BY A A WITH Mh AN L 
 
 STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE 
 
 AS TOLD IN 
 
 STANLEY'S LETTERS 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 
 
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 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
28 Longitude East 30 o£ Greenwich. 32 
 
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THE 
 
 STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE 
 
 9 
 
 AS TOLD IN 
 
 STANLEY'S LETTERS 
 
 PUBLISHED BY MR. STANLEY'S PERMISSION 
 
 : 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 J. SCOTT KELTIE 
 
 LIBRARIAN TO THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY 
 
 WITH MAP OF THE ROUTE 
 
 NEW YORK 
 HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE 
 
 1890 
 \ 
 
*w 
 
 HENRY M. STANLEY'S WORKS. 
 
 The Congo and the Founding of its Free State. 
 A Story of Work and Exploration. By HENRY M. 
 Stanley, pp. xxxviii., 1012. With over One Hun- 
 dred Full-page and Smaller Illustrations ; Colored 
 Maps and Marginal Notes. 2 vols., 8vo, Cloth, $10 00. 
 
 The Story of Emin's Rescue as told in Stan- 
 ley's LETTERS. Published by Mr. Stanley's permis- 
 sion. Edited by J. SCOTT KELTIE, Librarian to the 
 Royal Geographical Society. With Map of the 
 Route and Three Portraits. 8vo, Cloth, 50 cents. 
 
 COOMASSIE AND MAGDALA : The Story of Two British 
 Campaigns in Africa. By Henry M. Stanley, pp. 
 xiv., 506. With Maps and Illustrations. 8vo, Cloth, 
 
 $3 5o. 
 
 Through the Dark Continent; or, The Sources of 
 the Nile, Around the Great Lakes of Equatorial Af- 
 rica, and Down the Livingstone River to the Atlantic 
 Ocean. With 149 Illustrations and Colored Maps. 
 By Henry M. Stanley, pp. xxxv., 1088. 2 vols., 
 8vo, Cloth, $10 00. 
 
 Published by HARPER & BROTHERS, New York. 
 
 The above zvorks are for sale by all booksellers, or will be sent ^Har- 
 per & Brothers, postage prepaid, to atiy part of the United States, 
 Canada, or Mexico, on receipt of price. 
 
 / 
 
 Copyright, 1889, by Harper & Brothers. 
 
 All rights reserved. 
 
NOTE 
 
 BY THE PUBLISHERS OF THE 
 ENGLISH EDITION. 
 
 We have produced this little brochure at the request of Mr. 
 Stanley, and in compliance with the urgent desire of correspond- 
 ents, one of whom, writing from one of the great manufacturing 
 centres, says : " I have read with very great interest and pleasure 
 the letters received from Mr. H. M. Stanley, and no doubt many 
 thousands of people have done the same as myself. I am much 
 mixed up with men of the working class — mechanics, lace-makers, 
 laborers, etc. ; and I am of opinion that if you could issue a small 
 book of Stanley's travels and varied experiences in the rescue of 
 Emin Pasha, with a skeleton map showing, by dotted lines, the 
 route taken, in a cheap form, say about one shilling, as quickly as 
 possible . . . you would be conferring a boon upon 'the masses' of 
 this country. . . . There is at the present time a huge craving after 
 anything and everything relating to Central Africa, and with the 
 strong interest created by Mr. Stanley's thrilling adventures, I'm sure 
 a shilling book would be a great success." 
 
 We regarded such an appeal as this as quite irresistible, and we 
 have hastened, with the assistance of our friend Mr. Keltie, to put 
 together all the material at the present time available. 
 
4 PUBLISHERS' NOTE. 
 
 In addition to the letters that have already appeared in the press, 
 we are indebted to Sir William Mackinnon, Chairman of the Emin 
 Pasha Relief Committee, for some interesting* matter which has not 
 yet been made public, and for the facilities which he has given to 
 us in the compilation of this collection. 
 
 It is quite needless to say that this unpretentious little volume 
 can only be looked upon as a compilation from material scattered 
 through many newspapers, and running through many months, and 
 that it in no way trenches upon the very important work which 
 Mr. Stanley will complete as quickly as possible after his return to 
 this country. The letters to the Royal Geographical Society are 
 reproduced here by permission of the President and Council. 
 
 London, December 13, 1889. 
 
INTKODUCTOKY. 
 
 A very few words of introduction will suffice to bring the narra- 
 tive of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition up to the date of the re- 
 ceipt of the first of Mr. Stanley's own letters. Until about the lat- 
 ter half of 1886 the name of Emin Bey, as he was then, was little 
 known beyond the circles of science and geography. Within these 
 circles he had attained a high reputation as a naturalist, and as a 
 traveller and explorer, whose contributions to a knowledge of the 
 geography of the Upper Nile regions were of the most solid value. 
 To a few more he was known as the successful governor of the 
 Equatorial Province of the Egyptian Soudan, in which he had follow- 
 ed his friend and chief, Gordon Pasha. Born in Prussian Silesia, 
 educated at Breslau and Berlin, where he took his degree of M.D. 
 in 1864, Eduard Schnitzer entered the Turkish service, and travelled 
 much in Asiatic Turkey. His love of natural history and fondness 
 for travel he had from childhood. When, in 1876, he left Turkey, 
 and had spent a few months at home, he went to Egypt and was 
 taken into the service of the Khedive. He was sent to Khartoum, and 
 thence proceeded to the Equatorial Province as medical officer on 
 Gordon's staff. When Gordon was appointed Governor-general of 
 the Soudan, his old province was nearly ruined by being intrusted to 
 incompetent and corrupt Egyptian officers, so that when Emin Ef- 
 fendi, as he was then, was appointed governor in 1878, he found the 
 country in a state of complete disorganization and corruption, the 
 happy hunting-ground of the slave-raider. Within a very few 
 months he had almost cleaned out the Augean stable, scattered the 
 slavers, got rid of the cruel and corrupt Egyptian soldiery, and filled 
 
6 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 their places with well-drilled natives, effectually encouraged agricult- 
 ure, and introduced a time of peace and comfort for all. Before 
 his reign there had been a constantly accumulating deficit in the reve- 
 nue ; in a year or two this was converted into a substantial surplus. 
 But trying times were at hand. Mahdism began to be heard of 
 about 1879, and Gordon was no longer in the Soudan to cope with 
 and crush it. One disaster to the Egyptian arms after another, in 
 which English officers were involved, at last compelled the British 
 Government to appeal to the old Governor of the Soudan to come to 
 the rescue. The result is known to all. By January, 1884, Gordon 
 was on his way to the Soudan, and a year later he and Khartoum 
 fell together. 
 
 Emin seems to have remained undisturbed till the beginning of 
 1884, when the Mahdists invaded the Bahr-el-Ghazal province and 
 carried off its governor, Lupton Bey. Emin expected his turn to 
 come next, and withdrew all his forces, dependants, and stores from 
 Lado south to Wadelai on the Bahr-el-Jebel, the branch of the Nile 
 which issues from the Albert Nyanza, and within easy reach of that 
 lake. Here he was able to carry on his work of administration, lim- 
 ited as it was, combined with geographical investigation, unmolested. 
 But discontent, we know now, was brewing among his people; sup- 
 plies of all kinds were running short, and the ammunition was rapid- 
 ly approaching its last grain. Rumors of all this began to reach 
 Europe, and were confirmed by the information brought home by 
 Dr. Junker, the eminent explorer, and Emin's friend for many 
 years. People began to realize what a remarkable man was shut up 
 in this little corner of Africa, barred in on the north by the hordes 
 of the Mahdi, and on the south by that merciless young royalty, 
 Mwanga, King of Uganda, the son of Stanley's old friend, Mtesa. 
 The excitement rapidly grew ; the heroism of Emin's conduct — for 
 he could easily have got away by himself — and the cruelly critical 
 nature of his position, took possession of the public mind, and espe- 
 cially that of England. It was realized that to a considerable ex- 
 tent England was to blame for what had happened, and the general 
 verdict was that England was bound to rescue Emin and his fellow- 
 prisoners, for such they were. 
 
 This brings us to the autumn of 1886. Political questions must 
 
INTRODUCTORY. 7 
 
 not be introduced here; and therefore we need not inquire into the 
 reasons why the British Government did not come to the front and 
 undertake the relief of Ernin. It is no secret that the Government 
 did everything short of putting its hand directly to the work; this, 
 it convinced itself, it could not do. It was then that Mr. (now Sir) 
 William Mackinnon stepped to the front and declared himself will- 
 ing to organize an Emin Relief Expedition. Even before the crea- 
 tion of British East Africa, Sir William Mackinnon had had intimate 
 relations with Zanzibar, and also dealings with the Congo Free 
 State. It was without doubt due to the powerful influences which 
 he was able to bring to bear that the expedition was so rapidly and 
 successfully fitted out. A hint to the Egyptian Government pro- 
 duced a contribution of £10,000; for it was Egyptian officers and 
 Egyptian subjects who had to be rescued. Sir William Mackinnon 
 contributed a handsome sum himself, and mainlv amonor his own 
 friends he succeeded in getting subscriptions which brought the 
 total amount at the disposal of the Committee up to £20,000. Of 
 this, £1000 came from the Royal Geographical Society, the Coun- 
 cil of which felt that a favorable opportunity would be presented 
 of obtaining information concernino; a region of Africa of the ^reat- 
 
 O 3 3 o 
 
 est interest, but almost unknown. The leading newspapers also 
 agreed to contribute on condition that they should be allowed to 
 publish Stanley's letters. 
 
 The Emin Bey Relief Committee was formed at the end of De- 
 cember. 1556. and in addition to Sir William Mackinnon, Bart. 
 (Chairman), consisted of the following gentlemen : The Honorable 
 Guy Dawnay (since dead), Mr. H. M. Stanley, Sir Lewis Pelly, Mr. 
 A. F. Kinnaird, Colonel Grant, Rev. H. Waller, Colonel Sir F. De 
 Winton, Secretary. Long before this, however, Mr. Stanley's name 
 had been brought forward in connection with the expedition, and 
 as early as September, 1SS6, Consul Holm wood, of Zanzibar, re- 
 ported to the Earl of Iddesleigh the results of his efforts to com- 
 municate with Emin, and of his inquiries as to the best means of 
 sending relief. These reports showed how increasingly dangerous 
 Emin's position was. On November loth Sir William Mackinnon 
 wrote to the Foreign Office, offering to do what he could to organ- 
 ize an expedition, and suggesting the advisability of securing the 
 
8 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 services of Mr. H. M. Stanley as leader. Mr. Stanley was on the 
 eve of departure for America, where he had made engagements to 
 lecture ; and these, with other similar engagements, would have put 
 £10,000 in his pocket within a year. Still, as Sir William Mackin- 
 non stated in his letter, Mr. Stanley was willing to give up all his 
 engagements, and without fee or reward once more plunge into the 
 heart of Africa, and carry out the work of rescue. In a letter dated 
 November 15, 1886, to Sir William Mackinnon, Mr. Stanley ex- 
 presses his readiness to go at once, and states that already he had 
 been examining the question of routes, of which he said there were 
 four possible. However, he was allowed to leave for America, and 
 it was not till December 11th that Sir William Mackinnon telegraph- 
 ed to him : " Your plan and offer accepted. Authorities approve. 
 Funds provided. Business urgent. Come promptly. Reply." The 
 reply came, dated New York, December 13th: "Just received Mon- 
 day's cablegram. Many thanks. Everything all right. Will sail 
 per Eider 8 o'clock Wednesday morning. If good weather and 
 barring accidents, arrive 22d December, Southampton. It is only 
 one month's delay, after all. Tell authorities prepare Holmwood 
 Zanzibar, and Seyyid Barghash. Best compliments to you." Thus 
 the work of rescue was fairly started. 
 
 As in duty bound, Mr. Stanley, shortly after his arrival in England, 
 paid a visit to the King of the Belgians, at Brussels, for he was still 
 retained in the King's service. After mature deliberation, the route 
 by the Congo had been chosen as on the whole the most suitable; for 
 one thing, it was felt that the route by the East Coast and Uganda 
 would have endangered the lives of the missionaries still in the power 
 of King Mwanga, of Uganda. The King of the Belgians placed at 
 the disposal of the expedition all the means of transport at his com- 
 mand in the Congo. By about the third week of January, 1887, all 
 was ready, and Mr. Stanley left London for Zanzibar. Meantime he 
 was as busy as he could be, getting together stores and selecting the 
 staff who were to accompany him. He received hundreds of appli- 
 cations from all quarters, and the work of selection was a trying one. 
 Those chosen, it was believed, were well fitted in every way for the 
 trying work before them ; and, on the whole, the expectations formed 
 have been fulfilled. 
 
INTRODUCTORY. 9 
 
 The names of Major Barttelot, Captain Nelson, Lieutenant Stairs, 
 Dr. Parke, Dr. Bonny, Mr. Jephson, Mr. Jamieson, Mr. Ward, and Mr. 
 Rose Troup have been more or less associated with this unique ex- 
 pedition. Two of them, alas, Major Barttelot and Mr. Jamieson, are 
 among the fallen. 
 
