r?& 1S00 Glass ._/ 1638- i888- COMMEMORATIVE SERVICES AT THE Two Hundred and Fiftieth Anniversary OF THE GATHERING OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN DEDHAM, MASS. Observed November 18 and 19, 1888. DEDHAM: Published by the Joint Committee of the Two Churches, 1888. 4 ] rz7 UEACON PRESS \ THOMAS TODD, PRINTER, I SOMERSET ST., BOSTON. PRELIMINARY PROCEEDINGS. At the annual meeting of the First Parish, held March 19, 1 888, it was voted that the approaching two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the gathering of the church be suitably observed. A committee was appointed to make provision for such an observ- ance. The First Congregational Church at their annual meeting, held April 18, took similar action. Prompted by a desire to unite the two churches in commemorating an event of equal interest to both, the committee of the First Parish passed the following vote, July 2 : " That, in behalf of the First Parish in Dedham, we cordially invite the Allin Evangelical Society and the church connected therewith to unite with this parish in celebrating the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the gathering of the church from which both of the present churches originated." To this invitation the following reply was received : " At a meeting of the committee appointed by the First Con- gregational Church to arrange for the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the gathering of the First Church in Dedham, it was voted that we heartily accept the invitation of the First Parish to unite with them in celebrating our common origin." The two committees met for conference at an early day. After some deliberation as to plans and methods, it was decided to have an address in the First Parish meeting-house in the after- noon of the anniversary day, November 19, and that several representative speakers be invited to deliver addresses in the First Congregational meeting-house in the evening. It was also arranged that a social reunion should connect the two services. With heart}- unanimity Rev. George E. Ellis, D.D., was chosen to dt- liver the address. He subsequently accepted the invitation. Although Monday, November 19, was selected as the day for the joint celebration of the anniversary, each church early matured its plans for an observance of the event in its respective house of worship on Sunday, the 18th instant. It was the earnest desire of all that these services should be held at different hours of the day, that all might be permitted to attend them. A vote was passed to that effect. Services were accordingly held in the First Congregational meeting-house in the forenoon and in the First Parish meeting-house in the afternoon, the pastor of each church preaching an historical discourse in his own pulpit. At these services each house of worship was crowded with members of both parishes, former members of these churches, invited guests from abroad, and representatives of other churches in Dedham. A choir of forty voices, under the leadership of Mr. Arthur W. Thayer, sang at all the services. Mr. Charles J. Capen and Mr. William A. Morrell presided at the organ. A pleasant feature of the service on Monday evening was the "lining off" of the second hymn on the programme, conducted by Mr. Thayer and accompanied by stringed instruments. The floral decorations in each meeting-house were ample and elegant. The programme, as arranged by the joint committee, was carried out with very great success and to the apparent gratifica- tion of all who attended the exercises. In spite of the rain on Monday evening, a large audience gathered in the First Congre- gational meeting-house to listen to the eloquent words of the speakers. COMMITTEES GENERAL COMMITTEE. First Parish. Rev. Seth C. Beach, Chairman. ALFRED Hewins. Benjamin Weatherbee. Henry W. Richards. Nathaniel Smith. Winslow Warren. A. Ward Lamson. First Congregational Church. Rev. J. B. Seabury. Henry C. Bigelow. Calvin Guild. Don Gleason Hill, Secretary. Theo. L. Browne.* Elijah Howe, Jr. Edward P. Burgess. E. Scott Morse. George W. Humphrey. * Deceased. SPECIAL COMMITTEES. ON SPEAKERS. Rev. S. C. Beach. Elijah Howe, Jr. Rev. J. B. Seabury. E. P. Burgess. Alfred Hewins. Calvin Guild. Don Gleason Hill. ON INVITATIONS. For the First Parish. Rev. S. C. Beach. Alfred Hewins. A. Ward Lamson. For the First Congregational Chinch. Rev. J. B. Seabury. Elijah Howe, Jr. Don Gleason Hill. ON FINANCE. Winslow Warren. A. Ward Lamson. E. P. Burgess. ON COLLATION. Calvin Guild. C. W. Wolcott. H. C. Bigelow. E. S. Morse. M. G. Boyd. Committee of Ladies on Collation. 5am UK] I ' f, BlRNIB Smi i H. Mrs. Am • sa Guild. Mf .1 HARLES RUSSEU iRING. .1 Marsh. I II BURDAKIN. a. B. Whitman. W. C. Weatherbke. Harry Cole. Russei lCo Harris Fishi r. i mi: E. Louis Neal. A. B. Pa Edwin I. ISTBRBROOK. Edward < '. Paul, i. ii. burdett. Elmer I . M< >i sb. At a meeting of the joint committee, held November 27, it was voted to publish t he proceedings of the anniversary, together with the sermons of the pastors. Rev. Mr. Seabury, Alfred He wins, and Don Gleason Hill constituted the committee. [Form of Invitation.] 1638. Z$i first £§utc0 in ©ebfam. 1888. To Sir : The Two Hundred and Fiftieth Anniversary of the Gathering of the First Church in Dedham will be commemorated by the First Parish and the First Congregational Church, November iq, 1888. United services will be held in the First Parish meeting-house at 3 o'clock, and in the First Congregational meeting-house at 7 d 'clock, P. M. Addresses will be delivered by Rev. GEO. E. ELLIS, D.D., Rev. HENRY M. DEXTER, D.D., and others. Between these services there will be a social reunion. You are invited to be present. S. C. Beach, J. B. Seabury, Alfred Hewins, Elijah Howe, Jr., A. W. Lamson, Don Gleason Hill, For the First Parish. For the First Congregational Church. Dedham, Mass., Nov. 8, 1888. Please reply to Don Gleason Hill, Esq., Secretary of Joint Committee. SERMON BY THE REV. JOSEPH B. SEABURY, IN THE First Congregational Meeting- House, AT IO.30 A. M., November i8th, i II THE PATTERN IN THE MOUNT. "See that thou make them after their pattern, which hath been SHEWED THEE IN THE MOUNT." — Exod. XXV. 40. In hearty accord with the spirit of this command are the words of our first pastor, Rev. John Allin : — " To walke by his rule in building such an house to himselfe." They are to be found in the earliest records of the church; they are written in Mr. Allin's clear and precise handwriting, upon paper now yellow with age, whose edges are ragged and soiled. In that devout sentiment he represents his fellow Puritans ; — to do all things after the will of God. The pattern shown to them in their mount on English native soil was "a spiritual house" raised to the glory of God westward, "thousands of leagues by sea." To the undimmed sight of Moses, the tabernacle stood forth a graphic structure with very definite dimensions. On the bold summit of Sinai the great Architect gave to the builder his exact plan for the tabernacle. With a vision clarified and invigorated by faith, our fathers saw, beyond the waves of 3,000 miles, a structure, whose timbers were religious liberty, whose foundation was truth, whose corner-stone was Christ. Their mountain was a regnant conviction of divine law and authority. They knew no scepter but God's. No man, be he king or archbishop, could be conscience for them. This spirit was in their fathers. To trace it up to its fountain-head is to rest in the texture of the early Saxon mind. It was a stronghold of resistant energy. In him was born a love of liberty, coextensive with his sense of loyalty and justice. He was constitutionally inhospitable to Romish primacy. The Papacy leaned too heavily upon Saxon cre- dulity ; it imposed too serious a demand upon Saxon cooper- ation. It was too profuse in ceremony; too spectacular in vesture. As a dense fog in mid-ocean decoys the sound of 12 the whistle and dissuades it from its true direction, so the ceremonies of the Church of Rome bewildered the minds of the people ; they could not tell whence came the warning voice. The Pope met his match in the vigorous assertiveness of the English will. Catholicism was far more congenial to the people of the continent than of the isles. Hope rose when, in the middle of the 14th century, John Wyclif appeared, " the Morning Star of the Reformation." In him the first potent attack upon the Church of Rome was inaugurated. The public anathemas of Gregory VI could not silence this voice that God had called to speak. Nor did it affect the spread of the pure gospel of Christian liberty, that, thirteen years after death, his body was exhumed, burned, and the ashes cast into the Swift. Persecution, then so rife, was as puerile to stay the movement toward reformation as the breath of a child to blow out a fire once fairly kindled in the dry grass of the prairie. The accession of Henry VIII to the throne brought no relief. By his opposition to Luther he won the title of " Defender of the Faith " and became the head of the Church in England. The people were bold in their denunciation of priestly rites and vestments. They cried out for pure worship and a pure priesthood. Therefore they were called " Puritans." The crowning of Edward VI brought in an auspicious day of gladness. Altars were removed, images cast down, candles blown out; the preaching of God's Word was restored and the Bible put into every church. Then came a sanguinary reac- tion, in her whom Tennyson calls " the unhappiest of queens and wives and women" — Mary, whose name and reign are written in blood. Under the iron scepter of Elizabeth the Puritan movement gained in power ; it developed successive stages of progress. As one has recently said, the " Puritans protested against the Papal control and the men who would enforce it. Then against Papal doctrines, also. Then against Papal usages. Finally, against the Papal theory which made the church sub- ordinate to the state and obliged to submit to its behests. 13 Liberty, Reform, Purity, Religion, were their conjoined and successive words." r There is nothing so inexorable as logic. But set logic on fire with God-given convictions and you have a Puritan. He passed from under the persecution of Elizabeth to the "cunning, covetous, wasteful" reign of James I, as from hope depressed to hope in the gulf of despair. Appeal went up to the throne for purer worship, a purer liturgy, purer ecclesiastics ; out of the depths the people cried unto God to justify to them his will ; to avenge the exile or death of 300 fellow-ministers. The monarch avowed his purpose to make the Separatists conform, or " to harry them out of the land." Out of that passionate pledge New England sprang. The time had come to rise, if not in arms, at least in conscience, and denounce by a general movement the accumulated tyran- nies of the mother church. A certain class believed in " reformation without tarrying." They broke away from the church, became Separatists, the Pil- grims of Scrooby, of Leyden ; the fathers of Plymouth Rock; the men of 1620. They were akin to the " Privye Church in London," which described itself as " a poor congregation whom God hath separated from the churches of England, and from the mingled and false worshiping therein used." Others preferred to stay within the lines of the church ; their course should be a protest against its abuses and its profanities. They were the Independents of the Puritan party, our fathers of 1630 and 1638. Before the winter of 1630, 17 vessels had crossed the Atlantic bringing more than 1,000 persons. To the last "they esteemed it their honor to call the Church of England their dear mother, and could not part from their native country, where she especially resideth, without much sadness of heart and many tears." Although John Cotton had preached for twenty years in Boston, Eng., an avowed Puritan, had discarded vestments and liturgy, had denied the authority of the bishops, although there were forty-five Puritan ministers in London, not until they reached these shores did 1 Dr. Kenzie's address, 250th Anniversary of First Church in Cambridge, p. 34. 14 they adopt an independent form of church government and worship. It was the natural expression of the new, free life into which they had entered. I have rapidly traced the current of Puritan feeling and motive until it found its way to this land. These men had before them one end; — to build after God's pattern. They studied that pattern on the rugged Sinai of an unswerving conscience. Under that mighty Puritan uprising, three hundred years ago, our sires were born. They early caught its spirit, felt its sway, and finally moved with the current towards the west. Picture them as they first enter this wooded region ; Puritan pioneers, seeking for "contentment" without resentment; men who could easily coalesce under the impulse of great motives, reinforced by persecution. The early records say they were " come together by divine providence from severall parts of England ; few of them known to one another before. It was thought meete and agreed upon that all the inhabitants that affected church communion or pleased to come should meete every 5th day of the weeke, at severall houses, in order lovingly to discourse and consult together such questions as might further tend to establish a peaceable and comfortable civill society and prepare for spirituall communion in a church society." ' In these words witness the aim of our fathers ; — to rest the arch of their Christian state on the two imposts, the one civil, the other religions, liberty. Homogeneous in the temper of their thought, they easily entered into binding compacts. As Dr. Bacon says : " Our fathers formed a church by the simple method of a covenant; it was natural that they should use the same method in forming a state." In the case of our Dedham fathers the state preceded the church, but the spirit of the church was in the state; you cannot divorce religious worship from a sense of civil account- ability. No sooner had the people covenanted together to form a bond of self-government, than they sought for some 1 Dedham Church Records. 15 shelter under which they might gather for the praise of Al- mighty God. The town was incorporated September 8th, 1636; the "invisible and immortal" corporation are the words of an old legal definition. ' The church was not organized for ten years and two months. During this period the fathers gathered for worship under the large trees that covered the plain, especially, near the spot where the railroad bridge now stands, in the vicinity of Dwight's Brook, now concealed beneath the surface of the ground. In winter they assembled in the limited structures in which they lived, which then dotted the rural acres now covered by the large and more comfortable homes of our people. Those were days of cautious and yet cordial study of each other's characters, dis- positions, qualifications — "the trial of the gifts and spirits of men." As the winter of 1637-8 abated, two questions came before our fathers : " Shall we build a house of worship ? Shall we organize a church?" In February, 1638, a committee was chosen to frame a meeting-house, " to be in length 36 feet, and 20 feet in breadth, and between the upper and the nether sill in the sides to be 12 feet." It was built partly by joint labor of the inhabitants and partly by rate. That little building, with its rough pine timbers and its thatched roof, would stand within the portion of this house approached by the broad aisle, minus the two rear and the two front pews. The height of the walls would reach a few inches above the large moulding in the galleries. Mr. John Allin proposed to the pastor of Watertown that, " seeing divers of their members lived with us, and Mr. Carter, one of them, had exercised some good time there, and knew the people better than I, that therefore it would please their church to dismiss Mr. Carter, and such others of their members as they judged meete to prepare with us such as should be thought fitt for the laying of the foundation of a church society amongst us." 2 The 1 Worthington's 250th Anniversary Address, page 42. 2 Dedham Church Records, page 5. i6 Watertown brethren declined to be identified with a church that was not already " settled." The Dedham people there- fore proceeded to found a church among themselves. Then was instituted that system of church government and wor- ship through which shines the noble and devout character of our fathers. They began, interspersed, and ended, all their deliberations with prayer. By such means they gained access to the mind of Christ, and endeavored to build after the pattern shown to them in the mount. How simple are the steps ! John Allin presented the case to Ralph Wheelocke, praying the Lord to open to each other their spiritual con- dition and unite their hearts. They two chose a third, and they a fourth, until the required number of ten was reached. This was followed by " a day of solemn fasting and prayer, to humble and prepare our hearts to draw nigh to the Lord and seek direction from him." Another day was filled with the examination into the spiritual condition by the brethren in turn, "the manner of our conversion to God," and the manner of God's dealing with them, " with present apprehension of God's love or want thereof." In looking out suitable material for the foundation of the church, "we should respect the soundness of grace above all things." Under a pledge to be "faithful and impartial," each one "scanned the rest" and was scanned in turn, all submitting themselves "to the judgment of the whole company to be taken, or left, or ordered, by the rule of the gospell, or to the call and voice of God." ' As a result, six were taken, but four were left. Concerning one of them, there were some suspicions, " which the company could not at present clear up." Another, " by his rash car- riage and speeches, savored of self-confidence." A third was " too much addicted to the world,"of whom a subsequent record is made — "when we desired to know the mind of God about him, the Lord left him without any provocation thereto, unto such a distempered passionate flying out upon one of the 1 < liurch Records, page 6. 