exist-
' ence and the immortality of the soul.' ^ In fact, their
belief seems to go no further than this, that the ghosts
1 The Basutos ; Casalis, p. 243. of the Amaziilu. Livingstone, Zam-
See also Callaway's Religious System besi, p. 46.
A A
354 INDIA
of the dead haunt for a certain time their previous
dwelling-places, and either assist or plague the living.
No special powers are attributed to them, and it would
be a misnomer to call them ' Deities.'
Ancestor- worship also exists among the people of
Angola, of Balonda, and of the Congo. The Nicara-
guans worshipped their ancestors, regarding them as
having become ' teotes ' or gods.
The important part played by the worship of an-
cestors in the religion of Greece and Kome has been
clearly shown by M. Fustel de Coulanges, in his admir-
able work ' La Cite Antique.'
In less civilised societies, when there were no great
differences of rank, deceased spirits would, indeed,
scarcely rise beyond the dignity of ghosts ; but under a
more settled government the ghosts of the great would
tend to become gods. Thus it appears that in Poly-
nesia ^ the worship of ancestors has tended to replace
that of the earlier deities.
The nations of Mysore at the new moon ' observe a
' feast in honour of deceased parents.' ^ The Kurum-
bars of the Deccan also ' sacrifice to the spirits of an-
* cestors,' and the same is the case with the Santals.^
Indeed, the worship of ancestors appears to be more or
less prevalent among all the aboriginal tribes of Central
India.
Burton ^ considers that some of the Egba deities are
* palpably men and women of note in their day.'
' The gods whom the New Zealanders fear,' says
1 Gerland's Cont. of Waltz's ^ Elliott, Trans. Etlin. Soc, N.S.,
Anthropologie, vol. vi. p. 330. vol. viii. pp. 104, 106.
^ Bucliarian, quoted in Trans. '^ Abbeokuta, vol. i. p. 191.
Ethn. Soc, N.S., vol. viii. p. 96.
AFRICA— POLYNESIA— SIBERIA 355
Shortland, ' are the spirits of the dead, who are believed
' to be constantly watching over the living with
'jealous eyes.' ^ I have already mentioned that
throughout Polynesia the worship of ancestors prevailed
among the Sandwich Islanders and Samoans, and indeed
seems to have been gaining ground over the older forms
of religion ; Hale says broadly ^ that the religion of the
Micronesians ' is the worship of the spirits of their
' ancestors.' In Peru, the deceased Yncas were wor-
shipped as gods,^ and in Mexico Quetzalcoatl was
doubtless, says Prescott, ' one of those benefactors of
' their species who have been deified by the gratitude of
' posterity.' ^ In Tanna and other neighbouring islands
they worship the spirits of their ancestors.^ ' There can
' be little doubt,' says Hale,^ speaking of the Micronesians,
' that the deities worshipped in the Southern clusters
' were only deified chiefs, the memory of whose exist-
' ence has been lost in the lapse of time ; ' in many cases,
at any rate, worship is avowedly paid to the spirits
of their ancestors.
Other races endeavour to preserve the memory of the
dead by rude statues. Thus, ancestor- worship is very
prevalent in Siberia, and Pallas ^ mentions that the
Ostyaks of Siberia ' rendent aussi un culte a leurs morts.
' lis sculptent des figures de bois pour representer les
' Ostiaks celebres. Dans les repas de commemoration on
' place devant ces figures une partie des mets. Les
^ Traditions of tlie New Zea- See also VViittke, Ges. der Mensch.
landers, p. 81. vol. i. p. 262.
- U. S. Expl. Expedition, p. 77. ^ Turner, Nineteen Years in
^ Garcilasso de la Vega, vol. i. Polynesia, pp. 88, 394, 411.
p. 93. Markham, Rites and Laws of '' Ethn. of the U. S. Expl. Exp.,
the Yncas, p. 12. p. 97.
^ Hist, of Mexico, vol. i. p. 46. '^ Pallas' Voyages, vol. iv. p. 79.
356 SIBEBIA
femmes qui ont cheri leurs maris ont de pareilles
figures, les couchent avec elles, les pirent, et ne mangent
point sans leur presenter une partie de leur portion.'
Erman,^ also, mentions that when a man dies ' the rela-
tives form a rude wooden image representing, and in
honour of, the deceased, which is set up in their yurt,
and receives divine honours ' for a certain time. ' At
every meal they set an offering of food before the image ;
and should this represent a deceased husband, the widow
embraces it from time to time, and lavishes on it every
sign of attachment.' In ordinary cases this semi- worship
only lasts a few years, after which the image is buried.
But when a Shaman dies, this custom changes, in his
favour, into a complete and decided canonisation ; for
it is not thought enough that, in this case, the dressed
block of wood which represents the deceased should
receive homage for a limited period, but the priest's
descendants do their best to keep him in vogue from
generation to generation ; and by well- contrived oracles
and other arts they manage to procure offerings for these
their families' penates as abundant as those laid on
the altars of the universally acknowledged gods. But
that these latter also have an historical origin, that
they were originally monuments of disthiguished men,
to which prescription and the interest of the Shamans
gave by degrees an arbitrary meaning and importance,
seems to me not liable to doubt ; and this is, further-
more, corroborated by the circumstance that of all the
sacred yurts dedicated to these saints, which have been
numerous from the earliest times in the vicinity of the
^ Erman, loc. cit. vol. ii. p. 51.
th:e] wisdom of solomon 357
' river, only one has been seen (near Samarovo) con-
' taining the image of a woman.'
It seems to me that in other countries also, statues
have in this manner come to be worshipped as deities >
It is, in fact, difficult to state the origin of idolatry
more clearly than in the following passages from the
' Wisdom of Solomon ' : ^ —
'13. Neither were they from the beginning, neither
' shall they be for ever.
'14. For by the vain glory of men they entered
' into the world, and therefore shall they come shortly
' to an end.
'15. For a father afflicted with untimely mourning,
' when he hath made an image of his child soon taken
' away, now honoured him as a god, which was then a
' dead man, and delivered to those that were under him
' ceremonies and sacrifices.
' 16. Thus, in process of time, an ungodly custom
' grown strong was kept as a law, and graven images
' were worshipped by the commandments of kings :
'17. Whom men could not honour in presence, be-
' cause they dwelt far off, they took the counterfeit of
' the visage from far, and made an express image of a
' king whom they honoured, to the end that by this their
' forwardness, they might flatter him that was absent
' as if he were present.
' 18. Also the singular diligence of the artificer did
' help to set forward the ignorant to more superstition.
'19. For he, peradventure willing to please one in
' authority, forced all his skill to make the resemblance
' of the best fashion.
^ Wisdom, cla. xiv. 12.
358 THE IDOL NOT EEGABBEI) AS A MERE EMBLEM
' 20. And so the multitude, allured by the grace of
' the work, took him now for a god, which a little before
* was but honoured as a man.'
The idol is by no means regarded as a mere emblem.
In India,^ when the offerings of the people have been
less profuse than usual, the Brahmans sometimes ' put
'the idols in irons, chaining their hands and feet.
' They exhibit them to the people in this humiliating
' state, into which they tell them they have been
' brought by rigorous creditors, from whom their gods
' had been obliged, in times of trouble, to borrow money
'to supply their wants. They declare that the in-
' exorable creditors refuse to set the god at liberty,
' until the whole sum, with interest, shall have been
' paid. The people come forward, alarmed at the sight
' of their divinity in irons ; and thinking it the most
' meritorious of all good works to contribute to his
' deliverance, the}^ raise the sum required by the
' Brahmins for that purpose.'
' A statue of Hercules ^ was worshipped at Tyre, not
' as a representative of the Deity, but as the Deity him-
' self ; and accordingly, when Tyre was besieged by
' Alexander, the Deity was fast bound in chains, to
' prevent him from deserting to the enemy.'
It is hard for us to appreciate the difficulty which an
undeveloped mind hnds in raising itself to any elevated
conception. Thus Campbell mentions that a High-
lander, wishing to describe a castle of the utmost pos-
sible magnificence, ended with this climax : ' That was
' the beautiful castle ! There was not a shadow of a
^ DuboiS; The People of India, - History of Man, vol. iv.
p. 407. p. 316.
THE IDOL NOT BEGAEDED AS A MERE EMBLEM 359
^ thin^ that was for the use of a castle that was not
^ in it, even to a herd for the geese' As, however,
civilisation progresses, and the chiefs, becoming more
despotic, exact more and more respect, the people are
introduced to conceptions of power and magnificence
higher than any which they had previously, entertained.
Hence, though the worshij) of ancestors occurs
among races in the stage of Totemism, it long survives,
and may be regarded as characterising Idolatry ; which
is really a higher religion and generally indicates a
more advanced mental condition than the worship of
animals or of the heavenly bodies. At first sight the
reverse would appear to be the case : most would re-
gard the sun as a far grander deity than any in human
form. As a matter of fact, however, this is not so, and
worship is generally, though not invariably, associated
with a lower idea of the Deity than is the case with
Idolatry.
Indeed, the very circumstances which to our minds
almost render the sun worthy of deification are pre-
cisely those which made sun-worship comparatively a
rare form of religion amongst the lower race& ol
savages.
Again, in the lowest religions, man does not form to
himself any definite conception of Deity. If we enquire
in what sense a savage regards a tree or a serpent as a
deity, we are putting to ourselves a question which the
savas^e does not think of askino\ But when relio^ion
acquired a more intellectual character — when it in-
cluded faith as well as feeling, belief as well as mystery
— man first conceived the Deity as a being like himself
in form, character, and attributes, only wiser and more
360 WOBSHIF OF MEN
powerful. This is one reason why the deities in this
stage are anthropomorphous.
Another is the fact that the gradually increasing
power of chiefs and kings has familiarised the mind
with the existence of a power greater than any which
has been previously conceived. Thus, in Western Africa,
the slave trade having added considerably to the wealth
and consequently to the power of the chiefs or kings,
they maintained much state, and insisted upon being
treated with servile homage. No man was allowed to
eat with them, or to approach them excepting on his
knees, with an appearance of fear, which no doubt was
in many cases sufficiently well-founded.
These marks of respect so much resembled adora-
tion, that ' the individuals ^ of the lower classes are
' persuaded that his (the king's) power is not confined
' to the earth.'
Battel mentions that the king of Loango ' is honoured
' among them as though he were a god.' ^ He is so holy
that no one is allowed to see him eat or drink. The tyrants
of Natal, says Casalis, ' exacted almost divine homage.' ^
In Peru the Ynca Uiraccocha was adored as a god
even during his life, ' though he wished to teach the
* Indians not to worship him.' ^
In Madagascar, also, the reigning sovereign was
regarded almost as a god.^
In New Zealand, says Hale,^ ' the great warrior
^ Proyart's History of Loang:o, ^ The Basutos, p. 219.
Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 577. See also ^ Garcilasso de la Vega, vol. ii.
Bosman, loc. cit. pp. 488, 491. Ast- p. Q7.
ley's Collection of Voyages, vol. iii. •' Sibree, Madagascar and its
pp. 70, 223, 226. People, p. 815.
2 Pinkerton's Travels, vol. xvi. ^ u. S. Expl. Exped., p. 21.
p. 330.
W0B8HIP OF MEN 361
* chief, Hongi, claimed for himself the title of a god,
^ and was so called by his followers. At the Society
* Islands, Tamatoa, the last heathen king of Eaitea, was
' worshipped as a divinity. At the Marquesas there are,
^ on every island, several men who are termed atua, or
' gods, who receive the same adoration, and are believed
^ to possess the same powers, as other deities. . . .
^ At Depeyster's group, the westernmost cluster of
* Polynesia, we were visited by a chief, who announced
' himself as the atua or god of the islands, and was
' acknowledged as such by the other natives.'
The king and queen of Tahiti were regarded as so
sacred that nothing once used by them, not even the
sounds forming their names, could be used for any
ordinary purpose.^ The language of the court was
characterised by the most ridiculous adulation. The
king's ' houses were called the aarai, the clouds of
' heaven ; anuanua, the rainbow, was the name of the
' canoe in which he voyaged ; his voice was called
' thunder ; the glare of the torches in his dwelling was
' denominated lightning ; and when the people saw
* them in the evening, as they passed near his abode,
* instead of saying the torches were burning in the
' palace, they would observe that the lightning was
^ flashing in the clouds of heaven.'
Man- worship would not, indeed, be long confined to
the dead. In many cases it extends to the living also.
Indeed, the savage who worships an animal or a tree,
would see no absurdity in worshipping a man. His
chief is, in his eyes, almost as powerful as, if not more
so than, his deity. Yet man -worship does not prevail in
^ Ellis' Polynesian Eesearches, vol. ii. pp. 348, 360.
362 WORSHIP OF CHIEFS
altogether uncivilised coramunities, because the chiefs,
associating constantly with their followers, lack that
mystery which religion requires, and which nocturnal
animals so eminently possess. As, however, civilisation
progresses, and the chiefs separate themselves more and
more from their subjects, this ceases to be the case, and
man- worship becomes an important element of religion.
The worship of a great chief seems quite as natural
to man as that of an idol. ' Why,' said a Mongol^ to
Friar Ascelin, 'since you Christians make no scruple to
' adore sticks and stones, why do you refuse to do the same
^ honour to Bayoth Noy, whom the Khan hath ordered
' to be adored in the same manner as he is himself ? '
^ Tuikilakila,^ the chief of Somosomo, offered Mr.
' Hunt a preferment of the same sort. " If you die
' " lirst," said he, " I shall make you my god." In fact,
' there appears to be no certain line of demarcation
' between departed spirits and gods, nor between gods
' and living men, for many of the priests and old chiefs
' are considered as sacred persons, and not a few of them
' will also claim to themselves the right of divinity. " I am
' " a god," Tuikilakila would sometimes say ; and he be-
' lieved it too. They were not merely the words of his lips ;
' he believed he was something above a mere man.'
This worship is, however, almost always accom-
panied by a belief in higher beings. We have already
seen that the New Zealanders and some other nations
have almost entirely abandoned the worship of animals,
&c., without as yet realising the higher stage of Idolatry,
owing probably in great measure to their political con-
dition. In other cases where Shamanism has not so
^ Astley, vol. iv. p. 651. 2 Erskine's Western Pacific, p. 246.
I
WORSHIP OF TBAVELLEUS 363
effectually replaced Totemism, the establishment of
monarchical government, with its usual pomp and cere-
monial, led to a much more organised worship of the old
gods. Of this the serpent -worship in Western Africa,
and the sun-worship in Peru, are striking examples.
I do not therefore wonder that white men should
have been so often taken for deities. This was the case
with Captain Cook in the Pacific, with Lander in
Western Africa,^ and, as already mentioned, Mrs. Thom-
son was regarded by the North Australians as a spirit,
though she lived with them for some years. In the
Voyage of Sir Francis Drake ^ it is mentioned that some
of the North American Indians brought ' feathers and
' bags of Tohah for presents, or rather indeed for sacri-
' fices, upon this persuasion that we were gods.' Mr.
Hale tells us that the natives of Oatufu and other
islands thought that these ' came from above, in the
' sky. and were divinities.' ^
Several other similar cases have been already referred
to {ante^ p. 268).
It seems at first sight hard to understand how men
can be regarded as immortal. Yet even this belief has
been entertained in various countries.
Merolla tells us ^ that in his time the wizards of
Congo were called Scinghili, that is to say, Grods of the
Earth. The head of them is styled Ganga Chitorne,
' being reputed God of all the Earth.' ^ He further
' asserts that his body is not capable of suffering a
^ See ante, p. 257. See also Gerland, Anthr. der Natur-
~ Jones, Antiquities of tlie volker, vol. vi. p. ^^1 .
Southern Indians, p. 39f). Stevens, * Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 226, et
Flint Chips, pp. 318, 319. seq.
3 U. S. Expl. Exp., pp. 153, 156.
364. W0B8HIP OF PBINCIPLE8
^ natural death ; and, therefore, to confirm his adorers in
' that opinion, whenever he finds his end approaching,
' either through age or disease, he calls for such a one
' of his disciples as he designs to succeed him, and pre-
' tends to communicate to him his great powers : and
' afterwards in public (where this tragedy is always
' acted) he commands him to tie a halter about his neck
' and to strangle himself therewith, or else to take a
^ club and knock him down dead. This command being
' once pronounced, is soon executed, and the wizard
' thereby sent a martyr to the devil. The reason that
' this is done in public is to make known the successor
' ordained by the last breath of the predecessor, and to
' show that it has the same power of producing rain,
^ and the like. If this ofiice were not thus continually
' filled, the inhabitants say that the earth would soon
' become barren, and mankind consequently perish. In
' my time, one of these magicians was cast into the sea,
' another into a river, a mother and her son put to
' death, and many others banished by our order, as has
' been said.'
So also the Great Lama of Thibet is regarded as
immortal ; though his spirit occasionally passes from
one earthly tenement to another.
These, then, are the lowest intellectual stages
through which religion has passed. It is no part of
my plan to describe the various religious beliefs of the
higher races. I have, however, stopped short sooner
perhaps than I should otherwise have done, because the
worship of personified principles, such as Fear, Love,
Hope, &c., could not have been treated apart from that
of the Phallus or Lingam with which it was so inti-
SACBIFICES 365
mately associated in Greece, India, Mexico, and else-
where ; and which, though at first modest and pure, as
all religions are in their origin, led to such abominable
practices that it is one of the most painful chapters in
human history.
I will now, therefore, pass on to some points inti-
mately connected with religion, but which could not be
conveniently treated in the earlier part of this work.
There is no difficulty in understanding that when
once the idea of Spiritual Beings had become habitual
— when once man had come to regard them as exer-
cising an important influence, whether for good or evil
— he would endeavour to secure their assistance and
support. Before a war he would try to propitiate them
by promising a share of the spoil after victory ; and fear,
even if no higher motive, would ensure the performance
of his promise.
We, no doubt, regard, and justly regard, sacrifices
as unnecessary. ' I will take no bullock,' says David,^
'out of thine house, nor he goat out of thy folds.' This
sentiment, however, was far in advance of its time, and
even Solomon felt that sacrifices, in the then condition
of the Jews, were necessary. They form, indeed, a stage
through which, in any natural process of development,
religion must pass. At first it is supposed that the
Spirits actually eat the food offered to them. Soon,
however, it would be observed that animals sacrificed
did not disappear ; and the natural explanation would
be that the Spirit ate the spiritual part of the victim,
leaving the grosser portion to his devout worshipper.
Thus the Limboos, near Darjeeling, eat their sacrifices,
1 Psalm 1.
366 SACRIFICES
dedicating, as tiaey forcibly express it, " the life -breath
' to the gods, the flesh to ourselves.' ^
So also, as Sir Gr. Grey tells us, the New Zealand
fairies, when Te Kanawa gave them his jewels, carried
off tbe shadows only, not caring for the earthly sub-
stance.^ In Guinea, according to Bosman, ' the idol
' hath only the blood, because they like the flesh very
' well themselves.' ^ In other cases the idols were
smeared with the blood, while the devotees feasted on
the flesh. The Ostyaks, when they kill an animal, rub
some of the blood on the mouths of their idols. Even
this seems at length to be replaced in some cases, as Mr.
Tylor has suggested, by red paint. Thus, the sacred
stones in India, as Colonel Forbes Leslie has shown, are
frequently ornamented with red.^ So also in Congo it
is customary to daub the fetiches with red every new
moon.
Of the great offerings of food among the Fijians,
says Williams,^ 'native belief apportions merely the
' soul thereof to the gods, who are described as being
' enormous eaters ; the substance is consumed by the
' worshippers.'
In Madagascar ' in almost all cases the worshippers
' seem to have feasted on the flesh.' ^
Gradually, indeed, it comes to be a necessary por-
tion of the ceremony that the victim should be eaten
by those present. Thus, in India,'^ when the sacrifice
^ Campbell, in Trans. Ethn. Soc, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 464.
N.S., vol. vii. p. 153. -^ Fiji and the FijiaDs, vol. i.
2 Polynesian Mythology, p. 294. p. 231. See also p. 223.
3 Bosman, Pinkerton's Voyages, « g^i^j.^^^ Madagascar and its
vol. xvi. p. 531. Astley's Collection People, p. 389.
of Voyages, vol. ii. p. 97. ^ ^^.^^ois. The People of India,
'^ See, for instance. Early Races p. 401.
CONFUSION OF THE SAGBIFIGF AND THE DEITY 367
is over, ' the priest comes out, and distributes part of
' the articles which have been offered to the idols.
' This is received as holy, and is eaten immedi-
' ately.'
Ellis ^ mentions an indication of this in Tahiti, when
human sacrifices prevailed, but cannibalism was aban-
doned. The priest handed a portion of the victim to
the king, ' who raised it to his mouth as if desirous to
' eat it,' but then handed it to an attendant. Among
the Kedskins,^ at the feast held when the hunting
season begins, the victim ' must be all eaten and nothing
' left.' It is remarkable that among the Algonkins
another rule at the same feast is that not a bone of the
victim must be broken.^
In many cases a curious confusion arises between
the victim and the deity, and the former is worshipped
before it is sacrificed and eaten. Thus in ancient
Egypt, Apis, the victim, was also regarded as the God,^
and Iphigenia was supposed by some to be the same as
Artemis.^ The same explanation of the facts has been
subsequently adopted by H. Spencer.^
In Mexico ^ at a certain period of the year the priest
of Quetzalcoatl made an image of the Deity, of meal
mixed with infants' blood, and then, after many im-
pressive ceremonies, killed the image by shooting it with
an arrow, and tore out the heart, which was eaten by
the king, while the rest of the body was distributed
^ Polynesian Eesearches, vol. ii. p. 213.
p. 214. 5 if,i^ p i5g
2 Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, « ^Yx.e Principles of Sociology,
vol. iii. p. 61. Tanner's Narrative, p. 300.
p. 287. 7 See Miiller, Ges. d. Amer. Urr.
3 Tanner's Narrative, p. 195. p. 605. Wiittke, Ges. der Mensch.,
* Cox's Manual of Mythology, vol. i. p. 314.
368 WOBSEIP OF THE 8AGRIFIGE
among the people, every one of whom was most anxious
to procure a piece to eat, however small.
The great yearly sacrifice in honour of Tezcatlipoca
was also very remarkable. Some beautiful youth,
usually a war captive, was chosen as the victim. For
a whole year he was treated and worshipped as a god.
When he went out he was attended by a numerous
train of pages, and the crowd as he passed prostrated
themselves before him, and did him homage as the im-
personation of the good Deity. Everything he could
wish was provided for him, and at the commencement
of the last month four beautiful girls were allotted to
him as wives. Finally, when the fatal day arrived, he
was placed at the head of a solemn procession, taken to
the temple, and after being sacrificed with much cere-
mony and every token of respect, he was eaten by the
priests and chiefs.-^
Again, among the Khonds ^ of Central India human
sacrifices prevailed until quite lately. ' A stout stake
is driven into the soil, and to it the victim is fastened,
seated, and anointed with ghee, oil, and turmeric,
decorated with flowers, and worshipped during the day
by the assembly. At nightfall the licentious revelry
is resumed, and on the third morning the victim gets
some milk to drink, when the presiding priest implores
the goddess to shower her blessings on the people.
' After the mock ceremony, nevertheless, the victim
is taken to the grove where the sacrifice is to be
carried out ; and, to prevent resistance, the bones of
^ Miiller, /oc. a;t. p. 617. Prescott, ^ jy^. Shortt, Trans. Ethn. Soc.^
loc. cit. vol. i. p. 5. Rites and Laws N.S., vol. vi. p. 273. Campbell,
of the Incas, p. 28. Wild Tribes of Khondistan, p. 112.
EATING THE SACBIFIGE 369
' tlie arms and legs are broken, or the victim drugged
' with opium or datura, when the janni wounds his
' victim with his axe. This act is followed up by the
' crowd ; a number now press forward to obtain a piece
' of his flesh, and in a moment he is stripped to the
' bones.'
An almost identical custom prevails among the
Marimos, a tribe of South Africa much resembling: the
Bechuanas. We find amongst them, says Arbousset,
' the practice of human sacrificed on the occasion of a
' ceremony which they call meseletso oa mabele^ or the
' boiling of the corn. They generally select for this
' sacrifice a young man, stout, but of small stature.
' They secure him, it may be by violence, or it may
^ be by intoxicating' him with yoala. They then
' lead him into the fields, and sacrifice him in the
* midst of the fields, according to their own expres-
^ sion, for seed. His blood, after having been coagu-
' lated by the rays of the sun, is burned along with
' the frontal bone, the flesh attached to it, and tho
' brain. The ashes are then scattered over the lands
' to fertilise them, and the remainder of the body is
* eaten.' ^
Schoolcraft ^ mentions a very similar sacrifice to the
' Spirit of Corn ' among the Pawnees. The victim was
first tortured by being suspended over a fire. ' At a
' given signal a hundred arrows were let fly, and her
' whole body was pierced. These were immediately
^ withdrawn, and her flesh cut from her bones in small
' pieces, which were put into baskets, and carried into
* Tour to tlie N.E. of the Oape ^ Schoolcraft's Personal Memoirs
Good Hope, p. 58. p. 614.
B B
370 EATING TEH 8AGBIFIGE
' the cornfield, where the grain was being planted, and
' the blood squeezed out on each hill. '
In some parts of Africa ' eating the fetich ' is a
solemn ceremony, by which women swear fidelity to
their husbands, men to their friends. On a marriage in
Issini, the parties ' eat the fetich together, in token of
^ friendship, and as an assurance of the woman's fidelity
' to her husband.' ^ In taking an oath, also, the same
ceremony is observed. To know, says Loyer, ' the
^ truth from any negro, you need only mix something
' in a little water, and steeping a bit of bread, bid him
' eat or drink that fetich as a sign of the truth. If the
' thing be so he will do it freely ; but if otherwise, he
' will not touch it, believing he should die on the spot
' if he swore falsely.'
The sacrifices were, as a general rule, not eaten by
all indiscriminately. In Fiji they were confined to
the old men and priests ; women and young men being
excluded from any share.
In many cases, the priests gradually established a
claim to the whole ; a result which could not fail to act
as a considerable stimulus to the practice of sacrifice.
It also affected the character of the worship. Thus, as
Bosman tells us, the priests encouraged offerings to the
Serpent rather than to the Sea, because, in the latter
case, as he expresses it, there happens no remainder to
' be left for them.'
As already mentioned, the feeling which has led to
the sacrifice of animals would naturally culminate in
that of men. So natural, indeed, does the idea of
human sacrifice appear to the human mind in this stage
^ Loyer, in Astley's Collection of Voyages, vol, ii. pp. 436, 441.
HUMAN SACRIFICE 371
that we meet with it in various nations all over the
world ; and it is unjust to regard it, with Prescott,^ as
evidence of fiendish passions : on the contrary, it indi-
cates deep and earnest religious feeling, perverted by an
erroneous conception of the Divine character.
Human sacrifices occurred in Guinea,^ and Burton ^
saw ' at Benin city a young woman lashed to a scafibld-
' ing upon the summit of a tall blasted tree, and being
' devoured by the turkey -buzzards. The people de-
' clared it to be a " fetich " or charm for bringing rain.'
I have already mentioned the existence of human
sacrifice among the Marimos of South Africa.
Captain Cook describes human sacrifices as prevalent
among the islanders of the Pacific,^ and especially in
the Sandwich group.^ He particularly describes^ the
case of a sacrifice offered by Towha, chief of the district
of Tettha, in Tahiti, to propitiate the Deity on the
occasion of an expedition against Eimeo (PL IV.) ; and
mentions that, during the ceremony, ' a kingfisher
' making a noise in the trees, Otoo (the king) turned
' to me, saying, " That is the Eatooa," i.e. Deity.' War
captives were frequently sacrificed in Brazil.
In Madagascar human sacrifices seem to have pre-
vailed in the province of Vangaidrano, but not elsewhere. ""
Various nations in India besides the Khonds, who
have been already mentioned, used to offer up human
sacrifices on extraordinary occasions ; but so recently
^ History of Mexico, vol. i. vol. ii. p. 41.
p. 68. '" Loc. cit. vol. iii. p. 161.
^ Astley's Collection of Voyages, ^ Loc. cit. vol. ii. p. 30.
vol. iii. p. 113. '^ Sibree, Madagascar and its
'^ Abheolmta, vol. i. p. 19. People, p. 390.
^ Cook, Voyage to tlie Pacific,
B B 2
372 HUMAN 8ACBIFIGE
as 1865-66 such sacrifices were resorted to in hopes of
averting the famine ; ^ and even now in some places,
though the actual sacrifice is no longer permitted, they
make human figures of flour, paste, or clay, and then
cut ofi" the heads in honour of their gods ; ^ just as the
Eomans used to throw dolls into the Tiber as a substi-
tute for human sacrifices.
Many cases of human sacrifice are mentioned in
ancient history. The Carthaginians, after their defeat
of Agathocles, burnt some of their captives as a sacrifice ;
the Assyrians offered human sacrifices to the god Nergal.
Although resorted to on various critical occasions
by the Greeks, human sacrifice appears to have been
foreign to the mythology and opposed to the spirit of
that people. Human sacrifices are connected with a
more earnest and melancholy theology. In Roman
history they occur far more frequently, and even down
to a late date. In the year 46 B.C. Caesar sacrificed two
soldiers on the altar in the Campus Martius.^ Augustus
is said to have sacrificed a maiden named Grregoria.^
Even Trajan, when Antioch was rebuilt, sacrificed
Calliope, and placed her statue in the theatre.^ Under
Commodus, and later emperors, human sacrifices ap-
pear to have been more common ; and a gladiator
appears to have been sacrificed to Jupiter Latialis even
in the time of Constantine.^ Yet these awful rites had
been expressly forbidden B.C. 95 ; and Pliny asserts that
in his time they were never openly solemnised.'^
In Northern Europe human sacrifices were not un-
1 Hunter, Annals of Rural Ben- * Malalas, Chron., p. 221.
gal, 1868, p. 128. ^ 76^6^. p. 275.
2 DulDois, loc. cit. p. 490. « Porphyry, De Abstin., ii. 56.
3 Dio. H. R., xliii. 24. ^ ^at. His,, xxx. 1, 12.
ETJBOFE 373
common. The Yarl of the Orkneys is recorded to have
sacrificed the son of the King of Norway to Odin in the
year 893/ In 993, Hakon Yarl sacrificed his own son
to the gods. Donald, King of Sweden, was burnt by
his people as a sacrifice to Odin, in consequence of a
severe famine.^ At Upsala was a celebrated temple,
round which an eye-witness assured Adam of Bremen
that he had seen the corpses of seventy-two victims
hanging up at one time.^
In Russia, as in Scandinavia, human sacrifices con-
tinued down to the introduction of Christianity. In
Mexico and Peru they seem to have been peculiarly
numerous. Miiller^ has suggested that this may have
partly arisen from the fact that these nations were not
softened by the possession of domestic animals. Various
estimates have been made of the number of human
victims annually sacrificed in the Mexican temples.
M tiller thinks 2,500 is a moderate estimate ; and in
one year it appears to have exceeded 100,000.
Among the Jews we find a system of animal sacri-
fices on a great scale, and symbols of human sacrifices,
which can, I think, only be understood on the hypo-
thesis that the latter were once usual. The case of
Jephthah's daughter is generally Jooked upon as quite
exceptional,^ but the twenty -eighth and twenty-ninth
verses of the twenty- seventh chapter of Leviticus ap-
pear to indicate that human sacrifices were at one time
habitual among the Jews.
^ Snorre, Heimskringla, vol. ii. * Geschichte der Americanisehen
p, 31. Torfseus, His. Rer. Norvegi- Urreligionen, p. 23.
carum, vol. ii. p. 52. _ ^ See Kalisch, Commentary on
2 Snorre, vol. i. p. 56. the Old Testament, Lev., pt. i.
^ Adam of Bremen, vol. iv. p. 27. p. 409.
374 AMEBICA—THE JEWS— TEMPLES
I do not here refer to the human sacrifices at burials,
because these are not, strictly speaking, of a religious
character, but intended to supply the deceased with
wives or slaves in the land of spirits.
The lower savages have no temples or sacred build-
ings. Throughout the new world there was no such
thing as a temple, excepting among the semi- civilised
races of Central America and Peru.
The Stiens of Cambodia ' have neither priests nor
' temples.' ^ We should seek in vain, says Casalis,^
' from the extremity of the southern promontory of
'Africa to the country far beyond the banks of the
' Zambesi, for anything like the pagodas of India, the
' maraes of Poljaiesia, or the fetich huts of Nigritia.'
The people of Madagascar, as we are informed by
Drury,^ who resided fifteen years among them, although
they have settled abodes, keep large herds of cattle, and
are diligent agriculturists, ' have no temples, no taber-
' nacles or groves for the public performance of their
' divine worship ; neither have they solemn fasts, or fes-
' tivals, or set days or times ; nor priests to do it for them.'
The Toorkmans, says Burnes,"^ ' are without
' mosques.' The Micronesians, according to Hale,^
' have neither temples, images, nor sacrifices.' The
Khasias ^ ' have no temples.' The same is the case
with the Ostyaks and other savage races of Siberia.^
^ Mouhot's Travels in the ^ U.S. Explor. Exped., pp. 77,
Central Parts of Indo-Ohina, vol. i. 84,
p. 250. ^ Godwin -Austen, Jour, of the
2 The Basutos, p. 237. Anthr. Inst., 1871, p. 130.
^ Adventures of Robert Drury, '^ Miiller, Des. de toutes les Nat.
p. 10. de I'Emp. Russe, pt. ii. p. 105 ;
* Travels into Bokhara, vol. ii. pt. iii. p. 141.
p. 260.
TEMPLES— PRIESTS 375
Professor Nilsson was, I believe, the first to point
out that certain races buried the dead in their houses,
and that the chambered tumuli of Northern Europe are
probably copies of the dwellings then used ; sometimes
perhaps the actual dwellings themselves. We know
that as the power of chiefs increased, their tombs became
larger and more magnificent ; and Mr. Fergusson has
well shown how, in India, the tumulus has developed
into the temple.
In some cases, as, for instance, in India, it is far
from easy to distinguish between a group of stone gods
and a sacred fane. In fact, we mav be sure that the
very same stones are by some supposed to be actual
deities, while others more advanced regard them as
sacred only because devoted to religious purposes. Some
of^ the ruder Hindostan tribes actually worship upright
stones ; but Colonel Forbes Leslie regards the sacred
stones represented in PI. III. as a place of worship,
rather than as actual deities ; and this is at any rate
the case with another group similarly painted, which
he observed near Andlee, also in the Dekhan, and
which is peculiarly interesting from its resemblance to
those stone circles of our own country of which Stone -
henge is (see Froniis'piece) the grandest representative.
Fig. 18, p. 259, represents^ a religious dance as prac-
tised by the Redskins of Virginia. Here, also, as already
mentioned, we see a sacred circle of stones, differing
from those of our own country, and of India, only in
having a human head rudely carved on each stone.
The lower races of men have no Priests properly so
called. Many passages, indeed, may be quoted which,
^ Moeurs des Saiiv. Amer., vol. ii. p. 136.
Z1Q PBIEST8
at first sight, appear to negative this assertion. If,
however, we examine more closely the true functions
of these so-called ' priests,' we shall easily satisfy our-
selves that the term is a misnomer, and that wizards
only are intended. Without temples and sacrifices
there cannot be priests.
According to Drury, there were no priests in Mada-
gascar ; more recently, however, the guardians of the
idols had usurped priestly functions and even claimed
for themselves immunities from legal consequences,
akin to the custom of privilege of clergy, which sur-
vived until so recently among ourselves.'
The New Zealanders ^ had ' no regular priesthood.'
Neither the Hill Tribes of India nor the Yedic Aryans
had priests. Mr. Gladstone^ observes that the priest
was not, ' as such, a significant personage in Greece at
' any period, nor had the priest of any one place or
' deity, so far as we knoAv, any organic connection with
' the priest of any other ; so that if there were priests,
' yet there was not a priesthood.'