 On January 27th, Mr. Stanley arrived at Alexandria, and went on 
 to Cairo, and there had interviews with the Khedive and with Dr. 
 Junker, who was on his way home after many years' sojourn in the 
 Soudan ; Dr. Junker was able to give Mr. Stanley some useful informa- 
 tion. Zanzibar was reached on the 21st, and so well had everything 
 been arranged that on the 25th Mr. Stanley was able to telegraph 
 home : " I have embarked the expedition on board the Madura, be- 
 ing occupied the whole day. It consists on its departure of nine 
 European officers, sixty-one Soudanese, thirteen Somalis, three inter- 
 preters, 620 Zanzebaris, the famous Tippu Tib, and 407 of his peo- 
 ple. Couriers have gone overland to Uganda, and others to Stanley 
 Falls." Emin, indeed, knew long before the expedition reached him 
 that relief was coming. In introducing the name of Tippu Tib, it 
 may be well to recall the fact that it was considered prudent by Con- 
 sul Holmwood to bring about an understanding between that crafty 
 "Arab" and the King of the Belgians, whereby, for certain consid- 
 erations, Tippu was to occupy the abandoned Stanley Falls Station 
 as an officer of the Congo Free State. It was absolutely necessary 
 to obtain the good-will of this man, as Mr. Stanley looked to him to 
 supply 600 carriers to help the expedition from the falls to the Al- 
 bert Nyanza or Wadelai. Tippu's failure, whether intentionally or 
 otherwise we need not inquire, to carry out his promises, led, it is 
 well known, to disaster. After touching at the cape, which was left 
 on March 10th, the Madura steamed up the West Coast to the mouth 
 of the Congo, Banana Point being reached on March 18th. Here 
 several small steamers were chartered to take the expedition up to 
 Matadi, the limit of navigation on the lower river, beyond which lie 
 200 miles of cataracts that would have to be passed by land. As 
 this is only a prologue to the stirring drama exhibited in Mr. Stan- 
 ley's letters, and not a history of the expedition, the details of the 
 journey up the river to the mouth of the Aruwimi, with all its vexa- 
 tions and delays, need not be described here. The Aruwimi was 
 
10 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 reached early in June by Mr. Stanley and a first contingent, and after 
 an intrenched camp was established at Yambuya, some distance from 
 the mouth of the river, a final start was made towards Wadelai on 
 June 28th, 1887 ; Major Barttelot, Dr. Bonny, Mr. Jamieson, Mr. Rose 
 Troup, and Mr. Ward, were left behind as officers of the rear guard. 
 The letters tell the rest. But before the first of them reached us on 
 April 1, 1889, rumor after rumor came out of the darkness of the 
 Dark Continent as to the fate of the expedition, which kept the civ- 
 ilized world in a constant state of anxious tension. But those who 
 knew Mr. Stanley best felt confident all along that he was not the 
 man to die till his work was done ; still the relief which was brought 
 to us with his first letters, full of sadness and disaster though they 
 were, was intense. 
 
 Besides Mr. Stanley's own letters, a few by the members of his 
 staff have been introduced into the collection, so as to make the 
 epistolary and preliminary narrative fairly complete ; we shall all 
 await, with eager expectation, Mr. Stanley's detailed narrative of 
 what has been, in some respects, the most remarkable expedition 
 that ever entered Africa. 
 
 J. S. K. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 ROUTE MAP Frontispiece 
 
 LETTER I. page 
 
 En route 15 
 
 LETTER II. 
 In the Forest — Looking for the Rear-guard 17 
 
 LETTER III. 
 Major Barttelot tells his Story ... 27 
 
 LETTER IV. 
 
 Mr. Stanley and Tippu Tib — First News of Success 35 
 
 LETTER V. 
 
 From Yambuya to the Albert Nyanza— Through the Ituri Forests — 
 
 Meeting with Emin 36 
 
 LETTER VI. 
 
 Further Details of the March — Picture of an African Forest . . 55 
 
 LETTER VII. 
 Geographical Results between Yambuya and the Albert Nyanza . <52 
 
 LETTER VIII. 
 
 The March to the Coast — Discoveries by the Way — Imprisonment 
 
 of Emin and Mr. Jephson— The Mahdi 79 
 
12 CONTENTS. 
 
 LETTER IX. page 
 
 The Difficulty with Emin — Treachery of the Egyptians— Muster of 
 the Fugitives — The March to the East Coast — Stanley's Illness — 
 New Geographical Discoveries 99 
 
 LETTER X. 
 
 Various Incidents of the Expedition — Discovery after Discovery . 120 
 
 LETTER XI. 
 
 From Mr. Jephson to Mr. Stanley — Letter from the Mahdi's General 
 
 to Emin — Letters from Lupton Bey to Emin 124 
 
 LETTER XII. 
 
 Geographical Results from the Albert Nyanza to Uzinja .... 132 
 
 LETTER XIII. 
 Geographical Problems 148 
 
 LETTER XIV. 
 From Emin Pasha to the Relief Committee 159 
 
 LETTER XV. 
 The Troubles with the Rear Column .160 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 Africa's Cortez (by David Ker) 171 
 
EMIN PASHA. 
 
THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 AS TOLD IN 
 
 H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 
 
 LETTER I 
 
 EN ROUTE. 
 
 The following are extracts from some letters of Mr. H. 
 M. Stanley, dated from the steamer Serjpa Pinto, River 
 Congo, March 20, and Matadi, 21, 1887: 
 
 "We left Table Bay on the evening of March 10th, and 
 arrived on the morning of March 18th, at Banana Point, 
 after a pleasant and satisfactory voyage. Daring the day I 
 chartered the steamers Serjpa Pinto, a Portuguese vessel, the 
 R. A. Nieman from the Dutch House, and the Albuquerque 
 from the British Congo Company, the united capacity of 
 which was 645 men, 20 donkeys, 30 goats, and 150 tons gen- 
 eral cargo. We shipped all these on the morning of the 
 19th. The steamer Heron, State vessel, will bring up all 
 else on the morning of the 20th. 
 
 " We hope to be united in camp at Matadi by the evening 
 of the 22d. By the 27th, as estimated in London, I hope to 
 be on my way. 
 
 " We have had three deaths out of 800, and we shall prob- 
 ably be obliged to leave a dozen behind sick. We have had 
 
16 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 no epidemics aboard. I do not know of any expedition 
 from Zanzibar to the Congo which has had such a wonder- 
 ful immunity from sickness. Ten per cent, is the usual rate 
 of reduction from the numbers of physically fit; ours is one 
 and a half at the utmost. All the Europeans are in excel- 
 lent condition. Some of them are wonderful workers, and 
 they all save me an immense amount of anxiety and labor 
 by the quick and ready manner of going about their duties." 
 
 " There was a row soon after leaving Zanzibar. The 620 
 Zanzibaris and ninety Tippu Tib's men crowded the Soudan- 
 ese into a hot and stifling place between decks. Strangers 
 all round them, and no one understanding their guttural 
 Arabic, the poor fellows became frantic and abused the 
 strangers right and left. This led to blows. Sticks, clubs, 
 and firewood flew in all directions, and the matter looked 
 serious. We dashed in, however, with our sticks, and, flour- 
 ishing them in earnest, the Zanzibari mob was driven back. 
 The Soudanese were marched into another part of the ves- 
 sel, and sentries placed to bar the sections between the op- 
 posing factions. Now, among our colored people there is 
 perfect peace and contentment. The Somalis are excellent 
 fellows, intelligent and willing. 
 
 "At Boma the committee in charge of the administration 
 of the Congo Free State came on board, and Lieutenant 
 Yalcke, the president, informed me that a serious famine 
 existed as far as Stanley Pool. He also said that the Stan- 
 ley steamer is at present hauled up for repairs. You can 
 imagine, then, that I shall have some work to do to reach 
 Emin Pasha. We have to march through a country suffer- 
 ing from famine, but we shall find means to live somehow. 
 We shall have to collect transport steamers together and 
 repair those in need of repair, and we shall manage this 
 somehow. The refusal of the Baptist Mission to lend their 
 steamer Peace is a great disappointment, and a poor return 
 for the services I have rendered them in the past. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 17 
 
 "My thoughts at leisure moments are fixed, as you may 
 suppose, on this important question, and I shall know no 
 happiness until I am on terra firma on the Upper Congo." 
 
 LETTER II. 
 
 IN THE FOREST — LOOKING FOR THE REAR-GUARD. 
 
 [Letters from Mr. Stanley to Major Barttelot.] 
 
 Camp on S. Bank, Aruwimi River, opposite Arab settlement, 
 September 18, 1887. 
 
 My dear Major, — You will, I am certain, be as glad to 
 get news, definite and clear, of our movements as I am to 
 feel that I have at last an opportunity of presenting them to 
 you. As they will be of immense comfort to you and your 
 assistants and followers, I shall confine myself to give you 
 the needful details. We have travelled 340 English miles 
 to make only 192 geographical miles of our easterly course. 
 This has been performed in 83 days, which gives us a rate 
 of 4 I 1 - miles per day. We have yet to make 130 geograph- 
 ical miles, or a winding course, perhaps, of 230 English 
 miles, which, at the same rate of march as hitherto, we may 
 make in 55 days. We started from Yambuya 389 souls, 
 whites and blacks. We have now 333, of whom 56 are so 
 sick that we are obliged to leave them behind us at this 
 Arab camp of Ugarrowwa. We are 56 men short of the 
 number with which we left Yambuya. Of these thirty men 
 have died — four from poisoned arrows — six left in the bush 
 or speared by the natives ; 26 have deserted en route, think- 
 ing they would be able to follow a caravan of Manyema 
 which we met following the river downward. But this 
 caravan, instead of going on, returned to this place, and our 
 deserters, misled by this, will probably follow our track 
 2 
 
18 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 downward until they meet you or be exterminated by the 
 natives. Be not deluded by any statements they may make. 
 Were I to send men to you, I, of course, would send you a 
 note, but in no instance a verbal message, or any message at 
 all, by the scum of the camp. Should you meet them you 
 will have to secure them thoroughly. 
 
 The first day we left you we made a good march, which 
 terminated in a fight, the foolish natives firing their own 
 village as they fled. Since that day we have had probably 
 thirty fights. The first view of us by the natives had in- 
 spired them to show fight. As far as Panga Falls we did 
 not lose a man or meet with any serious obstacles to naviga- 
 tion. Panga is a big cataract with a decided fall. We cut 
 a road round it on the south bank and dragged our canoes 
 and went on again. 
 
 We had intended to follow a native path which would 
 take us towards our destination with usual windings of the 
 road. For ten days we searched for a road, and then took 
 an elephant track, which took us into an interminable forest, 
 totally uninhabited. Fearing to lose ourselves altogether, 
 we cut a road to the river, and have followed the river ever 
 since. From the point whence we struck the river to Mug- 
 wye's country — four days' journey below Panga — we fared 
 very well. Food was abundant ; we made long marches, 
 and no halts whatever. Beyond Mugwye's up to Engwed- 
 deh was a wilderness, eleven days' march, villages being in- 
 land and mostly foodless. From this date our strength de- 
 clined rapidly. People were lost in the bush as they searched 
 for food or were slain by the natives. Ulcers, dysentery, 
 and grievous sickness, ending in fatal debility, attacked the 
 people. Hence our enormous loss since leaving Panga — 
 thirty dead and twenty-six deserters. Besides which we are 
 obliged to leave fifty-six behind so used up that without a 
 long rest they would also soon die. Of the Somalis one is 
 dead (Achmet), the other five are at this camp until our re- 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 19 
 
 turn from the Lake. Of the Soudanese, one is dead ; we 
 leave three behind to-day. All the whites are in perfect 
 condition to-day, thinnish, but with plenty of go. 
 
 Among our fights we have had over fifty wounded, but 
 they all recovered except four. Stairs was severely wound- 
 ed with an arrow, which penetrated an inch and a half, within 
 a little below the heart, in the left breast. He is all right 
 now. 
 
 We have had one man shot dead by some person unknown 
 in the camp ; another was shot in the foot, resulting in am- 
 putation. This latter case, now in a fair state of health, we 
 leave behind to-day. The number of hours we have marched 
 ought to have taken us back to you by this time, but we had 
 to daily hew our path through forest and jungle to keep 
 along the river, because the river-banks were populated. 
 The forest inland contains no settlements that we know or 
 have heard of. By means of canoes we were able to help the 
 caravan carry the sick and several loads. The boat helped 
 us immensely. Were I to do the work over again, I should 
 collect canoes as large as possible, man them with sufficient 
 paddlers, and load up with goods and sick. On the river 
 between Yambuya and Mugwye's country the canoes are 
 numerous and tolerably large. The misfortune is that the 
 Zanzibaris are exceedingly poor boatmen. In my force there 
 are only about fifty who can paddle or pull an oar, but even 
 these have saved our caravan immense labor and many lives 
 which otherwise would have been sacrificed. 
 
 Our plan has been to paddle from one rapid to another. 
 On reaching strong water, or shoals, we have unloaded ca- 
 noes and poled or dragged them up with long rattan or other 
 creepers through the rapids, then loaded up again and pur- 
 sued our way until we met another obstacle. The want of 
 sufficient and proper food regularly pulls people down very 
 fast, and they have not that strength to carry the loads which 
 has distinguished them while with me in other parts of Af- 
 
20 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 rica. Therefore any means to lighten the labor of the cara- 
 van is commendable. 
 
 If Tippu Tib's people have not yet joined you I do not 
 expect you will be very far from Yambuya. You can make 
 two journeys by river for one that you can do on land. 
 Slow as we have been coming up and cutting our way 
 through, I shall come down river like lightning. The river 
 will be a friend indeed, for the current alone will take us 
 twenty miles a day, and I will pick up as many canoes as 
 possible to help us up river for our second journey up river. 
 Follow the river closely, and do not lose sight of our track. 
 When the caravan which takes this passes you look out for 
 your men, or they will run in a body, taking valuable goods 
 with them. 
 
 Give my best salaams and kind remembrances from us all 
 to your fellows. Bid them cheer up ; so many miles a day 
 will take you here in so many days. It depends on your 
 own going and your power how many or how few you will 
 be. 
 
 I need not say that I wish you the best of health and luck 
 and good-fortune, because you are a part of myself. There- 
 fore good-bye. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 Henry M. Stanley. 
 Major Barttelot. 
 
 • •••»•• 
 
 [Written in pencil on the first corner of the above is the 
 following : " Dear Major, — I send this on to you ; the for- 
 mer attempt was a failure. — W. E. Stairs."] 
 
 Fort Bodo, Ibwri District, Feb. 14, 1888. 
 My dear Major, — After much deliberation with my offi- 
 cers upon the expediency of the act, I have resolved to send 
 twenty couriers to you with this letter, which I know will 
 be welcome to you and your comrades, as the briefest note 
 or even word from you would be to us. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 21 
 
 Fort Bodo is 126 English miles from Kavalli, on the Al- 
 bert Nyanza, or 77 hours of caravan marching (west), and is 
 almost on the same latitude. It is 527 English miles almost 
 direct east from Yambuya, or 352 hours of caravan march- 
 ing. You can easily find out where it is by tracing on your 
 map a straight line from Yambuya to Kavalli, and dividing 
 that line into five equal parts; four-fifths would be the dis- 
 tance from Yambuya, and one-fifth from our port on the 
 Nyanza. 
 
 I send a little tracing of our route sufficiently exact for 
 your use, and on it I have marked six principal places where 
 food may be had between Yambuya and the Nyanza. 
 
 First, Mugwye's villages, on the north bank of river, 184 
 English miles, or 124 hours' caravan marching from Yam- 
 buya. The villages are five in number, backed by extensive 
 cultivations of manioc, bananas, and Indian-corn. 
 