17 company, whom the Lord had used to follow home some things close upon him, . . . that we gave him wholly over." A fourth " was so dark and unsatisfying in respect of the work of grace," that he was set aside. One of these, Edward Allin, was subsequently restored. He, with John Hunting, who had that summer come from England, made up the number of eight. Then followed numerous meetings for discussing as to how they should proceed, what is the right constitution of the church, what the nature of the covenant. Delay seemed inevitable and yet perplexing. Rev. John Phillips, of Water- town, declined to accept an invitation to cooperate with the brethren here in building and shepherding a church. About the beginning of October, 1638, " we came to resolutions to cast ourselves upon the Lord, and venture, with such helpes as he should afford, rather than to delay so great a work any longer." Accordingly these eight persons — "John Allin, Ralph Wheelocke, Edward Allin, John Luson, Eleaser Lusher, John Frayry, John Hunting, and Robert Hindsdall — were sett apart by the Lord for this service." Each stated his belief upon " all the heads of Christian religion; " all testified how they found their hearts inclined by the Lord to the love of one another; "one beginning to speake of one point of religion; every one in order spoke their thoughts of the same, . . . wherein we found a sweete consent of judgment." There was an impression current that the "General Court had ordained that no churches should be gathered without the advice of other churches." Thinking this might be " prejudi- ciall to the liberty of God's people, and some seeds of usurpa- tion upon liberties of the gospell," they requested the Governor to inform them of the true intent of the law. He replied, that the law in no way intended to abridge the liberty of gathering into church fellowship ; but the scope was this, that "if any people of unsound judgment or erroneous ways should privately set up churches amongst them, the common- wealth would not so approve them as to communicate freedom, i8 . . . nor protect them in their government, if they saw their way was dangerous to the publike peace." The record adds, " which answer gave us satisfaction in that scruple." In simple congregational order, letters were sent out to the churches of Boston, Roxbury, and other places. The invi- tation is full of devout and fraternal fervor, opening with this sentence : " Reverend and dearely beloved in the Lord Jesus, we, whos names are subscribed, desyring (in the feare of the Lord and through the mercy of our God) to gather together into the holy fellowship of a church, that we may obtaine fur- ther communion with the Lord, and with the holy assemblies of his saints about us, . . . doe humbly desyre your presence, advice, and spirituall helpfulness therein, according to God." ' The letter expresses the hope that " neither the season of the yeare nor the rawnes of the new plantation shall frustrate our expectation of your desyred presence and counsell." They sign themselves, " With all due respects and tender love, we commend you to the Lord Jesus and rest." An unction of prayer was concentrated on the auspicious event. When all were assembled under their thatched roof, on that chill November day, Ralph Wheelocke began with solemn prayer and confession of sin. John Allin followed with prayer, " as the Lord should guide and assist." Then he spoke to the assembly from Rev. i : 20 : "And the seven candlesticks which thou sawest are the seven churches." Then follows another prayer ; all assent to the declaration of faith and testify to the working of the grace of God in their hearts. Mr. Allin, in his incisive discourse, describes the office of the church and the claims of the covenant: their wish to enter into "loving and brotherly communion " with all the churches. With a deep desire that the work may be accomplished according to the rule of the gospel, he tells the council they have been called together that, with their approval, " the Lord shall be pleased to sett up an house to himselfe in this place." They stood before the council, imploring it to faithfully and plainly declare 1 Church Records, page 10. 19 unto them whatever they saw, that might justly hinder their purpose in joining together in the covenant of the Lord, and to live in spiritual communion. "We should be willing to attend to the word and rule of the Lord Jesus, and accordingly order ourselves." Mr. Mather, teacher of the church in Dor- chester, said " that they had nothing to declare from the Lord that should move us to desist from our purpose, only they gave us some loving exhortation in respect of some passages professed by some of the brethren." The questions related to knowledge of the integrity of each one, and fellowship, but these matters had been " considered and propounded " and settled, before the council was called. Another prayer follows ; (these men were a " pattern of prayer" as truly as of "good works.") The eight men of faith and of God agreed to the covenant, which was publicly read. And again Mr. Allin prayed " that the Lord would accept our desyres and purposes in Christ, confirme us therein, and seale to our covenant and avouch us for his people." Then the elders extended the right hand of fellowship in true, loving acceptance of the new church into communion with them in the Lord. Mr. Allin dismissed the assembly with a blessing. Thus in the simplest possible manner this church was formed. By such methods, Christ's kingdom obtained in New England " a place prepared of God." As Mr. Robert C. Winthrop says : " No other system of church government than Congregationalism could have been successful in New England in that day; no other system could have done so much for religion ; no other system could have done so much for liberty, religious and civil." " The meeting-house, the school-house, and the training field," said John Adams, " are the scenes where New England men were formed." ' Was not the judgment of our fathers clear and strong in putting the meeting-house before the school-house ? Yes, for within it should be formulated the idea of freedom and independence and intelligence. 1 Address at Plymouth, 250th Anniversary of Landing of Pilgrims, page 105. 20 " For the cause of religious freedom, no other security could have compared with the independent system of church govern- ment. Independent churches prepared the way for inde- pendent states and an independent nation." There are few things in our history more sublime than these eight men, sitting on the hard benches in that little meeting-house across the way, and, with uplifted hands, accepting that devout covenant, which has from time to time been renewed, as in 1738, again in 1838, and finally, November 4th, 1888. By such acts of loyalty to the "Lord Jesus, who hath bought us with his blood," may this church hallow many a fiftieth year. Well might Mr. Winthrop say of this covenant as he has recently said of another, closely resembling it in spirit : " That old covenant is one under which any man might be willing to live and die." The church was now " sett up as a spiritual house to the Lord Jesus." Accessions to the church were made under the same rigid system of inquiry as held in the formation of the church. The manner of proceeding was this : After any one had expressed a desire to enter the fold, " he was desired to declare the workings of God in his heart, and what grounds he could declare of his right unto the ordinances, at least as far as by the breathings of his soul after Christ," the church might see clearly reasons for accepting him. Here follow some touching fragments of experience. The first to be admitted is Margaret Allin, wife of John Allin, "who gave a clear and plentiful testimony of the gracious dealings of the Lord with her;" then came Henry Phillips, "a tender and broken-hearted Christian ; " followed by the wife of Joseph Kingsbury, "a soul full of feares and temptations, but truly breathing after Christ." So passed the winter of 1638-9. Members were gradually added of the most conscientious and submissive material for church growth. However rigid they may have been in analyzing Christian character and motive, they found them signally responsive. One important matter remained to be settled. It was not 21 easy to decide what method should be adopted in settling a pastor. With prayerful fidelity to conscience, the members of the church began to consider the twofold question, " Shall we have a teacher and a pastor, or combine both offices in one ? " It was arranged that Mr. Allin should be absent while the church considered the question and his relation to it. He was subsequently called in and asked his opinion. He sincerely acknowledged their love, and yet thought himself unfit for any office ; and yet he was ready to attend upon the Lord and service of the church, in whatever sphere He might select. But if he should express his opinion, he thought his gift to lie more aptly in the work of a pastor, and so it was decided. Parallel with this was the inquiry, " Is it not requi- site that we have a ruling elder?" The question was frater- nally submitted to the advice of the brethren in Roxbury and Dorchester, "whether to venture upon the choice of a ruler, or stay till God furnished the church better." The brethren from these churches assured them there were men here, any of whom would do for the office. Accordingly, John Hunting was fixed upon. It required a good deal of argument to per- suade this man of " much modesty, and feare, and trembling, and many tears," that he was the man for so high a position. But they prevailed. The 24th of April, 1639, was chosen as the day of ordi- nation. The first hours were filled with discussions over the nature of ordination " as an act of church power." Had they the right to set apart any to church office in the name of Christ ? True to their unerring purpose to follow the pattern of the gospel, it is recorded that such was the custom in all similar cases among the apostles, " who were church members and exercised the power of the church therein," nor was any challenge ever offered to such a prerogative. The day was appointed ; the drum-beat sounded out its call to assemble. Pastors and delegates from other churches came together, and when all were gathered beneath the thatched roof, "our brother Hunting began with solemn prayer, wherein the Lord assisted." Then the pastor-elect exercised upon 1 Cor. 22 iii :g, treating in the forenoon upon the first part of the verse, and in the afternoon upon the latter part. He reminded his hearers of God's providence in directing attention to "our brother 1 [unting for the office of a ruler in this house of God." Then he addressed himself to the elder-elect, told him how the eye of the people had been directed towards him, and how fully and freely the church now in the name of Christ had called him. Then the elder-elect speaks, telling his experience of the leading of God's spirit, and how he gave himself up to His will in this matter. Mr. Allin then announced that those chosen for the purpose would set him apart to his work- These three persons, John Allin, Ralph Wheelocke, and Edward Allin, came into the seat where John Hunting sat, and put their hands upon his head. "With solemn prayer to God and the Lord Jesus, King of Saints," and a devout charge "to be faithful and diligent," Mr. Allin says : "In the name of the Lord Jesus, and by his power committed to his church, we doe ordaine thee, John Hunting, unto the office of a ruling elder in this church of Christ." The ordination of the pastor followed that of the elder. John Hunting, with the aid of the other two brethren, " in the name of Christ and his church," laid their hands on the head of John Allin, and ordained him to the office of pastor. All the proceedings " were carried by him with that gravity and comely order, without hesitation and with such effectual and apt prayers and exhortations to the church and pastor, as gave very sweete testimony to all the church." Then the elders present, and Mr. Whiting, pastor of the church in Lynn, gave the right hand of fellowship. The next Sabbath the pastor charged his people to look after the ordinances of the church, which Christ now gave them to enjoy, viz., the seals of the covenant. He exhorted the parents to bring forward their children for baptism. On the next Lord's day both sacraments were impressively administered. The sacrament of the Lord's Supper, in which the pastor followed exactly the pattern given by Christ to his disciples, "was very sweete unto all, especially to one sister who had long been full of doubting, but who was much confirmed." 23 Thus apostolic history repeats itself. The Puritans' search for " the rule of the Lord Jesus " took them back to the days when John and Peter and Paul planted churches and con- firmed them. Like their simple dress and manners, like the unadorned structures in which the fathers dwelt or wor- shiped, was the simple framework of their spiritual house. The more thoroughly we analyze their motives in coming to this country, the more rational and inevitable does this method of ordination appear. It sprang into being out of the condi- tions into which they came, with abhorrence of ceremony and vestment on the one hand, and on the other, a heavenward out- reach toward liberty to worship God without fear or restraint. Let us not say the church planted here was an extempor- aneous impulse or a temporary shelter for their faith ; it was the consummate expression of centuries of conviction, the ripe fruit of prayer. The Puritan ecclesiastic order gives to its supporters the right of equal and cooperative control in church affairs : it honors private judgment, it serves individual conscience, it awaits new light to break from God's Word, and is not alarmed at new statements of old beliefs. The simple manner of gathering the first church in Dedham is a potent argument for the prerogative of Christian liberty. Nothing else could have taken its place, no other form could have meant so much for them and for us. Our fathers were men of one book. They were loyal to the spirit of Scripture more than to its letter. They extracted the kernel of the gospel from the book, but did not glorify the shell. " Shielded and helmed and weaponed " with the Script- ures, they were always full armored. There was no retreat from Wyclif to Allin. Their Bible was an open Bible, a Bible upon which fell tears of devotion and importunity. They came with no limited charter of human rights, but an eternal charter of divine rights. When they built their church, they did not seal up the Scriptures in a metallic box and put them under the corner-stone for remote generations to recover, but built them into every part of the structure. Let no one call their fealty to the Bible blind, or narrow, or servile ; it was intense, but it was intelligent; it was resolute, but it was liberal. Glance at the words which introduce the earliest records of this church : " A brief history of the church of Christ" is there projected "to make use of in any case that may occur wherein light may be fettched from any examples of things past, no way intending hereby to bind the conscience of any to walke by this patterne or to approve of the practice of the church further than it may appear to be according to the rule of the gospell." ' Mighty as our fathers were in their convictions, they gave to others the same right of private interpretation which they claimed for themselves. The Bible used in their services was undoubtedly the Genevan version. Their antipathy to the personal character and oppressive spirit of King James forbade them to use " the authorized version." Their sympathy with the exiles in Geneva for conscience' sake and the hold the Genevan version had on the public heart made it dear to them. The Bible was expounded from Sabbath to Sabbath, but it was not publicly read in any meeting-house in New England prior to 1699. In that year the Brattle Street Church intro- duced into its service the simple reading of the Bible. The church in South Reading, formed in 1645, received, 130 years later, the gift of a Bible, for which the parish passed a vote of thanks, with a resolution to have it read upon the Sabbath for the future. From the ecclesiastical statistics in New England I make a condensed statement of the reasons for not publicly reading the Word of God: (1) It was not a necessary part of divine worship. (2) The Holy Scriptures were hard to be understood and should therefore be interpreted when read. (3) It was not the Word read, but the Word preached, to which the boon of conversion and salvation of man belonged, and by which souls were ordinarily won to Christ ; "such a result from the reading would be considered extraordinary and miraculous." 'Church Records, pa, 25 The Bible began to be regularly read from the sacred desk in this place in 1785. Mrs. Catherina Barnard presented a copy to the church at that time on condition that it be publicly read. 1 It was studied at home and expounded with singular faithfulness and pungency on Sunday. A quaint writer contemporaneous with the founders of the church speaks of them in these words : " They gather into a church at their first settling, for indeed, as this was their chief errand, so was it the first thing they ordinarily minded to pitch their tabernacle near the Lord's tent. To this end they called to the office of pastor the reverend, humble, and heavenly-minded Mr. John Allin, a man of very courteous behavior, full of sweet Christian love towards all, and with much meekness of spirit, contending earnestly for the faith and peace of Christ's churches." 