Miiller again expresses himself in very similar
language. ' That there ever was in Greece,' he says,
' a priesthood, strictly speaking, in contradistinction to
' a laity, is a point which, in my opinion, cannot at all
' be estabhshed.' *
The progress seems to be that at first all men were,
in this respect at least, alike. After a while some
became more celebrated than others as sorcerers and
diviners. These persons gradually associated them-
^ Sibree, Madagascar and its ^ Juyentus Mundi, p. 181.
People, p. 400. 4 Scientific System of Mythology,
^ Yate, p. 146. p. 188.
TED CONDITION OF TEE SOUL AFTER BEATS S77
selves into a special class or caste, and assumed also
the functions of doctors and priests. These qualities
by degrees assumed more and more importance. It is
therefore, in some cases, difficult to say whether the
' medicine men,' or ' mystery men,' are doctors or
priests. For instance, among the Kaffirs there are
certain persons known as ' Isanusi,' ' In tonga,' or,
* Igqira,' which terms, says Mr. Warner,^ ' I choose to
* translate by the word " priest," in preference to that of
* " doctor," the term generally employed by Europeans
^ to designate this class of persons.'
An important part of their duty consists in regulat-
ing the weather. ' This,' says Mr. Warner,^ ' is another
' of the heathenish vanities in which the benighted
^ Kaffirs put their trust. They firmly believe that some
' of their priests have the power to cause it to rain.'
I have already pointed out (ante, p. 238) the great
difference between the belief in ghosts and in the im-
mortality of the soul. Some races entirely disbelieve
in the survival of the soul after the death of the body,
and even those which are more advanced often differ
from us very much in their views ; in fact the belief in
a universal, independent, and endless existence is con-
fined to the very highest races of men.^ The New
Zealanders believe that a man who is eaten as well as
killed, is thus destroyed both soul and body. Even,
however, those who have proper interment are far from
secure of reaching the happy regions in the land of
spirits. The road to these is long and dangerous, and
many a soul perishes by the way.
^ Kaffir Laws and Customs, p. 80. ^ Taylor, New Zealand and its
^ Ibid. p. 104. Inhabitants, p. 101.
378 SUBVIVAL OF THE SOUL
In the Tonga Islands the chiefs are regarded as im-
mortal, the Tooas or common people as mortal ; with
reference to the intermediate class, or Mooas, there is a
difference of opinion.
A friend of Mr. Lang's ^ ' tried long and patiently to
make a very intelligent docile Australian black under-
stand his existence without a body, but the black
never could keep his countenance, and generally made
an excuse to get away. One day the teacher watched
and found that he went to have a hearty fit of
laughter at the absurdity of the idea of a man living
and gomg about without arms, legs, or mouth to eat ;
for a long time he could not believe that the gentle-
man was serious, and when he did realise it, the more
serious the teacher was, the more ludicrous the whole
affair appeared to the black.'
The resurrection of the body as preached by the
missionaries,^ appeared to the Tahitians ' astounding '
and ' incredible ; * and ' as the subject was more fre-
* quently brought under their notice in public discourse
' or in reading the Scriptures, and their minds were
' more attentively exercised upon it in connection with
' their ancestry, themselves, and their descendants, it
' appeared invested with more than ordinary difficulty,
' bordering, to their apprehension, on impossibility.'
Although the Fijian s believe that almost every-
thing has a spirit, few spirits are immortal : the road to
Mbulu is long, and beset with so many difficulties, that
after all few attain to immortality.^
^ The Aborigines of Australia, ^ Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i.
p. 31. p. 247. Seemann, Mission to Viti,
^ Ellis, Polynesian Researches, p. 400.
vol. ii. p. 165.
DEATH OF THE 8PIB1T 379
We find a very similar belief also among the
Esquimaux ^ and the Kaffirs.^
As regards Central India, Colonel Dalton says,^ ' I
Mo not think that the present generation of Kols have
^ any notion of a heaven or hell that may not be traced
' to Brahminical or Christian teaching. The old idea
* is that the souls of the dead become " bhoots," spirits,
' but no thought of reward or punishment is connected
' with the change. When a Ho swears, the oath has
' no reference whatever to a fature state. He prays
' that if he speak not the truth he may be afflicted in
' this world with the loss of all — health, wealth, wife,
' children : that he may sow without reaping, and
' finally may be devoured by a tiger ; but he swears
' not by any happiness beyond the grave. He has in
' his primitive state no such hope ; and I believe that
' most Indian aborigines, though they may have some
' vague ideas of continuous existence, will be found
' equally devoid of original notions in regard to the
'judgment to come.'
In his ' Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal ' he makes
a similar statement with reference to the Chalikatas,
another of the hill tribes, declaring that they ' utterly
' rejected all notions of a future state. The spirits they
' propitiated were, they declared, mortal like them-
' selves.' ^ The Buihers,^ Oraons,^ and Juangs ^ also
held very similar views. Again, ' all enquirers on the
1 Crantz's Greenland, p. 259 ; ^ Trans. Ethn. Soc, 1867, p. 38.
quoted in Tylor's Primitive Culture, * Ibid. p. 21.
vol. ii. p. 20. ^ Des. Ethn. of Bengal, p. 133.
-^ Callaway, Amazulu Eeligion, ^ Loc. cit. p. 257.
p. 355. "^ Loc. cit. p. 157.
380 THE LOCALITY OF HLJAVEN
' subject appeared to have arrived at the conclusion that
' the Santals have no belief in a future state.' ^
Among the Micronesians, according to Hale,^ the
souls of those, 'only those, who are. tattooed (being
' chiefly persons of free birth) can expect to reach the
' Kainakaki. All others are intercepted on their way,
' and devoured by a monstrous giantess, called Baine.^
Some of the Guinea negroes considered that the soul of
the departed was subjected to an examination as to
his conduct during life, and if found wanting, ' his god
' plunges him into the river, where he is drowned, and
' buried in eternal oblivion.' ^
Even when the spirit is supposed to survive the
body, the condition of souls after death is not at first
considered to differ materially from that during life.
Heaven is merely a distant part of earth. Thus the
^ seats of happiness are represented by some Hindu
' writers to be s^ast mountains on the north of India.' ^
The Haitians considered that the paradise of the
dead was situated in the lovely western valleys of their
island.^ Again, in Tonga the souls are supposed to go
to Bolotoo, a large island to the north-west, well stocked^
with all kinds of useful and ornamental plants, ' always
' bearing the richest fruits and the most beautiful
' flowers, according to their respective natures ; that
' when these fruits or flowers are plucked, others imme-
' diately occupy their place. . . . The island of Bolotoo
' is supposed to be so far ofi* as to render it dangerous
^ Loc. cit. p. 218. 5 Tylor's Primitive Culture, vol.
"" U.S. Expl. Exped., p. 99. ii. p. 56.
3 Bosman, Pinkerton's Voyages, '^ Mariner, loc. cit. vol. ii.
vol. xvi. p. 401. p. 108.
^ Dubois, loc. cit. p. 485.
BELIEF IN A FUTURE LIFE 381
* for their canoes to attempt going there ; and it is
' supposed, moreover, that even if they were to succeed
' in reaching so far, unless it happened to be the parti-
' cular will of the gods, they would be sure to miss it.'
They believe, however, that on one occasion a canoe
actually reached Bolotoo. The crew landed, but when
they attempted to touch anything ' they could no more
' lay hold of it than if it had been a shadow.' Conse-
quently hunger soon overtook them, and forced them to
return, which they fortunately succeeded in doing.
A curious notion, already referred to, is the belief
that each man has several souls. It is common to
various parts of America,^ and exists in Madagascar as
well as among the Khonds of Hindostan. It apparently
arises from the idea that each pulse is the seat of a
different life. It also derives an appearance of proba-
bility from the inconsistencies of behaviour to which
savages are so prone. The Fijians also believed that
each man has two spirits.^ Among the ancient Greeks
and Romans there are some indications of the existence
of a similar belief^
The belief in a future state, if less elevated than our
own, is singularly vivid among some barbarous races.
Thus we are told that among the Ancient Britons
money was habitually lent on what may strictly be
termed ' postobits ' — promises to pay in another world,
and it is said that the same thing occurs even now in
Japan.
^ Tertre's History of the Oaribby p. 664.
Islands, p. 288. It prevails also in ^ Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i.
Greenland, Miiller, Ges. der Am. p. 241.
Urreligionen, p. 66 ; and among the ^ Lafitau, vol. ii. p. 424.
Chippewas. Schoolcraft, vol. vi.
382 PUTTING OLD PEOPLE TO DEATH
A striking ic stance of undoubting faith is mentioned
by Mr. Tylor. A Hindoo thought he had been unfairly
deprived of forty rupees, whereupon he cut off his own
mother's head, with her full consent, in order that her
spirit might haunt and harass the man who had taken
the money, and those concerned with him/
The Fijians believe that ' as they die, such will be
' their condition in another world ; hence their desire to
' escape extreme infirmity.' ^ The way to Mbulu, as
already mentioned, is long and difficult ; many always
perish, and no diseased or infirm person could possibly
succeed in surmounting all the dangers of the road.
Hence, as soon as a man feels the approach of old age,
he notifies to his children that it is time for him to die.
If he neglects to do so, the children after a while take
the matter into their own hands. A family consultation
is held, a day appointed, and the grave dug. The aged
person has his choice of being strangled or buried alive.
Mr. Hunt gives the following striking description of
such a ceremony once witnessed by him. A young
man came to him and invited him to attend his mother's
funeral, which was just going to take place. Mr. Hunt
accepted the invitation, and joined the procession, but,
surprised to see no corpse, he made enquiries, when the
young man ' pointed out his mother, who was walking
' along with them, as gay and lively as any of those
^ present, and apparently as much pleased. Mr. Hunt
' expressed his surprise to the young man, and asked how
* he could deceive him so much by saying his mother
' was dead, when she was alive and well. He said, in
1 Primitive Culture, vol. ii. - Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i.
p. 103. p. 183.
PUTTIJSG OLD PEOFLB TO DEATH 383
^ reply, that they had made her death-feast, and were
' now going to bury her ; that she was old, that his
^ brother and himself had thon2:ht she had lived lono-
' enough, and it was time to bury her, to which she had
* willingly assented, and they were about it now. He
^ had come to Mr. Hunt to ask his prayers, as they did
' those of the priest.
* He added, that it was from love for his mother
' that he had done so ; that in consequence of the same
^ love, they were now going to bury her, and that none
' but themselves could or ought to do such a sacred
^ office ! Mr. Hunt did all in his power to prevent so
' diabolical an act ; but the only reply he received was
' that she was their mother, and they were her children,
' and they ought to put her to death. On reaching the
' grave, the mother sat down, when they all, including
* children, grandchildren, relations and friends, took an
' affectionate leave of her ; a rope, made of twisted
^ tapa, was then passed twice round her neck by her
^ sons, who took hold of it and strangled her ; after
* which she was put into her grave, with the usual
^ ceremonies.' ^
So general was this custom that in one town con-
taining several hundred inhabitants Captain Wilkes did
not see one man over forty years of age, all the old
people having been buried. The same belief is found
in other Pacific Islands, as, for instance, in the Hervey
Islands.^
For the same reason the Australians in some cases
cut off the right thumb of a dead foe, believing that
1 Wilkes' Exploring Expedition, ^ Qin, Myths of the South Pa-
condensed edition, p. 211. cific^ p. 162.
384 THIS FUTURE STATE
being thus ' unable to throw the spear or to use the
' dowak efficiently, his spirit can do them very little
' injury.' ^ We find also a very similar belief among
some of the negroes.^
In Dahome the king sends constant messages to
his deceased father, by messengers who are killed for
the purpose.^ The same firm belief which leads to
this reconciles the messengers to their fate. They
are well treated beforehand, and their death, being
instantaneous, is attended with little pain. Hence
we are assured that they are quite cheerful and con-
tented, and scarcely seem to look on their death as a
misfortune.
The North American Indian, as Schoolcraft tells us,
has little dread of death. ' He does not fear to go to a
* land which, all his life long, he has heard abounds in
' rewards without punishments.' * The Japanese com-
mit suicide for the most trifling causes ; and it is said
that in China, if a rich man is condemned to death, he
can sometimes purchase a willing substitute at a very
small expense.
The lower races have no idea of Creation, and even
among those somewhat more advanced it is at first
very incomplete. Their deities are j)art of, not the
makers of, the world ; and even when the idea of
creation dawns upon the mind, it is not strictly a
creation, but merely the raising of land already existing
at the bottom of the original sea.
The Abipones had no theory on the subject ; when
^ Oldfield, Trans. Ethn. Soc, ^ Burton's Dahome, vol. ii.
N. S., vol. iii. p. 287. p. 25.
2 Wuttke, Ges. der Mensch., ^ Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, vol.
vol. i. p. 107. ii. p. 68.
CREATION 385
questioned by DobritzhofFer/ ' My father,' replied Ye-
hoalay readily and frankly, ' our grandfathers, and
^ great-grandfathers, were wont to contemplate the
' earth alone, solicitous only to see whether the plain
' afforded grass and water for their horses. They
' never troubled themselves about what went on in the
' heavens, and who was the creator and governor . of
' the stars.'
Father Baegert,^ in his account of the Californian
Indians, says, 'I often asked them whether they had
' never put to themselves the question who might be
' the Creator and Preserver of the sun, moon, stars, and
' other objects of nature, but was always sent home with
' a " vara," which means " no " in their language.'
The Chipewyans ^ thought that the world existed at
first in the form of a globe of water, out of which the
Great Spirit raised the land. The Lenni Lenape^ say
that Manitu at the be^rinninof swam on the water, and
made the earth out of a grain of sand. He then made
a man and woman out of a tree. The Mingos and
Ottawwaws believe that a rat brought up a grain of
sand from the bottom of the water, and thus produced
the land. The Crees^ had no ideas at all as to the
origin of the world.
yjStuhr, who was, as Miiller says, a good observer of
such matters, tells us that the Siberians had no idea of
a Creator. When Burchell suggested the idea of crea-
tion to the Bachapin Kaffirs, they ' asserted that every-
' thing made itself, and that trees and herbage grew by
^ Loc. cit. vol. ii. p. 59. p. 107.
2 Loc. cit. p. 390. ^ Franklin's Journey to the Polar
3 Dunn's Oregon, p. 102. Sea, vol. i. p. 143.
4 Miiller, Ges; d. Amer, Urr.
C C
386 CREATION
' their own will.' ^ It also appears from Canon Calla-
way's researches that the Zulu Kaffirs have no notion
of creation. Casalis makes the same statement : all
the natives, he says, ' whom we questioned on the
' subject have assured us that, it never entered their
^ heads that the earth and sky might be the work of an
* Invisible Being.' ^ The same is also the case with the
Hottentots.
The Australians, again, had no idea of creation.
According to Polynesian mythology, heaven and earth
existed from the beginning.^ The latter, however, was
at first covered by water, until Mawe drew up New
Zealand by means of an enchanted fish-hook.^ This
fish-hook was made from the jaw-bone of Muri-ranga-
whenna, and is now the cape forming the southern ex-
tremity of Hawkes' Bay. The Tongans,^ Samoans,^
and Hervey Islanders ^ have a very similar tale. Here
the islands were drawn up by Tangaloa, ' but, the line
' accidentally breaking, the act was incomplete, and
' matters were left as they now are. They show a hole
' in the rock, about two feet in diameter, which quite
' perforates it, and in which Tangaloa' s hook got fixed.
^ It is, moreover, said that Tooitonga had, till within a
' few years, this very hook in his possession.'
As regards Tahiti, Williams ^ observes that the
' origin of the gods, and their priority of existence in
* comparison with the formation of the earth, being a
* Zoc. cit. vol. ii. p. 550. ^ Mariner, loc. dt. vol. i. p. 284.
2 The Basutos, p. 238. « jjale, U. S. Expl. Exp., p. 26.
3 Polynesian Mythology, p. 1. ' Gill, Myths of the S. Pacific,
Gill, Myths of the South Pacific, p. 73.
p. 20. Shortland, loc. cit. p. 35. ^ Polynesian Researches, vol. ii.
^ Ibid. p. 45. p. 191.
OBEATION 387
' matter of uncertainty even among the native priests,
' involves the whole in the greatest obscurity.' Even
in Sanskrit there is no word for creation, nor does any
such idea appear in the Rigveda, in the Zendavesta, or
in Homer.
When the Capuchin missionary MeroUa ^ asked the
Queen of Singa, in Western Africa, who made the
world, she, ' without the least hesitation, readily an-
' swered, '' My ancestors." " Then," replied the Capu-
' chin, " does your Majesty enjoy the whole power of
' " your ancestors ? " " Yes," answered she, " and
' '' much more, for over and above what they had, I am
' '' absolute mistress of the kingdom of Matamba ! " A
^ remark which shows how little she realised the mean-
' ing of the term " Creation." ' The negroes in Guinea
thought that man was created by a great black spider.^
The Bongos of Soudan ' have no conception of there
' being a Creator.' ^ Other negroes, however, have more
just ideas on the subject, probably derived from the
missionaries.
The Kumis of Chittagong believe that ^ certain
Deity made the world and the trees and the creeping
things, and lastly ' he set to work to make one man and
' one woman, forming their bodies of clay ; but each
' night, on the completion of his work, there came a
' great snake which, while God was sleeping, devoured
' the two images.' ^ At length the Deity created a dog
which drove away the snake, and thus the creation of
man was accomplished.
^ Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. xvi. ^ Heart of Africa; -vol. ii. p. 306.
p. 305. ^ Lewin's Hill Tracts of Chitta-
2 Ibid. p. 459. gong, p. 90.
c c 2
388 FBAYEB
We cannot fail also to be struck with the fact that
the lower forms of religion are almost independent of
Prayer. To ns prayer seems almost a necessary part
of religion. But it evidently involves a belief in the
goodness of God, a truth which, as we have seen, is not
early recognised.
Mr. Man, while maintaining that the Andaman
Islanders believed in the existence of Spirits, admits
that they did not worship or pray to them.^
Of the Hottentots Kolben says, ' It is most certain
' they neither pray to any one of their deities nor utter
' a word to any mortal concerning the condition of their
' souls or a future life.' . . . Even those negroes,
says Bosman, who have a faint conception of a higher
Deity, ' do not pray to him, or offer any sacrifices to
' him, for which they give the following reasons : —
' '' Grod," say they, "is too high exalted above us, and
' " too great to condescend so much as to trouble him-
' " self, or think of mankind." ' ^
The Mandingoes, according to Park, regard the
Deity as ' so remote, and of so exalted a nature, that it
' is idle to imagine the feeble supplications of wretched
' mortals can reverse the decrees, and change the pur-
' poses, of unerring Wisdom.' ^ They seem, however,
to have little confidence in their own views, and generally
assured Park, in answer to his enquiries about religion
and the immortality of the soul, that ' no man knows
' anything about it.' ' The uncontaminated African,'
says Livingstone, believes that the Great Spirit lives
above the stars, 'but they never pray to him.'^
^ Man, Jour. Antkr. Inst., 1882. ^ Park's Travels, vol. i. p. 267.
2 Bosman, loc. cit. p. 493. ^ Zambesi, p. 147.
PBAYEU 389
' Neither among the Eskimos nor Tinne,' says Ricliard-
son, ' could I ascertain that prayer was ever made to
' the " Kitche Manito,^' the Great Spirit or " Master of
' " Life." ' ' Dr. Prescott, in Schoolcraft's ' Indian
' Tribes/ also states that the North American Indians
do not pray to the Great Spirit.^ The Caribs consider
that the Good Spirit ' is endued with so great goodness
' that it does not take any revenge even of its enemies ;
' whence it comes that they render it neither honour
' nor adoration.' ^
The Karens are said to believe in a supreme God,
but they worship him not with prayer or praise, or any
kind of service.*
According to Metz, the Todas (Neilgherry Hills)
never pray. Even among the priests, he says, ' the
' only sign of adoration that I have ever seen them
' perform is lifting the right hand to the forehead,
' covering the nose with the thumb, when entering the
' sacred dairy : and the words, " May all be well ! " are
' all that I have ever heard them utter in the form of a
' prayer.' ^ Marshall, however, gives a different account.
According to him,^ the Todas do pray and their prayers
are of the most matter-of-fact description. Every man,
as he enters his hut at night, turns round and mutters
to himself, ' May it be well with the male children, the
' men, the cows, the female calves, and everything ; ' in
which latter expression the women and female children
^ Richardson's Boat Journey, ^ M'Mahon, Tlie Karens of the
vol. i. p. 44. Gold. Chersonese, p. 91.
^ Prescott, Schoolcraft's Indian ^ Tribes of the Neilgherries,
Trihes, vol. iii. p. 226. p. 27.
3 Tertre's History of the Oaribby ^ Marshall's Todas, p. 71.
Islands, p. 278.
390 FBAYEB-TEE TEMPTEB
must be included, if they are included at all. The
material character of their religious views is amusingly
indicated by the remark of a Toda with reference to the
' Pekkans,' which is the poorest of the Toda clans, and
has no holy place : ' Aha,' he said, they are ' poor,
' they do not want a god.'
A very different objection to prayer (in the sense of
a request for material benefits) was expressed by Tomo-
chichi, the Chief of the Yamacraws (North America), to
General Oglethorpe : ^ ' that the asking for any par-
' ticular blessing looked to him like directing God ; and,
' if so, that it must be a very wicked thing. That
' for his part he thought everything that happened in
' the world was as it should be ; that God of him -
' self would do for everyone what was consistent
' with the good of the whole ; and that our duty to
' him was to be content with whatever happened in
' general, and thankful for all the good that happened
^ in particular.'
The connection between morality and religion will
be considered in a later chapter. Here, I will only
observe that the deities of the lower races, being subject
to the same passions as man, and in many cases, indeed,
themselves monsters of iniquity, regarded crime with
indifference, so long as the religious ceremonies and
sacrifices in their honour were not neglected. Hence
it follows that through all these lower races there is no
idea of any Being corresponding to Satan. So far, in-
deed, as their deities are evil they may be so called ;
but the essential character of Satan is that of the
Tempter ; hence in the order of succession this idea
^ Jones, Antiquities of the Southern Indians, p. 421.
THU PBOGBESS OF RELIGION 391
cannot arise until morality has become connected with
religion.
It is impossible to imagine a greater contrast than
that presented by Christianity and Buddhism, which, in
spite of some remarkable outward resemblances to
Roman Catholicism, diiFers most essentially in its tenets,
teaching that every virtuous act is infallibly rewarded ;
every sin inevitably punished, and being, as Col. Tallboys
Wheeler says, ' a religion without Gods, without Priests
' properly so called, and without sacrifices, penances,
' or supplications to Deity.' ^
Thus, then, I have endeavoured to trace the gradual
development of religion among the lower races of man.
The lower savages regard their deities as scarcely
more powerful than themselves ; they are evil, not
good ; they are to be propitiated by sacrifices, not by
prayer ; they are not creators ; they are neither omni-
scient nor all-powerful ; they neither reward the good
nor punish the evil ; far from conferring immortality
on man, they are not even in all cases immortal them-
selves.
Where the material elements of civilisation developed
themselves without any corresponding increase of know-
ledge, as, for instance, in Mexico and Peru, a more cor-
rect idea of Divine power, without any corresponding
enlightenment as to the Divine nature, led to a religion
of terror, which finally became a terrible scourge of
humanity.
Gradually, however, an increased acquaintance with
the laws of nature enlai'ged the mind of man. He first
supposed that the Deity fashioned the earth, raising it
^ Wheeler, Hist, of India, vol. iii. p. 97.
392 THE PBOGBESS OF BELIGION
out of the water, and preparing it as a dwelling-place
for man, and subsequently realised the idea that land
and water were alike created by Divine power. After
regarding spirits as altogether evil, he rose to a belief
in good as well as in evil deities, and, gradually sub-
ordinating the latter to the former, worshipped the
good spirits alone as gods, the evil sinking to the level
of demons. From believing only in ghosts, he came
gradually to the recognition of the soul : at length
uniting this belief with that in a beneficent and just
Behig, he connected Morality with Keligion ; a step
the importance of which it is scarcely possible to over-
estimate.
Thus we see that as men rise in civilisation, their
rehgion rises with them. The Australians dimly
imagine a being, spiteful, malevolent, but weak, and
dangerous only in the dark. The Negro's deity is
more powerful, but not less hateful — invisible, indeed,
but subject to pain, mortal like himself, and liable to
be made the slave of man by enchantment. The
deities of the South Sea Islanders are, some good, some
evil ; but, on the whole, more is to be feared from
the latter than to be hoped from the former. They
fashioned the land, but are not truly creators, for
earth and water existed before them. They do not
punish the evil, nor reward the good. They watch
over the affairs of men ; but if, on the one hand, witch-
craft has no power over them, neither, on the other,
can prayer influence them — they require to share the
crops or the booty of their worshippers.
It appears, then, that every increase in science —
that is, in positive and ascertained knowledge — brings
SCIENCE AND RELIGION 393
with it an elevation of religion. Nor is this progress
confined to the lower races. Even within the last cen-
tury, science has purified the religion of Western
Europe by rooting out the dark belief in witchcraft,
which led to thousands of executions, and hung like a
black pall over the Christianity of the middle ages.
The immense service which Science has thus ren-
dered to the cause of Religion and of Humanity, has
not hitherto received the recognition which it deserves.
Science is still regarded by many excellent, but narrow-
minded, persons as hostile to religious truth, while in
fact she is only opposed to religious error. No doubt
her influence has always been exercised in opposition
to those who present contradictory assertions under the
excuse of mystery, as well as to all but the highest con-
ceptions of Divine power. The time, however, is ap-
proaching when it will be generally perceived that, so
far from Science being opposed to Religion, true Religion
is, without Science, impossible ; and if we consider the
various aspects of Christianity as understood by dif-
ferent nations, we can hardly fail to see that the
dignity, and therefore the truth, of their religious be-
liefs, is in direct relation to their knowledge of Science
and of the great physical laws by which our universe is
governed.
394
CHAPTER IX.
CHARACTER AND MORALS.
THE accounts which we possess of the character
of savage races are conflicting and unsatisfac-
tory. In some cases travellers have expressed strong
opinions, for which they had obviously no sufficient
foundation. Thus the unfortunate La Perouse, who
spent only one day on Easter Island, states his belief
that the inhabitants ' are as corrupt as the circum-
' stances in which they are placed will permit them to
' be.' ^ On the other hand, the Friendly Islanders were
so called by CajDtain Cook on account of the apparent
kindness and hospitality with which they received him.
Yet, as we now know, this appearance of friendship
was entirely hypocritical. The natives endeavoured to
lull him into security, with the intention of seizing his
ship and massacring the crew ; which design a fortu-
nate accident alone prevented them from carrying into
effect ; yet Captain Cook never had the slightest sus-
picion of their treachery, or of the danger which he so
narrowly escaped.
In some cases the same writer gives accounts totally
at variance with one another. Thus Mr. Ellis,^ the ex-
^ La P^rouse's Voyage, Englisli ^ Polynesian Researches, vol. ii.
edition, vol. ii. p. 327. p. 25.
THE OHABACTEB OF SAVAGES 395
cellent missionary of the Pacific, states that the moral
character of the Tahitians was • awfully dark, and
' notwithstanding the apparent mildness of their dispo-
' sition, and the cheerful vivacity of their conversation,
' no portion of the human race was ever, perhaps, sunk
' lower in brutal licentiousness and moral degradation.'
Yet, speaking of this same people, and in the very
same volume, he tells us that they were most anxious
to obtain bibles : on the day when they were to be distri-
buted the natives came from considerable distances, and
' the place was actually thronged until the copies were
' expended. In their application at our own houses we
' found it impossible to restrain the people, so great was
* their anxiety.' Under these circumstances we cannot
wonder that Captain Cook and other navigators found
in them much to admire as well as to condemn.
The Kalmucks, again, have been very differently
described by different travellers. Pallas, speaking of
their characters, says, ' II m'a paru infinimentmeilleur que
* ne I'ont depeint plusieurs de nos historiens voyageurs.' ^
So also the aboriginal tribes of India, as pointed out
by Mr. Hunter,^ have been painted in the blackest
colours by some, and highly praised by others.
Mariner gives an excellent account of the state of
manners among the Tongans, and one which well illus-
trates the difiiculty of arriving at correct ideas on such
a subject, especially among a people of a different race
from ourselves and in a different state of civilisation.
He describes them as loyal ^ and pious,^ obedient
^ Voyages, vol. i. p. 499. High Asia, pp. 6, 9.
^ Comparative Dictionary of the ^ Loc. cit. vol. ii. p. 155.
Non-Aryan Languages of India and ^ P. 154.
396 DIFFICULTY OF ASCERTAINING
children/ affectionate parents/ kind husbands/ modest
and faithful wives/ and true friends.^
On the other hand, they seem to have had little
feeling of morality. They ' had no words for justice or
' injustice, for cruelty or humanity.' ^ ' Theft, revenge,
' rape, and murder under many circumstances are not
' held to be crimes.' They had no idea of future rewards
and punishments. They saw no harm in seizing ships
by treachery and murdering the crews. The men were
cruel, treacherous, and revengeful. Marriages were
terminable at the whim of the husband,^ and, except-
ing in married women, chastity was not regarded as a
virtue, though it was thought improper for a woman
frequently to change her lover. Yet we are told that,
on the whole,^ this system, although so opposed to our
feelings, had 'not the least appearance of any bad effect.
' The women were tender, kind mothers, the children
* well cared for.' Both sexes appeared to be contented
and happy in their relations to each other, and ' as i<9
' domestic quarrels, they were seldom known.' We
must not judge them too hardly for their proposed
treachery to Captain Cook. Even in Northern Europe
shipwrecks were long considered fair spoil, the strangers
being connected with the natives by no civil or family
ties, and the idea of natural right not being highly
developed.^ With some seafaring peoples it even seemed
to be impious and wrong to succour those whom the
gods of the waters had endeavoured to destroy.
1 p. 155.
6 P. 148.
2 P. 179.
' P. 167.
3 P. 179.
« P. 177.
^ P. 170.
^ See Montesquieu, Esprit des
5 P. 152.
Lois, vol. ii. p. 199.
THE CHABAGTEB OF SAVAGE RACES 397
Lastly, if, in addition to the other sources of diffi-
culty, we remember that of language, we cannot wonder
that the characters of savage races have been so differ-
ently described by different travellers. We all know
how difficult it is to judge an individual, and it must
be much more so to judge a nation. In fact, whether
any given writer praises or blames a particular race,
depends at least as much on his own character as on
that of the people.
On the whole, however, I think we may assume
that life and property are far less secure in savage than
in civilised communities ; and though the guilt of a
murder or a theft may be very different under different
circumstances, to the sufferer the result is much the
same.
Mr. Galbraith, who lived for many years, as Indian
agent, among the Sioux (North America), thus describes
them : ^ They are ' bigoted, barbarous, and exceedingly
' superstitious. They regard most of the vices as
' virtues. Theft, arson, rape, and murder are among
' them regarded as the means of distinction ; and the
' young Indian from childhood is taught to regard
' killino; as the hio^hest of virtues. In their dances, and
' at their feasts, the warriors recite their deeds of theft,
' pillage, and slaughter as precious things ; and the
' highest, indeed the only, ambition of a young brave is
' to secure *• the feather," which is but a record of his
' having murdered or participated in the murder of
' some human being — whether man, woman, or child,
' it is immaterial ; and, after he has secured his first
' " feather," appetite is whetted to increase the number
1 Ethn. Journal, 1869, p. 304.
398 AB8ENGE OF THE IDEA OF
' in his cap, as an Indian brave is estimated by tlie
' number of his feathers.'
In Tahiti the missionaries considered that ' not less
' than two-thirds of the children were murdered by their
' parents.' ^ Mr. Ellis adds, ' I do not recollect having
' met with a female in the islands during the whole
' period of my residence there, who had been a mother
' while idolatry prevailed, who had not imbrued her
' hands in the blood of her oiFspring.' Mr. Nott also
makes the same assertion. Girls were more often killed
than boys, because they were of less use in fishing and
in war.
Mr. Wallace maintains that savages act up to their
simple moral code at least as well as we do ; but if a
man's simple moral code permits him to rob or murder,
that may be some excuse for him, but it is little conso-
lation to the sufferer.
As a philosophical question, however, the relative
character of different races is less interesting than the
moral condition of the lower races of mankind as a
whole.
Mr. Wallace, in the concluding chapter of his in-
teresting work on the Malay Archipelago, has expressed
the opinion that while civilised communities ' have
^ progressed vastly beyond the savage state in intel-
' lectual achievements, we have not advanced equally in
' morals.' Nay, he even goes further : in a perfect social
state, he says, ' every man would have a sufficiently
' well balanced intellectual organisation to understand
^ the moral law in all its details, and would require no
^ other motive but the free impulses of his own nature
^ Polynesian Researches, vol. i. pp. 334, 340,
MORALITY AMONG SAVAGES 399
^ to obey that law. Now, it is very remarkable tbat
' among people in a very low state of civilisation, we
^ find some approach to such a perfect social state ; '
and he adds, ' it is not too much to say that the mass of
' our populations have not at all advanced beyond the
^ savage code of morals, and have in many cases sunk
' below it.'
Far fi:*om thinking this true, I should rather be
disposed to say that Man has, perhaps, made more
progress in moral than in either material or intellectual
advancement ; for while even the lowest savages have
many material and intellectual attainments, they are, it
seems to me, almost entirely wanting in moral feeling ;
though I am aware that the contrary opinion has been
expressed by many eminent authorities.
Thus Lord Kames^ assumes as an undoubted fact
^ that every individual is endued with a sense of right
^ and wrong, more or less distinct ; ' and after admit-
ting that very difi'erent views as to morals are held by
different people and different races, he remarks, ' these
* facts tend not to disprove the reality of a common
' sense in morals ; they only prove that the moral sense
' has not been equally perfect at all times, nor in all
* countries.'
Hume expresses the same opinion in very decided
language. ' Let a man's insensibility,' he says, ' be ever
' so gi-eat, he must often be touched with the images of
' right and wrong ; and let his prejudices be ever so
' obstinate he must observe that others are susceptible
' of like impressions.' ^ Nay, he even maintains that
^ History of Man, vol. ii. p. 9 ; vol. iv. p. 18.
. ^ Hmne's Essays, vol. ii. p. 203.
400 THE SENSE OF EIGHT AND WRONG
* those who have denied the reality of moral distinctions
* may be ranked among the disingenuous disputants ;
' nor is it conceivable that any human creature could
^ ever seriously believe that all characters and actions
* were alike entitled to the affection and regard of every
^ one.'
Locke, on the other hand, questions the existence
of innate principles, and terminates his chapter on the
subject in the following words: 'It is reasonable,' he
says,^ ^ to demand the marks and characters, whereby
^ the genuine innate principles may be distinguished
' from others ; and so, amidst the great variety of pre-
' tenders I may be kept from mistakes in so material
' a point as this. When this is done I shall be ready
' to embrace such welcome and useful propositions ;
' and till then I may with modesty doubt, since I fear
' universal consent, which is the only one produced
' will scarce prove a sufficient mark to direct my choice,
' and assure me of any innate principles. From what
' has been said, I think it past doubt that there are no
' practical principles wherein all men agree ; and there -
' fore none innate.'
Let us now see what light is thrown on this in-
teresting question by the study of savage life. Mr.
Wallace draws a charming picture of some small savage
communities which he has visited. Each man, he says,
scrupulously respects the rights of his fellow, and any
infraction of those rights rarely or never takes place.
In such a community all are nearly equal. There are
none of those wide distinctions of education and igno-
rance, wealth and poverty, master and servant, which
^ On the Human Understanding, book i. ch. 3, sec. 2.
LIFE IN SMALL SAVAGE COMMUNITIES 401
' are the product of our civilisation : there is none of
' that widespread division of labour, which while it in-
' creases wealth, produces also conflicting interests ; there
' is not that severe competition and struggle for existence,
' or for wealth, which the population of civilised countries
' inevitably creates.'