 Second, Aveysheba villages, fifty-nine English miles, or 
 thirty -six hours' marching. These villages are on south 
 bank, near a lazy creek thirty-five yards wide. There were 
 five villages here when we passed, and abundance of very 
 large bananas. Ten miles higher up on north bank there is 
 an extensive settlement close to river, untouched by us. It 
 is situated at the foot of a rapid. By sending the guns 
 across river from Aveysheba you would gain better access 
 to these. 
 
 Third, confluence of the Nepoko with the Aruwimi. Vil- 
 lages on south bank, opposite the big cataract of the Nepoko, 
 which tumbles into the Aruwimi in fine view of landing- 
 place. Nepoko is almost as large as the Aruwimi, therefore 
 you cannot mistake it. We found abundance at these vil- 
 lages, which are numerous and scattered. They are situated 
 thirty-nine miles above Aveysheba, or twenty-six hours' car- 
 avan marching. 
 
 Fourth is Ugarrowwa's, an Arab settlement on north bank. 
 Hospitality would be given, but food would be dear, and you 
 
22 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 would have to disburse cloth. It is ninety-three miles above 
 the last place, or sixty-two hours' inarching. 
 
 Fifth, Fort Bodo, is a place built by us in Ibwiri after our 
 return from the Albert Nyanza. We have abundance of 
 food here. To-day our stock inside the fort consists of four 
 cows and a calf, ten goats, three of these being milch goats, 
 six tons of Indian-corn. Outside the fort we have four acres 
 planted in corn and half an acre of beans. We have bananas 
 for two miles west of us and half a mile on either side of the 
 fort. Our houses are comfortable, whitewashed within and 
 without. The men mostly sleek and glossy. Stairs, Nel- 
 son, Parke, and Williams are with me here. Jephson is out 
 foraging for live-stock, and hope to see him to-morrow. Our 
 force consists of 184 present, eleven at Ipoto, fifty -six at 
 Ugarrowwa's — total rank and file, 251 souls. 
 
 By the new road we estimate Fort Bodo to be distant from 
 Ugarrowwa's 162 English miles, or 108 hours' marching for 
 caravan. 
 
 Sixth is the brow of the plateau looking down on the 
 Albert Nyanza, and between it and Fort Bodo we have ex- 
 perienced no want of provisions of all kinds necessary. 
 
 The object of this letter is not only to encourage and 
 cheer you and your people up with definite and exact infor- 
 mation of your whereabouts and the land ahead of you, but 
 to save you from a terrible wilderness whence we all nar- 
 rowly escaped with our lives. I wrote you from Ugarrow- 
 wa's a letter sufficiently detailed to enable you to understand 
 what our experience was between Yambuya and Ugarrow- 
 wa's, therefore I began from Ugarrowwa's, and go east to 
 the Nyanza. 
 
 After leaving Ugarrowwa's on September 19th we had 285 
 souls with us, and 56 sick at Ugarrowwa's — total, 341. By 
 October 6th we had travelled along south bank of river, 
 amid a country depopulated and devastated by Arabs ; and 
 our condition was such, from a constant pinching want, that 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 23 
 
 we had eight deaths and 52 sick — that is, 60 utterly used up 
 in 16 days. I was forced to leave Captain Nelson, lamed 
 by ulcers, and 52 sick and 82 loads with him, at a camp near 
 the river, while we would explore ahead, find provisions, and 
 send back relief. 
 
 Until October 18th we marched in the hope of obtaining 
 food, and on this day we entered a settlement of Manyuema, 
 but in the interval we had travelled through an uninhabited 
 forest, where we lived on wild fruit and fungi. In these 
 twelve days we had lost twenty-two by desertion and death, 
 but the condition of the survivors was terrible. 
 
 We were all emaciated and haggard, but the majority 
 •were mere skeletons. On the 29th Nelson's party was 
 relieved, but out of fifty -two there were only five left. 
 Many had died, many had deserted, about twenty were 
 out foraging, out of which party ultimately only ten 
 turned up. 
 
 On October 28th we marched from the Manyuema settle- 
 ment for this place, Ibvviri. Here we found such an abun- 
 dance that we halted to recuperate until November 24th. On 
 this day the advance column mustered as follows : Sick at 
 Ugarrowwa's (Arab settlement), 56 ; sick at Manyuema set- 
 tlement, 38 ; present in Ibwiri, 174 — total, 268. On Sep- 
 tember 19th we numbered 341 ; November 24th, 268 ; dead 
 and missing, 73. 
 
 Beyond this place, Ibwiri, no Arab or Manyuem had ever 
 penetrated, consequently we suffered no scarcity, and on 
 November 24th we marched from Ibwiri for the Albert Lake, 
 which we reached December 13th, having lost only one by 
 death, result of wilderness miseries, and we returned to this 
 place from the Albert Lake January 7th, having lost only 
 four, two of whom died from cause of wilderness miseries — 
 one Klamis Kaurnru (chief), inflammation of the lungs one 
 Ramagitebin Kuru, fever and ague contracted near lake. 
 Thus, between November 24th and January 7th, we had lost 
 
24 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 but five ; three of these deaths were the result of privations 
 undergone in the wilderness. 
 
 We first met the Manyuema on the last day of August, 
 and parted from them January 6th. In this interval we have 
 lost 118 through death and desertion. In their camps it 
 was as bad as in the wilderness, for they ground us down by 
 extortion so extreme that we were naked in a short time. 
 They tempted the Zanzibaris to sell their rifles and ammu- 
 nition, ramrods, officers' blankets, etc., and then gave food 
 so sparingly that these crimes were of no avail. Finally, be- 
 sides starving them, tempting them to ruin the expedition, 
 they speared them, scourged them, and tied them up, until 
 in one case death ended his miseries. * 
 
 Never were such abject slaves of slaves as our people had 
 become under the influence of the Manyuema. Yet withal 
 they preferred death by scourging, spearing, starvation, ill- 
 treatment, to the duty of load-bearing and marching on to 
 happier regions. Out of thirty-eight men left at the Man- 
 yuema camp eleven have died, eleven others may turn up, 
 but it is doubtful. However, we have only received sixteen ; 
 sixteen out of thirty-eight ! Comment is unnecessary. 
 
 When we left the Manyuema camp, October 28th, we were 
 obliged to leave our boat and seventy loads behind, as it was 
 absolutely impossible to carry them. Parke and Nelson 
 were detailed to look after them. We hoped that we should 
 find some tree out of which we could make a sizable canoe, 
 or buy or seize one ready-made. Arriving at the JNyanza, 
 we found neither tree nor canoe, therefore were obliged to 
 retrace our steps here quickly to send men back to the Man- 
 yuema settlement for the boat and loads. The boat and 
 thirty-seven loads were brought here by Stairs and nearly 
 one hundred men the day before yesterday. 
 
 You will understand, then, that Emin Pasha not being 
 found or relieved by us, made it as much necessary that we 
 should devote ourselves to this work, as it was imperative 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 25 
 
 when we set out, June 28, 1887, from Yambuya. And you 
 will also understand how anxious we are all about you. We 
 dread your inexperience and your want of influence with 
 your people. If with me people preferred the society 
 of the Manyuema blackguards to me, who am known to 
 them for twenty years, how much more so with you, a 
 stranger to them and their language ! Therefore, the cords 
 of anxiety are strained to exceeding tension. I am pulled 
 east to Emin Pasha and drawn west to you, your comrades, 
 people, and goods. 
 
 Nearly eight months have elapsed, and perhaps you have 
 not had a word from ns, though I wrote a long letter from 
 Ugarrowwa's. We were to have been back by December; 
 it is now February, and no one can conjecture how far you 
 may have reached. Did the Stanley arrive in due time? 
 Did she arrive at all ? Did Tippu Tib join you ? Are you 
 alone with your party, or is Tippu Tib with you ? If the 
 latter, why so slow that we have not had a word ? If alone, 
 we understand that you are very far from us? These are 
 questions daily agitating us. 
 
 Therefore we are agreed that, while we bear the boat to 
 the Albert Nyanza to make a final finish with Emin Pasha 
 we should try to communicate witfy you. With that view I 
 have called for volunteers at £10 per head reward to bear 
 this letter to you even as far as Yambuya, if (as it might 
 chance, for all we know to the contrary) you have not start- 
 ed, and to return to me with your news. To us who have 
 gone over the ground Yambuya seems about a month's dis- 
 tance only. Stairs escorts the twenty as far as Ugarrowwa's, 
 and brings to me the fifty-six men, who are all recovered (as 
 we hear). Stairs, on his return, will find me about five days 
 from the lake, and we will then push on fast to the lake 
 when he has joined us. 
 
 According to my calculation, we shall be on the Lake April 
 10th. All about Emin Pasha will be settled by April 25th ; on 
 
26 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 the 13th of May we shall be back here, and on the 29th we 
 shall be at Ugarrowwa's, if we have not met you. We shall 
 surely, I hope, meet with the return messengers. Re these 
 messengers, I should advise your keeping two of them as 
 guides — Ruga, Rugu — in front, but they should be free of 
 loads. Send the eighteen and two others back to me as 
 soon as you can, because the sooner we hear from you the 
 sooner we will join hands ; and after settling the Emin 
 Pasha question we shall have only one anxiety, which will 
 be to get you safely up here. 
 
 Assuming that Tippu Tib's people are with you, our guides 
 (two) will bring you quickly on here, and we shall probably 
 meet here or at Ugarrowwa's ; the Stanley arrived within 
 reasonable time, you have arrived at some place about twen- 
 ty-tw T o or twenty-four of our former journeys from Yam- 
 buya, below Mugwye's, as I take it. Hence, before you get 
 near the Arab influence, where your column will surely 
 break up if yon are alone, I order you to go to the nearest 
 place (Mugwye's, Aveysheba, or Nepoko confluence) that is to 
 you, and there to build a strong camp and wait us, but what- 
 ever you decide upon, let me know. If you come near 
 Ugarrowwa's you will lose men, rifles, powder, everything 
 of value; your own boys will betray you, because they will 
 sell food so dearly that your people, from stress of hunger, 
 will steal everything. 
 
 At either of the three places above you will get safety and 
 food until we relieve you. So long as you are stationary 
 there is no fear of desertion, but tbe daily task, added to 
 constant insufficiency of food, will sap the fidelity of your 
 best men. (These directions are only in case of your being 
 alone without Arab aid. If Tippu Tib's people are with 
 you, I presume you are coming along slowly.) 
 
 With everybody's best wishes to you, I send my earnest 
 prayer — that you are, despite all unwholesome and evil con- 
 jectures, where you ought to be, and that this letter will 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 27 
 
 reach you in time to save you from that forest misery and 
 from the fangs of the ruthless Manyueman blackguards. To 
 every one of your officers, also, these good wishes are given 
 from Tours most sincerely, 
 
 Henry M. Stanley. 
 To Major Barttelot, Commanding Rear Column, E. P. R. E. 
 
 LETTER III. 
 
 MAJOR BARTTELOT TELLS HIS STORY. 
 
 [The following letter from Major Barttelot was received 
 in London, September 19, 1888.] 
 
 Yambuya Camp, June 4, 1888. 
 
 To Mr. William MacKinnon, President of the Emin Pasha Relief 
 Expedition. 
 
 Sir, — I have the honor to report to you that we are about 
 to make a move, though with far less numbers than I orig- 
 inally intended. Tippu Tib has at last, but w T ith great re- 
 luctance, given us 400 men. I also have obtained from 
 another Arab called Muni Somai thirty more carriers; we 
 shall move not earlier than the 9th of June, and our forces 
 will be as follows: Soudanese 22, rifles 22; Zanzibaris 110, 
 rifles 110, loads 90 ; Manyuema 430, muskets 300, loads 380. 
 The officers who are going are Major Barttelot, in command ; 
 Mr. J. S. Jamieson, second in command; Mr. W. Bonny; 
 Sheik Muni Somai, in command of Manyuema force. 
 
 Sheik Muni Somai is an Arab of Kibuyeh, who volun- 
 teered to accompany the expedition as commander under 
 me of the native contingent. 
 
 On May 8th the Belgian Steamer A.I. A. y with M. Yan 
 Kerkhoven, the chief of Bangala, arrived here, having on 
 
28 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 board Mr. Ward's escort of thirty Zanzibaris and four Sou- 
 danese, one Soudanese dying at Bangala. 
 
 May Wth. — They left us to go to Stanley Falls. 
 
 May 14th. — I left for Stanley Falls, going overland and 
 catching the steamer at Gallasula, on the Congo. I pro- 
 ceeded with the Belgians to the Falls on May 22d. 
 
 Mr. Jamieson and Tippu Tib, with 400 men, returned 
 from Kasengo. 
 
 Mr. Jamieson wrote to you while at Kasengo of his pro- 
 ceedings there. He told me on arrival that Tippu Tib had 
 promised him 800 men, but would make no written agree- 
 ment with him. 
 
 May 23d. — I had my palaver with Tippu Tib. He then 
 told me he could only let me have 400 men, 300 of whom 
 were to carry forty -pound loads, and 100 twenty -pound 
 loads. He said the men were present, and ready to start as 
 soon as I had my loads ready. I told him of what he had 
 promised Mr. Jamieson at Kasengo, but he said never had 
 any mention of 800 men been made, only of the 400 ; that 
 it was quite impossible he could give us more men, as he 
 was short of men at Kasengo and Nyanjwe, as he was at 
 present engaged in so many wars that he had completely 
 drained the country. I was forced to submit, but hoped 
 that he might be able to collect another 100 or so at and 
 around Yambuya. 
 
 Tippu then asked me if I wanted a headman, stating that 
 in the former agreement Mr. Stanley had said that if a 
 headman was taken he should be paid. I replied, " Certain- 
 ly, I want a headman." He then presented me to the Arab, 
 Muni Somai. This man agreed to come, and I send you the 
 terms I settled with him. 
 
 I got back to Camp Yambuya May 30th. June 4th, the 
 Stanley steamer arrived, and the A. I. A., the former bringing 
 Belgian officers for the Falls Station, the latter Tippu Tib him- 
 self. June 5th, I had another palaver with Tippu Tib, asking 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 29 
 
 him where were the 250 men already sent. He explained 
 to me that they had been dispersed, and on trying to collect 
 them they refused to come, owing to the bad reports brought 
 in by the deserters, and that as they were subjects and not 
 slaves, he could not force them. That was the reason why 
 he had brought 400 entirely fresh men from Kasengo for us. 
 
