PERSONAL TRAITS OF
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
PERSONAL TRAITS OF
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
BY
HELEN NICOLAY
' ^%K.^s <^Pi^*l
*»*%>5^ii5i^
NEW YORK
THE CEx\TURY CO.
1913
S0U'^HI^AST■P^^^7 BRAMGH
Copyright, 1912, by
The Centuey Co.
Puhlished, October, 1912
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UKceu:.-K;,
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA PROPERTl
TRANSFERRED FROM PUBUC PBRARY
644712 ''
PREFACE
WHEN my father began collecting
material to be used in his joint
work with John Hay, " Abraham Lincoln :
A History," he put certain things into an
envelope marked " Personal Traits," mean-
ing to make a chapter with that heading.
As the work grew the items gathered
under that head overflowed from one
envelope into many ; and at the same time
it became manifest that a chapter with
such a title would be out of place. Inci-
dents illustrating Mr., Lincoln's personal
traits found their rightful place elsewhere ;
and the authors argued that if the work
as a whole did not reflect his character, it
was labor lost.
PREFACE
The envelopes, bursting with their load,
were put aside. My father meant at some
future time, to make of the material thus
collected, a smaller and more intimate vol-
ume. More pressing literary tasks, and
failing health, interfered.
Unfortunately, first-hand knowledge,
that could take those miscellaneous notes,
personal jottings, private letters, and
newspaper clippings, unrelated as the col-
ors on a painter's palette, and blend them
into an absolutely satisfactory portrait,
is not a kind of knowledge to be in-
herited — even by a daughter who grew
up in an atmosphere of devotion to Lin-
coln, and who, even in childhood was ac-
corded the privilege of helping, in so far
as she was able, with the details of the
" History."
That experience, however, seems to put
upon her a certain obligation to use these
PREFACE
notes, while it does not lessen her sense of
the perils of the task. It is a case, indeed,
where duty and something very like pre-
sumption go hand in hand.
She wishes to make acknowledgment to
Mr. Robert Lincoln for his personal kind-
ness in help and advice; and also to the
authors whose painstaking research has
brought to light new letters and material
since " Abraham Lincoln : A History," was
published.
Washington^ D, C,
Ma2/ SI, 1912.
CONTENTS
PAGE
I The Man and His Nature ... 3
II Lincoln's Anecdotes and Similes . 12
III His Developing Power 36
IV The Start in Life 63
V The Eighth Judicial Circuit . , 79
VI Lincoln's Attitude Toward Money 97
VII A New Candidate 117
VIII The Campaign Summer .... 134
IX The Journey to Washington . . 151
X EvERY-DAY Life at the White House 173
XI President Lincoln, His Wife and
Children 198
XII Those in Authority 234?
XIII Daily Receptions of the Plain
People 257
XIV The Memorandum of August
Twenty-Third 289
XV His Forgiving Spirit 315
XVI His Reason and His Heart . . . 337
XVII Lincoln the Writer 359
XVIII His Moral Fiber 377
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FACING
PAGE
Party accompanying Lincoln on the Journey
from Springfield to Washington .... 154
Handbill used on Lincoln's Journey to Wash-
ington 168
Autograph Text of Address to Foreign En-
voys 176
President's Note about a Post-oflBce Appoint-
ment, with Montgomery Blair's Endorsement 186
Two Characteristic Endorsements, and a Call
to a Special Cabinet Meeting .... 190
A Presidential Tea Party 206
Autograph Text of Lincoln's Rebuke to His
Cabinet 240
Memorandum across back of which Lincoln
asked his Cabinet to write their names, but
whose Contents he did not show them until
after his reelection 312
PERSONAL TRAITS OF
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
PERSONAL TRAITS OF
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
THE MAN, AND HIS NATURE
TO make claim of superhuman good-
ness or wisdom or ability for
Abraham Lincoln is to belittle him — to
detract from the dignity of his life and
the inspiration of his example. The rea-
son his name is on every lip, and that the
sound of it warms every heart, is that he
was so human, yet lived on a higher plane
than his fellows. That he freed an en-
slaved race and brought a long and bitter
war to an end, is impressive, but not vital
to his greatness. The fact that counts, is
that he passed through every stage of his
2
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
marvelous career, from laboring man to
ruler with more than imperial power, se-
renely constant to one inflexible standard
of right — never arrogant and never
abashed, just in act, and in sympathy a
brother to mankind.
Some men, bom with the gift of
wit, lack judgment, or persistent energy.
Others, dowered with unusual sagacity, are
hampered by a cold earnestness which re-
pels confidence. Still others, afflicted with
blind unreasoning energy, blunder per-
petually into destructive acts of courage
and daring. Lincoln had these qualities in
happy combination: wit to attract and
hold men, logical sense and clear vision to
plan methodical action ; and, best of all,
that high courage which, when the golden
moment came, inspired him to bold and
fearless action, regardless of what others
thought and careless of consequences to
himself.
4
THE MAN AND HIS NATURE
To study his character it is not neces-
sary to dig at the tap-root of his family
tree. It is unimportant whether his ulti-
mate ancestor was a baron who lived by
robbery, or a serf yielding his oppressor
unwilling tribute of sweat and blood. To
invent him a proper blazon we need only
cross the ax of the pioneer with the mace,
the symbol of delegated authority. In
blood and brain, ambition and achievement,
he was one with the men who in a single
century carried American civilization from
the slopes of the Alleghanies to the beaches
of our Pacific coast. His grandfather
was killed by savages. He himself bore
arms in the last Indian war of northern
Illinois.
Born in a Kentucky log cabin, reared in
an Indiana frontier settlement, beginning
life on his own account in an Illinois vil-
lage scarcely less primitive, he moved with
the tide of onward progress, not as a piece
of driftwood helplessly tossed by capri-
5
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
cious waves, but as the pilot of his self-
built craft, swayed indeed, now and then,
by adverse currents, but planning his own
course, and making port with the precision
born of rudder and compass.
In the inscrutable ways of Providence it
came about that when this man was fifty
years old his self-made craft became sud-
denly the ship of State, and his hand on the
helm the deciding factor in the lives of
thirty-one millions of his fellow-country-
men.
It is not enough to say that only in
America could such things be. Abraham
Lincoln is not explained so easily. He
was not alone the product of a new land,
but of the ages. Physically a wonderful
organ, mentally a wonderful instrument,
he was played upon by all the wonderful
influences of our new continent — by the
God-given freshness of the prairies, and
the mystery of primeval forests shadow-
ing secrets of an aboriginal race — also
6
THE MAN AND HIS NATURE
by Spartan fortitude, Roman law, and
Christian charity, gathered in remote days
by European forebears, and brought across
the sea to flower in him under the clear
light of a sun as yet undimmed by the
miasma of civilization. And with all this
background it took more than average
human experiences to make him what he
became.
Intellectually his life divides itself into
three periods. The first, of about forty
years, beginning in the backwoods cabin,
ended with the close of his term in Con-
gress. The second, of about ten years,
concluded with his nomination to the Presi-
dency. The third, of about five years,
terminated at his death. Had he been
called upon to exercise the duties of Presi-
dent at the end of the first period, he would
not have disgraced the office, but the school-
ing which followed was necessary, even
with his unusual gifts, to the fulfilment of
his destiny, and the lasting good of the
7
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
American people. " First the blade, then
the ear, then the full corn in the ear."
His life was an orderly development, each
achievement preparing the way for the one
to come.
In the first period he grew, as hundreds
of his contemporaries grew, from nothing
in wisdom and worldly possessions, to an
honorable place in the material and mental
life of his time. It y^as the season of his
personal growth. In the second he put a
moral question before the people in terms
so ringing that they had to listen. With-
out conscious will on his part, but as
inevitably as the magnet draws to itself a
following, he became in those years a leader
of men, merged his individuality in that of
a cause, and became the champion of a
great idea. In the third period, when
events crowded so thickly that the half-
century he had already lived seemed but a
short time compared to the days and weeks
of his Presidency, he was called upon to
8
THE MAN AND HIS NATURE
put his championship to the test — to lead
his followers through doubt and tribula-
tion, and finally to lay down his life for the
faith that was in him.
History dwells on the fact that this man,
who began so humbly and traveled so far,
had only one scant year of schooling; and
it treasures, rightly enough, a few leaves
from his copy-book, and one or two doggerel
verses as precious relics. Of the teachers
who walked with him all the days of his
youth, it says little. Yet poverty taught
him the value of industry, of skill, of repu-
tation. Labor taught him, better than
books could do, his individual right to the
fruits of his individual toil. Another great
teacher was solitude, in whose still places
he learned to think — to measure his pow-
ers, and take counsel of his own mind and
heart.
But even taking into account all these,
we know practically nothing of how he edu-
cated himself, or why. The force which
9
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
moves the grain of wheat to activity re-
mains ever a mystery. We only know that
a miracle was wrought, and that by the
time this pioneer boy reached manhood the
cast of mind as well as of body, the tricks
of speech, and the spaciousness of soul,
had developed, that remained with him to
the end.
A man of many moods but great single-
ness of aim, he was complex, yet of a
strange simplicity. So natural in manner,
so free from arrogance and assumption of
power, that some could not see how grandly
he towered above them. Unable to believe
that one so placed could have come through
the fires of life unscathed, they read into
his acts subtleties and meanings which were
not there; for, with the knowledge of a
world-wise man, he kept the heart of
a child. Humble-minded, he was confident
of his own powers. Intensely practical, he
was dowered with a poet's vision, and
a poet's capacity for pain. Keen, analyt-
ic
THE MAN AND HIS NATURE
ical, absolutely just, he was affectionate —
and tender-hearted almost to the verge of
unreason. Fond of merriment, he was one
of the saddest men who ever lived.
Some, seeing only one side of his char-
acter, and some another, doubted and mis-
judged him. Though those nearest him
were the ones who loved him best, even they
hardly realized the measure of his great-
ness. Time had to demonstrate the con-
summate wisdom of his acts, truth had to
unearth hidden facts, and men and women
who casually judged him and passed on
had each to bring a little tribute of praise
or blame before the world could see how the
varied and apparently contradictory ele-
ments in Lincoln's nature — sadness and
gaiety, justice, logic and mercy, humility
and assurance — combined in one genial,
luminous whole; just as conflicting colors
of the spectrum fuse together into strong
white light.
11
II
Lincoln's anecdotes and similes
JUST as white light, broken into com-
ponent parts, dazzles an untrained
eye with reds and yellows, to the exclusion
of violets and indigo, without which the
gaudier colors are only disturbing factors,
popular estimate has laid too much stress
on one of the least of Lincoln's qualities —
his story-telling power; if indeed, it was a
quality, and not the result of a quality —
an effect, not a cause. That he was a
royal story-teller there is no doubt, but
legend and popular fancy have combined to
distort the measure and the reason of his
gift.
Sorrow and hardship darkened the ear-
12
ANECDOTES
liest years of his childhood, but his was a
gay and happy nature by right of birth.
As a boy he loved a story for the pure fun
in it; and, since he was human, liked to
tell one, because in those pioneer times of
few amusements and almost no books, the
exercise of the faculty carried with it pop-
ularity, even more than it does to-day.
yEsop's "Fables," one of the few books
that fell into his hands, was a mine of
wealth to such a lad, and a formative in-
fluence as well.
Grown to manhood, he faced juries by
day, or appeared after nightfall before
scanty groups of settlers, gathered solemn
and expectant in dimly lighted log cabins
to hear his views on State politics or Na-
tional tariff or internal improvement. In
such conditions the power of a story to
rivet attention or illuminate the dismal sur-
roundings was not to be thrown away.
Later in his career he used anecdotes with
telling eff'ect to clinch an argument, or
13
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
good-humoredly turn away a bore. In the
stress of his Presidency they became abso-
lutely necessary to tide over the despond-
ency of bloody, bitter days.
That he could not have told humorous
tales with the frequency rumor indicates, is
self-evident. Had he done so there would
have been no time to carry on the war. He
himself disclaimed responsibility for more
than one-sixth of those attributed to him,
adding modestly that he was " only a retail
dealer," who remembered a good story
when he heard it. In spite of which, most
of the tales invented since the days of
Abraham the patriarch have been laid to
his door.
The proof of his skill in telling them
lies in the avidity with which people lis-
tened for and talked about them, either in
criticism or praise. For of course there
were good unimaginative men who could
not see beyond a story to the application
14
ANECDOTES
of it, and who failed entirely to grasp the
reason for its telling. To these he seemed
to be occupying his mind with frothy
nothings while the country was in extremis
— a sort of nineteenth-century Nero, with-
out even the dignity of Nero's music and
malice.
Some went so far as to remonstrate with
him for his levity. They could not see
that, tortured almost beyond endurance by
the responsibility and the horror of the
war, he was telling stories for a purpose
— reaching out instinctively for some-
thing to turn the current of his thoughts
even a moment, in order that he might get
a firmer grasp again, and a saner outlook
upon life.
" If it were not for this occasional vent
I should die," he told a scandalized and
protesting congressman. Then, seeing
that his visitor, who had come on a serious
errand, was really hurt, he lapsed with
15
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
characteristic suddenness into his patient
gravity, and began discussing the matter
in hand.
These quick transitions from grave to
gay were a constant source of wonder to
his friends. He seemed so possessed with
merriment while it lasted, and put it
aside so quickly. Laughter was to him a
stimulant, and an aid to work. In a lec-
ture, written years before, he defined it as
the "joyous, universal evergreen of life."
An old Springfield friend, hearing it ring
out in the White House against the lurid
background of war, called it, with sudden
deep insight, " the President's life-pre-
server."
This laugh of Mr. Lincoln's was one
secret of his power as a story-teller. His
own enjoyment was so genuine, his realiza-
tion of a situation so keen, that it exer-
cised a power almost hypnotic over his
hearers. Even the dullest saw the scene
as he did while he was describing it, his
16
ANECDOTES
expressive face showing every emotion in
turn. Then when the cHinax was reached
he would lead the laughter with a hearti-
ness that seemed to convulse his whole
body. Yet a moment later the merriment
died out of his eyes, lines of care descended
again like a gray veil over his face, and
sad and weary, he took up his burden.
Such moments of relaxation were liter-
ally snatched from toil. No man worked
harder or had longer hours than he. It
was the constant endeavor of his secretaries
to compress his working day within reason-
able limits — and his constant practice, in
the kindness of his great heart, to break
through rules he admitted ought to be
kept, and to see people morning, noon, and
night. Importunate visitors sometimes
forced their way into his very bedroom,
and neither midnight nor early dawn was
free from prearranged interviews. Thus
care was always with him; he was never
allowed to forget, even had his been a
2 17
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
nature to forget, that there was a great
war raging in the land, and that he, more
than anv one else, was held accountable for
its course and final outcome.
Those who heard him tell his stories are
fast passing away. Which of the many
attributed to him are of the one-sixth he
really told, and which of the five-sixths he
did not tell, is in some cases already im-
possible to determine. Some are vouched
for by unimpeachable authority ; some bear
internal evidence of untruth. Careful
search has brought to light less than a
hundred that seem likely to be genuine.
Even if he told all these and as many more,
the number would be a small one, to ac-
count for such a reputation.
Concerning the quality of his stories,
certain facts stand out. They were al-
ways short. Lincoln's worst enemy never
accused him of telling a long story. And
they never lacked point. A third charac-
teristic is that he always took his illustra-
18
ANECDOTES
tions from a life with which he was fa-
mihar. As he expressed it, he " did not
care to quarry among the ancients for his
figures." The hfe in which he grew up,
the hfe of pioneer times, and of the small
village communities which immediately fol-
lowed it in the Middle West, was poor in
culture and refinements of living, but
strong in racy human nature. Hence
overfastidious people, who liked " quarry-
ing among the ancients," found his stories
coarse. Homely, would be a truer term,
for they were never coarse in spirit, even
when most sordid in detail. Ethically
they always pointed a clean moral. They
were of the soil — strongly of the soil —
but never of the charnel-house.
His story of the skunks, for example. Is
the tale of a man who hid behind his wood-
pile and saw six of these malodorous ani-
mals walking in procession to deplete his
hen-house. Firing, he killed one, and
when upbraided later for not exterminat-
19
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
ing them all, replied with feeling that he
had been six weeks getting over the effects
of shooting that one, and " reckoned he 'd
let the others go."
Then there is the story of the louse on
the man's eyebrow, supposed to have been
told by Mr. Lincoln to silence a trouble-
some member of the Illinois legislature who
questioned the constitutionality of every
motion made. " Mr. Speaker," said Lin-
coln, with a quizzical smile, and a twinkle
in his deep-set eyes, " Mr. Speaker, the ob-
jection of the Member from So-and-So re-
minds me of an old friend of mine," and
to the merriment of his colleagues he went
on to describe a grizzled frontiersman with
shaggy overhanging brows, and spec-
tacles, very like the objecting legislator.
One morning, on looking out of his cabin
door the old gentleman thought he saw a
squirrel frisking on a tree near the house.
He took down his gun and fired at it, but
the squirrel paid no attention. Again and
20
ANECDOTES
again he fired, getting more mystified and
more mortified at eacli failure. After a
round dozen sliots he threw down the gun,
muttering tliat there was " something
wrong with the rifle."
" Rifle 's all right," declared his son who
had been watching him. " Rifle 's all
right, but where 's your squirrel ? "
" Don't you see him ? " thundered the
old man, pointing out the exact spot.
" No, I don't," was the candid answer.
Then, turning and staring into his father's
face, the boy broke into a jubilant shout.
" Now I see your squirrel ! You 've been
firing at a louse on your eyebrow."
Certainly the moral of this could not be
improved upon, however coldly one may re-
gard the subject. And these two are the
most violent examples of their class.
Then there were the stories in which sub-
jects considered either too sacred or too
profane were introduced. One described a
rough frontier cabin, with children running
21
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
wild, and a hard-worked wife and mother,
slatternly and unkempt, not overhappy
perhaps, but with a woman's loyal instinct
to make the best of things before a stran-
ger. Into this setting strode an itinerant
Methodist, unctious and insistent, selling
Bibles as well as preaching salvation. She
received him with frontier hospitality, but
grew restive under questioning she deemed
intrusive, and finally answered rather
sharply that of course they owned a Bible.
He challenged her to produce it. A search
revealed nothing. The children were
called to her aid, and at last one of them
unearthed and held up for inspection a
few tattered leaves. Protest and re-
proaches on the part of the visitor, but on
her own stanch sticking to her colors.
" She had no idea," she declared, " that
they were so nearly out."
Another told of a traveler lost during
a terrific thunder-storm, blundering and
floundering along in thick darkness, except
22
ANECDOTES
when vivid lightning flashes showed him
trees falHng around him, and the heavens
apparently rent asunder. At last a flash
and a crash more terrible than all the rest
brought him to his knees. He was not a
praying man. His petition was short and
to the point. " O Lord," he gasped, " if
it 's all the same to you, please give us a
little more light and a little less noise ! "
A third was about building a bridge
across a very dangerous and rapid river.
Several engineers had tried and failed,
when a devout church member told the
committee in charge that he had a friend
who could do it. The friend was sum-
moned. " Can you build this bridge ? "
they asked him. " Certainly," was the an-
swer. " I could build a bridge to the in-
fernal regions." The committee was not
only skeptical but shocked. After the en-
gineer had retired his friend said, " I know
so well, he is so honest and so good
a builder, that if he says he can build a
23
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
bridge to Hades, I suppose he can ; but, I
must say," he added thoughtfully, " I have
my doubts about the abutments on the in-
fernal side."
The twentieth century will regard such
matters more leniently than the nineteenth ;
certainly it is hard to see, in the light of
present-day liberty, how these can be
classed as license.
Many of the stories attributed to Lin-
coln — very likely with reason, since every-
body tells them — are of the class which,
through sheer excellence and much repeti-
tion, has ceased to be personal or even
national property, and become part of
the folk-lore of the world. " Swapping
horses while crossing a stream," is an ex-
ample. He gave even these his own indi-
vidual touch. His story of " trying the
greens on Zerah," with its subtle accusa-
tion of human nature, was his much more
artistic version of the usual " try it on the
dog." As he told it, the scene of the story
24
ANECDOTES
was the neighborhood where he grew up.
In tlie early spring, after a monotonous
winter diet, the farmers there were very
fond of the dish called " greens " — boiled
dandelion tops, or other harmless wild
leaves. On one occasion a large and
greedy family sat down to a very moder-
ate-sized dish of greens, and Zerah, the
half-witted boy, whimpered at the unfair
distribution of the dainty. Shortly after-
ward the whole household, including him-
self, became desperately sick, something
poisonous having been gathered by mis-
take. All recovered, but the lesson was
not lost. After that Zerah was invariably
served first, with his full share, the
others saying eagerly, " Try it on Zerah ;
if he stands it, it won't hurt the rest of
us."
This is almost the only one of Mr. Lin-
coln's stories that shows a trace of irony.
His heart was too sunny, his belief in hu-
man nature too strong, to permit accusing
25
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
his fellow men, even in jest, of cruelty or
meanness.
Another point is interesting. His
stories never varied. He always told them
the same way. Once established, the form
remained unchanged to the last word and
expression. Mr. A. J. Conant, who oc-
cupied a government office in Washington
during the rebellion, has given us a hint
of the way in which Mr. Lincoln made a
story his own. He told the President a
tale which the latter enjoyed and some-
times repeated, giving him due credit.
This, by the way, is not the invariable cus-
tom of story-tellers. The story was about
a man who hoped to become county judge,
and hired a horse and buggy from his
neighbor, a liveryman, in order to drive to
the nominating convention held in a town
some sixteen miles away. He asked the
livery-stable keeper to give him the best
and fastest horse he had, explaining that
he was anxious to get there early and do a
26
ANECDOTES
little log-rolling before the meeting opened.
His neighbor, being of opposing politics,
had other views, and furnished him with a
beast which, though starting out very well,
broke down utterly. Long before he
reached his destination the convention had
adjourned, and of course he lost the nomi-
nation. Even with its head turned toward
home the poor horse could not hurry. It
was late the following afternoon before
they pulled up in front of the stable. The
candidate's anger had had time to cool,
and feeling the uselessness of recrimina-
tion, he handed the reins over to his
neighbor, only remarking : " Jones, I
see you are training this horse for the
New York market. I know you expect to
sell him for a good price to an undertaker
for a hearse-horse." In vain the owner
protested. "Don't deny it," said the
would-be judge. " I know it is true. I
know by his gait how much time you have
spent training him to go before a hearse.
27
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
But it is all labor lost, my friend. He will
never do. He is altogether too slow. He
could n't get a corpse to the cemetery in
time for the resurrection ! "
The words in italics show Mr. Lincoln's
interpolations. Few as they are, they dis-
close his quick grasp of the motives of
both men, and, rendering the story plausi-
ble, make it twice as amusing.
But Lincoln's stories might have been
short and good and dramatically told, and
forgotten in a day. Their kindhness
would not have saved them, or their homely
realism. Their crowning excellence lay in
being always apt — told not for themselves
alone, but in illustration of some point he
saw and wished to make clear to others.
In that sense they were not stories at all,
but parables. Their teller would have
been the first to disclaim any intention of
preaching. He told them as simply as he
did everything else in life; but mentally
and spiritually he was of the line of the
28
ANECDOTES
old Hebrew poets, who had a message to
deliver, and spoke it with conviction, in
vivid figures of the life they knew. And
just because his stories were so apt and so
wonderfully told, retelling them in print
after half a century is like wrenching jew-
els from their setting, or sea growths from
ocean gardens, or anything supremely fit
and right in its own place, and displaying
it mutilated in utterly alien surroundings.
So short were these stories, and so
charged with meaning, that anecdote melts
insensibly into simile. Sometimes it is hard
to fix the boundary line between them. In
a letter declining an invitation to a Jeffer-
son birthday celebration in 1859, he wrote :
" I remember being once much amused at
seeing two partially intoxicated men en-
gaged in a fight with their great-coats on,
which fight, after a long and rather harm-
less contest, ended in each having fought
himself out of his own coat and into that
of the other. If the two leading parties
29
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
of this day are really identical with the
two in the days of Jefferson and Adams,
they have performed the same feat." Is
this a story, or a simile?
Lincoln's early letter to his friend
Joshua F. Speed, describing his predica-
ment when he wanted to run for Congress
and instead found himself sent to the nomi-
nating convention against his will, in-
structed to vote for his friend Baker, as
leaving him "fixed a good deal like a fel-
low who is made a groomsman to a man that
has cut him out and is marrying his own
dear ' gal,' " summed up a drama and a
political situation in one sentence ; though
not quite so vividly as did his retort to
the friend who begged him to interfere in
the campaign of 1864 when Republicans
were quarreling among themselves, and
seemed thereby in danger of losing the elec-
tion. " I learned a great many years
ago," was his answer, " that in a fight be-
30
ANECDOTES
tween husband and wife, a third party
sliould never get between the woman's skil-
let and the man's ax-helve."
His mind seemed to translate every sit-
uation into dramatic form, and he became
wonderfully adept in setting forth the pic-
ture he saw in a few swift words. Pages
of quotation from his letters and daily
conversation could be made, showing this
trait. Whether it developed out of his
story-telling faculty, or side by side with
it, is a question more interesting than im-
portant. His answer to the New Salem
election clerk that he " could make a few
rabbit tracks " when that worthy inquired
if he knew how to write, indicates that it
was of sufficiently early origin ; and in the
very last public address he made, speaking
of establishing loyal governments in the
southern States, he used the figure of the
fowl and the egg. " Concede that the new
government of Louisiana is only to what it
31
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
should be, as the egg is to the fowl," he
said; "we shall sooner have the fowl by
hatching the egg than by smashing it."
" A man watches his pear tree day after
day, impatient for the ripening of the
fruit. Let him attempt to force the proc-
ess, and he may spoil both fruit and tree.
But let him patiently wait, and the ripe
pear at length falls into his lap," was his
illustration of the folly of trying to has-
ten public opinion. He was speaking of
the Emancipation Proclamation, as he was
also when he gave that disconcerting an-
swer to the committee of Chicago clergy-
men : " I do not want to issue a document
that the whole world will see must neces-
sarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull
against the comet ! "
" I asked him what was his policy,"
said the Prince de Joinville, telling of an
interview he once had with President Lin-
coln. " I have none," he replied. " I
pass my life in preventing the storm from
32
ANECDOTES
blowing down the tent, and I drive in the
pegs as fast as they are pulled up."
When emancipation became a " peg," he
drove it home with great effect.
" Two dogs that get less eager to fight,
the nearer they come together," and,
" fitting the round man into the square
hole," are similes recorded in the diary of
Secretary Welles. Lincoln's half-humor-
ous likening of himself at the beginning of
his first term, when civil offices had to be
filled and appointments made, regardless of
whether war broke out or not, to " a man so
busy renting rooms in one end of his house
that he has no time to put out a fire burn-
ing in the other " ; his discouraged remark
that sending men to the Army of the Po-
tomac was like " shoveling fleas across a
barn floor — half of them never got
there " ; and his searching question to
critics who denounced his war methods as
too severe : " Would you prosecute it in
future with elder-stalk squirts charged
3 S«
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
with rose-water ? " are among the most
graphic.
In writing to mihtary commanders he
was constantly using such figures. His
admonition to " hold on with a bull-dog
grip and chew and choke," has in it the
very spirit of dogged fight ; while his warn-
ing to General Hooker not to get his
army " entangled upon the river, like an
ox jumped half over a fence, and liable
to be torn by dogs front and rear, without
a fair chance to gore one way or kick the
other," is as comprehensive as it was sound
from a military point of view.
In these, as in his anecdotes, there is a
noticeable absence of bitterness. After
Chickamauga he did indeed speak of Rose-
crans as " confused and stunned, like a
duck hit on the head," but that was in the
privacy of the Executive office, to one of
his confidential secretaries. To the same
young man he admitted that a high official,
then plotting against his reelection, would
34>
ANECDOTES
probably, " like the blue-bottle fly, lay eggs
in ever}^ rotten spot he can find," but in
public he never admitted that this officer
was at fault.
Had Lincoln been of a vindictive tem-
perament, or possessed of less self-control,
this dangerous power of using words might
have brought about his undoing. Had it
become master of his mind, instead of its
servant, it could have ridden him far, mak-
ing enemies at every turn. But his kindly
nature held it rigorously in check. So
rigorously that when, tried beyond endur-
ance, his pent-up feelings did break the
barrier and find outlet in a stinging phrase,
it was worse than any blow — as when,
looking down on the sleeping Army of the
Potomac, he called it, in sorrow, more than
in anger, " only McClellan's body-guard."
35
Ill
HIS DEVELOPING POWER
IN analyzing Lincoln's influence as
writer and speaker, teacher and neigh-
bor, it must be conceded that this gift of
anecdote and simile, this instinct to trans-
late situations into dramatic form, was a
tremendous help in getting his views before
the public in a shape to attract and hold
attention. Another gift, equally valuable,
developed later — during the ten years
preceding his election as President. This
was his art of compressing a moral truth
or a guiding principle into one short and
telling sentence. All three were merely
different manifestations of his dominant
mental quality, his strong reasoning power.
36
HIS DEVELOPING POWER
" The point — the power to hurt — of
all figures lies in the truthfulness of their
application," he once said, and his faculty
of picturesque presentation would have
availed little, had it not been for the clear
perception which made the figure he used
the mirror of the fact itself.
His mind went unerringly to the heart
of a thing. He saw essentials, and in the
light of his straightforward gaze non-es-
sentials shriveled and disappeared. Even
abstract moral questions, which to others
might appear nebulous and of uncertain
outline, had for him definite shape. They
could be examined from all sides. He
made up his mind about them only after
consideration, but they were never misty.
He might approach them through dark-
ness, but never through a fog.
And clear statement of what he saw was
from boyhood a passion with him. " I re-
member how, when a mere child, I used to
get irritated when anybody talked to me
37
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
in a way I could not understand," he told
a friend. " I don't think I ever got angry
at anything else in my life. But that al-
ways disturbed my temper, and has, ever
since." He would puzzle far into the
night over the sayings of men who came
to talk with his father, lying sleepless until
he believed he had caught their meaning,
and then would repeat it over and over in
simple words, until he was sure he had put
it in language plain enough for any boy to
understand.
In this bit of autobiography he has told
the secret — as much of the secret as we
can ever know — of his self -education.
Given his keen moral perceptions, his pas-
sion for clear statement, his feeling for
the beauty of words, and his sense of
humor, his literary style follows as a mat-
ter of course.
Given his clear perception of the thing
he wanted to do, his direct, simple proc-
esses of reasoning usually showed him a
38
HIS DEVELOPING POWER
way to do it. The technique might be
original, but the result was effective and
satisfactory. Thus, when his flatboat lay
half submerged over a dam, with its nose
in mid-air, he freed it from water by the
simple expedient of boring a hole in its
bottom. And when his military knowledge
was not sufficient to get his company of
Black Hawk volunteers through a gate
" endwise " in terms prescribed by the
manual, his common sense prompted him
to dismiss it " for two minutes, when it will
fall in again on the other side of the gate."
Instead of running in grooves hollowed out
by custom, his mind had the tonic direct-
ness of a child's. To the day of his death
he kept the childlike attitude of heart; he
was never too old to learn.
No process seemed too tedious or too
difficult if the end was worth while.
In answer to a query received during the
campaign of 1860, he wrote:
39
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Yours of the 24th, asking " the best mode
of obtaining a thorough knowledge of the
law/' is received. The mode is very simple,
though laborious and tedious. It is only to
get the books and read and study them care-
fully. Begin with Blackstone's " Commen-
taries," and after reading it carefully
through, say twice, take up Chitty's " Plead-
ings," Greenleaf 's " Evidence," and Story's
" Equity," etc., in succession. Work, work,
work, is the main thing.
Yours very truly, A. Lincoln.
He saw no road to knowledge by way
of '' six easy lessons." Work, work, work,
and the use of the faculties with which the
Lord endowed him, were his means of suc-
cess. It was after the end of his term in
Congress that he applied himself with
dogged energy to mastering the proposi-
tions of Euclid, because, as he said, he
was not sure he knew what the word
" demonstrate " meant. When he thought
40
HIS DEVELOPING POWER
he had found out, he continued the prac-
tice of the law.
In the early part of his career politics
and the law went hand in hand, each help-
ing on the other. His growing promi-
nence in politics brought him increased
law practice, while the practice of law
sharpened and trained his strong reason-
ing powers; and both callings carried him
out among people where his good fellow-
ship and wit won him hosts of friends.
The same qualities which made him agree-
able to his friends made him effective with
a jury. At first indeed, it was his fair-
ness and his way of putting things, more
than deep legal knowledge, which counted
in the court room ; while in his political ad-
dresses he was merely talking to a larger
and more informal jury, using practically
the same methods, whether he spoke from
the body of a wagon drawn up in the shade
of trees, or the less unsteady footing of
41
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
the court-room floor. It was the taking,
free-and-easy manner of the Middle West.
Litigation was not complicated by ab-
struse points of law; and in politics, cam-
paign arguments, enlivened by anecdotes,
good-natured personalities, and pungent
observations on questions of the day, made
up the popular speech.
Major Stuart, Lincoln's first law part-
ner, did little to foster a closer application
to study in his friend. He was always
more interested in politics than in his pro-
fession. After four years this partner-
ship came to an end, and another was
formed with Judge Stephen T. Logan, who
had lately retired from the circuit bench.
Judge Logan was a man of more studious
temperament and of keen legal mind,
and opened to Lincoln, both by precept
and example, new vistas of work and
achievement in the law. These, to his
partner's delight, and also somewhat to his
astonishment, Lincoln embraced with ar-
42
HIS DEVELOPING POWER
dor. " He would study out his case, and
make about as much of it as anybody,"
the judge said, years afterward, with the
wonder of it still upon him. " His ambi-
tion as a lawyer increased, he grew con-
stantly ... he got to be quite a for-
midable lawyer." After four years of this
stimulating companionship Judge Logan
had a son ready to enter the office, and in
1845 Lincoln made way for him by open-
ing an office of his own, taking in a young
and enthusiastic junior partner, Wm. H.
Herndon, a business connection which re-
mained unbroken until Lincoln's death.
Lincoln's election to the Thirtieth Con-
gress once more enlarged his horizon.
The two winters he spent in Washington,
while not adding materially to his local or
national fame, were of immense benefit in
his personal development. They gave
him opportunity to study the complex
machinery of Federal government, and its
relation to that of the States at first hand,
43
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
and, what was quite as Important, a chance
to measure himself with pohtlcal leaders
and representative men from all parts of
the Union.
The drudgery of congressional life;
work on committees, and haunting Depart-
ments to look after the interests of con-
stituents, no light task in the straggling,
unpaved, and un-omnltjused Washington
of the late '40's, did not fill him with
undue elation. " Being elected to Con-
gress, though I am very grateful to our
friends for having done it, has not pleased
me as much as I expected," he wrote his
friend Speed; and to his partner he con-
fessed that speechmaking In the House
gave him no greater thrill than speaking
elsewhere. " I was about as badly
scared, and no worse, as I am when I speak
in court." That Lincoln habitually suf-
fered the pangs described by an eloquent
preacher : " Five minutes before sermon-
time I would rather be shot than begin ;
44
HIS DEVELOPING POWER
five minutes before time to close, I would
rather be shot than stop," is unlikely.