But does this prove that they are in a high moral
condition ? Does it prove even that they have any
moral sense at all ? Surely not. For if it does, we
must equally credit rooks and bees, and most other
gregarious animals, with a moral state higher than that
of civilised man. I would not indeed venture to assert
that the ant or the bee is not possessed of moral feel-
ings, but we are surely not in a position to affirm
it. In the very passage quoted, Mr. Wallace has
pointed out that the inducements to crime are in small
communities much less than in populous countries.
The absence of crime, however, does not constitute
virtue ; and, without temptation, mere innocence has no
merit.
Moreover, in small communities almost all the mem-
bers are related to one another, and family affection
puts on the appearance of virtue. But though parental
and filial affection possess a very moral aspect, they
have a totally different origin and a distinct character.
To do a thing which is right is by no means the same
as to do it because it is right.
We do not generally attribute moral feelings to
quadrupeds and birds, yet perhaps among animals
there is no stronger feeling than that of the mother for
her offspring. She will submit to any sacrifices for
their welfare, and fight against almost any odds for
D D
\
402 INSECURITY OF LIFE AND PBOPEBTY
their protection. No follower of Mr. Darwin will be sur-
prised at this, because for generation after generation
those mothers in whom this feeling was most strong
have had the best chance of rearmg their young. It is
not, however, moral feeling in the strict sense of the
term ; and she would, indeed, be a cold-hearted mother
who cherished and protected her infant only because it
was right to do so.
Family affection and moral feeling have, indeed, been
very generally confused together by travellers, yet there
is some direct testimony which appears to show that the
moral condition of savages is really much lower than has
been usually supposed.
Thus Mr. Dove, speaking of the Tasmanians, asserts
that they were entirely ' without any moral views and
' impressions.'
Governor Eyre says of the Australians that, 'having
'no moral sense of what is just and equitable in the
' abstract, their only test of propriety must in such
' cases be, whether they are numerically or physically
' strong enough to brave the vengeance of those whom
'they may have provoked or injured.'^ Mr. Ridley
tells us^ that he had very great difficulty in conveying
to the nations of Australia any idea of sin, and
eventually he could only describe it by the following
roundabout expression : ' Nyeane kauungo warawara
' yanani.'
' Conscience,' says Burton, ' does not exist in Eastern
' Africa, and " repentance " expresses regret for missed
' opportunities of mortal crime. Robbery constitutes
^ Discoveries in Central Australia, vol. ii. p. 384.
^ Queensland, p. 442.
AMONG SAVAGES 403
' an honourable man ; murder — the more atrocious the
' midnight crime the better — makes the hero.' -^
The Yoruba negroes, on the West Coast of Africa,
according to the same author,^ ' are covetous, cruel, and
' wholly deficient in what the civilised man calls con-
' science ; ' though it is right to add that some of his
other statements with reference to this tribe seem
opposed to this view.
Mr. Neighbors states that among the Comanches of
Texas ' no individual action is considered a crime, but
' ever}" man acts for himself according to his own judg-
' ment, unless some superior power — for instance, that
^ of a popular chief — should exercise authority over him.
' They believe that when they were created the Great
' Spirit gave them the privilege of a free and uncon-
' strained use of their individual faculties.'^
The Kacharis, according to Dalton, had ' in their
' own language no words for sin, for piety, for prayer,
' for repentance.' ^
The Damaras ' seem to have no perceptible notion
' of right or wrong.' ^ Speaking of the Kaffirs, Mr.
Casalis, who lived for twenty-three years in South
Africa, says*" that ' morality among these people depends
' so entirely upon social order that all political disor-
' ganisation is immediately followed by a state of de-
' generacy, which the re- establishment of order alone
' can rectify.' Thus, then, although their language
contained words signifying most of the virtues, as well
^ Burton's First Footsteps in vol. ii. p. 131.
East Africa, p. 176. ^ Des. Ethn. of Bengal, p. 85.
2 Abeokuta, yoL i. p. 303. See ^ Galton, loc. cit. p. 72.
also vol. ii. p. 218. ^ The Basutos, p. 300.
^ Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes,
D D 3
404 SECURITY DEPENDENT ON LAW AND CUSTOM
as the vices, it would appear from the above passages
that their moral quality was not clearly recognised. It
must be confessed, however, that the evidence is not
very conclusive, as Mr. Casalis, even in the same
chapter, expresses an opinion on the point scarcely
consistent with that quoted above.
Similar accounts are given as regards Central Africa.
Thus at Jenna,^ and in the surrounding districts, ' w^hen-
* ever a town is deprived of its chief, the inhabitants
* acknowledge no law — anarchy, troubles, and confusion
' immediately prevail, and till a successor is appointed
* all labour is at an end. The stronger oppress the
^ weak, and consummate every species of crime, with-
* out being amenable to any tribunal for their actions.
' Private property is no longer respected ; and thus,
' before a person arrives to curb its licentiousness, a
^ town is not unfrequently reduced from a flourishing
' state of prosperity and of happiness to all the horrors
' of desolation.' Livingstone mentions^ a similar custom
among the Banyai, a tribe living on the river Zambesi ;
and the same state of things also occurred in the Sand-
wich Islands.^
The Tongans, or Friendly Islanders, had in many
respects made great advances, yet Mariner^ states that,
' on a strict examination of their language, we discover
^ no words essentially expressive of some of the higher
' qualities of human merit : as virtue, justice, humanity ;
' nor of the contrary : as vice, injustice, cruelty, &c.
^ They have, indeed, expressions for these ideas, but
^ E. and J. Lander's Niger Ex- 2 Travels in Soutli Africa, p. 624.
pedition, vol. i. p. 96. Bosman, loc. ^ Gerland. Waltz's Anthr., vol.
eit. p. 345. Dalzel, loc. cit. pp. 6, 7, vi. p. 203.
151. 4 Tonga Islands, vol. ii. p. 147.
BATHER THAN ON MORALITY 405
* they are equally applicable to other things. To ex-
' press a virtuous or good man, they would say
' '^ tangata lille," a good man, or " tangata loto lille," a
' man with a good mind ; but the word lille, good (un-
' like our virtuous), is equally applicable to an axe,
' canoe, or anything else ; again, they have no word to
' express humanity, mercy, &c., but afa, which rather
' means friendship, and is a word of cordial salutation.'
Mr. Campbell observes that the Soors (one of the
aboriginal tribes of India), ' while described as small,
' mean, and very black, and like the Santals naturally
^ harmless, peaceable, and industrious, are also said to
^ be without moral sense.' ^ ^ The Redskin,' says Col.
Dodge, ' has no moral sense whatever.' ^
The South American Indians of the Gran Chaco are
said by the missionaries to ' make no distinction be-
' tween right and wrong, and have therefore neither
' fear nor hope of any present or future punishment or
* reward, nor any mysterious terror of some super-
' natural power, whom they might seek to assuage by
* sacrifices or superstitious rites.' ^
Indeed, I do not remember a single instance in
which a savage is recorded as having shown any symp-
toms of remorse ; and almost the only case I can call to
mind, in which a man belonging to one of the lower
races has accounted for an act, by saying explicitly that
; it was right, was when Mr. Hunt asked a young Fijian
why he had killed his mother.*
' G. Campbell, The Ethnology of ^ ^he Voice of Pity, vol. xi.
India, p. 37. p. 220.
2 Hunting Grounds of the Great * Wilkes' Voyage, p. 95.
West, p. 273.
406 WICKEDNESS OF SAVAGE DEITIES
The evidence afforded by language is very sug-
gestive. The words indicating good and evil and the
different virtues, had, even in our own case, originally
no moral signification. They are metaphors, sometimes,
indeed, rather far-fetched. This seems to show that
language is older than morality, for if the ideas of good
and evil, right and wrong, had been themselves innate,
surely we should have had original words for them.
It is clear that religion, except in the more ad-
vanced races, has no moral aspect or influence. The
deities are almost invariably regarded as evil.
In Fiji-^ 'the names of the gods indicate their
' characters. Thus, as Williams tells us, Ndauthina
' steals women of rank and beauty by night or torch-
' light. Kumbunavanua is the rioter ; Mbatimona, the
' brain eater ; Ravuravu, the murderer ; Mainatavasara,
' fresh from the cutting-up or slaughter ; and a host
' besides of the same sort.'
In Peru ' every vice had its own especial deity.' ^
The character of the Greek gods is familiar to us,
and was anything but moral. Such beings would not
necessarily reward the good, or punish the evil. Hence
it is not surprising that Socrates saw little connection
between ethics and religion, or that Aristotle altogether
separated morality from theology. Hence also we
cannot be surprised to find that, even when a belief
in a future state has dawned on the civilised mind, it is
not at first associated with reward or punishment.
The Australians, though they had a vague belief in
ghosts, and supposed that after death they become
^ Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i. ^ Gorcilasso de la Vega, vol. i.
p. 218. p. 124.
MORALITY NOT FOUNDED ON BELIGION 407
whitemen ; that, as they say, ' Fall down blackman,
*jump up whiteman ; ' have no idea of retribution.-^
The Guinea negroes ' have no idea of future rewards or
^ punishments for the good or ill actions of their past
^ life.' ^ Other negro races, however, have more ad-
vanced ideas on the subject.
' The Tahitians believe in the immortality of the
' soul, at least its existence in a separate state, and that
' there are two situations of different degrees of happi-
' ness, somewhat analogous to our heaven and hell : the
/ superior situation they call " Tavirua I'erai," the other
' '' Tiahoboo." They do not, however, consider them
' as places of reward and punishment, but as receptacles
' for different classes ; the first for their chiefs and
' principal people, the other for those of inferior rank ;
' for they do not suppose that their actions here in the
' least influence their future state, or, indeed, that they
' come under the cognisance of their deities at all.' ^
In Tonga and at Nukahiva the natives believe that
their chiefs are immortal, but not the common people.^
The Tonga people, says Mariner, ' do not, mdeed,
' believe in any future state of rewards and punish-
' ments.' ^
Williams ^ tells us that ' offences, in Fijian estima-
' tion, are light or grave according to the rank of the
' offender. Murder by a chief is less heinous than a
' petty larceny committed by a man of low rank.
^ Voyage of the ' Fly,' vol. ii. ^ Klemm, vol. iv. p. 351.
p. 22. ^ Tonga Islands, vol. ii. p. 147.
2 Bosman, loc. cit. p. 401. Hale, U. S. Expl. Exp., p. 38.
3 See Cook's Voyage round the '' Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i.
World in ,Hawkesworth's Voyages, p. 28.
vol. ii. p. 239.
408 FUTUEE LIFE NOT ONE OF
' Only a few crimes are regarded as serious ; e.g. theft,
' adultery, abduction, witchcraft, infringement of a
' tabu, disrespect to a chief, incendiarism, and treason ; '
and he elsewhere mentions that the Fijians,^ though
believing in a future existence, ' shut out from it the
' idea of any moral retribution in the shape either of
' reward or punishment.' In the religion of the Fi-
jians, says Seemann, ' there does not seem to be any
' separation between the abodes of the good and the
' wicked, nothing that corresponds to our heaven and
' hell.' ^ The Sumatrans, according to Marsden, ' had
' some idea of a future life, but not as a state of retribu-
' tion ; conceiving immortality to be the lot of a rich
' rather than of a good man. I recollect that an
' inhabitant of one of the islands farther eastwards
' observed to me, with great simplicity, that only great
' men went to the skies ; how should poor men find
' admittance there ? ' ^
In the Island of Bintang,^ ' the people always con-
' ceived present possession to constitute right, however
' that possession might have been acquired ; but yet
' they made no scruple of deposing and murdering their
' sovereigns, and justified their acts by this argument :
' that the fate of concerns so important as the lives of
' kings was in the hands of God, whose vicegerents they
' were, and that if it was not agreeable to him, and the
' consequence of his will, that they should perish by
' the daggers of their subjects, it could not so happen.'
^ Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i. ^ Marsden's History of Sumatra,
p. 243. ■ p. 289.
^ Seemami's Mission to Viti, ■* Ibid. p. 412.
p. 400.
PUNISHMENT OB EEWAEDS 409
The Yeddahs of Ceylon had no idea of future rewards
or punishments/
The Kookies of Chittagong ' have no idea of hell or
' heaven, or of any punishment for evil deeds, or rewards
' for good actions.' ^ Forsyth also makes a similar
statement as regards the Gronds.^ According to Bailey,
again, the Yeddahs of Ceylon ' have no idea of a future
^ state of rewards and punishments.' ^ The Hos in
Central India ' believe that the souls of the dead
' become " bhoots," spirits, but no thought of reward or
' punishment is connected with the change.' ^
Speaking of South Africa, Kolben ^ says, ' that the
^ Hottentots believe in the immortality of the soul
" has been shown in a foregoing chapter. But they
' have no notion, that ever I could gather, of rewards
' and punishments after death.' Chief Commissioner
Warner remarks that the Kaffirs have ' not the slightest
' knowledge of a future state of rewards and punish-
' ments arising out of the moral quality of our actions
' in this life.' '
In Dahome, according to Burton,^ the ' next world
' offers none of those rewards and punishments by
' which, according to the Semitic animist, the balance
' of good and evil in this life is to be struck. He who
' escapes punishment here is safe hereafter.'
» Bailey, Trans. Ethn. Soc, N.S., ^ Dalton, Trans. Ethn. Soc, 1868,
Tol. ii. p. 300. p. 38.
^ Eennel, quoted in Le win's Hill ^' History of the Cape of Good
Tracts of Chittagong, p. 110. Hope, vol. i. p. 314.
^ Highlands of Central India, '^ Maclean's Compend. of Kaffir
p. 145. Laws and Customs, p. 78.
^ Trans. Ethn. Soc, N.S., vol. ii. ^ Mission to Dahome, vol. ii.
p. 300. p. 157.
410 LAW AND BIGHT
Among the Mexicans^ and Peruvians,^ again, the
religion was entirely independent of moral considera-
tions, and in some other parts of America the future
condition is supposed to depend not on conduct but on
rank.^ In North America ' it is rare,' says Tanner, ' to
' observe among the Indians any ideas which would lead
' to the belief that they look upon a future state as one
' of retribution.' ^
Among the Siberian tribes the deities are supposed
to reward those who conciliate them by worship and
offerings, but to morality they are regarded as indif-
ferent.^ In the great Chinese collection of poems ' there
' are rewards and dignity for the good after death, but
' nothing is said of any punishment for the bad.' ^ The
Arabs and Afghans conceive that a broken oath brings
misfortune on the place where it was uttered.^
Even among ourselves Emerson has pointed out
that every word which we now use in a moral sense
has originally a material signification. Right means
straight, wrong twisted, &c.^
In fact, I believe that the lower races of men may
be said to be deficient in the idea of Right, though
quite familiar with that of Law. This leads to the
curious, though not illogical, results mentioned in page
406.
That there should be any races of men so deficient
^ Miiller, Ges. der Amer. Urre- Nations de I'Empire de Russie,
ligion, p. 565. pt. iii. p. 146.
^ Ibid. p. 410. But see Prescott, ^ The Sheking, translated by
vol. i. p. 83. Mr. Legge, p. 48.
^ Ibid. p. 139. See also pp. 289, '^ Klemm, Culturgescliichte, vol.
565. iv. p. 190. Masson, Journeys in
^ Tanner's Narrative, p. 369. Balochistan, &c., vol. ii. p. 258.
^ Miiller, Des. de toutes les ^ Emerson's Nature, ch. iv.
GROWTH OF MORAL FEELING 411
in moral feeling, was altogether opposed to the precon-
ceived ideas with which I commenced the study of
savage life, and I have arrived at the conviction by
slow degrees, and even with reluctance. I have, how-
ever, been forced to this conclusion, not only by the
direct statements of travellers, but also by the general
tenor of their remarks, and especially by the remark-
able absence of repentance and remorse among the lower
races of men.
On the whole, then, it appears to me that the moral
feelings deepen with the gradual growth of a race.
External circumstances, no doubt, exercise much
influence on character. We very often see, however,
that the possession of one virtue is counterbalanced by
some corresponding defect. Thus the North American
Indians are brave and generous, but they are also cruel
and reckless of life. Moreover, in the early stages of
law, motive is never considered ; a fact which shows
how little hold morality has, even on communities
which have made considerable progress. Some cases
which have been quoted as illustrating the contrast
between the ideas of virtue entertained by different
races seem to prove the absence, rather than the perver-
sity, of sentiment on the subject. I cannot believe, for
instance, that theft and murder have ever been really
regarded as virtues. In a barbarous state they were,
no doubt, means of distinction, and in the absence of
moral feelings were regarded with no reprobation. I
cannot, however, suppose that they could be con-
sidered as ' right,' though they might give rise to a
feeling of respect, and even of admiration. So also
the Greeks regarded the duplicity of Ulysses as an
412 OBIQIN OF MORAL FEELING
element iii his greatness, but surely not as virtue in
itself.
What, then, is the origin of moral feeling ? Some
regard it as intuitive, as an original instinct implanted
in the human mind. Herbert Spencer,^ on the contrary,
maintains that ' moral intuitions are the results of accu-
' mulated experiences of utility ; gradually organised
' and inherited, they have come to be quite independent
' of conscious experience. '
I cannot entirely subscribe to either of these views.
The moral feelings are now, no doubt, intuitive ; but
if the lower races of savages have none, they evidently
cannot have been so originally, nor can they be regarded
as natural to man. Neither can I accept the opposite
theory. While entirely agreeing with Mr. Spencer that
' there have been, and still are, developing in the race,
' certain fundamental moral intuitions,' I feel, with
Mr. Hutton, much difficulty in conceiving that, in Mr.
Spencer's words^ ' these moral intuitions are the results
' of the accumulated experiences of Utility ; ' that is to
say, of Utility to the individual. When it is once real-
ised that a given line of conduct would invariably be
useful to the individual, it is at once regarded as ' saga-
* cious ' rather than ' virtuous.' Virtue implies tempta-
tion ; temptation indicates a feeling that a given action
may benefit the individual at the expense of others, or
in defiance of authority. It is evident, indeed, that
feelings acting on generation after generation might
produce a continually deepening conviction, but I fail
to perceive how this explains the difi'erence between
' right ' and ' utility.'
^ Bain's Mental and Moral Science, p. 722.
ORIGIN OF MORAL FEELING 413
Yet utility in one sense has, I think, been naturally
and yet unconsciously selected as the basis of morals.
Mr. Button, if I understand him correctly, doubts this.
Honesty, for instance, he says,^ 'must certainly have
' been associated by our ancestors with many unhappy
' as well as many happy consequences, and we know
' that in ancient Greece dishonesty was openly and
' actually associated with happy consequences, in the
' admiration for the guile and craft of Ulysses.'
This seems to me a good crucial case. Honesty, on
their own part, may, indeed, have been, and no doubt
was, ' associated by our ancestors with many unhappy
' as well as many happy consequences ; ' but honesty on
the part of others could surely have nothing but happy
results. Thus, while the perception that ' honesty is
* the best policy' was, no doubt, as Mr. Hutton observes,
' long subsequent to the most imperious enunciation of
' its sacredness as a duty,' honesty would be recognised
as a virtue so soon as men perceive the sacredness
of any duty. As soon as contracts were entered into
between individuals or states it became manifestly the
interest of each that the other should be honest. Any
failure in this respect would naturally be condemned by
the suiFerer. It is precisely because honesty is some-
times associated with unhappy consequences, that it is
regarded as a virtue. If it had always been directly
advantageous to all parties, it would have been classed
as useful, not as right ; it would have lacked the essen-
tial element which entitles it to rank as a virtue.
Or take respect for Age. We find, even in Aus-
tralia, laws, if I may so term them, appropriating the
1 Macmillan's Magazine, 1869, p. 271.
414 ORIGIN OF MOBAL FEELING
best of everything to the old men. Naturally the
old men lose no opportmiity of impressing these injunc-
tions on the young ; they praise those who conform and
condemn those who resist. Hence the custom is
strictly adhered to. I do not say, that to the Australian
mind this presents itself as a sacred duty ; but it would,
I think, in the course of time have come to be so con-
sidered.
For when a race had made some progress in intel-
lectual development, a difference would certainly be
felt between those acts which a man was taught to do
as conducive to his own direct advantage, and those
which were not so, and yet which were enjoined for
any other reason. Hence would arise the idea of 7ight
and duty, as distinct from mere utility.
How much more our notions of right depend on the
lessons we receive when young than on hereditary
ideas, becomes evident, if we consider the different
moral codes existing in our own country. Nay, even
in the very same individual, two contradictory systems
may often be seen side by side in incongruous associa-
tion.
Lastly, it may be observed that in our own case
religion and morality are closely connected together.
Yet the sacred character, which forms an integral part
in our conception of duty, could not arise until Religion
became moral. Nor would this take place until the
deities were conceived to be beneficent beings. As
soon, however, as this was the case, they would natu-
rally be supposed to regard with approbation all that
tended to benefit their worshippers, and to condemn all
actions of the opposite character. This step was an
OBIGIN OF MORAL FEELING 415
immense benefit to mankind, since that dread of the
unseen powers which had previously been wasted on
the production of mere ceremonies and sacrifices, at
once invested the moral feelings with a sacredness, and
consequently with a force, w^hich they had not until
then possessed.
Authority, then, seems to me the origin, and utility,
though not in the manner suggested by Mr. Spencer,
the criterion, of virtue. Mr. Hutton, however, in the
concluding paragraph of his interesting paper, urges
that surely, if this were the case, by this time ' some 6>?z^
' elementary moral law should be as deeply ingrained
' in human practice as the geometrical law that a
' straight line is the shortest way between two points.'
I see no such necessity. A child whose parents belong
to difi*erent nations, with different moral codes, would,
I suppose, have the moral feeling deep, and yet might
be without any settled ideas as to particular moral
duties. And this is in reality our own case. Our ances-
tors have now for many generations had a feeling that
some actions were right and some were wrong, but at
different times they have had very different codes of
morality. Hence we have a deeply- seated moral feel-
ing, and yet, as anyone who has children may satisfy
himself, no such decided moral code. Children have a
deep feeling of right and wrong, but no such decided or
intuitive conviction as to which actions are right and
which are wrong.
416
CHAPTER X.
LANGUAGE.
ALTHOUGH it has been at various times stated
that certain savage tribes are entirely without
language, none of these accounts appear to be well
authenticated, and they are a priori extremely improb-
able.
At any rate, even the lowest races of which we
have any satisfactory account possess a language, im-
perfect though it may be, and eked out to a great
extent by signs. I do not suppose, however, that this
custom has arisen from the absence of words to repre-
sent their ideas, but rather because in all countries
inhabited by savages the number of languages is very
great, and hence there is a great advantage in being
able to communicate by signs.
Thus James, in his expedition to the Eocky Moun-
tains, speaking of the Kiawa-Kashaia Indians, says,
' These nations, although constantly associating toge-
' ther and united under the influence of the Bear- Tooth,
' are yet totally ignorant of each other's language, inso-
' much that it was no uncommon occurrence to see two
' individuals of different nations sitting upon the ground
' and conversing freely by means of the language of
' signs. In the art of thus conveying their ideas they
' were thorough adepts ; and their manual display was
GESTURE LANGUAGE 417
' only interrupted at remote intervals by a smile, or by
' the auxiliary of an articulated word of the language
' of the Crow Indians, which to a very limited extent
' passes current among them.' ^ Fisher,^ also, speaking
of the Comanches and various surrounding tribes,
says that they have ' a language of signs by which
all Indians and trades can understand one another ;
and they always make these signs when communicat-
ing among themselves. The men, when conversing
together, in their lodges, sit upon skins, cross-legged
like a Turk, and speak and make signs in corrobora-
tion of what they say, with their hands, so that either
a blind or a deaf man could understand them. For
instance, I meet an Indian, and wish to ask him if he
saw six waggons drawn by horned cattle, with three
Mexican and three American teamsters, and a man
mounted on horseback. I make these signs : — I point
"you," then to his eyes, meaning " see ;" then hold
up all my fingers on the right hand and the forefinger
on the left, meanino^ '' six : " then I make two circles bv
bringing the ends of my thumbs and forefingers to-
gether, and, holding my two hands out, move my
wrists in such a way as to indicate waggon wheels
revolving, meaning " waggons ; " then, by making an
upward motion with each hand from both sides of my
head, I indicate " horns," signifying horned cattle ;
then by first holding up three fingers, and then by
placing my extended right hand below my lower lip
and moving it downward stopping in mid way down
the chest, I indicate " beard," meaning Mexican ; and
^ See James, Expedition to the - Trans. Ethn. Soc, 1869, vol. i.
Rocky Mountains, vol. iii. p. 62, p. 283.
E E
4].8 OBSTUBE LANGUAGE
" with three fingers again, and passing my right hand
' fi:*oni left to right in front of my forehead, I indicate
' " white brow " or " pale face." I then hold up my
' forefinger, meaning one man, and by placing the fore-
' finger of my left hand between the fore and second
' finger of my right hand, representing a man astride
' of a horse, and by moving my hands up and down,
' give the motion of a horse galloping with a man on
'his back. I in this way ask the Indian, " You see
' " six waggons, horned cattle, three Mexicans, three
' " Americans, one man on horseback ? " If he holds
' up his forefinger and lowers it quickly, as if he was
' pointing at some object on the ground, he means
' " Yes ; " if he moves it from side to side, upon the
' principle that people sometimes move their head from
' side to side, he means '* No." The time required to
' make these signs would be about the same as if you
' asked the question verbally.' The Bushmen also are
said to intersperse their language with so many signs
that they are unintelligible in the dark, and, when they
want to converse at night are compelled to collect
round their camp fires. So also Burton tells us that
the Arapahos of North America, ' who possess a very
' scanty vocabulary, can hardly converse with one
' another in the dark ; to make a stranger understand
' them they must always repair to the camp fire for
' pow-wow.' ^
Morgan mentions a case in which a couple, who
had been married three years, conversed entirely by
signs ; the man being a Blackfoot Indian, the woman an
1 City of the Saints, p. 151.
THE OBIQIN OF LANGUAGE 419
Ahahnelin, and neither understanding a word of each
other's language.-^
A very interesting account of the sign-language,
especially with reference to that used by the deaf and
dumb, is contained in Tylor's ' Early History of Man.'
But although signs may serve to convey ideas in a
manner which would probably surprise those who have
not studied this question ; still it must be admitted that
they are far inferior to the sounds of the voice ; which,
as already mentioned, are used for this purpose by all
the races of men with whom we are acquainted.
Language, as it exists among all but the lowest
races, although far from perfect, is yet so rich in terms,
and possesses in its grammar so complex an organisation,
that we cannot wonder at those who have attributed to
it a divine and miraculous origin. Nay, their view may
be admitted as correct, but only in that sense in which
a ship or a palace may be so termed : they are human
in so far as they have been worked out by man ; divine,
inasmuch as in doing so he has availed himself of the
powers which Providence has given him.^
M. Renan^ draws a distinction between the origin
of words and that of language, and as regards the latter
^ System of Consanguinity, p. ' stood allegoricaUy, according to the
227. 'opinions of some divines.' He for-
'^ Lord Monboddo, in combating gets, however, that those who regard
those who regard language as a language as a miracle, do so in the
revelation, expresses a hope that he teeth of the express statement in
will not, on that account, he supposed Genesis that God brought the ani-
to ' pay no respect to the account mals ' unto Adam to see what he
' given in our sacred books of the ' would call them : and whatsoever
* origin of our species ; but it does not ' Adam called every living creature,
'belong to me,' he adds, ' as a philo- ' that was the name thereof.'
* sopher or grammarian, to enquire ^ De I'Origine du Langage,
* whether such account is to be under- p. 16.
E E 2
420 THE OBIGIN OF LANGUAGE
says : ' Je persiste done, apres dix ans de nouvelles
' etudes, a envisager le langage coaime forme d'un seul
' coup, et comme sorti instantanement du genie de
'chaque race,' a theory which involves that of the
plurality of human species. No doubt the complexity
and apparent perfection of the grammar among very
low races, is at first sight very surprising ; but we must
remember that the langaage of children is more regular
than ours. A child says, ' I goed,' ' I comed,' ' badder,'
' baddest,' &c. Moreover, the preservation of a compli-
cated system of grammar among savage tribes shows
that such a system is natural to them, and n ot merely a
survival from more civilised times. Indeed, we know
that the tendency of civilisation is towards the simplifi-
cation of grammatical forms.
Nor must it by any means be supposed that com-
plexity implies excellence, or even completeness, in a
language. On the contrary, it often arises from a cum-
bersome mode of supplying some radical defect. Adam
Smith long ago pointed out that the verb ' to be ' is
' the most abstract and metaphysical of all verbs, and
' consequently could by no means be a word of early
' invention.' And he suggests that the absence of this
verb probably led to the intricacy of conjugations.
' When,' he adds, ' it came to be invented, however, as
^ it had all the tenses and modes of any other verb, by
' being joined with the passive participle, it was capable
* of supplying the place of the whole passive voice, and
'of rendering this part of their conjugations as simple
' and uniform, as the use of prepositions had rendered
* their declensions.' ^ He goes on to point out that the
^ Smith's Moral Sentiments, vol. ii. p. 426,
TED AUXILIARY VERBS 421
same remarks apply also to the possessive verb ^ I have,'
which affected the active voice, as profoundly as ' I am '
influenced the passive ; thus, these two verbs between
them, when once suggested, enabled mankind to relieve
their memories, and thus unconsciously, but most
eff'ectually, to simplify their grammar.
In English we carry the same principle much fur-
ther, and not only use the auxiliary verbs ' to have ' and
' to be,' but also several others — as do, did ; will, would ;
shall, should ; can, could ; may, might/ Adam Smith
was, however, mistaken in supposing that the verb
'to be ' exists ' in every language ; ' ^ on the contrary,
the complexity of the North American languages is in a
great measure due to its absence. The auxiliary verb
' to be ' is entirely absent in most American languages,
and the consequence is that they turn almost all their
adjectives and nouns into verbs, and conjugate them,
through all the tenses, persons, and moods.^ According
to DobritzhofFer the Abipones and Gruaranis also want
the verb ' to have.' The KafSr language also is stated
by Lichten stein to be deficient in auxiliary verbs.
' I am ' cannot be expressed in their language.
Again, the Esquimaux, instead of using adverbs,
conjugate the verb ; they have special terminations im-
pl5dng ill, better, rarely, hardly, faithfully, &c.; hence
such a word as aglekkigiartorasuarniarpok, ' he goes
' away hastily and exerts himself to write.' ^ Some at
least of the Dravidian languages are also without
^ Smith's Moral Sentiments, p. Antiq. Soc, vol. ii. p. 176. Hale,
432. U. S. Expl. Exp., p. 549.
^ Loc. cit. p. 42(3. ^ Crantz, His. of Greenland,
* See Gallatin, Trans. Amer. vol. i. p. 224.
422 COPIOUS VOCABULARIES
the verbs ' have,' ' be/ and also some Mantchou dia-
lects/
In other cases the grammatical forms are but few.
The language of Akra and Fantee, according to Wultke/
possesses only six conjunctions, no adverbs or preposi-
tions, only one sex, no comparative, and no passive
mood ; that of the Hottentots is said to have contained
no auxiliary verbs. ^
The Grebos, an African tribe, are said to mark
persons and tenses by gestures.^
The number of words in the languages of civilised
races is no doubt immense. Chinese, for instance,
contains 40,000 ; Todd's edition of Johnson, 58,000 ;
Webster's Dictionary, 70,000 ; and Fliigel's German
dictionary more than 65,000.^ The great majority of
these, however, can be derived from certain original
words, or roots which are very few in number. In
Chinese there are about 450, Hebrew has been reduced to
500, and Miiller doubts whether there are more in San-
skrit. M. D'Orsey even assures us that an ordinary agri-
cultural labourer has not 300 words in his vocabulary.
Professor Max Miiller ^ observes, that ' this fact
' simplifies immensely the problem of the origin of
' language. It has taken away all excuse for those
' rapturous descriptions of language which invariably
' preceded the argument that language must have a
' divine origin. We shall hear no more of that wonder-
^ Hovelacque, La Linguistique, * Sci. of L., vol. i. p. 62.
pp. 119, 137. 5 Saturday Review, November
^ Ges. der Menschheit, vol. i. 2, 1861. Lectures on Language,
p. 168 p. 268.
^ Lichtenstein, Travels in South ^ Loc. cit. p. 359.
Africa, vol. ii. p. 371,
OBIGIN OF BOOT-WOBDS 423
' ful instrument which can express all we see, and hear,
' and taste, and touch, and smell ; which is the breath-
' ing image of the whole world ; which gives form to
' the airy feelings of our souls, and body to the loftiest
' dreams of our imagination ; which can arrange in
' accurate perspective the past, the present, and the
^ future, and throw over everything the varying hues
' of certainty, of doubt, of contingency.'
This, indeed, is no new view, but was that generally
adopted by the philologists of the last century, and is
fully borne out by more recent researches.
In considering the origin of these root- words, we
must remember that most of them are very ancient, and
much worn by use. This greatly enhances the difficulty
of the problem.
Nevertheless, there are several large classes of words
with reference to the origin of which there can be no
doubt. Many names of animals, such as cuckoo, crow,
peewit, &c., are evidently derived from the sounds made
by those birds. Everyone admits that such words as
bang, crack, creak, crush, crash, splash, dash, purr,
whizz, hum, &c., have arisen from the attempt to repre-
sent sounds characteristic of the object they are intended
to designate.^
Take, again, the inarticulate human sounds — sob,
sigh, moan, groan, laugh, cough, weep, whoop, shriek,
yawn.
Or of animals ; as cackle, chuckle, gobble, quack,
twitter, chirp, coo, hoot, caw, croak, chatter, neigh,
whinny, mew, purr, bark, yelp, roar, bellow.
^ Wedgwood, Introduction to also Wedgwood's Origin of Lan-
Dic. of Englisli Etymology. Farrar, guage, which I regret I had not read
Origin of Language, p. 89. See when this chapter was written.
424 ONOMATOPCEIA
The collision of hard bodies : clap, rap, tap, knap,
snap, trap, flap, slap, crack, smack, whack, thwack, pat,
bat, batter, beat, butt ; and again : clash, flash, plash,
splash, smash, dash, crash, bang, clang, -twang, ring,
ding, din, bump, thump, plump, boom, hum, drum, hiss,
rustle, bustle, whistle, whisper, murmur, babble, &:c.
So also sounds denoting certain motions and actions :
whirr, whizz, pufl*, fizz, fly, flit, flow, flutter, patter,
clatter, crackle, rattle, bubble, guggle, dabble, grabble,
draggle, dripple, rush, shoot, shot, shut, &c.
Many words for cutting, and the objects cut, or
used for cutting, &c., are obviously of similar origin.
Thus we have the sound sh — r with each of the vowels ;
share, a part cut ofl* ; shear, an instrument for cutting ;
shire, a division of a country ; shore, the division be-
tween land and sea, or as we use it in Kent, between
two fields ; a shower a number of separate particles ;
again : scissors, scythe, saw, scrape, shard, scale, shale,
shell, shield, skull, schist, shatter, scatter, scar, scoop,
score, scrape, scratch, scum, scour, scurf, surf, scuttle,
sect, shape, sharp, shave, sheaf, shed, shoal, shread, split,
splinter, splutter, &c.
Another important class of words is evidently
founded on the sounds by which we naturally express
our feelings. Thus from Oh ! Ah ! the instinctive cry
of pain, we get woe, vae (Latin), wail, ache ; a^os, Gr.
From the deep guttural sound ugh, we have ugly,
huge, and hug.
From pr, or prut, indicating contempt, or self-con-
ceit, comes proud, pride, &c.
From fie, we have fiend, foe, feud, foul, Latin putris,
Fr. puer, filth, fulsome, fear.
WEAR AND TEAR OF WORDS 425
From that of smacking the lips, we get y\vKv
55
Dsalunka
??