 However, Tippu said he could let me have thirty more 
 men of Muni Somai. This, as I was so terribly short of 
 men, I agreed to. 
 
 Muni Somai himself appears a willing man, and very anx- 
 ious to do his best. He volunteered for the business. I 
 trust you will not think his payment excessive, but the anx- 
 iety it takes away as regards his men and the safety of the 
 loads is enormous, for he is responsible for all the Manyue- 
 ma and the loads they carry, and thus saves the white offi- 
 cers an amount of work and responsibility which they can 
 now devote to other purposes. 
 
 The loads we do not take are to be sent to Bangala. 
 They will be loaded up in the A. I. A., or Stanley, on June 
 8th, a receipt being given for them by Mr. Yan Kerkhoven, 
 which is marked B and forwarded to you, also a letter of 
 instructions to him and to Mr. Ward. Perhaps you would 
 kindly give the requisite order concerning the loads and the 
 two canoes purchased in March for Mr. Ward's transport, 
 also for those stores purchased by Mr. Ward on behalf of 
 the expedition, as it is nearly certain I shall not return this 
 way, and shall therefore have no further need of them or 
 him. Mr. Troup, who is in a terrible condition of debility 
 and internal disarrangement, is proceeding home at his own 
 request. Mr. Bonny's certificate of his unfitness is attached, 
 and his application marked E, also letters concerning pas- 
 sage, etc., to M. Fontaine, marked F. I have given him a 
 passage home at the expense of the expedition, as I am sure 
 it would be your and their wish. 
 
 My intentions on leaving this camp are to make the best 
 
30 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 of my way along the same route taken by Mr. Stanley. 
 Should I get no tidings of him along the road, to proceed 
 as far as Kavalli, and then, if I hear nothing there, to pro- 
 ceed to Kibero. If I can ascertain either at Kavalli or Ki- 
 bero his whereabouts, no matter how far it may be, I will 
 endeavor to reach him. Should he be in a fix, I will do my 
 utmost to relieve him. If neither at Kavalli nor Kibero I 
 can obtain tidings of him, I shall go on the Wadelai and as- 
 certain from Emin Pasha, if he be there still, if he has any 
 news of Mr. Stanley, also of his own intentions as regards 
 staying or leaving. I will persuade him, if possible, to come 
 out with me, and, if necessary, aid me in my search for Mr. 
 Stanley. Should it for sundry reasons be unnecessary to 
 look further for Mr. Stanley, I will place myself and force 
 at his disposal to act as his escort, proceeding by whichever 
 route is most feasible, so long as it is not through Uganda, 
 as in that event the Manyuemas would leave me, as I have 
 promised Tippu Tib they shall not go there, and that I will 
 bring them back or send a white officer with them back to 
 their own country by the shortest and quickest route on com- 
 pletion of my object. This is always supposing Emin Pasha 
 to be there and willing to come away. It may be he only 
 needs ammunition to get away by himself, in which case I 
 would in all probability be able to supply him, and would 
 send three-fourths of my Zanzibar force and my two officers 
 with him, and would myself, with the other Zanzibaris, ac- 
 company the Manyuemas back to Tippu Tib's country, and 
 so to the coast, by the shortest route — viz., by the Mwuta- 
 Ezigi, Tanganyika, and Ujiji. This is also the route I 
 should take should we be unable to find Stanley, or, from 
 the reasons either that he is not there or does not wish to 
 come, relieve Emin Pasha. 
 
 I need not tell you that all our endeavors will be most 
 strenuous to make the quest in which we are going a success, 
 and I hope that my actions may meet with the approval of 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 31 
 
 the committee, and that they will suspend all judgment con- 
 cerning those actions, either in the present, past, or future, 
 till I or Mr. Jamieson return home. 
 
 Rumor is always rife, and is seldom correct, concerning 
 Mr. Stanley. I can hear no news whatever, though my labors 
 in that direction have been most strenuous. He is not dead 
 to the best of my belief, nor of the Arabs here or at Kasen- 
 go. I have been obliged to open Mr. Stanley's boxes, as I 
 cannot carry all his stuff, and I had no other means of ascer- 
 taining what was in them. Two cases of Madeira were also 
 sent him. One case I am sending back ; the other has been 
 half given to Mr. Troup ; the other half we take as medical 
 comforts. Concerning Tippu Tib I have nothing to say 
 beyond that he has broken faith with us, and can only con- 
 jecture from surrounding events and circumstances the 
 cause of his unreasonable delay in supplying men, and the 
 paucity of that supply. 
 
 I deem it my bounden duty to proceed on this business, 
 in which I am fully upheld by both Mr. Jamieson and Mr. 
 Bonny. To wait longer would be both useless and culpable, 
 as Tippu Tib has not the remotest intention of helping us 
 any more, and to withdraw would be pusillanimous, and, I 
 am certain, entirely contrary to your wishes and those of 
 the committee. 
 
 I calculate it will take me from three to four months to 
 reach the lakes, and from seven to nine more to reach the 
 coast. 
 
 I have much pleasure in stating that from all the officers 
 of the State with whom I have come in contact, or from 
 whom I have solicited aid, I have met with a most willing 
 and ready response, which is highly gratifying. I would 
 particularly mention Captain Yan Kerkhoven, chief of Ben- 
 gala, and Lieutenant Liebrechts, chief of Stanley Pool, and 
 I trust that they may meet with the reward and merit they 
 deserve. 
 
32 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 June 6tk. — This morning Tippu Tib sent for me and asked 
 me if I thought he would get his money for the men. I 
 told him I could give no assurance of that. He then said 
 he must have a guarantee, which I and Mr. Jamieson have 
 given ; terms of agreement and guarantee are attached. 
 All receipts, agreements, etc., made between Arabs and my- 
 self, and signed by them, I have sent to Mr. Holmwood, and 
 the copies of same to you. 
 
 June Stk. — This morning I had the loads for Tippu Tib's 
 and Muni Somai's men stacked, and Tippu Tib himself 
 came down to see them prior to issuing. However, he took 
 exception to the loads, said they were too heavy (the heavi- 
 est was forty-five pounds), and his men could not carry 
 them. Two days before he had expressed his approbation 
 of the weight of the very same loads he refused to-day. I 
 pointed out to him that he, as well as I, knew the difficulty 
 of getting any load other than a bale to scale the exact 
 weight, and that the loads his men carried were far above 
 the prescribed weight of sixty pounds. We were to have 
 started to-morrow, so we shall not now start till the 11th or 
 12th of June, as I am going to make all his loads weigh 
 exactly forty pounds. It is partly our fault, as we should 
 have been more particular to get the exact weight. The 
 average weight overdue was about two pounds, some loads 
 being two pounds under. But it is not the weight of the 
 loads he takes exception to — in reality it is having to per- 
 form the business at all. He has been almost forced to it 
 by letters received from Mr. Holmwood against his own, 
 and more than against the wish of his fellow Arabs ; and, 
 filled with aspirations and ambitions of a very large nature, 
 the whole business has become thoroughly distasteful to 
 him, which his professed friendship for Stanley cannot even 
 overcome. His treatment of us this morning showed that 
 most thoroughly. But should he not act up to his contract, 
 I hope it will be taken most serious notice of when it comes 
 

 I 
 
 ii 
 
 ■ilri I 
 
 Tirpu TIB. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 33 
 
 to the day of settling up. He has got us tight fixed at pres- 
 ent, but it should not always be so. 
 
 On our road lie many Arab settlements to within a month 
 of Lake Albert Nyanza, though the distance between some 
 of them is bad, and the inhabitants of that distance warlike. 
 I shall, whenever opportunity offers, hire carriers, if not for 
 the whole time, at any rate from station to station, for of 
 course death, sickness, and desertions must be looked for, and 
 I must get my loads in as intact as possible to my destination. 
 
 This is when Muni Somai will be so useful. We seem to 
 have paid a big price for his services, but then he is a big 
 Arab, and in proportion to his bigness is his influence over 
 the Manyuema to keep them together, to stop desertions, 
 thefts, etc. A lesser Arab would have been cheaper, but his 
 influence would have been less, and in consequence our loads 
 gradually less, and loads mean health and life and success, 
 and therefore cannot be estimated at too high a value. We 
 are carrying light loads, and intend to do at first very easy 
 marches, and, when I get into the open country by Uganda, 
 to push on. 
 
 We weighed all the loads before one of Tippu Tib's head- 
 men, and he passed loads which had been condemned short- 
 ly before in the morning, which fully shows that for some 
 reason or other he wishes to delay us here, but for what pur- 
 pose I cannot say. 
 
 June 9th. — We shall easily be able to start by the 11th, but 
 I am sorry to say our loss of ammunition by the lightening 
 of the loads — for it was the ammunition they particularly 
 took notice of — is something enormous. 
 
 Both the A. 1. A. and the Stanley left this morning for 
 Stanley Falls, but Tippu Tib and his Belgian secretary re- 
 main behind, also four ship-carpenters, whom Captain Vau- 
 gele and M. Yan Kerkhoven left with us to help us. The 
 Belgians have behaved with very great kindness to us and 
 helped us on our way enormously. 
 3 
 
34 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 Before I close I would wish to add that the services of 
 Mr. J. S. Jaraieson have been, are, and will be invaluable to 
 me. Never during his period of service with me have I had 
 one word of complaint from him. His alacrity, capacity, 
 and willingness to work are unbounded, while his cheeriness 
 and kindly disposition have endeared him to all. I have 
 given Ward orders about any telegram you may send, and 
 Tippu Tib has promised he will send a messenger after me 
 should it be necessary, provided I have not started more 
 than a month. 
 
 Tippu Tib waits here to see me off. 
 
 I am sending a telegram to you to announce our depart- 
 ure, and I will endeavor through the State to send you news 
 whenever I can. But it would not surprise me if the Congo 
 route was not blocked later on. 
 
 I have not sent you a copy of Mr. Holmwood's letter, as 
 it was not official, but of all others I have. I think I told 
 you of everything of which I can write. There are many 
 things I would wish to speak of, and no doubt I will do so 
 should I be permitted to return home. 
 
 Our ammunition (Remington) is as follows : rifles, 128 ; 
 reserve rounds, per rifle, 279 ; rounds with rifle, 20 = 35,580. 
 
 June 10th. — The loads have been weighed and handed 
 over ; powder and caps issued to the Manyuema force, and we 
 are all ready to start, which we shall do to-morrow morning. 
 I have told you of all now I can think of, but I would bring 
 finally to your notice that Tippu Tib has broken his faith 
 and contract with us. The man Muni Somai I think means 
 business, and therefore I trust all will be well. 
 
 I have, etc., 
 
 Edmund M. Baettelot, Major. 
 
AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 35 
 
 LETTER IY. 
 
 MR. STANLEY AND TIPPU TIB : FIRST NEWS OF SUCCESS. 
 
 [The following letter from Mr. Stanley to Tippu Tib ar- 
 rived in Brussels on January 15, 1889.] 
 
 Boma of Banalya (Urenia), August YWi. 
 To the Sheikh Hamed Ben Mahomed * from his good friend Henry 
 Stanley : 
 
 Many salaams to you ! I hope you are in good health as 
 I am, and that you have remained in good health since I left 
 the Congo. I have many things to say to you, but I hope I 
 shall see you face to face before many days. I reached this 
 place this morning with 130 Wangwana and three soldiers 
 and sixty-six natives belonging to Emin Pasha. This is now 
 the eighty-second day since we left Emin Pasha on the Ny- 
 anza, and we have only lost three men all the way. Two 
 of them were drowned and the other ran away. 
 
 I found the white men whom I was looking for. Emin 
 Pasha was quite well, and the other white man, Casati, was 
 quite well also. Emin has ivory in abundance, cattle by 
 thousands, and sheep, goats, fowls, and food of all kinds. 
 We found him to be a very good and kind man. lie gave 
 numbers of things to all our white and black men, and his 
 liberality could not be exceeded. His soldiers blessed our 
 black men for their kindness in coming so far to show them 
 the way, and many of them were ready to follow me at once 
 out of the country. But I asked them to stay quiet a few 
 months, that I might go back and fetch the other men and 
 goods I had left at Yambunga, and they prayed to God that 
 He would give me the strength to finish my work. May 
 their prayer be heard ! 
 
 * Known in Europe as Tippu Tib. 
 
36 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 And now, my friend, what are you going to do ? We 
 have gone the road twice over. We know where it is bad 
 and where it is good, where there is plenty of food and 
 where there is none, where all the camps are, and where we 
 shall sleep and rest. I am waiting to hear your words. If 
 you go with me, it is well. I leave it to you. I will stay 
 here ten days, and then I go on slowly. I move from here 
 to a big island, two hours' march from here, and above this 
 place there are plenty of houses and plenty of food for the 
 men. Whatever you have to say to me, my ears will be 
 open with a good heart, as it has always been towards you. 
 Therefore, if you come, come quickly, for on the eleventh 
 morning from this I shall move on. All my white men are 
 well, but I left them all behind, except my servant, William, 
 who is with me. 
 
 (Signed) Stanley. 
 
 [This letter, which was brought by a messenger to Stanley 
 Falls, reached Brussels by post on January 15th. The re- 
 mainder of the letters brought by the messenger remained 
 at Stanley Falls, and did not arrive in Europe till the end 
 of March.] 
 
 LETTER V. 
 
 FROM YAMBUYA TO THE ALBERT NYANZA I THROUGH THE ITURI 
 FORESTS t MEETING WITH EMIN. 
 
 [Received in London end of March, 1889.] 
 
 Bunganeta Island, Ituri River, or Aruwimi River, August 28, 1888. 
 To the Chairman of the Emin Pasha Relief Committee : 
 
 Sir, — A short despatch, briefly announcing that we had 
 placed the first instalment of relief in the hands of Emin 
 Pasha on the Albert Nyanza, was sent to you by couriers 
 from Stanley Falls, along with letters to Tippu Tib, the 
 Arab governor of that district, on the 17th inst, within three 
 
AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 37 
 
 hours of our meeting with tlie rear column of the expedi- 
 tion. I propose to relate to you the story of our move- 
 ments since June 28, 1887. 
 