That he could enjoy another's speech we
have abundant proof. " I just take my
pen to say that Mr. Stephens of Georgia,
a little, slim, pale-faced consumptive man,
with a voice like Logan's, has just con-
cluded the very best speech of an hour's
length I ever heard. My old, withered, dry
eyes are full of tears yet," he wrote to
Herndon. After this burst of enthusiasm
it is interesting to read what Stephens
wrote, years later, about the impression
made on him at that time by the tall mem-
ber from Illinois.
" Mr. Lincoln was careful as to his man-
ners, awkward in his speech, but was pos-
sessed of a very strong, clear, vigorous
mind. He always attracted and riveted
the attention of the House when he spoke.
He had no model. He was a man of
strong convictions, and what Carlyle would
have called an earnest man. He abounded
45
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
in anecdote, and socially he always kept
his company in a roar of laughter."
Socially, either as member of the
" mess " at Mrs. Spriggs's boarding-house
near the Capitol where he lived, or as
guest at Webster's breakfast parties, Lin-
coln could hold his own ; and in debate, as
we have seen, he impressed a man of
Alexander H. Stephens's brilliant intellect
as " strong, clear and vigorous." But it
is significant that after this experience and
contact with the larger minds of the day,
he set himself like a schoolboy to study
works of mathematics and logic. Evi-
dently, he felt in himself a lack of the
power of close and sustained reasoning.
He returned to Springfield at the end of
his term in Congress, and for four years
worked hard at the law; the attention he
bestowed upon it being repaid by increas-
ing practice, and an ever-growing sense
of the interest and even the responsibility
of his calling. His character took on a
46
HIS DEVELOPING POWER
graver dignity during these years, while
losing nothing in geniality and charm.
He was still the center of every group he
joined, and still left behind him a ripple
of smiles and laughter ; but his friends no-
ticed that he was less often in their com^
pany, and more and more likely to be
found in the quiet of his own office. The
very short autobiography written by him
in 1860 to aid in preparing the campaign
"life," states that "in 1854 his profes-
sion had almost superseded the thought of
politics in his mind when the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise roused him as he had
never been before."
This was the law passed in 1820 by
which Missouri was allowed to enter the
Union as a slave State, on condition that
thereafter slavery was to be prohibited in
all remaining United States territory lying
north of latitude of 36° 30', the southern
boundar3^-lIne of Missouri.
As a moral question and cause of politi-
47
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
cal disturbance, slavery was as old as the
nation. The germ of the Union armies
came across seas in the cabin of the May-
fiower, and that of Secession lay in the
hold of the Dutch slaver which sailed up
ihe James River in 1619. Slave codes
and abolition societies were in existence be-
fore our Constitution. The signers of
that instrument grappled hopelessly with
the anomaly of involuntary servitude in a
country dedicated to freedom; and every
generation of statesmen since had labored
in vain to quell the growing agitation.
Eli Whitney's invention of the cotton-gin
in 1793 early comphcated the question of
morals with that of money. From being
a source of perplexity and some shame to
the founders of our government it had be-
come by 1820 a burning sectional issue,
threatening disruption. The Missouri
Compromise postponed the final struggle
forty years, but did not quiet discussion.
Most of the territory still available for
48
HIS DEVELOPING POWER
making new States lay north of 36° 30',
and the South did not propose to lose a
political ascendancy it had long enjoyed.
Its influence brought about the annexation
of Texas with the resulting Mexican War,
as a means of gaining new territory south
of 36° 30'. This acquisition, however,
only added fuel to the flame. Compro-
mises in the Constitution, compromise in
1820, and sundry other compromises
agreed upon in 1850 in the deluded hope
that they would be " final," were of no
avail. A plague-spot in the body politic,
it grew steadily, and increased in virulence
despite all palliative measures, until only
the surgery of war, and Lincoln's heroic
measure of emancipation could rid us of
the disease.
Lincoln had grown to manhood during
this time of increasing agitation, on the
border land between the two systems. He
had been born in a slave State, and lived,
both in Indiana and Illinois, in communi-
4 49
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
ties dominated largely by Kentucky tra-
ditions. But these early influences did not
serve to shake his inborn aversion to
slavery. It was one of the moral ques-
tions he had never seen through a fog.
At the age of nineteen, on his first slow
flatboat voyage down to the " sugar
coast " of the Mississippi River, he had
abundant time to observe the unlovely de-
tails of its practical working, and to de-
cide that it was bad. The sight of human
beings chained together " like so many fish
upon a trot-line," and driven and beaten
for no fault of their own, made a Whig of
him, when, an ambitious boy in need of
friends, he lived in a town where Whig
doctrines were much in disfavor. As a
member of the Illinois legislature he had
prepared a " protest " which only one man
had the courage to sign with him; and
during his single term in Congress he voted
over forty times, in one form or another,
for the Wilmot Proviso, which sought to
50
HIS DEVELOPING POWER
keep slavery out of the territory acquired
as a result of the war with Mexico. He had
also, while in Congress, introduced a bill
for gradual compensated emancipation of
the slaves in the District of Columbia.
He may have thought that all his interests
now centered in the law; but consciously
or unconsciously, the subject of slavery
was always near his heart.
He believed that though slavery was
evil, the Federal government had no power
to abolish it in States where it already ex-
isted ; but that it did have ample authority
to exclude it from all United States ter-
ritories. The Missouri Compromise, while
not ideal, at least served to confine it
within fixed geographical bounds.
The accidents of a senate debate and
the ambition of Lincoln's fellow-townsman
suddenly precipitated the repeal of this
measure upon the country in the innocent
guise of " a bill to organize the Territory
of Nebraska." Senator Douglas, to fur-
51
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
ther his own Presidential aims, adopted
and advocated it, utterly ignoring his
previous declaration that the Missouri
Compromise was " canonized in the hearts
of the American people as a sacred thing
which no ruthless hand would ever be reck-
less enough to disturb," and not only Lin-
coln, but the whole country was " roused "
— the South in advocacy of it, the North
in opposition ; for its effect was to open up
once again the entire question of slavery
extension.
From January to May the battle raged
in Congress ; and after that, from the day
the bill finally passed until the fall elec-
tions were held, acrimonious discussion
swept the land like a whirlwind.
For Lincoln the question had a personal
as well as a moral interest. Senator
Douglas, its chief advocate, without whose
support the measure could never have be-
come a law, was an old acquaintance ; had
indeed been his political adversary for
52
HIS DEVELOPING POWER
nearly twenty years. Some said that he
had been his rival in love as well.
Lincoln took no public part in the dis-
cussion until September. Meantime he
was studying the question in all its bear-
ings, historical, legal and political. Op-
position newspapers accused him of
*' mousing about the libraries in the State
House" — and the charge was perfectly
true.
When he did speak it was in a new tone
of authority. His statements were backed
by facts, and could be proved by legislative
documents. There was no lack of force
in his presentation, but it was done with
unwonted seriousness. He used fewer
anecdotes, and cited more history; and
there was a noticeable absence of the wordy
fury and explosive epithets characteristic
of the day. " His speeches at once at-
tracted a more marked attention than
they had ever before done," the autobiog-
raphy continues. " As the canvass pro-
53
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
ceeded he was drawn to different parts of
the State. . . . He did not abandon the
law, but gave his attention by turns to
that and poHtics. The State agricultural
fair was at Springfield that year, and
Douglas was announced to speak there."
The agitation had already brought the
Whig and Democratic parties in Illinois
to the verge of disruption. Douglas had
been almost mobbed when he appeared in
Chicago. By common consent political
leaders hurried to Springfield from all
parts of the State, and a sort of tourna-
ment of speech-making took place, lasting
nearly a week. Douglas made a speech on
the first day. Next afternoon Lincoln an-
swered him, speaking for more than three
hours. Neither speech was reported in
full, but the newspapers gave much space
to the meetings. One account of Lincoln's
speech gives such a graphic picture of the
scene, that quotation, even of its very bad
English, may be forgiven.
54
HIS DEVELOPING POWER
This anti-Nebraska speech of Mr. Lin-
coln's was the profoiindest, in our opinion,
that he has made in his whole life. He felt
upon his soul the truths burn which he ut-
tered, and all present felt that he was true
to his own soul. His feelings once or twice
swelled within and came near stifling utter-
ance, and particularly so when he said that
the Declaration of Independence taught us
that " all men are created equal " — that by
the laws of Nature and Nature's God all men
were free — that the Nebraska Law chained
men, and that there was as much difference
between the glorious truths of the immortal
Declaration of Independence and the Ne-
braska Bill as there was between God and
Mammon. These are his own words. They
were spoken with emphasis, feeling, and true
eloquence. ... We only wish others all over
the State had seen him while uttering these
truths only as Lincoln can utter a felt and
deeply felt truth. He quivered with feeling
and emotion. The whole house was as still
as death. He attacked the Nebraska Bill
with unusual warmth and energy, and all felt
55
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
that a man of strength was its enemy, and that
he intended to blast it if he could by strong
and manly efforts. He was most successful.
The house approved ... by loud and con-
tinuous huzzas. Women waved their white
handkerchiefs. . . . Douglas felt the sting.
He frequently interrupted Mr. Lincoln. . . .
Mr. Lincoln exhibited Douglas in all the at-
titudes he could be placed in a friendly de-
bate. He exhibited the Bill in all its aspects,
to show its humbuggery and falsehoods, and
when thus . . . held up to the gaze of the
vast crowd, a kind of scorn and mockery was
visible upon the face of the crowd, and upon
the lips of the most eloquent speaker. . , .
At the conclusion of this speech every man
and child felt that it was unanswerable.
Two weeks later the same champions met
again, and discussed the same questions at
Peoria, Illinois. It is said that at the end
of this debate Senator Douglas sought a
friendly interview with Lincoln for the
purpose of obtaining from him an agree-
56
HIS DEVELOPING POWER
ment that neither would speak again in
pubHc before the election. Douglas had
good cause to be alarmed at the unexpected
power developed by his antagonist; all the
strength Mr. Lincoln displayed in the next
six years — the eloquence of his " lost "
speech at Bloomington in 1856, the argu-
ments used in his joint debates with Doug-
las in 1858, and the convincing logic of
his Cooper Institute speech in I860 —
was foreshadowed in these two discourses.
With the advent of this new and deeper
interest in national affairs, and the substi-
tution of a vital moral principle for the
party issues and local questions discussed
in his former campaigns, can be dated the
change in Lincoln's manner of speaking.
The best examples of his first style were
remarkable; witty, trenchant, and ef-
fective; full of droll illustrations, and not
lacking in close reasoning. They were
rattling good stump speeches of the kind
to win tribute of applause from the other
57
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
side, however unwilling; summed up in an
ancient Democrat's exclamation as he beat
his hands together lustily : " I don't be-
lieve a darned thing he says, but I can't
help clapping him — he 's so pat! "
This now gave way to increased earnest-
ness, and to a sober presentation of his sub-
ject, clear in statement, and exact in
defining the questions at issue:
" I do not propose to question the pa-
triotism or to assail the motives of any
man or class of men, but rather to con-
fine myself strictly to the naked merits
of the question. I also wish to be no less
than national in all the positions I may
take, and whenever I take ground which
others have thought, or may think, nar-
row, sectional and dangerous to the Union,
I hope to give a reason which will appear
sufficient, at least to some, why I think
differently. And, as this subject is no
other than part and parcel of the larger
general question of domestic slavery, I wish
58
HIS DEVELOPING POWER
to make and to keep the distinction be-
tween the existing institution and the ex-
tension of it, so broad and so clear that
no honest man can misunderstand me, and
no dishonest one successfully misrepresent
me."
Historical fact and cold logic replaced
good-natured thrusts at men and events,
anecdotes gave way to axioms, and illus-
trations, sparingly used, were, when em-
ployed at all, forcible rather than humor-
ous.
" If you think you can slander a woman
into loving you, or a man into voting for
you, try it till you are satisfied."
" A highwayman holds a pistol to my
ear and mutters through his teeth, ' Stand
and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then
you will be a murderer ! ' "
" If I saw a venomous snake crawling
in the road, any man would say I might
seize the nearest stick and kill it ; but if I
found that snake in bed with my children,
59
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
that would be another question. I might
hurt the children more than the snake,
and it might bite them." This was used
to emphasize his point that slavery could
not be attacked where it already existed.
" But if there was a bed newly made up,
to which the children were to be taken, and
it was proposed to take a batch of young
snakes and put them there with them, I
take it no man would say there was any
question how I ought to decide." And he
characterized Douglas's policy of letting
each separate territory settle the moral
question for itself, as " groping for some
middle ground between the right and the
wrong, vain as the search for a man who
should be neither a living man nor a dead
man."
Logic and force, an unassailable array
of facts presented with great earnestness,
and infrequent though sometimes grue-
somely pertinent illustrations, were not,
60
HIS DEVELOPING POWER
however, tlie only elements of strength in
this second manner of Lincoln's. It was
at this period that he developed that power
so noticeable in his later utterances of
compressing truth into short and ringing
sentences, which seemed to catch up the
very spirit of his argument and focus it as
in a burning glass.
" No man is good enough to govern an-
other man without that other's consent,"
he said in one of the earliest of these
speeches.
" When the white man governs himself,
that is self-government; but when he gov-
erns himself and also governs another man,
that is more than self-government — that
is despotism."
" No man can logically say he does n't
care whether a wrong is voted up or voted
down." " He cannot say people have a
right to do wrong."
" He who would be no slave must con-
61
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
sent to have no slave. Those who deny
freedom to others deserve it not for them-
selves, and under a just God, cannot long
retain it."
" Let us have faith that right makes
might, and in that faith let us dare to do
our duty as we understand it." This last
was the closing exhortation of his Cooper
Institute speech.
Battle-cries of his new faith, they were
charged with an earnestness ten times more
impressive than the sallies of his earlier
manner. His own growth, and the maj-
esty of his theme, were alike apparent. No
longer merely a clever speaker, talking for
political ends, he had received his Pente-
costal touch of flame and become a teacher
— a leader of men.
62
IV
THE START IN LIFE
THOUGH we have little to do with
Lincoln's youth, it is unfair to leave
it entirely out of the picture, since the
half-faced camp at Pigeon Cove and the
settlements in Indiana and Illinois where
he spent his boyhood left their lasting
trace on speech and habit. It was a life
of democratic equality, wherein no man
was much richer or wiser than his fellows ;
a life of open air, neighborly helpfulness
and no shams, In which each Individual
stood or fell on his own merits. In the
White House Lincoln continued to measure
people and things by these unsophisticated
standards of personal worth and useful-
ness.
63
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
" Every man is said to have his pe-
cuhar ambition. Whether it be true or not,
I can say, for one, that I have no other
so great as that of being truly esteemed
of my fellow men by rendering myself
worthy of their esteem," he wrote at the
age of twenty-three, in his first published
" Address to the Voters of Sangamon
County." As a summing up of his atti-
tude toward society it would have been
equally true on the day of his death. He
was frankly ambitious, but with a whole-
some ambition, willing good alike to him-
self and his neighbor. As a means to that
end he seized on every chance bit of wis-
dom that came his way, welcoming it as
eagerly in the White House as in the mud-
chinked log cabin, and absorbing it, not
with a scholar's thirsty love of learning
for its own sake, but for the purpose it
might serve later on.
Although the people among whom his
youth was passed were unlettered, we are
64
THE START IN LIFE
apt to dwell with undue insistence on the
intellectual poverty, as we do on the phys-
ical misery, of those days. In things of
the spirit and things of the body alike, the
boy had enough to nourish and stimulate,
though never enough to surfeit his growing
need^. If we were to imagine his early
life an allegorical play, and write down as
dramatis personce a list of the human be-
ings and the things that influenced him, it
might read something like this :
A Father.
A Good Woman.
A Sweetheart.
A Schoolmaster.
A Constable who owned a Law Book.
A Town Drunkard.
A Bully.
A Braggart.
An Indian Chief.
A Voyage down a Great River.
A few Good Books.
5 65
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
His father, although not a worldly suc-
cess, was a man of good reputation and
native wit. His stepmother took the boy
into her big warm heart and gave him in-
tellectual sympathy as well as physical
comfort. Sweet Ann Rutledge whose
early death plunged Lincoln in such grief,
was a girl of greatest purity and
charm ; so, in the three nearest relation-
ships of life, he had the Best the world
can offer.
Mentor Graham, the New Salem school-
master, while not the wisest of his calling,
was learned enough to help him to a knowl-
edge of grammar and surveying. Jack
Kelso, disreputable town drunkard though
he was, had a love of Shakspere and Burns
to offset his love of drink. Jack Arm-
strong, leader of the Clary's Grove rowdies,
fought Lincoln, felt his strength, and
loved him, to the lasting good of both.
Dave Turnham, constable, possibly added
to the interest of his " Revised Statutes
66
THE START IN LIFE
of Indiana " by the unnecessary ceremony
with which he surrounded the volume.
Denton Offut, who bragged and blustered,
and set Lincoln in the pathway of commer-
cial venture and heavy debt ; James Gentry,
local capitalist, whose substance loaded the
flatboat upon which the future emancipa-
tor floated down into the heart of slavery ;
Black Hawk, the defiant old chief, whose
revolt gave Lincoln his short experience of
military service; and the chorus of neigh-
bors and acquaintances w^ho laughed at
his boyish stories and mock speeches, each
had a share in building his character.
As for the few books that fell into his
hands, blind chance could never have flung
together a collection so fitted to his future
needs. The Bible, ^sop's "Fables,"
" Robinson Crusoe," " The Pilgrim's Prog-
ress," a " History of the United States,"
a " Life of Washington," and Dave Turn-
ham's cherished copy of the " Revised
Statutes of Indiana," embracing within its
67
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
covers the Declaration of Independence,
the Constitution of the United States, and
the Ordinance of 1787 with its provision
excluding slavery from the Northwest Ter-
ritory.
In this small but fruitful mine he delved
to good purpose. He was not abnormal —
only a normal boy of unusual mental gifts,
with a fixed purpose to succeed, and
blessed with a stepmother who systemat-
ically abetted his efforts at self -improve-
ment. Even his father, who, owing to the
family tragedy of old Abraham Lincoln's
death at the hand of savages, grew up
" literally without education " and as his
son tells us, " never did more in the way
of writing than to bunglingly sign his
own name," had ambitions for the lad,
chief of which was that he should learn to
" cipher clean through the 'rithmetic."
So, though the path of knowledge
stopped far short of a college door, it was
carefully smoothed for him inside his own
68
THE START IN LIFE
home. " We took particular care not to
disturb him when he was reading," his step-
mother told a visitor in her old age ; and
John Hanks, describing their youth to-
gether, says : " When Abe and I returned
to the house from work, he would go to
the cupboard, snatch a piece of corn-bread,
take a book, sit down, cock his legs up as
high as his head, and read." Not a grace-
ful picture, but true to the life, and, as
we are informed by one who knew him
well in the White House, a habit that
stayed with him all his days. " Some of
his greatest work in later years was done
in this grotesque Western fashion, ' sitting
on his shoulder blades.' "
John Hanks, and Lincoln's stepbrother,
John D. Johnston, were the ones who might
have filed objections ; "for this humoring
must have looked very like favoritism in
the immunity it gave from household
chores. However, even they took a pride
in his " smartness," although without the
69
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
faintest desire to emulate it, they lived
and died, untouched by fame.
Lincoln and Black Hawk, the Indian
Chief in our imagined list, never met.
Indeed, Lincoln's soldiering had no mili-
tary result whatever, and he was the first
to ridicule it — yet the episode had its
bearing on his whole career. He once said
of himself that he was like the Hoosier
who " reckoned he liked gingerbread better
and got less of it than any man he knew " ;
and at the outset of this short campaign a
particularly sweet bit of " gingerbread "
came to him in his unexpected election by
the men of his company to the honorable
office of captain. " He has not since had
any success in life which gave him so
much pleasure," he confessed in middle
age. Since a certain amount of sweet is
good for soul as well as body, this
success did him no harm ; w^hile it was a far
more important happening of the campaign
that he should be thrown into the society of
70
THE START IN LIFE
Major John T. Stuart, who was to be his
first law partner.
Lincoln's autobiographical notes give, in
briefest form, the history of the next few
years. " Returning from the campaign,
and encouraged by his great popularity
among his immediate neighbors, he the
same year ran for the legislature, and
was beaten — his own precinct, however,
casting its votes 277 for him and 7 against
him." " This," he states, " was the only
time Abraham was ever beaten on a direct
vote of the people."
Lincoln was so forgetful of self, that it
is refreshing occasionally to come across
perfectly innocent and pardonable traces
of human vanity. He was justly proud
of his place in the hearts of the American
people, and it gave him uncommon satis-
faction to remember that with the excep-
tion of this, his earliest venture in politics,
they never failed him when allowed to ex-
press their will at first hand. In this case
71
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
it would have been a miracle had he suc-
ceeded. He announced his candidacy just
before starting on the Black Hawk
campaign, after onl}^ a few months' resi-
dence in the county, when he was a stranger
to practically every one outside his own
precinct, and as he got back from the war
only ten days before election, he stood
small chance against men of wider ac-
quaintance. Two years later, when he
tried again, the result was different.
The autobiography continues : " He
was now without means and out of busi-
ness, but was anxious to remain with his
friends who had treated him with so much
generosity, especially as he had nothing
elsewhere to go to. He studied what he
should do — thought of learning the black-
smith trade — thought of trying to study
law — rather thought he could not succeed
at that without a better education. Before
long, strangely enough, a man offered to
sell, and did sell, to Abraham and another
72
THE START IN LIFE
as poor as himself an old stock of goods,
upon credit. They opened as merchants;
. . . Of course they did nothing but get
deeper and deeper in debt. He was ap-
pointed postmaster at New Salem, the of-
fice being too insignificant to make his
politics an objection. The store winked
out. The surveyor of Sangamon offered
to depute to Abraham that portion of his
work which was within his part of the
county. He accepted, procured a compass
and chain, studied Flint and Gibson a lit-
tle, and went at it. This procured bread,
and kept soul and body together. The
election of 1834 came, and he was then
elected to the legislature by the highest
vote cast for any candidate." — Here again
is the note of pride. — " Major John T.
Stuart, then in full practice of the law,
was also elected. During the canvass, in
a private conversation, he encouraged
Abraham to study law. After the election
he borrowed books of Stuart, took them
73
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
home with him, and went at it in good
earnest. He studied with nobody. He
still mixed in the surveying to pay board
and clothing bills. When the legislature
met, the law books were dropped, but were
taken up again at the end of the session.
He was reelected in 1836, 1838, and 1840.
In the autumn of 1836 he obtained a law
license, and on April 15, 1837, removed
to Springfield and commenced the practice
— his old friend Stuart taking him into
partnership."
This election to the Illinois legislature
was undoubtedly the great determining
event in Lincoln's life. Had he lost in-
stead of won, the world might have gained
a blacksmith and lost a President. His
store had just " winked out " ; he was heav-
ily in debt, and his one unreasonable
creditor had attached his horse and sur-
veying instruments for debt, literally
snatching the bread out of his mouth. The
four dollars a day which Illinois legislators
74
THE START IN LIFE
then received must have seemed a gift from
Heaven — as it was a sign to trust to
instinct and brain instead of muscle for
his future career.
Intellectually it removed him at once
from the dull routine of village life to
the companionship and rivalry of the keen-
est intellects gathered from all parts of
the State. It taxed all his knowledge, and
confronted him with new and absorbing
problems.
But life was still very primitive, and
in the electioneering tours which were a
feature of every campaign, social as well
as political qualifications went far with the
voters. Candidates were expected to ap-
pear at all sorts of neighborhood gather-
ings, and the man who was equally
equipped to turn the accidents of a horse-
race or a debate on the tariff to his
advantage was the man to win.
Lincoln was in his element on such oc-
casions. He could reconcile belligerent
75
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
patriots with a joke ; and in quoit throwing
or impromptu trials of strength his tact
and his muscle were equally valuable.
Sometimes opposing candidates met un-
expectedly on these tours and spent the
night under the same farmhouse roof.
Then it came to a trial of wits. One of
Lincoln's opponents, but his personal
friend (as they all were), told how Lincoln
got the better of him on such an occasion.
Milking-time came, and the other, anxious
to array the farmer's wife on his side,
took stool and pail from her hands and
went to work, chuckling at the march he
was stealing. But when he finished, he
discovered Lincoln leaning over the fence
in fruitful idleness, deep in conversation
with the lady ! Then and afterward, Lin-
coln was preeminently a practical politi-
cian.
Not a tricky politician. Principles in-
variably came first with him. But in all
that is fair in party warfare, the shaping
76
THE START IN LIFE
^"
of issues, the choosing of candidates, and
that intimate knowledge of local leader-
ship, and drift of feeling, he was a master.
His retentive memory gave him an unusual
grasp of political situations, while his com-
mon sense showed him ways in which to
deal with them as direct as they were novel.
Even in the early days of his legislative
experience his fellow members felt this.
" We would ride while he would walk, but
we recognized him as a master of logic."
His letters on local political topics in
Illinois are marvels of acumen and detail.
He had tables of election figures at his
tongue's end ; but his crowning gift of
political diagnosis was due to his sympathy,
strange as that may seem — to his ability
to imagine himself in the " other fellow's "
place — which gave him the power to fore- .
cast with uncanny accuracy what his op- ]
ponents were likely to do.
Long after he left the legislature he was
a welcome guest in its party caucuses.
77
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
On invitation of some member he would
enter and take a seat, drawing around his
shoulders the shawl he sometimes wore,
cross his long legs, clasp his hands about
his knees, and listen to what was being
said. When all had finished, he would
throw aside the shawl, and rising slowly
to his full height, would begin:
" From your talk, I gather the Demo-
crats will do so and so," stating why he
thought so. " It seems to me, if I were a
member of this body, I should do so and
so to checkmate them " — going on to in-
dicate the moves for days ahead ; making
them all so plain that his listeners won-
dered why they had not seen it that way
themselves.
78
THE EIGHTH JUDICIAL CIRCUIT
STRAYED OR STOLEN
From a stable in Springfield on Wednes-
day, 18th Inst., a large bay horse, star in his
forehead, plainly marked with harness; sup-
posed to be eight years old; had been shod
all around, but is believed to have lost some
of his shoes, and trots and paces. Any per-
son who will take up said horse and leave
information at the Journal Office or with the
subscriber at New Salem, shall be liberally
paid for their trouble.
A. Lincoln.
THIS was a misfortune indeed, for
in those days law and politics were
twin vagabonds, as peripatetic as a ped-
dler's cart. Candidates pursued votes into
79
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
remote clearings, and lawyers went about
their business on horseback.
The State was divided into large judi-
cial districts. The Eighth District, for
instance, in which Lincoln lived, stretched
from the Illinois River eastward to the
Indiana line, and almost an equal distance
north and south. Twice a year the Circuit
Judge, and such lawyers as happened to
have cases before him, traveled around the
circuit, from one county seat to another,
holding court in each; and since Illinois
roads were poor at best, and at M^orst were
seas of pasty black mud, horseback riding
was the most trustworthy means of loco-
motion.
To Lincoln, who loved the open air, and
contact with people, these long rides, usu-
ally in congenial company, were very
pleasant; while to his fellow travelers his
good spirits and quaint observations were
a source of endless delight.
Both bench and bar seem to have re-
80
EIGHTH JUDICIAL CIRCUIT
garded their semi-annual pilgrimages in the
light of rather gay frolics, echoes of which
still come down to us, usually with Lincoln
as the central figure of a jolly group.
Sometimes he is chuckling over the ways
of small boys, or the family cares of a
duck wdth her brood; sometimes laughing
heartily at the antics of a clothes-line full
of garments filled out and set dancing by
the breeze. Occasionally he rides on,
moody and silent, eyes and brain alike busy
with things far away. Once he reins in
his horse suddenly, and turns back half a
mile to pull an unfortunate pig out of the
mire. — Not from love of the pig, as he
informs his companions, but " just to take
a pain out of his own mind."
But in spite of his fund of fun and talk
there was apt to be a serious book in his
scanty luggage, and his friend Leonard
Swett tells us that he found time to study
" to the roots " any question in which he
was at the moment interested. In after
6 81
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
years he looked back upon these circuit
experiences as among the happiest of his
life.
" I guess we both wish we were back
in court trying cases," he said wistfully
to General Butler.
The Eighth Judicial Circuit served as
the setting for many of his anecdotes. It
was on a stage journey in pursuit of his
calling that a man offered him a cigar.
Lincoln refused with polite jocularity,
saying that he " had no vices." The man
gave a scornful grunt and smoked in si-
lence for a time, then blurted out, " It 's
my experience that men with no vices have
plaguey few virtues ! " — an observation
Lincoln cherished and repeated for years.
His personal habits and tastes being
of the simplest, the rough quarters and
often inadequate accommodations did not
trouble him in the least. His friend Judge
Davis only saw Lincoln angry once from
such a cause. That was when they ar-
82
EIGHTH JUDICIAL CIRCUIT
rived cold and wet at an inn late one after-
noon, to find the landlord absent, and no
wood cut for a fire. Lincoln threw off
his coat, seized an ax, and chopped vigor-
ously for an hour, while the Judge labored
with wet kindlings. When the landlord
returned he received a warm but uncomfort-
able reception.
Judge Davis took a far keener interest
in creature comforts than Lincoln, and the
latter came back from a trip in his com-
pany, laughing heartily at a retort this
interest provoked. The Judge recognized
the difficulty of catering in remote places,
and remarked on the excellence of the
beef. "You must have to kill a whole
critter when you want meat in a place like
this."
"Yes," was the landlord's laconic an-
swer, "we never kill less than a whole
critter."
During "Court Week" each little
county town was galvanized into fic-
83
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
titlous activity. The Judge, by vir-
tue of his office, was given the best
room in the flimsy wooden " hotel " ;
but being an open-hearted Westerner,
as well as an instrument of justice,
shared it with from one to six of his
lawyer friends. The rest packed them-
selves into what space was left. At meal
times the Judge sat at the head of a long
table around which lawyers, jurors, wit-
nesses, prisoners out on bail, peddlers, and
men who cared for the teams, crowded
in hungry equality. Food, though abun-
dant, was often so badly prepared that
only the seasoning of wit and laughter with
which it was eaten saved the company
from early and dyspeptic graves.
After the meal, those not busy in court,
or in preparing cases for the morrow, ad-
journed to the public room, or, carrying
their chairs out on the sidewalk, tilted
luxuriously back against the hotel, and
went on swapping stories and chunks of
84
EIGHTH JUDICIAL CIRCUIT
political wisdom ; while the male residents,
and farmers from the surrounding country,
strolled up to take part in the symposium.
Court Week was a political as well as
a legal event ; for the leading lawyers either
were, or had recently been, members of the
legislature, and as such were called upon
to explain the " loud uninterrupted groan
of hard times" which newspapers were
echoing from one end of the continent to
the other. It behooved a man who wished
to rise either in law or in politics, to be
well posted and alert. Lincoln, who was
witty, and a good talker besides, was sure
of enthusiastic greetings wherever he went.
" He brought light with him," says one
writer. No wonder. He was as ready to
listen as to talk; never talked about his
own troubles; and never asked for help,
though always ready to give it.
In the court room he strove to divest a
case of every question except the vital
one, giving away point after point to his
85
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
opponent until he came to the one he
deemed essential, and taking his stand on
that. " In law it is good policy never to
plead what you need not, lest you oblige
yourself to prove what you cannot," was
one of his maxims. He talked to a jury
as he spoke to an audience, in a kindly
direct way, using the subtle flattery of
making them feel that they themselves were
really trying the case ; that he was merely
helping them to formulate what they had
long believed. He spoke very clearly and
deliberately, using few gestures, until some
anecdote became applicable, when he told it
with rare dramatic force.
Knowing the necessity of holding atten-
tion, he employed language so simple that
the dullest juryman could follow him;
and for the same reason he rarely spoke
from notes. " Notes are a bother, taking
time to make, and more to hunt up after-
ward," he told a law student ; adding that
the habit of referring to them was apt to
86
EIGHTH JUDICIAL CIRCUIT
grow upon one, and always tended to tire
and confuse the listeners. Notes that he
used in a case involving the pension of a
bent and crippled widow of a Revolution-
ary soldier are certainly not prolix enough
to distract a jury.
" No contract. — Not professional serv-
ices. — Unreasonable charge. — Money re-
tained by Deft not given by Pl'ff. —
Revolutionary War. — Describe Valley
Forge privations. — Ice. — Soldier's bleed-
ing feet. — Pl'fF's husband. — Soldier leav-
ing home for army. — Skin DefH. —
Close."
For the same excellent reason he rarely
used a Latin word. He felt that the aver-
age juryman could not follow high-flown
language in his native tongue, let alone in
a dead language, and he preferred to talk
with him, man to man. A colleague who
relied on different methods once quoted a
legal maxim and turned to him asking,
" Is n't that so, Mr. Lincoln? "
87
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
" If that is Latin, you had better call
another witness," he answered, with a touch
of shortness which recalls his confession
that from childhood it irritated him to hear
people talk in a way he could not under-
stand. He had little patience with men
who obscured, or tried to obscure, their
own trail. It reminded him, he said, of a
little Frenchman out West during the
"winter of the deep snow," whose "legs
were so short that the seat of his trousers
rubbed out his footprints as he walked."
Secretary Usher has said that Lincoln
belonged to the reasoning class of men.
" As a lawyer he never claimed everything
for his client. . . . He was also very
careful about giving personal offense, and
if he had something severe to say, he would
turn to his opponent, or to the person about
to be referred to, and say, * I don't like to
use this language,' or, ' I am sorry that I
have to be hard on that gentleman,' and
therefore, what he did say, was thrice as ef-
88
EIGHTH JUDICIAL CIRCUIT
fective, and very seldom wounded the per-
son attacked."
His way with witnesses was quite mar-
velous. Even if hostile at the outset, they
soon came under his spell and ended by
wanting to please him. A boy who was
subpoenaed in a case against his uncle, told
how he went on the stand determined to
say as little as possible. On learning his
name Mr. Lincoln began asking questions.
— "Was he related to his old friend?"
who happened to be the boy's grandfather.
The tall lawyer showed such friendly inter-
est that before he knew it, the little witness
was pouring out the whole story. He re-
tired covered with shame, feeling he had
been most disloyal ; but outside the court-
room door Lincoln met him, looked at him
kindly, and stopped to say that he under-
stood — he knew he had not meant to tes-
tify against his people, but he had done
right in telling all he knew, and nobody
could criticize him for it. " The whole
89
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
matter was afterwards adjusted," the lit-
tle story ends, '' but I never forgot his
friendly and encouraging words at a time
when I needed sympathy and consolation."