55
Kankanka
JJ
55
Bambara
55
Ba
Kono
55
Nde
Vei
55
Ba
Soso
Fafe
Nga
Kisekise
55
55
Tene
Fafa
55
Dewoi (GniTiea)
Ba
Ma
Basa
55
Ne
Gbe
Ba
De
Dahome
Da
Noe
Mahi
,, also Dadye
55
Ota
Baba
lya
Egba
55
Idsesa
J)
Yoruba
5J
Yagba
JJ
Eki
55
Dsumu
55
Oworo
55
Dsebu
5)
Ife
55
Yeye
Ondo
55
Ye
Mose (High Sudan)
Ba
Ma
Gurma
55
Na
Sobo (Mger District)
Wawa
Nene
Udso
Dada
Ayo
Nupe
Nda
Nna
Kupa
Dada
Mo
Esitako
Da
Na
Musu
Nda
Meya
Basa
Ba
Nno
Opanda
Ada
Onyi
Igu
?5
Onya
IN VABI0V8 LANGUAGES
429
Langtiage
Father
Mother
Egbira
Ada
Onya
Buduma (Central Africa)
Bawa
Ya
Bornu
Aba
55
Munio
Bawa
55
Nguru
55
lya
Kanem
Mba
55
Karehare
Baba
Nana
Ngodsin
J5
55
Doai
5J
Aye
Basa
Ada
Am
Kamuku
Baba
Bina
Songo (S.W. Africa)
Papa
Mama
Kiriman (S.E. Africa)
Baba
Mma
Bidsogo
5)
Ondsunei
Wun
Baba
Omsion
Gadsaga
55
Ma
Gura
Da
Nye
Banyun
Aba
Aai
Nalu
Baba
Nya
Bulanda
55
Ni
Limba
Papa
Na
Landoma
55
Mama
Barba
Baba
Inya
Timbuktu
55
Nya
Bagrmi
Babi
Kunyun
Kadzina
Baba
Ua
Timbo
55
Nene
Salum
55
Yuma
Goburu
55
Inna
Kano
55
Ina
Yala
Ada
Ene
Dsarawa
Tada
Nga
Koro
Oda
Ma
Yasgua
Ada
Ama
Ka,mbali
Dada
Omo
Soa (Arabic group)
Aba
Aye
Wadai
Abba
Omma
430
WOBBS FOB FATHEB AND MOTHEB
Language
Father
Mother
Malenba
Tata
Mamma
Embomma
Taata
Mama
Kaffir
Ubaba
Umame '
N ON- ARYAN NATIONS OF EUROPE AND ASIA.^
Turkish
Baba
Ana
Georgian
Mama
Deda
Mantsbu
Ama
Eme
Javanese
Bapa
Ibu
Malay
5)
Ma^
Syami (Thibet)
Dhada
55
Thibetan
Pha
Ama
Serpa (Nepal)
Aba
5?
Murmi
Apa
Amma
Pakhya
Babai
Ama
Lepcha (Sikkim)
Abo
Amo
Bhutani
Appa
Ai
Dhimal (N.E. Bengal)
Aba
Ama
Kocch
Bap
Ma
Garo
Aba
Ama
Burman (Burmah)
Ahpa
Ami
Mru
Pa
Au
Sak
Aba
Anu
Talain (Siam)
Ma
Ya
Ho (Central India)
Appu
Enga
Santhali „
Baba
Ayo
Uraon ,,
•Babe
Ayyo
Gayeti „
Baba
Dai
Khond
Abba
Ayya
Tuluva (Southern India)
Am me
Appe
Badaga „
Appa
Awe
Irula „
Amma
Awe
^ Tuckey's Narrative.
^ Morgan, Systems of Consan-
guinity.
^ Hunter, Die. of Non-Aryan
Languages of India, &c.
* Crawford 's Malay Dictionary
and Grammar.
IN VARIOUS LANGUAGES
431
Language
Father
Mother
Cinghalese
Appa
Amma
Chinese
Fu
Mu
Karen
Pa
ISLANDERS.
Moi
Kingsmill
Tama
Mama
New Zealand
Pa-Matuatana
Matua wahina
Tonga Islands
Tamny
Fae
Erroob (N. Australia)
Bab
Ama
Lewis' Murray Island
Baab
AUSTRALIA.
Hammah
Jajowrong (N.W. Australia) Marmook
Barbook
Knenkorenwurro „
Marmak
Barpanorook
Burapper „
Marmook
Barbook
Taungurong „
Warredoo
Barbanook
Boraipar (S. Australia)
Murmme
Parppe
Murrumbidgee
Kunny
Mamma
Western Australia
Mammun
Ngangan
Port Lincoln
Pappi
ESQUIMAUX.
Maitya
Esquimaux (Hudson's Bay) Atata
Amama
Tsliuktcbi (Asia)
Atta
?
The American languages seem at first sight opposed
to the view here suggested ; on close examination, how-
ever, this is not the case, since the pronunciation of the
labials is very difficult to many American races. Thus
La Hontan (who is confirmed by Gallatin^) informs us
that the Hurons do not use the labials, and that he
spent four days in attempting, without success, to teach
a Huron to pronounce b, p, and m. The Iroquois are
^ Morgan, Sys. of Consanguinity.
2 Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc, vol. i. p. 236.
432
WORDS FOB FATHER AND MOTHER
stated not to use labials. Garcilasso de la Vega tells
us that the Peruvian language wanted the letters b, d,
f, g, s, and X ; b, d, f, g, r, and s in Aztec ; ^ and the
Indians of Port au Frangais, according to M. Lamanon,
made no use o£ the consonants b, d, f, j, p, v, or x.^
Still, even in America we find some cases in which the
sounds for father resemble those so general elsewhere ;
thus : —
Language
Father
Mother
Costanos (N.W
. America)
Ah pah
Ah nah
T^hakU
J5
Apa
55
Tlatskanai
55
Mama
Naa
Nasqually
^f
Baa
Sogo
Nootlia
55
Api
Una
Athapascans (Canada)
Appa
Unnungcool
Omahas (Missouri)
Dadai
Eehong
Minnetarees
Tantai
Eeka
Choctas (Mississippi)
Aunkke
Iskeh
Caribs
Baba
Bibi
Quichua
Yaya
Mama
Uainamben (A:
mazons)
Pai
Ami
Cobeu
55
Ipaki
Ipako
Tucano
55
Pagui
Maou
Tariana
. J)
Paica
Naca
Baniwa
Padjo
Nadjo
Barre
Mbaba
Memi
Muysea
Paba
Guuira
Finding, then, that the easiest sounds which a child
can produce denote father and mother almost all over
the world ; remembering that the root ba or pa indi-
cates baby as well as father ; that in various parts of
the world the roots ' pa ' and ' ma ' denote other near
relationships ; and observing that in some cases the
1 Wuttke's Qes. der Mensch., vol. i. p. 279. ^ Gallatin, loc. cit. p. 63.
THE CHOICE OF BOOT-WORDS 433
usual sounds are reversed ; as, for instance, in Georgian,
where mamma stands for father, and dada for mother ;
or in Tuhiva, where amme is father, and appe is mother ;
in Chilian, where ' papa ' means mother ; in TIatskanai,
where ' mama ' stands for father ; in Madurese again,
where ' mama ' means father, ' ambu ' or ' babu ' mother ;
or some of the Australian tribes, in which combinations of
the sound mar stand for father, and bar for mother ; we
must surely admit that the Sanskrit verb Pa. to protect,
comes from pa, father, and not vice versa.
There are few more interesting studies than the
steps by which our present language has been derived
from these original roots. This subject has been ad-
mirably dealt with by my friend Professor Max MllUer
in his ' Lectures on Language,' and, tempting as it
would be to do so, I do not propose to follow him into
that part of the science. As regards the formation of
the original roots, however, he declines to express any
opinion. Rejecting what he calls the pooh-pooh and
bow-wow theories^ (though they are in reality but
one), he observes that ' the theory which is suggested
' to us by an analysis of language carried out according
' to the principles of comparative philology, is the very
' opposite. We arrive in the end at roots, and every
^ one of these expresses a general, not an individual
' idea.' But the whole question is, How were these roots
chosen ? How did particular things come to be denoted
by particular sounds ?
Here, however, Professor Max Muller stops. No-
thing, he admits,^ • would be more interesting than to
' know from historical documents the exact process by
^ Science of Language, p. 373. "^ Loc. cit. p, 340.
F F
434 TEE CEOIGE OF R00T-W0EE8
' which the first man began to lisp his first words, and
' thus to be rid for ever of all the theories on the origin
' of speech. But this knowledge is denied us ; and, if
' it had been otherwise, we should probably be quite
* unable to understand those primitive events in the
' history of the human mind.'
Yet in his last chapter he says/ 'And now I am
' afraid I have but a few minutes left to exj^lain the
' last question of all in our science, namely, How can
* sound express thought ? How did roots become the
^ signs of general ideas ? How was the abstract idea of
^ measuring expressed by ma, the idea of thinking
' by man ? How did ga come to mean going, sthgi
' standing, f^sad sitting, d^ giving, mar dying, char
' walking, l^ar doing ? I shall try to answer as briefly
' as possible. The 400 or 500 roots which remain as
^ the constituent elements in different families of lan-
' guage are not interjections, nor are they imitations.
' They are phonetic types produced by a power inherent
' in human nature. They exist, as Plato would say, by
' nature ; though with Plato we should add that, when
' we say by nature, we mean by the hand of God.
' There is a law which runs through nearly the whole
' of nature ; that everything which is struck rings. . . .
^ Man, in his primitive and perfect state, was not only
* endowed, like the brute, with the power of expressing
' his sensations by interjections, and his perceptions by
' onomatopoeia. He possessed likewise the faculty of
' giving more articulate expression to the natural con-
' ceptions of his mind. That faculty was not of his
' making. It was an instinct, an instinct of the mind
1 Loc. cit. p. 386.
POVERTY OF SAVAGE LANGUAGES 435
^ as irresistible as any other instinct. So far as lan-
' guage is the production of that instinct, it belongs to
' the realm of nature.'
This answer, though expressed with Professor Max
Muller's usual eloquence, does not convey to my mind
any definite conception. On the other hand, it appears
to me that at any rate, as regards some roots, we
have, as already pointed out, a satisfactory explanation.
Professor Max Mliller,^ indeed, admits that * there are
' some names, such as cuckoo, which are clearly formed
' by an imitation of sound. But,' he adds, ' words of
' this kind are, like artificial flowers, without a root.
' They are sterile, and are unfit to express anything
' beyond the one object which they imitate. If you
' remember the variety of derivatives that could be
' formed from the root spac, to see, you will at once
' perceive the difference between the fabrication of such
' a word as cuckoo, and the true natural growth of
' words.' It has, however, been already shown that
such roots, far from being sterile, are, on the contrary,
very fruitful, and we must remember that savage lan-
guages are extremely poor in abstract terms.
Indeed, the vocabularies of the various races are
most interesting from the indications which they afford
with reference to the condition of those by whom they
are used. Thus we get a melancholy idea of the moral
state and family life of tribes which are deficient in
terms of endearment. Colonel Dalton ^ tells us that the
Hos of Central India have no ' endearing epithets.'
The Algonquin language, one of the richest in North
America, contained no verb ' to love,' and when Elliot
^ Science of Language, p. 363, - Trans. Ethn. Soc, N.S., vol. vi. p. 27.
r F 2
436 DEFICIENCY IN TEBMS OF AFFECTION
translated the Bible into it in 1661, he was obliged to
coin a word for the purpose. The Tinne Indians on
the other side of the Rocky Mountams had no equi-
valent for ' dear' or 'beloved.' ' I endeavoured,' says
General Lefroy, ' to put this intelligibly to Nanette, by
' supposing such an expression as ma chere femme ; ma
' chere fille. When at length she understood it, her
' reply was (with great emphasis), " I' disent jamais qa ;
' "i' disent ma femme, ma fille." ' The Kalmucks and
some of the South Sea Islanders are said to have had
no word for ' thanks.' Lichtenstein,^ speaking of the
Bushmen, mentions it as a remarkable instance of the
total absence of civilisation among them that ' they
' have no names, and seem not to feel the want of such
' a means of distinguishing one individual from another.'
Phny ^ makes a similar statement concerning a race in
Northern Africa. Freycinet ^ also asserts that some of
the Australian tribes did not name their women. I
confess that I am inclined to doubt these statements,
and to refer the supposed absence of names to the
curious superstitions already referred to {a?ite, p. 24cS),
and which makes savages so reluctant to communicate
their true names to strangers. The Brazilian tribes,
according to Spix and Martins, had separate names for
the different parts of the body, and for all the different
animals and plants with w^hich they were acquainted,
but were entirely deficient in such terms as ' colour,'
' tone,' ' sex,' ' genus,' ' spirit,' &c.
Bailey ^ mentions that the language of the Yeddahs
' Vol. i. p. 119; vol. ii. p. 49. "" Trans. Ethn. Soc, N.S., vol. ii.
'^ Nat. Hist. 1. V. s. viii. p. 298 ; see also p. 300.
^ Vol. ii. p. 749.
ABSENCE OF ABSTRACT TERMS 437
(Ceylon) 'is very limited. It only contains such
' phrases as are required to describe the most striking
' objects of nature, and those which enter into the daily
'life of the people themselves. So rude and primitive
' is their dialect that the most ordinary objects and
' actions of life are described by quaint periphrases.'
' In Kocch, Bodo, and Dhimal there is not a single
' vernacular word to express matter, spirit, space,
' instinct, reason, consciousness, quantity, degree, or
' the like.' ^ Among the Bongo of Central Africa words
for ' abstract ideas, such as spirit, soul, hope, fear,
' appear to be absolutely wanting, but experience
' shows that in this respect other negro tongues are
' not more richly provided.' ^
The Australian dialects are almost destitute of abstract
terms and generic words.
The Tasmanians, again, had no general term for a
tree, though they had names for each particular kind ;
nor could they express ' qualities such as hard, soft,
'warm, cold, long, short, round,' &c.
According to missionaries the Fuegians had ' no
' abstract terms.' In the North American languages a
term ' sufficiently general to denote an oak-tree is ex-
' ceptional.' Thus, the Choctaw language has names
for the black oak, white oak, and red oak, but none for
an oak, still less for a tree.
Speaking of the Coroados (Brazil), Martins observes
that ' it would be in vain to seek among them words for
' the abstract ideas of plant, animal, and the still more
1 Essay on the Kocch, Bodo, and nals of Rural Bengal, p. 113.
Dhimal Tribes, by B. H. Hodgson, ^ Schweiniurth's Heart of Africa,
Esq., p. ii. See also Hunter's An- vol. i. p. 311.
438 THE 8ENSE OF COLOUR
' abstract notions colour, tone, sex, species, &c. ; such a
' generalisation of ideas is found among them only in
' the frequently used infinitive of the verbs to walk, to
' eat, to drink, to dance, to see, to hear, &c. They
' have no conception of the general powers and laws of
' nature, and therefore cannot express them in words.' ^
It is reaiarkable that barbarous races are often deficient
in terms denoting colours.
Nor is this the case with the lower races only. The
colour of grass and foliage is scarcely alluded to in the
Yedas or the Zendavesta. The most ancient Indian
sacred book, the Rigveda, though, as Greiger has pointed
out,^ containing 10,000 lines, and consisting principally
of hymns to heaven, does not contain the word ' blue '
or ' green ; ' nor are these colours mentioned in the old
Persian sacred writings — the Zendavesta. The word
' blue ' is also absent from the earlier books of the Old
Testament, the Koran, and the writings of Homer,
although in the former the heaven is mentioned no less
than 450 times. The Greeks and Romans in ancient
times appear indeed to have had no word for ' blue.'
Kvavo^, which subsequently acquired the meaning, in
Homer always stands for ' black ; ' and cseruleus appears
originally to have had the same meaning, and to have
gradually passed through ' grey ' to ' blue.' Indeed our
own word ' blue ' is similarly connected with ' bleach '
and ' black.' So also the ancient words for green and
yellow seem to have been used almost as equivalents.
It is, moreover, remarkable that both Aristotle and
Xenophanes speak of the rainbow as composed of three
^ Spix and Martius, Travels in ^ Zur Entw. der Menschlieit,
Brazil, vol. ii. p. 253. p, 46.
DEFICIENCY IN NUMERALS 439
colours — purple, yellow, and green. The Todas appear
to have but one word for ' black,' ' blue,' and
' green.' ^
Some eminent authorities consider that this curious
fact arises from a want of the power of perceiving cer-
tain colours, a view which seems to me quite inadmis-
sible.
There is, perhaps, no more interesting part of the
study of language than that which concerns the system
of numeration, nor any more striking proof of the low
mental condition of many savage races than the un-
doubted fact that they are unable to count their own
fingers, even of one hand.
According to Lichtenstein, the Bushmen could not
count beyond two. Spix and Martins make the same
statement about the Brazilian Wood- Indians. The
Botocudos had a word for ' one,' but everything beyond
was ' many.' The natives of Erroob and some of the
Cape Yorkers of Australia count as follows :—
One
Netat.
Two
Naes.
Three
Naes-netat.
Four
Naes-naes.
Five
Naes-naes-netat.
Six
Naes-naes-naes.
Other Cape Yorkers have words for one, two, and
three, while for four they say Ungatua, i.e. the whole
(hand being understood).^
In Western Australia gudgal is two, gudgalin-
1 Marshall, Phrenologist among ~ Gill, Life in the Southern Isles,
the Todas, p. 250. p. 225.
440 SAVAGE DIFFICULTIES IN AEITHMETIG
guclgalin four. Five is mashjinbangga, i.e. half the two
hands. Moore also gives as a word (?) for fifteen, mehr-
jin-belli-belli-gudgir-jina-bangga,- i.e. the hand on either
side and half the feet. Speaking of the Lower Murray-
nations, Mr. Beveridge says, ' Their numerals are con-
' fined to two alone, viz. " ryup," ''politi," the first
' signifying " one " and the second " two." To express
' five, they say " ryup murnangin," or one hand, and
'to express ten, " politi murnangin," or two hands.' ^
No Australians, indeed, can be said to go beyond four,
their term for five simply implying a large number.
The Dammaras, according to Galton, used no term
beyond three. He gives so admirable and at the same
time so amusing an account of Dammara difficulties in
language and arithmetic that I cannot resist quoting it
in full. ' We had,' he says,^ ' to trust to our Dammara
' guides, whose ideas of time and distance were most
' provokingly indistinct ; besides this they have no
' comparative in their language, so that you cannot
' say to them, " Which is the longer of the two, the
' " next stage or the last one ? " but you must say,
' •' The last is little ; the next is it great ? " The
' reply is not. It is a " little longer," or " very much
' " longer," but simply, "It is so," or " It is not so."
' When inquiries are made about how many days' jour-
' ney off a place may be, their ignorance of all numerical
' ideas is very annoying. In practice, whatever they
' may possess in their language, they certainly use no
' numeral greater than three. When they wish to ex-
^ Moore, Ten Years in W. Aus- p. 433.
tralia. ?- Galton's Tropical South Africa,
2 Trans, of the R. S. of Victoria, p. 213.
vol. yi. p. 151. Lang, Queensland,
SAVAGE DIFFICULTIES IN ARITHMETIC 441
^ press four, they take to their fingers, which are to them
^ as formidable instruments of calculation as a sliding
' rule is to an English schoolboy. They puzzle very
' much after five, because no spare hand remains to
' grasp and secure the fingers that are required for units.
' Yet they seldom lose oxen ; the way in which they
' discover the loss of one is not by the number of the
^ herd being diminished, but by the absence of a face
' they know. When bartering is going on, each sheep
' must be paid for separately. Thus, suppose two sticks
' of tobacco to be the rate of exchange for one sheep, it
' would sorely puzzle a Dammara to take two sheep and
' give him four sticks. I have done so, and seen a man
^ put two of the sticks apart, and take a sight over them
' at one of the sheep he was about to sell. Having
' satisfied himself that that one was honestly paid for,
^ and finding to his surprise that exactly two sticks re-
* mained in hand to settle the account for the other sheep,
' he would be aflSicted with doubts ; the transaction
' seemed to come out too " pat " to be correct, and he
' would refer back to the first couple of sticks ; and
' then his mind got hazy and confused, and wandered
' from one sheep to the other, and he broke off the
' transaction until two sticks were put into his hand,
^ and one sheep driven away, and then the other two
' sticks given him, and the second sheep driven away.
' When a Dammara's mind is bent upon number, it is
' too much occupied to dwell upon quantity ; thus a
' heifer is bought from a man for ten sticks of tobacco,
' his large hands being both spread out upon the ground,
' and a stick placed upon each finger. He gathers up
' the tobacco, the size of the mass pleases him, and the
442 ORIGIN OF THE DECIMAL SYSTEM.
* bargain is struck. You then want to buy a second
' heifer ; the same process is gone through, but half
' sticks instead of whole sticks are put upon his fingers ;
^ the man is equally satisfied at the time, but occasionally
' finds it out, and complains the next day.
' Once while I watched a Dammara floundering
' hopelessly in a calculation on one side of me, I ob-
' served Dinah, my spaniel, equally embarrassed on the
' other. She was overlooking half a dozen of her new-
' born puppies, which had been removed two or three
' times from her, and her anxiety was excessive, as she
' tried to find out if they were all present, or if any
' were still missing. She kept puzzling and running
' her eyes over them, backwards and forwards, but
' could not satisfy herself. She evidently had a vague
' notion of counting, but the figure was too large for
' her brain. Taking the two as they stood, dog and
' Dammara, the comparison reflected no great honour
' on the man.'
All over the world the fingers are used as counters ;
and although the numerals of most races are so worn
down by use that we can no longer detect their original
meaning, there are many savage tribes in which the
words used are merely the verbal expressions of the
signs used in counting with the fingers.
Of this I have just given several instances. In
Labrador ' Tallek,' a hand, means also ' five,' and the
term for twenty means hands and feet together.
So also the Esquimaux of Greenland ^ for twenty
say ' a man ; that is, as many fingers and toes as a man
^ has ; and then count as many fingers more as are
^ Crantz, Hist, of Greenland, vol. i. p. 225.
UST] OF TEE FINGEE8 IN ABITEMJSTIG 443
' above the number ; consequently, instead of 100, they
' say ^ve men. But the generality are not such learned
' arithmeticians, and therefore when the number is above
^ twenty, they say "it is innumerable." ' The number 8
is ' three on the other hand,' and 24 ' four on the second
'man.' So also among the Kolusches the word for
twenty is the hka, literally ' oiie man ; ' for forty, tach
hka, ' two men.' ^
Speaking of the Ahts, Mr. Sproat ^ says, ' It may be
' noticed that their word for one occurs again in that
' for six and nine, and the word for two is that for
' seven and eight. The Aht Indians count upon their
' fingers. They always count, except where they have
' learnt diiFerently from their contact with civilisation,
' by raising the hands with the palms upwards, and
' extending all the fingers, and bending down each finger
' as it is used for enumeration. They begin with the
* little finger. This little finger, then, is one. Now
' six is five (that is, one whole hand) and one more.
' We can easily see, then, why their word for six
' comprehends the word for one. Again, seven is
' five (one whole hand) and two more — thus
' their word for seven comprehends the word for
' two. Again, when they have bent down the eighth
' finger, the most noticeable feature of the hand is that
' two fingers, that is, a finger and a thumb, remain ex-
' tended. Now, the Aht word for eight comprehends
' atlah, the word for two. The reason for this I imagine
'to be as follows: Eight is ten (or the whole hands)
' wanting two. Again, when the ninth finger is down,
^ Erman. Zeit. f. Ethnologie, ^ Scenes and Studies of Savage
1871, p. 217. Life, p. 121.
444 USE OF THE FINGEES IN ABITHMETIC
' only one finger is left extended. Their word for nine
' comprehends tsowwauk, the word for one. Nine is
' ten (or two whole hands) wanting one.' ^ So again
among the Pit River Indians 9 means literally ' pretty
near 10.' '
The Zamuca and Muysca Indians ^ have a cumbrous,
but interesting, system of numeration. For five they
say, ' hand finished.' For six, ' one of the other hand ; '
that is to say, take a finger of the other hand. For ten
they say, ' two hands finished,' or sometimes more simply
' quicha,' that is ' foot.' Eleven is foot-one ; twelve,
foot-two ; thirteen, foot-three, and so on : twenty is the
feet finished ; or in other cases ' Man,' because a man
has ten fingers and ten toes, thus making twenty.
Among the Jararoes the word for forty is ' noeni
' pume ; ' i.e. two men, from noeni, two, and canipune,
men.
Speaking of the Gaiana natives, Mr. Brett observes ^
that ' another point in which the different nations agree
' is their method of numeration. The first four num-
' hers are represented by simple words, as in the table
' above given. Five is " my one hand," ahar-dakabo
' in Arawak. Then coaies a repetition, ahar timen,
' hiam. timen^ &c., up to nine. Biam-dakaho^ " my two
' " hands," is ten. From ten to twenty they use the
' toes {kuti or okuti), as abar-kuti-hana^ " eleven," biam-
' kuti-bana, " twelve," &c. They call twenty abar-loko,
' one loko or man. They then proceed by men or
' scores ; thus, forty-five is laboriously expressed by
^ Scenes and Studies of Savage ^ Humboldt's Personal Ee-
Life, pp. 121, 122. searches, vol. ii. p. 117.
'^ Powers, Cont. to Amer. Ethn., ^ Brett's Indian Tribes of Guiana,
vol. iii. p. 273. p. 417.
AS SHOWN IN THE NAMES OF NUMERALS 445
* hiani'loko-ahar-dakabo tajeacjo, " two men and one
' " hand upon it." For higher numbers they have now
^ recourse to our words hundred and thousand.' So
also among the Caribs, the word for 'ten,' Chonnoucabo
raim, meant hterally ' the fingers of both hands ; ' and
that for ' twenty ' was Chonnougouci raim, i.e. the
fingers and toes.^
The Coroados ^ generally count only by the joints of
the fingers, consequently only to three. Every greater
number they express by the word ' miony.'
According to Dobritzhofi'er ' the Guaranies, when
' questioned respecting a thing exceeding four, imme-
' diately reply ndipapahabi, ndipapahai, innumerable.' ^
So also the Abipones ^ can only express three numbers
' in proper words : Initdra, one, Inoaka, two, Inoaka
' yekaini, three. They make up for the other numbers
' by various arts ; thus, geyenk nate, the fingers of an
' emu, which, as it has three in front and one turned
' back, are four, serves to express that number : 7ieen-
' halek, a beautiful skin spotted with five difi'erent
' colours, is used to signify the number five.' ' Handm,
' begem, the fingers of one hand, means five ; landm
' rihegem, the fingers of both hands, ten ; landm rihegem.
' cat gracherhaka anamichirihegem, the fingers of both
' hands and both feet, twenty.'
Among the Malays and throughout Polynesia the
word for five is ima, lima, or rima. In Bila, lima also
means a hand ; this is also the case in the Bugis, Mand-
har, and Ende languages : in the Makasar dialect it is
^ Tertre's History of the Caribby ^ History of the Abipones, vol. ii.
Islands. p. 171.
2 Spix and Martins, Travels in '^ Loc. cit. p. 169.
Brazil, vol. ii. p. 255.
446 USE OF THE FINGERS IN ARITHMETIC
liman, in Sasak it is ima, in Bima it is rima, in Sem-
bawa it is limang/ In Ellice's Islands 10 is 'katua'
= ' all,' i.e. all the fingers.^
In the Mpongwe language ' tyani ' or ' tani ' is five,
' ntyame ' is ' hand.' ^ The Koossa Kaffirs make little
use of numerals. Lichtenstein could never discover
that they had any word for eight, few could reckon
beyond ten, and many did not know the names of any
numerals. Yet if a single animal was missing out of a
herd of several hundred, they observed it immediately.*
This, however, as Mr. Galton explains, is merely
because they miss a face they know. Among the Zulu,
* tatitisupa,' six, means literally ' take the thumb ; ' i.e.
having used the fingers of one hand, take the thumb
of the next. ' The numbers,' says Lichtenstein, ' are
commonly expressed among the Beetjuans by fingers
held up, so that the word is rarely spoken ; many are
even unacquainted with these numerals, and never
employ anything but the sign. It therefore occa-
sioned me no small trouble to learn the numerals,
and I could by no means arrive at any denomination
for the numbers five and nine. Beyond ten even
the most learned could not reckon, nor could I make
out by what signs they ever designated these higher
numbers.' ^
The Bushmen cannot usually count beyond two,
but one tribe uses the word ' guemtsom,' i.e. a hand, for
^ Kaffles's History of Java, Ap- guage. 1847.
pendix F. ^ Lichtenstein, vol. i. p. 280. See
^ Gill, Myths of the South Pacific, also App.
p. 326. ■' Loc. cit. vol. ii. App.
^ Grammar of the Mpongwe Lan-
PBOGBESS IN AEITEMETIG 447
Even in our own langLiage the word ' five ' has a
similar origin, since it is derived from the Greek TreVre,
which again is evidently connected with the Persian
pendji ; now in Persian ' pentcha ' means a hand, as
Humboldt has already pointed out.^
Hence, no doubt, the prevalence of the decimal sys-
tem in arithmetic ; it has no particular advantage ; in-
deed, either eight or twelve would, in some respects,
have been more convenient ; eight, because you can
divide it by two, and then divide the result again by
two ; and twelve, because it is divisible by six, four,
three, and two. Ten, however, has naturally been
selected, because we have ten fingers.
These examples, then, appear to me very instructive ;
we seem, as it were, to trace up the formation of the
numerals ; we perceive the true cause of the decimal
system of notation ; and we obtain interesting, if melan-
choly, evidence of the extent to which the faculty of
thought lies dormant among the lower races of man.
^ Personal Researches, London 1814, vol. ii. p. 116,
448
CHAPTER XI.
LAWS.
THE customs and laws of the lower races, so far as
religious and family relations are concerned, have
already been discussed. There are, however, some other
points of view with reference to which it seems desirable
to make some remarks. The progress and development
of law is indeed one of the most interesting as well as
important sections of human history. It is far less es-
sential, as Goguet^ truly observes, ' de savoir le nombre
' des dynasties et les noras des souverains qui les com-
' posoient ; mais il est essentiel de connoitre les loix, les
' arts, les sciences et les usages d'une nation que toute
' I'antiquite a regardee comme un modele de sagesse et de
' vertu. Yoila les objets que je me suis proj)oses, et
'quejevais traiter avec le plus d'exactitude qu'il me
' sera possible/ It is, however, impossible thoroughly
to understand the laws of the most advanced nations,
unless we take into consideration those customs of
ruder communities from which they took their origin,
by which they are so profoundly influenced.
It is, therefore, very much to be regretted that we
are not more thorough^ acquainted with the laws and
customs of savage races.
At the time Goguet published his celebrated work,
^ De rOrigine des Loix, des Arts et des Sciences, vol. i. p. 45.
IMPORTANCE OF THE SUBJECT 449
our knowledge was even more defective than is now the
case.
Still, I am surprised that with the evidence which
was before him, and especially as he was one of the
first to point out that much light is thrown by the
condition of modern savages on that of our ancestors
in times now long gone by,^ he should have regarded
the monarchical form of government as the most ancient
and most universally established.^ ' C'est, sans con-
' tredit,' he says, ' le plus ancienncDient et le plus uni-
' versellement etabli.'
' La royaute,' he continues, ' est d'ailleurs une image
^ de I'autorite que les peres avoient originairement sur
' leurs enfants : ils etoient dans ces premiers tems les
' chefs et les leo^islateurs de leur famille.'
Whereas, it has been already shown in the earlier
chapters of this work that the family is by no means so
perfectly organised among the lowest races.
Sir G. Grrey,^ speaking of the Austrahans, truly says
that the ' laws of this people are unfitted for the govern-
' ment of a single isolated family, some of them being
' only adapted for the regulation of an assemblage of
^ famihes ; they could, therefore, not have been a series
^ M. Goguet remarks that some races. It was practised by the Eng-
races, being ignorant of the art of lish Government down to the corn-
writing, even now, ' pour constater mencement of the present century,
Meurs ventes, leurs achats, leurs em- and I myself possess such a receipt
' prunts, &c., emploient certains mor- given by the English Government to
' ceaux de bois entailles diversement. the East India Company in the year
' On les coupe en deux : le creancier 1770, and duly preserved in the
en garde une moitie, et le d^biteur India House until within the last
'retientl'autre. Quandladetteoula ten years. It represents 24,000/.,
< promesse est acquittee, chacun re- indicated by twenty-four equal
' met le morceau qu'il avoit par devers notches in a rod of wood.
' lui' (p. 26). This method of keep- "^ Log. cit. vol. i. p. 9.
ing accounts is not confined to savage ^ Grey's Australia, vol. ii. p. 222.
G G
450 SAVAGE LAWS NOT FOUNDED ON THE FAMILY
' of rules given by the first father to his children : again
' they could not have been rules given by an assembly
' of the first fathers to their children, for there are these
' remarkable features about them, that some are of such
' a nature as to compel those subject to them to remain
' in a state of barbarism.'
But, although the progress and development of law
belong, for the most part, to a more advanced stage of
human society than that which is the subject of this
work, still, in one sense, as already mentioned, even the
lowest races of savages have laws.
Those who have not devoted much attention to the
subject have generally regarded the savage as having
one advantage, at least, over civilised man ; that,
namely, of enjoying an amount of personal freedom
greater than that of individuals belonging to more
civilised communities.
There cannot be a greater mistake. The savage is
nowhere free. All over the world his daily life is regu-
lated by a complicated and often most inconvenient set
of customs (as forcible as laws), of quaint prohibitions
and privileges ; the prohibitions as a general rule apply-
ing to the women, and the privileges to the men. Nay,
every action of their lives is regulated by numerous
rules, none the less stringent because unwritten.
' The Karens,' says M'Mahon, ' possess an oral law
* almost as cumbrous as the written law of more civilised
' peoples.' ^
The Hindoos fi:-om the cradle to the burning ground
are hemmed round with caste rules, religious observ-
ances, and Brahmanical exactions.
1 The Karens of the Gold. Chersonese, p. 83.
TYEANNY OF CUSTOM AMONG SAVAGES 451
Speaking of the natives of Bengal, Sir J. Phear tells
us that ' their down- sittings and uprisings, walkino-,
' sleeping, eating, drinking, may be said to be subject to
' the arbitrary control of spiritual agencies.' ^
' Fashion,^ says Schweinfurth, ' in the distant wilds
' of Africa, tortures and harasses poor humanity as much
^ as in the great prison of civilisation.' ^
In Peru the houses were inspected by Government
officials, to see that the household was kept in proper
order, and even that the children were under due control.
In Madagascar any man who changed his locality or
occupation without permission was liable to death. In
Japan, until recently, the hours of rising, dining, and
going to bed were fixed by law. ' Then we also
' learned that with them every day throughout each
' month has its fady or food which must not be eaten
' when travelling on that day. Thus, on the first day
' silkworms must not be eaten ; on the second Indian
' corn is prohibited ; and so on successively, with sugar-
cane, bananas, sweet potatoes, rice, jams, honey, earth-
^ nuts, beans, katsaka, and voamaho.' ^
Mr. Lang, speaking of the Australians,^ tells us that,
' instead of enjoying perfect personal freedom, as it
' would at first appear, they are governed by a code of
' rules and a set of customs which form one of the most
' cruel tyrannies that has ever, perhaps, existed on the
' face of the earth, subjecting not only the will, but the
* property and life of the weak to the dominion of the
^ Sir John B. Phear, The Aryan '^ Aborigines of Australia, p. 7.
Village in India and Ceylon, p. 22. Eyre, loc. cit. vol. ii. p. 385. See
2 Heart of Africa, vol. i. p. 410. Note.
^ FolkLoreRecord, vol. ii.p. 31.