 I had established an intrenched and palisaded camp at 
 Yambuya, on the Lower Aruwimi, just below the first rapids. 
 Major Edmund Barttelot, being senior of those officers with 
 me, was appointed commandant. Mr. J. S. Jamieson, a vol- 
 unteer, was associated with him. On the arrival of all men 
 and goods from Bolobo and Stanley Pool, the officers still 
 believed Messrs. Troup, Ward, and Bonny were to report to 
 Major Barttelot for duty. But no important action or 
 movement (according to letter of instructions given by me 
 to the major before leaving) was to be made without con- 
 sulting with Messrs. Jamieson, Troup, and Ward. The 
 columns under Major Barttelot's orders mustered 257 men. 
 
 As I requested the major to send you a copy of the in- 
 structions issued to each officer, you are doubtless aware 
 that the major was to remain at Yambuya until the arrival 
 of the steamer from Stanley Pool with the officers, men, and 
 goods left behind ; and, if Tippu Tib's promised contingent 
 of carriers had in the mean time arrived, he was. to march 
 his column and follow our track, which so long as it traversed 
 the forest region would be known by the blazing of the 
 trees, by our camps, and zaribas, etc. If Tippu Tib's carriers 
 did not arrive, then, if he (the major) preferred moving on 
 to staying at Yambuya, he was to discard such things as 
 mentioned in letter of instructions, and commence making 
 double and triple journeys by short stages, until I should 
 come down from the Nyanza and relieve him. The instruc- 
 tions were explicit, and, as the officers admitted, intelligible. 
 
 The advance column, consisting of 389 officers and men, 
 set out from Yambuya June 28, 1887. The first day we 
 followed the river-bank, marched twelve miles, and arrived 
 in the large district of Yankonde. At our approach the 
 natives set fire to their villages, and under cover of the 
 
38 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 smoke attacked the pioneers who were clearing the numer- 
 ous obstructions they had planted before the first village. 
 The skirmish lasted fifteen minutes. The second day we 
 followed a path leading inland but trending east. We fol- 
 lowed this path for five days through a dense population. 
 Every art known to native minds for molesting, impeding, 
 and wounding an enemy was resorted to ; but we passed 
 through without the loss of a man. Perceiving that the 
 path was taking us too far from our course, we cut a north- 
 easterly track, and reached the river again on the 5th of July. 
 From this date until the 18th of October we followed the 
 left bank of Aruwimi. After seventeen days of continuous 
 marching we halted one day for rest. On the twenty-fourth 
 day from Yambuya we lost two men by desertion. In the 
 month of July we made four halts only. On the 1st of 
 August the first death occurred, which was from dysentery ; 
 so that for thirty-four days our course had been singularly 
 successful. But as we now entered a wilderness, which oc- 
 cupied us nine days in marching through it, our sufferings 
 began to multiply, and several deaths occurred. The river 
 at this time was of great use to us; our boat and several 
 canoes relieved the wearied and sick of their loads, so that 
 progress, though not brilliant as during the first month, was 
 still steady. 
 
 On the 13th of August we arrived at Air-Sibba. The 
 natives made a bold front ; we lost five men through poi- 
 soned arrows ; and to our great grief Lieutenant Stairs was 
 wounded just below the heart ; but, though he suffered 
 greatly for nearly a month, he finally recovered. On the 
 15th Mr. Jephson, in command of the land party, led his 
 men inland, became confused, and lost his way. We were 
 not reunited until the 21st. 
 
 On the 25th of August we arrived in. the district of Air- 
 jeli. Opposite our camp was the mouth of the tributary 
 Nepoko. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 39 
 
 On the 31st of August we met for the first time a party 
 of Manyuema belonging to the caravan of Ugarrowwa. alias 
 Uledi Balyuz, who turned out to be a former tent-boy of 
 Speke's. Our misfortunes began from this date, for I had 
 taken the Congo route to avoid Arabs, that they might not 
 tamper with my men and tempt them to desert by their 
 presents. Twenty-six men deserted within three days of 
 this unfortunate meeting. 
 
 On the 16th of September we arrived at a camp opposite 
 the station at Ugarrowwa's. As food was very scarce ow- 
 ing to his having devastated an immense region, we halted 
 but one day near him. Such friendly terms as I could 
 make with such a man I made, and left fifty-six men with 
 him. All the Somalis preferred to rest at Ugarrowwa's to 
 the continuous marching. Five Soudanese were also left. 
 It would have been certain death for all of them to have 
 accompanied us. At Ugarrowwa's they might possibly re- 
 cover. Five dollars a month per head was to be paid to 
 this man for their food. 
 
 On September 18th we left Ugarrowwa's, and on the 18th 
 of October entered the settlement occupied by Kilinga- 
 Longa, a Zanzibari slave belonging to Abed bin Salim, an 
 old Arab, whose bloody deeds are recorded in " The Congo 
 and the Founding of its Free State." This proved an awful 
 month to us ; not one member of the expedition, white or 
 black, will ever forget it. The advance numbered 273 souls 
 on leaving Ugarrowwa's, because out of 389 we had lost six- 
 ty-six men by desertion and death between Yambuya and 
 Ugarrowwa's, and had left fifty-six men sick in the Arab 
 station. On reaching Kilinga-Longa's we discovered we had 
 lost fifty-five men by starvation and desertion. We had 
 lived principally on wild fruit, fungi, and a large, flat, bean- 
 shaped nut. The slaves of Abed bin Salim did their utmost 
 to ruin the expedition short of open hostilities. They pur- 
 chased rifles, ammunition, clothing, so that when we left 
 
4:0 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 their station we were beggared and our men were absolutely 
 naked. We were so weak physically that we were unable 
 to carry the boat and about seventy loads of goods ; we 
 therefore left these goods and boat at Kilinga-Longa's under 
 Surgeon Parke and Captain Nelson, the latter of whom was 
 unable to march, and after twelve days' march we arrived at 
 a native settlement called Ibwiri. Between Kalinga-Longa's 
 and Ibwiri our condition had not improved. The Arab 
 devastation had reached within a few miles of Ibwiri — a 
 devastation so complete that there was not one native hut 
 standing between Ugarrowwa's and Ibwiri, and what had 
 not been destroyed by the slaves of Ugarrowwa's and Abed 
 bin Salem the elephants destroyed, and turned the whole 
 region into a horrible wilderness. But at Ibwiri we were 
 beyond the utmost reach of the destroyers; we were on 
 virgin soil, in a populous region abounding with food. 
 Our suffering from hunger, which began on the 31st of 
 August, terminated on the 12th of November. Ourselves 
 and men were skeletons. Out of 389 we now only num- 
 bered 174, several of whom seemed to have no hope of life 
 left. A halt was therefore ordered for the people to recu- 
 perate. Hitherto our people were sceptical of what we told 
 them, the suffering had been so awful, calamities so numer- 
 ous, the forest so endless apparently, that they refused to be- 
 lieve that by-and-by we should see plains and cattle and the 
 Nyanza and the white man, Emin Pasha. We felt as though 
 we were dragging them along with a chain round our necks. 
 "Beyond these raiders lies a country untouched, where food 
 is abundant, and wfyere you will forget your miseries, so 
 cheer up, boys; be men; press on a little faster." They 
 turned a deaf ear to our prayers and entreaties, for, driven 
 by hunger and suffering, they sold their rifles and equip- 
 ments for a few ears of Indian-corn, deserted with the am- 
 munition, and were altogether demoralized. Perceiving that 
 prayers and entreaties and mild punishments were of no 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 41 
 
 avail, I then resorted to visit upon the wretelies the death 
 penalty. Two of the worst cases were accordingly taken 
 and hung in presence of all. 
 
 We halted thirteen days in Ibwiri, and revelled on fowls, 
 goats, bananas, corn, sweet-potatoes, yams, beans, etc. The 
 supplies were inexhaustible, and the people glutted them- 
 selves; the effect was such that I had 173 — one was killed 
 by an arrow — mostly sleek and robust men when I set out 
 for the Albert Nyanza on the 24th of November. 
 
 There were still 126 miles from the lake; but, given food, 
 such a distance seemed nothing. 
 
 On the 1st of December we sighted the open country 
 from the top of a ridge connected with Mount Pisgah, so 
 named from our first view of the land of promise and plenty. 
 On the 5th of December we emerged upon the plains, and 
 the deadly, gloomy forest was behind us. After 160 days' 
 continuous gloom we saw the light of broad day shining all 
 around us and making all things beautiful. We thought we 
 had never seen grass so green or country so lovely. The 
 men literally yelled and leaped with joy, and raced over the 
 ground with their burdens. Ah, this was the old spirit of 
 former expeditions successfully completed all of a sudden 
 revived. 
 
 Woe betide the native aggressor we may meet, however 
 powerful he may be; with such a spirit the men will fling 
 themselves like wolves on sheep. Numbers will not be con- 
 sidered. It had been the eternal forest that had made the 
 abject slavish creatures, so brutally plundered by Arab slaves 
 at Kilonga-Longa's. 
 
 On the 9th we came to the country of the powerful chief 
 Mozamboni. The villages were scattered over a great ex- 
 tent of country so thickly that there was no other road ex- 
 cept through their villages or fields. From a long distance 
 the natives had sighted us, and were prepared. We seized 
 a hill as soon as we arrived in the centre of a mass of vil- 
 
42 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 lages — about 4 p.m. on the 9th of December — and occupied 
 it, building a zariba as fast as billhooks could cut brushwood. 
 The war-cries were terrible ; from hill to hill they were sent 
 pealing across the intervening valleys, the people gathered 
 by hundreds from every point, war-horns and drums an- 
 nounced that a struggle was about to take place. Such na- 
 tives as were too bold we checked with but little effort, and 
 a slight skirmish ended in our capturing a cow, the first beef 
 tasted since we left the ocean. The night passed peacefully, 
 both sides preparing for the morrow. On the morning of 
 the 10th we attempted to open negotiations. The natives 
 were anxious to know who we were, and we were anxious 
 to glean news of the land that threatened to ruin the expe- 
 dition. Hours were passed talking, both parties keeping a 
 respectable distance apart. The natives said they were sub- 
 ject to Uganda ; but that Kabba-Rega was their real king, 
 Mazamboni holding the country for Kabba-Rega. They 
 finally accepted cloth and brass rods to show their King 
 Mazamboni, and his answer was to be given next day. In 
 the mean time all hostilities were to be suspended. 
 
 The morning of the 11th dawned, and at 8 a.m. we were 
 startled at hearing a man proclaiming that it was Mazam- 
 boni's w T ish that we should be driven back from the land. 
 The proclamation was received by the valley around our 
 neighborhood with deafening cries. Their word " kanwana " 
 signifies to make peace ; " kurwana " signifies war. We 
 were, therefore, in doubt, or rather we hoped we had heard 
 wrongly. We sent an interpreter a little nearer to ask if it 
 was kanwana or kurwana. " Kurwana," they responded, and 
 to emphasize the term two arrows w T ere shot at him, which 
 dissipated all doubt. Our hill stood between a lofty range 
 of hills and a lower range. On one side of us was a narrow 
 valley 250 yards wide; on the other side the valley was 
 three miles wide. East and west of us the valley broadened 
 into an extensive plain. The higher range of hills was lined 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 43 
 
 with hundreds preparing to descend ; the broader valley was 
 already mustering its hundreds. There was no time to lose. 
 A body of forty men were sent, under Lieutenant Stairs, to 
 attack the broader valley. Mr. Jephson was sent with thirty 
 men east; a choice body of sharp-shooters was sent to test 
 the courage of those descending the slope of the highest 
 range. Stairs pressed on, crossed a deep and narrow river 
 in the face of hundreds of natives, and assaulted the first 
 village and took it. The sharp-shooters did their work ef- 
 fectively, and drove the descending natives rapidly up the 
 slope until it became a general flight. Meantime, Mr. Jeph- 
 son was not idle. He marched straight up the valley east, 
 driving the people back, and taking their villages as he went. 
 By 3 p.m. there was not a native visible anywhere, except on 
 one small hill about a mile and a half west of us. 
 
 On the morning of the 12th we continued our march ; 
 during the day we had four little fights. On the 13th we 
 marched straight east ; attacked by new forces every hour 
 until noon, when we halted for refreshments. These we 
 successfully overcame. 
 
 At 1 p.m. we resumed our march. Fifteen minutes later 
 I cried out, "Prepare yourselves for a sight of the Nyanza." 
 The men murmured and doubted, and said : " Why does the 
 master continually talk to us in this way? Nyanza, indeed! 
 Is not this a plain, and can we not see mountains at least 
 four days' march ahead of us?" At 1.30 p.m. the Albert 
 Nyanza was below them. Now it was my turn to jeer and 
 scoff at the doubters, but as I was about to ask them what 
 they saw, so many came to kiss my hands and beg my par- 
 don that I could not say a word. This was my reward. The 
 mountains, they said, were the mountains of Unyoro, or rath- 
 er its lofty plateau wall. Kavaili, the objective point of the 
 expedition, was six miles from us as the crow flies. 
 
 We were at an altitude of 5200 feet above the sea. The 
 Albert NTyanza was over 2900 feet below us. We stood in 
 
THI | 1 ..;_- g RESCUE 
 
 1 - - orth latitude; the south end of the 
 
 . dj mapped about six miles south of 
 
 -• B "■- ' » to the eastern shore every dent in 
 
 talow, flat i I traced like ike 
 
 a d^rk ground was the tributary Seinliki, flowing into 
 
 the Albeit from the south 
 
 - : - - ort hal* '-'- enjoj the pr :see::. we zommenced 
 the rugged and si aeeot. Before the rear-guard had 
 
 sendee feet, the : :he plateau we had 
 
 left poured after them. Had they shown as much courage 
 and perseverance on the plain ; now exhil 
 
 _:ht have been sea The rear-g 
 
 ke h few hundred fee: ::' the 1 
 
 anza plain. We camped at the foot of the plateau wall, the 
 aneroids read:e_ . ; feet above sea-level. A night attack 
 ade on us. bu: gentries sufficed to drive these na- 
 
 ti~ 
 
 a.m. of the 14th we appros: the village of Ka- 
 kor _ : uated a: : ~er of the Alber: L 
 
 I ree hon ; spent by :emptii_ U naake frier: 
 
 They ~:uld not allow us to gc to the 
 
 lake because we might frighten their cattle. The aid 
 
 r - -" - - blood-brotherhood with us, be: they never 
 
 heard of any good people coming from the iie of the 
 
 kke- T°« dd not accept any present from us. beca 
 
 they did not know who we w The — _ 
 
 to drink, and they would show us our road up to Xvamsas- 
 
 But from these singular people we learned tha: 
 had heard there was nan at Unjoi but thr 
 
 never heard of any white men bei g the west si he. nor 
 had they seen any steamers on : Z he se w ..: no 
 
 canoes to be had. except such as would hold the me 
 
 ~ ~ ; nc for quar: . he people were 
 
 Q enough, but they did not a ieai :her^. T 
 
 therefore were shown the path, and followed it e few mil 
 
AS TOLD LN" E - ALLEYS LEI 45 
 
 wL. 1 about half a mile from the lake. 1 
 
 gan t-. ._.. thrown upon it 
 
 the 
 
 : i aibar had evident".; not a ime, Emin 
 
 F:^':.?.. with h \e v 
 
 : : the lak _ .. re the j fore dj _■ mil _ 
 
 My b. K:l:L^>L;:: r :. The 
 
 was no canoe obtainable, and 
 
 excuse of a quarrel my conscience -uld not permit. There 
 : tree where of a r uioes. Wade 
 
 terrible distance o5 for an e:: - reduced 
 
 ours. We had used five sases .: ear:: ._ — :r zve days of 
 fighting on the plain. A month of such fighting must ex- 
 haust our s: : .k. There was no plan suggested whic .:ed 
 feasible to r: that . :. 1 bwiri, build a 
 fort, send a party back to Kilongi-1 >ng - : . ur boat, store 
 up eve 1 in the fort if ot s in 
 the fort to hold it, and raise corn for us ; march back . 
 to the AJ sft Lake, an I the boat tc scorch for Emin 
 I - This was the plan which, after lengti ssions 
 with risers. I resolved upon. 
 