Lincoln carried his love of fair play into
every detail of his profession. " Yes," he
said to a man who sought to retain him in
a questionable suit. " There is no reason-
able doubt but that I can gain your case
for you. I can set a whole neighborhood
at loggerheads ; I can distress a widowed
mother and her six fatherless children, and
thereby gain for you six hundred dollars,
which rightfully belongs, it appears to me,
as much to them as it does to you. I shall
not take your case, but I will give you a
little advice for nothing. You seem a
sprightly energetic man. I would advise
you to try your hand at making six hun-
dred dollars in some other way."
After Lincoln's death some notes, evi-
dently intended for a lecture to law stu-
dents, were found among his papers.
90
EIGHTH JUDICIAL CIRCUIT
" Discourage litigation," said one of these.
" Persuade your neighbors to compromise
whenever you can. Point out to them how
the nominal winner is often a real loser —
in fees, expenses, and waste of time. As a
peacemaker the lawyer has a superior op-
portunity of being a good man. There
will still be business enough."
Yet he occasionally allowed himself the
luxury of offering his services. In the
Armstrong murder trial, the most dramatic
of all his cases, he defended the accused for
the love he bore his parents — a friendship
dating from the day Jack Armstrong, the
bully of Clary's Grove, fought the tall
stranger who had come to live in New
Salem, and felt his strength.
Joseph Jefferson, writing of his child-
hood, tells how in 18S9 his father went to
Springfield, and relying on the patronage
of the legislature, prepared to stay all
winter. He built a little wooden theater,
but scarcely was it opened, when a revival
91
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
began in town, and excited church members
had the poor httle playhouse taxed out of
existence. " In the midst of our trouble a
young lawyer called upon the management.
He had heard of the injustice, and offered,
if they would place the matter in his hands,
to have the license taken off, declaring that
he only desired to see fair play, and would
accept no fee, whether he failed or suc-
ceeded."
When the matter came to a hearing he
made an elaborate argument, covering the
history of acting from antiquity down,
handling his subject — and his town coun-
cil — with such skill that the tax was re-
moved. Lincoln was fond of the play, and
his championship loses nothing in human
interest from the fact that these were prob-
ably the first good actors it had been his
fortune to see ; and that he anticipated a
world of delight within its walls if the little
wooden theater was allowed to remain.
Judge David Davis, speaking of Lin-
92
EIGHTH JUDICIAL CIRCUIT
coin's rank as a lawyer, says : " In all the
elements that constitute the great lawyer he
had few equals. ... He seized the strong
points of a cause, and presented them with
clearness and great compactness. His
mind was logical and direct, and he did not
indulge in extraneous discussion. General-
ities and platitudes had no charms for him.
An unfailing vein of humor never deserted
him ; and he was able to claim the attention
of court and jury when the cause was the
most uninteresting, by the appropriate-
ness of his anecdotes." An Eastern lawyer
once expressed the opinion that Lincoln was
wasting his time in telling stories to a jury.
" Don't lay that flattering unction to your
soul," was his friend's rejoinder. "Lin-
coln is like Tansey's horse, he ' breaks to
win.' "
" The framework of his mental and
moral being was honesty," Judge Davis
continues, " and a wrong cause was poorly
defended by him. The ability which some
93
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
eminent lawyers possess, of explaining
away the bad points of a cause by ingenious
sophistry, was denied him. In order to
bring into full activity his great powers, it
was necessary that he should be convinced
of the right and justice of the matter which
he advocated. When so convinced, whether
the matter was great or small, he was usu-
ally successful."
" There is a vague popular belief that
lawyers are necessarily dishonest," Lincoln
wrote in his notes for a law lecture. " I
say vague, because when we consider to
what extent confidence and honors are re-
posed in and conferred upon lawyers by the
people, it appears improbable that their
impression of dishonesty is very distinct
and vivid. Yet the impression is common,
almost universal. Let no young man
choosing the law for a calling for a moment
yield to the popular belief — resolve to be
honest at all events; and if in your own
judgment you cannot be an honest lawyer,
94
EIGHTH JUDICIAL CIRCUIT
resolve to be honest without being a law-
yer. Choose some other occupation,
rather than the one in the choosing of
which you do, in advance, consent to be a
knave.'*
He never took a case which appeared to
him unjust, and if he found out that he
had been mistaken, it was only with the
greatest effort that he could make himself
go on with it.
" Swett," he exclaimed on one occasion,
turning to his associate, " the man is guilty.
You defend him. I can't." Another time
he said to the lawyer engaged with him,
" If you can say>anything for the man, do
it. If I attempt it the jury will see that I
think he is guilty and convict him." On
still another occasion, being suddenly con-
fronted with proof that his client was at-
tempting fraud, he walked out of the court
room and went to his hotel in deep disgust.
The Judge sent a messenger to request his
return. He refused.
95
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
"Tell the Judge," he said, "that my
hands are dirty. I came over to wash
them."
" Perversely honest " was the verdict,
half resentful, and wholly admiring, passed
upon him by his fellow lawyers.
96
VI
Lincoln's attitude toward money
PAINFULLY honest, also he was in
money matters. Tradition has it
that his initial experience in the value of
money lay in being made to pull fodder
three whole days at twenty-five cents a
dav, to pay for a rain-soaked volume. He
had borrowed the book. It got wet. He
payed the price of carelessness in back-
breaking toil ; but after that the book was
his very own. " This is a world of com-
pensation," as he wrote some forty years
later.
He told Secretary Seward that he
earned his first dollar by taking two trav-
elers and their luggage out from the river
7 97
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
edge to a steamboat which stopped for
them, Western fashion, in midstream. For
this service each man threw a silver half-
dollar into the bottom of the boat, where
they shone very large and fair as he rowed
ashore.
The frontier value of money differed
from ours. As a symbol it meant more, as
a commodity, less. It stood for the world
the pioneer had left behind him, and all he
wished to gain, but its momentary purchas-
ing power was strangely limited. A rifle
and a strong right arm could supply more
of his immediate needs than any amount of
gold.
This fostered an undefined feeling that
money was after all a fantastic, rather than
a real thing, and accounts for certain loose
ideas about money obligations which pre-
vailed. For instance, in the burst of confi-
dence and exchange of promissory notes
which inaugurated Lincoln's venture as a
merchant, not a cent of money saw the
98
ATTITUDE TOWARD MONEY
light, though signatures and I. O. U.'s were
dealt around among half a dozen men, like a
hand at cards. Death, drink, and defalca-
tion cast their consuming blight on all the
other parties to the transaction, and the
whole indebtedness, amounting to six or
seven hundred dollars, came finally to rest
upon Lincoln's shoulders. Instead of fol-
lowing the prevailing fashion, taking to his
heels, or claiming that failure wiped out the
debt, he assumed the load, promising to pay
when he could.
His neighbors, remembering how he had
tramped miles to make restitution of six
and a quarter cents, and had pursued a cus-
tomer with a few ounces of tea after inad-
vertently giving short measure, felt that he
took money obligations with sufficient seri-
ousness, and agreed to wait. Seventeen
years later, long after " Honest Old Abe "
had become a household word in all Sanga-
mon County, he paid the last fraction of
what he called his " National Debt."
99
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
The two pieces of good fortune men-
tioned in his autobiography, being made
deputy surveyor of Sangamon County, and
postmaster of New Salem, happened provi-
dentially at this time. Both were tributes
to his personal worth, not to his politics, for
John Calhoun, the surveyor, was an ardent
Democrat, and New Salem, except when
Lincoln was running for the legislature,
voted systematically against the Whigs.
The only obstacle to his becoming Cal-
houn's deputy lay in his abysmal ignorance
of surveying — a detail which Calhoun
promptly overcame by lending him a text-
book, which he as promptly took to his
schoolmaster friend Mentor Graham. Six
weeks later, haggard from application, but
equipped for his new duties, he presented
himself again before Calhoun.
He was made postmaster in May, 1833,
and kept the situation about three years,
until New Salem's population shrank to
such insignificance that a postmaster was a
100
ATTITUDE TOWARD MONEY
needless luxury. Popular fable locates the
office " in his hat." Its principal perqui-
site was the privilege of reading the news-
papers addressed to it — newspapers filled
at that time with the debates of Webster,
and Lincoln's boyhood idol, Henry Clay.
With postage at twenty-five cents, a lit-
tle actual cash also passed through his
hands, and this must have been gratifying
in his state of poverty, even though it be-
longed to the Government. How sharp a
line he drew between Government property
and his own came to light a number of
years later, when an agent of the Postoffice
Department called on him in Springfield to
ask for a balance of about seventeen dollars
due from the defunct New Salem office.
After an instant's hesitation he rose, and
going to a little trunk in a corner, took
from it a cotton cloth in which the exact
sum was tied up. A friend who saw his
face as the agent made his request, had
hastily offered a loan. " I never use any
101
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
man's money but my own," Lincoln said
quietly, after the officer took his departure.
That he had kept it through all those
years of poverty, tied up in the quaint little
driginal package, was profoundly charac-
teristic. His methods of dealing with cash
were as simple as his honesty was strict.
In his lawyer days he wrote, " This is
Herndon's half," in his careful legible hand
upon an envelope and put into it one part
of a joint fee, while the other went into his
own pocket. That was all he felt called
upon to do. The firm, of course, kept
books, but he was rarely moved to make an
entry in them. When his inconvenient
sense of honesty rendered it impossible for
him to go on with a case, the other " half "
followed the first into his partner's en-
velope.
Judge Davis wrote of him : " To his
honor be it said, that he never took from a
client, even when his cause was gained, more
than he thought the services were worth and
102
ATTITUDE TOWARD MONEY
the client could reasonably afford to pay.
The people where he practised law were not
rich, and his charges were always small.
When he was elected President, I question
whether there was a lawyer in the circuit,
who had been at the bar so long a time,
whose means were not larger. It did not
seem to be one of the purposes of his life to
accumulate a fortune. In fact, outside of
his profession, he had no knowledge of the
way to make money, and he never even at-
tempted it."
" You are pauperizing this court,"
Judge Davis used to tell him. " You are
ruining your fellows. Unless you quit this
ridiculous policy we shall all have to go to
farming." But Lincoln went on serenely
charging as he saw fit. Once his bill was
$3.50 for collecting a note of nearly $600 ;
but politics and professional courtesy were
involved, and another man made the actual
collection. A chent who owed him for pro-
fessional services met with financial re-
103
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
verses, and soon after lost his hand. Lin-
coln returned his note, saying, " If you had
the money I would not take it."
The largest fee he ever received was in
the contest between the Illinois Central
Railroad and McLean County over certain
taxes alleged to be due from the railroad.
After litigation covering two years Lincoln
won the case. He presented a bill for
$2,000 which the railroad refused to pay
on the ground that it was excessive.
Whereupon half a dozen of his lawyer
friends signed a statement that in their
opinion $5,000 would be a moderate
charge; and he sued the railroad for that
sum and got it. The story that George B.
McClellan was the man who refused the
original bill with the slighting remark,
" That is as much as a first-class lawyer
would have charged," is manifestly untrue,
since McClellan was not an officer of the
road, and not even in this country at the
104
ATTITUDE TOWARD MONEY
time. Parenthetically it is interesting to
be told by competent authority that the
same services would now command a fee of
$50,000.
In the McCormick Reaper case, about
which much has been written to explain and
recount his first rather unfortunate meet-
ing with Edwin M. Stanton, the fee was
about $2,000. Both of these, coming to
him near the time of his joint debate with
Douglas, helped tide over that period of in-
creasing fame and decreased earnings. In
the decade between 1850 and 1860 his in-
come is said to have rarely reached $3,000
a year. Before that time it was very much
less.
" The matter of fees Is Important," he
wrote in his notes for a law lecture, " far
beyond the mere question of bread and but-
ter involved." It was their moral impor-
tance he had in mind. " Properly attended
to, fuller justice is done to both lawyer and
105
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
client." In his theory of money, as in his
theory of hfe, honesty was paramount.
" Don't you think I have honestly earned
twenty-five dollars ? " he asked the pair of
opposing lawyers who were to fix the
amount of the fee in a case which had gone
against him. They expected to allow him
at least one hundred.
As Judge Davis said, it did not seem to
be one of the purposes of his life to accu-
mulate a fortune. He said that a house in
Springfield, such as he owned, and twenty
thousand dollars, which he hoped to earn
before his working days were over, were
" all that a man ought to want."
But he had no patience with the sin of
shiftlessness, no matter how patient he
might be with the sinner. His letters to his
stepbrother, John D. Johnston, who was
born with a genius for remaining in debt,
and was always asking help, were as un-
compromisingly truthful as they were gen-
erous. In one of them he wrote:
106
ATTITUDE TOWARD MONEY
Your request for eighty dollars I do not
think it best to comply with now. At the
various times when I have helped you a little
you have said to me, * We can get along very
well now ' ; but in a very short time I find
you in the same difficulty again. Now, this
can only happen by some defect in your con-
duct. What that defect is, I think I know.
You are not lazy, and still you are an idler.
I doubt whether, since I saw you, you have
done a good whole day's work, in any one
day. You do not very much dislike to work,
and still you do not work much, merely be-
cause it does not seem to you that you could
get much for it. This habit of uselessly
wasting time is the whole difficulty; it is
vastly important to you, and still more so to
your children, that you should break the
habit. . . . You are now in need of some
money; and what I propose is, that you shall
go to work, ' tooth and nail ' for somebody
who will give you money for it. Let father
and your boys take charge of your things at
home, prepare for a crop and make the crop,
and you go to work for the best money wages,
107
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
or in discharge of any debt you owe, that
you can get; and, to secure you a fair re-
ward for your labor, I now promise you, that
for every dollar you will, between this and
the first of May, get for your own labor, either
in money or as your own indebtedness, I will
give you one other dollar. By this, if you
hire yourself at ten dollars a month, from
me you will get ten more, making twenty
dollars a month for your work. In this I do
not mean you shall go oif to St. Louis, or
the lead mines, or the gold mines in Cali-
fornia, but I mean for you to go at it for
the best wages you can get close to home in
Coles County. Now if you will do this you
will soon be out of debt, and, what is better,
you will have a habit that will keep you from
getting in debt again. But, if I should now
clear you out of debt, next year you would be
just as deep in as ever. You say you would
almost give your place in Heaven for seventy
or eighty dollars. Then you value your place
in Heaven very cheap, for I am sure you
can, with the offer I make, get the seventy
or eighty dollars for four or five months'
108
ATTITUDE TOWARD MONEY
work. You say if I will furnish you the
money you will deed me the land, and, if you
don't pay the money back, you will deliver
possession. Nonsense! If you can't now
live with the land, how will you then live
without it? You have always been kind to
me, and I do not mean to be unkind to you.
On the contrary, if you will but follow my
advice, you will find it worth more than
eighty times eighty dollars to you.
He watched over and cared for the inter-
ests of his father and stepmother with the
same spirit, and against similar discourag-
ing odds ; and as he grew in fame, not only
family letters, ill-spelt, and more fluent
than logical, but letters from old neighbors,
breathing patriotism and incompetence,
came with their pleas for aid, and were met
in his old neighborly fashion. Here is one
message which he sent out into the world :
My old friend Henry Chew, the bearer of
this, is in a strait for some furniture to com-
mence housekeeping. If any person will
109
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
furnish him twenty-five dollars worth, and he
does not pay for it by the 1st of January
next, I will. A. Lincoln.
He did. But sometimes bread cast
upon the waters returned in its original
form. An express company's envelope
was found among his papers, bearing this
endorsement :
September 25, 1858.
This brought me fifteen dollars without
any intimation as to where it came from. It
probably came from Mr. Patterson, to whom
I loaned this amount a few days ago.
Lincoln.
During his service in the legislature his
campaign expenses were small enough to
satisfy the most exacting. On one occa-
sion the Whigs contributed the sum of $200
toward his personal expenses. At the end
of the canvass he handed his friend Joshua
F. Speed $199.25 with the request that it
be returned to the subscribers. " I did not
110
ATTITUDE TOWARD MONEY
need the money," he said. " I made the
canvass on my own horse ; my entertain-
ment, being at the houses of friends, cost
me nothing, and my only outlay was sev-
enty-five cents for a barrel of cider which
some farm-hands insisted I should treat
them to."
Railroad passes were not regarded with
the same covetous suspicion, then as now,
and an amusing note shows his most origi-
nal way of asking for a renewal.
Springfield, III.^ Feb. 13, 1836.
R. P. Morgan, Esq.
Dear Sir: Says Tom to John, "Here's
your old rotten wheelbarrow. I 've broke it,
iisen *on it. I wish you would mend it, 'case
I shall want to borrow it this afternoon."
Acting on this precedent, I say, " Here 's
your old ' chalked hat.* I wish you would
take it and send me a new one, 'case I shall
want to use it the first of March."
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Ill
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
A letter to his friend N. B. Judd, writ-
ten shortly after Douglas's victory, reveals
the fact that his private subscription to
the Republican campaign fund in 1858 was
$500. Unlike Douglas, he paid his own
ordinary expenses during the canvass,
" Which, being added to my loss of time
and business, bears pretty heavily upon one
no better off in this world's goods than I;
but as I had the post of honor, it is not for
me to be over-nice."
He was bitterly attacked by the New
York Herald for accepting a check for
$200 for the famous Cooper Institute
speech. No public notice was taken of it,
but he was sufficiently distressed to write a
private letter denying that he ever charged
anything for a political speech in his life,
and giving the full history of the half
truth on which the accusation was based.
Having simple tastes, he managed to
save something from his official salary,
which few Presidents have been able to do ;
112
ATTITUDE TOWARD MONEY
but this was not by virtue of changing any
of his habits in regard to money getting or
giving. The cashier of one of the Wash-
ington banks, meeting an old friend of Mr.
Lincoln's on the street one morning, re-
marked " that President of ytfUrs is the
oddest man alive. Why, he endorses notes
for niggers ! "
At the time Lincoln entered the White
House, Government credit was at a peril-
ously low ebb. Buchanan's last two Secre-
taries of the Treasury found difficulty in
borrowing even small sums at high interest
to meet Government expenses. The Civil
War immediately created new and insistent
demands upon the Treasury, which ex-
panded as the months went by into financial
operations greater than ever before re-
corded. Lincoln's crystalline simplicity in
money matters seemed hardly fitted to cope
with such a situation ; nor did his choice of
his Presidential rival, Salmon P. Chase, a
man of little previous financial experience,
8 113
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
for Secretary of the Treasury, seem neces-
sarily reassuring. But the good genius
which watches over our country was never
more active. This is not the place to re-
capitulate Secretary Chase's resourceful
and masterly skill in upholding our credit
at home and abroad; a management which
Evarts called " the marvel of Europe and
the admiration of our own people."
Lincoln, realizing the worth of Mr.
Chase's services, as well as his own inex-
perience, exercised less constant supervision
over the Treasury than over some of the
other departments. He made occasional
suggestions, but did not insist upon them ;
and when Mr. Chase needed the weight of
his assistance with Congress, either in mes-
sages, or in conversation with individuals,
gave it effectively and ungrudgingly.
In the fight to make paper money legal
tender both men advocated it as a measure
of necessity, not choice ; and worked for it
with unwearying devotion. A paragraph
114
ATTITUDE TOWARD MONEY
in John Hay's diary quotes Lincoln as
saying that he " thought Chase's banking
system rested on a sound basis of princi-
ple ; that is, causing the capital of the coun-
try to become interested in the sustaining of
the national credit. That was the princi-
pal financial measure of Mr. Chase in which
he (Lincoln) had taken an especial inter-
est."
The two were officially in perfect accord,
but politically Chase was ambitious on his
own account, and personally he could never
understand his chief, whose whimsical re-
marks and Western ways seemed to him dis-
tressingly undignified.
Mr. Chase came to him one day with a
report on the vast sums of paper currency
already issued, and the sums still needed
to pay the soldiers and carry on the Gov-
ernment. At the end of the dismal recital
he stopped as if to say, " What can be
done about it? " Lincoln with a flicker of
perplexity, and another of amusement
115
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
crossing his sad face, looked down on his
shorter companion and answered, " Well,
Mr. Secretary, I don't know, unless you
give your paper mill another turn." At
which levity Chase almost swore, and de-
parted in high dudgeon.
116
VII
A NEW CANDIDATE
JOHN HAY'S first recollection of Lin-
coln was of seeing him hurry into the
office of his uncle, IMIlton Hay, waving a
newspaper, and fairly quivering with ex-
citement as he exclaimed, " This will never
do ! Douglas treats it as a matter of in-
difference, morally, whether slavery is voted
down or voted up. I tell you it will never
do!"
For twenty years he and Douglas had
been acquaintances and opponents. He
was fully aware of the effective but not al-
ways scrupulous methods by which Doug-
las had distanced him in fame and fortune,
using office after office as stepping-stones
117
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
toward the goal of his ambition, the Presi-
dency. Personally their relations were of a
neighborly, half-familiar, wholly super-
ficial sort. " I would not behave as well
as you will have to now, for twice the
money," Lincoln had told him when Doug-
las was made judge of the Illinois Supreme
Court, as the result of a rather questionable
political manoeuver.
Lincoln knew him to be not only a wily
and astute politician, but a master-juggler
with words, who could, by mere eloquent
bullying, hypnotize his audiences into be-
lieving that black was, if not white, a very
tender gray.
Ever since Lincoln's reentrance into pol-
itics it had been a foregone conclusion that
he would contest Douglas's reelection in
1858, and it must be his business in this
campaign to point out the difference be-
tween white and gray of any kind.
Douglas had returned to Illinois with a
quarrel with President Buchanan on his
118
ANEW CANDIDATE
hands in addition to his senatorial fight.
He had staked his pohtical future on his
theory of Popular Sovereignty, while the
administration had advanced far beyond
that ground, and now proposed to adopt the
Lecompton Constitution and make Kansas
a slave State whether it would or no. This
quarrel, added to his fame as a speaker,
drew such crowds to his meetings that mere
numbers and enthusiasm seemed likely to
drown all intelligent discussion. It was to
offset this that Lincoln sent Douglas his
challenge to joint debate.
Mr. Norman B. Judd, who carried his
note to Douglas, once told my father that
Lincoln asked his advice about sending the
challenge, but did it in such a way that
Mr. Judd saw his mind was fully made up.
Mr. Judd therefore told him he thought it
would be a good thing. " He then sat
down in my office and wrote that note," Mr.
Judd continued. " After I got the note I
had very hard work to find Douglas. I
119
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
hunted for him for three days before I got
a chance to present it to him. When I did
so finally it made him very angry ; so much
so that he almost insulted me. ' What do
you come to me with a thing like this for ? '
he asked, and indulged in other equally ill-
tempered remarks."
But to refuse would mean instant loss of
prestige, and he named the seven towns of
Ottowa, Freeport, Jonesboro', Charleston,
Galesburg, Quincy, and Alton, and dates
extending through August, September, and
October, as places and times of meeting.
The Democrats jubilantly predicted an
easy victory. Lincoln's friends, on the
other hand, were not altogether sanguine,
and not a few Republicans of national rep-
utation, like Horace Greeley of the New
York Tribune, openly favored Douglas's
reelection, on the ground that his quarrel
with the administration was only a first step
toward complete political regeneration.
Lincoln was sensitive to this undercur-
120
A NEW CANDIDATE
rent. It pained him that his local party
friends doubted him, and it pained him still
more that men of prominence were willing
to jeopardize a principle for the sake of
Douglas's brilliant reputation.
Both physically and intellectually the
campaign proved unusually strenuous. In
addition to the seven great debates each
candidate made engagements to speak at
meetings of his own, sometimes at several
meetings a day. As Illinois is a long
State, this necessitated constant traveling.
Douglas had a special train, gaily deco-
rated, and appropriately besprinkled with
campaign emblems and mottoes. Lincoln,
less given to display, and less plentifully
supplied with funds, used any mode of
conveyance that offered — farm wagon,
freight train, or local — his own engine
having to pull up on a siding while his
rival's special flashed by in a whirl of cin-
ders and a roar of campaign noise.
Processions and fireworks, music and
121
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
banners, greeted each in turn, until it
seemed that the whole State had turned out
to hear the debate of these intellectual
giants. In the northern counties, settled
originally by people from New England,
sentiment favored Lincoln ; the southern
end upheld Douglas in his theory that
slavery was not a moral issue, but purely
a local question.
In their very first debate, in the north-
ern end of the State, Douglas, quick to
seize an advantage, asked his antagonist
a series of questions, avowedly designed to
bring forth answers which would make him
unpopular " down in Egypt " as the pro-
slavery end of the State was called. At
their second meeting Lincoln answered
these frankly and fully, and in return asked
Douglas four questions, the second of which
was whether, in his opinion, the people of a
United States territory could, in any law-
ful way, against the wish of any citizen
of the United States, exclude slavery be-
122
A NEW CANDIDATE
fore that territory became a State. If
Douglas answered " No," he would please
the South, at the cost of denying his
own theory of Popular Sovereignty. If he
stood by his theory and answered " Yes,"
he might win the senatorship, but in doing
so he would make bitter enemies of all the
Democrats in the South.
As he had done before, in sending the
challenge, Lincoln first made up his mind
to ask this question, and then consulted his
friends. Mr. Judd and one or two others
made a hurried journey and stormed the
hotel bedroom where their candidate was
catching a few hours' sleep, waking him
at two in the morning to implore him not
to ask it, or at least to modify Its form.
" If you ask it you can never be Senator,"
they assured him. The rescue party had
its journey for its pains. Lincoln, good
natured but unmoved, sitting in scanty dis-
habille on the edge of the bed from which
he had just been routed, unconscious alike
123
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
of anything remarkable in his personal ap-
pearance or of anything unusual in his
mental attitude, replied:
" Gentlemen, I am killing larger game.
If Douglas answers, he can never be Presi-
dent ; and the battle of 1860 is worth a
hundred of this."
Yet, in spite of his wonderful political
insight, there is no reason to suppose he
foresaw his own prominence in the battle
of 1860. His power of analysis could
cut mercilessly through Douglas's most in-
volved and fantastic arabesques of argu-
ment, but neither his logic nor his poet's
vision was far-reaching enough to see the
place he was to hold in the history and
the hearts of his native land.
" In that day I shall fight in the ranks,"
he wrote his friend Judd; for Douglas
answered " Yes," and in spite of Lincoln's
majority of 3821 in the popular vote, an
antiquated apportionment gave the legis-
124
ANEW CANDIDATE
laturc, and consequently the senatorship,
to the Democrats.
Though disappointed, Lincoln was still
serene. " I am glad I made the late race,"
he wrote another friend. " It gave me a
hearing on the great and durable question
of the age, which I could have had in no
other way; and though I now sink out of
view, and shall be forgotten, I believe I
have made some marks which will tell for
the cause of civil liberty long after I am
gone."
Lincoln really wanted to be Senator. "^
He told a friend after the Presidency was J
practically his, that he would rather have /
a full term in the Senate than four years
In the White House. Douglas was willing ^
to play the political game to the verge of )
sharp practice in order to become Presi-/
dent. An ironical Fate — or our coun- V
try's beneficent Providence — gave each \
the office desired by the other. By a J
125 _^
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
further irony of Fate it was Douglas him-
self who prolonged interest in the sena-
torial contest until it merged into the
Presidential campaign. Having gained his
senatorship he started on a tour of the
slave States to make his peace with South-
ern voters ; and in every speech he took
pains to allude to Lincoln as the champion
of Abolitionism, and to his views as the
platform of the Republican party. In
this way Lincoln was kept before the pub-
lic as an authority. " You are like Byron
who woke up one morning to find himself
famous. People want to know about you,"
a Chicago editor wrote him.
The Alleghanies still separated East
from West in February, 1860, when Lin-
coln went to New York to deliver his
Cooper Institute speech. There were still
people who thought of the men across the
mountains as incessantly wielding bowie-
knives. They had heard of Mr. Lincoln's
extraordinary height, of his story-telling,
126
A NEW CANDIDATE
something of his early struggles. Part of
his audience that night came expecting to
see a mountebank ; part from a keen inter-
est in his speeches as reported in the news-
papers. All were intensely curious. He,
on his part, was equally curious to test the
effect of his words on a representative
Eastern audience such as filled Cooper In-
stitute to overflowing.
His hearers saw a very tall man with a
sad, strongly marked face, perfectly self-
possessed, who began his address quietly
and soberly, as though he were addressing
a court; who told not a single story, and
who used so few gestures that, as one of
his auditors expressed it, the speech might
almost have been delivered from the head
of a barrel. Yet the impressive earnest-
ness of his manner, the power and closeness
of his reasoning, and the fairness of all the
conclusions he drew, held their absorbed
attention. Next morning's papers showed
that his speech had taken New York by
127
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
storm. In New England, where he made
a short tour before returning home, he
was heard with equal interest by working-
men and college professors. The first
recognized him as one of themselves ; the
latter marveled at his finished literary
style. Only those who dreamed of bowie-
knives went away disappointed.
Lincoln's political astuteness saved him
from one pitfall of politicians — allowing
their friends to speak of them too soon
as Presidential possibilities. It was only
a few months before the actual nomination
that he sanctioned the use of his name, and
he did it then more with an idea of strength-
ening him in some future contest with
Douglas, than with reference to either
place on the National ticket. Before go-
ing East to deliver his Cooper Institute
speech, however, he had become an avowed
candidate.
Local quarrels made It appear doubtful
for a time if he could secure the delega-
128
A NEW CANDIDATE
tion from his own State. As failure in
this would be unfortunate for his sena-
torial hopes, as well as for the more im-
mediate enterprise, his presence at the
Illinois State convention was deemed ad-
visable, and he was in the hall as a spec-
tator when John Hanks and a companion
marched in bearing the rails supposed to
have been made by him in pioneer days.
After witnessing the furor they created,
he did not go to the Chicago convention.
He felt, he said, like the boy who had
" stumped " his toe, and was too big to
cry, and too much hurt to laugh — he
was too much of a candidate to attend,
and not enough of one to stay away.
He had his nerves well in hand, but
when the National Convention met, and
newspapers were filled with hints that his
knowledge of politics translated into indi-
cations of the drift of chances, he found
himself able to do little work. He seemed
rather discouraged, and remarked as he
9 129
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
threw himself down on the old office lounge,
that " he guessed be 'd better go back to
practising law."
It is said that he was playing a desul-
tory game of ball on a vacant lot near
the Journal office when news came that his
name was before the convention. Turning
to his companions with one of his queerly
humorous expressions, he disappeared
into the newspaper office, and soon started
for home. But progress was slow. The
town was too excited to allow its most
illustrious citizen to walk home unac-
costed, and he was still in the business
section when a boy dashed down the steps
of the telegraph office and charged at full
speed through the crowd, shouting at the
top of his youthful lungs, " Mr. Lincoln,
Mr. Lincoln, you 're nominated ! "
People thickened around him as if by
magic, shaking his hand and every other
hand within reach. For a few minutes the
130
A NEW CANDIDATE
central figure seemed to forget his own
part in the general rejoicing — to be only
one of the happy cheering throng. Then,
excusing himself with the remark that there
was a little woman down on Eighth Street
who would be glad to hear the news, he
went to tell her.
Next day a committee from the Chicago
convention, headed by its chairman, Mr.
Ashmun, ranged themselves around three
sides of Mr. Lincoln's modest parlor to
formally notify him of its choice. Those
who had not seen him ' before eyed him
curiously as he stood, tall and gaunt,
hands folded and head bent, without visi-
ble embarrassment, but absolutely devoid
of expression, while Mr. Ashmun made his
little speech.
Then, looking up, the new candidate's
eyes and smile seemed to illumine his face
as though a lamp had been suddenly kin-
dled within, and he answered in a few well-
131
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
chosen words, ending with a hearty,
" Now I will no longer defer the pleasure
of taking each of you by the hand." Join-
ing Mr. Ashmun he advanced upon Gov-
ernor Morgan of New York, the most
imposing figure in the groupo As soon as
Mr. Ashmun made the introduction Lin-
coln asked his height. " Six feet three,"
was the astonished answer, and the New
Yorker lapsed into disconcerting silence,
wondering what irrelevant question this
strange Presidential candidate would ask
next. But Lincoln's genial simplicity won
them all in spite of themselves, and as
they passed out one member of the com-
mittee was heard to remark to his neighbor,
" We might have done a more brilliant
thing, but we could hardly have a done a
better one."
In the East there was difference of
opinion. " We heard the result coldly
and sadly," Emerson confessed; and
Charles Francis Adams thought that no
1S2
ANEW CANDIDATE
experiment so rash had been tried in the
whole history of our Government. Doug-
las, on the other hand, learning of the
nomination, remarked with conviction.
" That means business."
133
VIII
THE CAMPAIGN SUMMER
BEING a Presidential candidate made
astonishingly little difference in Mr.
Lincoln's daily habits. More people rang
the bell of the plain but comfortable
house on Eighth Street. He opened the
door himself if no one else was there to
do it. More people stayed to dinner or
supper on invitation of the host or the
proud hostess, sitting down to a typically
abundant Western table. When he ap-
peared upon the street people came up to
shake his hand — but they had been doing
that for years.
To-day it would be impossible for a
man to achieve nomination without run-
ning the gauntlet of innumerable cameras.
134
THE CAMPAIGN SUMMER
A gentleman who visited Springfield to
congratulate Mr. Lincoln " and form his
personal acquaintance " ventured to ask
him " for a good likeness." He replied
that he had no satisfactory picture —
" But then," he said, " we will walk out
together, and I will sit for one." Result:
one ambrotype !
The headquarters of the National Com-
mittee remained as usual in New York.
No " literary bureau," or other election-
eering organization existed at Springfield.
The local telegraph office, an inconvenient
little apartment on the second floor of an
office building near the Public Square, was
not even enlarged. Lincoln wrote no pub-
lic letters, and made no set or impromptu
speeches, with the exception of speaking
a word of greeting once or twice to passing
street parades. Even the strictly confi-
dential letters in which he gave advice on
points in the campaign, did not exceed
a dozen in number.
1S5
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
The legislature not being in session, the
Governor's room in the State House was
set aside for his use, and here he re-
ceived his visitors, coming in usually be-
tween nine and ten o'clock in the morning,
bringing with him the mail he had re-
ceived at his own home. His office force
consisted of one quiet young secretary,
who assisted him with his correspondence
in the intervals of greeting visitors ; and
wrote wonderingly to a correspondent of
his own that Mr. Lincoln's mail averaged
as many as fifty letters a day.
Many of them, being merely congratu-
latory, needed no answer. Letters from
personal friends, Mr. Lincoln acknowl-
edged with his own hand; and in these
he showed from the first considerable con-
fidence of success. Governor Chase was
the only one of his rivals in the convention
to write him. His letter, among the first
to arrive, gave Lincoln much pleasure.
" Holding myself the humblest of all
136
THE CAMPAIGN SUMMER
those whose names were before the con-
vention," he wrote in reply, " I feel espe-
cial need of the assistance of all ; and I am
glad — very glad — of the indication that
you stand ready."