G G 2
452 TYRANNY OF GUSTOM AMONG SAVAGES
' strong. The whole tendency of the system is to give
'everything to the strong and old, to the prejudice of
' the weak and yoang, and more particularly to the
' detriment of the women. They have rules by which
' the best food, the best pieces, the best animals, &c., are
' prohibited to the women and young men, and reserved
' for the old. The women are generally appropriated to
' the old and powerful, some of whom possess four to
' seven wives ; while wives are altogether denied to
^ young men, unless they have sisters to give in ex-
' change, and are strong and courageous enough to
^ prevent their sisters from being taken without ex-
' change.'
The Australian savage cannot even do as he likes
with the game he has killed when hunting, but is tied
down by strict rules which allot one leg to one member of
his family, one to another, the breast to a third, and so on.
Among the Mbayas of South America the married
women are not allowed to eat beef, capibara, or monkey ;
and the girls are forbidden to partake of any meat, or any
fish which is more than a foot long. ' Les Chartreux
' memes ne sont pas venus a ce point d'austerite.' ^
Amongst the Samoyedes, women may not eat the
head of the reindeer, nor pass across a hut behind the
fire.
' To believe,' says Sir G. Grrey,^ ' that man in a
' savage state is endowed with freedom, either of thought
' or action, is erroneous in the hisrhest desfree.'
In Tahiti,^ the men were allowed to eat the flesh of
^ Azara's Voy. dans I'Amer. 217.
M^ridionale. ^ Polynesian Researclies, vol. i.
2
Grey's Australia, vol. ii. p. p. 222.
TYBANNY OF CUSTOM AMONG SAVAGES 453
the pig, and of fowls, and a variety of fish, cocoa-nuts,
and plantains, and whatever was presented as an offer-
ing to the gods, which the females, on pain of death,
were forbidden to touch, as it was supposed they would
pollute them. The fires on which the men's food was
cooked were also sacred, and were forbidden to be used
by the females. The baskets in which their provisions
were kept, and the house in which the men ate, were
also sacred, and prohibited to the females under the
same cruel penalty ; hence the inferior food, both for
wives, daughters, &c., was cooked at separate fires,
deposited in distinct baskets, and eaten in lonely
solitude by the females in little huts erected for the
purpose.' ' Nothing,' says the Bishop of Wellington,
can be more mistaken than to represent the New
Zealanders as a people without law and order. They
are, and were, the slaves of law, rule, and prece-
dent.' '
The head of a chief was regarded as especially
sacred ; and Shortland gives an amusing account of a
case in which an unfortunate child suffered sadly,
because ' no one could for a long time be found of sufii-
^ ciently high rank to cut his hair or wash his head.' ^
If savages pass unnoticed many actions which we
should consider as highly criminal, on the other hand
they strictly forbid others which we should consider
altogether immaterial.
The natives of Eussian America, near the Yukon
river, ' have certain superstitions with regard to the
' bones of animals, which they will neither throw on the
1 Trans. Ethu. Soc, 1870, p. " Traditions of the New Zea-
367. landers, p. 108.
454 GUBI0U8 CUSTOMS
' fire nor to the dogs, but save them in theii* houses or
' caches. When they saw us careless in such matters,
^ they said it would prevent them from catching or
' shooting successfully. Also, they will not throw away
' their hair or nails just cut short, but save them, hang-
•ing them frequently in packages on the trees.' ^ The
Mongols ^ think it a fault to touch the fire, or take
fiesh out of the pot, with a knife,^ or to cleave wood with
a hatchet near the hearth, imagining it takes away the
fire's power. It is no less faulty to lean on a whip or
touch arrows with it ; to kill young birds ; or pour
liquor on the ground : to strike a horse with a bridle ; or
break one bone against another. Mr. Tylor has already
pointed out^ that almost exactly the same prohibitions
occur in America.
Some savage rules are very sensible. Thus Tanner
states that the Algonkin Indians, when on a war-path,
must not sit upon the naked ground, but must, at least,
have some grass or bushes under them. They must, if
possible, avoid wetting their feet ; but if they are com-
pelled to wade through a swamp, or to cross a stream,
they must keep their clothes dry. and whip their legs
with bushes or grass when they come out of the water.^
For others the reason is not so obvious. Thus, the
small bowls out of which they drink are marked across
the middle ; in going out they must place one side to
their mouth ; in returning, the other. The vessels
must also on their return be thrown away or hung up
in a tree.
^ Whymper, Trans. Ethn. Soc, occurred among the Greeks.
N.S., vol. vii. p. 174. ^ Early History of Man, p. 136.
2 Astley's Coll., vol. iv. p. 548. ^ Tanner's Narrative, p. 123.
^ It is curious that this idea also
BULES RELATING TO HUNTING 455
Hunting tribes generally have well-understood
rules with reference to game. Among the Green-
landers, should a seal escape with a hunter's javelin in
it, and be killed by another man afterwards, it belongs
to the former. But if the seal be struck with the har-
poon and bladder, and the string break, the hunter
loses his riglit. If a man find a seal dead with a har-
poon in it, he keeps the seal, but returns the harpoon.
In reindeer hunting, if several hunters strike a deer
together, it belongs to the one whose arrow is nearest
the heart. The arrows are all marked, so that no dis-
pute can arise, but since guns have been introduced
many quarrels have taken place. Any man who finds
a piece of drift-wood (which in the far North is ex-
tremely valuable) can appropriate it by placing a stone
on it, as a sign that some one has taken possession of it.
No other Greenlander will then touch it.
Among the Khonds, hunters in pursuit of game have
' an admitted right to pursue it to any place, either
' within or without their own boundaries, until the
' animal is killed or captured,' but it is also understood
that ' the villagers on whose land it may be killed have
' a right to a share of the meat.' ^
Agam, far from being informal or extemporary,
the salutations, ceremonies, treaties, and contracts of
savages are characterised by the very opposite qualities.
Eyre mentions that in Australia, ' in their inter-
' course with each other, natives of different tribes are
' exceedingly punctilious.' ^ The same is the case with
the natives of Guiana.
^ Campbell's Wild Tribes of ^ Discoveries in Australia, vol.
Khondistan, p. 41. ii. p. 214.
456 LEGAL CLJBLJMONIES AND C0NTBAGT8
Mariner gives a long account of the elaborate cere-
monies practised by the Tongans, and of their ' regard
^ for rank.' '^ The king ^ was by no means of the highest
rank. The Tooitonga Veachi, and several other chiefs,
preceded him. Indeed the name Tooitonga means
Kino- of Tonera : the office, however, had come to be
wholly of a religious character ; the Tooitonga being
regarded as descended from the gods, if not a deity
himself. He was so sacred that some words were
retained for his exclusive use. Below Tooitonga and
Yeachi came the priests, while civil society was divided
into ^ye ranks — the king, the nobles, the Matabooles,
the Mooas, and the Tooas. The child took the rank of
the mother among the nobles, but the Matabooles were
succeeded by the eldest son.
Among the Micronesians, also, distinctions of rank
were very strictly observed. Thus in Banabe, one of
the Caroline Islands, there were three classes, and we
are assured that even in battle ' a jDcrson of one class
' never attacked one of another.' ^
It is curious that the use of the third person in
token of respect occurs in Tonga, as well as some other
countries. ' Thus the king of Tonga addressing the
' Tooitonga says, " Ho egi Tooitonga ; " that is, literally,
' thy Lord Tooitonga, in which the possessive pronoun
' thy, or your, is used instead of my ; or if the word
' egi be translated lordship or chiefship, the term of
' address will be more consistent and similar to ours,
' your lordship, your grace, your majesty. The title ho
' egi is never used but in addressing a superior chief
^ Tonga Islands, vol. ii. pp. 185, ' Loc. cit. vol. ii. p. 79.
199, 207. 3 Hale's U.S. Expl. Exped., p. 83.
COUBT LANGUAGE 457
^ or speaking of a god, or in a public speech. Ho egi !
' also means chiefs, as in the commencement of Finow's
' speech.' ^
In Samoa we are assured that the distmction be-
tween the language of the ceremony and that of common
life is even more marked than in Tonga.^
Samoan orators, moreover, are not satisfied to address
their audience generally, but go over the names and
titles, even with ancestral references.
Here also the plural is always used in speaking to
a superior. Mr. Turner mentions that the first time he
was so addressed he felt somewhat hurt, for as he did not
know the custom and happened to be riding, he thought
the native intended to couple him with his horse. ^
In Fiji, if by chance a chief slipped or fell, every
one of inferior rank was expected immediately to do the
same, lest they should appear more careful or skilful
than their superior. In such a case, however, the chief
was expected to pay handsomely for the compliment."^
The Egbas, a negro race of West Africa, who are,
says Burton,^ ' gifted with uncommon loquacity and
' spare time, have invented a variety of salutations and
' counter- salutations applicable to every possible occa-
' sion. For instance, Oji re, did you wake well ?
' Akwaro, good morning ! Akuasan, good day ! Akwale,
' good evening ! Akware, to one tired. Akushe, to
' one at work. Akurin (from rin, to walk), to a tra-
' veller. Akule, to one in the house. Akwatijo, after
' a long absence. Akwalejo, to a stranger. Akurajo, to
^ Mariner, vol. ii. p. 142. ■* Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i.
2 Hale's U.S. Expl. Exp., p. 286. p. 39.
^ Nineteen Years in Polynesia, ^ Burton's Abeokuta, vol. i.
p. 340. p. 113.
458 GBADATI0N8 OF BANK
' one in distress. Akujiko, to one sitting. Akudardo
' to one standing. Akuta, to one selling. Wolebe (be
^ careful), to one met, and so forth. The servile shash-
^ tanga or prostration of the Hindus is also a universal
^ custom. It is performed in different ways ; the most
^general is, after depositing the burden and clapping
' hands once, twice, or thrice, to go on all fours, touch
' the ground with the belly and breast, the forehead
' and both sides of the face successively ; kiss the earth,
' half rise up, then pass the left over the right forearm,
' and vice versa, and finally, after again saluting mother
* Hertha, to stand erect. The performance usually takes
* place once a day on first meeting, but meetings are so
^ numerous that at least one hour out of the twenty-
^ four must thus be spent by a man about town.'
Livingstone^ was particularly struck, in passing
through the spillage, with the punctiliousness of man-
' ners shown by the Balonda. The inferiors, on meet-
' ing their superiors in the streets, at once drop on
' their knees and rub dust on their arms and chest.
' They continue the salutation of clapping the hands
' until the great ones have passed . ' Among the Bedouins
it is said that, when friends meet, the compliments rarely
last less than ten minutes.
In the religious customs of Tahiti,^ ' however large
or costly the sacrifices that had been offered, and
however near its close the most protracted ceremony
might be, if the priest omitted or misplaced any word
in the prayers with which it was always accompanied,
or if his attention was diverted by any means, so that
^ Travels in South Africa, ^ Ellis's Polynesian Kesearclies,
p. 296. vol. ii. p. 157.
SALUTATIONS AND CEUEMONIES 459
* the prayer was hai, or broken, the whole was rendered
' unavailable ; he must prepare other victims and repeat
' his prayers over from the commencement.'
In America, the Wild Comanche is greatly offended
by any breach of his rules of etiquette, and when Arau-
canians meet, the compliments generally last at least
ten minutes.
Public business, moreover, among uncivilised and
semi- civilised peoples is conducted with tedious for-
mality. Thus in Fiji ^ ' old forms are strictly ob-
' served and innovations opposed. An abundance of
' measured clapping of hands and subdued exclamations
' characterise these occasions. Whale's teeth and other
' property are never exchanged or presented without the
' following or similar form : " A ! woi ! woi ! woi ! A !
' " woi ! woi ! woi ! ! A tabua \evu ! woi ! woi ! A mudua,
' "mudua, mudua! " (clapping).' But little considera-
tion is required to show that this is quite natural. In the
absence of writing, evidence of contracts must depend
on the testimony of witnesses, and it is necessary, there-
fore, to avoid all haste which might lead to forgetfulness,
and to imprint the ceremony as much as possible on the
minds of those present.
Among the Romans an importance was attached
to formalities and expressions, which seem to us most
excessive, ' Celui,' for instance, says Ortolan, ' qui
'dira vignes (vites) parce qu'il plaide sur des vignes,
* au lieu de dire arbores, terme sacramental de la loi,
' perdra son proces.' ^ Under the Emperors, however,
this strictness was considerably relaxed.^
^ Williams' Fiji and the Fijians, - Ortolan's Justinian, vol. i.
vol. i. p. 28. p. 519. ^ Loc. dt. p. 354.
460 CONDUCT OF PUBLIC BUSINESS
Passing on to the question of property, ' La premiere
' loi,' says Goguet/ 'qu'on aura etablie, aura ete pour
' assigner et assurer a chaque habitant une certaine
' quantite de terrain.'
The same view has been taken by other writers. It
does not, however, appear that property in land implies,
or necessarily arose from, agriculture. On the contrary,
it exists even in hunting communities. Usually, indeed,
during the hunting stage, property in land is tribal, not
individual. The North American Indians seem, as a
general rule, to have had no individual property in
land. It appears, therefore, at first sight, remarkable
that among the Australians,^ who are in most respects
so much lower in the scale, ' every male has some portion
'of land, of which he can always point out the exact
' boundaries. These properties are subdivided by a
' father among his sons during his own lifetime and
' descend in almost hereditary succession. A man can
' dispose of or barter his lands to others, but a female
' never inherits, nor has primogeniture among the sons
' any peculiar rights or advantages.' Nay, more than
this, there are some tracts of land, peculiarly rich in gum,
&c., over which, at the period when the gum is in season,
numerous families have an acknowledged right, although
they are not allowed to come there at other times. ^ Even
the water of the rivers is claimed as property by some
of the Australian tribes. ' Trespass for the purpose of
' hunting ' is in Australia regarded as a capital offence,
and is when possible punished with death. ^
^ Zoc. cit. Grey's Australia, vol. ii. p. 232.
^ Eyre, Discoveries in Australia, ^ Grey's Australia, vol. ii. p. 298.
vol. ii. p. 297. See also Laug in ^ Loc. cit. p. 236.
PBOPEBTY IN LAND 461
The explanation seems to be tliat the Redskins
depended mainly on the larger game, while the Austra-
lians fed on opossums, reptiles, insects, roots, &c. The
Redskin, therefore, if land had been divided into indi-
vidual allotments, might have been starved in the
vicinity of abundance ; while the Australian could
generally obtain food on his own property.
Amoner the tribes of the Zambesi, accordinof to Living-
stone, if a hunter follows a woanded elephant and
kills it on the land of another tribe, the under side
of the animal belongs to that tribe, and the hunter must
not begin to cut it up until some representative of the
landowners is present to see that the division is fairly
made.
In Polynesia,^ wherever cultivation was carefully at-
tended to, as in Tahiti, ' every portion of land has its
' respective owner ; and even the distinct trees on the
' land had sometimes different proprietors, and a tree
' and the land it grew on different owners.'
The forms of land tenure in different parts of the
world are indeed extraordinarily diverse, and some of
the rules are very curious. For instance, the United
States Consul at Sivas, in Asia Minor, in a recent re-
port (1888) on his district describes the various tenures
of land, and, finally, one called mevat, which is determined
in a manner truly Oriental. It relates to small pieces of
State lands situated between the boundaries of villages.
The theory of this species of tenure is that the pasture
or common land of a village should not extend more than
a certain distance, so that quarrels with the neighbour-
1 Ellis's Polynesian Researches, vol. ii. p. 362. Dieffenbach, vol. ii.
p. 114.
462 FBOPBBTY IN LAND
ino- villages may be avoided. This limit is ascertained
in this way. One of the villagers, st anding on the steps
or minarets of the mosque, calls out at the top of his
voice. The point beyond which his voice cannot be
heard is the limit of the village property and common
pasturage. At the neighbouring village the same per-
formance is gone through, and the land between the
two points is mevat, and belongs to the State.^
In some of the wilder parts of Switzerland the
peasant goes up over night to the patches of hay on pre-
cipitous places to which cows cannot climb, and at sun-
rise on Jacob's day (old style) shouts out his name. If
no one answers, the hay is his ; if on the contrary any
one replies, they divide it between them.^
Even an agricultural condition does not necessarily
require individual property in land ; on the contrary,
we find evidences in so many countries of the existence
of village communities, holding land in common, that
there seems strong reason to suppose that in the history
of human progress the individual property in land was
always preceded by a period in which moveable property
alone was individual, while the land was common.^
Tacitus mentions that among the ancient Grermans
the arable lands were occupied in turns,^ and Caesar^
states that the magistrates lotted out the lands, changing
the allotment each year.
In New Zealand there were three distinct tenures
of land :^ viz. by the tribe, by the family, and by the
1 The Times, February 13, Tenure, p. 362, et seq.
1888. ^ Germania, xxvi.
2 Christ, Das Pflanzenleben der ^ De Bello Gallico, xxii.
Schwyz, p. 311. ^ Taylor's New Zealand and its
3 Faucher, in Systems of Land Inhabitants, p. 384.
COMMUNAL PROFEETY 463
individual. The common rights of a tribe were often
very extensive, and complicated by intermarriages.
Children, as soon as they were born, had a rio-ht to
a share of the family property. Shortland, however,
states 'that the head of the family had a recognised
' right to dispose of his property among his male ofF-
' spring and kinsmen.' ^ Probably on these points the
custom was not the same in all the tribes.
M. de Laveleye has described similar communities
in Java, and M. Renan among certain Semitic tribes in
Northern Africa.^
In some cases, land was private property for a por-
tion of the year,^ and belonged to the community for
the remainder. Thus our ' Lammas Lands ' were so
called, because they w^ere private property until Lam-
mas day (August 1), by which time the crops were
supposed to be gathered in ; after which period they
were subject to common rights of pasturage till the
spring. These meadows were seldom manm-ed, and, as
the portions assigned were often exceedingly small, it
was difficult to retain the exact boundaries durino" the
o
joint occupation of the land ; it was therefore most con-
venient to make a fresh partition each year.
Throughout India we still find the system of village
communities, holding the land in common,^ with, in
some cases, periodical division.^
^ Shortland's Traditions, &c., of bohm, The English Village Commu-
the New Zealanders, p. 273. nity.
^ Early History of Institutions, * Maine's Village Communities
p. 77. in the East and West. Phear, The
^ Nasse, On the Agric. Comm. Aryan Village in India and Ceylon,
of the Middle Ages. Pub. by the '" Tupper, Bengal Customary
Cobden Club, 1871. See also See- Law, vol. iii. p. 139.
464 COMMUNAL FBOFEBTY
In some parts of Russia, ' after the expiration of a
' given, but not in all cases of the same, period, separate
' ownerships are extinguished, the land of the village is
' thrown into a mass, and then it is re- distributed among
*the families composing the community, according to
' their number. This re-partition having been effected,
' the rights of families and of individuals are again
' allowed to branch out into various lines, which they
' continue to follow till another period of division comes
' round.' ^ That a similar state of things formerly
existed in Ireland is indicated in the Brehon laws.
It is stated to have been a principle of the earliest
Sclavonian laws that the property of families could not
be divided for a perpetuity. Even now, in parts of
Servia, Croatia, and Austrian Sclavonia, the entire
land is cultivated by the villagers and the produce is
annually divided.
In Mexico certain lands called ' Altapeltalli ' be-
longed to the district, and were inalienable.
In Peru, again, the land belonged to the State, and
every year a fresh allotment took 23lace, an additional
portion being granted for every child ; the amount
allowed for a son being twice as much as for a daughter.^
Diodorus Siculus informs us that the Celtiberians
divided their land annually among individuals, to be
cultivated for the use of the public ; and that the pro-
duct was stored up and distributed from time to time
among the necessitous. ^
^ Maine's Ancient Law, p. 267. Eites and Laws of the Incas,
'-^ Wuttke's Ges, der Menschheit, p. 162.
vol. i. p. 328 ; Prescott, vol. i. p. 44. ^ Lord Kames' History of Man,
A somewhat different account is vol. i. p. 93.
given by Polo de Ondegardo,
LAWS OF INHEEITANGE 465
It does not necessarily follow that property in land
involves the power of sale. ' We are too apt/ says
Campbell,^ ' to forget that property in land, as a trans -
' ferable mercantile commodity, absolutely owned and
' passing from hand to hand like any chattel, is not an
' ancient institution, but a modern development, reached
' only in a few very advanced countries.' ' It may be
'said,' he adds,^ 'of all landed tenures in India pre-
' vious to our rule, that they were practically not trans -
' ferable by sale, and that only certain classes of the
' better defined claims were to some extent transferable
' by mortgage. The seizure and sale of land for private
' debt were wholly and utterly unknown — such an idea
' had never entered into the native imagination.' So
also the sale of land was forbidden in some parts of
Greece, among some of the Teutonic, Slavonic, and
Celtic tribes, as also among the Mayas of Yucatan and
Nicaragua.^
In Leviticus it is enacted that ' The land shall not
' be sold for ever.' ^
In the Fiji Islands 'land was in the nature of a
' strictly entailed estate,' and no one could alienate, under
any circumstances, more than his own life interest.^
In Egypt, when a Fellah borrowed on his land he
was held to have pledged the produce only, and under
the old law no creditor could compel a debtor to sell the
land itself.^
Still less does the possession of land necessarily imply
^ Systems of Land Tenure, ^ Mem. by Governor Sir A.
p. 151. Gordon, Correspondence relative to
2 Ibid, p. 171. Land Claims in Fiji, 1883.
3 Bancroft, vol. ii. p. 652. '' Report on Egypt by Mr. V.
^ Leviticus xxv. 23. Stuart, Pari. Paper, 0. 3554. 1883.
H H
466 LAWS OF INHERIT AN GJE
the power of testamentary disposition, and we find as a
matter of fact that the will is a legal process of very late
origin.
In many cases it seems to be held that the title to
property ceases with the life of the owner.
It is stated that formerly, when a Grreenlander died,
if he had no grown-up children, his property was re-
garded as having no longer an owner, and every one took
what he chose, or at least what he could get, without
the slightest regard to the wretched widow or children.^
Ellis makes a similar statement as regards the
Hawaiians.^ In the Fiji Islands, on Yanua Levu, ' for
some days after the decease of a ruling chief, if his
death be known to the people, the wildest anarchy
prevails. The " subject tribes " rush into the chief
town, kill pigs and fowls, snatch any property they
can lay their hands on, set fire to houses, and play all
manner of mischievous pranks, the townsfolk oflfering
no resistance.'^ It would seem,, however, to be only
the chief's own property which is liable to attacks.*
I have already mentioned {ante^ p. 404) the state of
entire lawlessness which exists in parts df Africa and
in some of the Polynesian Islands between the death of
one ruler and the election of his successor.
' Even in our own country down to the reign of John,
' ofi'ences committed during the interregnum, or period
' elapsing between the day of the death of the last monarch
^ and the recognition of his successor, were unpunishable
' in those tribunals whose authority was derived from the
1 Crantz's Hist, of Greenland, ^ -p\]\ and the Fijians, vol. i.
vol. i. p. 192. p. 187.
2 Ellis, Polynesian Researches, * Fison, Jour. Anthr.Inst^ vol. x.
2nd edit. vol. iv. p. 177. p. 140.
LAWS OF INHEBITANCE 467
' Crown.' ^ This continued, indeed, to be the case for
nearly a century afterwards, when it was put an end to
by the legal fiction that the king never dies.
The early history of wills is indeed most interesting.
Sir H. Maine, in his excellent work on Ancient Law,
points out that the essence of a will, as now understood,
is — firstly, that it should take efi'ect at death ; secondly,
that it may be secret ; and, thirdly, that it is revocable.
Yet even in Koman law wills acquired these character-
istics but slowly and gradually, and in the earlier
stages of civilisation wills were generally unknown.
In Athens, the power of willing was introduced by
Solon ; only, however, in cases when a person died
childless. In Sparta wills were not legal until after
the Peloponnesian war.^ The Barbarians on the north
of the Roman empire were, says Maine,^ ' confessedly
' strangers to any such conception as that of a Will.
' The best authorities agree that there is no trace of it
'in those parts of their written codes which comprise
' the customs practised by them in their original seats,
' and in their subsequent settlement on the edge of the
' Roman EmfHre.' And again, in studying the ancient
German laws, ' one result has invariably disclosed
' itself — that the ancient nucleus of the code contains
' no trace of a will.' "^
The Hindoos were also entu^e strangers to the will.^
It is therefore very remarkable that in Australia ' a
' father divides his land during his lifetime, fairly ap-
' portioning it amongst his several sons, and at as early
^ Stubbs, Constitutional History ^ Loc. cit. p. 196.
of England, vol. i. pp. 182, 513. ^ Maine's Ancient Law, p. 193.
2 L*-cite antique, p. 88. Campbell in Systems of Land
3 Loc. cit. p. 172. Tenure, p. 177.
H H 3
468 ABSENCE OF WILLS
' an age as fourteen or fifteen they can point out the
' portion which they are eventually to inherit.' ^
Again, in Tahiti, the system of willing is said to have
been (I presume when there were no children) in fullforce,^
' not only with reference to land but to any other kind
' of property. Unacquainted with letters, they could not
' leave a written will ; but, during a season of illness,
'those possessing property frequently called together
Hhe members of the family or confidential friends,
' and to them gave directions for the disposal of their
' effects after their decease.'
For the modern will, however, we are mainly in-
debted to the Romans, and they only arrived at it by
a slow and tortuous process. At first, indeed, Eoman
wills, if so they may be called, were neither secret,
deferred, nor revocable. On the contrary, they were
made in public, before not less than five witnesses ;
they took efi*ect at once, and were irrevocable.
It seems probable that in the first instance the power
of willing was only recognised when there were no
sons. The Romans devoutly believed that the spirits of
their fathers hovered round the household hearth and
fed on the ghosts of the food offered up to them. These
offerings the son alone would or could make. Hence
in the absence of a true son, it was of great importance
to secure one by some other process. This seems to
have been the original object of the will ; the inheri-
tance following as a natural consequence. But as this
imposed various duties on the heir — one being to pay all
the debts of the deceased, even when there was no pro-
^ Eyre's Australia, vol. ii. ^ Ellis, Polynesian Researches,
p. 236. vol. ii. p. 362.
HISTORY OF WILLS 469
perty to meet tliem — the solemn consent of the heir was
required, and most elaborate formalities were prescribed.
If none of the heirs named in the will would accept the
office, the whole will became null and void. That the
original object of the will was to create a son, explains
also the fact that even down to the time of Hadrian a
will was rendered invalid when a ' posthumus suus '
arose — i.e. when a son was born after the will was
made.
There was, moreover, another reason which gave
great importance to the will. For various reasons it
would be the wish of the father to emancipate his
favourite sons ; but as soon as this was effected they
ceased to belong to the family, and could not conse-
quently inherit as heirs at law. On the death of a
Eoman citizen, in the absence of a will, the property
descended to the unemancipated children, and after them
to the nearest grade of the agnatic kindred. Hence,
the same feeling which induced a Roman to emancipate
his sons impelled him also to make a will, for, if he
did not, emancipation involved disinheritance.
The testamentary forms remained extremely complex
even down to the latest times of the Roman Empire,
but the inconvenience was to a great extent obviated by
the invention of the ' codicil.'
In the absence of wills, the interests of the children
were in some cases secured by customs resembling
those of the Russian village communities, or ' Mirs,' in
which children have a right to their share as soon as
they are born. Nor are such rights confined to com-
munal properties. In some countries the children have
a vested right to a portion of their father's estate.
470 HINDOO CUSTOMS
Here, therefore, in the absence of children, the will is
replaced by adoption.
Among the Hindoos, ^ the instant a son is born ^ he
' acquires a vested right in his father's property, which
' cannot be sold without recognition of his jpint-owner-
' ship. On the son's attaining fall age, he can some-
' times compel a partition of the estate, even against
'the consent of the parent ; and, should the parent
' acquiesce, one son can always have a partition even
'against the will of the others. On such partition
' taking place, the father has no advantage over his
' children, except that he has two of the shares instead
' of one. The ancient law of the German tribes was
' exceedingly similar. The Allod or domain of the
' family was the joint property of the father and his
' sons.'
Among the Mukkuvas of Ceylon,^ when a woman
dies, the right of dominion descends to her daughters
in equal shares, or if any of them are dead, to their
representatives, per stirpes, but on the other hand the
right of possession goes to the sons, per capita. The
children of sons who may have predeceased her do not
take any share in the possession. On the other hand,
the enjoyment of land passes from a man to his sur-
viving brothers, and after their death to their sisters.
These laws seem to have arisen from the rule that the
sale of land was not permitted, and that, as men marry
out of their ' kudi ' or clan, and that as land could not
be removed, a man when he left his ' kudi ' on marriage
left the land behind him. If a woman has been twice
married, any property which she may have inherited
Maine's Ancient Law, p. 228. ~ Brito, The Mukkuva Law, p. 30.
RIGHTS OF GEILDBEN 471
from her mother goes to the children by the first
marriage ; while, if a man leaves children by more
than one marriage, the children of each marriage get a
portion equal to what they would have got if a division
of the property had been made immediately after the
dissolution of the marriage from which they sprang.
Here again, therefore, on the birth of children, their
parents become in some respects trustees on their behalf.^
According to ancient German law, also, children
were co-proprietors with their father, and the family
property could not be parted with except by general
consent.
This probably explains the remarkable custom
that in many parts of Polynesia the son was con-
sidered of higher rank than the father ; and that in
some cases — as, for instance, in the Marquesas and in
Tahiti — the king abdicated as soon as a son was born to
him ; while landowners under similar circumstances lost
the fee- simple of their land, and became mere trustees
for the infant possessors.^
The Basutos have a strict system of primogeniture,
and, even durino^ the father's life, the eldest son has
considerable power both over the property and the
younger children.'^
The same system, in combination with inheritance
through females, is also in full force in Fiji, where
it is known as Vasu. The word means a nephew or
niece, ' but becomes a title of office in the case of the
' male, who in some localities has the extraordinary
1 Loc. cit. p. 24. vol. vi. pp. 210, 216, 219.
'^ Ellis's Polynesian Researches, ^ Casalis' Basutos, p. 179.
vol. ii. pp. 346, 347 ; Waitz, Anthr.,
472 BIGHTS OF CHILDJSEN
' privilege of appropriating whatever he chooses belong-
' ing to his uncle, or those under his uncle's power.' ^
This is one of the most remarkable parts of Fiji
despotism. ' However high a chief may be, if he has
' a nephew he has a master,' and resistance is rarely
thought of. Thakonauto, while at war with his uncle,
actually supplied himself with ammunition from his
uncle's stores.
Perhaps also the curious custom of naming the
father after the child may have originated from some
such regulation. Thus in Australia,^ when a man's
eldest child is named, the father takes ' the name of the
' child, Kadlitpinna, the father of Kadli : the mother
^ is called Kadlingangki, the mother of Kadli, from
' ngangki, a female or woman.' This custom seems
very general throughout the continent. Among the
Bechuanas of South Africa also ' the parents take the
' name of the child.' Mrs. Livingstone's eldest boy being
' named Robert, she was, after his birth, always called
' Ma-Robert,' the mother of Robert.^ Dr. Callaway
also mentions the existence of this custom among
the Kaffirs, suggesting that as a woman must not
pronounce her husband's name, she might naturally
come to address him as ' father of so-and-so.' ^ In
Madagascar also parents often take the name of their
eldest child. ^
In Sumatra ' the father,*" in many parts of the coun-
1 Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i. the Amazulu, p. 316.
P« 34. 5 Sibree's Madagascar and its
2 Eyre, lac. cit. vol. ii. p. 325. People, p. 198.
3 Livingstone's Travels in South •' Marsden's History of Sumatra,
Africa, p. 126. p. 286.
^ Callaway, Religious System of
1
F ABE NTS NAMED AFTER THEIR CHILDREN 473
^ try, particularly in Passum-mah, is distinguished by
'the name of his first child, as " Pa-ladin," or '• Pa-
' '' Rindu," Pa for bapa, signifying *' the father of,"
' and loses, in this acquired, his own proper, name.
' The women never change the name given them at the
' time of their birth ; yet frequently they are called
' through courtesy, from their eldest child, " Ma si ano,"
' the mother of such an one ; but rather as a polite
' description than a name.' In the Andaman Islands
also the father and mother take the name of the
child.i
' Among the Kutchin of North America^ the father
' takes his name from his son or daughter, not the son
' from the father as with us. The father's name is
'formed by the addition of the word "tee" to the
' end of the son's name ; for instance, Que-ech-et may
' have a son and call him Sah-neu. The father is
' now called Sah-neu-tee, and the former name of
' Que-ech-et is forgotten.' The same custom occurs in
Guatemala.^
As a general rule property descends to the eldest
son, or is divided between all ; but in some cases the
youngest son inherits the property. Thus Duhalde
mentions that this is the rule among the Tartars, giving
as a reason that the elder ones, as they reach manhood,
leave the paternal tent, and take with them the quantity
of cattle which their father chooses to give them. Ar-
bousset mentions that, according to Kaffir law, the
successor to a chief must be chosen from among the
' Man. Journ. Anthr. Inst., 1882, 1866, p. 326.
p. 129. ^ Bancroft, loc. cit. vol. ii.
2 Jones, Smithsonian Report, p. 680.
474 LAJV8 OF INHEBITANGE
younger sons, the two eldest being ineligible.^ " In
Northern Australia, according to Macgillivray,^ both
sexes share alike, but the youngest child receives the
largest portion. The same is said to be the case in
parts of New Zealand. It also occurs among the
Kanets of the Punjab.^ Dr. Anderson states that the
youngest son inherits the largest portion among the
Shans and Kakhyens of Western Yunan.^ A similar
custom existed among the Mrus of the Arrawak hills ; ^
it prevailed in Germany as well as Picardy and Artois,
where it was known as M.ainete, i.e. minor natu, and even
in some districts of our own country, under the name
Borough English.^
There are also cases, as, for instance, among the
Hindoos, in which the rule of primogeniture is followed
as regards office or j)Ower politically, but not with
reference to property.
The Singphos ^ ' have a peculiar custom. The eldest
' takes the landed estate with the titles, the youngest
' the personalties ; the intermediate brethren, when any
' exist, are excluded from all participation, and remain
' in attendance on the chief or head of the family as
' during the lifetime of their father.'
As regards the punishment of crime we find that,
among the lower races of men the chiefs scarcely
take any cognisance of offences, unless they relate to
such things as directly concern, or are supposed to
1 Tour to the N.E. of the Cape pp. 117, 131.
of Good Hope, p. 149. ^ Lewin's Hill Tracts of Chitta-
2 Voyage of H.M.S. ' Battle- gong, p. 194.
snake,' vol, ii. p. 28. ^ Wren Hoskyns in Customs of
^ Tupper, Punjab Customary Land Tenure, p. 104.
Law, p. 192. 7 Dalton's Des. Ethn. of Bengal,
^ Expedition to Western Yunan, p. 13.
THE PUNISHMENT OF OBIME 475
concern, the interests of the community generally. As
regards private injuries, every one must protect or
avenge himself. The administration of justice, says
Du Tertre,^ ' among the Caribbians is not exercised by
' the captain, nor by any magistrate ; but, as it is among
^ the Tapinambous, he who thinks himself injured gets
' such satisfaction of his adversary as he thinks fit,
' according as his passion dictates to hun or his strength
' permits him. The public does not concern itself at all
' in the punishment of criminals ; and if any one among
' them suffers an inj ary or aifront, without endeavour-
' ing to revenge himself, he is slighted by all the rest.'
In Ancient Greece there were no officers whose duty
it was to prosecute criminals.^ Even in the case of
murder, the State did not take the initiative ; this was
left to the family of the sufferer, nor was the accused
placed under arrest until he was found guilty. Hence
the criminal usually fled as soon as he found himself
likely to be condemned.
Among the North American Indians,^ if a man is
murdered, ' the family of the deceased only have the
' right of taking satisfaction ; they collect, consult, and
' decree. The rulers of a town or of the nation have
' nothing to do or say in the business.' Indeed, it
would seem that the object of legal regulations was at
first not so much to punish the offender as to restrain
and mitigate the vengeance inflicted by the aggrieved
party. The duty of revenge might also tend to diminish
crime.