 On the 15th we marched : the ralli, on the 
 
 st side of the lake. KavaHiha 
 A: i r ir. the Kakongo natives had followed us. and shot 
 eral arrows into our biv; d .:. ] lisa] ... 3 
 
 una At 6 p.m. we began a night march, and by 10 
 A :. of the 16th we had gained the crest of the :.ce 
 
 mc: kongo natives having ] follow; _ - up 
 
 the slope of the plateau. "We had one man killed a: 
 :. !..".. 
 
 Ey January 7th — r were in Z ri once :er a 
 
 fevr :enant i sent tc 
 
 Kilinsa-Lonsas to brine; the index ^areeon 
 
 Parke and "he th : _ kin 
 
 charge of the officer ; . men were brought I 
 
46 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 fort ; the rest had died or deserted. On the return of Stairs 
 with the boat and goods, he was sent to Ugarrowwa's to 
 bring up the convalescents there. I granted him thirty-nine 
 days' grace. Soon after his departure I was attacked with 
 gastritis and an abscess on the arm, but after a month's care- 
 ful nursing by Dr. Farke I recovered, and forty-seven days 
 having expired, I set out again for the Albert Nyanza, April 
 2d, accompanied by Messrs. Jephson and Parke. Captain 
 Nelson, now recovered, was appointed commandant of Fort 
 Bodo in our absence, with a garrison of forty-three men and 
 boys. 
 
 On April 26th we arrived in Mozamboni's country once 
 again, but this time, after solicitation, Mozamboni decided 
 to make blood-brotherhood with me. Though I had fifty 
 rifles less with me on this second visit, the example of Mo- 
 zamboni was followed by all the other chiefs as far as the 
 JSyanza, and every difficulty seemed removed. Food was 
 supplied gratis ; cattle, goats, sheep, and fowls were also 
 given in such abundance that our people lived royally. One 
 day's march from the Nyanza the natives came from Kavalli, 
 and said that a white man named "Malejja" had given their 
 chief a black packet to give to me, his son. Would I fol- 
 low them? "Yes, to-morrow," I answered, "and if your 
 words are true, I will make you rich." 
 
 They remained with us that night, telling us wonderful 
 stories about " big ships as large as islands filled with men," 
 etc., which left no doubt in our mind that this white man 
 was Emin Pasha. The next day's march brought us to the 
 chief Kavalli, and after a while he handed me a note from 
 Emin Pasha, covered with a strip of black American oil-cloth. 
 The note was to the effect " that as there had been a native 
 rumor to the effect that a white man had been seen at the 
 south end of the lake, he had gone in his steamer to make 
 inquiries, but had been unable to obtain reliable information, 
 as the natives were terribly afraid of Kabba-Rega, King of 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 47 
 
 TTnyoro, and connected every stranger with him." However, 
 the wife of the Nyamsassic chief had told a native ally of 
 his, named Mogo, that she had seen ns in Mrusuma (Mozam- 
 boni's country). He therefore begged me to remain where 
 I was until he could communicate with me. The note was 
 signed " (Dr.) Emin," and dated March 26th. 
 
 The next day, April 23d, Mr. Jephson was despatched with 
 a strong force of men to take the boat to the Nyanza. On 
 the 26th the boat's crew sighted Mswa station, the southern- 
 most belonging to Emin Pasha, and Mr. Jephson was there 
 hospitably received by the Egyptian garrison. The boat's 
 crew say that they were embraced one by one, and that they 
 never had such attention shown to them as by these men, 
 who hailed them as brothers. 
 
 On the 29th of April we once again reached the bivouac 
 ground occupied by us on the 16th of December, and at 5 
 p.m. of that day I saw the Khedive steamer about seven miles 
 away steaming up towards us. Soon after 7 p.m. Emin 
 Pasha and Signor Casati and Mr. Jephson arrived at our 
 camp, where they were heartily welcomed by all of us. 
 
 The next day we moved to a better camping-place, about 
 three miles above Nyamsassic, and at this spot Emin Pasha 
 also made his camp ; we were together until the 25th of 
 May. On that day I left him, leaving Mr. Jephson, three 
 Soudanese, and two Zanzibaris in his care, and in return he 
 caused to accompany me three of his irregulars and 102 
 Madi natives as porters. 
 
 Fourteen days later I was at Fort Bodo. At the fort were 
 Captain Nelson and Lieutenant Stairs. The latter had re- 
 turned from Ugarrowwa's twenty-two days after I had set 
 out for the lake, April 2d, bringing with him, alas ! only 
 sixteen men out of fifty-six. All the rest were dead. My 
 twenty couriers whom I had sent with letters to Major Bart- 
 telot had safely left Ugarrowwa's for Yambuya on March 
 16th. 
 
48 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 Fort Bodo was in a nourishing state. Nearly ten acres 
 were under cultivation. One crop of Indian corn had been 
 harvested and was in the granaries ; they had just commenced 
 planting again. 
 
 On the 16th of June I left Fort Bodo with 111 Zanzibaris 
 and 101 of Emin Pasha's people. Lieutenant Stairs had been 
 appointed commandant of the fort, Nelson second in com- 
 mand, and Surgeon Parke medical officer. The garrison 
 consisted of fifty-nine rifles. I had thus deprived myself of 
 all my officers in order that I should not be encumbered 
 with baggage and provisions and medicines, which would 
 have to be taken if accompanied by Europeans, and every 
 carrier was necessary for the vast stores left with Major 
 Barttelot. On the 24th of June we reached Kilinga Longa's, 
 and July 19th Ugarrowwa's. The latter station was deserted. 
 Ugarrowwa, having gathered as much ivory as he could ob- 
 tain from that district, had proceeded down the river about 
 three months before. On leaving Fort Bodo I had loaded 
 every carrier with about sixty pounds of corn, so that we 
 had been able to pass through the wilderness unscathed. 
 
 Passing on down river as fast as we could go, daily ex- 
 pecting to meet the couriers, who had been stimulated to 
 exert themselves for a reward of £10 per head, or the major 
 himself leading an army of carriers, we indulged ourselves 
 in these pleasing anticipations as we neared the goal. 
 
 On the 10th of August we overtook Ugarrowwa with an 
 immense flotilla of fifty-seven canoes, and to our wonder our 
 couriers now reduced to seventeen. They related an awful 
 story of hair-breadth escapes and tragic scenes. Three of 
 their number had been slain, two were still feeble from their 
 wounds, all except Hve bore on their bodies the scars of ar- 
 row wounds. 
 
 A week later, on August 17th, we met the rear column of 
 the expedition at a place called Bunalya, or, as the Arabs 
 have corrupted it, Unarya. There was a white man at the 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 49 
 
 gate of the stockade, whom I at first thought was Mr. Jamie- 
 son, but a nearer view revealed the features of Mr. Bonny, 
 who left the medical service of the army to accompany us. 
 
 "Well, my dear Bonny, where is the major?" 
 
 " He is dead, sir ; shot by the Manyuema about a month 
 ago." 
 
 " Good God ! and Mr. Jamieson ?" 
 
 " He has gone to Stanley Falls to try and get some more 
 men from Tippu Tib." 
 
 "And Mr Troup?" 
 
 "Mr. Troup has gone home, sir, invalided." 
 
 " Hem ! well, where is Ward ?" 
 
 " Mr. Ward is at Bangala, sir." 
 
 "Heavens alive! then you are the only one here?" 
 
 "Yes, sir." 
 
 I found the rear column a terrible wreck. Out of 257 
 men there were only seventy-one remaining. Out of seven- 
 ty-one only fifty -two, on mustering them, seemed fit for 
 service, and these mostly were scarecrows. The advance had 
 performed the march from Yumbuya to Bunalya in sixteen 
 days, despite native opposition. The rear column performed 
 the same distance in forty-three days. According to Mr. 
 Bonny, during the thirteen months and twenty days that 
 had elapsed since I had left Yambuya, the record is only one 
 of disaster, desertion, and death. I have not the heart to go 
 into the details, many of which are incredible, and, indeed, 
 I have not the time, for, excepting Mr. Bonny, I have no 
 one to assist me in reorganizing the expedition. There are 
 still far more loads than I can carry ; at the same time arti- 
 cles needful are missing. For instance, I left Yambuya with 
 only a short campaigning kit, leaving my reserve of clothing 
 and personal effects in charge of the officers. In December 
 some deserters from the advance column reached Yambuya 
 to spread the report that I was dead. They had no papers 
 with them, but the officers seemed to accept the report of 
 4 
 
50 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 these deserters as a fact, and in January Mr. Ward, at an 
 officers' mess meeting, proposed that my instructions should 
 be cancelled. The only one who appears to have dissented 
 was Mr. Bonny. Accordingly, my personal kit, medicines, 
 soap, candles, and provisions were sent down the Congo as 
 "superfluities!" Thus, after making this immense personal 
 sacrifice to relieve them and cheer them up, I find myself 
 naked, and deprived of even the necessaries of life in Africa. 
 But, strange to say, they have kept two hats, four pairs of 
 boots, and a flannel jacket ; and I propose to go back to 
 Emin Pasha and across Africa with this truly African kit. 
 Livingstone, poor fellow, was all in patches when I met him, 
 but it will be the reliever himself who will be in patches 
 this time. Fortunately not one of my officers will envy me, 
 for their kits are intact — it was only myself that was dead. 
 
 I pray you to say that we were only eighty-two days from 
 the Albert Lake to Benalya, and sixty-one from Fort Bodo. 
 The distance is not very great ; it is the people who fail one. 
 Going to Nyanza we felt as though we had the tedious task 
 of dragging them ; on returning, each man knew the road 
 and did not need any stimulus. Between the Nyanza and 
 here we only lost three men, one of which was by desertion. 
 I brought 131 Zanzibaris here ; I left fifty-nine at Fort Bodo ; 
 total, 190 men out of 389 ; loss, fifty per cent. At Yambuya 
 I left 257 men. There are only seventy-one left, ten of 
 whom will never leave this camp : loss, over 270 per cent. 
 This proves that though the sufferings of the advance were 
 unprecedented, the mortality was not so great as in camp 
 at Yambuya. The survivors of the march are all robust, 
 while the survivors of the rear column are thin and most 
 unhealthy-looking. 
 
 I have thus rapidly sketched out our movements since 
 June 28, 1887. I wish I had the leisure to furnish more 
 details, but I cannot find the time. I write this amid the 
 hurry and bustle of departure and amid constant interrup- 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 51 
 
 tions. You will, however, have gathered from this letter an 
 idea of the nature of the country traversed by us. We were 
 160 days in the forest — one continuous, unbroken, compact 
 forest. The grass-land was traversed by us in eight days. 
 The limits of the forest along the edge of the grass-land are 
 well marked. We saw it extending north-easterly, with its 
 curves and bays and capes, just like a sea-shore. South- 
 westerly it preserved the same character. North and south 
 the forest area extends from Nyangwe to the southern bor- 
 ders of the Monbuttu ; east and west it embraces all from 
 the Congo, at the mouth of the Aruwimi, to about east lon- 
 gitude 29° to 40°. How far west beyond the Congo the for- 
 est reaches I do not know. The superficial extent of the tract 
 thus described — totally covered by forest — is 246,000 square 
 miles. North of the Congo, between Upoto and the Aru- 
 wimi, the forest embraces another 20,000 square miles. 
 
 Between Yambuya and the Nyanza we came across iive 
 distinct languages. The last is that which is spoken by the 
 Wanyoro, Wanyankori, Wanya Ruanda, Wahha, and people 
 of Karangwe and Ukerewe. 
 
 The land slopes gently from the crest of the plateau above 
 the Nyanza down to the Congo River, from an altitude of 
 5500 feet to 1400 feet above the sea. North and south of 
 our track through the grass-land the face of the land was 
 much broken by groups of cones or isolated mounts or ridges. 
 North we saw no land higher than about 6000 feet above 
 the sea, but bearing 215 degrees magnetic, at the distance of 
 about fifty miles from our camp on the Nyanza, we saw a 
 towering mountain, its summit covered with snow, and prob- 
 ably 17,000 feet or 18,000 feet above the sea. It is called 
 Ruevenzori, and will probably prove a rival to Kilimanjaro. 
 I am not sure that it may not prove to be the Gordon Ben- 
 nett Mountain in Gambaragara, but there are two reasons 
 for doubting it to be the same — first, it is a little too far west 
 for the position of the latter as given by me in 1876; and, 
 
52 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 secondly, we saw no snow on the Gordon Bennett. I might 
 mention a third, which is that the latter is a perfect cone 
 apparently, while the Ruevenzori is an oblong mount, nearly 
 level on the summit, with two ridges extending north-east 
 and south-west. 
 
 I have met only three natives who have seen the lake 
 towards the south. They agree that it is large, but not so 
 large as the Albert Nyanza. 
 