Cassius M. Clay, who had hoped to be
nominated for Vice-president, wrote breez-
ily:
Well, you have cleaned us all out. The
Gods favor you, and we must with good
grace submit. After your nomination for
the first post, my chances were of course
ruined for becoming heir to your old clothes.
It became necessary to choose a Vice-presi-
dent from the Northeast, and of Democratic
antecedents. But after Old Kentucky had
come so liberally to your rescue, I think you
might have complimented us with more than
two votes ! Still we won't quarrel with you
on that account. Nature does not aggregate
her gifts; and as some of us are better look-
ing men than yourself, we must cheerfully
award you the post of honor.
137
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Allow me to congratulate you, and believe
me truly devoted to your success, and com-
mand my poor services if needed.
One letter of congratulation, quite apart
from the rest, came from an old comrade
in the Black Hawk war.
Respected Sir: In view of the intimacy
that at one time subsisted between you and
me, I deem it my duty as well as privilege,
now that the intensity of the excitement of
recent transactions is a little passed from
you and from me, after the crowd of con-
gratulations already received from many
friends, also to offer you my heartfelt gratu-
lation on your very exalted position in the
great Republican party. No doubt but that
you will become tired of the flattery of cring-
ing selfish adulators. But I think you will
know that what I say I feel. For the at-
tachment in the Black Hawk campaign while
we messed together with Johnston, Faucher,
and Wyatt, when we ground our coffee in the
same cup with the hatchet handle — baked
138
THE CAMPAIGN SUMMER
our bread on our ramrod around the same
fire — ate our fried meat off the same piece
of elm bark — slept in the same tent every
night — traveled together by day and by
night in search of the savage foe — and to-
gether scoured the tall grass on the battle-
ground of the skirmish near Gratiot's Grove
in search of the slain — with very many in-
cidents too tedious to name — and consum-
mated in our afoot and canoe journey home,
must render us incapable of deception.
Since the time mentioned, our pursuits have
called us to operate a little apart; yours, as
you formerly hinted, to a course of political
and legal struggle; mine to agriculture and
medicine. The success that we have both
enjoyed, I am happy to know, is very en-
couraging. I am also glad to know, although
we must act in vastly different spheres, that
we are enlisted for the promotion of the
same great cause — the cause which, next to
revealed religion (which is humility and
love) is most dear, the cause of Liberty, as
set forth by true Republicanism and not rank
abolitionism.
139
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Then let us go on in the discharge of duty,
trusting for aid to the Great Universal Ruler.
Yours truly, George M. Harrison.
Among the letters were many requests
for his opinion on points of party doc-
trine. For these he prepared a polite form,
explaining why he could not comply.
There were also many letters of advice.
William Cullen Bryant, whom we are wont
to consider a poet rather than a politician,
wrote with " the frankness of an old cam-
Ipalgner," to warn him against making
speeches or promises — even to be chary
of kind words. Joshua R. GIddings elo-
quently recommended John Quincy Adams
as the model for an untried Westerner to
follow. Such letters Lincoln answered
with modest sincerity. " I appreciate the
danger against which you would guard
me," he wrote Bryant, " nor am I wanting
in the purpose to avoid it. I thank you
for the additional strength your words give
me to maintain that purpose."
140
THE CAMPAIGN SUMMER
Requests for details of his personal life,
to be used in campaign biographies, were
refused as a rule ; but since " lives " were
sure to be published, Lincoln made excep-
tions and wrote with his own hand two
short biographical sketches. The longer
of these, covering several sheets of legal-
cap, was turned over to one William Dean
Howells, then unknown to fame, who wrote
from it a Life of Abraham Lincoln which
served its purpose and was speedily for-
gotten. A cautious well-wisher sent the
candidate confidential word that the proof-
sheets must really be searchingly examined.
He was careful to certify to the young
gentleman's exquisite literary taste, but
hinted darkly that his anti-slavery views
might color the work. Needless to say
Mr. Lincoln did not appoint a committee
of revision ; and so far as is known, Mr.
Howells's contribution to the campaign did
not lose the Republican candidate any
votes.
141
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
After two months had gone by, and
Lincoln had received no word from his
companion on the ticket, he sent him the
following characteristic little note :
Hon. Hannibal Hamlin^
My Dear Sir: It appears to me that
you and I ought to be acquainted^ and ac-
cordingly I write this as a sort of introduc-
tion of myself to you. You first entered the
Senate during the single term I was a mem-
ber of the House of Representatives, but I
have no recollection that we were introduced.
I shall be pleased to receive a line from you.
The prospect of Republican success now
appears very flattering, so far as I can per-
ceive. Do you see anything to the contrary?
Yours truly, A. Lincoln.
The simplicity and friendliness of this
wera duplicated in the simplicity and
friendliness with which he met his visitors
— the neighbors who trusted him, political
friends who admired him, and doubters
come from afar to see what manner of
142
THE CAMPAIGN SUMMER
Westerner a freak of popular fancy had
made candidate of the vigorous young Re-
pubhcan party. They passed in and out
of his door all day long, and each felt in-
stinctively the kindness and honesty that
shone from his deeply furrowed face.
That wonderful expressive face, mirthful,
shrewd, melancholy, and suffused with
emotion by turns ; so homely in its rugged
uncompromising lines, so sad in moments
of repose; on occasion so tenderly beauti-
ful in expression. Neighbors who knew it
of old, loved it, though they would proba-
bly have called it ugly. Newcomers mar-
veled at it, but soon forgot to question if
it were handsome or not.
It seems odd that such a marked face
could have been unknown to any one seek-
ing him, yet there were those who met
Mr. Lincoln and failed to recognize him.
My father's notes tell of a stranger who
asked the way to the State House. The
tall man of whom he inquired said he was
143
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
going there himself and offered to act as
guide. Then, on reaching the Governor's
room, turned upon him with a merry smile
and quite inimitable gesture of apology,
saying, " I am Lincoln."
Artists got permission to paint his por-
trait, and set up their easels in the Gov-
ernor's room, doing their work as well as
they could for the constant interruption
of callers, and the marauding forays of
Mr. Lincoln's two little boys, who appeared
at intervals and got inextricably mixed
with the paints, to the stifled wrath of
the artist. Mr. Lincoln's mild, " Boys,
boys, you must n't meddle ! Now run
home and have your faces washed,"
seemed lamentably inadequate.
Jones of Cincinnati established a sculp-
tor's studio near by, and made a
bust of Mr. Lincoln, to which the candi-
date referred jokingly as his " mud-head."
The sculptor Volk also made studies for
a statue. On a certain Sunday morning he
144
THE CAMPAIGN SUMMER
went by appointment to the house on
Eighth Street to make casts of Mr. Lin-
coln's hands. Being asked to hold a stick,
or something of the kind, he disappeared
into the woodshed, the sound of sawing was
heard, and he reappeared, whittling the
edges of a piece of broomhandle. Mr.
Volk explained that it was not necessary
to trim off the edges so carefully. " Oh,
well," he said, " I thought I would like to
have it nice."
Presents of a symbolic nature were
showered upon the candidate until the
room at the State House took on the aspect
of a museum. Mr. Lincoln used the axes,
wedges, log-chains, and other implements
as texts for explanations and anecdotes
of pioneer craft ; thus making them serve
a double purpose in amusing his visitors
and keeping the conversation away from
politics.
For in all this exchange of friendly
greeting, and under all the campaign en-
^° 145
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
thusiasm, was a note of increasing anxiety.
The South was making ugly threats. It
behooved Lincoln to keep silence on party
questions, and even more on the problems
of national politics which loomed ever
larger and darker as the summer ad-
vanced.
He was begged to issue some statement
to allay the growing unrest in the South
— to say something to reassure the men
" honestly alarmed." " There are no such
men," he answered stoutly. " It is the
trick by which the South breaks down
every Northern man. If I yielded to their
entreaties I would go to Washington with-
out the support of the men who now sup-
port me. I would be as powerless as a
block of buckeye wood. The honest men
— you are talking of honest men — will
find in our platform everything I could say
now, or which thej^ would ask me to say."
So he went on talking pleasantries and
pioneer days to his visitors, watching
146
THE CAMPAIGN SUMMER
meanwhile the ever-growing menace be-
hind the circle of their friendly faces.
The anxiety took on a personal note. In
October his secretary wrote : " Among the
many things said to Mr. Lincoln by his
visitors there is nearly always an expressed
hope that he will not be so unfortunate
as were Harrison and Taylor, to be killed
off by the cares of the Presidency — or
as is sometimes hinted, by foul means. It
is astonishing how the popular sympathy
for Mr. Lincoln draws fearful forebodings
from these two examples, which, after all,
were only a natural coincidence. Not only
do visitors mention the matter, but a great
many letters have been written to Mr.
Lincoln on the subject."
Another manifestation of the same feel-
ing was noted by the Reverend Albert Hall,
one of the pastors of Springfield, as he sat
in the Governor's room, waiting to speak
to Mr. Lincoln. " Several weeks ago," he
wrote, " two country boys came along the
147
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
dark passage that leads to his room. One
of them looked in at the door, and then
called to his fellow behind, saying, ' Come
on, he is here.' The boys entered and he
spoke to them. Immediately one of them
said that it was reported in their neighbor-
hood that he (Mr. Lincoln) had been
poisoned, and their father had sent them
to see if the report was true. ' And,' said
the boy with all earnestness, ' Dad says
you must look out and eat nothing only
what your old woman cooks for you —
and Mother says so too ! ' "
On election day the excitement under
which Springfield labored reached its
height about three o'clock in the afternoon,
when the candidate himself appeared in
the upper room in the Court House where
the voting took place. He had been recog-
nized in the street, and even the distribu-
tors of Democratic tickets had swung their
hats and shouted with the rest.
As many as his townsmen as could, fol-
148
THE CAMPAIGN SUMMER
lowed him through the halls and up the
stairs, forcing themselves into the room as
he went to the voting table and deposited
the straight Republican ticket, from which
his own name had been erased. A shout
went up as he turned again toward the
door. Hemmed in as he was by friends
and enthusiasm, he could only take off his
hat, and smile as he worked his way slowly
out of the room. " And when he smiles
heartily," the local newspaper account
added, " there is something in it good to
see."
That night, after the returns began to
come in, excitement rose again in Spring-
field. Good news, first from near-by pre-
cincts, then from farther away, set the
crowds to cheering. Over in the lighted
State House men began to shout and dance,
and in a room across the way their wives
and daughters dispensed smiles and good
things to eat.
Lincoln meanwhile sat alone in the little
149
ABRAHAIM LINCOLN
telegraph office, reading the returns as
they were handed to him. Little by little
accumulating majorities reported from all
directions, convinced him of Republican
victory. With this conviction there fell
upon him an overwhelming, almost crush-
ing sense of his coming responsibilities.
The noise of rejoicing broke into the
room in waves of ever increasing sound;
but the successful . candidate sat on alone,
with head bowed, his deep-lined face sad
and set — - looking into the future.
150
IX
THE JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON
N that hour Lincoln completed one of
the great and characteristic acts of
his life — the choice of his cabinet. He
resolved to make his four principal rivals,
Seward and Chase and Cameron and Bates,
his chief advisers. The audacity and un-
worldliness of it are alike staggering.
Whether he already felt within him a
power to govern men, or whether he did it
from loyal obedience to the principles of
representative government, knowing that
nowhere else could he find men so truly
representing the different elements out of
which the Republican party had been made,
he deliberately chose to gather them about
151
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
him and ignore the personal questions such
an act must precipitate.
Then followed the troubled months pre-
ceding his inauguration, a season for him
of anxiety and growth, in which he passed
from his second phase of teacher, to his
third of ruler and magistrate.
The South had made ugly threats be-
fore the election, now it prepared to carry
them out. South Carolina passed its Or-
dinance of Secession ; and one by one the
other Cotton States followed her example.
Officers of the army and navy began giving
up the Government property in their
charge. The administration at Washing-
ton seemed bound in a fatal lethargy;
while Lincoln, who saw need for instant
action, could do nothing — would be pow-
erless until after the fourth of March.
He did not doubt either the duty or
the ability of the Government to maintain
its own integrity. " That," he said, " is
not the ugly point in the matter. The
152
JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON
ugly point is the necessity of keeping the
Government together by force, as ours
should be a government of fraternity."
In December his secretary brought him
a rumor that Buchanan had ordered Major
Anderson to give up Fort Moultrie if it
should be attacked.
" If that is true, they ought to hang
him ! " Lincoln exclaimed, and went on to
say that only the day before he had noti-
fied General Scott to be prepared to hold
or re-take the forts immediately after the
Inauguration. " There can be no doubt
that in any event that is good ground to
live and die by," he said.
Before the end of the year he began
receiving notes offering the services of
State militia to uphold National authority.
But nobody wanted war. " Compromise "
was the word on every lip. Letters of
advice came to him, thick and fast. His
visitors increased in numbers and impor-
tance. The Chenery House, where most
153
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
of them stayed, was so crowded with
strangers that "dinner," as the young
secretary sadly remarked, " is worth
scrambHng for."
Lincoln was urged to make up his cab-
inet of " conservative men," one or more of
them from the South. The difficulty of
doing this he showed with unsparing logic
in a little unsigned editorial printed in the
Springfield Journal,
" First. Is it known that any such
gentleman of character would accept a
place in the cabinet?
" Second. If yea, on what terms does
he surrender to Mr. Lincoln, or Mr. Lin-
coln to him, on the political differences
between them; or do they enter upon the
administration in open opposition to each
other.?"
Affairs of national importance, trivial
tasks, and this great menace filled his days
like the interwoven details of some bad
dream. His cabinet had been decided upon
154
Jamife anb §mte of i\t ^xmkvA ©led :
HON. A. LINCOLN.
MRS. LINCOLN AND TWO CHILDREN.
ROBT. T. LINCOLN.
DR. W. S. WALLACE,
LOCKWOOD TODD
"■uarnKTaE.
JOHN G. NICOLAY, Esor., Private Secretary.
JOHN M. HAY, Esqr.. A ?sistant Secretary,
HON. N. B. JUDD, of III nois,
liON. DAVID DAVIS, ot Illinois,
COL. E. V. SUMNER, U ,S. A.
MAJ. D. HUNTER, U. iS. A.
CAPT. G. W. HAZZARD. U. S. A.
COL. E. E. ELLSWORTH, of New York.
COL. WARD H. LAMON, of Illinois.
J. M. BURGESS, Esq., of Wisconsin.
GEO. 0. LATHAM.
W. S. WOOD. Superintendent of Arrangement!),
BURNETT FORBES, Assistant Superintendent of Arrangements.
Party accompanying Lincoln on the Journey from Springfield
to Washington
JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON
in his own mind; but many letters and
interviews, and the exercise of much tact
were necessary in offering these appoint-
ments. His inaugural had to be written,
and its tenor kept secret from the news-
paper men who dogged his footsteps. His
private affairs must be put in order; the
details of his journey to Washington de-
cided upon; and in addition, he had to
find time and grace to appear unhurried
and agreeable with even his least desirable
callers — like the " regular genuine Se-
cessionist " who sat twirling his hat in his
hands, half inchned to hide its blue cock-
ade, until Lincoln took pity on him, en-
gaged him in bantering conversation, and
sent him away with a copy of the Lincoln-
Douglas Debates under his arm; while a
mannerless and humorless Yankee across
the room, snarled, and evidently longed for
a fight.
Lincoln found time to pay a visit of
farewell to his stepmother in Coles
155
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
County; and on the day before starting
for Washington, appeared at his old law
office to go over matters of business with
his partner Mr. Herndon. After they had
finished their talk he threw himself down
on the old lounge, and for a while neither
spoke. He seemed to be passing in review
the incidents of his law practice; but he
was neither sad nor sentimental. Pres-
ently he began to speak of amusing
things that had happened on the Eighth
Circuit. It was only as he was taking his
leave that he paused on the threshold, and
with a sudden change of tone, asked that
the office sign be allowed to hang undis-
turbed. " Give our clients to understand
that the election of a President makes no
difference," he said. " If I live I 'm com-
ing back sometime, and we '11 go right on
practising law, as if nothing had hap-
pened."
But how deeply he was moved by this
departure from his old home, his speech
156
JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON
of farewell, made from the platform of
the train, as his neighbors stood uncov-
ered in the falling snow, amply testified.
There was in it a sadness and a pathos
almost prophetic.
" My friends : No one not in my situ- !
ation, can appreciate my feeling of sadness '^
at this parting. To this place, and the
kindness of these people, I owe everything.
Here I have lived a quarter of a century,
and have passed from a young to an old
man. Here my children have been born,
and one is buried. I now leave, not know-
ing when or whether ever I may return,
with a task before me greater than that
which rested upon Washington. Without
the assistance of that Divine Being who
ever attended him, I cannot succeed. With
that assistance I cannot fail. Trusting in
Him who can go with me, and remain
with you, and be everywhere for good, let
us confidently hope that all will yet be
well. To His care commending you, as I
157
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
hope in your prayers you will commend
me, I bid you an affectionate farewell."
It was true that he went to assume a
responsibility " greater than that which
rested upon Washington," yet the glamour
of that journey with its cheering thousands,
when the train seemed to be rushing
through one continuous crowd, and every
throat was calling his name, might have
justified even a modest man in the belief
that he was to have an easy task. Lin-
coln accepted the acclaim in his heart, as
he acknowledged it in his speeches, as a
welcome from the people to their chief
magistrate.
His personal relation to the throngs was
one of joyous comradeship. A crowd of
clamorous enthusiastic American citizens
drew him irresistibly. At every halt he
was met by eager demands for a speech,
yet it was manifestly impossible for him to
speak everywhere. At first he gave himself
up unreservedly to the various committees
158
JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON
which tumbled into his car at every city
and State line, and tried to drag him forth
even before the train had come to a halt.
But experience showed that this was fool-
hardy. In the mad push and crush and
confusion a false start not only hope-
lessly dislocated the official program, but
endangered life and limb. Major Hunter
of his suite received serious injuries from
mere pressure of the crowd. Lincoln
learned to sit quietly in his car till told
that preparations had been deliberately
completed. But it was easy to see that
this cost him both effort and pain. His
sympathy with the people made him shrink
from any protest against these eager first
greetings; and though his judgment bade
him refuse the popular calls for his pres-
ence outside, his heart and feelings were
with the shouting multitude.
At Indianapolis, the first stopping-
place, he struck the key-note of his duty
and theirs in the coming crisis. " The
159
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
maintenance of this government," he de-
clared, " is your business, and not mine.
I wish you to remember, now and forever,
that if the Union of these States and the
liberties of this people shall be lost, it is
but little to any one man of fifty-two years
of age, but a great deal to the thirty mil-
lions of people who inhabit these United
States and to their posterity in all coming
time. It is your business to rise up and
preserve the Union and liberty for your-
selves, and not for me."
This was not the usual complimen-
tary oratory. It was a blast of cool logic,
and had in it a ring of authority. Already
he was the ruler. In Douglas's bullying
tones these words might have sounded like
a threat. But spoken with Lincoln's deep
earnestness, the reasonableness of his posi-
tion was manifest, and his auditors felt
sure he would aid them to the utmost in
their efforts to preserve the Union for
themselves and their children.
160
JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON
Whenever time would permit, public ev-
euing receptions were arranged ; but these
functions, added to the day's fatigue of
travel and official ceremony, were a serious
tax upon his strength. His friends urged
him to stand where he could bow to the
passers-by, instead of shaking hands. The
experiment was tried, but he speedily re-
belled. It changed live personal contact
into meaningless show. He seemed to be
on exhibition like some wild animal, and
felt separated by an enormous chasm from
the people with whom it was his duty, now,
more than ever before, to come into close
relation. This was worse than any amount
of fatigue, and he returned to the old
way, where a cordial grasp of the hand,
and a fitting word established instantane-
ous sympathy.
The experiences of the first day devel-
oped both the enthusiasm and the diffi-
culties of the journey. A letter written
that night told of the crowds. " The
" l6l
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
house is literally jammed full of people.
Three or four ladies and as many gentle-
men have even invaded the room assigned
to Mr. Lincoln ; while outside the door I
hear the crowd grumbling and shouting in
almost frantic endeavor to get to another
parlor at the door of which Mr. Lincoln
stands shaking hands with the multitude.
It is a severe ordeal for us, increased ten-
fold for him."
But the letter said nothing about Mr.
Lincoln's greatest ordeal that day, which
was nothing less than the loss of his inau-
gural address. It had been written and
printed with the utmost secrecy before
leaving Springfield ; but with curious opti-
mism Mr. Lincoln placed it for the jour-
ney in a little old-fashioned black oil-cloth
carpet-bag, which he gave in charge of his
eldest son, Robert, without telling him
what the bag contained.
To Robert, full of the exuberant care-
162
JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON
lessness of eighteen, the trip seemed much
more a triumphal progress than to his
father. In the recent campaign he had
come in for a certain amount of notice as
the "Prince of Rails," a pendant to his
father's sobriquet, "The Illinois Rail-
Splitter"; and at every stopping-place
a group of " the boys " stood ready to
seize upon him and do the honors after
their own capricious fashion.
At Indianapolis, partly from inexperi-
ence on the part of the travelers, partly
from insufficient police control, only a por-
tion of the suite reached the carriages in-
tended for them. The rest, including
Robert, had to force their way, luggage in
hand, as best they could, to their hotel.
Even so they reached it long before the
others, who were being conscientiously
driven through the streets in procession.
No sooner had Mr. Lincoln arrived and
worked his way through the packed corri-
163
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
dors to his room, than he was called out
again, to address the crowd from a bal-
cony.
When at last he had time to think of
the little black bag, Robert was not to
be found. Feverish inquiries developed
that he was off with " the boys," and still
more time elapsed before he could be lo-
cated and brought back. To his father's
impetuous questions he replied with bored
and injured virtue that having arrived in
the confusion, with no room to go to, he
had handed the bag to the hotel clerk —
after the usual manner of travelers.
" And what did the clerk do with it ? "
his father asked.
" It is on the floor behind the counter,"
was the complacent answer.
Visions of his inaugural in all the morn-
ing papers floated before the President-
elect, as without a word he threw open
his door and began making his way
through the crowded halls to the office.
164
JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON
One single stride of his long legs swung
him across the clerk's desk, and he fell
upon the small mountain of luggage accu-
mulated behind it. Taking a little key
from his pocket, he began delving for
black bags, and opening such as the key
would unlock, while bystanders craned
their necks, and the horrified clerk stood
open-mouthed. The first half dozen
yielded an assortment of undesired and
miscellaneous articles; then he came upon
his own, inviolate — and Robert had no
more porter's duty during the rest of the
trip.
It was not the least of the strange con-
trasts in Mr. Lincoln's career, that after
the enthusiasm and acclamations of this
journey, he was forced to enter Washing-
ton secretly, under cover of night. News
of the plot against his life, coming from
two sources, equally trustworthy, was too
serious to disregard; and though he was
averse to such a course, believing that
165
Abraham Lincoln
" assassination of public officers is not an
American crime," he was too impartial and
just to deny that this was no longer a
question of his personal desires, or even
of his private life, but of the orderly
transmission of authority.
When it became known that the Presi-
dent-elect had entered the Nation's capital
in such manner, great was the wonder
and the criticism. The town was semi-
Southern, and not at all inclined to greet
the newcomer with open arms. This act
gave another peg upon which to hang
criticism. Stanton, with a world of ma-
lignity in his tone, spoke of the way Lin-
coln " crept into Washington." Others
called it " that smuggling business." No
one seemed to reflect that it required more
courage for a brave man to conquer his
natural aversion to such a course than to
follow his impulse and disregard the warn-
ing.
The Presidential party was quartered
166
JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON
at Willard's. " The original plan was to
go to a private house which had been
rented for the occasion," we learn by a
letter from one of the suite. " This plan
having been changed, and no rooms having
been reserved, all the party except Mr.
and Mrs. Lincoln have but sorry accom-
modations."
Here during the week before inaugura-
tion Lincoln received visits of ceremony
from President Buchanan and the outgoing
cabinet, from his rivals in the recent cam-
paign, Douglas and Breckinridge, from
the fruitless Peace Congress then in ses-
sion, which came in a body, headed by its
chairman, Ex-president Tyler, and from
many lesser social and political lights.
Here also, when such formalities were not
in progress, the crowded hotel parlors,
so thronged " as to make it seem like hav-
ing a party every night," turned a battery
of not altogether friendly eyes upon the
President-elect and his suite. His sim-
167
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
plicity of manner and his apt replies al-
ternately amused and impressed the on-
lookers.
Douglas especially, critical and a bit
malicious, yet full of State pride, and
of admiration for Lincoln personally,
watched him. " He has not yet got out
of Springfield," he said. " He has his
wife with him. He does not know that he
is President-elect of the United States, sir.
He does not see that the shadow he casts
is any bigger now than it was last year —
but he will soon find it out when he is
once inside the White House."
" There is not the slightest apprehen-
sion about trouble at the Inauguration —
or any other time. That cloud has blown
over," one of the suite wrote home. That
was the universal hope, yet General Scott
saw to it that all possible precautions were
taken. Military preceded and followed
and trotted in double files on each side of
the carriage in which the two Presidents
168
TO THE COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS
For the RECEPTION OF THE PRESIDENT ELECT :
GENTLEMEN:—
AW : , ,u • A ^^PSf^'^^'Sf with the responsibility of the safe conduct of the President elect,
and his suite to then- destination, I deem jt my duty, for special reasons which you will readilv rnm
prehend, to oner the lollowmg suggestions : ■' ^"'""
First: The President elect will under no cbrciimstances attempt to pass firouch any crowd unlii 9„rh
arrangements are made as will meet the approval of Col. Ellsworth, who is charged with the rfRnnnri
bility of all matters of this character, and .to focilitate this, you will confera favor by piacint Tol F l»."
worth in communication With the chief * f your escort, immediately upon the arrival of the train.
THE PRESIDENT ELECT,
COL. LA.MON, or other Members! of his Suite,
O&e or two members of the Escort or Committee.
COL. E. V. SUMNER, U S. A.,
MAJ. D. HUNTER. U. S. A.,
HON. N. B. JUDD, of Illinois,
HON. DAVID DAVIS, of Illinois.
COL. E. E. ELLSWORTli
CAPT. HAZZAKD,
JOHN G. NICOLAY. Esq. Privule Secret arv
Member of tiie Escort, " *
ROBT. T. LINCOLN,
JOHN M. HAY, As.sistant Secretary,
Two Members of the Escoit,
The other members of the suite may be arranged at your pleasure by your committee on the cars
Two cairiages will be reqaired to convey Mrs. Lincoln and family and her escort from the cars.
Mr. Lincoln's Secretaries will require rooms contiguous to the President elect.
A private dining room with table for six or eight persons".
Mr. Wood will also require a room near the President elect, for the accommodarion of himself and
Secretary.
The other members of the suite will be placed as near as con venient.
For the convenience of the committee, a li.st of the names of the suite arranged in their proper order
is appended.
Trusting, gentiemeu, that inasmuch as we have a common purpose in tl is matter, the safety, conn
fort and convenience of the President elect, these suggestions will be received in the spirit in which
they are offered, I have the honor to be your Obedient Servant,
W S. WOOD, Superintendent.
Handbill used on Lincoln's Journey to Washington
JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON
rode to the Capitol on the morning of In-
auguration. Squads of riflemen were
posted on the roofs of commanding houses
along Pennsylvania Avenue. Cavalry
guarded the side-street crossings along the
route of the procession. There were rifle-
men in the windows of the Capitol ; and on
the brow of Capitol Hill, in a position to
command the approach, and also the broad
plaza where the out-door ceremonies took
place, a battery of flying artillery stood
ready either to thunder forth a salute, or
to do more deadly work.
With the mailed hand thus very thinly
disguised In the glove of ceremony, Lin-
coln was made President. Fortunately
there was not the slightest disturbance.
" A fine day and a fine display. A grati-
fying and glorious inauguration," was the
summing up sent back to Illinois.
The focus of all eyes was a group of
four men, representing the political past
and future of the country. One of them
169
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
was Douglas, who had brought about the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise. An-
other was Chief Justice Taney, who had
announced the Dred Scott decision. A
third was Buchanan, whose use and misuse
of official power had helped on the mischief
born of these two acts. The fourth was
Lincoln, who must now bring the country
through the crisis they had done so much
to precipitate.
Very strong and vigorous he looked, in
contrast with the white-haired, withered
Buchanan. Very tall he loomed over the
short and stocky Douglas, who courteously
held his hat when he rose to dehver his
inaugural address. Very clear and far-
reaching his voice sounded over the listen-
ing crowd as he spoke words which could
not be misunderstood.
No President ever entered upon his du-
ties with so impartial yet so firm a declara-
tion of official intention. His inaugural
declared the Union perpetual, the Con-
170
JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON
stitution unbroken, ordinances of secession
void. He would maintain the Government
and execute the laws, but there would be
no violence or bloodshed unless forced upon
the National authority. " In your hands,
my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and
not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil
war." Then, as if this statement of fair-
ness and justice were too harsh, he con-
tinued : " I am loath to close. We are
not enemies but friends. We must not be
enemies," and so on to the end of his
appeal for a more perfect understanding.
A cheer greeted the conclusion. Chief
Justice Taney arose, and again Mr. Lin-
coln looked very tall and vigorous, stand-
ing in front of him, as he laid his hand
upon the open Bible and repeated, dis-
tinctly and deliberately, the oath of office.
The battery on the brow of the hill
boomed its salute. Again the people
cheered; and entering their carriage, the
withered old man, and the vigorous
171
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Westerner rode back along Pennsylvania
Avenue to the White House, where
Buchanan took cordial leave of the new
President, wishing him success and happi-
ness in his administration.
Success, and happiness !
172
X
EVERY-DAY LIFE AT THE WHITE HOUSE
THE menace of war, which had been
drawing hourly nearer since the elec-
tion, crossed the threshold by his side.
Speaking to an old friend, months later,
Lincoln said : " Browning, of all the trials
I have had since I came here, none begin
to compare with those I had between the
inauguration and the fall of Fort Sumter.
They were so great that could I have an-
ticipated them, I would not have believed
it possible to survive them. The first
thing that was handed me after I entered
this room when I came from the inaugura-
tion, was the letter from Major Anderson,
saying that their provisions would be ex-
173
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
hausted before an expedition could be sent
to their relief."
Before the administration was an hour
old the issue was upon him, yet the North
would talk only of compromise. Horace
Greeley had printed an editorial declaring
that the Union could not be pinned to-
gether with bayonets. Mercantile inter-
ests, fearing to lose Southern trade, clam-
ored loudly for concession. Buchanan had
apologized to Ex-president Tyler for al-
lowing a few soldiers to carry the flag
through the streets of the capital on Wash-
ington's birthday. Public opinion was
awry. To use Lincoln's own forceful
words, " sinners were calling the righteous
to repentance." In Washington men pro-
tested their loyalty to the new President in
the morning, and at night started south to
join the confederacy. Congress had ad-
journed without providing means to meet
the rebellion. It fell upon Lincoln, not
only to make momentous decisions, but to
174
LIFE AT WHITE HOUSE
assume responsibilities rightly belonging
to the legislative branch of the Govern-
ment.
For, though the fall of Fort Sumter
cleared the air, and drew the line sharply
between patriotism and treason, it precipi-
tated a flood of new questions — how to
provide troops ; how to get money to pay
troops ; how to choose efficient generals to
lead troops ; and how to answer the ques-
tions foreign governments were sure to ask.
Once started, from small beginnings of
riot and panic, and an early harvest of
death which seemed appalling, yet would
have passed unnoticed in the slaughter of
later campaigns, the avalanche of war
swept on through four interminable years.
After the expectation of speedy victory
died away, it was Lincoln's lot to watch
with sickening anxiety the procession of
unsuccessful campaigns, and to learn by
sad experience the deficiencies of his gen-
erals.
175
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
The slow grinding torture of those
days — the thing which wore on him, body
and soul, and turned him from a vigorous
man to an old one, was not the physical
labor of the Presidency, imnlense as that
was — nor his realization of the horror
and waste of war, deep as that was. It
was seeing the need with such pitilessly
clear vision, grasping the vast problem
with the logic which made him " the ablest
strategist of the war," and yet being un-
able to infuse his own spirit and vision
into the men through whom the fight must
be made. Even his subordinates felt this.
His secretary longed " to get into the most
active and hottest part of the fight, wher-
ever that may be." " This being where I
can overlook the whole war and never be
in it — always threatened with danger and
never meeting it — constantly worked to
death and yet accomplishing nothing,
grows exceedingly irksome. It is a feel-
176
Autograph Text of Address to Foreign Envoys
LIFE AT WHITE HOUSE
mg of duty and not of inclination which
keeps me here."
If these were the fcchngs of the young
man who kncAv he could throw himself into
the thick of the fight whenever he chose to
leave the post to which he had been as-
signed, how much more must have been the
suffering of his. chief, on whom the whole
crushing responsibility lay, and whom no
earthly power could release. No wonder
he said to General Schenck : " If to be
the head of Hell is as hard as what I have
to undergo here, I could find it in my heart
to pity Satan himself."
A memorandum in the handwriting of
my father, found in a sealed envelope en-
dorsed, " A private paper. Conversation
with the President, October 2, 1861,"
though the merest skeleton of their talk,
shows how uncompromisingly he faced con-
ditions.
177
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
POLITICAL.
Fremont ready to rebel.
Chase despairing.
Cameron utterly ignorant and regardless
of the course of things, and the probable
result. Selfish and openly discourteous
to the President. Obnoxious to the
country. Incapable either of organiz-
ing details or conceiving and executing
general plans.
FINANCIAL.
Immense
claims left
-for Con-
gress to
audit.
Over-draft to-day, Oct. 2, 1861, $12,-
000,000.
Chase says new loan will be exhausted in
11 days.
MILITARY.
Kentucky successfully invaded.
Missouri virtually seized.
178
Credit gone at St. Louis.
Cincinnati.
Springfield.
LIFE AT WHITE HOUSE
October here, and instead of having a force
ready to descend the Mississippi, the
probability is that the Army of the West
will be compelled to defend St. Louis.
Testimony of Chase
Bates
the Blairs
Meigs
Gower
Gurley
Browning
Thomas, that everything in
the West, military and financial, is in
hopeless confusion.
And in view of odds like these it was his
duty to keep up the spirits of the country !
To foster the morale of the people, without
which victories in the field would have been
as impossible as for the soldiers to breathe
without oxygen. The strength and natu-
ral buoyancy of the. man who could look
such situations in the face, and smile, and
tell stories, is difficult to comprehend.
179
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Once, nioiilJis after it happened, the
President told of being v/akened at night
at the Soldiers' Home by a general who
came in a panic to urge the immediate
flight of McClellan's army from Harri-
son's Landing, the soldiers to be hurried
away on transports, and their horses killed,
because it was evident they could not be
saved. " Thus often," said the President,
" I, who am not a specially brave man,
have had to restore the sinking courage
of these professional fighters in critical
times."