2 It is a singular coincidence that, as we have been approach- ing our fifth jubilee anniversary, new light has fallen on the career of John Allin. No less than three persons of that name, each presenting claims to have been our first pastor, are known to have lived in England during the period we cel- ebrate. I will not detain you to show which he is not, but briefly state which he is. A gentleman expert in antiquarian researches recently discovered a signature in the archives of Caius College, Cambridge, England. It was the signature of a youth of sixteen years upon receiving his matriculation papers as a student of the college. This signature resembles in every essential condition of agreement that found repeatedly in the earliest records of our church and under all other docu- ments, an enlarged copy of which you have before you. Twenty and thirty years of time separate them, but each bears the marked individuality of an unique character. The stranger at Cambridge today will find the old buildings of 16 1 2 replaced by new and more imposing edifices. Founded by a physician, Caius College was early called the medical 1 Dr. Lamson's Historical Discourses, page 63. 2 Wonder-working Providence and Sion's Saviour, page 125. 26 college. The founder's tomb is the stately ornament of the modern chapel, in whose painted window is a series delineating the miracles of healing. But the shock of time has not crumbled three landmarks of the distinguished college — three gates called the gate of Humility, the gate of Virtue, and the gate of Honor. The noble career of Allin in this town shows to us that he was accustomed to pass under those gates with- out shame or dismay. The full signature of John Allin includes the place of his res- idence, Colby, close to Norwich, in Norfolk. The antiquarian expert reproduces for us the identity of that family circle : the father, Reginald, and the mother, Margerie, the fifteen children, and John the eighth. His baptism is recorded May 22, 1597. His father was a well-to-do farmer, who provided amply for the education of his son John, the only one of the family who went to the university. In the father's will he directs that his son " John shall receive eight score pounds, to be paid as follows : within one month after he shall attain the age of twenty-two, four score pounds, and within one year next fol- lowing, the other four." He was married in Wrentham, Eng- land, Oct. 22, 1622, to Margaret Morse. His son bearing the same name was baptized there Oct. 24, 1623. He came to this country in 1637, and soon settled in "Contentment." It seems most probable that he did not receive orders in England before coming here, but was a public lecturer upon religious subjects, a position which Queen Elizabeth subsequently abol- ished. This was a Puritan office, designed to furnish preach- ers where there was no proper ministry. The appointment lasted three years. Had he been ordained to the ministry before coming to this country, would he not have been ac- cepted by his brethren here without ordination ? His service to this church was that of "a cheerful, grave, and gracious soldier of Christ," a man of thorough mental discipline, of an aggressive spirit, of a reverential and prayerful temper, of love for his fellow men as warm and sympathetic as it was discriminating and judicious. " Allin, tliou art by Christ's free spirit led To warre for him in wilderness awhile." 27 For thirty-two years he labored here with unsparing assid- uity. He was chosen to preach the opening sermon before the Synod which met at Cambridge, Sept. 15, 1648, was an overseer of Harvard College, and was appointed with Cotton and others to consider certain questions propounded by the Gen- eral Court. One of his best productions was a paper written jointly with Rev. Thomas Shepard, of Cambridge, " a defense of the answer made unto the Nine Questions, etc." His pen was strong, assertive, lucid, but not abundant. A beautiful tribute to his memory is the address to the " courteous reader," which precedes the two published ser- mons of Mr. Allin, the last two he preached to his people before his death. Listen to the words of those that loved him : " He was a man that needs not our testimony for his commendation ; his work shall praise him in the gate ; a man so well approved in the churches of Christ that he was known to be a faithful laborer in the house of the Lord, a wise builder in his house. He was a burning and a shining light, and we that were of his flock a long season rejoiced in his light, even from the first gathering of the church of Christ in Dedham." Those earnest discourses are the surest index to Mr. Allin's religious belief. How they glow with adoration of Jesus Christ ! Saturated with Scripture, they unfold the deep things of revelation. They exalt the cross; they worship Christ. The preacher exclaims : " The Lord Jesus Christ, the God of Glory, the Redeemer and Saviour of his people," and a little farther on we hear him saying, " Oh, what a blessed seal is that wherein the Lord offers a crucified Christ to us ! " Well do his people say that these words are fitted by Provi- dence to be his farewell. Our fathers were men that stood on the mount and com- muned with God. He unfolded to them his divine pattern of a church in a land to be subdued, in an inhospitable climate* whose reputation had reached the home country. Under the sense of God's authority they toiled, they planted, they prayed. 28 By such fidelity they handed over to their children the work which they simply began, bidding them carry it on after God's pattern. Oh ! sons and daughters of the Puritans, de- voutly cherish the memory of the fathers. Pass with them under the gate of Humility and of Virtu:, and finally we shall come to the gate of Honor. Revere the Book that made them great ; remember the Sabbath they kept holy ; worship in church and family the Lord Whom they worshiped. On the banks of the Rhine stands one of the seven won- ders of the modern world, the magnificent cathedral com- pleted during this decade. It is the final expression of Von Rile's original design. One pattern has been brought to per- fection after the lapse of 600 years. My friends, the pattern for God's church here is still in your hands. We have reached only the 250th year of its building. See that you build after the pattern of God. Go up to the mount very often and get the pattern renewed to your vision, the mount of conviction and prayer. Work by that pattern and never change it. But the great Cathedral of Cologne is built in the form of a cross. That was the architect's plan. The pattern which our fathers received from the hands of God was a church built after the similitude of the cross. If you forget this feature of the structure you do violence to the purpose of God. Keep the cross of Christ before you. In one of the towers of the same cathedral is a bell made by the melting together of French cannon. But the echoes of the battle-field are all gone ; only the harmony of praise to God and the call to worship remain. After the drum-beat came the church bell, out of which God took all the murmur of strife and intolerance and persecution ; subjecting our fathers to the heat of the furnace that the transformation might be complete; then, sending forth the tones of melody and praise, brought the people together in reverent worship. May God enlarge and complete the temple in the peace and prosperity of his people ! SERMON REV. SETH C. BEACH, IN THE First Parish Meeting-House, AT 3 P. M., November i8th, 1888. 31 "These all having obtained a good report through faith, received not the promise, god having provided some better thing for us, THAT THEY WITHOUT US SHOULD NOT BE MADE PERFECT." — Hebrews xi .' 39, 40- The writer of this suggestive passage had drawn up a kind of a bead-roll of heroes, prophets, and saints, whose deeds had made almost every age of Hebrew history illustrious, and of whom he says " the world was not worthy." But great as they may have been in their achievements, to him they were doubly great in what those achievements had made possible. They "received not the promise;" there was more foreshad- owed to them than they attained, " God having provided some better thing for us " — to achieve that of which they failed, " that they without us might not be made perfect." As the writer looked back through the generations he seems to have seen a procession of great but unfinished careers, of lives full of promise too soon cut off. They were planned for greater things. The attainment of those things would fill up the measure of their stature and their destiny. It would finish their careers ; it would fulfill the broken promise of their lives ; it would, so to speak, complete them — in the writer's phrase, make them " perfect." This further attainment, which should at last give fullness and wholeness to their existence, was reserved for those that came after them. Expressed in ancient modes of thought and speech, if I mistake not, we have here the recognition of a fact which has become very prominent in our time. That fact is the continuity of the stream of thought and life through the ages. The generations are not independent of each other ; they are not merely joined to each other like links in a chain, each complete in itself ; rather they rise one on and above another like the successive stories of some great edifice ; they follow one another in succession like stages of vegetable growth — bud, blossom, and fruit ; they flow one out of another, into 32 another, like the periods of human life — infancy, youth, man- hood and age. So organic and vital is the relation that binds together the ages, that the human race has been aptly likened to a " colossal man whose life reaches from the creation to the day of judgment. The successive generations of men are days in this man's life." ' The earlier ages were his infancy ; our time is the heart of his youth ; his manhood is yet to come ; and far hence and fruitful, let us hope, will be his old age. So ordered and conditioned, human history becomes just like an individual human life — a growth and unfolding to which in our time the name " evolution " has been given. In this divine, world process each generation is a con- tinuation of the one before and a preparation for the next to come. Each succeeds to a work begun and leaves behind it an unfinished task. Each achieves a result given in its con- ditions, conditions of which its own fidelity is one, and it creates conditions which make other and further results pos- sible. Of each generation, in the language and meaning of the ancient phrase, one may say, it receives not the promise — some other thing, we love to believe "some better thing," larger result, finer attainment, being provided through its achievements for its successors. It leaves its plow in the furrow for other hands. It is for them to enter into its labors, work out its tendencies, make good its shortcomings, and finish its career. It is for them to fill up its outlines, round out its thought, and it may be, re-temper its spirit. Without these completions it cannot " be made perfect." In turning back the pages of history and opening the records of another and older generation it is due them to remember that we are reading the opening chapters of a story there only partly told. It is set down that at a given time and place such and such steps were taken, but it is not said whither they led. We see how, when, where, and by whom something <>f moment was set on foot, but it is not there that we can discover what was done. The sequel is 1 Frederick Temple, D.D. "The Education of the World." Recent Inquiries in Theology \ I ind Review-.";. Boston, i86i, page 3. 33 part of their deed. It fell not in their time, but it belongs to their history. It is in fact the real substance of their history, the part chiefly to be considered in estimating their work and worth, discovering what they did and were, determining their weight and place. The rest is mere accident. Their condi- tions and circumstances, manners and customs, adventures and experiences, doings and sayings, the outward details of their existence, however important they may have seemed at the moment, were no more than the superficial and tran- sient accompaniment of their deed and life. These things go out with a generation. •• The letter fails, the systems fall, And every symbol wanes ; The spirit overbrooding all, Eternal Love remains." A certain divine substance, if it be a generation that has a divine substance, remains. Is not the life more than meat and the body than raiment ? Is not the substance which lives and moves in and through a generation more than its historic forms ? That sacred deposit, not its historic forms but its essential reality, it leaves in trust to other hands. By this deposit left in trust, found rather in the chronicles of another age than in its own, a generation is rightly to be judged, not always by what has been made of it, but by what might have been made of it. Not to show the generation you inherit at its best, not to make of it more than in its day it was able to make of itself, not to work out into fact what had been working perhaps unconsciously within it as an idea, is to be unfaithful to a trust. Its troubled ghosts might justly rise in condemnation of a stewardship which, leaving their beginnings without ade- quate result, had defrauded them of their own, had left their mark to fade which should have deepened with the flight of time, and had made them stand for less and less when they should have stood for more and more. We set apart this day to renew the memory, to us a sacred possession, of those who two centuries and a half ago dedi- 34 cated an altar on this spot and gathered around it this ancient church. It is a searching moment, not for them but for us. How have we discharged our stewardship of the things left by them to us in trust? It is easy for us, stroking ourselves with our nineteenth century conceit, to say, " Well done, good and faithful servant ; " but what would they say, those sturdy Puritan ancestors, if, in the fleshly tenements which they laid away with such confident expectation, they were to return to look for their ancient landmarks, stakes solemnly driven by them into the frame of things to tether the course of events ? How much of all that for which they forsook father and mother, houses and lands, to plant in this wilderness, would they find here, would they find anywhere, if they were to return today? Their manners, customs, modes of life, poli- tics, religion — these things exist today in tradition like their knee-breeches and powdered wigs. " Neither the civil nor the religious polity of the Puritans succeeded," says a high author- ity.' Neither in church nor in state did they leave behind them what they came to build. One of the things which they left behind them was this church — this and others not greatly better nor worse. What they came here to found was a church of the saints, such saints as might challenge the world to point out a defect in faith or practice. The ideal of the apostle, " a glorious church, not having spot or wrinkle or any such thing," which, after sanctifying and cleansing " with the washing of water by the word," Christ should " present unto himself," the Puritan thought he could and must present his Master at the begin- ning. It was a picked company of men and women who first planted the standard of civilization upon this coast. " They were precisely the idealists of England," says Emerson ; " the most religious in a religious era." Gov. Stoughton said that " God sifted a whole nation that he might send choice seed into this wilderness." How our church doors would open at 1 President C. W. Eliot, I.I.. I » First Church, Cambridge. 250th Anniversary, page 117. 