 The Aruwimi becomes known as the Suhali about 100 
 miles above Yambuya; as it nears the Nepoko it is called 
 the Nevoa; beyond its confluence with the Nepoko it is 
 known as the No Welle ; 300 miles from the Congo it is 
 called the Itiri, which is soon changed into the Ituri, which 
 name it retains to its source. Ten minutes' march from the 
 Ituri waters we saw the Nyanza, like a mirror in its immense 
 gulf. 
 
 Before closing my letter let me touch more at large on 
 the subject which brought me to this land — viz., Emin Pasha. 
 
 The Pasha has two battalions of regulars under him — the 
 first, consisting of about 750 rifles, occupies Duffle Honyu 
 Lahore, Muggi, Kirri, Bedden, Bejaf ; the second battalion, 
 consisting of 640 men, guards the stations of Wadelai Fatiko, 
 Mahagi, and Mswa, a line of communication along the Nyan- 
 za, and Nile about 180 geographical miles in length. In the 
 interior west of the Nile he retains three or four small sta- 
 tions — fourteen in all. Besides these two battalions he has 
 quite a respectable force of irregulars, sailors, artisans, clerks, 
 servants. " Altogether," he said, " if I consent to go away 
 from here, we shall have about 8000 people with us." 
 
 " Were I in your place I would not hesitate one moment, 
 or be a second in doubt what to do." 
 
 "What you say is quite true, but we have such a large 
 number of women and children, probably 10,000 people al- 
 together. How can they all be brought out of here ? We 
 shall want a great number of carriers." 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 53 
 
 " Carriers ! carriers for what ?" I asked. 
 "For the women and children. You surely would not 
 leave them, and they cannot travel." 
 
 "The women must walk. It will do them more good 
 than harm. As for the little children, load them on the 
 donkeys. I hear you have about two hundred of them. 
 Your people will not travel very far the first month, but 
 little by little they will get accustomed to it. Our Zanzibar 
 women crossed Africa on my second expedition. Why can- 
 not your black women do the same ? Have no fear of them ; 
 they will do better than the men." 
 
 "They would require a vast amount of provision for the 
 road." 
 
 " True, but you have some thousands of cattle, I believe. 
 Those will furnish beef. The countries through which we 
 pass must furnish grain and vegetable food." 
 
 " Well, well, we will defer further talk till to-morrow." 
 May 1, 1888. — Halt in camp at Nsabe. The Pasha came 
 ashore from the steamer Khedive about 1 p. m., and in a 
 short time we commenced our conversation again. Many 
 of the arguments used above were repeated, and he said : 
 
 " What you told me yesterday has led me to think that 
 it is best we should retire from here. The Egyptians are 
 very willing to leave. There are of these about one hun- 
 dred men, besides their women and children. Of these 
 there is no doubt ; and even if I stayed here I should be 
 glad to be rid of them, because they undermine my authority 
 and nullify all my endeavors for retreat. When I informed 
 them that Khartoum had fallen and Gordon Pasha was slain, 
 they always told the Nubians that it was a concocted story, 
 that some day we should see the steamers ascend the river 
 for their relief. But of the regulars who compose the 1st 
 and 2d battalions, I am extremely doubtful ; they have led 
 such a free and happy life here that they would demur at 
 leaving a country where they have enjoyed luxuries they 
 
54: THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 cannot command in Egypt. The soldiers are married, and 
 several of them have harems. Many of the irregulars would 
 also retire and follow me. Now, supposing the regulars re- 
 fuse to leave, you can imagine that my position would be a 
 difficult one. Would I be right in leaving them to their 
 fate ? Would it not be consigning them all to ruin ? I 
 should have to leave them their arms and ammunition, and, 
 on retiring, all discipline would be at an end. Disputes 
 would arise, and factions would be formed. The more am- 
 bitious would aspire to be chiefs by force, and from these 
 rivalries would spring hate and mutual slaughter until there 
 would be none of them left." 
 
 " Supposing you resolve to stay, what of the Egyptians ?" 
 I asked. 
 
 " Oh, these I shall have to ask you to be good enough to 
 take with you." 
 
 " Now, will you, Pasha, do me the favor to ask Captain 
 Casati if we are to have the pleasure of his company to the 
 sea, for we have been instructed to assist him also should 
 we meet ?" 
 
 Captain Casati answered through Emin Pasha : 
 
 " What the Governor Emin decides upon shall be the rule 
 of conduct for me also. If the Governor stays, I stay. If 
 the Governor goes, I go." 
 
 " Well, I see, Pasha, that in the event of your staying 
 your responsibilities will be great." 
 
 A laugh. The sentence was translated to Casati, and the 
 gallant captain replied : 
 
 " Oh, I beg pardon, but I absolve the Pasha from all re- 
 sponsibility connected with me, because I am governed by 
 my own choice entirely." 
 
 Thus day after day I recorded faithfully the interviews 
 I had with Emin Pasha; but these extracts reveal as much 
 as is necessary for you to understand the position. I left 
 Mr. Jephson thirteen of my Soudanese, and sent a message 
 
AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 55 
 
 to be read to the troops, as the Pasha requested. Every- 
 thing else is left until I return with the united expedition 
 to the Nyanza. 
 
 Within two months the Pasha proposed to visit Fort 
 Bodo, taking Mr. Jephson with him. At Fort Bodo I have 
 left instructions to the officers to destroy the fort and ac- 
 company the Pasha to the Nyanza. I hope to meet them 
 all again on the Nyanza, as I intend making a short-cut to 
 the Nyauza along a new road. 
 
 Yours respectfully, 
 
 Henry M. Stanley. 
 
 LETTER VI. 
 
 FURTHER DETAILS OF THE MARCH — PICTURE OF AN AFRICAN 
 
 FOREST. 
 
 [The following is a letter from Mr. Stanley to Mr. A. L. 
 Bruce, of Edinburgh, containing further details of the jour- 
 ney described in the previous letter.] 
 
 Central Africa, S. Mupe, Ituri R, 
 September 4, 1888. 
 
 My dear Mr. Bruce, — I write this letter, not because I 
 know of any opportunity by which I could safely send it to 
 you, but because I owe you many a letter, and memory of 
 your kindness pricks me to have a written word or two 
 ready by me in case a future opportunity offers. My last 
 letter was dated yesterday, and sent to our mutual friend 
 Mackinnon, for the Royal Geographical Society, and your 
 own pet, the Scottish. But the courier has gone, or rather 
 separated from me. 
 
 While in England, considering the best routes open 
 to the ISTyanza (Albert), I thought I was very liberal in al- 
 lowing m} T self two weeks' march to cross the forest region 
 
56 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 lying between the Congo and the grass-land, but you may 
 imagine our feelings when month after month saw us 
 marching, tearing, ploughing, cutting through that same 
 continuous forest. It took us 160 days before we could say 
 " Thank God we are out of the darkness at last." At one 
 time we were all — whites and blacks — almost " done up." 
 September, October, and half of that month of November, 
 1887, will not be forgotten by us. October will be special- 
 ly memorable to us for the sufferings we endured. Our 
 officers were heartily sick of the forest, but the loyal blacks, 
 a band of 130, followed me once again into the wild, track- 
 less forest, with its hundreds of inconveniences, to assist 
 their comrades of the rear column. Try and imagine some 
 of these inconveniences. Take a thick Scottish copse, drip- 
 ping with rain ; imagine this copse to be a mere under- 
 growth, nourished under the impenetrable shade of ancient 
 trees, ranging from 100 to 180 feet high; briers and thorns 
 abundant; lazy creeks, meandering through the depths of 
 the jungle, and sometimes a deep affluent of a great river. 
 Imagine this forest and jungle in all stages of decay and 
 growth — old trees falling, leaning perilously over, fallen 
 prostrate ; ants and insects of all kinds, sizes, and col- 
 ors murmuring around ; monkeys and chimpanzees above, 
 queer noises of birds and animals, crashes in the jungle as 
 troops of elephants rush away ; dwarfs with poisoned ar- 
 rows securely hidden behind some buttress or in some dark 
 recess ; strong, brown-bodied aborigines with terribly sharp 
 spears, standing poised, still as dead stumps ; rain patter- 
 ing down on you every other day in the year ; an impure 
 atmosphere, with its dread consequences, fever and dysen- 
 tery ; gloom throughout the day, and darkness almost pal- 
 pable throughout the night, and then if you will imagine 
 6uch a forest extending the entire distance from Plymouth 
 to Peterhead, you will have a fair idea of some of the incon- 
 viences endured by us from June 28 to December 5, 1887, 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 57 
 
 and from June 1, 1888, to the present date, to continue again 
 from the present date till about December 10, 1888, when I 
 hoped then to say a last farewell to the Congo forest. Now 
 that we have gone through and through this forest region, 
 I only feel a surprise that I did not give a greater latitude 
 to my ideas respecting its extent ; for had we thought of it, 
 it is only what might have been deduced from our knowl- 
 edge of the great sources of moisture necessary to supply 
 the forest with the requisite sap and vitality. Think of the 
 large extent of the South Atlantic Ocean, whose vapors are 
 blown during nine months of the year in this direction. 
 Think of the broad Congo, varying from one to sixteen 
 miles wide, which has a stretch of 1400 miles, supplying an- 
 other immeasurable quantity of moisture, to be distilled into 
 rain and mist and dew over this insatiable forest ; and then 
 another 600 miles of the Aruwimi or Ituri itself, and then 
 you will cease to wonder that there are about 150 days of 
 rain every year in this region, and that the Congo Forest 
 covers such a wide area. 
 
 Until we set foot on the grass-land, something like fifty 
 miles west of the Albert Nyanza, we saw nothing that looked 
 a smile, or a kind thought, or a moral sensation. The abo- 
 rigines are wild, utterly savage, and incorrigibly vindictive. 
 The dwarfs — called Wambutti — are worse still, far worse. 
 Animal life is likewise so wild and shy that no sport is to be 
 enjoyed. The gloom of the forest is perpetual. The face 
 of the river, reflecting its black walls of vegetation, is dark 
 and sombre. The sky one-half the time every day resem- 
 bles a wintry sky in England ; the face of Nature and life 
 is fixed and joyless. If the sun charges through the black 
 clouds enveloping it, and a kindly wind brushes the masses 
 of vapor below the horizon, and the bright light reveals our 
 surroundings, it is only to tantalize us with a short-lived 
 vision of brilliancy and beauty of verdure. 
 
 Emerging from the forest finally, we all became enrapt- 
 
58 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 ured. Like a captive unfettered and set free, we rejoiced 
 at sight of the blue cope of heaven, and freely bathed in the 
 warm sunshine, and aches and gloomy thoughts and un- 
 wholesome ideas were banished. You have heard how the 
 London cit., after months of devotion to business in the gase- 
 ous atmosphere of that great city, falls into rapture at sight 
 of the green fields and hedges, meadows and trees, and how 
 his emotions, crowding on his dazed senses, are indescribable. 
 Indeed, I have seen Derby Day once, and I fancied then 
 that I only saw madmen, for great bearded, hoary-headed 
 fellows, though well-dressed enough, behaved in the most 
 idiotic fashion, amazing me quite. Well, on this December 
 5th we became suddenly smitten with madness in the same 
 manner. Had you seen us you would have thought we had 
 lost our senses, or that "Legion" had entered and taken pos- 
 session of us. We raced with our loads over a wide un- 
 fenced field (like an English park for the softness of its 
 grass), and herds of buffalo, eland, and roan antelope stood 
 on either hand, with pointed ears and wide eyes, wondering 
 at the sudden wave of human beings yelling with joy as 
 they issued out of the dark depths of the forest. 
 
 On the confines of this forest, near a village which was 
 rich in sugar-cane, ripe bananas, tobacco, Indian -corn, and 
 other productions of aboriginal husbandry, we came, across 
 an ancient woman lying asleep. I believe she was a leper 
 and an outcast, but she was undoubtedly ugly, vicious, and 
 old ; and being old, she was obstinate. I practised all kinds 
 of seductive arts to get her to do something besides crossly 
 mumbling, but of no avail. Curiosity having drawn towards 
 us about a hundred of our people, she fastened fixed eyes 
 on one young fellow (smooth-faced and good-looking), and 
 smiled. I caused him to sit near her, and she became vol- 
 uble enough — beauty and youth had tamed the " beast." 
 From her talk we learned that there was a powerful tribe 
 called the Bazanza, with a great king, to the north-east of 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 50 
 
 our camp, of whom we might be well afraid, as the people 
 were as numerous as grass. Had we learned this ten days 
 earlier, I might have become anxious for the result, but it 
 now only drew a contemptuous smile from the people, for 
 each one, since he had seen the grass-land and evidences of 
 meat, had been transformed into a hero. 
 
 We poured out on the plain a frantic multitude, but after 
 an hour or two we became an orderly column. Into the 
 emptied villages of the open country we proceeded, to regale 
 ourselves on melon, rich-flavored bananas, and plantains, and 
 great pots full of wine. The fowls, unaware of the presence 
 of a hungry mob, were knocked down, plucked, roasted or 
 boiled ; the goats, meditatively browsing or chewing the cud, 
 were suddenly seized and decapitated, and the grateful aroma 
 of roast meat gratified our senses. An abundance, a prodigal 
 abundance, of good things, had awaited our eruption into the 
 grass-land. Every village was well stocked with provisions, 
 and even luxuries long denied to us. Under such fare the 
 men became most robust, diseases healed as if by magic, the 
 weak became strong, and there was not a goee-goee or chicken- 
 heart left. Only the Babusesse, near the main Ituri, were 
 tempted to resist the invasion. 
 
 Between the Ituri and the JSTyanza, however, the fighting 
 was sharp and almost continuous to the edge of the lake. 
 The will to fight was very evident, but our people drove 
 them to flight upon every occasion. This region is inhabited 
 by remnants of tribes who have come from Unyoro, Itoro, 
 south-east and south, and from other nations north, to settle, 
 hy force or consent, among the Wahuma shepherds and 
 herdsmen. The most numerous are the Baregga, or Balegga, 
 who occupy a compact mass of hills south-west of Lake 
 Albert, and whose territory extends down to the level of the 
 Albert. The Baregga also made the most fierce and obsti- 
 nate resistance to us. For three days in succession they 
 poured down the hills on our flank and rear. Having 
 
60 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 learned that there was no hope of satisfying them except by 
 a hasty withdrawal, we simply pressed on, and fronted them 
 on each occasion with smoking Remingtons, until the waste 
 tract of the ISTyanza gave us a breathing spell. 
 