But he was only human. His early fits
of gloom, conquered and fought down,
were occasionally echoed in these moods,
when he seemed constrained to think aloud,
before a listener he could trust — not for
the benefit of the other's advice, but to get
his thought into words. Possibly also he
craved the listener's silent sympathy.
Carl Schurz wrote of such an interview,
and Leonard Swett told of being sent for
180
LIFE AT WHITE HOUSE
by Lincoln, who read letters from Ameri-
cans and foreigners about emancipation,
and then, laying the letters aside, dis-
cussed the question himself from many
points of view, without asking Mr. Swett's
advice, or even seeking to impress his own
ideas upon him. Mr. Swett felt himself
more an observer of the President's men-
tal processes than a hearer of his voice.
Finally he wished his visitor a safe jour-
ney home, and the audience was over.
Evidently this earlier talk with his secre-
tary was the outcome of another such im-
perative need. That it was unusual, and
impressive, is plain from the manner in
which the note was preserved.
In spite of the war, daily life went on,
as daily life must, in a round of incidents
trivial in themselves. The tragic back-
ground was made endurable by a great
hope, and against it details of common-
place living etched a curious, inconsequent,
never-ending pattern.
181
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Lincoln was servant of the people
equally by heart's impulse and in fulfil-
ment of his oath. Every hour was dedi-
cated to their service. His day began
early, and ended only when physical weari-
ness drove him to his bed. Frequently at
night he could not sleep, and rose to wan-
der from room to room.
At first all his time was taken up with
office seekers. " The grounds, halls, stair-
\ ways, closets, are filled with applicants,
who render ingress and egress difficult,"
Secretary Seward wrote. Mr. Lincoln be-
gan by trying to receive these importu-
nates, and attend to official business, twelve
full hours a day. Later his reception
hours were limited, in theory, from ten
o'clock to one; but it was in theory only.
" I am looking forward with a good deal
of eagerness to when I shall have time to
at least read and write my letters in peace
without being haunted continually by
some one who ' wants to see the President
182
LIFE AT WHITE HOUSE
for only fvc minutes,'' At present this
request meets me from almost every man,
woman and cliild I see, whetlier by day or
by night, in the house, or on the street,"
my father wrote wlien they had been in
Washington three weeks.
That day of leisure never came. Be-
fore the office-seekers had been disposed of,
war filled the house with a totally different
class of visitors — men who wanted com-
missions, others who wished to furnish
stores to the army, inventors with im-
proved engines of destruction, and a never-
ending stream of officers in search of pro-
motion.
Although, with the voluntary resigna-
tions of officials who went south to join the
rebellion, and the countless military ap-
pointments made necessary by the new
armies, no President has had such an in-
crease in the number of places at his dis-
posal, they were not nearly enough for the
hungry hordes. " Gentlemen," he said to
183
^
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
a group who urged the benefit of the cli-
mate as additional reason for appointing
their candidate Commissioner to the Sand-
wich Islands, " I am sorry to say that
there are eight other applicants for the
place, all sicker than your man."
That was long before the days of Civil
Service reform, but Lincoln's ideas of fair-
ness gave a full equivalent. The patient
thoroughness he lavished on his appoint-
ments has inspired many reminiscences.
"What is the matter? " a friend asked
in alarm, coming upon him sad and de-
pressed. " Have you bad news from the
army? "
" No, it is n't the army," he replied with
one of his weary, humorous smiles. " It is
the post-office at Brownsville, Missouri."
He had steadily refused to make any
promises before his election. " I will go
to Washington, if at all, an unpledged
man," he declared. " Justice to all " was
the motto he announced to Mr. Seward
184
LIFE AT WHITE HOUSE
when he tendered liim the office of Secre-
tary of State, and he steadfastly and con-
sistently tried to enforce it, even down to
the post-office at Brownsville, Missouri.
War's toll brought an increasing num-
ber of applications for office on the part
of disabled soldiers and also of soldiers'
widows. "My conclusion is," he wrote
the Postmaster General, "that other
things being equal, they have the better
right."
Justice to all included the Government
as well as individuals, and prompted letters
like the following:
My dear Sir: I understand a bill is be-
fore Congress by your instigation, for taking
your office from the control of the Depart-
ment of the Interior, and considerably en-
larging the powers and patronage of your
office. The proposed change may be right
for aught I know, and it certainly is right for
Congress to do as it thinks proper in the
case. What I wish to say is, that if the
185
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
change is made, I do not think I can allow
you to retain the office; because that would
be encouraging officers to be constantly in-
triguing, to the detriment of the public
interest, in order to profit themselves.
In the rare cases where justice to all
could be combined with special favors, he
took particular pleasure. Having a spe-
cially warm spot in his heart for artists
and men of letters, he asked the Secretary
of State to " watch out " for " some of
those moderate-sized consulates which fa-
cilitate artists a little in their profession,"
in order that he might gratify the sculptor
who made his " mud-head," and certain
other talented youths, William Dean How-
ells among them. It is to be observed,
however, that he did not direct the Secre-
tary of State to create opportunities — he
only asked him to watch for them.
One favor which he had no cause to
regret he granted with some reluctance.
186
Cy4/V^^ II. I?<.l-
^dcr'CC' Jy c^ J\y v.^rfc^^^
^^ -it?^^. ,^1-Cr /./v-Jc^ ^ Ae^.
~> £^^ /> — o
President's Note about a Post-office Appointment, with
Montgomery Blair's Endorsement
LIFE AT WHITE HOUSE
It became evident before they left Spring-
field that my father would need an assist-
ant, and he ventured to ask that his friend,
John Hay, be allowed to accompany them.
Mr. Lincoln at first demurred : " I can't
take all Illinois with me ! " he said, with a
whimsical grimace.
Occasionally justice and common sense
inspired him to benevolent despotism in ap-
pointments as in other matters.
" Dear Sir : I personally wish Jacob
Freese of New Jersey to be appointed
colonel for a colored regiment, and this re-
gardless of whether he can tell the exact
shade of Julius Csesar's hair," was one of
the characteristic notes sent to Stanton.
It probably made the choleric Secretary of
War sputter with wrath, but accomplished
its worthy end.
Although Lincoln's manner was one of
almost unfailing good humor and quiet
tolerance, there were times when he showed
that his patience had limits. When the
187
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
flood of place-seekers was at its height, a
delegation came to urge California ap-
pointments which were earnestly opposed
bj Lincoln's early friend, Colonel E. D.
Baker, who had become Senator from Ore-
gon. The spokesman of the delegation,
both in his speech and in the papers he
presented, made bitter and criminal accu-
sations against Baker, which the President
knew to be unfounded. He intimated as
much, but the accuser persisted. Lincoln
heard him through in silence, and when he
had finished handed him back the papers.
" Keep them, sir," the man said. " I
wish you to keep them. They are yours."
"Mine to do with as I please.'^" the
President asked quickly.
" Yes," was the reply.
Mr. Lincoln stepped to the fireplace,
thrust the papers between the blazing
brands, and as the room was lighted by the
fresh flame dismissed the interviewers with
a stern '' Good morning, gentlemen."
188
LIFE AT WHITE HOUSE
One of his wearisome and unavoidable
tasks was signing commissions sent over
every day from the War and Navy De-
partments. Every appointment and pro-
motion in the regular army, as well as
many in the volunteer service, necessitated
a new commission. These, made out on
heavy parchment, very oily and hard to
write upon, would be placed on his desk in
piles six or eight inches high, and he would
sit working away at them with the patient
industry of a laborer sawing wood.
His correspondence also took much time,
though he read only about one in a hun-
dred of the letters addressed to him. He
rarely dictated. He either made a verbal
or written summary for his secretary, or
carefully wrote out the whole himself —
and frequently carefully copied it. All his
important state papers and political letters
were signed with his full name. His signa-
ture on less formal documents was " A. Lin-
coln." The range of his daily correspond-
180
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
ence ran the whole gamut from naming
a baby to the most important national
and international affairs, and in addition
he made many endorsements, some of them
lengthy, on communications he did not
answer.
" O. H. P. trying to resign an office
which he does not hold," was one of them.
Another read:
" It seems to me Mr. C. knows nothing
about the weather in advance. He told
me three days ago that it would not rain
again till the thirtieth of April or first of
May. It is raining now, and has been for
ten hours. I cannot spare any more time
to Mr. C." Such notes were apt to ex-
press a certain finality.
Among the most beautiful of his letters
were those written to parents whose sons
had died in battle. " He bore the sorrows
of the nation in his heart," as John Hay
said. No amount of repetition could dull
his ears to the pitiful cry of bereavement.
190
Two Characteristic Endorsements, and a Call to a Special
Cabinet Meeting
LIFE AT WHITE HOUSE
When young Ellsworth, whom he knew
personally, was killed at Alexandria, one
of the first victims of the war, he not only
wrote to his parents, but directed that his
body be brought to the White House as if
he were his own son ; and the funeral was
held in the great East Room.
Gradually under the strain of responsi-
bility and care, his demeanor changed.
He was just as cordial, just as kindly;
but his infectious laughter was less often
heard; and from brooding on serious and
weighty things he acquired an air of de-
tachment. " Lincoln's prevailing mood in
later years was one of meditation," my
father wrote. " Unless engaged in con-
versation, the external world was a thing
of minor interest. Not that he was what
is called absentminded. He did not for-
get the spectacles on his nose, and his eye
and ear lost no sound or movement about
him when he sat writing in his office or
passed along the street. But while he
191
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
noted external incidents, they remained
secondary. His mind was ever busy in
reflection. Sometimes he would sit for an
hour, still as a petrified image, his soul
absent in the wide reahn of thought."
Then the entrance of a friend would sum-
mon his spirit back, the kindling eye
and quaint remark would anticipate the
friendly hand clasp, and wit and practical
common sense rule the interview.
Even a President as hard working as
Lincoln had to have relaxation. He used
to drive late in the afternoon; though this
could hardly be called diversion, since his
objective point was apt to be one of the
earthworks which circled Washington, or
one of the military hospitals.
He gave much attention to the hos-
pitals ; especially to the building of one
which should be a model; consulting the
doctor in charge over ingenious devices for
the comfort of the wounded, and paying
192
LIFE AT WHITE HOUSE
*
for some of them out of his own pocket.
He also provided flower seeds to turn the
square in which it stood into something less
dismal than a waste of clay and weeds.
In his visits to the hospitals he gave out
far more vitality and sympathy than he
gained. " There was no medicine equal
to the cheerfulness his visit inspired, but
its effect on him was saddening in the ex-
treme," said one who watched him on such
a round.
His influence upon the well was no less
marked than upon the sick. A nineteen-
year-old surgeon who was detailed to take
Mr. Lincoln through the hospital at City
Point just a week before the assassination,
never forgot leading him through ward
after ward, until finally they came to that
filled with sick and wounded prisoners.
With a feehng of patriotic duty, he said :
" Mr. President, you won't want to go in
there; they are only rebels." The Presi-
13 193
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
dent stopped, and laying his large hand
on his shoulder gently answered, " You
mean Confederates."
Mr. Lincoln had a quick comprehension
of mechanical principles, and found both
amusement and interest in the cloud of in-
ventors with devices important or vision-
ary, that the war brought to Washington.
One proposed to do away with the need for
bridges by giving each soldier a pair of
little watertight canoes, one for each foot.
Another had an epoch-making scheme for
moving artillery by means of iron-clad bal-
loons. Some of them obtained permission
to set up models in the White House base-
ment, and the grounds south of the Execu-
tive Mansion became a favorite place for
trying the new guns. When he could es-
cape from the labors of the office, or omit
his daily drive, Mr. Lincoln stole away to
watch the experiments, to take his turn at
the shooting, and enjoy the remarks of the
bystanders. He quoted with deep appre-
194*
LIFE AT WHITE HOUSE
elation the verdict of one man, who com-
demned a marvelous gun because of its
shght recoil. " It would not do," he said.
" Too much powder. A good piece of au-
dience should n't rekyle. If it did at all,
it should rekyle a little forrid."
Flag raisings and reviews became as
much a part of the routine as breakfast.
Lincoln's first Fourth of July as President
was marked by both these functions.
" One pretty incident of the review," my
father wrote, " was the passing of the
Garibaldi Guards, a regiment made up en-
tirely of foreigners, whose colonel's com-
mands in French were translated in
process of transmission to the men into
German, Spanish, Italian, Hungarian, and
several other tongues. Each man had
stuck a flower or a sprig of green into his
hat, and as the successive ranks passed the
President, they took them out and threw
them toward him, until he stood in a per-
fect shower of leaves and blossoms." One
195
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
wonders what became of these sons of the
Old World who paid floral tribute to the
Son of the Prairies. They were sent
across the Potomac, " and having an idea
that there was a fight ahead, marched sing-
ing the Marseillaise, with loaves of bread
stuck on the points of their bayonets " —
and so, out of history.
An ingenuous soldier boy wrote home to
his family in Maine that at the flag-raising
the President wore plain citizen's clothes
" with blue kid gloves " which were short
at the wrist and showed his bare arm as he
pulled the rope " with as much deliberation
as though he had been working his old flat-
boat down the river."
Sudden emotion choked the boy as the
colors floated free, and a burst of military
music and cheering filled the air. But it
was the President's smile which impressed
him most. " I think I should wilHngly
ride fifty miles to vote for him again as I
did last November," he wrote.
196
LIFE AT WHITE HOUSE
He watched the 71st New York escort
Mr. Lincohi back to the White House.
" I wish you could liave seen him march.
He paid httle or no attention to the music
of Dodworth, but paced off at an irregular
rate " — the pioneer gait that he never ex-
changed for city-bred movements — " while
Mr. Seward, whose arm he held, was seen
to keep step, his ' left foot on the down
beat.' "
The boy lingered near the White House
until he saw the President at one of the
windows, spyglass in hand, looking toward
the Old Dominion. How many times he
used that glass to sweep the Virginia hills !
How many times he and Mr. Seward trav-
eled the same road, not quite in step, but
one in purpose! How many, many times
his. smile and spirit won men and women
as they captivated that boy !
197
XI
PRESIDENT LINCOLISr, HIS WIFE AND
CHIKdREN
LINCOLN was an unusually affec-
tionate and indulgent father. A
paragraph in a letter to his friend Speed
shows that he and his wife had the ex-
periences and emotions common to proud
parents.
We have another boy, born the 10th of
March. He is very much such a child as
Bob was at his age, rather of a longer order.
Bob is ** short and low/* and I expect always
will be. He talks very plainly — almost as
plainly as anybody. He is quite smart
enough. I sometimes fear that he is one of
the little rare-ripe sort that are smarter at
198
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
about five than ever after. He lias a great
deal of that sort of mischief that is tlie off-
spring of such animal spirits. Since I began
this letter, a messenger came to tell me Bob
was lost; but by the time I reached the house
his mother had found him and had him
whipped, and by now, very likely, he is run
away again.
The second child died in infancy, but
two others were born to them, both boys.
Their father liked to have them with him,
even when to others they appeared decid-
edly troublesome. If they swarmed too
persistently over his person he brushed
them away like gnats, but he never turned
them out of the room or reproved them, ex-
cept in the mildest manner. When they
began to go to school he studied with
them.
One of his Springfield neighbors, re-
calling how constantly they were in his
company, tells of being attracted to the
door one day by hearing children cry. He
199
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
saw Mr. Lincoln striding by with two of
his sons, both wailing loudly.
" Why, what is the matter with the
boys? " he asked.
" Just what is the matter with the
whole world," was the answer. " I 've got
three walnuts, and each wants two."
" Bob," the eldest, showed a grasp of
principles and property rights in dealing
with his brothers which foreshadowed suc-
cess in business and diplomacy. Mr. Lin-
coln came upon his youngest clinging like
a burr to Robert, and demanding a knife
the latter held in his hand. " Oh, let him
have it. Bob, to keep him quiet," he urged.
" No," Bob replied. " It is my knife, and
I need it to keep me quiet."
" He promises very well, considering we
never controlled him much," the father
wrote of this eldest son.
Wlien Lincoln was inaugurated Robert
had just entered Harvard. The others,
Wilhe and Thomas, or " Tad," aged ten
200
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
and eight, respectively, ranged lawless and
lovable, over the Executive iNIansIon. No
room was sacred from their intrusion ; no
conference too weighty to be broken in
upon by the rush of their onslaught.
They instituted a minstrel show in the
attic, and inserted dogs, cats, goats and
ponies into various crevices of the domestic
establishment.
It was the elder of these, a child of great
promise, bright and gentle and studious,
who sickened and died in February, 1862.
" A fine boy of eleven years, too much
idolized by his parents," Attorney-General
Bates wrote in his diary; adding that the
Government departments were closed on
the day of his funeral — the only time,
probably, that the death of a child has
been so observed in the history of our
country.
Lincoln allowed his bereavement to make
no difference in his daily tasks, and gave
little outward sign of his grief; but his
201
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
heart lavished its tenderness on his young-
est child, Tad, a merry warm-hearted
little lad, who interrupted his father's
gravest labors with impunity, and found
safe refuge in his office from the domestic
authorities.
He must have been a winning small boy,
in spite of his talent for keeping himself
and others in hot water, for even the gruff
Secretary of War succumbed, and in a
moment of indiscretion commissioned him
a lieutenant. Tad's next exploit was to
drill the household servants, and one night,
to relieve the regular sentries, and put
them all on duty. His father, thinking it
a good joke, refused to interfere, until the
small officer, wearied by his authority, fell
asleep, when the Commander-in-Chief of
the Army carried him tenderly to bed, and
then went downstairs and dismissed the
awkward squad.
The boy, running in and out among the
202
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
visitors waiting to see the President, be-
came their active champion. One day he
rushed into his father's office and asked
permission to introduce some " friends,"
returning with a delegation Mr. Lincoln
had been dexterously avoiding. Once in-
side the door, he stopped, asked the name
of the oldest of the group, presented him
to his father, and added, " Now, Judge,
you introduce the rest ! " The President,
fairly caught, took him on his knee, kissed
him, told him he had introduced his friends
like a gentleman, and made the best of an
interview which could not be satisfactory
to either side.
Lincoln's love for children did not stop
with his own sons. He was greeted with
ecstasy by the group of grandchildren
who roamed over the country place of F.
P. Blair, Sr., a few miles from Washing-
ton ; and they remember to this day the
abandon with which he entered into their
203
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
games, how long his strides were, and how
far his coat tails sailed out behind him as
he ran.
When children came to him on business
in the Executive Office, as they sometimes
did, he listened to them with the same
courtesy accorded their elders, never deny-
ing their requests on account of their
youth. Those who criticized the Presi-
dent's merciful unwillingness to impose the
death penalty, dreaded to see a woman
with a child in her arms enter that room.
They knew she would have a speedy and
sympathetic hearing. " It was the baby
that did it, madam," Edward, the colored
usher, observed to one wife who passed out,
radiantly tearful.
Mrs. Lincoln was a Kentuckian, and the
fact that some of her relatives fought in
the Southern armies was enough to keep
gossip busy with rumors of her tacit if not
open sympathy with the rebellion — gos-
sip which did her grievous wrong, and
204
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
added one more to the daily trials of the
President. It was a thing of which he
could take no public notice; but at one
time he felt constrained to tell several mem-
bers of the cabinet his side of the story
then current. " He gave the details with
frankness and without disguise. . , .
They did him credit on a subject of scandal
and abuse," one of them wrote.
The President's attitude toward his wife
had something of the paternal in it, al-
most as though she were a child, under his
protection. It is said that when President
Taylor offered to make him Governor of
Oregon Territory, shortly after the end of
his term in Congress, Lincoln's refusal was
largely because of her unwillingness to go
so far into the wilderness.
Personally he was singularly indifferent
to physical surroundings, and neither the
wilderness, had they gone there, nor the
stately proportions and practical incon-
venience of the Executive Mansion when
205
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
they actually experienced them, affected
him in the least. But, like many another
good American husband, it pleased him to
see his wife enjoying luxury; and in
March, 1861, the White House must have
seemed to both of them a very grand home
indeed.
During the war, as for many years
after, the President's family and the busi-
ness of state were housed in uncongenial
intimacy. The family lived upstairs in
the western end of the building, the of-
fices were in the east end; the state apart-
ments were below; and visitors and office-
seekers blocked anterooms and halls; while
Tad split the ears of cabinet ministers and
long-suffering clerks, as, with mischief and
drum, he did what he could to convert this
" dwelling-place but not a habitation," into
a real home.
The Lincolns were the Western-most
people who had inhabited the White House,
and were as new to official ceremony as to
206
A Presidential Tea Party
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
stately surroundings. The President, how-
ever, had his native dignity and his term in
Congress to fall back upon; while Mrs.
Lincoln had her woman's wits and that ease
in fitting into more luxurious surroundings
which is the birthright of every living crea-
ture, from protoplasm to potentate.
On request the State Department fur-
nished elaborate lists of officials and func-
tions, along with certain helpful details.
From that source or elsewhere they were
advised never to say " Sir " to a titled
foreigner ; and that " at evening calls of
diplomats it is well for the President to go
down." The hour for state dinners was
set sternly at seven. The family might
dine at six. A memorandum prescribed
" dress for gentlemen " as " coat, black
dress, or ditto blue with bright buttons —
(never wear frocks)" — which seems to
press the Lincoln regime back into remote
picturesqueness.
With these hints, and their natural good
207
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
sense, they got on as well as most new ad-
ministrations. One of the hints was that
" parties, if given, must be entirely in-
formal or accidental." After Mrs. Lin-
coln had been installed about a year she
determined to ignore this rule, and sent out
invitations for a party which was not at
all " accidental." Society was rocked to
its center, and the local papers printed col-
umns detailing the elegance of everybody's
manners and costumes, not forgetting the
foreigners who must never be addressed as
" Sir," and ending with an inventory of
the sugar ornaments on the supper table.
Notes made in the house were less sac-
charine. " Half the city is jubilant at be-
ing invited, while the other half is furious
at being left out in the cold. It was a
very respectable, if not brilliant success.
Many of the invited guests did not come,
so the rooms were not at all overcrowded.
. . . Those who were here (some of them
having sought and almost begged their in-
208
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
vitatlons) will be forever happy in the
recollection. . . . Suffice it to say that
the East Room looked very beautiful ; that
the supper was magnificent, and that when
all was over, by way of an interesting little
finale, a couple of the servants, much
moved by wrath and wine, had a jolly little
knock-down in the kitchen, damaging in its
effects to sundry heads and champagne
bottles. This last item is strictly entre
nous.'*
That was the culmination of Mrs. Lin-
coln's social achievements. The very next
of these confidential letters, enclosing a
newspaper account of the great party,
adds : " Since then one of the President's
little boys has been so sick as to absorb all
his attention." From that time on pri-
vate and public sorrow put an end to all
except the formal and official entertaining.
The traditional state dinners and recep-
tions took place; and there was music in
the summer on the White House lawn ;
14 209
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
when occasionally the noise of heavy guns
would draw the crowd away from the band
down to the river's edge to gaze across at
the Virginia hills.
The great public receptions were not
disagreeable to the President, and he
seemed surprised when people commiserated
him upon having to endure them. He
would shake hands with thousands of peo-
ple, seemingly unconscious of what he was
doing, murmuring some monotonous salu-
tation, his eye dim and thoughts far away,
until a familiar face, or the sight of a lit-
tle child would focus his attention.
" Hurrah for Mist' Linthon ! " a small cit-
izen lisped as he came up, convoyed by
his proud parent. " Hurrah for Mister
You ! " the President responded, gathering
him in his arms, and giving him a mighty
toss toward the ceiling.
Many people came primed with a speech
to deliver, but unless it was compressed into
the smallest possible space, it never got ut-
210
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
terance. If it were brief enough, and
caught the President's fancy, it received a
swift answer. One night an elderly gen-
tleman from Buffalo said, " Up our way
we believe in God and Abraham Lincoln."
" My friend, you are more than half
right ! " was the President's reply as he
passed him on to the next in line.
Lincoln had grown to manhood and
prominence in a period of grave formality
of manner, in a locality where old Southern
traditions of good breeding prevailed.
Dignity was as natural to him as honest
living or straight thinking. In his audi-
ences with diplomats he lost nothing in
comparison with men trained in European
courts. His natural poise and sense of fit-
ness made both words and bearing unem-
barrassed. Yet after complying with all
the requirements of custom, his kindly wit
was apt to find outlet. When Lord Lyons
went to the White House to announce the
marriage of the Prince of Wales, he made
211
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
the customary formal speech. The Presi-
dent answered in like manner ; then, taking
the bachelor diplomat by the hand, he sup-
plemented it with a genial, " And now,
Lord Lyons, go thou and do likewise ! "
Contrary to popular belief nobody pre-
sumed to call Lincoln " Abe," or had, since
he was a boy, " Honest Old Abe " was
indeed an expression country-wide, but it
was used in speaking about him, not to
him. There was that in his bearing,
friendly as it was, which forbade familiar-
ity. His own son has told the writer that
even his mother addressed her husband as
" Mr. Lincoln." Sometimes in talking to
men much younger than himself, he called
them by their first names, but with those
of his own generation, even intimates of
his early years, his nearest approach to
familiarity was in dropping the prefix
" Mr." In this he followed the well-estab-
lished custom of the time and place.
He was as temperate in his speech as in
212
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
his appetites. His innate honesty forbade
his saying things he did not mean, while
his appreciation of the value of words
made him differentiate between their use
and abuse as he would between the use and
abuse of gold. He was generous, but no
spendthrift with either. His hearty " I
am glad to see you," accompanied by a
warm handclasp and his smile, meant more
than another man's extravagant compli-
ments. If he was not glad he did not say
so. " Good morning," or " What can I
do for you?" or some equally unperjured
greeting sufficed. This strict truthfulness
in little things gives added point to his oc-
casional vivid statements ; like that to Mr.
Browning about the first weeks of his ad-
ministration, or his remark to General
Schenck that he could find it in his heart to
pity Satan himself.
With his w^ealth of sympathy, his con-
science, and his unflinching sense of jus-
tice, he was predestined to sorrow. There
213
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
was in his nature a strain of deep melan-
choly, a trait not uncommon among the
pioneers. In his youth, during the years
when blood pounds fastest, and desires and
aspiration protest loudest against the stem
discipline of fact, it came upon him time
and again; and because he was different
from his fellows — a finer instrument, re-
sponding more readily to calls of the spirit
— it hurt cruelly. "If what I feel were
equally distributed to the whole human
family, there would not be one cheerful face
on the earth." From one so temperate in
speech, these words mean much.
By the time he reached middle life the
sharpness of these attacks had been lived
down, but a melancholy underlay all his
moods — even his merriest. He was still
vibrant to chords of feeling.
" I believe I feel trouble in the air before
it comes," he said, entering the room of his
secretaries to bring news of a military dis-
aster which had just reached him.
214
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
" I am 8uperstitious," he admitted fre-
quently, but in the next breath was apt to
give a good and sensible reason for what
he was pleased to call his superstition. He
placed enough importance on dreams to
tell them ; not only his recurrent dream of
the ship and the dark shore, but others.
Once he sent a despatch to his wife, advis-
ing her to put away Tad's pistol, because
he had had " an ugly dream " about him.
In unguarded moments he gave way to
grief with complete unconsciousness. The
gray, drawn look of his face in mental
pain ; his " ghostlike " appearance as he
walked up and down the room, exclaiming,
" My God, my God ! what will the country
sa}^ ? " ; the way the tears ran unheeded
down his cheeks while he inspected the
Monitor and lived again in imagination
that memorable battle ; his stumbling steps
and hands pressed to his heart as he went
from McClellan's headquarters, heedless of
the sentinel's salute, on learning of Col-
215
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
onel Baker's death — betrayed how com-
pletely he forgot himself in grief.
Fortunately his joy was as spontaneous
as a child's. No amount of experience
made him callous to either happiness or
pain. " I myself will telegraph the news
to General Meade ! " he cried, seizing his
hat when Secretary Welles brought word
that Vicksburg had fallen. Then he
stopped, his face beaming, caught Welles's
hand and almost embracing him cried,
" What can we do for the Secretary of the
Navy for this glorious intelligence? He
is always giving us good news. I cannot
tell you my joy over the result. It is
great, Mr. Welles, it is great ! "
Yet such was his self-control that he
could make his face a mask when he saw
fit, and it was not often that casual vis-
itors realized the depth of his feeling. One
secret of his success had been his power of
inspiring confidence in his followers. One
duty of his high office he felt to be keeping
216
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
up the spirits of his countrymen during the
dark hours of war. He had need of his
great physical endurance, and all his self-
control. Many were the sleepless nights
he passed after that first Sunday when he
remained in his office until dawn, listening
to the excited tales of those who had wit-
nessed sights and sounds of the battle of
Bull Run.
His was the faith which moves moun-
tains. He could even extract a bitter com-
fort from sad news. Being told of heavy
firing in the direction of Knoxville, at a
time when he was very anxious, he said
that anything which showed that General
Burnside was not overwhelmed, was cheer-
ing. " Like Sallie Carter, when she heard
one of her children cry, he could say,
* there goes one of my young ones, not
dead yet, bless the Lord ! ' "
He wore his greatness so naturally that
he could afford to jest. Living by the
same rule in matters great and small,
217
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
whether signing an emancipation procla-
mation or attending to the trifling demands
of a child, he did not have to put on added
solemnity for great occasions, and he gath-
ered what comfort and relief he could from
the flickering bits of humor that crossed
his path.
Although wanting in the language of
gallantry, he was not incapable of turning
a neat compliment. The artist Carpenter
has told of one which would have pressed
Chesterfield hard. An enthusiastic lady
gave the President an entirely superfluous
bouquet. The situation was momentarily
embarrassing, but " with no appearance
of discomposure, he stooped down, took
the flowers, and looking from them into the
sparkling eyes and radiant face of the
lady, said, with a gallantry I was unpre-
pared for, ' Really, madam, if you give
them to me, and they are mine, I think I
cannot possibly make so good a use of them
as to present them to you in return ! ' "
218
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
He was the most abstemious of men.
Not that he remained on principle a total
abstainer as he was during part of his early
life ; but he never cared for wines or liquors
of any sort, and never used tobacco.
Judge Lawrence Weldon once overheard
Douglas trying to ridicule him on this
point.
"What! You a temperance man?"
Douglas asked.
" No," drawled Lincoln, with a smile.
" I 'm not a temperance man ; but I 'm
temperate in this — to wit — I don't
drink."
At table he ate sparingly, without seem-
ing to know what he was eating. When
Mrs. Lincoln was away he sometimes ab-
sentmindedly omitted the formality of din-
ing altogether. To some visitors who
apologized for sending in their cards at
the dinner hour, he replied :
" It makes no difference. When my
wife is away I just browse around."
219
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
It was the company, not the meat,
which interested him. Carl Schurz, for
whom he had a strong liking, once asked
leave to present his German brother-in-
law, a young merchant from Hamburg.
Mr. Lincoln told him to bring him the next
day about lunch time, adding casually that
there would be something to eat. Schurz
had no little difficulty in quieting his
guest's trepidation. His assertion that
there would be no court etiquette or for-
mality whatever was too wild for the for-
eigner's belief. When he found ■ himself
greeted like an old friend, and the three
sat down alone to luncheon, he pulled him-
self out of his stupefaction, and answered
entertainingly the many questions about
Hamburg with which his host plied him.
The meal ended in anecdotes and laughter ;
and as they left the White House the
young German was vainly trying to find
words in which to express his puzzled ad-
miration for the man who had risen from
220
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
peasant to ruler, and, with so much dig-
nity, remained so unconscious of self.
To his two secretaries he was the em-
bodiment of kindness and friendliness.
For a time they occupied a room In the
Executive Mansion, and saw him, literally,
day and night. Like boys, they had their
own names for him. " The Tycoon " was
their favorite, with " The Ancient " a close
second. When their admiration passed all
bounds they gave him the comprehensive
title, " The American."
" What a man it is," wrote John Hay
in his diary, after detailing a nocturnal
visit of the President, who came with a
volume of Hood in his hand, to read them
something which struck his fancy. " Oc-
cupied all day with matters of vast mo-
ment, deeply anxious about the fate of the
greatest army in the w^orld, with his own
fame and fortune hanging on the events of
the passing hour, he has such wealth of
simple bonhomie and good fellowship that
221
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
he gets out of bed and perambulates the
house in his shirt to find us that we may
share with him the fun of poor Hood's lit-
tle conceits."
Personally Lincoln was very brave.
When he visited the army at the front and
reviewed the troops, he was the cause of
much anxiety to the commanders, because
his tall figure, made taller still by the
" stove-pipe " hat he habitually wore, ren-
dered him a conspicuous and unmistakable
target for the enemy. When General
Early's troops came within a few miles of
Washington he was actually under fire at
Fort Stevens, so interested in watching de-
velopments that he was quite impatient at
being made to leave his exposed position.
General Butler confessed that no one ever
gave him a fright equal to Lincoln, be-
cause of his calm disregard for personal
safetj".
" The Commander-in-Chief of the Army
must n't show any cowardice in the pres-
222
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
ence of his soldiers, however he may feel,"
was his laughing reply.
But no instance of his complete forget-
fulness of danger equals his entry into
Richmond, when he walked for two miles
or more, practically unescorted, through
streets of silent houses behind whose closed
blinds despairing women and sad-eyed men
looked on the joy-crazed negroes who sur-
rounded him, calling down blessings upon
his head with all the fervent picturesque-
ness of their race.
Lincoln's ceremonious uncovering in an-
swer to the sweeping obeisance of a bent
and grizzled negro whose twisted limbs
and white hairs betokened the labors and
injustice heaped upon the race, is one
of the most impressive and dramatic in-
cidents of the war. But to the white on-
lookers in the houses, inflamed by passion
and made bitter by defeat, it must have
borne a different aspect. A bullet might
very easily have sped from behind one of
223
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
those forbidding shutters. To the honor
of Richmond, if the temptation came, it
was thrust aside, and the Commander-in-
Chief of its conquering host passed in
safety into the house lately occupied by the
President of the Confederacy.
The reverie into which he fell as he
rested in Jefferson Davis's own chair was
so serious and so deep that the aide on
duty did not dare address him. When
General Weitzel, in command of the con-
quered city, reported, and together the
two passed through the burned and dev-
astated portions of the town to Libby
Prison and Castle Thunder, where memory
would have its way, the general turned to
him and asked what he was to do about
the conquered people.
Lincoln's reply was that he did not wish
to give orders upon that subject. " But,"
he said, in his kindly way, " if I were in
your place, I 'd let 'em up easy. Let 'em
up easy."
224!