35 their knock today ! What Christian fold so walled up, what ecclesiastical fellowship so select, that such applicants if they came would be barred out ? That innocence which a court of justice presumes of every man until proved guilty, our churches would surely presume of such applicants as they and ask no further passport to fellowship. There were no such easily-opened doors in the churches which the Puritans sought to build. The seed for which God had sifted a whole nation had to be sifted again before it was fit for that garden of the Lord, a Puritan church. Some idea of what the Puri- tan required of a fellow mortal may be inferred when the Rev. Thomas Shepherd, of Cambridge, tells us of his flock of churchmen across the sea, that he could find but one person of " any godliness " in the whole parish. We see how impos- sible it would have been in such an unsifted community to have had a church in the Puritan sense of the word. Out of such intractable material only a Catholic or an Anglican church, to which any baptized humanity is eligible, was possi- ble in that age. To show how difficult it was, even in a sifted community, to gather a church that answered to the Puritan idea, consti- tutes the unique interest and value of the records of this church. Nowhere else, perhaps, has the story of the found- ing of a Puritan church been told with so much minuteness of detail. That enterprise, the founding of a church, it must be remembered, was the great business of a Puritan's life. Not to have seen him in what he considered his predestinated part would be to miss his most characteristic traits ; would be like drawing his image without the features of the man he was. It is the just pride of one, perhaps of more than one, Chris- tian body of this generation that it builds and dedicates on an average one church each day. The achievement is sup- posed almost to mark an epoch. It is safe to say that the Puritan would have taken neither pride nor comfort in such phenomenal results. If his leaden eyes were to open on this scene today, nothing in our modern life would astonish him 36 more than the ease and celerity with which an evangelist or missionary enters a town upon the frontier, calls together the populace, and organizes a church ; and his astonishment would not be lessened when he saw out of what material and with how little question the feat was consummated. Hundreds of churches in the modern sense will be organized this coming year, but not one of them can leave behind it such a story of its beginnings as, by virtue of its Puritan origin, this ancient church has to tell. It was agreed, say the records, that " all the inhabitants that affected church membership or pleased to come " should meet at each other's houses, " lovingly to discourse and con- sult together" upon matters relating to the "civil society" and looking toward a " church society." This was in 1637, and was apparently the first visible step toward the formation of a church. It may not have been a late step, but it can hardly be called early considering that the settlement was begun in 1635, that a record of births had been kept for two years, that the plantation already numbered "about thirty families," and that to build a church was the chief business for which those thirty families had come to this wilderness. But the building of a church was a matter concerning which the Puritan took both time and pains. Weekly meetings — on Thursday, doubtless, because Sun- day was too sacred — were held till the ninth month of the succeeding year before that stage of preparation had been reached when a church could be organized. One likes to stop a moment where they stopped so long, and see them meeting week by week, perhaps for a year, perhaps more, carefully feeling of each other's souls, or, as the records put it, becoming " further acquainted w"' ye (spiritual) tempers and guifts of one another." Every one, say the records, was permitted freely to put his questions or objections, " so it were humbly & w th a teachable hart, not w"' any mind of cavilling or contradicting, w'h order was so well observed as generally all such reasonings were very peaceable, loving & tender, much to edification." That is a picture to dwell upon when, re- 37 membering that these men and women were exiles, strangers to each other, and in a wilderness, you consider how serious life was to them and for what cause. Among the questions discussed, one was that, in the lan- guage of the records, " concerning the matter," the composi- tion of a church. It was agreed that " the p'per matter of such a church is visible believers or sts, for as faith itselfe unites to Christ & makes a member of ye invisible church, so such a p'fession of faith (& holynes ye frute of it) as makes it visible makes a man a fitt matter for a visible church." " Visible believers or saints ! " It is made clear that " visible believers " are believers who show their faith by their works, to what degree their further description, " saints," leaves in no doubt. As the Puritan meant by "saints" certainly not less than the word means with us, this was requiring a good deal of the " proper matter" of a church. Such matter has never been common in any generation, and we see why the gathering of a church answering to this demand was not to be effected in haste. "Butt ye number & w't p'sons should 1* join e," it was reasonably held not to be " much materiall so y ei be such as are living stones ; & such as may haue some measure of faithfull care and disserving to keepy e church pure & allso be of y* inocency of life as may invite other s ts more willingly to joine to y m ." In words this is not very different from what we should say today : " Such as may have some measure of faithful care and deserving ; " but if you or I had thought " some measure of faithful care and deserving" opened a door wide enough for us, with our shortcomings of faith and prac- tice, we should surely have been speedily undeceived. " It was co'cluded," say the records, that only those ought to be received who " make ther faith & holynes visible — not only by a civille restrained life and some religious duties p'formed, but such as by a p'fession of an inward worke of faith & grace, declared by an holy life sutable thereto, may p'suade y e church to imbrace them w th such brotherly love as ought to be amongst s t3 in so neere a covenant." A few of us, even by 38 a board of Puritan ciders, might possibly be certified for "a civille & restrained life and some religious duties done," but this, with which in practice a modern church is generally dis- posed to be content, did not open the doors of a Puritan church. It would have been convenient for such as we if those brethren who had met week after week for so many months, " lovingly to discourse and consult," could have voted them- selv ots" or taken each other for better or worse, and admitting themselves to fellowship whoever else they might choose to keep out, had organized a church. " We the undersigned" is the modern formula. It is true "we the undersigned " are not always saints, but how even under a Pur- itan dispensation was the original membership of a church to be tested and certified ? It happened that among the settlers in Dedham there were some members of the church in Watertown. If these were dismissed from the Watertown church they might form for a church in Dedham a nucleus of approved material; but a Puritan church looked after its members. If it was difficult to enter, it was not easier to withdraw. The Watertown church refused to dismiss the Dedham residents. The mis- sionary age had not yet come. u This way, and help being denied," say the records, "y e society looked at J. Allin . . . to sett upon y e worke w th such as might be thought meete." John Allin seems to have been by general consent declared " a fitt matter for a visible church," and with him the corner- stone of the church in Dedham may be said to have been laid. John Allin proposed to invite Ralph Wheelocke to his fellowship, and these two were to have invited a third, and the three a fourth, and so one by one the sheep, selected from the goats, were to have been gathered into the fold. " But upon trial made that way," say the records, "we found it a very slow way." They had been feeling of each other's souls for months, and apparently there was but one saint of whom they all felt sure, but one other of whom he felt quite sure, and no third of whom the two felt sure. What they did in this emergency was, in the manner indicated, to select 39 ten men who seemed to come nearest the proper "matter" for a church, preliminary to an examination which left no questions to be asked. " Then setting apart a day of sol- lemne fasting & prayer among ourselues to humble & p'pare our harts to draw so nigh y e lord, ... we tooke an other day after it to open ev'ry one his spirituall condicion to y e rest, relating y e manner of our conversion to god & y e lords, fol- lowing p'ceedings in our soules w th p'sent apprehensions of gods loue or want thereof." This done, it was " concluded that ev'ry one should goe forth & leaue themselues & ther case to the scanning of y e rest, who did mutually p'mise to be faithfull & impartiall in giving ther judgm 1 on ev'ry one's case as thay concieued, & so informe y e company of any sin or offences that any knew to be in any such p'son so to be tried." "To be tried," we should say, was just the phrase to de- scribe such an ordeal. Six of the ten came through these flames with no smell of fire. Their names deserve to be remembered : John Allin, Ralph Wheelocke, John Luson, John Frayry, Eleazar Lusher, and Robert Hinsdall. For four unhappily the scorching heat of this furnace was too hot. Edward Alleyn, "leader of the pioneers" 1 though he was, "was desired to wait;" of Anthony Fisher "it was thought meete to seek y e humbling & tryall of his spiritt ; " Joseph Kingsbury, though the " company was very zealous of him," was " too much addicted to the world." " Partly to try his spiritt how it would submitt to an ordinance thay left a gentle exhortation w th him." The victim seems to have suspected them of experimenting with " his spirit how it would submit to an ordinance," and it affected him apparently in a manner to surprise the brethren. He " remained stiff & unhumbled & not clering hims'." When "one of y e company whom y e lord had used of to follow home things close upon him " had come to discharge that delicate duty, the amount of nat- ural man in this Kingsbury heart became evident. In the 1 Erastus Worthington. Historical Address. Town of Dedham. 250th Anniversary, page 62. 40 language of the records. " v" lord left him, w*hout any p' vo- cation thereto, unto such a distempered passionate flying out upon " him that they " gave him wholy ov'r." As for Thomas Morse, " though his life was innocent in respect of men," he was found to be "so dark & unsatisfying in respect of y' worke of grace " that " thay had no grounds to imbrace him into this society except thay should see further, & so declared unto him." So far as appears from the records the four candidates left out of this very limited fellowship were every whit as worthy as the six that went in. In our time, even in the practice of the straitest sects, ten such candidates, representing as they evidently did different religious types, would be allowed to represent different religious types, and would all receive the same cordial welcome to fellowship. There is more than matter for amusement in this history ; there is light upon one of the perplexing problems of present experience. In all churches touched by the Puritan tradition, what minister has not had his invitation to" join the church " met again and again by the pathetic answer, " I am not good enough" ? Whence came this idea that the church is some- thing altogether too pure and holy to be approached by mere ordinary humanity still subject to mortal conditions ? Those born to Catholic traditions, to Church of England traditions, to Episcopalian traditions, enter the church with a lightness of heart that betokens no such feeling that, as it were, they are crossing the threshold of the other world. This sense of something altogether supernatural, the feeling that the church is different not only in object but in nature from anything else on this earth, is a Puritan inheritance. To one who will read these records its origin can no longer be a mystery. The process of beating the grain from the straw, and sifting the wheat from the chaff, was of a nature not only to teach a generation what chosen seed, what perfect kernels of faith and piety, were required, but to so grind it into the con- sciousness that a feeling of it would cling like an instinct to their descendants for two hundred and fifty years. 4i It may be doubted if any other idea peculiar to the Puritan survives him with such persistent vitality. Not certainly the idea of a union of church and state. That survives him but scarcely among his posterity ; and besides, his idea was hardly union of church and state. With him the church was the state. It furnished the material for the state; it held the reins of government ; its members held the offices ; its mem- bers cast the votes ; the state was, as we may say, a kind of committee of the church. We have a very different order of things today. The state is no longer in the leading-strings of the church. This idea of the Puritan has utterly gone by. His creed then — his peculiar theology? This generation hardly knows what it was. That too has gone by. But his idea of the church as something quite apart from the world, on the earth but not of it, the inner circle of the elect, remains. It is in the air we breathe: it surrounds us like an atmos- phere. Not that in this generation any one believes that such a body of the perfected, in the Puritan's phrase, of " visible saints," exists upon earth, much less that half a dozen such differing in name, faith, and spirit, exist in every village ; but it is the current supposition that this is what the church claims to be, and indeed ought to be if it is to be at all. In the day of the Puritan the church stood apart from the world ; in our day the world has shown a disposition to stand away from the church. The invitations of the church are liable to be met by two strangely contradictory objections often from the same lips : the objection that one is not good enough for the church, and the objection that the church is not good enough for him — is, in short, not what it pretends to be ; is a whited sepulchre. Either objection would be fatal to the church in this generation, and both objections get all their point from the assumption that the church is a recep- tacle set apart for the saints. Conceive it as a nursery of the spirit, a school of disciples, much more as a hospital for the cure of souls, and the objection that one is not good enough is pointless, and the objection that the church is false, is a whited sepulchre, would not often be urged. There has been but one way in which to meet and turn these objections, but one way to make our bark seaworthy in this generation, and that has been to conceive, define, and interpret the church anew, nmre in accordance with the precept of him who said, " The whole need not a physician, but they that are sick." This " better thing," thanks to the fathers who made it pos- sible, God has provided for us — a church more touched with a sense of human infirmity and more closely related to the earthly possibilities of human life. I can conceive that in his own day the iron purpose of the Puritan to realize an impossible ideal, and to present to the Master an immaculate bride, a church without spot, may have had its use. He was to make the church again a name to stand for righteousness. It had stood for almost anything but righteousness. It had forsaken its first love and purpose, had become a superstition and a ceremony, and was a scandal to the Christian name. The Puritan was to lift the church out of this mire. He did it with a thoroughness which left no shade of doubt. Me did it by putting trembling hearts upon a spiritual rack and keeping them there till life and death seemed about equally a terror, in order to test the complete- ness or incompleteness of the work of grace. It was a ter- rible ordeal, but it taught that the church meant righteousness, and the lesson was worth the price. Moreover, the Puritan was not merely creating a church ; he was shaping a civilization. We see, as it was not possible to have foreseen, what momentous issues waited upon his steps. It was for him to give such an energy to the tide of civilization that it should carry us, as it has, through the absorption of alien civilizations and barbarisms from every corner of the globe ; that it should carry us through, if we are carried through, the assimilation of solid masses of Afri- can ignorance, whole tribes of Indian savagery, and ship-loads ot Mongolian vice. A stream that is to wash through and fer- tilize such wastes must come from a height. The Puritan met this need, and he met it through his church. He made, 43 he certainly aimed to make, his church an aristocracy of life and character, and he turned it to account by putting into its hands the public care of the community. It had its hand upon every head. You might hate it, but you could not escape its touch. Like the Omniscient Eye it beset you behind and before. It made itself responsible for the law- makers — they were church members ; it made itself respon- sible for the magistrates — they were church members ; it made itself responsible for the voters — they too were church members. That meant picked men, men picked by what process we have seen, in the seats of influence and authority. The Puritan was no democrat ; he was the most unbending aristocrat. America for Americans — meaning not the abor- igines, but himself — was his political creed. Homes for all, votes for all, and an office for all, would never have been his cry. Not everybody, man or woman, but only the best and not too many of these, had a right to govern. Are there not times when we would gladly return to that doctrine if we could ? Alas ! we might as well undertake to drive back the sea. Whatever may be our faith, universal suffrage appears to be our destiny ; but the Puritan with his church stayed that tide for more than a hundred years, while he poured through the channels of public life a stream of great and noble traditions drawn from the highest levels of his age. If universal suf- frage is safe with us it would be safe today in no other country on the globe ; if it is safe with us it is because with us it is universal suffrage tempered by Puritan traditions. Perhaps even in this perilous ordering of our destinies God has provided " some better thing for us " than our fathers dared permit themselves to enjoy. Plainly such has been the rule of a wise and kindly Providence. To what depart- ment of our lives can we point in which, through the inherit- ance of the fathers, some better thing has not been provided for their children ? Ours is a wider knowledge, a sweeter faith, a gentler spirit, a more cheerful and kindly righteous- ness, a thousand added conveniences of life, and a better con- ditioned existence. But however we may extend the enumer- 44 ation of the better things which God in his providence has provided for us, " what have we that we did not receive ? " It is not for us to say, "Our power and the might of <>ur hand hath gotten us this wealth." Most, .shall I say all, in our civiliza- tion that is peculiarly our own we owe to our Puritan inherit- ance. To the question of the apostle, " Who maketh thee to diiler ? " the answer is, our Puritan ancestry. How shall we do a fitting homage to the sacred memories that hallow this spot and hour? Partly.no doubt, by a full and grateful recognition of their priceless contribution toward our happier destinies; but still more by entering loyally into their stewardship, building nobly upon the foundation which they laid with so much zeal and care, and furthering the ful- fillment of what they so well begun both to do and be. For " these all . . . obtained a good report through faith," but they " received not the promise, God having provided some better thing for us, that they without us might not be made perfect." 