^ History of the Caribby Islands, Toy. dans I'Amdr. Min., vol. ii. p. 16.
p. 316. Labat also makes a very ~ Goguet, vol. ii. p. 69.
similar statement, Voyage aiix Isles ^ Trans. Amer. Antiq, Soc.,vol. i.
de I'Amerique, vol. ii. p. 83. Azara, p. 281.
470 REGULATED REVENGE
We find the vendetta as a recognised custom not
only in Africa, but among Semitic races, as the Jews
and Arabs ; in Europe among the Celts, Teutons,
and Slavs, in Montenegro and Greece, in the Caucasus,
among the Afghans, and in India, in Siam, among
the Polynesians and Malays, and in America. Origin-
ally, no doubt, the liability to revenge was not confined
to the actual ofi'ender, but extended to his whole
family.
From this point of view the old theory was that the
two parties invoked the arbitration of the civil power,
and unless they did so the State had no right to act.
Hence probably the importance attached to the pleading
of the prisoner ; if he refused to plead, theoretically the
court could not interfere ; hence force and sometimes
even torture were used to compel him to do so. Ulti-
mately silence was construed as equivalent to a plea of
not guilty.
By degrees the right of revenge was limited in
various ways, especially as to those by whom it may
be exercised, those on whom it may be exercised, the
injuries for which it can be inflicted, and the extent to
which punishment ought to be extended. Obvious con-
venience led also in some cases to the recognition of
certain occasions on which it was unlawful to revenge
injuries, as for instance during particular feasts, at certain
recognised markets, during marriage festivities, &c. In
other cases, as amongst the Jews, cities of refuge were
established.
The amount of legal revenge, if I may so call it, is
often strictly regulated, even where we should least
expect to find such limitations. Thus in Western Aus-
BEGULATEB REVENGE 4^77
tralia,^ crimes ' may be compounded by the criminal
' appearing and committing himself to the ordeal of
^ having spears thrown at him by all such persons as
* conceive themselves to have been aggrieved.' So
strictly is the amount of punishment limited that if, in
inflictmg such spear wounds, a man, either through care-
lessness or from any other cause exceeded the recognised
limits — if, for instance, he wounded the femoral artery
— he would in his turn become liable to punishment.
This custom does not appear to exist in South Australia,
but it also occurs in New South Wales. ^
Mr. Farrar states that in Afghanistan, where an
assembly of the elders act as ' the judges of the peoj)le, a
' show is always made of delivering up the criminal to
' the accuser, and of giving the latter the chance of re-
' taliating, though it is perfectly understood that he must
' comply with the wishes of the assembly.' ^
Such cases as these seem to throw great light
on the origin of the idea of property. Possession de
facto needs, of course, no explanation. When, however,
any rules were laid down regulating the amount or
mode of veno^eance which mio^ht be taken in reveno-e for
disturbance ; or when the chief thought it worth while
himself to settle disputes about possession, and thus,
while increasing his own dignity, to check quarrels
which might be injurious to the general interests of the
tribe, the natural effect would be to develop the idea of
mere possession into that of property.
In the earlier stages of human development no
^ Sir G. Grey's Australia, vol. ii. tralia, vol. ii. p. 389.
p. 243. ^ Primitive Manners and Cus-
- Eyre's Exp. into Central Aus- toms, p. 7.
478 THE LAWS OF FROFBBTY
distinction seems to have been drawn between crimes
and injuries. Any harm done, whether intentional or
not, was resented and revenged either by the sufferer
himself or his clan. Hence, in so many cases, any
crime, even murder, might be atoned for by the payment
of such a sum of money as satisfied the representatives
of the murdered man. This payment was proportioned
to the injury done, and had no relation to the crime as
a crime. Hence, as the injury was the same whether
the death was accidental or designed, so also was the
penalty. Hence our word ' pay,' which comes from the
Latin ' Pacare,' to appease or pacify.
Among the Kaffirs,^ for instance, ' the law makes no
^ distinction between a murder from malice or fore-
' thought, or from one committed on the impulse of the
'moment or in revenge for the blood of a relative.
' A man is punished for taking the law into his own
^ hands, and in no case is he justified in doing so,
' even in a case of retaliation.' On the other hand, ' the
'law does not appear to demand compensation for
' what is clearly proved to be a purely accidental injury
' to property, although it will do so in accidental injuries
' to the persons of individuals, if the injury is of a serious
« nature, as the latter would come under the head of
' criminal cases, and therefore could only be overlooked
' or the fine remitted by the chief himself ' ^ Among the
Bogos and Barens also death is avenged, no matter to
what cause it may be due.
The Komans, on the contrary, based any claim for
compensation on the existence of a ' culpa ; ' and hence
^ Kaffir Laws and Customs, ^ jf^-^ ^ q^ g^^ ^j^^ ^^^
p. 110. See also p. 60.
I
MANIFEST AND N0N-MANIFE8T THIEVES 479
laid it down that where there had been no ' culpa,' no
action for reparation could lie. This led to very incon-
venient consequences. Thus, as Lord Karnes^ has
pointed out, if a ship were driven by the violence of a
tempest among the anchor ropes of another ship and
the sailors cut the ropes, having no other means of
getting free, they would not be liable for the damage.
The Aquilian law must be understood to apply only
to such damage as carries the idea of an injury along
with it, unless such injury has not been wilfully done,
but from necessity. ' Thus Celsus puts the case of a
' person who, to stop the progress of a fire pulls down his
' neio-hbour's house ; and whether the fire had reached
' that house which is pulled down, or was extinguished
' before it got to it, in neither case, he thmks, will an
' action be competent from the Aquilian law.'
It would, however, appear that, even in Roman law,
the opposite and more usual principle originally pre-
vailed. This is indicated, for instance, by the great
difi'erence in the penalties imposed by ancient laws on
ofi*enders caught in the act, and those only detected
afterwards. In the old Roman law, as in that of some
other countries, thieves were divided into manifest and
non-manifest. The manifest thief, who was caught in
the act, or at any rate with the stolen goods still in his
possession, became, according to the law of the twelve
tables, the slave of the person robbed, or, if he were
already a slave, was put to death. The non-manifest
thief, on the other hand, was only liable to return
double the value of the goods he had stolen. Subse-
quently, the very severe punishment in the case of the
1 History of Man, vol. iv. p. 34.
480 THE WEEBGELD
manifest thief was mitigated, but lie was still forced
to pay four times the value of what he had stolen, or
twice as much as a non-manifest thief.
The same principle was followed by the North
American Indians/ Again, in the German and Anglo-
Saxon codes, a thief caught in the act might be killed
on the spot. Thus the law followed the old principles
of private vengeance, and in settling the amount of
punishment took as a guide the measure of revenge
likely to be taken by an aggrieved person under the
circumstances of the case.^
In the South Sea Islands, according to Williams,^
cases of theft were seldom brought before the king or
chiefs, but the people avenged their own injuries. The
rights of retaliation, however, had almost a legal force,
for ' although the party thus plundered them, they
' would not attempt to prevent the seizure : had they
' done so, the population of the district would have
' assisted those who, according to the established cus-
' tom, were thus punishing the aggressors. Such was
' the usual method resorted to for punishing the petty
' thefts committed among themselves.'
That crimes were originally regarded as injuries to
the sufferer only, naturally led, in many cases, to the sub-
stitution of fines for bodily punishments. Thus, among
the Anglo-Saxons the ' wehrgeld,' or fine for injuries,
was evidently a substitute for personal vengeance. Every
part of the body had a recognised value, even the teeth,
nails, and hair. Nay, the value assigned to the latter
^ Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc, vol. i. ^ Polynesian Researches, vol. ii.
p. 285. pp. 369, 372.
2 See Maine, loc. cit. p. 378.
TR:E WEHBGELD 481
was proportionately very high ; the loss of the beard
being estimated at twenty shillings, while the breaking
of a thigh was only fixed at twelve. In other cases
also the effect on personal appearance seems to have
carried great weight, for the loss of a front tooth was
estimated at six shillings, while the fracture of a rib
was only fixed at three. In the case of a slave, the
fine was paid to the owner.
The amount varied according to the rank of the
person injured. All society below the royal family and
the Ealdorman was divided into three classes ; the
Tywhind man, or Ceorl, was estimated at 200 shillings
according to the laws of Mercia ; the Sixhind man at
600 shillings, while the death of a royal Thane was
estimated at 1,200 shillings.-^
A similar system of fines was also provided for in
ancient Roman law.^
In some cases the fine varied according' to aofe. Thus
among the Goths the Wehrgeld gradually increased up
to the age of fifty, after which it again diminished. It
is a curious illustration of manners to find that women
were valued at much less, and that in their case the
price commenced to diminish after forty. The Siamese
have a similar arrangement, but in their case the
maximum is fixed at forty for a man, and thirty for
a woman.
In other cases the sum payable depends on the rank
of the aggressor. These cases are of two classes, some-
times, as under certain Mongol and Merovingian laws,
the sum payable increases with the rank, obviously
^ Hume, p. 74. Hallam, Cons. - Ortolan, Expl. Hist, des Inst.
Hist, of England, vol. i. p. 272. de I'Emp. Justinien, p. 114,
I I
482 THE WEHBGELD
because the fine is supposed to fall more heavily on the
poor than on the rich.
In some cases, however, the reverse is the case, be-
cause it is supposed to be a greater offence to injure a
superior than an inferior.
In Ireland a composition or fine was admitted for
murder ' instead of capital punishment ; and this was
' divided, as in other countries, between the kindred of
' the slain and the judge,' ^ down to a comparatively late
period.
Among the Kutchins of Yukon river (N. W.
America) all crimes, even murder, may be compounded
for ; and the same is the case among the Nootka Indians.^
Among the Hill tribes of North Aracan, ' all offences
^ or injuries are remedied by fine,' the amount of which is
fixed by long custom, and always rigorously demanded.^
The Karens permitted all offences against the person,
however heinous, to be commutable by fine.*
Among the Kirghiz the family of a murdered man
are at liberty to compound with the murderer for a
certain payment in horses, &c. A woman or a child
count for half as much as a man. There is also a
scale of compensation for injuries ; 100 sheep for a
thumb, twenty for a little finger, and so on. ^
So also among the Kafiirs,^ ' as banishment, im-
' prisonment, and corporal punishment are all unknown
4n Kaffir jurisprudence, the property of the people
^ Hallani, /oc. cit. vol. iii. pp. 341, Chersoneae, p. 84.
357. ^ Des. de toutes les Nat. de
^ Bancroft, loo. cit. pp. 130^ 194. TEmp. de Russie, part i. p. 148.
^ St. John, Journ. Anthrop. In- ^ Kaffir Laws and Customs,
stitute, 1872, p. 240. p. 36.
* M'Mahon, Karens of the Golden
THE WEHBGELD 483
* constitutes the great fund out of which the debts of
^justice are paid.' The fines, however, thus levied,
were paid to the chiefs The principle is, that a
man's goods are his own property, but his person is the
property of the chief A man who is injured, there-
fore, however severely, derives no benefit from the fine.
Their proverb is, ' No man can eat his own blood.'
In other cases when the idea was recognised that a
crime and an injury were two essentially different things,
we find that two fines were inflicted, as, for mstance, in
ancient Wales, where the ' galanas ' went to the family
as a compensation, and the ' saraad ' to the State. In
some cases a galanas became due, in some a saraad ;
while in others both were inflicted.
What has been above said with reference to crime
applies especially to men. Women stand often in a
totally diff*erent position. Our own law recognises very
proj)erly that a wife acting under the influence of her
husband cannot justly be punished as if she were a free
agent. But among various races, as we have seen, every
woman is under the control of some man, if not of her
husband, of the head of her family. Hence perhaps the
uncomplimentary, and to our ears ambiguous, saying
of the Bogos, that ^ a woman is a Hyaena.' ^
As regards personal injuries, we find the Lex talionis
prevalent in a certain state of society all over the world.
An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth, undeniably
constitutes a certain rough justice.
The system of ' outlawing,' which also we find very
general among mankind, is not only natural in the
absence of prisons or of any eff'ective policy, but is
1 Ibid. p. 35. 2 Munzinger, Sitten und Kecht der Bogos, S. 60, N. 117.
I I 2
484 th:e] wuhbgeld
primarily, perhaps, due to the joint responsibility of the
family or clan ; a responsibility from which, in the case
of a dangerous member, they can only free themselves
by some such process.
As regards theft and robbery, we often find, as we
should expect, that robbery from another family or clan
is in some cases looked on not only as no fault, but even
as a merit. In the old Chinese law there was a regular
gradation of the fine imposed, decreasing as the rela-
tionship of the thief to the person robbed diminished.
Again, the theft is very difi'erently regarded accord-
ing to the habits of the race. For instance, among a
pastoral people, cattle-lifting was often regarded as es-
pecially criminal ; while among agricultural races the
robbery or injury of crops was punished with extra
severity.
Perjury we often find is among the lower races not
a punishable ofi'ence. This at first sight remarkable
fact arises no doubt from the consideration that it is a
sin against the Gods, who are therefore left to avenge
themselves.
The severity of early codes, and the uniformity in
the amounts of punishment which characterises them,
is probably due to the same cause. An individual who
felt himself aggrieved would not weigh very philoso-
phically the amount of punishment which he was
entitled to inflict ; and no doubt when in any com-
munity some chief, in advance of his time, endeavoured
to substitute public law for private vengeance, his
object would be to induce those who had cause of com-
plaint to apply to the law for redress, rather than to
avenge themselves ; which of course would not be the
GIJNEBAL CONCLUSION 485
case if the penalty allotted by the law was much less
than that which custom would allow them to inflict for
themselves.
Subsequently, when punishment was substituted
for pecuniary compensation, the same rule was at first
applied, and the distinction of intention was overlooked.
Nay, so long had the importance of intention been
disregarded, that although it is now recognised in our
criminal courts, yet, as Mr. Bain points out,^ • a moral
' stigma is still attached to intellectual error by many
' people, and even by men of cultivation.'
In this, as in so many of our other ideas and tastes,
we are still influenced by the condition of our ancestors
in bygone ages. What that condition was I have in
this work attempted to indicate, believing as I do that
the earlier mental stages through which the human race
has passed are illustrated by the condition of existing,
or recent, savages. The history of the human race has,
I feel satisfied, on the whole been one of progress. I
do not of course mean to say that every race is neces-
sarily advancing : on the contrary, most of the lower
ones are almost stationary, and there are. no doubt,
cases in which nations have fallen back ; but it seems
an almost invariable rule that such races are dying out,
while those which are stationary in condition are sta-
tionary in numbers also ; on the other hand, improving
nations increase in numbers, so that they always en-
croach on less progressive races.
In conclusion, then, while I do not mean for a
moment to deny that there are cases in which nations
have retrograded, I regard these as exceptional instances.
1 Mental and Moral Science, p. 718.
486 GENERAL CONCLUSION
The facts and arguments mentioned in this work afford,
I think, strong grounds for the following conclusions,
namely : —
That existing savages are not the descendants of
civilised ancestors.
That the primitive condition of man was one of
utter barbarism.
That from this condition various races have inde-
pendently raised themselves.
These views follow, I think, from strictly scientific
considerations. We shall not be the less inclined to
adopt them on account of the cheering prospects which
they hold out for the future.
In the closing chapter of ' Prehistoric Times,' while
fully admitting the charms of savage life, I have en-
deavoured to point out the immense advantages which
we enjoy. Here I will only add that if the past history
of man has been one of deterioration, we have but a
groundless expectation of future improvement : on the
other hand, if the past has been one of progress, we
may fairly hope that the future will be so too ; that the
blessings of civilisation will not only be extended to
other countries and to other nations, but that even in
our own land they will be rendered more general and
more equable ; so that we shall not see before us
always, as now, countrymen of our own living, in our
very midst, a life worse than that of a savage ; neither
enjoying the rough advantages and real, though rude,
pleasures of savage life, nor yet availing themselves of
the far higher and more noble opportunities which lie
within the reach of civilised Man.
APPENDIX,
ON THE PEIMITIYE CONDITION OF MAN.
PART I.
Being the Substance of a Paper read before the British
Association at Dundee.
SIDE by side with tlie different opinions as to the origin of
man, there are two opposite views with reference to the
primitive condition of the first men, of first beings worthy to
be so called. Many writers have considered that man was at
first a mere savage, and that the course of history has on the
whole been a progress towards civilisation; though at times
— and at some times for centuries— some races have been sta-
tionary, or even have retrograded. Other authors, of no less
eminence, have taken a diametrically opposite view. Accord-
ing to them, man was, from the commencement, pretty much
what he is at present ; if possible, even more ignorant of the arts
and sciences than now, but with mental qualities not inferior to
our own. Savages they consider to be the degenerate descend-
ants of far superior ancestors. Of the recent supporters of this
theory, the late Archbishop of Dublin was amongst the most
eminent.
Dr. Whately enunciates his opinions in the following
words : ^ —
'We have no reason to believe that any community ever
' did or ever can emerge, unassisted by external helps, from a
' state of utter barbarism unto anything that can be called
' Whately's Political Economy, p. 68.
488 DIFFICULTY OF OBTAINING
' civilisation.' ' Man has not emerged from tlie savage state ; the
' progress of any community in civilisation, by its own internal
' means, must always have begun from a condition removed from
' that of complete barbarism, out of which it does not appear that
' men ever did or can raise themselves.'
Thus, he adds, 'the ancient Germans, who cultivated corn
' — though their agriculture was probably in a very rude
' state — who not only had numerous herds of cattle, but
' employed the labour of brutes, and even made use of cavalry
' in their wars . . . these cannot with propriety be reckoned
' savages ; or if they are to be so called (for it is not worth
* while to dispute about a word), then I would admit that, in
' this sense, men may advance, and in fact have advanced, by
' their own unassisted efforts, from the savage to the civilised
^ state.' This limitation of the term ' savage ' to the very
lowest representatives of the human race no doubt renders Dr.
Whately's theory more tenable by increasing the difficulty of
bringing forward conclusive evidence against it. The Arch-
bishop, indeed, expresses himself throughout his argument as
if it would be easy to produce the required evidence in opposi-
tion to his theory, supposing that any race of savages ever had
raised themselves to a state of civilisation. The manner,
however, in which he has treated the case of the Mandans — a
tribe of North American Indians — ^effectually disposes of this
hypothesis. This unfortunate people is described as having
been decidedly more civilised than those by which they were
surrounded. Having, then, no neighbours more advanced than
themselves, they were quoted as furnishing an instance of
savages who had civilised themselves without external aid. In
answer to this, Archbishop Whately asks —
' 1st. How do we know that these Mandans were of the same
' race as their neighbours ? '
' 2ndly. How do we know that theirs is not the original
' level from which the other tribes have fallen ? '
' Srdly and lastly. Supposing that the Mandans did emerge
' from the savage state, how do we know that this may not have
' been through the aid of some strangers coming among them —
' like the Manco-Oapac of Peru — from some more civilised
^ country, perhaps long before the days of Columbus ? '
I
CONCLUSIVE EVIDENCE 489
Supposing, however, for a moment, and for the sake of argu-
ment, that the Mandans, or any other race, were originally
savages and had civilised themselves, it would still be mani-
festly — from the very nature or the case — impossible to bring
forward the kind of evidence demanded by Dr. Whately. No
doubt he ' may confidently affirm that we find no one recorded
* instance of a tribe of savages, properly so styled, rising into
' a civilised state without instruction and assistance from a
' people already civilised.' Starting with the proviso that
savages, properly so styled, are ignorant of letters, and laying
it down as a condition that no civilised example should be
placed before them, the existence of any such record is an im-
possibility ; its very presence would destroy its value. In
another passage. Archbishop Whately says, indeed, ' If man
' generally, or some particular race, be capable of self-civilisa-
' tion, in either case it may be expected that some record, or
' tradition, or monument of the actual occurrence of such an
' event should be found.' So far from this, the existence of
any such record would, according to the very hypothesis itself,
be impossible. Traditions are short-lived and untrustworthy.
A ' monument ' which could prove the actual occurrence of a race
capable of self-civilisation I confess myself unable to conceive.
What kind of a monument would the Archbishop accept as proving
that the people by whom it was made had been originally savages,
that they had raised themselves, and had never been influenced
by strangers of a superior race ?
But, says Archbishop Wliately, ' We have accounts of
' various savage tribes, in different parts of the globe, who
' have been visited from time to time at considerable intervals,
' but have had no settled intercourse with civilised people, and
' who appear to continue, as far as can be ascertained, in the
' same uncultivated condition ; ' and he adduces one case, that
of the Xew Zealanders, who ' seem to have been in quite as
' advanced a state when Tasman discovered the country in
' 1642 as they were when Cook visited it one hundred and
' twenty -seven years after.' We have been accustomed to see
around us an improvement so rapid that we forget how short a
period a century is in the history of the human race. Even
taking the ordinary chronology, it is evident, that if in 6,000
490 THE STATIONARY CONDITION OF SAVAGES
years a given race lias only progressed from a state of utter
savagery to the condition of the Australian, we could not
expect to find much change in one more century. Many a
fishing village, even on our own coast, is in very nearly the
same condition as it was one hundred and twenty-seven years
ago. Moreover, I might fairly answer that according to
Whately's own definition of a savage state, the New Zealanders
would certainly be excluded. They cultivated the ground,
they had domestic animals, they constructed elaborate fortifi-
cations and made excellent canoes, and were certainly not in a
state of utter barbarism. Or I might argue that a short visit^
like that of Tasman, could give little insight into the true
condition of a people. I am, however, the less disposed to
question the statement made by Archbishop Whately, because
the fact that many races are now practically stationary is, in
reality, an argument against the theory of degradation, and
not against that of progress. Civilised races are, I believe,
the descendants of ancestors who were once in a state of bar-
barism. On the contrary, argue our opponents, savages are
the descendants of civilised nations, and have sunk to their
present condition. But Archbishop Whately admits that the
civilised races are still rising, while the savages are stationary ;
and, oddly enough, seems to regard this as an argument in
support of the very untenable proposition, that the difference
between the two is due, not to the progress of the one set of
races — a progress which everyone admits — but to the degrada-
tion of those whom he himself maintains to be stationary.
The delusion is natural, and like that which everyone must
have sometimes experienced in looking out of a train in
motion, when the woods and fields seem to be flying from us,
whereas we know that in reality we are moving and they are
stationary.
But it is argued, ' If man, when first created, was' left, like
' the brutes, to the unaided exercise of those natural powers of
' body and mind which are common to the European and to
' the New Hollander, how comes it that the European is not
' now in the condition of the New Hollander ? ' The answer
to this is, I think, the following : In the first place, Australia
possesses neither cereals nor any animals which can be domes-
NO EVIDENCE OF EARLIER CIVILISATION 491
ticated with advantage ; and in the second, we find even in the
same family — among children of the same parents — the most
opposite dispositions ; in the same nation there are families of
high character, and others in which every member is more or
less criminal. But in this case, as in the last, the Archbishop's
argument, if good at all, is good against his own view. It is
like an Australian boomerang, which recoils upon its owner.
The Archbishop believed in the unity of the human race, and
argued that man was originally civilised (in a certain sense).
' How comes it, then,' I might ask him, ' that the New
' Hollander is not now in the condition of the European ? ' In
another passage, Archbishop Whately quotes, with approba-
tion, a passage from President Smith, of the College of New
Jersey, who says that man, ' cast out an orphan of nature,
' naked and helpless, into the savage forest, must have perished
' before he could have learned how to supply his most imme-
' diate and urgent wants. Supposing him to have been created,
' or to have started into being one knows not how, in the full
' strength of his bodily powers, how long must it have been
' before he could have known the proper use of his limbs, or
^ how to apply them to climb the tree ! ' &c. &c. Exactly the
same, however, might be said of the gorilla or the chimpanzee,
which certainly are not the degraded descendants of civilised
ancestors.
Having thus very briefly considered the arguments brought
forward by Archbishop Whately, I will proceed to state, also
very briefly, some facts which, I think, support the view here
advocated.
Firstly, I will endeavour to show that there are indications of
progress even among savages.
Secondly, that among the most civilised nations there are
traces of original barbarism.
The Archbishop supposes that men were, from the beginning,
herdsmen and cultivators. We know, however, that the
Australians, North and South Americans, and several other
more or less savage races, living in countries eminently suited
to our domestic animals and to the cultivation of cereals, were
yet entirely ignorant both of the one and the other. It is, I
think, improbable that any race of men who had once been
492 EVIDENCE DERIVABLE FROM
agriculturists and herdsmen should entirely abandon pursuits
so easy and advantageous ; and it is still more likely tliat, if
we accept Usher's very limited chronology, all tradition of
such a change should be lost. Moreover, even if in the course
of time the descendants of the present colonists in (say) America
or Australia were to fall into such a state of barbarism, still
herds of wild cattle, descended from those imported, would
probably continue to live in those countries ; and even if these
were exterminated, their skeletons would testify to their pre-
vious existence ; whereas, we know that not a single bone of
the ox or of the domestic sheep has been found either in
Australia or in America. The same argument applies to the
horse, since the fossil of South America did not belong to the
same species as our domestic race. So, again, in the case of
plants. We do not know that any of our cultivated cereals would
survive in a wild state, though it is highly probable that,
perhaps in a modified form, they would do so. But there
are many other plants which follow in the train of man, and
by which the botany of South America, Australia, and New
Zealand has been almost as profoundly modified as their
ethnology has been by the arrival of the white man. The
Maoris have a melancholy proverb, that the Maoris disappear
before the white man, just as the white man's rat destroys the
native rat, the European fiy drives away the native fly, and
the clover kills the New Zealand fern.
A very interesting paper on this subject, by Dr. (now Sir
J. D.) Hooker, whose authority no one will question, is contained
in the ' Natural History Review ' for 1864 : ' In Australia and
' New Zealand,' he says, ' for instance, the noisy train of English
' emigration is not more surely doing its work than the stealthy
' tide of English weeds, which are creeping over the surface of
' the waste, cultivated, and virgin soil, in annually increasing
' numbers of genera, species, and individuals. Apropos of
' this subject, a correspondent, W. T. Locke Travers, Esq.,
'F.L.S., a most active New Zealand botanist, writing from
' Canterbury, says, " You would be surprised at the rapid
' " spread of European and foreign plants in this country. All
' " along the sides of the main lines of road through the plains,
' " a Polygonum (aviculare), called cow-grass, grows most
DOMESTIC ANIMALS AND POTTERY 493
^ " luxuriantly, the roots sometimes two feet in depth, and the
' ^' plants spreading over an area from four to five feet in
' " diameter. The dock (Uumex ohtusifolius or B. crispns) is
' " to be found in every river-bed, extending into the valleys
' " of the mountain rivers, until these become mere torrents.
' " The sow-thistle is spread all over the country, growing
' " luxuriantly nearly up to 6,000 feet. The watercress in-
' '' creases in our still rivers to such an extent as to threaten
' " to choke them altogether." ' The cardoon of the Argentine
Eepublics is another remarkable instance of the same fact.
We may therefore safely assume that if Australia, New
Zealand, or South Ameri(?a had ever been peopled by a race
of herdsmen and agriculturists, the fauna and flora of those
countries would almost inevitably have given evidence of the
fact, and differed much from the condition in which they were
discovered.
We may also assert, as a general proposition, that no
weapons or implements of metal have ever been found in
any country inhabited by savages wholly ignorant of metal-
lurgy. A still stronger case is afforded by pottery. Pottery
is very indestructible ; when used at all, it is always abundant,
and it possesses two qualities — those, namely, of being easy to
break and yet difficult to destroy, which render it very valuable
in an archaeological point of view. Moreover, it is, in most
cases, associated with burials. It is therefore a very signifi-
cant fact, that no fragment of pottery has ever been found in
Australia, New Zealand, or the Polynesian Islands. It seems
to me extremely improbable that an art so easy and so useful
should ever have been lost by any race of men. . Moreover,
this argument applies to several other arts and instruments. I
will mention only two, though several others might be brought
forward. The art of spinning and the use of the bow are
quite unknown to many races of savages, and yet would
hardly be likely to have been abandoned when once known.
The absence of architectural remains in these countiies is
another argument. Archbishop Whately, indeed, claims this
as telling in his favour ; but the absence of monuments in a
country is surely indicative of barbarism, and not of civilisa-
tion.
494 INDIOATIONS OF PROGRESS AMONG SAVAGES
The mental condition of savages also seems to me to speak
strongly against the 'degrading' theory. Not only do the
religions of the lower races appear to be indigenous, but, as
already shown ^ — according to many trustworthy witnesses,
merchants, philosophers, naval men, and missionaries alike —
there are many races of men who are altogether destitute of a
religion. The cases are, perhaps, less numerous than they are
asserted to be ; but some of them rest on good evidence. Yet
I feel it difficult to believe that any people who once possessed
any belief which can fairly be called a religion would ever en-
tirely lose it. Religion appeals so strongly to tbe hopes and
fears of men, it takes so deep a hold on most minds, in its higher
forms it is so great a consolation in times of sorrow and sick-
ness, that I can hardly think any 'nation would ever abandon
it altogether. Moreover, it produces a race of men who are
interested in maintaining its influence and authority. If, there-
fore, we find a race which is now practically without religion, I
cannot but assume that it has always been so.
The character of the religious belief of savage races, as I
have elsewhere ^ attempted to show, points strongly to the same
conclusion. I am glad to find that so acute a reasoner as Mr.
Bagehot is satisfied by the evidence which has been brought
forward on this point. ' Clearly,' he says,^ ' if all early men
' unanimously, or even much the greater number of early men,
' had a religion without omens, no religion, or scarcely a religion
' anywhere in the world, could have come into existence with
' omens.'
It seems also impossible to understand how races which
have retained the idea of a heaven should have lost that of a
hell, supposing they had ever possessed one.
I will now proceed to mention a few cases in which some
improvement does appear to have taken place, though, as a
general rule, it may be observed that the contact of two races
tends to depress rather than to raise the lower one. According
to Macgillivray, the Australians of Port Essington, who, like all
their fellow-countrymen, had formerly bark-canoes only, have
now completely abandoned them for others hollowed out of the
1 A?ite, p. 207 ; and Prehistoric ^ jl^^^^ p. 375^
Times, 5th ed., p. 564. s Physics and Politics, p. 133.
I
SAVAGES NOT INCAPABLE OF CIVILISATION 495
trunk of a tree, whicli tliey buy from the Malays. The in-
habitants of the Andaman Islands have recently introduced out-
riggers. The Bachapins, when visited by Burchell, had just
commenced working iron. According to Burton, the Wajiji
negroes have recently learned to make brass. In Tahiti, when
visited by Captain Cook, the largest morai, or burial-place,
was that erected for the then reigning queen. The Tahitians,
also, had then very recently abandoned the habit of cannibalism.
The natives of Celebes, whose bamboo houses are very liable
to be blown down, have discovered that if they fix some crooked
timbers in the sides of the house it> is less likely to fall. Ac-
cordingly they chop ' the crookedest they can find, but they do
' not know the rationale of the contrivance, and have not hit on
' the idea that straight poles fixed slanting would have the same
' effect in making the structure rigid.' ^
Farrer ^ mentions the following cases : 'The Comanche
' Indians of Texas, among whom '' Christianity had never been
' " introduced," abolished, in consequence of their intercourse
' with tribes less savage than themselves, the inhuman custom of
' killing a favourite wife at her husband's funeral. Mariner was
' himself a witness of the abolition on the Tongan Islands of the
' custom of strangling the wife of the great Tooitonga chief at
'■ his death.
' Bianswah, the great Chippewya chief, put a stop, by a treaty
' of peace with the Sioux, to the horrible practice of burning
' prisoners alive ; and, though the peace between the tribes was
' often broken, their compact in this respect was never violated.
' Thus the Nootka Indians, who used to conclude their hunt-
' ing festivals with a human sacrifice, subsequently changed the
' custom into the more lenient one of sticking a boy with knives
' in various parts of his body. The Zulus abolished the custom
' of killing slaves with a chief, to prepare food and other things for
' him in the next world, so that now it is only a tradition with
' them that formerly, when a chief died, he did not die alone.'
' Wallace's Malay Archipelago, - Primitive Manners and Customs,
quoted in Tylor's Primitive Culture, By T. A. Farrer, pp. 16 and 17.
vol. i. p. 56.
496 SAVAGES NOT INCAPABLE OF CIVILISATION
Slia-gwaw-koo-sink, an Ottawwaw, who lived at the be-
ginning of this century, first introduced the cultivation of corn
among the OjibbewaysJ Moreover, there are certain facts which
speak for themselves. Some of the American races cultivated the
potato. Now, the potato is an American plant, and we have
here, therefore, clear evidence of a step in advance made by these
tribes. Again, the Peruvians had domesticated the llama.
Those who believe in the diversity of species of men may argue
that the Peruvians had domestic llamas from the beginning.
Archbishop Whately, however, would not take this line. He
would, I am sure, admit that the first settlers in Peru had no
llamas, nor, indeed, any other domestic animal, excepting, pro-
bably, the dog. The bark-cloth of the Polynesians is another
case in point. Tylor says the present usage in Australia is
considerably in advance of ancient rule.^ Another very strong
case is the boomerang of the Australians. This weapon is
known to no other race of men.^ We cannot look on it as a
relic of primeval civilisation, or it would not now be confined to
one race only. The Australians cannot have learnt it from any
civilised visitors, for the same reason. It is, therefore, as it
seems to me, exactly the case we want and a clear proof of a step
in advance — a small one, indeed, but still a step made by a
people whom Archbishop Whately would certainly admit to
be true savages. The Cherokees afford a remarkable instance
of progress, and indeed — alone among the North American
hunting races — have really become agriculturists. As long ago
as 1825, with a population of 14,000, they possessed 2,923
ploughs, 7,683 horses, 22,500 black cattle, 46,700 pigs, and
2,566 sheep. They had 49 mills, 69 blacksmiths* shops,
762 looms, and 2,486 spinning-wheels. They kept slaves,
having captured several hundred negroes in Carolina. Nay, one
' Tanuer's Narrative, p. 180. weapon in the British Museum pos-
2 Anthr. Journal, 8vo, p. 354. sessed all the properties of the Austra-
* "With one doubtful exception. lian boomerang, returning when
The ancient Egyptians used a curved thrown to within a few paces of the
stick to throw at birds, 'but in no position from which it w^as thrown.
' instance had it the round shape and This may be so, but we have no evidence
' flight of the Australian boomerang.' whatever that it was actually so used.
Wilkinsons Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. Lane Fox, Jour. Anthr. Inst., 1875,
p. 235. Lane Fox, however, assures p. 415.
us that a fac-simile of the Eg3'-ptian
INDIGENOUS ORIGIN OF MEXICAN CIVILISATION 497
of them, a man of the name of Sequoyah, invented a system of
letters which, as far as the Cherokee language is concerned, is
better than ours. Cherokee contains twelve consonants and
five vowels, with a nasal sound ' ung.' Thus, combining each
of the twelve consonants with each of the six vowels, and adding
the vowels which occur singly, but omitting any sign for ' mung,'
as that sound does not occur in Cherokee, he required seventy-
seven characters, to which he added eight — representing the
sounds s, ka, hna, nah, ta, te, ti, tla — making altogether eighty-
five characters. The alphabet, as already mentioned, is superior
to ours. The characters are indeed more numerous, but, when once
learnt, the pupil can read at once. It is said that a boy can learn
to read Cherokee, when thus expressed, in a few weeks ; while,
if ordinary letters were used, two years would be required. Obvi-
ously, however, thi& alphabet is not applicable to other languages.