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
Walt Whitman, seeing the President
drive by seated beside his wife, his carriage
drawn by " only two horses, and they noth-
ing extra," thought Lincoln a very ordi-
nary-looking man. He probably thouglit
so himself, but it is doubtful if he was as
indifferent to his personal appearance as
we have been led to suppose. There were
too many passing references in his speeches
and in conversation, to warrant the belief
that he gave it no thought. One or more
of his stories refer to it ; he spoke of it at
least twice in his debates with Douglas ; he
said to ]\Ir. Chittenden that though he
" did not set up for a beauty " he thought
the people of the South would not find him
so ugly or so black as he had been painted.
He told John Hay of his dream in which
a party of plain people began to comment
on his appearance, saying he was a very
common-looking man, to which he replied,
" the Lord prefers common-looking peo-
ple, that is the reason he makes so many
15 225
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
of them." His shuddering comment on a
portrait of himself was that it was " hor-
ribly like." And there is the final bit of
evidence that he took the advice of a little
girl, a total stranger, who wrote to him
during the campaign, suggesting with
childish candor that he would look better
if he wore whiskers.
We know that he was proud of, or at
least interested in, his great height, and
took a boyish delight in measuring himself
with any exceptionally tall man he met —
to the astonishment, and sometimes to the
deep embarrassment of the latter ; and that
when he had a chance to exhibit his strength
of arm — how far he could throw, or how
clean and deep a cut he could make with
an ax — he seized the opportunity, and
showed an ingenuous pride in the excellence
of his performance.
The probability is that he was fully
aware of the worst aspect of his personal
appearance, and regretted it; and had no
226
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
notion of its best. He was a huge spare
man, slightly stooping, who walked with
the peculiar slow woods-and-fields move-
ment of the Western pioneer ; and who sat,
as tall people have to sit, on chairs made
for shorter folk, not erect, but disposing of
their long limbs as best they may. A
sculptor who made most careful measure-
ments and studies from photographs, tells
us that, from a sculptor's point of view,
Lincoln's proportions were quite perfect.
So mucli for the frame. It was the indwell-
ing spirit which transformed it and baf-
fled description. When sitting withdrawn
and musing, one saw only a sad sallow man,
on whom the clothes hung loosely. In the
glow and excitement of public speaking he
was singularly handsome — at times seemed
almost inspired. When he looked into the
eyes of a fellow being in trouble, he had
the most tenderly sympathetic face in the
world.
My father strongly denied that Lincoln
227
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
was careless in his dress. He said that
Lincoln's clothes were always scrupulously
neat, and were in accord with his means and
his surroundings. Reminiscences of the
period before his Presidency describe him
as wearing a short-waisted black dress coat,
and trousers not too long. The West was
even less rigid and progressive than the
East in matters of costume, and at that
period we were not yet far away from the
days when the cut of coat which is now a
badge of servitude before six p. m. and of
emancipation after that hour, was the con-
servative garment by daylight for all men
free, white, and over twenty-one.
The gentleman who met Mr. Lincoln
when he went to deliver the Cooper Insti-
tute speech tells how he accompanied him
to his room at the hotel, and saw him open
his grip-sack and shake out a new suit of
black broadcloth, which though carefully
packed, had become a mass of wrinkles.
He hung it up, trusting optimistically that
228
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
the creases would disappear before lie had
to put it on. There is something rather
pathetic in the picture of this great man
doing his inadequate best to appear suit-
ably clad before his Eastern audience.
The idea of sending his suit to be pressed
never crossed his mind. That was not the
way things were managed in his simple
household.
He never forgot the dignity of his of-
fice, but he could not take its pomp and
ceremony seriously. That it could be ex-
pected to interfere with his simple and un-
affected demeanor as an individual, he re-
fused to admit. He wished to be free to
come and go as he chose. His axiom that
" he who would be no slave must consent to
have no slave " applied in his own mind, as
truly to himself as to mankind in the ab-
stract. His propensity for roaming about
Lafayette Square, or between the old War
Department and the White Llouse, late at
night, alone, or accompanied only by one
229
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
of his secretaries, filled those who knew of
the habit with dismay. He admitted that
he ran a certain risk of assassination, but
contended that the only way to guard
against that effectively, was to shut him-
self up in an iron box, where he could not
possibly perform the duties of President.
Any measure short of that seemed to him
useless. " Why put up the bars," he said,
" when the fence is down all around? "
The Secretary of War proposed that the
Adjutant-General be detailed to attend
him. He answered with characteristic
courtesy and decision :
My dear Sir: On reflection I think it
will not do, as a rule, for the Adjutant-Gen-
eral to attend me wherever I go; not that I
have any objection to his presence, but that
it would be an uncompensating encumbrance
both to him and to me. When it shall occur
to me to go anywhere, I wish to be free to go
at once, and not to have to notify the Adju-
tant-General and wait till he can get ready.
2S0
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
It is better, too, for tlie public service that he
shall give his time to the business of his
office, and not to personal attendance on me.
While I thank you for the kindness of the
suggestion, my view of the matter is as I have
stated.
When it was finally decided that a guard
must be maintained at the White House,
and an escort of cavalry must accompany
him on his daily drive, he submitted,
though not without humorous protest.
" Why, Mrs. Lincoln and I cannot hear
ourselves talk for the clatter of their sabers
and spurs ; and some of them appear to be
new hands and very awkward, so that I am
more afraid of being shot by the accidental
discharge of a carbine or revolver, than of
any attempt upon my life by a roving
squad of ' Jeb ' Stuart's cavalry."
A guard was, however, only a common
precaution, especially during the summer
months, when Lincoln rode or drove out
through wooded roads to spend the nights
231
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
at the Soldiers' Home, returning to the Ex-
ecutive Mansion in the early morning. He
acknowledged this, and then proceeded
with his usual artless democracy to turn
official etiquette topsy-turvy by haling
General Meade out of the War Department
to be presented to the obscure captain of
his new guard, on the simple ground that
both were from Pennsylvania. Stanton
and the rest might post guards all around
the lot, but no power on earth could
prevent his treating them like men and
brothers.
He invited the captain to share his early
and frugal breakfast, and the captain
thought him the kindest and pleasantest
gentlemen he ever met. " He never spoke
unkindly of any one, and always spoke of
the rebels as ' those Southern gentlemen.' "
The captain used to knock at his door at
half past six or seven in the morning, and
usually found him reading, though some-
times still busy with his toilet. " All
232
HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
right. Just wait a moment, while I repair
damages," he called one morning, when
caught in the act of sewing on a " vital
button."
As a stickler for official ceremony Lin-
coln was really hopeless. He took most
unpardonable liberties with established
custom, and disconcerting short cuts to re-
sults. Not only would he sew on his own
buttons, or bring a general downstairs to
be introduced to a captain if he chose ;
but more than once, in his anxiety to
get first-hand and correct information in
the military and diplomatic service, he in-
vited subordinates to report directly to him
instead of through regular official channels.
No wonder men whose minds worked only
inside a binding of red tape were scandal-
ized.
233
XII
THOSE IN AUTHORITY
LINCOLN took his Presidential rivals
into his cabinet, and compelled them
to be his friends ; but even his genial soul
could not warm them toward each other.
Seward and Chase were antagonistic.
Stanton and Welles were not in accord.
Cameron, Lincoln's first Secretary of War,
proved insubordinate. Seward meddled
with the Navy and the Law, according to
the heads of those Departments. Bates
had little patience with Stanton. Welles
thought Chase's financial policy all wrong.
Blair seemed to all of them aggressively
mindful of family interests. And each be-
gan by believing it his moral duty to help
234
THOSE IN AUTHORITY
neutralize the great national blunder wliich
had elected Lincoln by guiding and direct-
ing him with all the brains at his command.
It could not be called a harmonious com-
pany, yet the earnest patriotism in the
heart of each, and Lincoln's elastic good
nature, held them together fairly well.
Newspapers printed sensational accounts
of quarrels, and rumors of wholesale cab-
inet changes ; but they continued to work
together for the country's good, and
changes, when they occurred, were neither
wholesale nor sensational.
Lincoln dominated them from the first,
though it was long before they found it out.
As late as January, 1862, Attorney-Gen-
eral Bates wrote in his diary:
" There is no quarrel among us, but an
absolute want of continuity of intelligence,
purpose and action. In truth, it is not an
administration, but the separate and dis-
jointed action of seven independent offi-
cers, each one ignorant of what his col-
235
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
leagues are doing. . . . The President is
an excellent man, and in the main wise, but
he lacks will and purpose, and I greatly
fear he has not the power to command."
Yet even before they were actually his
advisers he began his sway. Two days
before the inauguration, Seward, suspect-
ing an undue leaning toward the more rad-
ical element in the party, attempted to
withdraw. Lincoln waited until the in-
augural procession was forming in the
street, and then sent him a short note, re-
fusing to release him, remarking as he
handed it to his private secretary to be
copied:
" I cannot afford to let Seward take the
first trick."
In Lincoln's mind their mutual relations
were clear. The cabinet was not a re-
gency, but a board of advisers. Questions
of administration he settled with each de-
partment separately. Questions of policy
he discussed with his cabinet ; but he rarely
236
THOSE IN AUTHORITY
asked their vote; and on several occasions
his final decision was against their almost
unanimous judgment. Yet he was patient
to hear advice, and candid to admit the
force of argument. When he had to give
a decision adverse to the majority, he gave
it, not with the pride of authority, but as
though constrained by public duty.
Lincoln's modification of Seward's de-
spatches at the time of the Trent affair,
and his magnanimous handling of that gen-
tleman when in a moment of madness Sew-
ard intimated that Lincoln was a failure
as President, offered to do his thinking for
him, and proposed to end the budding re-
bellion by bringing on war Avith most of
the military powers of Europe, is an old
story. It is easy to imagine the frigid
note with which Washington would have
dismissed such a minister, or the impetuos-
ity with which Jackson would have thun-
dered him out of his cabinet. Lincoln
answered in a few quiet words, entirely de-
237
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
void of passion, pointing out that it was for
him and no one else to make final decisions,
adding, " I wish, and suppose I am en-
titled to have, the advice of all my cabinet."
Seward was great enough to comprehend
his generosity, and so far as is known, the
matter was never alluded to between them.
When Secretary Cameron sent out a re-
port in favor of arming negroes for mili-
tary service, which he knew was at that
time contrary to Lincoln's policy, Lincoln
showed no anger. He merely recalled the
advance copies and asked him to modify
the order. For a time the incident seemed
forgotten, but one day Cameron was made
Minister to Russia, and there was a new
Secretary of War.
It is said that on the death of Cardinal
Mazarin Louis XIV called his cabinet
together and told them that for the future
he intended to be his own prime minister.
Lincoln made no unnecessary statements,
but gradually it dawned upon the cabinet
238
THOSE IN AUTHORITY
that he was master. Seward was the first
to find it out. " There is but one vote in
the cabinet, and that is cast by the Presi-
dent," he wrote some weeks after his unbe-
lievable Memorandum of April 1, 1861.
This Westerner whom they had thouglit
to rule had a kingly way of his own. For
all his simple manners he gave orders like
one born to power. " You will hear all
they may choose to say, and report it to
me. You will not assume to definitely con-
summate anything," he instructed Seward
when the latter went to meet the commis-
sioners of the Confederacy at Hampton
Roads. And when the war was nearing
its close he sent word to Grant : " You are
not to decide, discuss, or confer upon any
political question. Such questions the
President holds in his own hands, and will
submit them to no military conferences or
conventions. Meanwhile you are to press
to the utmost your military advantages."
When he read his cabinet the prelimi-
239
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
nary Proclamation of Emancipation, he
told them flatly that he had resolved upon
the step, and had not called them together
to ask their advice.
No descendant of a hundred kings could
be more sure of his right to command.
Even Louis could not have been more dic-
tatorial or emphatic ; but his methods were
characteristically his own.
In 1864 when intrigues within the cabi-
net reached a pitch that he could no longer
ignore, he read his assembled advisers the
following impressive little lecture :
" I must myself be the judge how long
to retain in, and when to remove any of
you from, his position. It would greatly
pain me to discover any of you endeavor-
ing to procure another's removal, or in any
way to prejudice him before the public.
Such endeavor would be a wrong to me;
and much worse, a wrong to the country.
My wish is that on this subject, no remark
be made, nor question asked, by any of
240
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THOSE IN AUTHORITY
you, here or elsewhere, now or hereafter."
At another time an intrigue set on
foot by some friends of Chase, resulted in
such criticism of Seward by Republican
senators that Seward sent the President
his resignation. Lincoln called the cen-
sorious senators, and all of the cabinet, ex-
cept Seward, to a meeting at the White
House, neither side knowing that the other
was to be present. In the unexpected
face-to-face council a very warm discussion
took place, and Chase found himself; with
the rest of the cabinet, defending Seward.
To save his consistency he next day
brought the President his own resignation,
which was accepted with unflattering alac-
rity.
A moment later a friend entering the
room found Mr. Lincoln alone, regarding
the paper with an indescribably whimsical
expression.
" Now I can ride," he said. " I have a
pumpkin in each end of my bag ; " and
16 241
ABRAHAIVI LINCOLN
forthwith sat down and wrote identical
notes to Seward and Chase, asking them
to withdraw their resignations.
Lincoln was well satisfied with this day's
work, by which he had made the critics
thrash out their differences in his presence,
and had saved the services of both his able
ministers to the country. " I do not see
how it could have been done better," he
said. " I am sure it was right. If I had
yielded to that storm and dismissed Seward
the thing would all have slumped over one
way, and we should have been left with a
scanty handful of supporters. When
Chase sent in his resignation I saw the
game was in my own hands, and I put it
through."
The cabinet sessions were absolutely in-
formal. Regular meetings were held at
noon on Tuesdays and Fridays. When
special meetings were necessary the Presi-
dent or Secretary of State called the mem-
bers together. There was a long table in
242
THOSE IN AUTHORITY
the cabinet room, but it was not used as a
council board. The President generally
stood up and walked about. The others
came in and took their seats according to
convenience, staying through the session,
or stating their business and departing, as
pressure of work demanded. Sometimes
the meeting was opened by a remark or an
anecdote by the President ; of tener by the
relation of some official or personal hap-
pening to one of his advisers.
The many stories of strained relations
between Lincoln and Stanton are capable
of a gentler interpretation than is usually
given them. Stanton was undoubtedly
prejudiced against Lincoln in the begin-
ning. This was perhaps the result of an
unquiet conscience, since he had treated
Mr. Lincoln with scant courtesy in the
McCormick Reaper case some years
before.
Simon Cameron told my father that
when he was made Minister to Russia Lin-
243
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
coin asked whom he wished for his succes-
sor in the War Department. H^e answered,
" Stanton."
" Well," said Lincoln, " go and ask
Stanton whether he will take it."
On his way Mr. Cameron met Secre-
tary Chase, and told his errand. Chase,
who had a weakness for feeling that he was
pulling the strings and making the pup-
pets dance, said, " Don't go to Stanton's
office. Come with me to my office, and
send for Stanton to come there, and we
will talk it over together." They did so,
and Stanton agreed to accept the post,
possibly in the same spirit of hostile pa-
triotism with which he had entered on his
duties under Buchanan. But there was a
rugged honesty in him which could not fail
to respond to Lincoln's qualities. He was
as impetuous and explosive as the Presi-
dent was slow to anger ; but his bluster was
a habit of speech quite as much as a state
of mind, and Lincoln bore no malice.
244
THOSE IN AUTHORITY
" Did Stanton say I was a d — d fool? "
Lincoln asked when Mr. Lovejoy came in
bewildered rage to report an interview the
President had authorized him to hold with
his Secretary of War.
"He did, sir!"
The President bent his head, then looked
up with his winning smile and remarked,
" If Stanton says I am a d — d fool, I must
be one, for he is nearly always right. I
will slip over and see him." The point of
this and similar stories is that Lincoln
kept his temper, refused to air family dif-
ferences, official or personal, in public,
and that after " slipping over to see him,"
the matter was arranged.
" This woman, dear Stanton, is a little
smarter than she looks to be " — that mes-
sage and even his note about Julius
CcTsar's hair, are not the kind a man sends
where relations are seriously strained.
Several members of the cabinet were af-
flicted with undue seriousness. When the
245
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
President endorsed a paper, " Referred to
Mars and Neptune," the heads of the War
and Navy Departments looked askance.
When they heard him laugh only a
moment before turning to consider the
weighty matter of the Emancipation Proc-
lamation, they felt that something was
radically wrong. They could scarcely
condone Lincoln's joking; and when Stan-
ton tried to be mildly funny they instantly
scented a scandal. Secretary Welles con-
fided to his diary : " The President still
remains with the army . . . Stanton . . ,
remarked that it was quite pleasant to
have the President away. That he
(Stanton) was much less annoyed.
Neither Seward nor myself responded."
Lincoln's remark that he " had n't much
influence with this administration," and
that he was " only the lead-horse who
must n't kick over the traces," was his
way of saying that if he delegated powers
and duties to his cabinet ministers, it was
246
THOSE IN AUTHORITY
only fair to refrain from interfering while
they carried them out. " It is a good
thing for individuals that there is a Gov-
ernment to shove over their acts upon.
No man's shoulders are broad enough to
bear what must be," he said ; and to critics
of the administration he would answer :
" Suppose all you owned was in gold,
and the gold had been put into the hands
of Blondin to carry across the Niagara
River on a rope — would you shake the
rope and keep shouting contradictory ad-
vice ; or would you hold your breath and
your tongue, and keep hands off until he
was safely over? The Government is
carrying an immense load and doing the
best it can. Don't badger us. We '11 get
you safe across."
He never lost his sense of proportion.
He used to tell a story of a pilot on a
Western river, who was using every bit of
his skill and vigilance to keep the boat in
the narrow channel, when he felt a tug at
247
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
his coat, and heard a boy cry, " Say, Mr.
Captain, say ! I wish you 'd stop your
boat a minute, I 've lost my apple over-
board." And he had another story about
a steamboat with a " five-foot boiler and a
seven-foot whistle " which had to stop
stock-still every time the engineer blew a
blast.
Criticism which took no more account of
values worried him little. " I '11 do the
very best I can," he said — " the very best
I know how. And I mean to keep doing so
till the end. If the end brings me out all
right what is said against me won't amount
to anything. If the end brings me out
wrong, ten angels swearing I was right
would make no difference."
Senators seemed to consider themselves
specially privileged in the line of criticism.
" I fear I have made Senator Wade my
enemy for life," he said ruefully one day.
" He was here just now, urging me to dis-
miss Grant, and in response to something
248
THOSE IN AUTHORITY
he said I answered, ' Senator, that reminds
me of a story.' He said in a petulant way,
' It is with you all story, story ! You are
letting this countr}'^ go to hell with your
stories, sir ! You are not more than a mile
away from it this minute.' "
" What did you answer? "
" I asked good-naturedly if that was
not just about the distance from here to
the Senate Chamber. He was very angry,
grabbed up his hat and went off."
It is said that the aptness of the retort
worked its way through the senator's anger
before he reached that place " a mile
away," and that he turned back to apolo-
gize. The President's callers were not
always so reasonable ; and he was sin-
cerely distressed if any one left him in ill
humor.
With Senator Sumner his relations were
outwardly most cordial, though he was not
insensible to the spirit of criticism which
underlay the smiling intercourse. " I
249
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
5
have never had much to do with bishops
he said once, " but, do you know — Sum-
ner is my idea of a bishop."
Sumner was troubled by what he called
" the slow working of Lincoln's mind " ;
yet he was not always quick to catch the
President's meaning. Hamilton Fish told
my father about calling upon the President
in Sumner's company when curiosity was
rife over the destination of General Burn-
side's expedition against Roanoke Island.
Mr. Sumner began asking questions.
" Well," said the President, " I am not
a military man, and of course I cannot tell
about these matters — and indeed, if I did
know, the interests of the public service
require that I should not divulge them.
But," he added, rising and sweeping his
long hand over a map of the North Caro-
lina coast which hung in a corner, " now
see here. Here are a large number of in-
lets, and I should think a fleet might per-
haps get in there somewhere. And if they
250
THOSE IN AUTHORITY
were to get in there, don't you think our
boys would be likely to cut up some flip-
flaps? I think they would."
Mr. Fish turned the conversation. As
they left the White House Sumner ex-
pressed impatience at the President's reti-
cence. " Why," said his companion.
" He told you where Burnside was going !
He wanted to satisfy your curiosity, but of
course he could not make an official decla-
ration. I think you ought to be well
pleased that he was so frank."
" Well, Governor, who has been abusing
me in the Senate to-day?" Lincoln asked
Senator Morrill as the latter came into his
office. The Senator protested.
" Mr. President, I hope none of us abuse
you knowingly and wilfully."
" Oh, well," he said, " I don't mean that.
Personally you are all very kind — but I
know we do not all agree as to what this
administration should do and how it ought
to be done. ... I do not know but that
251
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
God has created some one man great
enough to comprehend the whole of this
stupendous crisis from beginning to end,
and endowed him with sufficient wisdom to
manage and direct it. I confess I do not
fully understand and foresee it all. But I
am placed here where I am obliged to the
best of my poor ability to deal with it.
And that being the case, I can only go
just as fast as I can see how to go."
" That," continued Mr. Morrill, " was
the way he saw this thing — as a stupen-
dous movement, which he watched and upon
which he acted as he might best do when
in his judgment tlie opportune moment
came. . . . He saw that in his dealings
with it he must be backed by immense
forces ; and to this end it was his policy to
hold the nation true to the general aim.
. . . He moderated, guided, controlled, or
pushed ahead as he saw his opportunity.
He was the great balance-wheel which held
the ship true to her course."
252
THOSE IN AUTHORITY
It required all his wisdom, all his firm-
ness, all his tact. He must maintain prin-
ciples, and not make enemies. A hiirh of-
ficlal came to him in a towering rage, but
went away perfectly satisfied. " I sup-
pose you had to make large concessions? "
the President was asked. " Oh, no," was
the answer. " I did not concede anything.
You have heard how the Illinois farmer
disposed of the log that was too wet to
burn, too big to haul away, and too knotty
to split? He plowed around it. Well,
that is the way I got rid of Governor
Blank. I plowed around him. But it
took three mortal hours ; and I was afraid
every minute that he would find me out ! "
Lincoln's loyalty and fairness made him
keep unsuccessful generals in command
long after the patience of impatient people
was exhausted. " I think Grant has
hardly a friend left, except myself," he re-
marked, before the fall of VIcksburg justi-
fied the waiting. After VIcksburg fell the
253
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
President sent Grant a letter which showed
that he too had had his moments of ques-
tioning — and also how heartily and grace-
fully he could say, " You were right and I
was wrong."
" My dear General : I do not remem-
ber that you and I ever met personally. I
write this now as a grateful acknowledg-
ment for the almost inestimable service you
have done the country. I wish to say a
word further " ; then, summing up the
various plans that the general had tried in
the course of his siege, including the last
one which ended in victory, he continued,
" When you got below and took Port Gib-
son, Grand Gulf, and vicinity, I thought
you should go down the river and join
General Banks, and when you turned north-
ward, east of the Big Black, I feared it was
a mistake. I now wish to make the per-
sonal acknowledgment that you were right
and I was wrong."
The President knew that a change in
254
THOSE IN AUTHORITY
commanders always involved more tlian the
mere risk of " swapping horses while cross-
ing a stream." There was tlie troublesome
question of finding a better horse. Sena-
tor Wade, who was not the most patient
of men, urged him to supplant McClcllan.
" Well," said the President, " put your-
self in my place for a moment. If I
relieve McClellan whom shall I put in com-
mand? Who, of all the men, is to super-
sede him.? "
" Why," said Wade, " anybody."
" Wade," replied Mr. Lincoln, with
weary resignation, " anybody will do for
you, but not for me. I must have some-
hodyr
He realized that more than mere fighting
qualities had to be borne in mind. The
multifarious details of keeping an army
in good physical and moral condition —
from the prompt delivery of rations to
good regimental music — and the fact
that the lack of one single small item, like
9>^5
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
horse-shoe nails, might cripple a whole
corps and lose a battle, was summed up
in his quaint way, when, discussing the
qualities of various generals in the field,
he said,
" Now there is Joe Hooker. He can
fight. I think that is pretty well estab-
lished — but whether he can ' keep tav-
ern ' for a large army is not so sure."
The heart-sickening list of military rep-
utations that began in promise and ended
in defeat, dragged on, saddening and
wearying him. His inflexible sense of jus-
tice left him not even the satisfaction of
wrath, for he knew that none of these men
failed willingly.
256
XIII
DAILY RECEPTIONS OF THE PLAIN PEOPLE
SECRETARY WELLES kept an
Interesting and voluminous diary.
In it he wrote:
It is an infirmity of the President that
he permits the little newsmongers to come
around him and be intimate; and in this he
is encouraged by Seward, who does the same,
and even courts the corrupt and the vicious,
which the President does not. He has great
inquisitiveness. Likes to hear all the politi-
cal gossip as much as Seward. But the Presi-
dent is honest, sincere, and confiding. . . .
Fully three-quarters of Lincoln's time
was indeed given up to seeing people, and
the " little newsmongers " played a not
17 257
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
unimportant part in his success. He had
no time for reading newspapers. He soon
gave up all attempts to do so ; yet it was
imperative that he should know the drift
of thought and feeling all over the coun-
try. His private secretaries, bringing him
their daily digest of news, marveled to find
him already so well informed. The secret
lay in these interminable interviews. With
prominent men from all sections coming
to receive or impart information, and the
" plain people," as he liked to call them,
coming to him on all sorts of errands, there
was hardly a subject of public interest not
touched upon and discussed. His visitors
supplied all he could have acquired by
reading, and in addition the element of
interest or prejudice which each uncon-
sciously put into his narrative. The Pres-
ident used to call these interviews his pub-
lic opinion baths ; and he was much better
equipped for the task of governing, be-
cause he understood, in part at least, the
258
DAILY RECEPTIONS
foibles and prejudices of the different lo-
calities. He had not left his skill in prac-
tical politics behind hini in Illinois, and he
knew that upon the cooperation of all these
people he must finally rely.
His friends begged him to save himself
the fatigue of seeing the throngs who came
on insignificant errands. They reminded
him that nine out of ten had some favor
to ask, and that nine-tenths of these he
could not grant.
'' They do not want much," he answered,\
" and they get very little. Each one con-
siders his business of great importance,
and I must gratify them. I know how I
would feel in their place." At noon, on
days when the cabinet was not in session,
the doors were thrown open, and the public
might enter.
There was of course some danger in this.
Insane people and criminals might, indeed
sometimes did, enter with the rest. But
the military guard, the ushers, and Lin-
259
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
coin's secretaries were all on the alert to
detect them, and acquired great skill in
handling undesirable visitors.
" Lunatics and visionaries are here so
frequently that they cease to be strange
phenomena," my father wrote. " I find
the best way is to discuss and decide their
projects as deliberately as any other mat-
ter of business."
The President, having read deeply in
the book of human nature, was himself
skilled in detecting hidden signs of false-
hood and deceit. " They are a swindle,"
the youthful John Hay declared, as he
announced a delegation from the far
Souih. " Let them in, they will not swin-
dle me," quoth the President.
Men of all sorts with projects of all
kinds, legitimate or otherwise, came to ask
for official sanction. These were apt to
lag behind, hoping for a word alone with
the President. " Well, my friend, what
can I do for you ? " he would ask in dis-
260
DAILY RECEPTIONS
concertinglj prompt and public fashion.
But lie arrogated to himself no right of
criticism or censure because he was Presi-
dent, treating all as though the burden
of proving dishonesty rested upon the
Government.
Particularly welcome were the occa-
sional visits of stalwart mountaineers from
East Tennessee, whom the President
greeted like younger brothers. " He is
one of them, really," wrote John Hay ; " I
never saw him more at his ease than he is
with these first-rate patriots of the bor-
der."
Sometimes a group of Indians from the
far West filled the room with gaudy color,
and Lincoln would air his two or three In-
dian words, to their stolid amusement.
Oftener the apartment was somber with
the mourning garments of women come to
plead for husbands or fathers in trouble,
or to ask permission to pass south through
the military lines.
261
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
More of the President's visitors were sad
than happy. Some of them came on er-
rands that were ridiculous as well as trivial.
Once a voluble landlady deluged him with
insistence that he hold up the pay of her
treasury-clerk lodger until his account was
settled.
Though so busy he apparently had leis-
ure for all, bending a care-lined benignant
face to listen, grave, courteous, sympa-
thetic; breaking at times into his sudden
infectious laugh, referring one to this bu-
reau and another to that official, to whom
they should have carried their requests in
the first place; or scribbling a few words
on a card which opened vistas of quite
breathless happiness.
It pained him to say " No," and it was
his impulse to keep the conversation on a
semi-humorous footing where the " No,"
if it must be said, would hurt as little as
possible. To this end he drew on his fund
of anecdotes, until almost every account
262
DAILY RECEPTIONS
of an interview at the White House tells of
the President's smile, and his sympathy,
and how he told a funny story.
Sometimes he essayed tlie dangerous ex-
periment of answering a fool according to
his folly. A gentleman came to him in
behalf of a private soldier who hadif
knocked down his captain. " I tell you
what I will do. You go up to the Capitol,
and get Congress to pass a law making it
legal for a private to knock down his cap-
tain, and I '11 pardon your man with pleas-
ure," he said with such waggish earaest-
ness, and such evident desire to please,
that both burst out laughing, and the mat-
ter was dropped.
He told his cabinet that he found cer-
tain questions very embarrassing. He re-
minded himself of a man in Illinois who
was so annoyed by a pressing creditor that
he feigned insanity whenever the creditor
broached the subject. " I," said the Pres-
ident, " on more than one occasion in this
26S
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
room, have been compelled to appear very
mad."
The few people who had no requests to
make, usually came to give advice. Min-
isters seemed to feel themselves as privi-
leged as Senators in this regard. Mr. Car^
penter tells of a clergyman who asked for
an interview. The President assumed an
air of patient waiting. There was a mo-
ment's silence. " I am now ready to hear
what you have to say," he prompted, as
the silence continued. The visitor hastily
disclaimed having anything particular to
say. He had only come to pay his re-
spects. " My dear sir ! " the other cried,
his face lighting up, " I am delighted to
see you. I thought you had come to
preach to me ! "
Singly or in delegations they came for
that purpose — to show him his duty in
regard to emancipation, or some other
matter about which he was not yet ready
to declare his policy. While courteous, he
264
DAILY RECEPTIONS
absolutely refused to be hurried into a dec-
laration. " He will not be bullied, even
by his friends," one of his secretaries
wrote.
Others, singly, or in delegations, came to
pray with him. Respecting their motive,
and himself deeply religious, he received
them with unfailing courtesy. A IVIetho-
dist exhortation, or a Quaker prayer meet-
ing, might seem inconvenient, even time
consuming, in the midst of his busy morn-
ing, but this " Christian without a creed "
not only reverenced the power to Avhom the
petition was addressed ; he was grateful for
the human bond it helped to strengtlien.
Sometimes, however, he was moved to ask
questions hard to meet. To one person
who claimed to bring him a direct com-
mand from the Almighty, he replied:
" I hope it will not be irreverent for me
to say that if it is probable that God
would reveal his will to others on a point
so connected with my duty, it might be
265
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
supposed He would reveal it directly to
me."
He had a most disconcerting way of
pricking bubbles with the point of his
logic. A committee of rich New Yorkers
hurried to Washington when the Confeder-
ate ironclad Merrimac was striking terror
into hearts along the Atlantic coast, and
demanded a gun-boat for the protection of
New York harbor. " Gentlemen," he an-
swered, " the credit of the Government is
at a very low ebb. It is impossible under
present conditions to do what you ask.
But it seems to me, that if I were half as
rich as you are reputed to be, and half as
badly scared as you appear to be, I would
build a gun-boat and present it to the
Government."
When, at long intervals, his patience
gave way, and he blazed forth in righteous
wrath, men quailed before him. Editor
Medill of the Chicago Tribune told of a
time in 1864 when a call for extra troops
9.m
DAILY RECEPTIONS
drove Chicago to tlic verge of revolt. Her
quota was 6000 men. She sent a delega-
tion to ask for a new enrollment, which
Stanton refused. Lincoln consented to oo
with the delegation to Stanton's office and
hear both sides. "I shall never forget,"
said Mr. Medill, " how after sitting in si-
lence for some time, he suddenly lifted
his head and turned on us a black and
frowning face.
" ' Gentlemen,' he said, in a voice full
of bitterness, ' after Boston, Chicago has
been the chief instrument in bringing
this war on the country. The Northwest
has opposed the South as the Northeast
has opposed the South. It is you who
are largely responsible for making blood
flow as it has. You called for war until
we had it. You called for emancipation,
and I have given it to you. Whatever you
have asked for you have had. Now you
come here begging to be let off from the
call for men which I have made to carry on
267
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
the war you have demanded. You ought
to be ashamed of yourselves. I have a
right to expect better things of you. And
you, Medill, you are acting hke a coward.
You and your Tribune have had more in-
fluence than any paper in the Northwest
in making this war. You can influence
great masses, and yet you cry to be spared
at a moment when your cause is suffering.
Go home and send us those men ! '
" I could n't say anything. It was the
first time I was ever whipped, and I did n't
have an answer. We all got up and went
out, and when the door closed, one of my
colleagues said, ' Well, gentlemen, the Old
Man is right. We ought to be ashamed of
ourselves. Let us never say anything
about this, but go home and raise the
men.' "
It speaks volumes for Lincoln's abso-
lute justice and for Medill's fairminded-
ness, that even after the lapse of years, the
editor could bring himself to tell how
268
DAILY RECEPTIONS
Lincoln called lilni " coward," and admit
that he was right.
Usually the President sat out impor-
tunity in an attitude of patient waiting.
One summer afternoon General Fry found
him listening to a common soldier. lie
looked worn and tired. " Well, my man,
that may all be so, but you must go to
your officers about it," he said when the
petitioner stopped for breath. Again the
tale recommenced, and the President gazed
wearily through his office window at the
broad river in the distance. Finally he
turned to him out of patience.
" Go away," he said. " Now go away.
I cannot meddle in your case. I could as
easily bail out the Potomac with a tea-
spoon as attend to all the details of the
army."
It was not often that he showed even
so much feeling. Ordinarily he trusted
to the soft answer which turns away wrath,
or to the humorous answer which disarms
269
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
resentment. The wittiest of all of these
he made in answering a man who wanted
a pass to Richmond.
" I would gladly give you the pass if
it would do you any good," he^ said. " But
in the last two years I have given passes to
Richmond to 250,000 men, and not one of
them has managed to get there yet."
But even wit did not make refusal easy
to this kind-hearted man. He extracted
a grim amusement from his attack of
varioloid by saying that at last he " had
something he could give to everybody ! "
Once in a while he had the pleasant sur-
prise of a visitor with something important
and helpful to say. At the time he was
considering a proclamation of amnesty,
Mr. Robert Dale Owen took it upon him-
self to prepare a digest of historical prece-
dents. He spent three months upon the
task, and then asked permission to read
his paper to the President. Mr. Lincoln,
knowing nothing of its contents, and sec-
270
DAILY RECEPTIONS
ing only a very formidable-looking docu-
ment, settled into his attitude of patient
endurance. But this soon gave way to
alert interest. He began asking questions,
and interrupting with requests that cer-
tain paragraphs be read again. When
Mr. Owen finished, and offered him tlic
paper, he accepted it with hearty thanks.