45 1638. i888. ORDER OF SERVICES AT THE €too ^unUrcd ant> fiftieth 9Umiitjer£arp OF THE GATHERING OF THE First Church in Dedham, Under JOHN ALLIN, Nov. T % 163S. MONDAY, NOVEMBER ig, 1888. 4 6 First Parish Meeting-House, AT THKr.l O'CLOCK r. K. I. ORGAN ViHA NTARY. II. AN I III M. -nail dwell in the land." — J. Stainer. III. RE VDING I 'I- SCRIPT! RE. Kk\ . Ski ii < . Bl ACH. IV. PRA\ I.K. Rev. Joseph B. Seabury. \". HYMN. — Tune: " 1'ark Street." IN pleasant lands have fallen the lines That bound our goodly heritage ; And safe beneath our sheltering lines Our youth is blest, and soothed our age. What thanks, < » God, t<> Thee are due. That Tlmu didst plant our lathers here; And watch and guard tin m as they grew, A vineyard, to the planter dear. The toils they l>ore our ease have wrought; They sowed in tears — in jo\ we reap; The birthright they so deai ■ We'll guard till we with them shall sleep. Thy kindness u> our fathers, shown In weal and woe through all the past, Their grateful sons, < • < rod, shall own, While here theii name and rat -hail last. — Janus Flint. \ I [NTRODI < TOR\ ADDRESS. m k. Alfred i i i win-. VTI. AN i III If. Gloria." From the Twelfth Mass. — VIII. ADDR] SS. Rev. Geo lis, D. D. o 47 IX, HYMN.— Tune: "America." By Rev. Seth C. Beach. UR fathers' God and ours, Like Israel's chosen band, Lord of all heavenly powers, Heirs of a promised land, Our voice attend ; Thou led'st them forth ; Anthems of thanks and praise, Like Israel's host they came, Blest Light in darksome days, Thy will their law and aim, To Thee thy people raise, Seeking no meed of fame Our Guide and Friend. But manly worth. Hallowed for us the sod On which their feet have trod, 'Neath which they sleep. The church, 'twas theirs to rear, The truth they planted here, Their faith that knew no fear, Be ours to keep. X. BENEDICTION. — Rev. P. B. Davis. First Congregational Meeting- House, AT SEVEN O'CLOCK P. M. Don Gleason Hill, Esq., will preside. I. ORGAN VOLUNTARY. II. ANTHEM. "Send out thy light."— C. GotoioJ. III. SCRIPTURE READING AND PRAYER. Rev. George H. Young, Boston. IV. HYMN. —Tune: " Boylston." I LOVE thy kingdom, Lord, For her my tears shall fall, The house of thine abode, For her my prayers ascend ; The Church our blest Redeemer saved To her my cares and toils be given, With his own precious blood. Till toils and cares shall end. I love thy Church, O God ! Sure as thy truth shall last, Her walls before thee stand, To Zion shall be given Dear as the apple of thine eye, The brightest glories earth can yield, And graven on thine hand. And brighter bliss of heaven. — Timothy Dwight. V. ADDRESS. Rev. Henry M. Dexter, D. D. VI. ADDRESS. Rev. George E. Ellis, D. D. 48 VII. HYMN.— Tone: "Duke Street." • Of .1 »l i, beneath thy guiding hand < '.n ! the sea ; •\nd when they trod the wintry strand, With prayer and psalm they worshiped thee. Thou heard'st, well pleased, the son^, the prayer; Thy blessing came; and still its power onward through all ages i The memory of that holy hour. Laws, freedom, truth, and faith in God Came with those exiles o'er the waves; And where their pilgrim feet have trod. The God they trusted guards their graves. And here thy name, God of Love, Their children's children shall adore, Till these eternal hills remove, And spring adorns the earth no more. — Rev. Leonard Bacon. VIII. ADDR] Rev. Alexander McKenzie, D. D, IX. CHORAL. 'A mighty fortress is our God." — Martin Luther. X. ADDRESS Rev. Jonath \n Edwards. XL ADDR] Rev. Bknjamin II. Bailey. XII. DOXOLOGY. — " Old Hundred." FR< >M all that dwell below the skies Let the Creator's praise arise ; the Redeemer's name be sung Through every land, by every tongue. Kternal are thy mercies, Lord : Eternal truth attends thy word; Thy praise shall sound from snore to shore, Till suns shall rise and set no more. — I sane Walts. XIII. BEN! DII TION. Rev. s. < . Bs \< h. • I I i- hvmn was lined otf by Mr. A. \V. Thayer, sung by the congregation, and accompanied iged instruments. Services MONDAY AFTERNOON, IN THE First Parish Meeting-House Address of Welcome MR. ALFRED HEWINS. 5i INTRODUCTORY ADDRESS By Mr. ALFRED HEWINS. It is with great pleasure, my friends, that I assume the agreeable and filial duty assigned me by the committee, of bidding you all a cordial welcome to this friendly meeting of two religious societies which have a common origin — this joyful reunion, rather let me call it — that together we may fitly commemorate the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the first Church of Christ in the ancient town of Dedham. Our joint convention for the grateful purpose of a common festival only emphasizes the spirit of good will and Christian courtesy which has been so happily maintained for many years between the two branches of the parent church, and gives an unusual interest to this occasion. We meet today on hallowed ground ; and as, in mutual charity and love, we gather around the altar erected upon this sacred spot by the fathers, it is well that our voices should mingle in devout thanksgiving and praise to Almighty God, that its fire still burns, after these two hundred and fifty years, with a flame steady and unquenchable. The Dedham church was among the earliest to be organized in the Massachusetts Colony. On the eighth day of the ninth month, 1638 (as runs the record), and but three years after the commencement of the settlement of the town, there gathered here a small but earnest company of Christian men, with John Allin as their leader, for the high purpose of consecrating themselves to the service of their Maker. As humble fol- lowers of the Master, and under the guiding inspiration of his gospel, with prayer and covenant, they reverently laid the 52 foundations of this ancient church. The simple but impressive ceremony by which they accomplished their purpose, and so fulfilled the desire of their hearts, is thus recorded: " Having prepared the way for entering into church cove- nant, we appointed a day for that purpose. We then sent letters to the magistrates and churches, giving them notice of our intention and requesting the countenance and encourage- ment of both magistrates and churches. In the letters we sent to the churches their presence and spiritual help were requested. We agreed that the day appointed should be spent in solemn prayer and fasting. Mr. Wheelock was to pray, then Mr. Allin ; and Mr. Allin, by way of exercising gifts, spoke to the assembly. Then each of the eight persons made a public profession of his qualification as to faith and grace. Then Mr. Allin addressed the churches and desired them to speak plainly and faithfully their opinion of what they saw and heard. The elders of other churches then con- ferred together ; afterwards Mr. Mather, of Dorchester, said they saw nothing that should move us to desist, and gave us some loving exhortations. The covenant was then publicly read, to which all assented. After this, Mr. Allin dismissed the assembly, and then the elders gave each other the right hand of fellowship in token of loving acceptation of us into communion." ■ Such, my friends, is the brief recital of the event which today we have assembled to commemorate. The seed sowed here in weakness has been raised in strength. From a begin- ning so feeble has grown the long and honorable record which marks the life of this church, that has now continued for two hundred and fifty years. The centuries have wrought many changes in the outward appearance of our goodly town, but they have not diminished the reverence and honor in which the virtues and piety of John Allin and his associates are still held by thoughtful and devoted Christians in this community. Eight generations of 1 Worthing! 53 the descendants and successors of those sturdy Puritans have loyally cherished and upheld the principles of civil and reli- gious freedom which they established, and continued here the beneficent work which they so zealously began. Although the affluent stream of our church's life no longer flows in an unbroken channel from the fountain, but now moves onward in two distinct currents of religious faith and energy, we rejoice that these separate branches, today so happily brought together, though differing in faith and doc- trine, are still united by the strong and enduring bond of a common Christian ancestry. They are sharers in the sacred associations and tender memories that have twined themselves about this venerable altar, and one in their inheritance of all the sweet and hallowing influences that have enriched and sanctified this spiritual home of our fathers. With equal reverence and affection we recall the devout men and saintly women who have worshiped in this church, and whose lives have been purified and ennobled by its sacred ministries. Yes, my friends, all the touching reminiscences and imperishable recollections of the past are to us a common possession, and they alike appeal to us all to be true to the sacred trust that has been committed to our care. In the spirit of the fathers, who frequently met " lovingly to discourse and consult together," we, their children, upon this festival day, will hold " sweet, neighborly converse; " and as our hearts shall thrill anew with the story of the sublime faith and heroism of the founders of our beloved church, rev- erently acknowledging our dependence upon the Supreme Ruler of the universe, let us join in an earnest prayer that a kindly spirit of love and Christian fellowship may ever con- tinue between these sister churches, until, their blessed mission fulfilled, they shall finally be reunited in the great congregation of heaven, where human souls find their only peace and rest. I should hardly do justice to my own feelings, or fitly repre- sent on this occasion a large number of the older members of the congregation who habitually worship in this house, did I 54 neglect to lay one flower upon the long-covered grave of the sainted minister whose serene face seems to smile upon me from the canvas, as I speak from the desk which he occupied for forty-two years. As we advance in life and are touched by the sorrows that sooner or later come to us all, we learn the inestimable value of the religious faith and instruction received at the home fireside and in the church of our childhood and youth. Rev- erently, today, I pay my tribute to the memory of Alvan Lamson, the sincere friend, the Christian scholar, the beloved pastor. The gentle tones of his voice still linger in my memory, recalling the gospel of " holiness, peace, and love" he so sweetly taught and so beautifully exemplified in his life. The tie that bound us to him is not broken ; the faith he so often presented from this pulpit appeals to us today with the added emphasis of immortality. The Church and the Parish in Massachusetts. USAGE AND LAW. ADDRESS George E. Ellis 57 The Church and the Parish in Massachusetts. USAGE AND LAW. Among the suggestions and reflections which oppressively crowd the thoughts of a diligent and well-furnished student of Christian history, especially that of the last four centuries, there are two of the gravest import. The first comes in the form of this question : Why was it that at the period of that distracting convulsion in the political and religious affairs of Europe called the Reformation — why was it, that the Roman Catholic Church did not in itself, by itself, and for itself, institute a thorough and searching process of purification, renovation, and even of reconstruction ? It seems as if, within the limits of practical possibilities, it might have done so. In so doing it might have won reverence, glory, and gratitude from its noblest members, and have silenced and discomfited its enemies. What deplorable strifes, woes, and tragedies might then have been averted from our common humanity ! That church stood for and claimed to be representative on the earth of the kingdom of God — a divinely constituted society, with truth, virtue and piety for its foundation pillars, with justice and righteousness for the methods and the ends of its rule. That church, as yet unshattered in its august fabric, seemed to present the only opportunity and agency there had as yet been in history — must we say, also, the only one there ever will be? — for uniting a family of Christian nations, the most advanced and steadily progressive states and kingdoms of the civilized world, into one Christian common- wealth, ruled in all their highest concerns by an inspired super-earthly authority. That church then, always, and now, had and has some of the noblest and most awing elements and principles for hold- 58 inp: the l.nc, reverence and obedience of all classes of men and women. Its claim and purpose of unity and universality gave it grandeur and dignity. Its marvelous organization rivals in earthly gradation and order the rankings of a solar lanetary system. It improved with aptitude and skill its grand opportunity to substitute a unifying spiritual sway over the fragments of a wrecked political empire. By conciliation and thraldom, by temporizing arts and mediating interventions, it established a more than feudal rule over royal vassals. It made itself needful and powerful in the balancings of political strategies. It had ingenuity in intrigue, and for provoking wars, campaigns, and insurrections, from which it gathered in the spoils. It was for centuries the only mediator and arbiter in all diplomatic intricacies. Its intervention, invited or obtruded, decided the smallest and the largest issues. What splendid service that church had wrought in rekindling civili- zation in Europe; in restoring, preserving, and extending all learning; in turning quarries of stone into cathedrals of majestic sublimity and beauty ; in spreading upon the radiant canvas the whole Bible and all sacred history, with saints and heroes, men and women, in truth and in fond legends, in rich- est tints and pigments. What a galaxy of starry witnesses, servants, and disciples makes up the church calendar of saint- hood, of orders, fraternities, and sisterhoods, of scholars, of statesmen, of the wise and valiant, of lonely missionaries in all their heroisms ! These were the mighty and splendid pos- sessions and achievements of that church, fitting it to guide and consecrate the civilization of the world. Why, then, did not that august and potent hierarchy, in the crisis of peril to its sway and unity, assume the faithful work of its own purification and renovation, repudiating and cast- ing out of it all that made it hateful and false and insufferable among men ? It had had solemn remonstrances and warnings from wise, sagacious, and holy men within its as yet unbroken fold. "Reformers before the Reformation " is the familiar and honorable designation of a role of faithful disciples, but stern censors, within its yet unsundercd fellowship — men, 59 some of whom the church has since beatified — who pleaded in vain for self-renewal and purification from its enormities and scandals. The answer to our question, which includes the most of the grounds and reasons why the church could not avert the assault and rupture and humiliation of the Reformation, is expressed in the sentence that it had become entangled, diseased, and corrupted by the things of this world. It was vitiated through and through by an element of falsity. There was not left in it the soundness and energy of wholesome, recuperative life. It had lost its coporate sanctity. It had entered into leagues, and bargains, and plottings, and rivalries with states and princes, espousing their strifes, introducing astute churchmen into their cabinet councils and guiding their military campaigns. It put to service, for ends of worldly ambition, all the trickeries of artifice, policy, intrigue and double dealing with an ingenuity which perplexed and baffled the most cunning diplomacy. Its greed and grasping for land had made it the largest territorial proprietor and temporal potentate in all Europe. Internally it was riven with dissensions, with popes and anti-popes contesting for the sovereignty. Simony, nepotism, sensual vices, and every form of unrighteousness and crime made popes, cardinals, and ecclesiastics of every grade, the subjects of scandal and reprobation. Marriage being forbidden to the clergy, free concubinage was the consequence. Fraudulent and fabulous pretensions underlay the very foundations of the papacy, and groveling and childish superstitions were the most potent elements of its sway over its docile and credulous disciples. All these fatal and condemnatory verdicts against the Church come from accusers and revelations within its own fold, from the " Reformers before the Reformation ; " before a single word had been uttered or a single line had been written by an avowed Protestant. It suits the modern champions of