The rude substitutes for writing found among other tribes
— the wampum of the North American Indians, the picture-
writing and quippu of Central America — must also be regarded
as of native origin. In the case of the system of letters
invented by Mohammed Doalu, a negro of the Vei country, in
West Africa, the idea was no doubt borrowed from the mission-
aries, although it was worked out independently. In other
cases, however, I think this cannot be. Take that of the
Mexicans. Even if we suppose that they were descended from
a primitively civilised race, and had gradually and completely
lost both the use and tradition of letters — to my mind, a most
improbable hypothesis — still we must look on their system of
picture-writing as being of American origin. Even if a system
of writing by letters could ever be altogether lost, which I
doubt, it certainly would not be abandoned for that of picture-
writing, which is inferior in every point of view. If the
Mexicans had owed their civilisation, not to their own gradual
improvement, but to the influence of some European visitors,
driven by stress of weather or the pursuit of adventure on to their
coasts, we should have found in their system of writing, and
in other respects, unmistakable proofs of such an influence.
Although, therefore, we have no historical proof that the
civilisation of America was indigenous, we have in its very
character evidence more satisfactory perhaps than any liistorical
K K
498 PBOGEJESS AS INDICATED BY LANGUAGE
statements would be. The same argument may be derived
from the names used for numbers by savages. I feel great
difficulty in supposing that any race which had learned to count
up to ten would ever unlearn a piece of knowledge so easy and
yet so useful. Yet, as has already been pointed out, few,
perhaps none, of those whom Archbishop Whately would call
savages can count so far.
In many cases, where the system of numeration is at present
somewhat more advanced, it bears on it the stamp of native
and recent origin. Among civilised nations the derivations of
the numerals have long since been obscured by the gradual
modification which time effects in all words — especially those in
frequent use, and before the invention of printing. And if the
numerals of savages were relics of a former civilisation, the waifs
and strays saved out of the general wreck, they would certainly
have suffered so much from the wear and tear of constant use,
that their derivations would be obscured or wholly undiscoverable,
instead of which they are often perfectly clear and obvious, espe-
cially among races whose arithmetical attainments are lowest.
These numerals, then, are recent, because they are uncorrupted ;
and they are indigenous, because they have an evident meaning
in the language of the tribes by whom they are used.^
Again, as I have already pointed out,^ many savage languages
are entirely deficient in such words as ' color,' ' tone,' ' tree,'
&c., having names for each kind of color, every species of tree,
but not for the general idea. I can hardly imagine a nation
losing such words if it had once possessed them.
Other evidence to the same effect might be extracted from the
language of savages ; and arguments of this nature are entitled
to more weight than statements of travellers, as to the objects
found in use among savages. Suppose, for instance, that an
early traveller mentioned the absence of some art or knowledge
among a race visited by him, and that later ones found the
natives in possession of it. Most people would hesitate to
receive this as a clear evidence of progress, and rather be
disposed to suspect that later travellers, with perhaps better
opportunities, had seen what their predecessors had overlooked.
* See Chapter IX. This argument new words are coined from time to
would be conclusive were it not that time in all lans-uaares. ^ c^, ix.
TRACES OF BABBABISM IN CIVILISED GOUNTBIES 499
This is no hypothetical case. The earl}- Spanish writers assert
that the inhabitants of the Ladrone Islands were ignorant of the
use of fire. Later travellers, on the contrary, find them per-
fectly well acquainted with it. They have, therefore, almost
unanimously assumed, not that the natives had made a step in
advance, but that the Spaniards had made a mistake ; and I
have not brought this case forward in opposition to the assertions
of Whately, because I am inclined to be of this opinion myself.
I refer to it here, however, as showing how difficult it would be
to obtain in this manner satisfactory evidence of material pro-
gress among savages, even admitting that such exists. The
arguments derived from language, however, are liable to no such
suspicions, but tell their own tale, and leave us at liberty to draw
our own conclusions.
I will now very briefly refer to certain considerations which
seem to show that even the most civilised races were once in a
state of barbarism. Not only throughout Europe — not only in
Italy and Greece — but even in the so-called cradle of civilisa-
tion itself, in Palestine and Syria, in Egypt and in India, the
traces of a stone age have been discovered. It may indeed be
said that these were only the fragments of those stone knives,
&c., which we know were used in religious ceremonies long after
metal was in general use for secular purposes. This, indeed,
resembles the attempt to account for the presence of elephants'
bones in England b}' supposing that they were the remains of
elephants which might have been brought over by the Romans.
But why were stone knives used by the Egyptian and Jewish
priests ? Evidently because they had been at one time in general
use, and a feeling of respect made the priest reluctant to
introduce a new substance into religious ceremonies.
There are, moreover, other considerations ; for instance, the
gradual improvement in the relation between the sexes, and
the development of correct ideas on the subject of relationship,
seem to me strongly to point to the same conclusion.
In the publication of the Nova Scotian ' Institute of Na-
' tural Science ' is an interesting paper by Mr. Haliburton, on
' The Unity of the Human Race, proved by the universality
' of certain superstitions connected with sneezing.' ' Once
' establish/ he says, ' that a large number of arbitrary customs
kk2
500 UNITY OF THE HUMAN BACE
i — such as could not have naturally suggested themselves to
' all men at all times — are universally observed, and we arrive
' at the conclusion that they are primitive customs which have
' been inherited from a common source, and, if inherited, that
' they owe their origin to an era anterior to the dispersion of
' the human race.' To justify such a conclusion, the custom
must be demonstrably arbitrary. The belief that two and
two make four, the decimal system of numeration, and similar
coincidences, of course prove nothing ; but I very much doubt
the existence of any universal, or even general, custom of a
clearly arbitrary character. The fact is, that many things ap-
pear to us arbitrary and strange because we live in a condition
so different from that in which they originated. Many things
seem natural to a savage which to us appear absurd and un-
accountable.
Mr. Haliburton brings forward, as his strongest case, the
habit of saying ' God bless you ! ' or some equivalent expres-
sion, when a person sneezes. He shows that this custom,
which, I admit, appears to us at first sight both odd and arbi-
trary, is ancient and widely extended. It is mentioned by
Homer, Aristotle, Apuleius, Pliny, and the Jewish rabbis, and has
been observed among the Negroes and Kaffirs ; in Koordistan,
in Florida, in Otaheite, in New Zealand, and in the Tonga
Islands.
It is not arbitrary, however, and it does not, therefore, come
under his rule. A belief in invisible beings is very general
among savages ; and while they think it unnecessary to account
for blessings, they attribute any misfortune to the ill will of
these mysterious beings. Many savages regard disease as a
case of possession. In cases of illness they do not suppose that
the organs are themselves affected, but that they are being
devoured by a god ; hence their medicine-men do not try to cure
the disease, but to extract the demon. Some tribes have a
distinct deity for every ailment. The Australians do not be-
lieve in natural death. When a man dies they take it for
granted that he has been destroyed by witchcraft, and the only
doubt is, who is the culprit ? Now, a people in this state of
mind — and we know that almost every race of men is passing,
or has passed, through this stage of development — seeing a
I
MENTAL DIFFERENCES IN DIFFERENT RACES 501
man sneeze would naturally, and almost inevitably, suppose
that he was attacked and shaken by some invisible beino- ;
equally natural is the impulse to appeal for aid to some other
invisible being more powerful than the first. ^
Mr. Haliburton admits that a sneeze is ' an omen of impending
' evil ; ' but it is more — it is evidence, which to the savage mind
would seem conclusive, that the sneezer was possessed by some
evil-disposed spirit ; evidently, therefore, this case, on which
Mr. Haliburton so much relies, is by no means an ' arbitrary
' custom,' and does not, therefore, fulfil the conditions which he
himself laid down. He has incidentally brought forward some
other instances, most of which labour under the disadvantage
of proving too much. Thus, he instances the existence of a
festival in honour of the dead, ' at or near the beginning of
' November.' Such a feast is very general ; and, as there are
many more races holding such a festival than there are months
in the year, it is evident that, in several cases, they must be
held together. But Mr. Haliburton goes on to say : ' The
^ Spaniards were very naturally surprised at finding that, while
' they were celebrating a solemn mass for All Souls on
' November 22, the heathen Peruvians were also holding their
' annual commemoration of the dead.' This curious coinci-
dence would, however, not only prove the existence of such a
festival, as he says, ' before the dispersion ' (which Mr. Hali-
burton evidently looks on as a definite event rather than as a
gradual j)rocess), but also that the ancestors of the Peruvians
were at that epoch sufficiently advanced to form a calendar, and
that their descendants were able to keep it unchanged down to
the present time. This, however, we know was not the case.
Again, Mr. Haliburton says : ' The belief in Scotland and
' equatorial Africa is found to be almost precisely identical re-
' specting there being ghosts, even of the living, who are ex-
' ceedingly troublesome and pugnacious, and can be sometimes
' killed by a silver bullet.' Here we certainly have what seems
at first sight to be an arbitrary belief; but if it proves that
there was a belief in ghosts before the dispersion, it would also
prove that silver bullets were then in use. This illustration is,
• I am glad to see that Mr. Herbert Principles of Sociology, p. 245.
Spencer agrees with me in this. See
502 SIMILAR IDEAS IN DIFFERENT RACES
I think, a very interesting one ; because it shows that similar
ideas in distant countries owe their origin, not ' to an era before
' the dispersion of the human race,' but to the fandamental simi-
larity of the human mind. While I do not believe that similar
customs in different nations are 'inherited from a common source,'
or are necessarily primitive, I certainly do see in them an argu-
ment for the unity of the human race, which, however (be it re-
marked), is not necessarily the same thing as the descent from
a single pair.
On the other hand, I have attempted to show that ideas
which might at first sight appear arbitrary and unaccountable,
arise naturally in very distinct nations as they arrive at a similar
stage of progress ; and it is necessary, therefore, to be extremely
cautious in using such customs or ideas as implying any special
connection between different races of men.
PAUT II. 1
At the Dundee meeting of the British Association I had the
honour of reading a paper ' On the Origin of Civilisation and
' the Primitive Condition of Man,' in answer to certain opinions
and arguments brought forward by the late Archbishop of
Dublin. The views therein advocated met with little opposition
at the time. The then Presidents of the Ethnological and
Anthropological Societies both expressed their concurrence in
the conclusions at which I arrived ; and the Memoir was
printed m extenso by the Association. It has, however, subse-
quently been attacked at some length by the Duke of Argyll ; ^
and as the Duke has in some cases strangely misunderstood me,
and in others (I am sure unintentionally) misrepresented my
views — as, moreover, the subject is one of great interest and
importance, I am anxious to make some remarks in reply to
his Grace's criticisms. The Duke has divided his work into four
chapters : I. Introduction ; II. The Origin of Man ; III. and
IV. His Primitive Condition.
' The substance of this was read * Good Words : March, April, May
before the British Association during and June, 1868. Also since repub-
their meeting at Exeter in 1869. lished in a separate form.
BIMANA AND QUADEU2IANA 503
I did not, in my first Memoir, nor do I now, propose to
discuss tlie subjects dealt with in the first half of the Duke's
' Speculations.' I will only observe that in attacking Professor
Huxley for proposing to unite the Bimana and Quadrumana
in one Order .^ ' Primates,' the Duke uses a dangerous argument ;
for if, on account of his great mental superiority over the
Quadrumana, Man forms an Order or even Class by himself,
it will be impossible any longer to regard all men as belonging
to one species or even genus. The Duke is in error when he
supposes that ' mental powers and instincts ' afford tests
of easy application in other parts of the animal kingdom. On
the contrary, genera with the most different mental powers
and instincts are placed, not only in the same order, but even
in the same family. Thus our most learned hymenopterologist
(Mr. Frederick Smith) classes the Hive-bee, the Humble-bee,
and the parasitic Apathus in the same sub-family of Apidae.
It seems to me, therefore, illogical to separate man zoologically
from the other primates on the ground of his mental superiority,
and yet to maintain the specific unity of the human race, not-
withstanding the mental differences between different races of
men.
I do not, however, propose to discuss the origin of man,
and pass on therefore at once to the Duke's third chapter ; and
here I congratulate myself at the outset that the result of my
paper has been to satisfy him that Whately's argument,'
' though strong at some points, is at others open to assault, and
' that as a whole, the subject now requires to be differently
' handled, and regarded from a different point of view.' ' I do
' not, therefore,' he adds in a subsequent page,^ ' agree with
' the late Archbishop of Dublin, that we are entitled to assume
'it is a fact that, as regards the mechanical arts, no savage
' race has ever raised itself.' And again : ^ ' The aid which
' man had from his Creator may possibly have been nothing
' more than the aid of a body and of a mind, so marvellously
' endowed that thought was an instinct and contrivance a
' necessity.'
I feel, how-ever, less satisfaction on this account than would
• Good Words, June, 1868, p. loG. ^ Ibid. p. 386. ^ P. 392.
504 THE WEAPONS OF MONKEYS
otherwise have been the case, because it seems to me that though
the Duke acknowledges the Archbishop's argument to be un-
tenable, he practically reproduces it with but a slight altera-
tion and somewhat protected by obscurity. What Whately
called ' instruction ' the Duke terms ' instinct ; ' and he considers
that man had instincts which afforded all that was necessary
as a starting ground. He admits, however, that monkeys use
stones to break nuts ; he might have added that they throw
sticks and stones at intruders. But he says, ' Between these
' rudiments of intellectual perception and the next step (that
' of adapting and fashioning an instrument for a particular
' purpose) there is a gulf in which lies the whole immeasurable
' distance between man and brutes.' I cannot agree with the
Duke in this opinion ; nor indeed does he agree with himself, for
he adds in the very same page that — ' The wielding of a stick is,
, in all probability, an act equally of primitive intuition, and from
' this to throwing of a stick and the use of javelins is an easy and
' natural transition.'
He continues as follows : ' Simple as these acts are, they
' involve both physical and mental powers which are capable of
' all the developments which we see in the most advanced in-
' dustrial arts. These acts involve the instinctive idea of the
' constancy of natural causes and the capacity of thought, which
' gives men the conviction that what has happened under given
' conditions will, under the same conditions, always occur again.'
On these, he says, ' as well as on other grounds, I have never
' attached much importance to Whately's argument.' These are
indeed important admissions, and amount to a virtual abandon-
ment of Whately's position.
The Duke blames the Archbishop of Dublin for not having
defined the terms ' civilisation ' and ' barbarism.' It seems to me
that Whately illustrated his meaning better by examples than
he could have done by any definition. The Duke does not seem
to have felt any practical difficulty from the omission ; and it is
remarkable that, after all, he himself omits to define the terms,
thus himself making the very omission for which he blames
Whately. He perhaps found it impossible in a few words to
define the complex organisation which we call civilisation, or to
state in a few words how a civilised differs from a barbarous
TB,UE NATURE OF BARBARISM 505
people. Indeed, to define civilisation as it should be is surely
as yet impossible, since we are far from having solved the problem
how we may best avail ourselves of our opportunities, and enjoy
the beautiful world in which we live.
As regards barbarism, the Duke observes, ' All I desire to
' point out here is, that there is no necessary connection
' between a state of mere childhood in respect to knowledge
' and a state of utter barbarism, words which, if they have any
' definite meaning at all, imply the lowest moral as well as the
' lowest intellectual condition.' To every proposition in this
remarkable sentence I entirely demur. There is, I think, a
very intimate connection between knowledge and civilisation.
Knowledge and barbarism cannot coexist — knowledge and civi-
lisation are inseparable.
Again, the words ' utter barbarism ' have certainly a very
definite signification, but as certainly, I think, not that which
the Duke attributes to them. The lowest moral and the
lowest intellectual condition are not only, in my opinion, not
inseparable, they are not even compatible. Morality implies
responsibility, and consequently intelligence. The lower animals
are neither moral nor immoral. The lower races of men may
be, and are, vicious ; but allowances must be made for them.
On the contrary (corruptio optimi, pessima est), the higher the
mental power, the more splendid the intellectual endowment,
the deeper is the moral degradation of him who wastes the one
and abuses the other.
On the whole, the fair inference seems to be that savages are
more innocent, and yet more criminal, than civilised races ;
they are by no means in the lowest possible moral condition,
nor are they capable of the higher virtues.
In the first part of this paper I laid much stress on the fact
that even in the most civilised nations we find traces of early
barbarism. The Duke maintains, on the contrary, that these
traces afford no proof, or even presumption, that barbarism was
the primeval condition of man. He urges that all such customs
may have been, not primeval, but medieval ; and he continues :
' Yet this assumption runs through all Sir J. Lubbock's argu-
'ments. Wherever a brutal or savage custom prevails it is
'regarded as a sample of the original condition of mankind.
506 SEQUENCE OF CUSTOMS
' And this in the teeth of facts which prove that many of such
'customs not only may have been, but must have been, the
' result of corruption.'
Fortunately, it is unnecessary for me to defend myself
against this criticism, because in the very next sentence the
Duke directly contradicts himself, and shows that I have not
done that of which he accuses me. He continues his argument
thus : ' Take cannibalism as one of these. Sir J. Lubbock
' seems to admit that this loathsome practice was not primeval.'
Thus by way of proof that I regard all brutal customs as
primeval, he states, and correctly states, that I do not regard
cannibalism as primeval. It would be difficult, I think, to find
a more curious case of self-contradiction.
The Duke refers particularly to the practice of Bride-
catching, which he states ' cannot possibly have been primeval.'
He omits, however, to explain why, from his point of view, it
could not have been so ; and of course, assuming the word
' primeval ' to cover a period of some length, it would have
been interesting to know his reasons for this conclusion ; in fact,
however, it is not a case in point, because, as I have attempted
to show, marriage by capture was preceded by a custom still
more barbarous. It may, perhaps, however, be as well to state
emphatically that all brutal customs are not, in my opinion,
primeval. Human sacrifices, for instance, were, I think,
certainly not so.
My argument, however, was that there is a definite sequence
of habits and ideas; that certain customs (some brutal, others
not so) which we find lingering on in civilised communities
are a page of past history, and tell a tale of former barbarism ;
rather on account of their simplicity than of their brutality,
though many of them are brutal enough. Again, no one
would go back from letter-writing to the use of the quippu or
hieroglyphics ; nor would abandon the fire-drill and obtain fire
by hand-friction.
Believing, as he does, that the primitive condition of man
was one of civilisation, the Duke accounts for the existence of
savages by the remark that they are ' mere outcasts of the
' human race,' descendants of weak tribes which were ' driven
' to the woods and rocks.' But until the historical period these
I
THE DIFFUSION OF MANKIND 507
' mere outcasts ' occuiDied almost the whole of North and South
America, all Northern Europe, the greater part of Africa, the
great continent of Australia, a large part of Asia, and the
beautiful islands of the Pacific, Moreover, until modified by
man, the gTeat continents were either in the condition of open
plains, such as heaths, downs, prairies, and tundras, or they
were mere ' woods and rocks.' Now, everything tends to show
that mere woods and rocks exercised on the whole a favourable
influence. Inhabitants of great plains rarely rose beyond the
pastoral stage. In America the most advanced civilisation was
attained, not by the occupants of the fertile valleys, not along
the banks of the Mississippi or the Amazon, but among the
rocks and woods of Mexico and Peru. Scotland itself is a
brilliant proof that woods and rocks are compatible with a high
state of civilisation.
My idea of the manner in which, and the causes owing to
which, man spread over the earth, is very different from that
of the Duke. He evidently supposes that new countries have
been occupied by weak races, driven there by more powerful
tribes. This I believe to be an entirely erroneous notion. Take,
for instance, our own island. We are sometimes told that the
Celts were driven by the Saxons into Wales and Cornwall. On
the contrary, however, we know that Wales and Cornwall were
both occupied long before the Saxons landed on our shores.
Even as regards the rest of the country, it would not be correct
to say that the Celts were driven away ; they were either destroyed
or absorbed.
The gradual extension of the human race has not, in my
opinion, been effected by force acting on any given race from
without, but by internal necessity and the pressure of population ;
by peaceful, not by hostile force ; by prosperity, not by misfortune,
I believe that of old, as now, founders of new colonies were men
of energy and enterprise, animated by hope and courage, not by
fear and despair ; that they were, in short, anything but mere
outcasts of the human race.
The Duke relies a good deal on the case of America. ' Is
* it not true,' he asks, ' that the lowest and rudest tribes in the
' population of the globe have been found in the furthest ex-
' tremities of its great continents, and in the distant islands.
508 THE INFLUENCE OF EXTERNAL CONDITIONS
' which would be the last refuge of the victims of violence and
' misfortune ? '' The new world " is the continent which
' presents the most uninterrupted stretch of habitable land
' from the highest northern to the lowest southern latitude.
' On the extreme north we have the Esquimaux, or Inuit race,
^ maintaining human life under conditions of extremest hard-
' ship even amid the perpetual ice of the Polar seas. And
' what a life it is ! Watching at the blow-hole of a seal for
' many hours, in a temperature of 75° below freezing point, is
' the constant work of the Inuit hunter. And when at last
' his prey is struck, it is his luxury to feast upon the raw blood
' and blubber. To civilised man it is hardly possible to con-
' ceive a life so wretched, and in many respects so brutal, as
' the life led by this race during the long-lasting night of the
' Arctic winter.'
To this question I confidently reply. No, it is not true ; it is
not true as a general proposition that the lowest races are
found furthest from the centres of continents ; it is not true
in the particular case of America. The natives of Brazil,
possessing a country of almost unrivalled fertility, surrounded
by the most luxuriant vegetation, watered by magnificent
rivers, and abounding in animal life, were yet unquestionably
lower than the Esquimaux,^ whom the Duke pities and
despises so much. ^ He pities them, indeed, more than I think
the case requires. Our own sportsmen willingly undergo great
hardships in pursuit of game ; and hunting in earnest must pos-
sess a keen zest which it can never attain when it is a mere sport.
' When we rise,' says Mr. Hill,^ ' twice or thrice a day
' from a full meal, we cannot be in a right frame either of body
' or mind for the proper enjoyments of the chase. Our slug-
' gish spirits then want the true incentive to action, which
' should be hunger, with the hope before us of filling a craving
^ See Martius, p. 77. Dr. Eae ^ When the Duke states that
ranks the Esquimaux above the Eed ' neither an agricultural nor pastoral
Indians. Trans. Ethn. Soc, 1866. ' life is possible on the borders of a
Martius was himself at one time of ' frozen sea,' he forgets for the mo-
opinion that the Brazilians were de- ment the inhabitants of Lapland and
generate,but his investigations finally of Siberia.
led him to the opposite conclusion. ^ Travels in Siberia, vol. ii. p. 28.
See Nature, 1874, pp. 146, 204.
THI^ INFLUENCE OF EXTEB.NAL CONDITIONS 509
' stomacli. I could remember once before being for a long
' time dependent upon the gun for food, and feeling a touch of
* the charm of a savage life (for every condition of humanity
* has its good as well as its evil), but never till now did I fully
' comprehend the attachment of the sensitive, not drowsy,
' Indian.'
Esquimaux life, indeed, as painted by our Arctic voyagers
is by no means so miserable as the Duke supposes. Captain
Parry, for instance, gives the following picture of an Esquimaux
hut : ' In the few opportunities we had in putting their hospi-
' tality to the test, we had every reason to be pleased with
' them. Both as to food and accommodation, the best they had
' were always at our service ; and their attention, both in kind
* and degree, was everything that hospitality and even good
* breeding could dictate. The kindly offices of drying and
' mending our clothes, cooking our provisions and thawing
' snow for our drink, were performed by the women with an
' obliging cheerfulness which we shall not easily forget, and
' which demanded its due share of our admiration and esteem.
' While thus their guest I have passed an evening not only with
' comfort but with extreme gratification ; for with the women
' working and singing, their husbands quietly mending their
^ lines, the children playing before the door, and the pot boiling
' over the blaze of a cheerful lamp, one might well forget for
' the time that an Esquimaux hut was the scene of this do-
' mestic comfort and tranquillity ; and I can safely affirm with
' Cartwright that, while thus lodged beneath their roof, I know
' no people whom I would more confidently trust, as respects
' either my person or my property, than the Esquimaux.' Dr.
Eae,^ who had ample means of judging, tells us that the
Eastern Esquimaux ' are sober, steady, and faithful. . . .
' Provident to their own property, and careful of that of others
' when under their charge. . . . Socially they are a lively,
' cheerful, and chatty people, fond of associating with each
' other and with strangers, with whom they soon become on
' friendly terms, if kindly treated. ... In their domestic
' relations they are exemplary. The man is an obedient son,
' a good husband, and a kind father. . . . The children
> Trans. Ethn. 8oc., 1866, p. 138.
510 TEE ESQUIMAUX
' when young are docile. . . . The girls have their dolls,
' in making dresses and shoes for which they amuse and employ
' themselves. The boys have miniature bows, arrows, and
' spears. . . . When grown up they are dutiful to their
' parents. ... Orphan children are readily adopted and
' well cared for until they are able to provide for themselves.'
He concludes by saying, ' the more I saw of the Esquimaux
' the higher was the opinion I formed of them."
Again, Hooper^ thus describes a visit to an Asiatic Esqui-
maux belonging to the Tuski race : ' Upon reaching Mooldoo-
yah's habitation, we found Captain Moore installed at his
ease, with every provision made for comfort and convenience.
Water and venison were suspended over the lamps in prepa-
ration for dinner ; skins nicely arranged for couches, and the
hangings raised to admit the cool air ; our baggage was bestowed
around us with care and in quiet, and we were free to take our
own way of enjoying such unobtrusive hospitality without a
crowd of eager gazers watching us like lions at feed ; nor were
we troubled by importunate begging such as detracted from the
dignity of Metra's station, which was undoubtedly high in the
tribe.'
I know no sufficient reason for supposing that the Esqui-
maux were ever more advanced than they are now. The Duke,
indeed, considers that before they were ' driven by wars and
* migrations ' (a somewhat cuiious expression) they ' may have
' been nomads living on their flocks and herds ; ' and he states
broadly that ' the rigours of the region they now inhabit have
' reduced these people to the condition in which we now see
' them ; ' a conclusion for which I know no reason, particularly
as the Tinne and other Indians living to the south of the Esq>ii-
maux are ruder and more barbarous.
It is my belief that the great continents were already occu-
pied by a widespread though sparse population when man was
no more advanced than the lowest savages of to-day ; and
although I am far from believing that the various degrees of
civilisation which now occur can be altogether accounted for by
the external circumstances as they at present exist, still these
circumstances seem to me to throw much light on the very
1 The Tents of the Tuski, p. 102.
ORIGINAL AND UNIVERSAL BARBARISM 511
different amount of progress which has been attained by different
races.
In referring to the backwardness of the aboriginal Austra-
lians, I had observed that New Holland contained ' neither
'cereals nor any animals which could be domesticated with
' advantage ; ' upon which the Duke remarks that ' Sir John
' Lubbock urges in reply to Whately that the low condition of
' Australian savages affords no proof whatever that they could
' not raise themselves, because the materials of improvement
' are wanting in that country, which affords no cereals nor
'animals capable of useful domestication. But Sir J. Lubbock
' does not perceive that the same argument which shows how
' improvement could not possibly be attained, shows also how
' degradation could not possibly be avoided. If with the few
' resources of the country it was impossible for savages to rise,
' it follows that with those same resources it would be impossible
' for a half-civilised race not to fall. And as in this case again,
' unless we are to suppose a separate Adam and Eve for Van
' Diemen's Land, its natives must originally have come from
' countries where both corn and cattle were to be had ; it
' follows that the low condition of these natives is much more
' likely to have been the result of degradation than of primeval
' barbarism.'
But my argument was that a half- civilised race would have
brought other resources with them. The dog was, I think,
certainly introduced into that country by man, who would
probably have brought with him other domestic animals also if
he had possessed any. The same argument applies to plants ;
the Polynesians carried the sweet potato and the yam, as well
as the dog, with them from island to island; and even if the.
first settlers in Australia happened to have been without them,
and without the means of acquiring them, they would certainly
have found some native plants which would have been worth
the trouble of cultivation, if they had already attained to the
agricultural stage.
This argument applies with even more force to pottery; if
the first settlers in Australia were acquainted with this art, I
can see no reason why they should suddenly and completely
have lost it.
512 SUPPOSED INEVITABILITY OF DEGRADATION
The Duke, indeed, seems to maintain that the natives of Van
Diemen's Land (whom he appears to regard as belonging to the
same race as the Australians and Polynesians, from both of which
races, however, they are entirely distinct) ' must have originally
' come from countries where both corn and cattle were to be
' had ; ' still ' degradation could not possibly be avoided.' This
seems to be the natural inference from the Duke's language,
and suggests a very gloomy future for our Australian fellow-
countrymen. The position is, however, so manifestly unten-
able, when once put into plain language, that I think it
unnecessary to dwell longer on this part of the subject. Even
the Duke himself will hardly maintain that our colonists must
fall back because the natives did not improve. Yet he extends
and generalises this argument in a subsequent paragraph,
saying, ' There is hardly a single fact qnoted by Sir J. Lubbock
' in favour of his own theory which, when viewed in connection
' with the same indisputable principles, does not tell against
^that theory rather than in its favour.' So far from being
' indisputable,' the principle that when savages remained
savages, civilised settlers must descend to the same level,
appears to me entirely erroneous. On reading the above passage,
however, I passed on with much interest to see which of my
facts I had so strangely misread.
The great majority of facts connected with savage life have
no perceptible bearing on the question, and I must therefore
have been not only very stupid, but also singularly unfortu-
nate, if of all those quoted by me in support of my argument
^ there was hardly a single one ' which, read aright, was not
merely irrelevant, but actually told against me. In support of
his statement the Duke gives three illustrations, but it is
remarkable that not one of these three cases was referred to
by me in the present discussion, or in favour of the theory
now under discussion. If all the facts on which I relied told
against me, it is curious that the Duke should not give
an instance. The three illustrations which he quotes from
my ' Prehistoric Times ' seem to me irrelevant ; but, as the
Duke thinks otherwise, it will be worth while to see how he
uses them, and to inquire whether they give any real sup-
SUPPOSED EVIDENCE OF DEGRADATION -513
port to his argument. As already mentioned, the}' are three in
number.
' Sir J. Lubbock.' he says, ' reminds us that in a cave on
' the north-west coast (of Australia) tolerable figures of sharks,
' porpoises, turtles, lizards, canoes, and some quadrupeds, &c.,
' were found, and yet that the present natives of the country
' where they were found were utterly incapable of realising
' the most artistic vivid representations, and ascribe the
' drawings in the cave to diabolical agency.' This proves
nothing, because the Australian tribes differ much in their
artistic condition ; some of them still make rude drawings like
those above described.
Secondly, he says, ' Sir J. Lubbock quotes the testimony
*' of Cook, in respect to the Tasmanians, that they had no
' canoes. Yet their ancestors could not have reached the island
' by walking on the sea.' This argument would equally prove
that the Kangaroo and the Echidna must have had civilised
ancestors ; they inhabit both Australia and Tasmania, and it
would have been impossible for their ancestors to have passed
from the one to the other ' by walking on the sea.' The Duke,
though admitting the antiquity of man, does not, I think, appre-
ciate the geological changes which have taken place during the
human period.
The only other case which he quotes is that of the highland
Esquimaux, who had no weapons nor any idea of war. The
Duke's comment is as follows: 'No wonder, poor people!
' They had been driven into regions where no stronger race
' could desire to follow them. But that the fathers had once
' known what war and violence meant there is no more con-
^ elusive proof than the dwelling-place of their children.' It
is perhaps natural that the head of a great Highland Clan
should regard with pity a people who, having 'once known
' what war and violence meant,' have no longer any neighbours
to pillage or to fight ; but a Lowlander can hardly be expected
seriously to regard such a change as one calculated to excite
pity, or as any evidence of degradation.
In my first paper I deduced an argument from the condition
of religion among the different races of man, a part of the
subject which has since been admirably dealt with by Mr.
L L
514 THE SURVIVAL OF CUSTOMS
Tylor in a lecture at the Royal Institution. The use of flint
for sacrificial purposes long after the introduction of metal
seemed to me a good case of what Mr. Tylor has happily called
' Survival.' So also is the method of obtaining fire. The
Brahman will not use ordinary fire for sacred purposes: he
does not even obtain a fresh spark from flint and steel, but
reverts to, or rather continues, the old way of obtaining it, by
friction with a wooden drill, one Brahman pulling the thong
backwards and forwards while the other watches to catch the
sacred spark.
I also referred to the non-existence of religion among
certain savage races, and, as the Duke correctly observes, I
argued that this was probably their primitive condition, because
it is difiicult to believe that a people which had once possessed
a religion would ever entirely lose it.^
This argument filled the Duke with ' astonishment.' Surely,
he says, 'if there is one fact more certain than another in
' respect to the nature of man, it is that he is ca23able of losing
' religious knowledge, of ceasing to believe in religious truth,
* and of falling away from religious duty. If by "religion"
' is meant the existence merely of some impressions of powers
' invisible and supernatural, even this, we know, can not only
' be lost, but be scornfully disavowed by men who are highly
' civilised.' Yet in the very same page the Duke goes on to
say, ' The most cruel and savage customs in the world are
' the direct effect of its " religions." And if men could drop
' religions when they would, or if they could even form the wish
' to get rid of those which sit like a nightmare on their life,
' there would be many more nations without a " religion "
' than there are found to be. But religions can neither be put
' on nor cast off" like garments, according to their utility, or
' according to their beauty, or according to their power of com-
'■ forting.'
With this I entirely agree. Man can no more voluntarily
abandon or change the articles of his religious creed than he
can make one hair black or white, or add one cubit to his sta-
ture. I do not deny that there may be exceptional cases of
^ It is surely unnecessary to ex- the possibility of a change in, but a
plain that I did not intend to question total loss of, religion.
PBOGBUSS OF BELIGIOUS IDEAS 515
intellectual men entirely devoid of religion ; but if the Duke
means to say tliat men who are highly civilised habitually or
frequently lose and scornfully disavow religion, I can only say
that I should adopt such an opinion with difficulty and regret.
There is, so far as I know, no evidence on record which would
justify such an opinion, and, as far as my private experience
goes, I at least have met with no such tendency. It is, indeed
true that from the times of Socrates downwards men in ad-
vance of their age have disavowed particular dogmas and par-
ticular myths ; but the Duke of Argyll would, I am sure, not
confuse a desire for reformation with the scornful disavowal of
religion as a whole. Some philosophers may object to prayers
for rain, but they are foremost in denouncing the folly of witch-
craft ; they may regard matter as aboriginal, but they would
never suppose with.' the Redskin that land was created while
water existed from the beginning ; nor does any one now be-
lieve with the South Sea Islanders that the Peerage are im-
mortal, but that commoners have no souls. If, indeed, there
is ' one fact more certain than another in respect to the nature
' of man,' I should have considered it to be the gradual diffusion
of religious light, and of nobler conceptions as to the nature of
God.
The lowest savages have no idea of a deity at all. Those
slightly more advanced regard him as an enemy to be dreaded,
but who may be resisted with a fair prospect of success, who
may be cheated by the cunning and defied by the strong. Thus
the natives of the Mcobar Islands endeavour to terrify their
deity by scarecrows, and the negro beats his Fetich if his
prayers are not granted. As tribes advance in civilisation
their deities advance in dignity, but their power is still
limited; one governs the sea, another the land; one reigns
over the plains, another among the mountains. The most
powerful are vindictive, cruel, and unjust. They require
humiliating ceremonies and bloody sacrifices. Bat few races
have arrived at the conception of an omnipotent and benefi-
cent Deity.
One of the lowest forms of religion is that presented by the
Australians, which consists of a mere unreasoning belief in the
existence of mysterious beings. The native who has in his
L l2
516 FETIGHISM
sleep a nightmare or a dream does not doubt tlie reality of
that which passes ; and as the beings by whom he is visited in
his sleep are unseen by his friends and relations, he regards
them as invisible.
In Fetichism this feeling is more methodised. The negro, by
means of witchcraft, endeavours to make a slave of his deity.
Thus Fetichism is almost the opposite of Religion ; it stands
towards it in the same relation as Alchemy to Chemistry, or
Astrology to Astronomy; and shows how fundamentally our idea
of a deity differs from that which presents itself to the savage.
The negro does not hesitate to punish a refractory Fetich, and
hides it in his waistcloth if he does not wish it to know what is
going on. Aladdin's lamp is, in fact, a well-known illustration
of a Fetich.