" Mr. Owen, it is due to you that I
should say that you have conferred a very
essential service both upon me and upon
the country by the preparation of this
paper. It contains that which it was ex-
ceedingly important that I should know,
but which, if left to myself, I never should
have known, because I have not the time
necessary for such an examination of au-
thorities as a review of this kind involves.
And I want to say, secondly, that if I
had the time, I could not have done the
work as well as you have done it."
Nothing showed his patience and kindli-
ness more than his manner with the women
271
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
who came to the Executive Office — and
many were the militant females he encoun-
tered during his Presidency.
" To-day, Mrs. Major Blank of the reg-
ular army calls and urges the appointment
of her husband as a brigadier-general.
She is a saucy woman, and I am afraid
she will keep tormenting me till I may
have to do it," is his autograph confession
of a spirited feminine attack; and of their
inequality of weapons.
The wife of a Western general, more en-
ergetic than diplomatic, descended upon
the capital, demanded an interview with
the President, and upbraided him with
meaning to ruin her husband. Lincoln be-
gan to talk about the difficulty she must
have experienced in making the journey
from the West alone; more of a journey
then than now. He was so kind that she
had to respond, but she was very per-
sistent, and very much in earnest, and had
no idea of stopping there. Again and
272
DAILY RECEPTIONS
again she returned to the charge; agani
and again he parried. lie was courteous,
even sympathetic, but he took no notice of
her questions or insinuations, and gave
her not a single answer. " I had to ex-
ercise all the rude tact I have, to avoid
quarreling with her," he said feelingly
when the ordeal w^as over.
But it was in dealing with women in dis-
tress, particularly with women in the hum-
bler walks of life, that his kindness was
most marked.
" It is hard to portray the exquisite
pathos of INIr. Lincoln's character, as man-
ifested in his acts from time to time,"
Mr. James Speed once said to my father,
in telling him of an incident that had come
to his knowledge. It was at the end of
one of the daily receptions.
" Is that all.? " Mr. Lincoln asked.
" There is one poor woman here yet,
Mr. President," Edward, the colored
usher, replied. " She has been here for
i8 273
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
several days and has been crying and tak-
ing on, and has n't got a chance to come
in yet."
" Let her in," said Mr. Lincoln.
The woman told her story. It was just
after the battle of Gettysburg. She had a
husband and three sons in the army, and
was left alone to fight the hard battle of
life. At first her husband had sent her
regularly a part of his pay, and she had
managed to live. But gradually he had
yielded to the temptations of camp life,
and no more remittances came. Her boys
had become scattered among the various
armies, and she was without help. Would
not the President discharge one of them
that he might come home to her.^^
While the recital was going on the
President stood before the fireplace, his
hands crossed behind his back, his head
bent in earnest thought. When the woman
ended, and waited for his reply, his hps
opened and he spoke, not as if he were re-
274
DAILY RECEPTIONS
plying to what she said, but rather as if
he were in abstracted and unconscious self-
communion.
" I have two, and you have none."
That was all he said. Then he walked
across to his writing table, and taking a
blank card, wrote upon it an order for the
son's discharge. Upon another paper he
wrote out in great detail where she should
present it, to what department, at what
office, and to what official; giving her such
directions that she might personally follow
the red-tape labyrinth.
A few days later, at a similar close of
the general reception for the day, Edward
said, " That woman, Mr. President, is here
again, and still crying."
" Let her in," said Lincoln. " What
can be the matter now? "
Once more he stood in the same spot, be-
fore the fireplace, and for the second time
heard her story. The President's card
had been a magic passport. It had
275
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
opened forbidden doors, and softened the
sternness of official countenances. By its
help she had found headquarters, camp,
regiment and company. But instead of
giving a mother's embrace to a lost son re-
stored, she had arrived only in time to
follow him to the grave. The battle of
Gettysburg, his wounds, his death in the
hospital — the story came In eloquent frag-
ments through her ill-stifled sobs. And
now, would the President give her the next
one of her boys?
Once more Mr. Lincoln responded with
sententious curtness, as if talking to him-
self,
" I have two, and you have none."
Sharp and rather stern, the compres-
sion of his lips marking the struggle be-
tween official duty and human sympathy,
he walked once again to his little writing
table and took up his pen to write for the
second time an order which should give the
pleading woman one of her remaining boys.
276
DAILY RECEPTIONS
And the woman, as if In o])cdlcncc to an
impulse she could not control, moved after
him, and stood by his side as he wrote, and
with the familiarity of a mother placed her
hand on the President's head and smoothed
his wandering and tangled hair. Human
grief and sympathy had ovcrleapt all the
barriers of convention, and the ruler of a
great nation was truly the servant, friend,
and protector of this humble woman,
clothed for the moment with a paramount
claim of loyal sacrifice.
The order was written and signed.
The President rose and thrust it into her
hand with the choking exclamation,
" There ! " and hurried from the room,
followed, so long as he could hear, by the
thanks and blessings of an overjoyed
mother's heart.
Lincoln's sympathy for the soldiers was
very genuine. They were not only fight-
ing his country's battles — they came
from that large mass of sturdy citizenship
277
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
of which he spoke with pride and affection
as " the common people." " With us
every soldier is a man of character, and
must be treated with more consideration
than is customary in Europe," he ex-
plained to a French nobleman.
He recognized the potential force in
each single regiment. " I happen tempo-
rarily to occupy the White House. I am
a living witness that any one of your chil-
dren may look to come here as my father's
child has," he told an Ohio regiment ; and
another time he remarked that any regi-
ment of the army could furnish material
and ability to fill all the highest offices in
the Government.
His visits to camps and army corps
were an ovation, for the " boys " loved
him in return, and responded in every way
permitted by discipline. It was not only
for soldiers in the abstract that he cared.
He sampled their rations, chuckled over
their repartee, and " sized up " individual
278
DAILY RECEPTIONS
members of a company as he passed by ;
while for those in trouble he agonized in
spirit as no ruler of this world had ever
done.
Court-martial cases reached a number
approaching 30,000 a year during the
war; and although, of course, only a small
proportion were for capital offenses, the
latter were referred by hundreds to Presi-
dent Lincoln ; and each case brought to
his notice became the subject of his per-
sonal solicitude. Secretary Stanton and
officers of the army protested against his
wholesale clemency. He would ruin the
army, they declared; but the military tel-
egraph was kept busy with his messages
staying executions and asking details of
evidence. Attorney-General Bates told
him flatly that he was not fit to be en-
trusted with the pardoning power. This
did not move him in the least. He pri-
vately believed Bates to be as " pigeon-
hearted " as himself.
279
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Judge-Advocate General Holt labored
with him, pointing out why it was better
rigidly to enforce the law. " Yes, your
reasons are very good," he would reply,
"but I don't think I can do it." He
" did not believe it would make a man any
better to shoot him," and argued that if
the Government kept him ahve it could
at least get some work out of him.
He used to tell his story of the Irish
soldier who was asked why he had de-
serted. " Well, Captain," said he, " it
was not me fault. I 've a heart in me
breast as brave as Julius Caesar; but when
the battle begins, somehow or other these
cowardly legs of mine will run away wid
me! "
" I have no doubt," the President would
add, " that is true of many a man who
honestly means to do his duty, but is over-
come by a physical fear greater than his
will. I am not sure how I would act my-
self if Minie balls were whistling, and
280
DAILY RECEPTIONS
those great oblong sliells were shrieking
in my ears."
He used to call cases of cowardice and
desertion his " leg cases." In the press
of business large numbers of them accumu-
lated on his desk; when he had leisure he
would send for Judge Holt and go over
them. John Hay, making record in his
diary of six hours of a July day spent in
this manner, commented on the eagerness
with which Mr. Lincoln caught at any fact
which would justify saving the life of a
condemned soldier. He was only merciless
in cases where meanness or cruelty were
shown. " Cases of cowardice he was espe-
cially averse to punishing with death.
He said it would frighten the poor devils
too terribly to shoot them." " Let him
fight instead of shooting him," he en-
dorsed on the case of a man who had once
before deserted, and then reenlisted.
The sentence of another who had safely
escaped into Mexico he approved, saying,
281
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
" We will condemn him as they sell hogs
in Indiana, ' as they run.' "
Schuyler Colfax, happening on such a
scene, carried away a memory of Lin-
coln's exceeding reluctance to approve the
death penalty. One case he laid aside,
saying he would wait a few days until he
could read the evidence. Another he put
by " until I can settle in my mind whether
this soldier can better serve the country
dead or living." To still a third he said
that the general commanding would be in
Washington soon, and he would talk it over
with him. At last Judge Holt presented
a very flagrant case, with the remark that
this might meet the President's require-
ment of serving the country better dead
than living; but Lincoln answered that,
anyway, he guessed he 'd put it among his
" leg cases."
Some of the reasons he gave for grant-
ing pardons were whimsical enough, but
there was a sound principle underlying his
282
DAILY RECEPTIONS
action. He tried to probe for motives;
and if he learned that a man's general
record was good, he accepted that as pre-
sumptive evidence that he meant to do
right, wherever his " cowardly legs "
might have carried him.
" This life is too precious to be lost,"
he said in the case of a boy who fell asleep
on guard because in addition to his own
duty, he had volunteered to take the place
of a sick comrade.
" Did you say this boy was once badly
wounded? Then, since the Scriptures say
that in the shedding of blood Is remission
of sins, I guess we '11 have to let him
off," was his decree in another case. " If
a man had more than one life I think
a little hanging would not hurt this one,"
he said again. " But after he is once dead
we cannot bring him to life, no matter how
sorry we may be ; so the boy shall be par-
doned," and resting a moment from his
labors, he threw up his spectacles, and told
283
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
his story of a darky in one of the bravest
regiments at Fort Donelson.
" Were you in the fight ? " some one
asked him.
" Had a little taste ob it, sah."
'' Stood your ground, did you? "
" No, sah — I runs."
" Ran at the first fire, did you ? '*
" Yes, sah, an' I would 'a run sooner
if I knowed it was a-comin'."
" That was not very creditable to your
courage."
" Dat is n't my line, sah. Cookin' is my
perfession."
" But have you no regard for your repu-
tation ? "
" Reputation 's nuffin to me by de side
ob life."
" Do you consider your life worth more
than other peoples'? "
" Worth mo' to me, sah."
" Do you think your company would
have missed you if you had been killed? "
284
DAILY RECEPTIONS
"Maybe not, sail. A dead wlilte man
ain' much to dcse sojcrs, let alone a dead
nigger. But I'd 'a' missed myself, an'
dat 's de point wif me."
Many of Lincoln's daily visitors came
on these sad errands. Congressmen ap-
pealed to him to pardon their constituents.
" Why don't you men up there in Congress
repeal the law, instead of coming and ask-
ing me to override it and make it practi-
cally a dead letter? " he asked. But they
did not see fit to do so, and he plodded
wearily through endless masses of testi-
mony.
It was in this labor that he spent the
morning after his reelection. He became
more and more convinced of the sickening
uselessness of " this butchering business."
" There are already too many weeping
widows in the United States," he said.
" For God's sake do not ask me to add to
the number ! " and he almost invariably
suspended execution " until further or-
285
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
ders," which, needless to say, were never
given.
" If a man comes to him with a touching
story, his judgment is almost certain to
be affected by it. Should the applicant
be a woman — a wife, mother, or sister —
in nine cases out of ten, her tears, if noth-
ing else, are sure to prevail," Attorney-
General Bates declared.
The most whimsical reason sufficed.
" My poor girl," he said to a young
woman in a neat but scanty dress, " you
have come with no governor or senator or
member of Congress to plead your cause.
You seem truthful, and you donH wear
hoops, and I '11 be whipped but I '11 pardon
your brother ! "
Some of these cases came very close to
him personally, as he read the names of
men or sons of men he had known ; but
even when no personal acquaintance in-
tensified his interest, the care he bestowed
upon them was enormous. Not only one
286
DAILY RECEPTIONS
telegram, but several would be sent about
a single case. Some of them, long and
full of detail, betrayed the strain to whicli
his sympathy had been subjected. One,
to General Mead, was as follows :
An intelligent woman in deep distress
called this morning, saying her husband, a
lieutenant in the Army of the Potomac, was
to be shot next Monday for desertion; and
putting a letter in my hand, upon which I
relied for particulars, she left me without
mentioning a name or other particular by
which to identify the case. On opening the
letter I found it equally vague, having
nothing to identify her by except her sig-
nature, which seems to be " Mrs. Anna S.
King." I could not again find her. If you
have a case which you shall think is probably
the one intended, please apply my despatch
of this morning to it.
His " despatch of this morning " was
bis usual order to postpone execution till
further orders.
287
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Thaddeus Stevens once went with a con-
stituent of his, an elderly woman, to the
President on an errand of mercy. Mr.
Lincoln granted her request, and her
gratitude was literally too deep for words.
Not a syllable did she utter until they
were well on their way out of the White
House, when she stood still and broke forth
vehemently :
" I knew it was a Copperhead lie ! "
"What do you mean, madam?" he
asked.
" They told me that he was an ugly-
looking man ! He is not. He is the
handsomest man I ever saw in my life ! "
288
XIV
THE MEMORANDUM OF AUGUST TWENTY-
THIRD
' T AM here by the blunders of the Denio-
X crats," Lincoln told Hugh McCulloch.
" If, instead of resolving that the war was
a failure, they had resolved that I was a
failure, and denounced me for not more
vigorously prosecuting it, I should not
have been reelected."
No act or episode of his life was more
characteristic than his attitude toward a
second term. In talking with strangers
he discouraged any mention of it, but to
friends he frankly admitted his readiness
to continue the work he had entei;^d upon.
" A second term would be a great honor,
19 289
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
and a great labor, which together, per-
haps, I would not decline if tendered."
His two secretaries were, of course,
keenly interested; and the way he pursued
his undeviating course, not indifferent to,
but regardless of, his political fate, would
have won their undying admiration, had
it not been his long before.
" This town is now as dismal as a de-
faced tombstone," John Hay wrote my
father late in the summer of 1863. " The
Tycoon is in fine whack. I have rarely
seen him so serene and so busy. He is
managing this war, the draft, foreign re-
lations, and planning a reconstruction of
the Union, all in one. I never knew with
what tyrannous authority he rules the
cabinet until now. The most important
things he decides, and there is no cavil.
I am growing more and more firmly con-
vinced that the good of the country abso-
lutely demands that he should be kept
where he is till this thing blows over.
290
AUGUST TWENT Y-TII I U 1)
There is no man in the country so wise,
so gentle and so firm. I believe the hand
of God placed him where he is."
" Some well-meaning newspapers advise
the President to keep his fingers out of the
military pie, and all that sort of tlu'ng,"
he wrote again; "the truth is, if he did,
the pie would be a sorry mess. The old
man sits here and w^ields like a backwoods
Jupiter the bolts of war and the machinery
of Government, with a hand equally steady
and equally firm. ... I do not know
whether the nation is w^orthy of him for
another term. I know the people want
him. There is no mistaking that fact.
But politicians are strong yet and he is
not ' their kind of a cat.' I hope God
won't see fit to scourge us for our sins by
any one of the tw^o or three most promi-
nent candidates on the ground. • . ."
Republicans generally felt as did these
tw^o young men, but the President had
active critics and opponents within his own
291
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
party. " Corruption, intrigue and malice
are doing their worst, but I do not think
it Is In the cards to beat the Tycoon,"
my father wrote in his turn. Curiously
enough, the most determined opposition
within Republican ranks came from anti-
slavery men, who could not forgive the
Emancipator for the deliberation with
which he took the steps toward freedom.
There were also those who blamed him for
the slow progress of the war.
It was hard, however, for these elements
of discontent to find a rallying point, since
no prominent Republican in Congress or
in the military service cared to enter the
ungrateful contest. In the cabinet only
one man was short-sighted enough to
Imagine he could make headway against
Lincoln's wide popularity. This was
Chase, who had been the first to assure
Lincoln of his support in I860. Pure
minded and absolutely devoted to the
Union though he was, he seemed Incapable
292
AUGUST TWENTY -THIRD
of judging men or motives — even his own
— correctly. He really thought himself
free from political ambition, and truly Lin-
coln's friend, yet for months he was busy
writing letters in the interests of his own
candidacy.
Lincoln knew of this, but went on ap-
pointing Mr. Chase's partlzans to office.
John Hay, wrathfully indignant, ventured
to free his mind to his chief, telling him
he was making himself particeps crim'inis
by these appointments. " He seemed much
amused at Chase's mad hunt after the
Presidency," the young man wrote. " He
says it may win. Lie hopes the country
will never do worse."
The movement in Chase's favor reached
its culmination in a secret circular signed
by a committee of which Senator Pomeroy
of Kansas was chairman, which criticized
Lincoln's " tendency toward compromises
and temporary expedients " and lauded
Chase as the man to rescue the country
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
from present and future ills. Copies of
this soon reached the White House. Lin-
coln refused to look at them. Shortly
afterward it got into print. Secretary
Chase wrote to the President offering to
resign, but assuring him that he had no
knowledge of the document before seeing
it in the newspapers.
Mr. Robert Lincoln remembers that he
was at home at the time, and that after
dinner his father strolled into his room,
showed him Mr. Chase's letter, asked for
writing materials, and sitting down wrote
a note in answer, to the effect that he knew
just as little about such things as his
friends allowed him to know, that neither
of them could be held responsible for acts
committed without their instigation or ap-
proval, and adding, " Whether you shall
remain at the head of the Treasury De-
partment is a question which I will not
allow myself to consider from any stand-
point other than my judgment of the pub-
294
AUGUST T W E N T Y - T H I R 1)
lie service, and, in tliat \\v\v, I do not
perceive occasion for a change."
When he showed this to his son, the
latter asked in sui^^rise if lie had not seen
the circular. Mr. Lincoln stopped him
almost sternly, saying that a good many
people had tried to tell him something it
did not suit him to hear, and that his
answer to the Secretary of the Treasury
was literally true. " Thereupon," Mr.
Robert Lincoln added, " at his request I
called a messenger, and the note to Mr.
Chase was sent."
Mr. Chase's candidacy, however, had no
foundation except in the imagination of a
few personal followers, and perished for
lack of nourishment. An attempt, made
without Grant's knowledge, to stampede
the country for that general, failed for the
same reason. Lincoln regarded that also
with the utmost serenity. "If he takes
Richmond, let him have it," he said.
But the talk annoyed him. " I wish they
295
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
would stop thrusting that subject of the
Presidency into my face," he remarked.
" I don't want to hear anything about it."
It was neither Chase nor Grant, but
Fremont who was finally nominated by
Republican malcontents in a much-her-
alded but poorly attended convention at
Cleveland. Lincoln, on hearing that most
of the expected leaders stayed away, and
that at no time was the attendance greater
than four hundred, picked up the Bible
which lay habitually on his desk, and after
turning over the leaves a moment read :
" And every one that was in debt, and
every one that was discontented, gathered
themselves unto him ; and he became a cap-
tain over them, and there were with him
about four hundred men."
The great current had set toward Lin-
coln, and when the Republican National
Convention came together in Baltimore on
the 7th of June, 1864, it had nothing to
do but to record the popular will. The
296
AUGUST T W E N T Y - T H I R D
choice of a Vice-president presented more
difficulty, for there was an impression
abroad that it would be wise to select a
war Democrat. Lincoln was besieged to
make his wishes known, but refused, even
to his closest friends, being convinced that
it was a question in which he had abso-
lutely no right to interfere. The final
choice was made so quickly that the Presi-
dent, walking over to the War Depart-
ment, in quest of news, heard of Andrew
Johnson's nomination before the messenger
despatched a few minutes earlier, with a
telegram announcing his own renomlna-
tion, had succeeded in finding him.
Next day, for the second time in his life,
this pioneer ruler faced a committee sent
to tell him that he had been nominated for
the highest office within the people's gift.
This time he received them in the great
East Room instead of in his modest
Springfield parlor. He, as well as his sur-
roundings, was altered. Experience had
297
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
ripened him, responsibility had aged him.
His benignity of expression was greater,
his physical vigor less. There was in his
bearing all the old courage, and a greater
consciousness of power.
The summer proved to be full of fight-
ing and frightful losses in the armies, and
of consequent panics among politicians.
It became necessary to resort to a draft,
and this in itself indicated such waning
enthusiasm that leading Republicans
begged the President to withdraw the call,
or at least to suspend it until after the
election. " What is the Presidency worth
to me, if I have no country ? " was his
answer.
He brought serious criticism upon him-
self by refusing to sign a bill passed by
Congress which prescribed a form for re-
establishing State governments based on
the assumption that they had been out of
the Union. Lincoln's contention from the
first had been that the Union was per-
298
AUGUST T W E N T Y - T n I R D
petual, and that thcj had never passed,
and could not pass by revolution, out of
Federal control. It was, he admitted, " a
question of metaphysics," but it involved
the principle on which all his action had
been based, and which he could not ignore,
even though it might have serious conse-
quences for himself.
The Peace men, meanwhile, were clamor-
ing for an end of the war. Horace
Greeley insisted with such vehemence that
Confederate commissioners already were in
Canada, empowered and ready to treat
with the Federal authorities, that Lincoln,
to convince him and others like-minded
that the administration was as anxious as
they could be to bring the war to a close,
empowered Greeley himself to go to Can-
ada, and if he found the alleged commis-
sioners properly authorized, to bring them
to Washington. The mission ended as
Lincoln supposed it would, in proving the
utter falsity of Greeley's assertions, and
299
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
in making that earnest gentleman a bit
ridiculous.
" I sent Brother Greeley a commission.
I guess I am about even with him," he said
with a twinkle in his eye.
But all these causes combined to increase
the popular unrest, and to breed dissatis-
faction with the administration. McClel-
lan seemed the foreordained Democratic
candidate, but the party managers, real-
izing the advantage of making their op-
ponents fight an unseen foe, and at the
same time of keeping themselves In a po-
sition to drop McClellan and adopt some
one else If chance and the fortunes of war
dictated, postponed their national conven-
tion until September; and having no can-
didate of their own, were free to devote
all their time and energy to attacks upon
the administration.
In the campaign of I860 Lincoln had
possessed no shadow of authority. Now
that he commanded all the resources of the
SOO
AUGUST T W E N T Y - T II I R D
GoveiTimcnt, he was implored to niako
promises, to assist liis friends and o])pose
his enemies.
" I recognize no sucli tiling as political
friendship personal to myself," he an-
swered, and as far as promises were con-
cerned, he kept himself as free as he had
done four years before when he announced
that he would go to Washington " an un-
pledged man."
One who was present related to my
father the details of a stormy interview
which took place between the President,
Simon Cameron and Thaddeus Stevens.
They had come to talk over the political
situation in Pennsj^lvania. jNIr. Stevens
said : " Mr. President, our convention at
Baltimore has nominated you again, and
not only that, we are going to elect you.
But the certainty of that will depend very
much on the vote we can give you in Penn-
sylvania in October; and in order that we
may be able in our State to go to work
SOI
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
with a good will I want you to make us one
promise; namely, that you will reorganize
your cabinet and leave Montgomery Blair
out of it."
Mr. Stevens went on to elaborate his
reasons, and a running fire of criticism
and comment was entered into between
the three gentlemen, gradually rising in
warmth ; the whole interview lasting some
two or three hours. As the discussion pro-
ceeded, Mr. Lincoln rose from his chair
and walked up and down the room.
The issue being made up, he gave his
answer, towering to his full height, and
delivering his words with emphatic ges-
tures and intense earnestness.
" Mr. Stevens, I am very sorry to be
compelled to deny your request to make
such a promise. If I were even myself
inclined to make it, I have no right to do
so. What right have I to promise you
to remove Mr. Blair, and not make a simi-
lar promise to any other gentleman of in-
302
AUGUST TWENTY -THIRD
flucncc to remove any other lueniher of my
cabinet whom he does not happen to hke?
The Republican party wisely or unwisely
has made me their nominee for President,
without asking any such pledge at my
hands. Is it proper that you should de-
mand it, representing only a portion of
that great party? Has it come to this,
that the voters of this country are asked to
elect a man to be President — to be Ex-
ecutive — to administer the Government,
and yet that this man is to have no will or
discretion of his own? Am I to be the
mere puppet of power? To have my con-
stitutional advisers selected beforehand, to
be told I must do this, or leave that un-
done? It would be degrading to my man-
hood to consent to any such bargain — I
was about to say it is equally degrading to
your manhood to ask it.
" I confess that I desire to be reelected.
God knows I do not want the labor and
responsibility of the office for another four
303
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
years. But I have the common pride of
humanity to wish my past four years' ad-
ministration endorsed ; and besides I hon-
estly beheve that I can better sers^e the
nation in its need and peril than any new
man could possibly do. I want to finish
this job of putting down the rebellion, and
restoring peace and prosperity to the coun-
try. But I would have the courage to
refuse the office rather than to accept on
such disgraceful terms as really not to be
President after I am elected."
The political horizon grew darker and
darker. Military victory, which would
have rejoiced all hearts and turned the
current toward Republican success, was
denied. Lincoln grew haggard and care-
worn. To a friend who urged him to go
away for a fortnight's rest, he replied, " I
cannot fly from my thoughts. My solici-
tude for this great country follows me
wherever I go. I do not think it is per-
sonal vanity or ambition, though I am not
304
AUGUST T W E N T Y - T H I R D
free from these infirmities, but I cannot
but feel that the weal or woe of tins great
nation will be decided in November.
There is no program offered by any wing
of the Democratic party but that must
result in the permanent destruction of the
Union."
Toward the end of August he became
convinced that the election was likely to
go against him. Having come to this con-
clusion, he laid down for himself in writing
the course he ought to pursue. On the
23d he wrote:
" This morning, as for some days past,
it seems exceedingly probable that this ad-
ministration will not be reelected. Then
it will be my duty to so cooperate with the
President-elect as to save the Union be-
tween the election and the inauguration, as
he will have secured his election on such
ground that he cannot possibly save it
after^vard."
He folded and pasted the sheet of paper
^° 305
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
in such a way that its contents were hid-
den, and as the members of the cabinet
came in, handed it to each in turn, asking
them to write their names across the back.
Then he put the paper away, giving no
hint of its nature.
Two days later my father wrote to John
Hay, who was in IHinois :
Dear Major: Hell is to pay. The New
York politicians have got a stampede on that
is about to swamp everything. Raymond
and the National Committee are here to-day.
R. thinks a commission to Richmond is about
the only salt to save us; while the Tycoon
sees and says it would be utter ruination.
The matter is now undergoing consultation.
Weak-kneed d — d fools . . . are in the
movement for a new candidate to supplant
the Tycoon. Everything is darkness and
doubt and discouragement. Our men see
giants in the airy and unsubstantial shadows
of the opposition, and are about to surrender
without a fight.
306
AUGUST TWENTY-THIRD
I think that to-day and lierc is the tiiniiiig-
point in our crisis. If the President can in-
fect R. and his committee witli some of liis
own patience and pluck, we are saved. If
our friends will only rub their eyes and
shake themselves, and become convinced tliat
they themselves are not dead, we shall win
the fight overwhelmingly.
Henry J. Raymond was Chairman of
the Executive Committee of the llepubll-
can party. Mr. Lincoln answered his pro-
posal to send a commission to Richmond
by the same kindergarten method lie bad
used in answering Greeley. He asked Mr.
Raymond to draw up an experimental
draft of resolutions which be proposed
that Mr. Raymond should himself carry to
Richmond. On seeing them in black and
white the mission took on a different
aspect, and Raymond readily agreed that
such a course would be worse than losing
the election — it would be surrendering it
in advance.
S07
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
" Nevertheless," wrote the President's
secretary, " the visit of himself and com-
mittee did great good. They found the
President and cabinet much better in-
formed than themselves, and went home
encouraged and cheered."
That proved indeed to be the turning-
point of the campaign. A few days later
the Democrats nominated McClellan upon
a platform declaring the war to be a fail-
ure. That in itself was fatal to their
cause, since McClellan's one chance of suc-
cess lay in his war record. " The Lord
preserve this country from the kind of
peace they would give us 1 It will be a
dark day for this nation if they elect the
Chicago ticket ! " wrote an inmate of the
White House.
McClellan himself was apparently some-
what aghast. He did not reply to the let-
ter from the Convention for some days.
Lincoln was asked what he thought could
308
AUGUST TWENTY-THIRD
be the cause of the delay. " Oh,'' he said,
" he 's intrenching."
Mihtary and naval victories began to
succeed the discouragements of the preced-
ing months; the country awoke to the true
meaning of the Democratic platform ; and
in a brilliant rush of enthusiasm and hope
the political campaign went on to its tri-
umphant end with Republican majorities
so incredibly large that one patriot re-
marked in the utmost reverence, that " The
Almighty himself must have stuffed the
ballot-boxes."
The night of election day was rainy and
dark. The President splashed through
puddles to the War Department to get the
returns, and sent the interesting despatches
back to Mrs. Lincoln at the White House,
saying, " She is more anxious than I am."
He was not alone as he had been four
years before when the telegraph instru-
ments ticked news of his victory, and the
809
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
appalling sense of his responsibility had
blotted out the noise of cheering in the
streets. This election was a vindication of
the way he had borne his trust ; the verdict
of the people that they held him worthy
to complete his task. Officials and friends
came and went as he read the returns. He
was "most genial and agreeable all the
evening," and when a midnight supper
appeared from some beneficent and mys-
terious source, he took the part of host,
and " went awkwardly and hospitably to
work," serving the fried oysters. He told
stories, and was gay and happy, yet there
was no lack of feeling, even of deep solem-
nity, in the closing words of the little
speech he made to the serenaders he found
waiting for him when he left the War De-
partment in the early morning hours to
return to the White House:
" I am thankful to God for this ap-
proval of the people; but while deeply
grateful for this mark of their confidence
310
AUGUST TWENTY -THIRD
in mc, If I know my heart, my gratitude is
free from any taint of personal triumph.
. . . It Is no pleasure to me to trluinj)h
over any one; but I give thanks to the
Almighty for this evidence of the people's
resolution to stand by free government and
the riglits of humanity."
At the next cabinet meeting the Presi-
dent took a paper from his desk. It had
a series of autographs across the back.
" Gentlemen," he said, " do you remember
last summer I asked you to sign your
names to the back of a paper of which I
did not show you the inside? This is It.
Now, Mr. Hay, see if you can get this
open without tearing it." It required
some little cutting to get it open. Then
he read the memorandum of August 23d
with its signature, A. Lincoln, and the
names on the outside, William H. Seward,
W. P. Fessenden, Edwin M. Stanton,
Gideon Welles, Edw. Bates, M. Blair, and
J. P. Usher.
311
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
" You will remember," he said, " that
this was written at a time six days before
the Chicago nominating convention, when
as yet we had no adversary, and seemed
to have no friends. I then solemnly re-
solved on the course of action indicated
above. I resolved in case of the election
of General McClellan, being certain that
he would be the candidate, that I would
see him and talk matters over with him.
I would say, ' General, the election has
demonstrated that you are stronger and
have more influence with the American
people than L Now let us together, you
with your influence, and I with all the ex-
ecutive power of the Government, try to
save the country. You raise as many
troops as you possibly can for this final
trial, and I will devote all my energies to
assisting and finishing the war.' "
One of his hearers said, " And the gen-
eral would answer you, ' Yes, Yes ' ; and
the next day when you saw him again, and
312
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pressed those views upon Iii,,,, hv would
say, ' Yes, Yes,' and so on forever, and
would have done nothing at all."
" At least," said the President, *' I
should have done my duty and have stood
clear before my own conscience."
Just when one feels that one has Lin-
coln's traits classified — that he was a very
kind man with a keenly logical mind and
a buoyant disposition — a man with ideals
but no illusions, who saw things witliout
glamor, and patiently looked ahead to
plan and combine them to his will, one
comes upon some such contradiction as
this.
Why did he write such a paper as this
memorandum of August 23, 186-i? And,
having w^ritten it, why did he paste it to-
gether and get his cabinet to write their
names across the back, ignorant of its con-
tents ?
What hidden comfort did he expect to
derive from this — or what possible use
313
/ ABRAHAM LINCOLN
could he have made of it if the nightmare
of his defeat had come true? He was sure
of his own steadfastness, sure of the loy-
alty of his cabinet. Why resort to this
unpractical but most characteristic act?
Was it that while he had the courage to
stand alone — to bear his burden silently
without adding to the gloom and discour-
agement of even his closest advisers —
he wrote this and got them to set their
names upon it as a sort of silent wit-
ness of his secret pledge — that though he
meant to go down in defeat, if he must,
" like the Cumberland, with colors flying,"
he craved for himself the sympathy he gave
in such unstinted measure to others?
314
XV
HIS FORGIVING SPIRIT
ON the day of Lincoln's second elec-
tion the White House was still and
deserted. " Everybody in Washington,
and not at home voting, seems ashamed of
it, and stays away from the President,"
John Hay wrote. Sitting in this un-
wonted leisure, Lincoln's deep-set eyes
looked back over the thirty-two years of
his political life. After a time he said:
" It is a little singular that I, who am not
a vindictive man, should have always been
before the people for election in canvasses
marked for their bitterness. Always but
once. When I came to Congress it was a
quiet time. ..."
315
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
At the end of the vista he saw a lank, un-
known youth of twenty-three, carefully
signing his name to his first public paper,
an " Address to the Voters of Sangamon
County," which was a territory larger
than the State of Rhode Island, and as far
removed from the center of political life as
the equator is from the pole. The friend
to whom he spoke saw a gaunt, care-worn
figure, aging before his time, whose sad
benignant face was known to the world's
end ; and whose name, written with equal
care at the foot of a state paper not long
before, had set four million people free.
These thirty-two years had covered a
period of material development as great as
that of any century preceding it, and keep-
ing pace with this, the political activities in
which he had taken part had ranged from
the purely local needs of a frontier com-
munity to the moral problems which have
shaken empires and made martyrs since the
world began.
316
HIS FORGIVING SPIRIT
Tliat he passed through these witliout
engendering spite in himself or enmity in
his opponents sliows that he was indeed
" not a vindictive man." There was a
Quaker strain in his blood. His father had
been called lazy. If Lincoln inherited any
of this trait it was transmuted both by
bis Quaker blood and by the kindness in
his heart into a laziness about making
quarrels. That night of his second elec-
tion the group gathered in the War De-
partment, jubilant over the returns, yet
found time to say hard things about cer-
tain public men who had been hostile to the
President. " You have more of that feel-
ing of personal resentment than I have,"
Lincoln said in surprise. " Perhaps I have
too little of it; but I never thought it paid.
A man has not the time to spend half his
life in quarrels. If any man ceases to at-
tack me, I never remember the past against
him."