the Roman Church to ascribe the convulsion of the Reforma- tion in our mother England to the resentment of Henry VIII of the refusal of successive popes to sanction his divorce from 6o his lawful wife. As if the lustful passion of one man, monarch though he was, could have kindled Europe into revolt from the papacy. Hut moral and religious scruples against a sanc- tion of divorce were the least of the motives which wrought with the pontiffs. Their entanglements with imperial and royal policies and rivalries were the obstructions. We can hardly assign moral scruples to the pontiffs of that era, when we have seen their successor, this very year, granting to a ducal applicant permission to commit the sin of incest, for a money consideration. The alternative is open for those who choose to decide, either that the church lacked the will and the resolution for its own purification, or that corruption in its very organism and vitals would have made the process fatal to its life. But this internal reform failing, the consequences were division within, assault and protest from without, and an irreconcil- able rupture. The able and eminent French bishop, Bossuet, thought he had exposed a fatal and irremediable error in Protestantism, more than a century after it had been showing its fruits, by setting forth with vigorous raillery its " Variations." Protest- antism was the parent of Discord. Its divisions and sub- divisions into fragmentary sects, with their contentions, were a scandal upon religion, bringing it into contempt. By some Protestants these variations have been lamented and con- demned as just occasions of reproach. Others, wise and serious observers, even in view of all the discord and conten- tions of sects, have been reconciled to them as the results of sincere and earnest apprehensions of the manifold elements of truth. At first view it might seem remarkable that the old church should have apparently been so wholly free of sectarian divi- sions ; but on a keener study of the matter we are brought to recognize tiie sagacious policy of that church in contrast with the scattering tendency of Protestantism. However rigid may be the rule of doctrine and discipline in a church main- taining strict unity, there will always appear from time to 6i time, in its fold, men and women of strong individuality of opinion, temperament, impulse, or zeal, emphasizing some single virtue, habit of life, rule of observance, method of devo- tion, or type of piety. These would break off into sects under Protestantism. But the Roman Church, with an adroit and wise balancing of indulgence and restraint of freedom and authority, allowed all these threatening individualisms to spend their energy and zeal in organizing orders, fraternities, sisterhoods, with their rules, statutes, occupations, preferred devotions, and special garb — all held, however, to the root of unity. They were like little rills, rising and swelling from distant and independent springs and hidden fountains, but quietly led on in their channels to the one full stream. But in Protestantism every eccentricity and individuality in active and restless minds has produced a fissure and a fracture, split- ting off into a sect. This leads us to recognize the second of those gravest reflections derived from the study of our Christian history of the last four centuries, and which will bring us nearer to our special theme. It is a profound impression of the entire lack of apprehension and consciousness in the whole reforming party of the consequences to themselves and to 3.11 who should follow them, of their repudiation of a long vested authority in religion, and of their utter lack of any adequate substitute for it. It was as when part of the company on a well-furnished but imperilled ship desert it for the open sea, leaving behind them compass and charts, pilot and com- mander. Little did those Reformers realize the infinite dis- tractions which were to follow, to vex them with discord and strife, with endless alienations and divisions, and the bitter- ness and iniquity of mutual persecutions. Long wonted to the restraints and guidance and forced adhesions of authority, they knew not how to use freedom for common ends of harmony. Every single step in the inevitable series of pro- gressive stages of development, expansion, enlargement, and liberalization under Protestantism, which ought to have been looked for as the most natural and reasonable consequences of parting from authority, has come even upon the m< >st intel- ligent and rightly-intentioned men as a shock or surprise, exciting amazement und horror, and prompting them, when it was possible and feasible, to call in force, penalties, punish* ments, and the terrors of the law for suppression or ven- i e. The series of controversies, variances, and quarrels, with or without the interference of legal processes through which the history of Protestantism leads us, alike in the councils of nations and in the feuds of little villages, far ;ds in length and in sadness of retrospect the revolutions, convulsions, and catastrophes which make up civil and political histi In leaving the ship of the Church for the open sea, the Reformers took with them the Bible. Precious beyond all expression or estimate is that sacred volume. Above the church on earth, with its hierarchy, better than the tubes and lenses of the astronomer with which he pierces to the secrets of the upper world, is that revealcr and witness of things divine. That volume serves with inexhaustible and ever- opening wealth the uses of piety and edification for men. But it is of no more use for preventing or reconciling the doctrinal diversities or contentions of its devoutest readers within the field of opinion and discipline than would be an unabridged dictionary. It furnishes indeed the material and provocation, the catch-words and symbols of all the sectarian divisions, the controversies, and contentions of centuries in the history of religion. It is with one of these, a trivial or a serious one, as you may regard it, in the infinitely varied series of such successive developments, that I am now to deal. This then fair village was the scene and the occasion in which a legal tribunal was called upon for judgment concerning one of these (shall I call them ?) developments and results of Protestantism. Many years ago I had come to the resolve — after much thought, time, and labor, privately and through the press, given to such subjects — that I would never again concern myself with, or speak, write, or publish anything connected 63 with our old religious controversies. It is difficult to reach the hard-pan through those bogs and underlying quicksands. It is doubtful if there is any bottom to those soundings. So, when I was invited to the slight service which I am now to undertake, my first prompting was gently to release myself. But on reflection, the quality, the kindness, and the courtesy of the invitation, coming from two representative parties, gave to it an urgency for me. Nor was I long in reminding myself — indeed, the thought was spontaneous — that time and change and charity had so calmed and chastened the once embittered feelings of a sharp conflict, that its ashes might be analyzed without rekindling the fire. Not a word nor a moment would I give to the rehearsal of the alienation between townsmen, families, neighbors, and life-long friends attendant and consequent upon the variance. I have read the documents about it, but they have an ill flavor and odor in them which I will not cast upon this pleasant autumn air. All those once inflamed grievances are now as absent from the living in these scenes as they are stilled in the passionless dust of those sleeping in the village burial ground. Our subject has interest for us simply as putting before us a chapter or incident in the history and religious usages and legislation of Massachusetts. A judicial decision reached here established a legal precedent for all like cases that did or might arise in a period of strong excitement among the old Congregational societies of the State. The question which was opened was : What were the respective rights and privi- leges, as derived alike from history and traditional usage, and from constitutional and statute provisions, of two associated bodies in one of our old religious societies ; the one, the mem- bers and the proprietors in a corporate parish, compelled by legal enactments to support a public teacher of religion and morality; the other, an unincorporated, voluntary, and self- constituted fellowship within the parish, of men and women united by a covenant of their own approval, as a church for maintaining and enjoying Christian ordinances ? The two parties here could not dispose their difference by concession 6 4 or compromise, and as questions of property were concerned the interposition of the judiciary was inevitable. The decision was a shock and a surprise to the discomfited party. It was received as depriving the members of a church in covenant of a supposed inherited and established right. That is the point oi view from which I approach my subject. Let me ask you to withdraw your thoughts for a few moments from the local bearings of this subject, to which we will return with its special interests, and to engage them on its far wider, comprehensive relations. It was not at all strange that a church here in the wilderness, in the seven- teenth century, in the line of the generations of Christian discipleship, should regard itself in its relations to a local parish as a privileged body, with distinct and important rights. We shall have to look far back into Christian antiquity, even to the first promulgation of the religion, to find a full explana- tion and reasons for a special church prerogative. This is most vitally concerned with the continuity and the transmis- sion of the religion of Jesus Christ. All through the cent- uries of its course we may trace the existence, the presence, and the relations to each other of two distinct classes of persons, who gave it degrees of their attention and interest, and put themselves into quite different attitudes of disciple- ship and duty towards it. We should have to begin with the gospel narratives. We there read of selected, attached, and avowed followers and intimate attendants on Jesus, who shared his privacy and were favored by his confidence ; and we read also of another class, chance and irregular listeners to his teaching, called " the multitude," or "the people," pausing near him from curiosity or momentary prompting. We trace the presence of the same two parties with the same relations to each other in the subsequent ministry of the Apostles. In synagogues and market places were ready and curious listeners to prea h- ing and exhortation; and in private houses, apartments, and upper chambers were groups of avowed and earnest adherents with Christian convictions, faith, and mutual discipline. The 65 distinction was soon drawn, or rather, drew itself, between covenanted and uncovenanted disciples, between those who "gladly heard the word" and nothing further, and those who were known to each other as pledged, committed to constancy in intercourse and observance. Then came in what we know as covenants, ordinances, sacraments, recognized by these pledged disciples as methods for their mutual recognition, and the basis of their fellowship, their reliance on each other for sympathy, steadfastness, and support. For this inner fellow- ship were reserved confidences and privileges. The term " mass," as attached to the most august and solemn of the rites of the Church of Rome, carries in its definition the whole breadth and depth of the distinction drawn between companies and attendants on Christian teach- ing and exhortation, and the covenanted fellowship of disciples. The word " mass " is from missa or dimissa ; pronounced by the officiating minister it was a signal for the uninitiated to depart, that the inner fellowship might engage in a privileged and reserved service. Among the mountain heaps of Christian literature there may be — though I do not recall any such — a strong, argu- mentative essay which might deal very ably with this theme, viz. : that the survival and continuity in living presence of the Christian religion were vitally dependent from the very earliest age upon a pledged and covenanted body of avowed and constant disciples. Would anything be known or extant beyond a mere historical tradition of an instituted Christian religion had it not been for this original and perpetuated covenant-body of pledged disciples, as distinct from a random series of assemblies, congregations, listeners to preaching and exhortation ? If we were to follow up this subject it would lead to a clear, emphatic statement of the immeasurable influence which covenants, observances, communion rites, and sacraments have had in perpetuating Christianity. The old peripatetic philosophers were well named — traveling, wandering teachers. They had hearers, after a sort disciples. But they had no 66 covenants, no sacraments. They founded schools, but not churches. Some of the old pagan religions had their " mys- teries," but the only quality in them was mystery. The distinction between Christian churches and congregations was no after device. It was original from the first, drawn between listeners to, hearers of preaching, and those who cha> themselves with assumed and avowed obligations by covenant. This distinction has reached its extremest — it may be its unnatural and objectionable — division in the Church of Rome. In view of what we shall, by and by, have to recognize as the limited and subordinate relation into which the legal decision put our Congregational churches in their connection with parishes, we may well take note of the complete inversion of the relation of the two parties among the members of the Roman Church with which the laws of our State do not inter- fere. In that church, now so strongly established by Irish immigration into this old Puritan heritage, the existence of two parties, representing the church and the congregation, presents itself substantially as the distinction between the priesthood and the laity. In this respect the Roman dis- cipline is in complete antagonism with the rule established by the decision of our Supreme Court. In the Congregational fold the ministers were the servants, at best the equals, of the members of their flocks ; not their masters, or in anything their superiors. In all that concerned instituted religion, providing edifices and appliances for public worship, the collection and use of money, the choice and ordination of religious teachers, the establishment of a plat- form of faith and discipline, and the recognition of sister churches, the laity, the brethren, either took the initiative or had a joint participation in all affairs. Titles to land and edifices were vested in lay trustees. Observe how all this is wholly reversed in the usages of the Roman Church here. The priests constitute a fellowship as close and reticent and as free from legal visitation and over- sight, as are our secret fraternities — to which in all other respects but its own the church is so inimical. The laity 6 7 know of their conferences, methods, and purposes only so far as the priests choose to disclose them. The creed, the things to be believed in summary and detail, is imposed authoritatively. The construction and application of it are made by the priest- hood. Docile obedience to discipline is the prime condition of discipleship. All ceremonies, rites, and observances are of exaction. The laity have no choice in the selection or institu- tion of their pastors or teachers. The parish is made up and bounded for them. The laity contribute all the funds and resources, but have no voice in the allotment or disposal of them, and no treasury report of amount or use is ever returned to them. You pay your money, but you do not take your choice. Churches, colleges, schools, parsonages, seminaries, hospitals, and cemeteries spring forth like magic all around us, revealing to us only the energetic activity of the priesthood, and their marvelous success in gathering money. All this property of every kind is vested in the bishop of a diocese, and passes by an open will to his successor. The church may become the largest landholder in our country. Here in the priesthood, then, we have the church, infinitely transcending in functions and authority the covenanted fellowship among the Puritans. And where, meanwhile, is what answers to the congregation among them? It is composed of a consenting and docile flock, responsive to priestly counsels and requisitions, rev- erently kneeling before the altar, receiving the fragment of the holy wafer, and passing the ordeal of the confessional as the condition of a saving shrift in the solemn parting hour of life. Certainly, in the old, once dominant, but now shattered church, the distinction which I have historically traced between church and congregation has reached a most radical and divid- ing result. Going back to our own original Puritan usage seems like a return to primal simplicity. I have had in view merely to indicate that in some way, or by some method, through the succession of Christian generations, there has prevailed something answering to a distinction between church 68 and congregation, marked by covenants and sacramental symbols, for those who, so to speak, avowed discipleship and made themselves responsible for maintaining Christian observ- ances, while they were associated more or less intimately or dependently with chance assemblies of so-called " hearers of the Word." The inference has been intimated that the living perpetuity and discipleship of the Christian religion has been secured, as otherwise it would not have been, by the continuity of this pledged and covenanted body with sacramental symbols. There have been, as there are today, associations and assemblies on Sundays and other days for instruction, worship, sympathetic and ethical culture, and benevolent activity, which do not call themselves churches, but which are more or less under Christian baptism. They dispense with pledges and sacramental observances. Some of these have ceased after trial. It remains to be proved whether any such experiment can attain to Christian continuity. My aim has been so far to lead on to the question which our Puritan ancestry asked, and in their way answered — whether the church which had done such service was not entitled to some privilege and prerogative ? That was the real issue involved in the controversy with which we have to deal. Before I proceed further, and in view of what is to follow, I must here frankly avow that I feel a measure of sympathy on the side of those who were deeply aggrieved, as under a sense of wrong, by the practical workings and effects of the decision of the Supreme Court in the case that is to come before us. After considerable study and reading of subjects of intensified strife and contention, making up so largely what is called Christian history, I have learned the value of candor, of constraint upon the indulgence of preferences and pre- judices on my own side, and of large allowances for the lights and shades of all party conflicts. The decision of the court bore heavily and grievously upon religious relations and beliefs, associations and fellowships, which had become most dear and sacred to many devout hearts. 