A further stage, and the superiority of the higher deities is
more fully recognised. Everything is worshipped indiscrimi-
nately — animals, plants, and even inanimate objects. In
endeavouring to account for the worship of animals, we must
remember that names are very frequently taken from them.
The children and followers of a man called the Bear or the
Lion would make that a tribal name. Hence the animal itself
would be first respected, at last worshipped. This form of
religion can be shown to have existed, at one time or another,
almost all over the world.
' The Totem," says Schoolcraft, ' is a symbol of the name of
'the progenitor — generally some quadruped, or bird, or other
' object in the animal kingdom, which stands, if we may so ex-
^ press it, as the surname of the family. It is always some
' animated object, and seldom or never derived from the inani-
' mate class of nature. Its significant importance is derived
' from the fact that individuals unhesitatingly trace their
' lineage from it. But whatever names they may be called
' during their lifetime, it is the totem, and not their personal
'name, that is recorded on the tomb or "adjedating" that
' marks the place of burial. Families are thus traced when
' expanded into bands or tribes, the multiplication of which in
' North America has been very great, and has decreased, in
' like ratio, the labours of the ethnologist.' Totemism, how-
ever, is by no means confined to America. In Central India
T0TEMI8M 517
' the Moondah " EnidM " or Oraon " Minijrar," or Eel tribe,
^ will not kill or eat that fish. The Hawk, Crow, or Heron
' tribes will not kill or eat those birds. Livingstone, quoted in
' Latham, tells us that the subtribes of Bitshaunas (or Bechu-
^ anas) are similarly named after certain animals, and a tribe
' never eats the animal from which it is named, using the term
' " ila," hate or dread, in reference to killing it.' ^
Traces, indeed, of Totemism, more or less distinct, are
widely distributed, and often connected with marriage prohi-
bitions.
As regards inanimate objects, we must remember that the
savage accounts for all action and movement by life ; hence a
watch is to him alive. This being taken in conjunction with the
feeling that anything unusual is ' great medicine,' leads to the
worship of any remarkable inanimate object. Mr. Fergusson has
recently attempted to show the special prevalence of Tree and
Serpent worship. He might, I believe, have made out as strong
a case for many other objects. It seems clear that the objects
worshipped in this stage are neither to be regarded as emblems
nor are they personified. Inanimate objects have spirits as well
as men ; hence, when the wives and slaves are sacrificed, the
weapons are also broken in the grave, so that the spirits of the
latter, as well as of the former, may accompany their master to
the other world.
The gradually increasing power of chiefs and priests led to
Anthropomorphism, with its sacrifices, temples, and priests, &c.
To this stage belongs idolatry, which must by no means be re-
garded as the lowest stage of religion. The writer of 'The
' Wisdom of Solomon,' ^ indeed, long ago pointed out how it was
connected with monarchical power : —
' When men could not honour in presence, because they dwelt
' far ofi", they took the counterfeit of his visage from far, and made
' an express image of a king, whom they honoured, to the end
' that by this, their forwardness, they might flatter him that was
' absent, as if he were present.
' Also the singular diligence of the artificer did help to set
' forward the ignorant to more superstition.
> Trans. Ethn. Soc, N.S., vol. vi. p. 36.
2 Wisdom xiv. ] 7.
518 IDOLATRY
' For lie, per adventure willing to please one in authority,
' forced all his skill to make the resemblance of the best
' fashion.
' And so the multitude, allured by the grace of the work, took
^ him now for a God which a little before was but honoured as a
' man.'
The worship of principles may be regarded as a still further
stage in the natural development of religion.
It is important to observe that each stage of religion is
superimposed on the preceding, and that bygone beliefs linger on
among the children and the ignorant. Thus witchcraft is still
believed in by the ignorant, and fairy tales flourish in the nursery.
It certainly appears to me that the gradual development of
religious ideas among the lower races of men is a fair argument
in opposition to the view that savages are degenerate descendants
of civilised ancestors. Archbishop Whately would admit the con-
nection between these different phases of religious belief ; but I
think he would find it very difficult to show any process of
natural degradation and decay which could explain the quaint
errors and opinions of the lower races of men, or to account for
the lingering belief in witchcraft, and other absurdities, &c., in
civilised races, excepting by some such train of reasoning as that
which I have endeavoured to sketch.
There is another case in this memoir wherein the Duke,
although generally a fair opponent, brings forward an unsup-
portable accusation. He criticises severely the ' Four Ages,'
generally admitted by archaeologists, especially referring to the
terms ' Palseolithic ' and ' Neolithic,' which are used to denote
the two earlier.
I have no wish to take to myself in particular the blame
which the Duke impartially extends to archaeologists in gene-
ral, but, having suggested the two terms in question^ I will
simply place side by side the passage in which they first ap-
peared and the Duke's criticism, and confidently ask whether
there is any foundation for the sweeping accusation made by the
noble Duke.
The Duke says : ' For here My words, when proposing
' I must observe that Archaeo- the terms, were as follows : —
THE TRUE THEORY OF THE FOUR AGES 519
' legists are using language on
' this subject wliicli, if not po-
' sitively erroneous, requires,
' at least, more rigorous de-
' finitiony and limitations of
' meaning than they are dis-
' posed to attend to. They
' talk of an Old Stone Age
' (Palaeolithic), and of a Newer
' Stone Age (Neolithic), and
' of a Bronze Age, and of an
' Iron Age. Now, there is
' no proof whatever that such
' Ages ever existed in the
' world. It may be true, and
' it probably is true, that most
' nations in the ^^rogress of the
' Arts have passed through
' the staofes of usino^ stone for
' implements before they were
' acquainted with the use of
' metals. Even this, however,
' may not be true of all na-
' tions. In Africa there ap-
' pear to be no traces of any
' time when the natives were
' not acquainted with the use
' of iron ; and I am informed
' by Sir Samuel Baker that
' iron ore is so common in
' Africa and of a kind so
' easily reducible by heat, that
' its use might well be disco-
' vered by the rudest tribes,
' who were in the habit of
' lighting fires. Then again
' it is to be remembered that
' there are some countries in the
' world where stone is as rare
' and difficult to get as metals.
' From the careful study of
the remains which have comt
down to us, it would appear
that the prehistoric archaeo-
logy may be divided into four
great epochs.
' Firstly, that of Drift, when
man shared the possession of
Europe with the Mammoth,
the cave-bear, the woolly-
haired rhinoceros, and other
extinct animals. This we
may call the " Palaeolithic "'
period.
' Secondly, the latter or
polished Stone Age ; a period
characterised by beautiful
weapons and instruments
made of flint and other kinds
of stones, in which, however,
we find no trace of the know-
ledge of any metal, excepting
gold, which seems to have
been sometimes used for or-
naments. This we may call
the Neolithic period.
' Thirdly, the Bronze Age,
in which bronze was uged for
arms and cutting instruments
of all kinds.
' Fourthly, the Iron Age, in
which that metal had super-
seded bronze for arms, axes,
knives, &c. ; bronze, how-
ever, still being in common
use for ornaments, and fre-
quently also for the handles
of swords and other arms, but
never for the blades.
' Stone weapons, however,
520
THE TBUIJ THEORY OF THE FOUR AGES
' The great alluvial plains
of Mesopotamia are a case in
point. Accordingly we know
from the remains of the first
Chaldean monarchy that a
very high civilisation in the
arts of agriculture and of
commerce coexisted with the
use of stone implements of a
very rude character. This
fact proves that rude stone
implements are not necessa-
rily any proof whatever of
a really barbarous condition.
And even if it were true that
the use of stone has in all
cases preceded the use of
metals, it is quite certain
that the same age which was
an Age of Stone in one part
of the world was an Age of
Metal in the other. As re-
gards the Eskimo and the
South Sea Islanders, we are
now, or were very recently,
living in a Stone Age.'
of many kinds were still in use
during the Age of Bronze,
and even during that of Iron.
So that the mere presence of a
few stone implements is not in
itself suflScient evidence that
any given '^ find " belongs to
the Stone Age.
' In order to prevent mis-
apprehension, it may be as
well to state at once that I
only apply this classification
to Europe, though in all pro-
bability it might also be ex-
tended to the neighbouring
parts of Asia and Africa.
As regards other civilised
countries, China and Japan
for instance, we, as yet, know
nothing of their prehistoric
archaeology. It is evident,
also, that some nations, such
as the Fuegians, Andama-
ners, &c., are even now only
in an Age of Stone.'
I have therefore carefully pointed out those very limitations,
the omission of which the Duke condemns.
I will now bring forward one or two additional reasons in
support of my view. There is a considerable body of evidence
tending to show that the offspring produced by crossing
different varieties tends to revert to the type from which these
varieties are descended. Thus Tegetmeier states that ' a cross
' between two non-sitting varieties (of the common fowl) almost
^ invariably produces a mongrel that becomes broody, and sits
' with remarkable steadiness.' Mr. Darwin gives several cases
in which such hybrids or mongrels are singularly wild and un-
tamable, the mule being a familiar instance. Messrs. Boitard
EVIDENCE FROM CB0S8ED RACES 521
and Corbie state that, when they crossed certain breeds of
pigeons, they invariably got some young ones coloured like the
wild C. livia. Mr. Darwin repeated these experiments, and
found the statement fully confirmed.
So, again, the same is the case with fowls. The original of
the domestic fowl was of a reddish colour, but thousands of the
Black Spanish and the white silk fowls might be bred without
a single red feather appearing ; 3'et Mr. Darwin found that on
crossing them he immediately obtained specimens with red
feathers. Similar results have been obtained with ducks,
rabbits, and cattle. Mules also have not un frequently barred
legs. It is unnecessary to give these cases in detail, because
Mr. Darwin's work on ' Animals and Plants under Domestica-
^ tion ' is in the hands of every naturalist.
Applying the same test to man, Mr. Darwin observes that
crossed races of men are singularly savage and degraded.
' Many years ago,' he says, ' I was struck by the fact that in
' South America men of complicated descent between Negroes,
' Indians, and Spaniards, seldom had, whatever the cause might
be, a good expression. Livingstone remarks that " it is un-
accountable why half-castes are so much more cruel than the
' " Portuguese, but such is undoubtedly the case.'' A native
' remarked to Livingstone — " God made white men, and God
'"black men, but the devil made half-castes!" When two
^ races, both low in the scale, are crossed, the progeny seems to
' be eminently bad. Thus the noble-hearted Humboldt, who
' felt none of that prejudice against the inferior races now so
' current in England, speaks in strong terms of the bad and
' savage disposition of Zambas, or half-castes between Indians
' and Negroes, and this conclusion has been arrived at by
' various observers. From these facts we may perhaps infer
' that the degraded state of so many half-castes is in part due
' to a reversion to a primitive and savage condition, induced by
' the act of crossing, as well as to the unfavourable moral con-
' ditions under which they generally exist.'
I confess, however, that I am not sure how far this may not
be accounted for by the unfortunate circumstances in which
half-breeds are generally placed. The half-breeds between
the Hudson's Bay Company's servants and the native women,
522 SIMILARITY OF SAVAGES AND GEILDBEN
being well treated and looked after, appear to be a creditable
and well-behaved set.^
I would also call particular attention to the remarkable
similarity between the mental characteristics of savages and
those of children. ' The Abipones,' says Dobritzhoffer,^ ' when
' they are unable to comprehend anything at first sight, soon
' grow weary of examining it, and cry " orqueenam ? " what
' is it after all ? Sometimes the Guaranies, when completely
' puzzled, knit their brows, and cry " tupa oiquaa," God knows
'what it is. Since they possess such small reasoning powders
' and have so little inclination to exert them, it is no wonder
' that they are neither able nor willing to argue one thing from
' another.'
Richardson says of the Dogrib Indians, ' that however high
' the reward they expected to receive on reaching their desti-
' nation, they could not be depended on to carry letters. A
' slight difficulty, the prospect of a banquet on venison, or a
' sudden impulse to visit some friend, were sufiicient to turn
' them aside for an indefinite length of time.' ^ Le Yaillant '^
also observes of the Namaquas, that they closely resembled
children in their great curiosity,
M. Bourien,^ speaking of the wild tribes in the Malayan
Peninsula, says that an ' inconstant humour, fickle and erratic,
' together with a mixture of fear, timidity, and diffidence, lies
' at the bottom of their character ; they seem always to think
' that they would be better in any other place than in the one
' they occupy at the time. Like children, their actions seem
'to be rarely guided by reflection, and they almost always act
' impulsively.' The tears of the South Sea Islanders, ' like
'those of children, were always ready to express any passion
'that was strongly excited, and, like those of children, they
' also appear to be forgotten as soon as shed.' ^
The Kutchin Indians of North-West America, according to
Morgan, ' give vent to injured feelings, as well as physical pain.
* Dunn's Oregon Territory, p. 147. p. 12.
^ History of the Abipones, vol. ii. ^ Trans. Ethn. Soc, N.S., vol. iii.
P- 59. p. 78.
•^ Arctic Expedition, vol. ii. p. 23. « Cook's First Voyage, p. 103.
■* Travels in Africa, 1776, vol. iii.
SIMILARITY OF SAVAGES AND CHILDBEN 523
' by crying, a practice shared equally by the males and females,
' and by the old as well as the young.'
At Tahiti, Captain Cook mentions that Oberea, the Queen
and Tootahah. one of the principal chiefs, amused themselves
with two large dolls. D'Urville tells us that a New Zealand
chief, Tauvarya by name, ' cried like a child because the sailors
' spoilt his favourite cloak by powdering it with flour.' ^
Williams 2 mentions that in Fiji not only the women, but even
the men, give vent to their feelings by crying. Burton even says
that among East Africans the men cried more frequently than
the women.^
The Negro kings of Western Africa, ' from Gelele to Rumanika
' of Karaqwah, are delighted with children's toys, gutta-percha
' faces, Noah's arks ; in fact, what would be most acceptable to a
' child of eight — which the Negro is.' "^
Not only do savages closely resemble children in their
general character, but a curious similarity exists between them
in many small points. For instance, the tendency to redupli-
cation, which is so characteristic of children, prevails remarkably
also among savages. The first 1,000 words in Richardson's
dictionary (down to allege), contain only three, namely, adsci-
titious, adventitious, agitator, and even in these it is reduced
to a minimum. There is not a single word like ahi xchi,
evening ; ake aJce, eternal ; aki aki^ a bird ; aniiviuiiwa, the
rainbow ; cmga anga, agreement ; angi 07igi, abroad ; aro aro,
in front ; arw aru, to woo ; ati ati, to drive out ; awa aiua, a
valley- or awanga ivanga, hope, words of a class which abound
in savage languages.
The first 1,000 words in a French dictionary I found to contain
only two reduplications, namely, anana and assassin, both of which
are derived from a lower race, and cannot, strictly speaking, be
regarded as French.
Again 1,000 German words, taking for variety the letters C
and D, contain six cases, namely, cacndu (cockatoo), cacao, cocon
(cocoon), cocoshanm, a cocoa-nut tree, cocosnuss, cocoa-nut, and
dagegen, of which again all but the last are foreign.
' Vol. ii. p. 398. See also Yate's p. 121.
Kew Zealand, p. 101. ^ Lake Regions, p. 832.
- Fiji and the Fijians, vol. ii. ' Burton's Daliome, vol. i. p. 326.
524
LANGUAGE OF SAVAGES
Lastly, the first 1,000 Greek words contained only two re-
duplications, one of which is a/SdpjSapos.
For comparison with the above I have examined the voca-
bularies of the following eighteen tribes, and the results are given
in the following table : —
Number
Xumber
Propor-
Languages
of words
of redu-
tion per 1
examiued
plications
million
Europe —
English
1,000
3
3
French
1,000
2
2
Both foreign.
German
1,000
6
6
All but one foreign.
Greek ....
1,000
2
2
One being afidpfiapos.
Africa —
Beetjuan
188
7
37
Lichtenstein.
Bosjesman .
129
5
38
,,
Xamaqua Hottentot .
1,000
75
75
H. Tindall.
Mpongwe .
1,264
70
60
Snowden and Prall.
Fulup ....
204
28
137
Koelle.
Mbofon
267
27
100
)>
America —
Makah
1,011
80
79
Smithsonian Contribu-
tions, 1869.
Darien Indians .
184
13
70
Trans. Eth. Soc. vol. vi.
Ojibwa
283
21
74
Schoolcraft.
Tiipy Brazil
1,000
66
66
Gonsalvez Dias.
Negroid —
Brumer Island .
214
37
170
Macgillivray.
Bed scar Bay
125
10
80
j^
Louisiade .
138
22
160
j>
Erroob
513
23
45
Jukes.
Lewis Murray Island .
506
19
38
>j
Australia
Kowrarega .
720
26
36
; Macgillivray.
Polynesia —
1
Tonga.
1,000
166
166
Mariner.
New Zealand
1,300
220
169
Dieffenbach.
For African languages I have examined the Beetjuan and
Bosjesman dialects, given by Lichtenstein in his ' Travels in
' Southern Africa ; ' the Namaqua Hottentot, as given by
Tindall in his ' Grammar and Vocabulary of the Namaqua
' Hottentot ; ' the Mpongwe of the Gaboon, from the Grammar
of the Mpongwe language published by Snowden and Prall
of New York; and lastly the Fulup and Mbofon languages,
from Koelle's ' Polyglotta Africana.' For America, the Makah
dialect, given by Mr. Swan in the Smithsonian Contributions
for 1869; the Ojibwa vocabulary, given in Schoolcraft's
TENDENCY OF BEDUPLICATIONS 525
^ Indian tribes ; ' the Darien vocabulary, from the 6th vol.
N. S. of the Ethnological Society's Transactions; and the
Tupy vocabulary, given in A. Gonsalvez Dias' ' Diccionario
' da Lingua Tupy, chamada lingua geral dosindigenas do Brazil.'
To these I have added the languages spoken on Brumer Island,
at Eedscar Bay, Kowrarega, and at the Louisiade, as collected
by Macgillivray in the ' Voyage of the Rattlesnake ; ' and
the dialects of Erroob and Lewis Murray Island from Jukes'
' Voyage of the Fly.' Lastly, for Polynesia, the Tongan
dictionary, given by Mariner, and that of New Zealand by
Dieffenbach.
The result is, that while in the four European languages we
get about two reduplications in 1,000 words, in the savage ones
the number varies from thirty-eight to 170, being from twenty
to eighty times as many in proportion.
In the Polynesian and Fiji Islands they are particularly
numerous ; thus, in Fiji, such names as Somosomo, Raki-
raki, Raviravi, Lumaluma are common. Perhaps the most
familiar New Zealand words are meremere, ijatoo patoo, and
liivi hivi. So generally, however, is reduplication a character-
istic of savage tongues, that it even gave rise to the term
' barbarous.'
In some cases grammatical relations are indicated by re-
duplication ; for instance, in old Aryan the perfect ; in others,
as in Bushman, the plural; sometimes, as in Mandingo, the
superlative.^
The love of pets is very strongly developed among savages.
Many instances have been given by Mr. Galton in his Memoir
on the ' Domestication of Animals.' ^
Among minor indications may be mentioned the use of the
rattle. Originally a sacred and mysterious instrument, as it is
still among some of the Siberian, Redskin, and Brazilian'
tribes, it has with us degenerated into a child's toy. Thus
Dobritzhoflfer tells us, the Abipones at a certain season of the
year worshipped the Pleiades. The ceremony consisted in a
feast accompanied with dancing and music, alternating with
» Bopp. Doppelung als eines der * Trans. Ethn. Soc. vol. iii. p. 122.
wichtigsten Bildungsmittel der "^ Martins, Von dem Rechtszu-
Sprache. stande iinter den Ur-Braziliens, p. 43.
526 ANGIJENT GEBEM0NIE8 AND MODERN GAMES
praises of the stars, during which the principal priestess, ' who
' conducts the festive ceremonies, dances at intervals, rattling
' a gourd full of hardish fruit-seeds to musical time, and
^ whirling round to the right with one foot, and to the left with
' another, without ever removing from one spot, or in the
^ least varying her motions.' ^ Spix and Martins^ thus describe
a Cooado chief: In the middle of the assembly, and nearest
to the pot, stood ' the chief, who, by his strength, cunning, and
' courage, had obtained some command over them, and had re-
' ceived from Marlier the title of Captain. In his right hand
' he held the maraca, the above-mentioned castanet, which
' they call gringerina, and rattled with it, beating time with
' his right foot.' ' The Congo Negroes had a great wooden
' rattle, upon which they took their oaths.' ^ The rattle also is
very important among the Indians of North America.^ When
any person is sick, the sorcerer or medicine-man brings his
sacred rattle and shakes it over him. This, says Prescott, 'is
' the principal catholicon for all diseases.' Catlin ^ also describes
the ' rattle ' as being of great importance. Some tribes have a
sacred drum closely resembling that of the Lapps.^ When an
Indian is ill, the magician, says Carver,^ ' sits by the patient day
' and night, rattling in his ears a gourd-shell filled with dried
' beans, called a chichicone.'
Klemm ^ also remarks on the great significance attached to the
rattle throughout America, and Staad even thought that it was
worshipped as a divinity.^
Schoolcraft ^^ also gives a figure of Oshkabaiwis, a Eedskin
medical chief, ' holding in his hand the magic rattle,' which is,
indeed, the usual emblem of authority in the American picto-
graphs. I know no case of a savage infant using the rattle as a
plaything.
Tossing halfpence, as dice, again, which used to be a sacred
1 Dobritzhoffer, vol. ii. p. 65. See 40, 163, &c.
also p. 72. 6 Catlin, loc. cit. p. 40.
■■^ Travels in Brazil. London, 1824, ' Travels, p. 385.
vol. ii. p. 234. s Culturgeschichte, vol. ii. p. 172.
^ Astley's Coll. of Voyages, vol. » Moenrs des Sauvages americains,
iii. p. 233. vol. ii. p. 297.
■» Prescott in Schoolcraft's Indian '" Indian Tribes, Pt. III. pp. 490,
Tribes, vol. ii. pp. 179, 180. 492.
^ American Indians, vol. i. pp. 37,
ANCIENT GBBEMONmS AND MODERN GAMES 527
and solemn mode of consulting the oracles, is now a mere game
for children.
So again the doll is a hybrid between the baby and the fetich,
and, exhibiting the contradictory characters of its parents, becomes
singularly unintelligible to grown-up people. Mr. Tylor has
pointed out other illustrations of this argument, and I would refer
those who feel interested m this part of the subject to his excellent
work.
Dancing is another case in point. With us it is mere
amusement. Among savages it is an important, and, in some
cases, religious, ceremony. ' If,' says Robertson,^ ' any inter-
' course be necessary between two American tribes, the ambas-
' sadors of the one approach in a solemn dance, and present the
' calumet or emblem of peace ; the sachems of the other receive
' it with the same ceremony. If war is denounced against an
' enemy, it is by a dance, expressive of the resentment which
' they feel, and of the vengeance which they meditate. If the
' wrath of their gods is to be appeased, or their beneficence to
' be celebrated, if they rejoice at a birth of a child, or mourn
' the death of a friend, they have dances a^opropriated to each
' of these situations, and suited to the different sentiments with
^ which ' they are then animated. If a person is indisposed, a
' dance is prescribed as the most effectual means of restoring
' him to health ; and if he himself cannot endure the fatigue of
' such an exercise, the physician or conjuror performs it in his
' name, as if the virtue of his activity could be transferred to his
' patient.'
But it is unnecessary to multiply illustrations. Every one
who has read much on the subject will admit the truth of the
statement. It explains the capricious treatment which so many
white men have received from savage potentates; how they
have been alternately petted and ill-treated, at one time loaded
with the best of everything, at another neglected or put to
death.
The close resemblance existing in ideas, language, habits,
and character between savages and children, though generally
admitted, has usually been disposed of in a passing sentence
and regarded rather as a curious accident than as an important
^ Kobertson's America, bk. iv. p. 133.
528 DEVELOPMENT OF THE INDIVIDUAL
truth. Yet from several X-)oints of view it possesses a high in-
terest. Better understood, it might have saved us many
national misfortunes, from the loss of Captain Cook down to
the Abyssinian war. It has also a direct bearing on the present
discussion.
The opinion is rapidly gaining ground among naturalists,
that the development of the individual is an epitome of that of
the species, a conclusion which, if fally borne out, will, evidently,
prove most instructive. Already many facts are on record
which render it, to say the least, highly probable. Birds of
the same genus, or of closely allied genera, which, when ma-
ture, differ much in colour, are often very similar when young-
The young of the Lion and the Puma are often striped, and
foetal whales have teeth. Leidy has shown that the milk-teeth
of the genus Equits resemble the permanent teeth of Anchi-
therium, while the milk-teeth of Anchitherium again approxi-
mate to the dental system of Merychipjous} Rtitimeyer,
while calling attention to this interesting observation, adds that
the milk teeth of Equus caballus in the same way, and still
more those of E. fossilis, resemble the permanent teeth of
Hi'pparion}
Agassiz, according to Darwin, regards it as a 4aw of nature,'
that the young states of each species and group resemble older
forms of the same group ; and Darwin himself says,^ that ' in
'two or more groups of animals, however much they may at
' first differ from each other in structure and habits, if they
' pass through closely similar embryonic stages, we may feel
' almost assured that they have descended from the same parent
' form and are therefore closely related.' So also Mr. Herbert
Spencer says,^ ' Each organism exhibits within a short space of
' time a series of changes which, when supposed to occupy a period
' indefinitely great, and to go on in various ways instead of one
' way, give us a tolerably clear conception of o-i-ganic evolution in
' general.'
It may be said that this argument involves the acceptance
' Proc. Acad. Nat. Soc. Philadel- ^ origin of Species, 4th edition,
phia, 1858, p. 26. p. 532.
2 Beitrage zur Kenntniss der fos- * Principles of Biology, vol. i.
silen Pferde. Basle, 1863. p. 349.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE SPECIES 529
of tlie Darwinian hypothesis ; this would, however, be a mis-
take ; the objection might indeed be tenable if men belono-ed
to different species, but it cannot fairly be urged by those who
regard all mankind as descended from common ancestors ; and,
in fact, it is strongly held by Agassiz, one of Mr. Darwin's
most uncompromising opponents. Regarded from this point
of view, the similarity existing between savages and children
assumes a singular importance and becomes almost conclusive
as regards the question now at issue.
The Duke ends his work with the expression of a belief
that man, 'even in his most civilised condition, is capable of
' degradation, that his knowledge may decay, and that his
'religion may be lost.' That this is true of individuals, I
do not of course deny ; that it holds good with the human
race, I cannot believe.^ Far more true, as it seems to me,
are the concluding passages of Lord Dunraven's opening ad-
dress to the Cambrian Archaeological Association, ' that if we
' look back through the entire period of the past history of
' man, as exhibited in the result of archaeological investigation,
' we can scarcely fail to perceive ' that the whole exhibits one
' grand scheme of progression, which, notwithstanding partial
' periods of decline, has for its end the ever-increasing civilisa-
' tion of man, and the gradual development of his higher facul-
' ties, and for its object the continual manifestation of the design,
' the power, the wisdom, and the goodness of Almighty God.'
I confess, therefore, that, after giving the arguments of the
Duke of Argyll my most attentive and candid consideration, I
see no reason to adopt his melancholy conclusion, but I remain
persuaded that the past history of man has, on the whole, been
ona of progress, and that, in looking forward to the future, we
are justified in doing so with confidence and with hope.
1 The Duke appears to consider subsequently clothed with leaves, but
that the first men, though deficient in as unable to resist the most trivial
knowledge of the mechanical arts, were temptation, and as entertaining very
morally and intellectually superior, or gross and anthropomorphic concep-
at least equal, to those of the present tions of the Deity. In fact, in all three
day; and it is remarkable that, sup- characteristics— in his mode of life,
porting such a view, he should regard in his moral condition, and in his in-
himself as a champion of orthodoxy. tellectual conceptions— Adam was a
Adam is, on the contrary, represented typical savage.
to us in Genesis not only as naked, and
M ^l
NOTES.
Page 72.
Position of Women in Australia.^
' FcEMiN^ sese per totam pene vitam prostituunt. Apiicl
'plurimas tribiis juyentutem utriusque sexus sine discrimine
' concnmbere in usus est. Si juvenis forte indigenorum coetum
' quendam in castris manentem adveniat, ubi quEevis sit pnella
'innnpta, mos est, nocte veniente et cubantibus omnibus,
' illam ex loco exsurgere et juvenem accidentem cum illo per
' noctem manere, unde in sedem propriam ante diem redit. Cui
' foemina sit, earn amicis libenter pra3bet : si in itinere sit, uxori
' in castris manenti aliquis supplet illi vires. Advenis ex
' longinquo accidentibus foeminas ad tempus dare liospitis esse
' boni judicatur. Yiduis et foeminis jam senescentibus ssepe in
' id traditis, quandoque etiam invitis et insciis cognatis, adole-
' scent es utuntur. Puellte tenerse a decimo primum anno, et
' pueri a decimo tertio vel quarto, inter se miscentur. Seniori-
' bus mos est, si forte gentium plurium castra appropinquant,
' viros noctu liinc inde transeuntes, uxoribus alienis uti et in
' sua castra ex utraque parte mane redire.
' Temporibus quinetiam certis, macbina qu£edam ex ligno
' ad formam ovi facta, sacra et mystica, nam foeminas aspicere
' baud licitum, decern plus minus uncias longa et circa quatuor
' lata, insculpta ac figuris diversis ornata, et ultimam perforata
' partem ad longam (plerumque e crinibus humanis text am)
' inserendam cbordam cui nomen " Moo yumkarr," extra castra
' in gyrum versata, stridore magno e percusso ^re facto, liber-
' tatem coeundi juventuti esse tum concessam omnibuis indicat-
' Parentes sfepe infantum, viri uxorum, quasstum corporum
' faciunt. In urbe Adelaide panis prgemio parvi aut paucorum
' Eyre's Discoveries, Sec, vol. ii. p. 320.
M M 2
532 NOTES
' denariorum meretrices fieri eas libenter cogunt. Facile potest
' intelligi, amorem inter nuptos vix posse esse grandem, quum
' omnia quae ad foeminas attinent, hominum arbitrio ordinentur
' et tanta sexuum societati laxitas, et adolescentes qnibus ita
'mult^ ardoris explendi dantur occasiones, baud magnopere
' uxores, nisi ut servos, desideraturos.'
Page 96. ■
Adojjtion.
' Adjiciendum et boc, quod post evectionem ad Deos, Juno,
' Jovis suasu, filium sibi Herculem adoptavit, et omne deinceps
' tempus materna ipsum benevolentia complexa fuerit. Illam
' adoptionem boc modo factam perbibent : Juno lectum in-
*' gressa, Herculem corpori suo admotum, ut verum imitaretur
' partum, subter vestes ad terram demisit. Quera in boc
' usque tempus adoptionis ritum barbari observant.' ^
Page 124.
The Character of Helen.
Tbe character and position of Helen bave not, I think, been
as yet correctly appreciated. Mr. Gladstone truly observes ^
tbat ' No one forming bis estimate of Helen from Homer only
' could fall into tbe gross error of looking upon ber as a type
' of depraved character ; ' but even he has, I think, hardly done
justice. He continues as follows : —
' Her fall once incurred, she finds herself bound by the
iron chain of circumstance, from which she can obtain no
extrication. But to the world, beneath whose standard of
morality she has sunk, she makes at least this reparation, that
the sharp condemnation of herself is ever in her mouth, and
that she does not seek to throw off the burden of her shame
on her more guilty partner. Nay, more than this, her self-
debasing and self-renouncing humility come nearer, perhaps,
than any other heathen example to the type of Christian
penitence.'
Other writers have felt the same difficulty. Maclaurin, for
1 Diodorus, iv. 39. 2 Jnventus Miandi, p. 507.
NOTES 533
instance, says : ^ ' What is most astonishing of all is, that they
' (the Trojans) did not restore her upon the death of Paris, but
' married her to his brother Deiphobus. Here Chrysostom
^ argues, and with great plausibility, that this is perfectly in-
' credible, upon the supposition that Paris had possessed himself
' of her by a crime.'
We must, however, judge Helen by the customs of the
time ; and it has been clearly shown that among the lower races
of man marriage by capture was a recognised custom. Hers
seems to me a case of this kind. It will be observed that she
is always spoken of as Paris' wife. Thus speaking of Paris she
says : —
Would that a better man had called me wife ; ^
and again : —
Godlike Paris claims me as his wife.^
Paris himself speaks of her as his wife : —
Yet hath my wife, e'en now, with soothing words
Urged me to join the battle.''
So also Hector, though he regarded Paris with great con-
tempt, and reproached him in strong language, addresses him as
married : —
Thou wretched FariSj though in form so fair,
Thou slave of woman, manhood's counterfeit !
"Would thou had'st ne'er been born, or died at least
Unwedded 1 ^
and speaks to Helen with kindness and affection ; as, for instance,
in the Sixth Book he says : —
Though kind thy wish, yet, Helen, ask me not
To sit or rest ; I cannot yield to thee,
For burns e'en now my soul to aid our friends.
Who feel my loss, and sorely need my arm.
But thou thy husband rouse, and let him speed,
That he may find me still within the walls. "^
The aged Priam^ even when grieving over the fatal war is
careful to assure Helen that he does not complain of her : —
Not thee I blame,
But to the Gods 1 owe this woful war.'
' Dissertation to prove that Troy '' L. c. XXIV. 892. ■* VI. 394.
was not taken by the Greeks. By ^ III- 43.
John Maclaurin, Esq. " VI. 419.
^ VI. 402. Lord Derby's Trans. ' L. c. III. 195.
534 NOTES
These were no exceptional cases. On the contrary, in her
touching lament over Hector's corpse, Helen says : —
Hector, of all my brethren dearest thou !
Trae, Godlike Paris claims me as his wife,
Who bore me hither — wovild I then had died !
But twenty years have passed since here I came.
And left my native land ; yet ne'er from thee
I heard one scornful, one degrading word ;
And when from others I have borne reproach,
Thy brothers, sisters, or thy brothers' wives.
Or mother (for thy sire was ever kind
E'en as a father), thou hast check'd them still
With tender feeling, and with gentle words.
For thee I weep, and for myself no less ;
For, through the breadth of Troy, none love me now,
None kindly look on me, but all abhor.
Weeping she spoke, and with her wept the crowd.
Even in that hour of sorrow, the people pitied, but did not
upbraid her. It is true that she reproaches herself; not, how-
ever, apparently for her marriage with Paris, but on account of the
misfortunes which she had been the means of bringing on Troy-
It is a curious indication of the feeling of the times that, as
Diogenes Laertius, in his life of Thales, tells us, the cup made
by Vulcan as a wedding present for Pelops, having been taken
by Paris ' when he carried off Helen, was thrown into the sea
near Cos by her, as she said that it would become a cause of
battle.'
I dwell on these considerations, because unless we realise the
fact that marriage by capture was a recognised form of matrimony,
involving, according to the ideas of the time, no disgrace, at any
rate to the woman, it seems to me that we cannot understand
the character of Helen, or properly appreciate the ' Iliad ' itself.
If Helen was a faithless wife, an abandoned and guilty wretch,
the terms in which she is described by Homer would be, to say
the least, misplaced : he would have condoned vice when clad in
the garb of beauty.
Yet his treatment of Venus shows how little likely he was so
to err, and we must, I think, on the whole, conclude that Helen,
having been carried off forcibly, was, according to the ideas of
the time, legally married to Paris, and was guilty of no crime.
NOTES 535
Page 132.
Expiation for Marriage.
St. Augustine says : —
' Sed quid hoc dicam, cum ibi sit et Priapus nimius
' masculus, super cuj us immanissimum et turpissimum fascinum
^ sedere nova nupta jubeatui', more lionestissimo et religiosissimo
' matronarum ? ' ^
In his description of Babylonian customs, Herodotus says : '^
'O Se 3?) aX(jyj,(TTO^ twv vojjlwv harl rolai ^a/3v\(i)VL0i(TL
oBs ' Ssl TTCLcrav