Which is perhaps the reason why, ac-
317
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
cording to the daily press, " intimate
friends " of the great President have been
dying with alarming frequency for forty
years. He was so kindly that people felt
" intimate " with him on very slight ac-
quaintance.
That friends were a better political and
worldly asset than enemies, a logic less keen
than his could easily prove; yet it is safe
to say that it was his heart rather than his
head which made him strive, all his life
long, to turn enemies into friends.
He did not like strife. In his merchant
days he preserved the decencies of his shop
by knocking down a ruffian who insisted on
swearing in the presence of women, and he
emphasized the lesson by rubbing a plenti-
ful supply of dog- fennel into his cheeks,
but when the man howled for mercy Lin-
coln brought water to bathe his smarting
face.
With the exception of his one duel he
was never engaged in a political quarrel.
318
HIS FORGIVING SPIRIT
In 1840 a man named Anderson with whom
he was contesting a seat in tlie legislature
sent him a note bristling with belligerent
possibilities. Lincoln's answer ended the
matter, though it was more of an apology
to himself than to his correspondent.
In the difficulty between us of which you
speak you say you think I was the aggressor.
I do not think I was. You say my " words
imported insult." I meant them as a fair set-
off to your own statements and not otherwise ;
and in that light alone I now wish you to
understand them. You ask for my " present
feelings on the subject." I entertain no un-
kind feelings to you, and none of any sort
upon the subject, except a sincere regret that
I permitted myself to get into such an alterca-
tion.
In maturer life his attitude was ever the
same. While he was President it became
his official duty to reprimand a young of-
ficer court-martialed for quarreling. No
gentler rebuke was ever administered.
319
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
The advice of a father to his son, " Be-
ware of entrance to a quarrel, but being in,
bear it that the opposed may beware of thee,"
is good, but not the best. Quarrel not at all.
No man, resolved to make the most of him-
self, can spare the time for personal conten-
tion. Still less can he afford to take all the
consequences, including the vitiating of his
temper, and the loss of self-control. Yield
larger things to which you can show no more
than equal right ; and yield lesser ones though
clearly your own. Better give your path to
a dog than be bitten by him in contesting for
the right. Even killing the dog would not
cure the bite.
The sweet reasonableness of turning the
other cheek is not often urged.
His sense of humor, and his failure to
take himself too seriously, gave him all the
more time and strength for things which
really mattered, but led his friends at times
into questionable liberties of speech. Gen-
eral John M. Palmer once said to him,
320
HIS FORGIVING SPIRIT
" Well, Mr. Lincoln, if nnyhody had told
me that In a great crisis hke this, the peo-
ple were going out to a little one-horse town
and pick out a one-horse lawyer for Presi-
dent, I would not have believed it."
Mr. Lincoln was in the hands of tlie
barber at the time. He whirled about in
his chair, sweeping the man out of tlie way
with his long arm. General Palmer sud-
denly realized the enormity of his blunder.
But the President was not angry. Placing
his hand on the general's knee he answered
very earnestly, " Neither would I."
There is an Illuminating entry In John
Hay's diary. " B and the President
continue to be on very good terms in spite
of the publication of B.'s letter. . . . B.
came to explain it to the President, but he
told him he was too busy to quarrel with
him. If he (B.) did n't show him the let-
ter he probably would never see It."
Although he would not go half way to-
ward a quarrel he would take a deal of
21 321
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
pains to correct a misunderstanding. He
relied much on a full and frank interchange
of Ideas. He once wrote to Thurlow
Weed:
My dear Sir : I have been brought to fear
recently that somehow by commission or
omission, I have caused you some degree of
pain, I have never entertained an unkind
feeling or a disparaging thought toward you,
and if I have said or done anything which
has been construed into such unkindness or
disparagement, it has been misconstrued. I
am sure if we could meet we would not part
with any unpleasant impression on either
side.
Carl Schurz sent him a letter of criticism
which he felt to be unjust, and to which he
sent a long and, for him, unusually caustic
reply. Mr. Schurz in his " Autobiogra-
phy " tells the sequel :
Two or three days after Mr. Lincoln's
letter had reached me a special messenger
S22
HIS FORGIVING SPIRIT
from him brought nic another co.nnnmica-
tion from him, a sliort note in his own hand
askmg me to come to see him as soon as my
duties would permit. He wished me, if pos-
sible, to call early in the morning before the
usual crowd of visitors arrived. . . . The
next morning at seven I reported mvself at
the White House. I was promptlv' shown
into the little room upstairs which was at
that time used for cabinet meetings — the
room with the Jackson portrait above the
mantelpiece — and found Mr. Lincoln seated
in an arm-chair before the open grate fire,
his feet in gigantic morocco slippers. He'
greeted me cordially as of old, and bade me
pull up a chair and sit down by his side.
Then he brought his large hand, with a slap,
down on my knee, and said with a smile:
"Now tell me, young man, whether you
really think that I am as poor a fellow as
you have made me out in your letter.? "
I must confess this reception disconcerted
me. I looked into his face and felt some-
thing like a big lump in my throat. After a
while I gathered up my wits, and after a word
323
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
of sorrow if I had written anything that
could have pained him, I explained to him
ray impressions of the situation and my rea-
sons for writing him as I had done. He
listened with silent attention, and when I
stopped said very seriously, ** Well, I know
that you are a warm antislavery man, and a
good friend to me. Now let me tell you all
about it." Then he unfolded in his peculiar
way his views of the then existin*g state of
affairs, his hopes and apprehensions, his
troubles and his embarrassments, making
many quaint remarks about men and things.
I regret I cannot remember all. Then he
described how the criticisms coming down
upon all sides chafed him, and how my letter,
although containing some points that were
well founded and useful, had touched him as
a terse summing-up of all the principal
criticisms, and offered him a good chance at
me for a reply. Then, slapping my knee
again, he broke out in a loud laugh and ex-
claimed —
" Did n't I give it to you hard in my letter ?
Didn't I.^ But it didn't hurt, did it.? I
324
H I^S FORGIVING S P I It I T
did not mean to, and therefore I wanted you
to come so quickly."
He laughed again and seemed to enjoy the
matter heartily. ** Well," he added, " I guess
we understand one another now, and it 's all
right."
When after a conversation of more than
an hour, I left him, I asked whether he still
wished that I should write to him.
" Why certainly," he answered. " Write
to me whenever the spirit moves you."
We parted better friends than ever.
More than once he wrote such letters,
and then refrained from sending them.
One of these was to General Meade after
Lee's escape from Pennsylvania. Another,
which was sent, bears an endorsement in
his own hand.
" Withdrawn because considered harsh
by General Halleck."
Still another, which came to liglit many
years after the war, bore on its envelope in
the handwriting of General Hunter, " The
S25
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
President's reply to my ' ugly letter.'
This lay on his table a month after it was
written, and when finally sent was by a
special conveyance, with the direction that
it was only to be given me when I was in
a good humor."
While not insensible to personal criti-
cism, he was far too even-tempered to be
unduly influenced by it. He knew that
much of it was like the Irishman's descrip-
tion of a tree-toad in one of his stories,
" Nothin' afther all but a blame noise ! "
while some of the rest could be excused for
the reason given in another of his stories
by the henpecked man for standing his
wife's abuse, " It does n't hurt me any, and
you 've no idea what a power of good it
does to Sarah Ann."
He was broad-minded enough to remem-
ber that a man's opinion of him, or of his
administration, might not impair his use-
fulness as a public servant. It seemed a
326
HIS FORGIVING SPIRIT
poor rule that would not work botli ways.
He knew he would be censured, ,u,(I riirl.tlv,
for appointing a man to office slnipry be-
cause he praised hini. It seemed equally
illogical to refuse to appoint men simply
because they blamed him. When lie was
remonstrated with for giving an office to one
who had zealously opposed his reelection,
he is reported to have said, « That would
not make him less fit for the place. And I
think I have Scriptural authority for ap-
pointing him. You remember, when the
Lord was on Mt. Sinai getting out a com-
mission for Aaron, that same Aaron was at
the foot of the mountain, making a false
god for the people to worship. Yet Aaron
got his commission."
His sense of fairness, and absolute free-
dom from personal resentment were no-
where more forcibly exhibited than in his
relations with his generals. But clear
reading of character went hand in hand
327
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
with forbearance. His letter to General
Joseph Hooker on placing him in command
shows how completely this was so.
I have placed you at the head of the Army
of the Potomac. Of course I have done this
upon what appear to me to be sufficient rea-
sons^ and yet I think it best for you to know
that there are some things in regard to which
I am not quite satisfied with you. I believe
you to be a brave and skilful soldier, which,
of course, I like. I also believe you do not
mix politics with your profession, in which
you are right. You have confidence in your-
self, which is a valuable, if not an indis-
pensable quality. You are ambitious, which,
within reasonable bounds, does good rather
than harm; but I think that during General
Burnside's command of the army you have
taken counsel of your ambition and thwarted
him as much as you could, in which you did
a great wrong to the country, and to a most
meritorious and honorable brother officer. I
have heard, in such a way as to believe it,
of your recently saying that both the army
328
HIS FORGIVING SPIRIT
and the Government needed .i dielalor. Of
course it was not for tl.is, but in spite of it,
that I have given you the command. Only
those generals who gain successes can set up
dictators. What I now ask of you is nuMitarv
success, and I will risk the dictatorship.
The Government will support you to the ut-
most of its ability, which is neither more nor
less than it has done and will do for all com-
manders. I much fear that the spirit which
you have aided to infuse into the army, of
criticizing their commander and withholding
confidence from him, will now turn upon you.
I shall assist you as far as I can to put it
down. Neither you nor Napoleon, if he were
alive again, could get any good out of an
army while such a spirit prevails in it; and
now, beware of rashness. Beware of rash-
ness, but with energy and sleepless vigilance
go forward and give us victories.
When Grant's critics brought up old
gossip of his drunkenness, he answered
with the jest which has been quoted as
proof of his abandoned character, that he
329
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
would be glad to know the brand of whisky
he used; or with another variant of this
same idea, quoted in Admiral Dahlgren's
diary — the reply of George III to the
charge that one of his generals was quite
mad. " If that were true, he wished he
would bite all his other generals."
One of Lincoln's secretaries, discussing
the various generals, remarked that there
was only one to whom power would be
really dangerous. McClellan was too
timid. Grant too sound and cool-headed to
usurp authority, and so on. " Yes," said
the President, referring to still another
who had been mentioned. " He is hke Jim
Jett's brother. Jim used to say that his
brother was the d — dst scoundrel that ever
lived; but that in the infinite mercy of
Providence, he was also the d — dst fool."
With McClellan the President's personal
relations were typical. At first the general
had been overwhelmed by his new and
strange position, " President, General Scott
330
HIS I O R G 1 V I N (; S ]> I U I r
and all deferring to inc," hul in contum-
platlng his own great responsibility lie
quickly forgot this, and even tlie rights
and courtesies due to others. The Presi-
dent, as was his custom, went freely to his
house, by day or night. One evening a
long and awkward youth, introduced as
" Captain Orleans," just come to serve on
McClellan's staff, went to announce his ar-
rival. " One does n't like to make a mes-
senger of the king of France, as that youth,
the Count of Paris, would be, if his family
had kept the throne," Lincoln said quietly,
as he watched him mount the stairs.
But to McClellan the President's sim-
plicity of manner seemed to indicate in-
competence. Contemptuous mention of
him and his cabinet in private letters
passed to marks of open disrespect, which
reached their climax one night when Mr.
Lincoln, accompanied by Mr. Seward and
a secretary, went to the general's house.
Being told that he was at a wedding, they
331
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
waited an hour for his return. They heard
the servant at the door tell him that they
were there, but the General paid scant heed,
and passing the door of the room in which
they sat, went on upstairs. After another
half hour they sent to remind him that they
were still waiting. Word came back that
he had gone to bed.
No comment was made as the three
walked away, but after Secretary Seward
had been left at his own door the anger of
the younger man blazed forth at this "un-
paralleled insolence of epaulettes." The
President " seemed not to have noticed it
specially, saying it was better at this time
not to be making points of etiquette and
personal dignity." But we are told that he
stopped going to McClellan's house, send-
ing for the General to come to him when he
desired to see him.
It was harder for a man of Lincoln's
temperament to forgive a wrong to his
country than to himself ; yet after McClel-
3S2
HIS FORGIVING SPIRIT
lan's dismal failure, after Lis wildly insub-
ordinate letter charging the President and
the administration with doing their utmost
to sacrifice his army; and after his direct
suggestion that General Pope, who was in
peril through McClellan's own fault, be left
to " get out of his scrape as best he might,"
Lincoln crowded back all resentment public
and private, and over the protest of his
cabinet, placed him in command of the de-
fenses of Washington, because he was con-
vmced that " if he cannot fight himself he
excels in making others ready to fight."
"We must use the tools we have," he
used to say.^ And his whole attitude was
summed up in his announcement, " I shall
do nothing in malice. What I deal with is
too vast for malicious dealing."
He understood McClellan, both his good
qualities and his defects. When he gave
Grant his commission as Lieutenant-Gen-
eral, the two had a little talk, and he spoke
a parable, telling of a war among the ani-
333
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
mals, when Jocco, the monkey, was sure he
could command the army if only his tail
were a little longer. So they spliced a
piece on, and Jocco looked at it admiringly,
and said he thought he would like a little
more. And they gave it, and he called for
more, until the room was full of tail.
Then, there being no place elsewhere, they
began coiling it about his shoulders, until
the sheer weight of it broke him down.
Even when his sorrow and resentment
were keenest he did not fail to give credit
for the good which had been done. Lee's
escape after Gettysburg grieved him
sorely. He said to his son, " If I had
gone up there I could have whipped them
myself." He felt that at that moment the
Union army held the war in the hollow of
its hand — and would not close it.
" Still," he added generously, " I am very,
very grateful to Meade for the great serv-
ice he did at Gettysburg."
When the Chief Justiceship, the highest
S34
HIS FORGIVING SPIRIT
office in a President's gift, fell vacant, Ik.-
gave it to Chase, though no one had worked
harder to supplant Lincoln in the Presi-
dency. The wonder and splendor of the
act fairly dazzled the secretary who carried
the nomination to the Senate.
"Congress met Monday," he wrote,
" but the President did not get the mes-
sage ready until Tuesday when it was sent
m. At the same time he sent in the nom-
ination of Chase for Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court. Probably no other man
than Lincoln would have had, in this age
of the world, the degree of magnanimity to
thus forgive and exalt a rival who had so
deeply and unjustifiably intrigued against
him. It is, however, only another marked
illustration of the greatness of the Presi-
dent in this age of little men."
But his quiet appreciation of Chase's po-
sition had been very keen. During the in-
terval between his resignation from the cab-
inet, and his appointment as Chief Justice,
335
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Mr. Lincoln's secretary one day brought
his chief a letter from Mr. Chase who was
in Ohio.
"What is it about.?" the President
asked.
" Simply a kind and friendly letter."
Without reading it, Mr. Lincoln said,
" File it with his other recommendations."
336
XVI
HIS REASON AND HIS HEART
THOUGH Lincoln's place in history
rests on the fact that he freed the
slaves, his place in the hearts of men rests
on something entirely different — the way
in which he did it. A fanatic, or a tyrant
might have signed a proclamation of eman-
cipation ; but only a man of clear vision and
surpassing goodness could have moved
through years of bloodshed to a culmina-
ting act which destroyed miHions of his
countrymen's property at a stroke of the
pen, and yet kept an ever warmer place in
their affections.
His two qualities of head and heart acted
like counterweights. His logic, though
22 337
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
unsparing, was never hopeless, being
warmed by the goodness of his heart. He
beheved that right would ultimately tri-
umph, and this gave him patience to move
slowly, to bear apparent defeat, and to
wait the appointed time of the Lord. His
faith in a mysterious overruling Provi-
dence was too sincere and too humble to
permit his attempting to force either right-
eousness or justice on an unready world.
Personal observation and experience had
very little to do in forming his convictions
on slavery. Though born in a slave State
he left it when a mere child, and he had
only passing glimpses of slavery's hghts
and shadows during his two flatboat voy-
ages to New Orleans. It was his inborn
sense of natural justice which revolted
against the barbarous selfishness of the
system.
" If slavery is not wrong, nothing is
wrong," he said. To the argument that
it was a necessity forced upon the white
338
HIS REASON AND HEART
man, he replied, ^ that goin^r nmnv thou-
sand miles, seizing a set of savages, l,ring-
mg them here and making slaves of them,
IS a necessity imposed on us by them, in-
volves a species of logic to which my mind
wdl scarcely assent."
But he recognized that the problem had
long since passed that stage. In his
Peoria speech, when he stepped forth as
the champion of freedom, he frankly ad-
mitted that, " If all earthly power were
given me I should not know what to do as
to the existing institution. My first im-
pulse would be to free all the slaves and
send them to Liberia, to their own native
land. But a moment's reflection would
convince me that whatever of high hope (as
I think there is) there may be in this in the
long run, its sudden execution is impossible.
If they were all landed there in a day they
would all perish in the next ten days."
Every actual observation deepened his
natural convictions. Yet he did not allow
339
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
his feelings to carry away his reason. He
remembered that the practice was rooted in
custom, and entrenched in constitution and
law. To cut it out would be to endanger
the national life. Also, while his heartfelt
compassion went out to the slave, he had
broad charity for the slave-holder, domi-
nated by education, local prejudice and
property interests.
This enabled him at the very beginning
of his career to strike that key-note in
statesmanship through which he wrought
one of the world's great political reforms.
He had been but two years in the legisla-
ture of Illinois when that body passed reso-
lutions " highly disapproving abolition so-
cieties," and declaring that " the right of
property in slaves is secured to the slave-
holding States by the Federal Constitu-
tion," the identical proposition in support
of which the South began civil war. Lin-
coln and five others voted against it. In
addition, in order not to leave their senti-
S40
HIS REASON AND 11 K A U T
mcnts in doubt, hv and one oilier incmber
signed a written protest and entered it on
the journal, reciting their belief tliat tlie
institution of slavery was founded on bolli
injustice and bad policy, but that Congress
had no power to interfere with it in the
States, and that while it had power to abol-
ish it in the District of Columbia, it ouglit
only to exercise that power at the request
of the people of the District.
Conservative as this seems, it required at
that day a sturdy political courage to sign
such a document, in face of the violent
prejudice against everything savoring of
" abolitionism." It was in that same year
that a mob at Alton, IHInoIs, shot to deatli
Elijah P. Lovejoy for persisting in his
right to print an anti-slavery newspaper.
Twelve years afterward, during his term
in Congress, Lincoln presented a bill
for compensated emancipation — his plan
for making the path of righteousness easier
to the slave-owner, and the path toward
341
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
liberty less dangerous for the slave. By its
provisions masters were to receive money
value for their property, and the slaves ade-
quate guardianship and training for their
new life. It could be accomplished only
with the full consent of the owners, and he
proposed to try it experimentally in the
District of Columbia, a territory so small
that its workings could be easily watched
and any dangerous tendencies noted. The
measure had the approval both of the con-
servative citizens of Washington, and of
the anti-slavery leaders in Congress ; but it
failed to become a law, party heat being
already too great to admit of moderate
legislation. He could save neither sinned
against nor sinners. In the poetic imagery
of the Second Inaugural, it was decreed that
the blood drawn by the lash must be paid
for in blood drawn by the sword.
All Lincoln's study of the question dur-
ing the years that separated his Peoria
speech from his taking the oath of office as
342
HIS REASON AND HEART
President confirmed liim in his early belief
that slavery was lawful in the Southern
States, and that where this was the case the
only remedy lay with the people living In
those States. All his effort was directed
toward preventing its spread into Federal
territory, where, he held, the Government
had a right to interfere. When he took
the oath as President he assumed the of-
ficial responsibility of the judge, who can-
not allow his individual feelings to supplant
the mandates of the law.
Then came the Civil War. If Lincoln
had been only a political theorist, he would
have taken this opportunity to declare that
by appealing to arms slavery had subjected
itself to the risks of war, and would have
at once launched against it his subsequent
decree of military emancipation. But his
education had made him first of all a prac-
tical statesman, and practical statesman-
ship demanded the maintenance of the in-
tegrity and power of the Union first of all.
343
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Rash reforms like that proposed by Fre-
mont and antislavery radicals would im-
peril the Union, and to permit the Union
to die was to permit slavery to live. So,
champion of freedom though he was, he an-
nulled Fremont's proclamation.
His paramount duty he emphasized in
his letter answering the criticisms of Hor-
ace Greeley.
As to the policy I " seem to be pursuing,"
as you say, I have not meant to leave any one
in doubt. I would save the Union. I would
save it the shortest way under the Consti-
tution. ... If there be those who would
not save the Union unless they could at
the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree
with them. My paramount object in this
struggle is to save the Union, and not either
to save or to destroy slavery. . . . What I
do about slavery and the colored race I do
because I believe it helps to save the Union,
and what I forbear I forbear because I do
not believe it would help to save the Union.
344
HIS REASON ANM) II K A R T
I shall do less wlicnever I shall believe what
I am doing hurts the cause, and I sh ,JI ,j„
more whenever I shall believe ch.ing more
will help the cause. ... I have here statrd
my purpose according to my view of official
duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-
expressed personal wish that all men every-
where could be free.
He had a broader aim than more con-
quest of the South. A true restoration of
the Union must include a renewal of fra-
ternal sympathy between the sections. In
this spirit he recommended and Congress
adopted his old policy of compensated abol-
ishment — the offer of a money equivalent
to States that would voluntarily relinquish
slavery, holding it to be a remedy at once
more effectual, more humane, and far less
costly than war. The offer was refused,
yet its spirit secured the adhesion of the
border States to the Union, pushing the mil-
itary frontier down from the Ohio River to
the Tennessee line, and adding during the
345
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
war more than 225,000 volunteers to the
Union armies.
The rejection of this generous offer, and
simultaneous reverses to McClellan's army
before Richmond brought about the mili-
tary necessity which justified Lincoln in
using his authority as Commander-in-Chief
of the army to issue his proclamation of
mihtary emancipation. Important as was
this act, the signing of the decree was only
an incident in the battle he was commis-
sioned to wage, and about which he had
recorded his well-considered resolve, " I ex-
pect to maintain this contest until success-
ful, or till I die, or am conquered, or my
term expires, or Congress or the country
forsake me." The great issue was not the
bondage of a race, but the life of a nation,
a principle of government, a question of
primary human right.
The country accepted the edict of eman-
cipation as wise and necessary, but whether
it would be held valid in law, Lincoln
846
HIS REASON ANM3 HEART
frankly said he did not know. If tl,e re-
bellion should triumph, manifestly the
proclamation would be so much waste pa-
per. If the Union were victorious, every
step of that victory would be clothed with
the mantle of law. That was the lesson
of all history; the philosophy of govern-
ment.
Of one thing he was sure. Plaving is-
sued his proclamation he would never re-
tract or modify it. The freed slaves had
done their part. They had been armed
and had fought shoulder to shoulder with
the whites, bravely and well. To restore
the Union with their help, under a pledge
of liberty, and then, under whatever legal
construction, to attempt to reenslave them,
would be a moral monstrosity — would be,
in the language of one of his early
speeches, "to repeal human nature."
" There have been men base enough to pro-
pose to me to retuni to slavery our black
warriors of Port Hudson and Olustee," he
S4>7
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
said. " Should I do so, I should deserve to
be damned in time and eternity."
He wished the voluntary consent of the
States to his act, and therefore set in mo-
tion the machinery of a constitutional
amendment. Lincoln did not live to see it
a part of the Constitution, but it became so
less than a year after his death.
These measures, taken in orderly se-
quence, in strict pursuance of duty, had
brought about through his agency the end
he desired and thought so very far away.
His reason might well have been satisfied.
But his heart was not yet content. As
the war drew to its close his kindness went
out more and more to these enemies who
were yet brothers. When he met the Con-
federate commissioners at Hampton Roads,
and through his sympathy and intuition di-
vined their undercurrent of hopelessness,
he told them that he personally would favor
payment by the Federal Government of a
liberal indemnity for the loss of slave prop-
348
HIS REASON AND II K A It T
ertj, on absolute cessation of I he war, and
voluntary abolition of slavery in the Soulli-
ern States.
He spent the day after his return from
this meeting in perfecting a new i)r()p()sal
designed as a peace offering to the South,
and that evening called his cabinet to-
gether and read them the draft of a joint
resolution and a proclamation offering the
Southern States $400,000,000 on condition
that the Thirteenth Amendment be ratified
by the requisite number of States before
July first, 1865. But this was a height of
altruism to which his constitutional advis-
ers could not follow him. " You are all
opposed to me," he said sadly, as he folded
the paper and ended the discussion. But
he still continued to ponder offers of
friendship. In the last public speech he
made, to a crowd of people gathered in
front of the Executive INIansion to cele-
brate Grant's victory, he hinted at some
new announcement he was considering and
349
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
would soon make to the South. Can it be
doubted it was as generous as this one?
Such, in a broad way, were Lincoln's
achievements and action on slavery. He
wrought in the great field of original
statesmanship, and the Archimedean lever
whereby he moved the world was public
opinion. Under his guidance, in the swift
rush of events, results came to pass in a
decade that had seemed like hopes a hun-
dred years removed. For this he took
to himself no credit. " I claim not to have
controlled events," he said, " but frankly
admit that events have controlled me."
And again, " My policy is to have no pol-
icy." Keeping in view his large ideal and
ultimate aim, he disposed of each individual
problem as it came up, though this led
him into the apparent inconsistency of re-
fusing to arm negro soldiers, then of arm-
ing them, of revoking military proclama-
tions of emancipation, then of issuing a
great and sweeping edict of freedom —
350
HIS REASON AND I Ii: A R T
once it ]cd liim into actually ofTcriii^r to l>uy
a slave for $500.
Lincoln's reply to the minister who anx-
iously « hoped the Lord was on his side,"
summed up his creed and his practice. He
said that did not trouble liim in the least.
His great concern was that he and the
country should be on the side of the Lord.
Mention has been made of Lincoln's
extreme reluctance to approve the death
penalty. This was not the outcome of
sentimental regard for soldiers. In 1862
a very serious Lidian uprising with atro-
cious massacres took place in Minnesota.
After it was quelled a court-martial tried
the prisoners, and under the impulse of
popular indignation sentenced about three
hundred to be hanged. Learning of this
the President ordered the execution stayed,
and the testimony forw^arded to him. Let-
ters and telegrams poured in upon him,
begging him to allow the sentences to
stand; but determined to have no hasty sac-
351
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
rifice, he patiently investigated each case
for himself, finally confirming the sentences
of less than forty out of the three hundred,
these being cases where reliable witnesses
testified to seeing the men actually en-
gaged in acts of atrocity. In forward-
ing the testimony to the Senate he stated
his anxiety " to not act with so much clem-
ency as to encourage another outbreak on
the one hand, nor with so much severity as
to be real cruelty on the other."
For red and white alike he stood firm in
his determination to execute only the de-
crees of justice.
'' In considering the policy to be
adopted for suppressing the insurrection
I have been anxious and careful that the
inevitable conflict for this purpose shall
not degenerate into a violent and remorse-
less revolutionary struggle," he told Con-
gress in his first annual message. Both his
reason and his heart forbade him to sanc-
tion measures of retaliation urged for the
352
HIS REASON AND UK ART
massacre of negro soldiers at Fort Pillow.
Frederick Douglas, the colored man, with
whom he talked on this siihjoct, said, ^' I
shall never forget the benignant expression
of his face, the tearful look of his eye, and
the quiver of his voice." He could not
take men out and kill them in cold blood
for Avhat was done by others. " Once be-
gun," he said, " I do not know where such
a measure would stop."
The same question came up in regard
to the treatment of prisoners, and received
the same answer. It was argued that if
men were starved at Libby Prison and An-
dersonville, the same treatment should be
meted out to Confederates. "Whatever
others may say or do I never can, and I
never will, be accessory to such treatment
of human beings," he said.
The question of prisoners lay heavy on
his heart. General Butler told of a day
when the President was visiting his com-
mand. They had gone through the hos-
^3 353
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
pitals, and the wards of wounded Con-
federate prisoners, and he had brought
hght and cheer by his presence. After-
ward as they sat at dinner he was weary
and depressed. The General was pained
to see that his guest did not eat, and asked
if he were ilL " I am well enough," he re-
plied, pushing away his plate, " but would
to God this dinner or provisions like it
were with our poor prisoners in Anderson-
ville."
As the war drew to its close the ques-
tions of exchanging prisoners, and of the
treatment of Southern leaders, assumed
larger proportions. Secretary Welles,
who found time to write many things in
his " deadly diary," moralized thus :
This war is extraordinary in all its aspects
and phases^ and no man is prepared to meet
tliem. ... I have often thought that greater
severity might well be exercised, and yet it
would tend to barbarism. No traitor has
been hung. I doubt if there will be; but an
S54,
HIS REASON AND II K A R T
example sliould be made of some of the lead-
ers, for present and for future good. They
may, if taken, be imi)risoned, or driv.n into
exile, but neither would be lasting. Parties
would form for their relief, and ultimately
succeed in restoring the worst of them to
their homes and the privileges they originally
enjoyed. Death is the proper penalty and
atonement. . . . But I apprehend there will
be very gentle measures in closing uj) tlic
rebellion.
He knew his chief. The full difference
in their mental make-up is shown in an en-
try in this same diary four months later.
" Oct. 5, 1864. The President came to see
me pretty early this morning in relation
to the exchange of prisoners. It had
troubled him during the night."
Lincoln's care was not how to make the
punishment lasting, but how best to heal
the scars of war. An endorsement on a
paper that passed between him and the
War Department shows his whole attitude.
355
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
" On principle I dislike an oath which
requires a man to swear he has not d6ne
wrong. It rejects the Christian principle
of forgiveness on terms of repentance. I
think it is enough if the man does no
wrong hereafter."
He frankly admitted that he hoped the
leaders of the rebellion would escape. " If
you have an elephant on your hands, and
he w ants to run away — better let him
run ! " he said. And with similar intent
he told the story of a boy who, with much
expenditure of time and energy had ac-
quired a coon, only to find him a great
nuisance. He could not, however, bring
himself to admit this to his family. One
day, leading it along the road, he had more
than he could do to manage the little vixen.
At length, with clothes torn, and muscles
weary, he sank to the ground, tired out.
A gentleman passing, asked what was the
matter.
" Oh, this coon is such a trouble to me."
356
HIS REASON AND JI KAUT
" Why don't you gd rid of l.i,,,, tlun? "
"Hush," said the boy. "Don't you
sec, he is gnawing his rope off? That is
just what I want. I ',n going to let hin.
do It, and then I can go home and tell the
folks he got away from me."
On April 11 Lincohi spoke from a win-
dow of the Wliite House to a largo and
joyful crowd, gathered in honor of Leu's
surrender. The President's speech was
full of conciliation. Senator Harlan fol-
lowed, and in the course of his remarks,
touched on the thought uppermost in ev-
erybody's mind. " What shall we do with
the rebels?" he asked. A voice answered
from the crowd, " Hang them ! "
Lincoln's small son w^as in the room,
playing with the pens on the table. Look-
ing up he caught his father's pained ex-
pression.
"No, no, Papa," he cried in his child-
ish voice. " Not hang them. Hang on to
them ! "
357
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
"That is it! Tad has got it. We
must hang on to them ! " the President ex-
claimed in triumph.
Lincoln's final official act was writing,
" Let it be done," on the petition of a Con-
federate prisoner who desired to take the
oath of allegiance. " I think this will take
precedence of Stanton," he is reported to
have said, for Stanton wished to hedge re-
habilitation about with more safeguards.
In the cabinet meeting on that last
morning of his life he talked in a strain of
the utmost friendliness toward the South.
No one need expect him to take any part
in hanging these men, even the worst of
them. Enough lives had been sacrificed.
Anger must be put aside.
With words like these on his lips, and a
gladness in his heart which found expres-
sion in a physical embrace of his rough and
prickly friend Stanton, he closed their last
cabinet session.
358
XVII
LINCOLN THE WRITER
LINCOLN knew no foreign tongue,
yet he spoke two languages — the
vernacular, and a strong, majestic prose,
akin to poetry. He used one and then
the other, as best suited his audience or the
nature of his subject ; but whatever the lan-
guage, it expressed high aims, for he had
only one moral code.
Growing up among very simple people,
he acquired a plainness of manner, both
in thought and speech, which differ-
entiated him, all his days, from the
statesmen nurtured in ease and plenty.
The Boston Transcript, commenting on
his first inaugural, called it " the plain
359
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
homespun language of a man of the peo-
ple, who was accustomed to talk with ' the
folks,' " — " the language of a man of vital
common sense, whose words exactly fitted
his facts and thoughts."
This simplicity shocked not a few. It
was not living up to the popular concep-
tion of a statesman. The echoes wakened
by our great orators were still rolling over
the land, and every budding politician was
expected to rival them. A soaring perora-
tion was deemed as essential to a speech as
the " Fellow citizens " with which it
opened. Lincoln, with his straightfor-
ward sentences made up of short forceful
words, was not playing the game accord-
ing to accepted rules. Ex-president Tyler
complained that he did not even play it
according to rules of grammar.
In his later years Lincoln used to repeat
with glee the picturesque description of a
Southwestern orator who " mounted the
rostrum, threw back his head, shined his
360
LINCOLN THE W H i i 1. K
ejcs, opened Iiis moutli, and I.ff the conse-
quences to God." This was an cxrrcis.. „f
faith In which he never indnl^nd, f|„,„^rl, )„.
passed through a period of nsin^r H,,
rather florid eloquence of the stump speech
with great effect. Studies in tl,e hiw en-
courage neither flights of fancy nor misuse
of words. His scrupulous regard for
truth, and his own good sense, speedily
corrected any leaning toward extravagant
metaphor.
In one of Lincoln's early speeches in
New England he expressed a " feeling of
real modesty" in addressing an audience
" this side the mountains," where every-
body was supposed to be instructed and
wise. He had the unschooled man's wist-
ful admiration and longing for educational
advantages which had been denied him;
and until convinced by contact and much
experience with men trained in the best
routine machines of learning, actually ex-
pected to suffer by comparison. It is quite
361
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
possible that up to the very last he was
astonished, and a bit disappointed to find
that he held his own so well beside them.
He had, too, the genuine admiration
for the arts and for science common to
many Westerners whose taste and appre-
ciation have outrun their opportunities,
and he enjoyed talking with men of these
pursuits — looking, as it were, through
their eyes into a world so different from his
own. Professor Joseph Henry was one
of the rare men in Washington in those
days. The two were mutually attracted,
though too busy to see much of each other.
The scientist was astonished at the Presi-
dent's intelligent grasp of subjects about
which he professed entire ignorance. " He
is producing a powerful impression upon
me," he confessed, " more powerful than
any one I can now recall. It increases
with every interview. I think it my duty
to take philosophic views of men and
things, but the President upsets me. If I
362
LINCOLN THE WRITER
did not resist the inclination, 1 nii