6 9 But let me explain that the personal sympathy to which I refer is not from preference or approval of the doctrinal tenets of either party, nor from any better temper or conduct of either party in the strife which followed. I would define it rather as an historic sympathy arising from a full view of facts, usages, traditions, and recognized methods with which the legal decision seemed to deal roughly. Let me repeat, the matter for adjudication concerned the respective prerogatives, privileges, and legal rights of parishes and of churches composed of some of their members gathered in the old Congregational societies in this State. The original General Court of the colony claimed the right of jurisdiction over the whole territory and the inhabitants within the bounds of the charter. It soon began to grant parcels of land within the wilderness, with valleys and meadows, to companies of petitioners for settlement. With a healthful dread of allowing bodies and groups of strolling, straggling adventurers — such as within our own cent- ury penetrated our western frontiers — to plant in lawlessness and disorder, the court in all cases made it a primary and requi- site condition of its grants, that each company should have with them, and should maintain, a competent minister of the gospel. This and other municipal provisions constituted our old towns parishes. The internal history of these early parishes offers matter of interest, including two very different classes of occasions and subjects — the one of gracious and edifying tenor, the other of variances, feuds, and quarrels. The one class presents us with noble and elevating themes, showing the origin and transmitted influence of principles and habits in religion, morality, and education, in the training of men and women and households in domestic fidelity and purity, in neighborly virtues, and in all that secures prosperity and good government — which has made Massachusetts the most privi- leged heritage on the earth. The ministers and the ministers' wives were the guardian angels of these wilderness settle- ments. But while all this excellent work of training and influence 70 went on, one who is curious in such things may trace through parish and church records a series of petty strifes and vexa- tions, sometimes sharp alienations, even on matters which look to us as of very trivial interest. In isolated, torpid, and humdrum scenes of laborious life, little things loom largely. Each parish had one or several of the following excitements to stir it : The choice for life-long settlement of a new min- ister, and the apportionment of his salary in beef, pork, corn, wood, and silver; the site for the rebuilding of the meeting- house ; the seating of the people in it according to social rank; changes in the mode of conducting public service; whether the Scriptures should be read with comments or without them ; the deaconing of a psalm or hymn, line by line, when the people could not afford psalm-books; the exchange of one psalm-book for another; the use of a pitch- pipe in starting a tune; the introduction of instruments, viol or organ ; the placing of singers, male and female, together; the piques and discords of choirs, and the innovations in warm- ing the house. These and how many more occasions were there for parish feuds, before there were yet separation and division by sects. We must now take another step in dealing with our subject. I have spoken of each of our early townships as being a parish for the compulsory support of public worship and in- struction, and of an internal body or fellowship of men and women covenanted together and constituting a church in each parish for the observance of ordinances. What were the relations between these bodies, on which in 1818 a judicial decision was found necessary ? It was in preparation for meeting this question that I began with a brief historical reference to a distinction drawn, from the first preaching of the gospel, between those who listened to it and those who were covenanted in discipleship to it. It was in full recognition of that distinction that congregations and church fellowships were from the first gathered in Mass- achusetts. The matter, simple at first, became complicated. Usages, allowed or tolerated, methods, asserted claims and 7i rights well-nigh having the force of common law, and then a succession of legal statutes, frequently changed and coming into direct conflict with each other, had brought in the elements of confusion. The theory and practice of Congregationalism, by which the churches of Massachusetts were planted, as distinguished from Episcopacy or Presbyterianism, was the full and perfect right, under the New Testament pattern, for each company — of convenient size — covenanted together to choose, institute, and ordain all officers, pastors, teachers, ruling elders, and deacons needed by them in a congregation or church for teaching and ordinances. It has been often claimed that Congregationalism was organically and vitally identified with a certain system of doctrines in a formulated creed. The only ground for that claim is that, in the revival and restoration of the New Testa- ment Congregationalism by the Puritans, a certain formulated creed and system of doctrines were then prevailingly accepted. But that was no organic element of Congregationalism — which may consist with different doctrinal beliefs and usages. Democracy is distinguished from monarchy and aristocracy in government. But democracy is not identified with one special platform of principles or with a set of political usages and opinions. We shall have to refer farther on to the elements which came in to complicate the main issue in the contest, from the changes of doctrinal opinions and beliefs where there had once been substantial agreement. We must briefly review the methods, usages, and legal enactments which, from the first settlement of this colony, disposed of the relations between the two parts of a parish — the congregation and the covenanted inner fellowship, the church. We are at once reminded of the lack of uniformity, the variety of method adopted in this matter at different times and in different places. Sometimes a covenanted body, the church, was the original nucleus around which gathered a congregation, and the proportion of numbers in the member- 72 ship of each was constantly changing. Sometimes a church was formed within a previously assembled congregation that had maintained worship. Governor Winthrop, the Deputy Governor, "and many others, men and women," formed at Charlestown, July 30, 1630, the First Church of Boston. They had then no minister or other officers, which they elected and instituted a month afterwards. They called the body which they thus formed "a Congregation or Church." They signed a very simple and tender covenant without any doctrinal articles, which continues in use unchanged today. In other cases, as for example in this First Parish of Dedham, there had been worship under a tree and in a rude meeting- house by a congregation, within which was afterwards gath- ered a church. When the famous order of the court was passed, May 18, 163 1, restricting the civil franchise to church members, the whole matter seemed to be decisively disposed of. For if church members were to have exclusive authority in all civil affairs they might well exercise their prerogative over congre- gations in parishes. It seems to me that the tenacity with which church bodies afterwards asserted their rights in the initiative choice and institution of ministers is to be referred to this original exclusive enjoyment of the franchise. This restriction upon citizenship was stoutly clung to till the royal order of Charles II, in 1665, positively insisted upon the enlargement of civil rights. Even then the sturdy court rather circumvented than complied with the order, by requir- ing that any man seeking a citizen's rights and not a church member should present such a certificate of character and orthodoxy, as well as property, as might have secured his admission to a church, if he had chosen to seek it. It was not strange, therefore, that when church members were de- prived of their exclusive civil rights they should infer that, as the king had not interfered with their church affairs, they could retain, in entail, their own precedency in the choice of their ministers. There were, however, four orders passed by the General 73 Court within a space of ten years, 1 636-1 646, by which con- fusion was introduced in the relations between inhabitants of a town and the churches in them. In the exercise of its authority by the court, first came in a provision that proved fatal to harmony and an element of injustice. This furnished a rightful and effective plea by which parishioners, not church members, could claim to have a voice in the choice of their ministers. The first of these orders was a requisition, in 1636, applying to a single town (Newbury), that as the church members in it could not bear all the expenses they had in- curred in building a meeting-house and for their minister, the cost should be assessed, pro rata, upon all the inhabitants of the town. The second court order, 1638, made that same exaction for the support of churches and ministers applicable to all the towns ; the hint being dropped to reluctant persons that they might avail themselves of religious ministrations if they chose to do so. The third of those orders (1643) provided that the churches should be written to to enforce upon their members their duty of voting in civil affairs, when for any reason they failed to exercise it. The fourth order (1646) imposed upon every inhabitant of a town the obligation to attend on public wor- ship under a penalty of five shillings fine for each occasion of absence. The penalty in England for the offense at that time was only sixpence. Obvious enough it is, and reasonably enough it appears to us, that the court in these exactions — unwittingly, it doubtless was — provided the grounds and the materials for the strife which subsequently arose between parishes and churches as to the management of their joint affairs. The time was to come when churches would protest : " We will not have a pastor set over us whom we have not ourselves chosen and put in office ; " and when members of the parish would plead : " If you compel us, it may be against our will, to maintain and listen to a minister, we ought to have the privilege of selecting him." We can understand how, under the circumstances of chang- 74 ing times and opinions, harmony might first exist in the rela- tions between parishes and churches, and then how that har- mony would he disturbed. A continuance of a general accord in doctrinal belief would be one condition ; another would be the prepond in a parish of the number of those who were under the church covenant. Where the church embraced nearly the whole or a large majority of the male members of a parish, any variance between the two bodies in the selection of a minister would be ineffective if it showed itself. We must remember that the range of choice of ministers in our early years was limited. The following enactments are found under the head of Ecclesiastical Laws, in 164 1 : The inhabitants of any town, "who are orthodox in judge- ment and not scandalous in life," not as yet " in a church way," receive full liberty to enter into such in an orderly and Christian way, after having notified neighboring magistrates and churches of their intention, and receiving approbation. Each church so formed was free to exercise all Christian ordinances, to elect and ordain all officers — " able, pious, and orthodox" — and to admit, discipline, and expel members on due cause, "according to the Word ; " support of and attend- ance on all occasions of public worship are required under a penalty, and habitations for and maintenance of ministers are to be provided for by a town tax. To make sure of its intent in this matter, the court in 1668 declared that the church to which it had assigned such powers was to be understood as meaning only members in full communion, and the minister chosen by them should be such to the whole town. Any one not a church member, who presumed cither to take part in or to dispute the choice, should be proceeded against under civil process. This law, it will be observed for further reference, made the minister thus chosen both the religious teacher of the whole town and the pastor of the church. Restiveness and dissatisfaction soon prevailed under this tl disposal of some delicate matters. So we find a Prov- ince law, thirty years later, vested the choice of a minister in 75 the inhabitants of the town at large, with the singular proviso that if a town neglected for six months to choose a minister, then the court should provide and settle one. Thus the church was cut off with a salvo securing to it " all its privi- leges and freedom in worship, church order, and discipline." The next change in the law made a concurrent choice of parish and church requisite. Finally, another law enjoined that the church should initiate the choice, and if the town did not concur, then the church should call a council of three or five neighbor churches, whose decision should dispose of the variance for either party. I know of no case in which this reference to a council was used. The Legislature next gave the right of choice to the parish, independently of the church. This not working well, the church was allowed a concurrent vote, and the next year was reinstated in its exclusive privi- lege of electing the minister. A statute of 1754, proceeding on the fact that churches, as not being coporate bodies politic, could not hold property in succession, constituted deacons trustees of all church and parish property. Our State consti- tution and statutes gave the right of electing a minister to the parish from which he derived his support. There certainly was occasion enough in these frequent and radical changes in the legal interference with the relations of parishes and churches for provoking variance and strife. But there came in another complication in the case. The law rested in the provision that each town should have and main- tain "a public teacher of morality and religion." But it was contended that while such a minister might serve the use of a parish at large, he could not, as a matter of course, be consti- tuted by the parish the pastor of the church to officiate in ordinances. This sacred official character could not be given to him by vote of the town, for the earliest law had made covenanted members in communion the electors and ordainers of their pastors. So prescription and usage had come to require that ordination to a pastorate should be the solemn act of the church as such, calling in the presence and approba- tion of a council of sister churches. 7 6 The court was responsible also for all trouble from this source In its natural desire to secure harmonious, sisterly, and even unity of methods and discipline among the churches, to prevent their becoming eccentric and antagonistic individ- ualities, the court had prompted and approved the making of a platform of constitution and discipline with rules for neigh- boring churches, represented by pastors and delegates, to gather in councils to recognize the initiation of a new church body, the institution of a new pastorate, and to mediate and give advice where there was variance. So far as these coun- cils confined themselves to friendly, advisory, and unassuming offices they might serve excellent uses. But the moment they assumed authority they struck at the very foundation of Congregationalism, the full, complete independency of each Christian fellowship. Even laymen in the congregation might, and often did, ordain their ministers and other officers. True, these laymen represented a covenanted body, not the mere parish. But the parish had no need of a council except as matter of courtesy. Still, this call and intervention of a council came by usage to be regarded as an ecclesiastical ratification, and solemnity, which added to the teaching of morality and religion, the quality of an ordained pastor of a church. We have now to inform ourselves, as fully as the materials in our hands will admit, as to the actual connection and rela- tions between a parish and a church formed or existing within it, when the matter came up for judicial decision. We have seen that these relations had been regulated and disposed both by legal orders and by usages. The law had been frequently changed. The usages were traditional, embracing alike claims of right, reason, and courtesy. I am prompted by historic candor, as I have said, to admit a strong basis for the claims of prerogative and privilege set up by the church in the choice of a pastor. The claims were by inheritance. We have traced the origin of them in the first Christian age. There had been no break in the succes- sion in the assertion or the allowance of them down to the 77 date with which we are concerned. A fellowship of cov- enanted disciples, when brought into connection with those not pledged as they were, assumed special responsibilities. A church was the voluntary, spontaneous, earnest agency for upholding pious and sacred usages in a community. It charged itself with solemn and momentous obligations. By many offices and observances, by occasions of fasting, re- newals of its covenant, mutual reawakenings of its member- ship, and the quickening of zeal and labors, it constantly sought to reanimate and edify itself, and to be the medium of many benefits to a community. Well, therefore, might a church hold itself distinguished in privilege as to Christian institutions above the wholly unpledged members of a congre- gation or town parish, a proportion of whom might be indiffer- ent, chance attendants on preaching when they liked it, and often grudging their compulsory support of it. Thus stood the case at the crisis which we are reaching. In the parishes and churches to which the legal decision, as a precedent, was applicable, the relations stood as follows : The church had become an imperium in imperio, and the issue came to be raised whether it was supreme or subordi- nate. The parish was a body politic with consequent rights and obligations. It was compelled by a public proprietary tax to support a minister of religion for the inhabitants. The church was a self-constituted, self-perpetuating body, of both sexes, of minors and adults. It might have members who were not proprietors, not taxable in the parish. It might include servants transiently in the families. New-comers moving in from other towns, who were church members there, might commune by sufferance, though by usage expected to present a letter transferring relations. The church, not being incorporate, as was the parish, could not hold or transmit property in perpetuity. Its individual members had no trans- fer rights as pew holders or sharers in a fund. The church used the parish or the congregation as, so to speak, a feeder from which to add to its own membership. It was wholly for the members of the church, for the time being, to decide on 78 the terms and conditions for the admission of new members. These were an assent to a covenant, a confession of faith, and a profession of religious experience. These terms as con- cerning doctrinal beliefs might be free or rigid — they might from time to time be changed, reduced, relaxed. There might be devout and earnest men and women in a parish who were ready and even desirous to partake of church ordinances. If their consciences or convictions withheld them from assenting to certain doctrines or terms of the covenant, they could not become church members. If the number and weight of character of such persons induced the pastor and covenanted members to make the formulas of admission unobjectionable to them, they gladly availed of the privilege. We come now to the most delicate matter of our subject. From our historical review, thus far, we have seen how abundant were the occasions and materials for friction, for variance and contention in the relations between parishes and churches as regulated by law and usage. The choice and institution of a new minister might draw heavily upon them when there were preferences and partialities between different candidates. It was at the discretion of a candidate to keep aloof if he could see that there was to be contention about him. All that we have been concerned with thus far has related to a period in our church history when the congrega- tional body had all been in substantial accord with the Puritan, Calvinistic, orthodox system of doctrinal faith under which all our early churches were gathered and covenanted. But radical and very serious changes, modifications, and softenings of doctrinal belief had now come into the churches and furnished the occasion of division, acrimony, and strife. And here it is to be distinctly and emphatically noted that, though underlying and prompting the litigation to be referred to were doctrinal differences between the parties to it, the court did not and could not deal with the case with the slightest reference to or recognition of them. They were wholly waived and unnoticed. Not a plea nor an argument upon the right or the wrong, the truth or the error, the 79 legality or the illegality of religious opinions or beliefs came into the case. I repeat, the issue turned upon the legal rights — whatever might have been the developments of historic-traditional usage and prescription — which a body of covenanted church members, connected with a parish, had in the call and institu- tion of a minister, and in the control and disposal of parish and church property, such as the parsonage, ministerial lands, funds, plate, etc. No reference whatever was made to the mode in which this church was constituted, the terms of its covenant, the method of admission to it of new members from the congregation, or matters of creed or doctrine. It was even admitted in the issue opened between parish and church, in the case before us, that it was not raised with any reference to matters of doc- trinal belief. Yet none the less the prime occasion of the discord and dissension which then prevailed in the old Con- gregational churches of the State, and which made litigation and a judicial decision seemingly inevitable, was furnished in the changes and variances of doctrinal belief which had come to announce themselves and to find recognition alike among ministers, church members, and parishioners. These changes had come in gradually, quietly, and for a time unchallenged. They were at first undefined and not sharply asserted. But they proved, as they advanced, to be radical, threatening and burdened with matter of discord and strife. We define the issue sharply enough by saying, in the phrases of the time, that it was an alarming " defection " in the churches from their original basis of Calvinism or ortho- doxy, and a "decline" into a relaxed and vague form of so- called Liberalism. It is true such a process had been long advancing, and that the full recognition of its results could not but be attended with amazement, grief, alienation, and contention. We have seen what materials and occasions for variance there were between congregations and churches, as their relations were disposed by laws and usages — while as yet 8o there were no questions opened in the communities which they represented in matters of doctrine. But when most serious and radical changes in doctrinal belief presented themselves for assertion and recognition, a wholly new element of strife came in with interminglings of passion and bitterness. I have intimated, ministers, church members, and parishioners were found to be divided and classified under the two parties, the old and the new, the orthodox and the liberal. By friendliness, neighborly regards, and tolerance, peace was for a while continued in many parishes. As there were known to be, in the congregations, men and women who were ready and desirous to share in church ordinances, but who shrank from the public relation of their religious experience or from the acceptance of the rigid doctrinal confession, if the minister and the church consented these terms might be relaxed by changing the matter of the covenant. If such change were resisted by the minister and a majority of the church, those of the congregation thus excluded from the ordinances would have their grievance. To this cause we must attribute jealousies and unfriendly relations between members of the congregation and the church in some parishes at that time. As ministers then had a life tenure of office, the election of a new minister was the occasion of calling out and intensi- fying differences which had been repressed. In cases, of which there were many, including the strongest old parishes in the State, in which minister, congregation, and church had shared in the relaxing of the original orthodox standard, the transition of the pastorate was peaceful. Such was the case in the First Church of Boston in its passage from Calvinism to Liberalism. There is not a word or a trace on its records of any shock or variance in the choice of its successive ministers in accordance with the views of those whom they were to serve. In the contemporary church and congregation of Charlestown, in the ferment of the controversy, the major- ity of the legal proprietors preferred the old standards. So 8i the minority withdrew and instituted a new church and society. In Cambridge the majority of the parish took the liberal side in the choice of the minister, while the majority of the church dissented and set up another organization. The pastor of the First Church in Dedham had resigned to assume the presidency of a college, and in 1818 a successor was to be chosen. It appears that the changes in doctrinal opinion and belief, which had been working for many years in the Congregational societies of the State, had manifested themselves here. Under the pastorate of the minister pre- ceding him who had now retired, and who, in the phrase of the time, was classed among the so-called " Moderate," there had been modifications in the covenant and terms of admis- sion to the church, under which many persons who had shrunk from accepting the previous terms had come into communion. Among these was that honored patriot states- man, Senator Fisher Ames. The succeeding pastor, now retiring, had been regarded, by some at least of the parish, as of the same " moderate " views and temper on points then so sharply contested. But it proved as time went on that his convictions and preferences and sympathies were with the old beliefs. There was likely then to be a variance in preference in the choice of a new pastor. Cambridge and Andover were the sources for the supply of candidates. The parish here voting as legal proprietors, including of course both those who were and those who were not members of the church, by a majority of two thirds — representing four fifths of the taxable property of the town held by law to the support of the ministry — made choice of a Cambridge candi- date. The communicants meeting separately, after the par- ishioners, dissented from the choice. It was doubted and disputed at the time whether the dissentients were a majority or a minority of the actual membership of the church. The numbers on either side — subject afterwards to readjustment — seemed to stand, of male members, fourteen in favor of the candidate and eighteen in opposition. After the intensity of the variance was passed, a majority 82 of the church members appear to have retained their connec- tion with the parish and the new minister. But as the dissentients in the church claimed to be a majority, the letter- missive, summoning neighbor or sister churches, by pastors and delegates her in a council — after the prevailing usage of Congregationalism — for the ordination of the pastor- elect, could not go forth in the name of the " First ClmrcJi of Dedham." So the invitation went forth from the " First Parish of Dedham." Of course the dissentients urged that a minister thus instituted to office filled merely the legal requisition of "a preacher of morality and religion," and was not thereby ordained as pastor of the church. The church, therefore, a month afterward called a council of its own, which did little more than pronounce the proceedings of the parish council irregular, express sympathy with the aggrieved, and advise moderation. In the litigation which followed between the parties, for the sake of defining the legal question, the point was yielded that the dissent of the church was the expression of the majority of its members. There were at the time three deacons in office. One of these soon died; of the others, the junior remained with the parish; the senior one, who by law was the trustee of the parish and church property, of considerable value, withdrew, carrying his vouchers with him. Of this property it is to be said — as of similar funds in other towns — that it had long been gathering from various sources and donors, gifts from the town ami individuals — parsonage, lands, wood-lots, money, and church vessels. This deacon with the disaffected portion of the church claiming, as before said, to be a majority, and therefore entitled to hold the property, instituted a new fellowship and society and settled over them a pastor. This new pastor gives on his records, as " remon- strating " against the recent ordination of the minister of the First Parish, the names of ninety-five persons constituting, as he says, a majority of the church. Of these names twenty- four are of men and seventy-one are of women. The first 83 name is that of the pastor, whose resignation of the First Church and removal to another State, preceding the division, might seem to have released him from further responsibility in the case. How many of these names, men and women, were legal members of the parish it might be difficult to decide. Still, the allowance before the court was that they constituted the majority of the church. The portion of the church remaining with the parish removed the deacon who had withdrawn from it, and chose two new deacons, in whose name a suit was instituted against the retiring deacon for the recovery of the parish and church property from his trusteeship. It is interesting to note with what strict precision of rule and method the court, amid the intense excitement of the time — a more than local one — rigidly confined itself to the single point for adjudication. Not only, as has been said, were the underlying elements of contention wholly out of view, but there was reserve on other matters. The question was not adverted to of the doubtful elements of majority or minority between the parties ; nor were the sources of the property in contest, as derived from persons in or out of the church, referred to. The question recognized by the court was simply this : whether the claimants had been lawfully appointed deacons of the First Church ; that is, whether the body which had appointed them was by law the First Church. The decision of the court was as follows : " When the majority of the members of a Congregational church sepa- rate from the majority of the parish, the members who remain, although a minority, constitute the church in such parish and retain the rights and property belonging thereto." This legal decision would have been regarded as a mo- mentous one had it applied only to the single case then in hearing. But it was the establishment of a precedent which would dispose of all like cases then to be expected to present themselves in the troubles of the time between parishes and 8 4 the churches gathered within them. So far as it averted further litigation and induced a recourse to other methods of disposing of those like cases, it might be welcomed. The full purport of the decision was that the law did not recognize a church independently of its connection with the parish in which it was gathered, from which it might sever itself and carry property with it. Even the withdrawal of all the members of the church from the parish would leave free opportunity for a new church fellowship to be formed within the parish, which would accede to all the rights and property of the body that had retired. Such was the disposal of a contested issue which was made by the supreme legal tribunal of the State. Doubtless, ; lawyers all things are possible, there were lawyers then and there may be lawyers now who would dispute the decision. Those of us who are not lawyers would at least, as I myself certainly should, be diffident about any questioning or dis- cussing of it. But none the less, the decision caused a shock to the feelings and convictions of thousands in this com munity, of the most painful and exasperating character. Even were I to offer to you — as I shall not — extended rela- tions and quotations from the documents of the time, I should fail to reproduce in you the sentiments and passions, the dismay and the indignation roused in multitudes then living. 1 After the brief historic reference which I have made to the traditions, usages, and statutes concerning the privileges and prerogatives of covenanted church bodies as connected with miscellaneous congregations, I need not attempt to account for the indignation and the deep sense of grievance and wrong excited among those who fondly clung to the old ways of piety 1 Note. I quote bi one from the main impassioned outbursts from ill"' who felt outrag decision of the court It was made by Rev. Dr. h Pond, afterwards of the Theological Seminary of Bangor. " We call the proceeding by the hard name oi plunder. And we call upon the courts <>i Mas- to revoke these unrighteous decisions, and put the Congregational churches of the State upon their original and propei basis." — // : •■-.;■■ ,.■•■.'■ WswM WBBSk