 At the Nyanza there was no news to be had of Emin 
 Pasha. Our couriers from Zanzibar had not arrived evident- 
 ly. It was an inhospitable wilderness; not a sizable tree 
 could be found ; the natives were aggressive and confident. 
 By a night march we regained the crest of the plateau un- 
 known to the natives. Another serious bout took place. 
 Again we drove the Baregga back ; again we passed through 
 Mazamboni's valleys, and despite the utmost endeavors of 
 the natives, recrossed the Ituri, and entered the forest region, 
 until we gained Ibwiri, eleven marches from the Nyanza. 
 At this place we built a fort ; that is, we dug a ditch, made 
 a breastwork, erected tall platforms for sharp-shooters, and 
 surrounded the whole with a maze of fences. The absence 
 of our boat had caused this retreat from the lake. We now 
 proposed to remedy this. We sent a hundred men under 
 Lieutenant Stairs to bring up the boat and goods, and two 
 officers, Captain Nelson and Surgeon Parke, left behind at a 
 place eight marches south from Ibwiri. Meantime we culti- 
 vated the land, planted corn, beans, and tobacco ; and having 
 left a sufficient garrison in the fort, called Bodo, or " Peace," 
 we marched for the Albert Lake a second time, April 2, 
 1889. 
 
 The sharp punishment the natives of the grass-land had 
 received on our first visit had so tamed them that they all 
 made peace with us one after the other, paid indemnities for 
 expenses in the shape of cattle and food. They cut wood, 
 bore water to the camp, carried our ammunition and mate- 
 rial, furnished us with guides, and escorted us by hundreds. 
 We had but to express a wish and it was gratified. As we 
 were nearing the lake, a chief named Kavalli handed me a 
 note. The note was from Emin Pasha, requesting us to stay 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 61 
 
 where we were until he could communicate with us. As 
 this would mean a delay, I despatched Mr. Jephson with the 
 boat and fifty men to launch the boat, because now there 
 was no fear, as all the land round about, from the forest to 
 the lake, the chiefs made formal tender of to me. 
 
 Three days later Mr. Jephson arrived at the first of Emin 
 Pasha's stations, where he was soon joined by the Egyptian 
 Governor and his staff, and two days later we received the 
 Pasha and his staff, Captain Casati, and Mr. Jephson at our 
 camp near Kavalli, on the Nyanza, where we learned that 
 everything was as well as it should be, and that we had been 
 in ample time for such relief as he required. 
 
 After a stay of twenty-six days with the Pasha there was 
 one work still to be done, and that was to find the rear col- 
 umn under Major Barttelot, of whom we had not heard a 
 word since we left him on the 28th of June, 1887. Had the 
 Stanley steamer arrived in due time with Messrs. Troup, 
 Ward, and Bonny, and the 126 men left at Bolobo? Had 
 Tippu Tib joined the major, according to contract, at Zanzi- 
 bar? If so, why so slow? Unless some serious hitch had 
 taken place, we must surely have met him, or heard of him 
 in February, March, or April, while at Fort Bodo collecting 
 our convalescents. These questions were being daily dis- 
 cussed, and numerous conjectures were made as to the rea- 
 sons for this delay. Indeed, I felt more anxiety about the 
 rear column than I had felt for Emin Pasha, since to the 
 rear column was confided the largest number of stores of 
 every kind. Our advance had only been a kind of forlorn 
 hope, to carry assurance of relief principally. Then, the 
 major was inexperienced in African travelling, knowing no 
 language but English and French, and a little Arabic, but 
 of undoubted bravery, loyalty, and resolution. 
 
 Leaving Stairs, Nelson, and Parke at Fort Bodo — Jeph- 
 son with Emin Pasha — we started from the fort June 16, 
 1888. Fifty-seven days later we overtook our couriers that 
 
62 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 had been started from Fort Bodo February 16th with letters 
 to the major ; and four days after this we met the rear col- 
 umn, or, rather, the miserable, forlorn, and despised rem- 
 nant of it, with only Mr. Bonny in charge. Poor Major 
 Barttelot was dead, shot by his auxiliary carriers, to obtain 
 whom he had wasted so many months. Mr. Jamieson was 
 en route to Bangala, 600 miles lower down the Congo. Mr. 
 Troup had been invalided home, and Mr. Ward was detain- 
 ed at Bangala by an order from Major Barttelot and Mr. 
 Jamieson ; and Mr. Bonny, the inferior officer, was left in 
 charge of the rear column, which numbered about a fourth 
 of the number I had left with the officers, for out of 257 
 there were only seventy-one, many of them too sick to move, 
 the majority worthless as carriers, and only about ten at all 
 presentable or suitable for the long journey before us. 
 
 /Sept. 5th. — Another time I have been able to send off a 
 letter. Salim bin Mohammed will take this to Stanley Falls. 
 
 God bless you ! Remember me kindly to your wife and 
 
 children. 
 
 Ever yours, 
 
 Henry M. Stanley. 
 A. L. Bruce, Esq. 
 
 LETTER VII. 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL RESULTS BETWEEN YAMBUYA AND THE ALBERT 
 
 NYANZA. 
 
 Mariri Rapids, Ituri River, Central Africa, September 1, 1888. 
 To the Secretary of the Royal Geographical Society, 1 Savile Row, 
 London. 
 
 Sir, — I take advantage of the portage now being conduct- 
 ed overland along these Rapids to give you some geograph- 
 ical details of the New Land lately traversed, and now about 
 to be re-traversed by us. 
 
 Yambuya, our intrenched camp, is in N. lat. 1° 17', E. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. G3 
 
 long. 25° 8' ; the objective point of the expedition was Ka- 
 valli, in K lat. 1° 22', E. long. 30° 30'. In a direct line the 
 distance is 322 geographical miles. Until we penetrated 
 and marched through it, this region was entirely unexplored, 
 and untrodden by either white or Arab. For the purposes 
 of this expedition, we should have wished to have known 
 something of it, but we could glean no information respect- 
 ing the interior, because the natives were so wild and shy of 
 all strangers. 
 
 Having selected my officers and men, my force numbered 
 389, rank and file. The rest of the expedition was left at 
 Yambuya until the rear column could be collected from Bo- 
 lobo and Stanley Pool. We bore a steel boat 28 by 6 feet 
 with us, about three tons of ammunition, and a couple of 
 tons of sundries, provisions, etc., etc. With all these goods 
 and baggage we had a reserve force of about 180 supernu- 
 meraries. Half of them carried, besides their Winchesters, 
 billhooks to pierce the bush and cut down obstructions. 
 This band formed the pioneers — a most useful body. 
 
 The path leading from Yambuya was tolerable only for 
 about five miles ; we were then introduced into the difficulties 
 which more or less would impede our movements and arrest 
 rapid progress. These consisted of creepers varying from 
 one-eighth of an inch to fifteen inches in diameter, swing- 
 ing across the path in bowlines, or loops, sometimes massed 
 and twisted together, also of a low, dense bush, occupying 
 the sites of old clearings, which had to be carved through 
 before a passage was possible. Where years had elapsed 
 since the clearings had been abandoned we found a young 
 forest, and the spaces between the trees choked with climb- 
 ing plants, vegetable creepers, and tall plants. This kind 
 had to be tunnelled through before an inch of progress 
 could be made. The primeval forest offered least obstruc- 
 tion, but the atmosphere was close, stagnant, impure, and an 
 eternal gloom reigned there, intensified every other day by 
 
64 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 the thick black clouds charged with rain so characteristic of 
 this forest region. 
 
 We camped at Yakonde, a populous settlement opposite 
 rapids, on the first day of departure, the 28th June, 1887. 
 Along the river-bank no path could be found ; besides, the 
 river trended too much to the north-east for the course I 
 proposed to take ; we therefore cut a path through the ma- 
 nioc fields and came upon a travelled road leading from vil- 
 lage to village inland. In a few days we became fully initi- 
 ated into the subtleties of savage warfare. Every art known 
 to native minds for annoying strangers was practised by 
 these natives. The path frequently had shallow pits filled 
 with sharpened splinters, or skewers, deftly covered over 
 with large leaves. For barefooted people this proved a terri- 
 ble punishment. Often the skewers would perforate the feet 
 quite through ; at other times the tops would be buried in 
 the feet, resulting in gangrenous sores. We had ten men 
 lamed by these skewers — so efficiently lamed that few of 
 them recovered to be of much use to us. One of the ap- 
 proaches to every village was a straight road, perhaps a hun- 
 dred yards long, and twelve feet wide, cleared of jungle, but 
 bristling with these skewers carefully and cunningly hidden 
 at every place likely to be trodden by an incautious foot. 
 The real path was crooked, and took a wide detour ; the cut 
 road appeared so tempting, so straight, and so short. At 
 the village end was the watchman, to beat his drum and 
 sound the alarm, when every native would take his weapons 
 and proceed to the appointed place to ply his bow at every 
 opportunity. Yet despite a formidable list of hostile meas- 
 ures and attempts, no life was lost, though our wounded in- 
 creased in number. 
 
 After a few days of this work the path became an ele- 
 phant track, leading south-east and south and south-west. 
 We again changed our course. By compass, we found a 
 path leading north-east and east, and on the 5th July touched 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 65 
 
 the river again, and being free of rapids apparently, I light- 
 ened the advance column of the steel boat and forty loads. 
 The boat proved invaluable ; she not only carried our cripples 
 and sick, but also nearly two tons of goods. From July 5th 
 to the middle of October we clung to the river. Sometimes 
 its immense curves and long trend north-east would give 
 me sharp twinges of doubt that it was wise to cling to it; 
 on the. other hand, the sufferings of the people, the long con- 
 tinuity of forest, the numerous creeks, the mud, the offen- 
 sive atmosphere, the perpetual rains, the long-lasting mug- 
 giness, pleaded eloquently against the abandonment of the 
 river until north lat. 2° should be attained. North lat. 2° 
 I put down as the limit ; I would prefer to dare anything 
 than go farther north. In favor of the river was also the 
 certainty of obtaining food. Such a fine, broad stream as 
 this, we argued, would surely have settlements on its banks; 
 the settlements would furnish food by fair means or force. 
 
 The river retained a noble width — from 500 to 900 
 yards — with an island here and there, sometimes a group of 
 islets, the resorts of oyster-fishermen. Such piles of oyster- 
 shells! On one island I measured a heap thirty paces long, 
 twelve feet wide at the base, and four feet high. 
 
 Such a land for fiies, insects, and butterflies ! The butter- 
 flies congregate around me as I write this letter, and flap 
 their wings in approval of this statement. There are clouds 
 of the latter sailing daily up and across stream, which last 
 for hours. 
 
 At almost every bend of the river, generally in the middle 
 of the bend — because a view of the river approach up and 
 down stream may be had — there is a village of conical huts 
 of the candle-extinguisher type. Some bends have a large 
 series of these villages populated by some thousands of na- 
 tives. The villages of Banalya, Bakubana, and Bungangeta 
 tribes run close to each other along a single long bend. The 
 first has become famous through the tragedy ending in the 
 5 
 
66 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 death of Major Barttelot. An island opposite the site of 
 the Bungangeta villages I occupied to reorganize the expe- 
 dition, which had almost become a wreck through the mis- 
 fortunes of the rear column. The abundance found by us 
 will never be found again, for the Arabs have followed my 
 track by hundreds, and destroyed villages and plantations, 
 and what the Arabs spare, the elephant herds complete. 
 
 Internecine conflicts of native tribe against native tribe 
 have also taken place — at least numerous old clearings sug- 
 gest this, and stockades along the river-fronts of the villages. 
 So many were these that a large expedition could have been 
 supported by the fields of manioc to which no owner seemed 
 to lay claim. 
 
 On the 9th of July we came to the rapids of Gwengwere, 
 another populous district. ISTear here I saw a stratum of 
 oyster-shells, covered with three feet of alluvial soil. How 
 many scores of years have elapsed since the old aborigines 
 fed on these bivalves? I should like to know; and what 
 was the tribe's name, and where, if any exists, is the rem- 
 nant 1 For waves of wild peoples have come and gone over 
 this land, as over other lands. Indeed, these villages, though 
 so close together, shelter many little tribes of men. At 
 Gwengwere Rapids, for instance, there are the Bakoka, Bag- 
 wengwere, and a little higher up are the Bapupa, Bandangi, 
 and Banali ; the tap of a drum alarms all ; while inland are 
 the Bambalulu and the Baburu, the latter of whom are 
 spread out over a considerable region. The Baburu call the 
 river Suhali. 
 
 The mornings generally were stern and sombre, the sky 
 covered with lowering and heavy clouds ; at other times thick 
 mist buried everything, clearing off about 9 a.m., sometimes 
 not till 11 a.m. Nothing stirs then ; insect life is asleep, 
 and the forest is still as death ; the dark river, darkened by 
 lofty walls of thick forest and vegetation, is silent as a 
 grave, our heart-throbs seem almost clamorous, and our in- 
 
AS TOLD m H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 67 
 
 most thoughts loud. If no rain follows this darkness, the 
 sun appears from behind the cloudy masses, the mist disap- 
 pears, and life wakens up before its brilliancy. Butterflies 
 scurry through the air, a solitary ibis croaks an alarm, a diver 
 flies across the stream, the forest is full of a strange murmur, 
 and somewhere up-river booms the alarm drum. The quick- 
 sighted natives have seen us, voices vociferate challenges, 
 there is a flash of spears, and hostile passions are aroused. 
 
 On the 17th of July, 1887, we camped at this very place 
 where I now write this letter on the 1st of September, 1888, 
 thirteen and one-half months ago. Beyond Mariri Rapids 
 is a large settlement on the south bank called Mupe ; there 
 is another portion of the same tribe located a little higher 
 up on the north bank. Up to this place there is no decid- 
 ed fall of water; the rapids are caused by reefs of rock, 
 through which the river has channelled passages, where the 
 current is like that of a sluice. Conveying as we do such 
 stores of ammunition and baggage, there is a delay of per- 
 haps two days at such rapid, for we have to carry the bag- 
 gage overland, and either pole or haul the canoes through 
 the rushing currents. 
 
 The next rapids are those near Bandeya, which we reached 
 on the 25th of July. Between Mariri and Bandeya Rapids 
 are located the Balulu, Batunda, Bumbwa, and at the last 
 rapids are the Bwamburi. Inland, to the north, are the 
 Batua, and Mabodi occupy the region farther east. To the 
 south are the Bundiba peoples, the Binyali, and Bakongo. 
 
 Peace among the river tribes is signified by tossing water 
 upward with the hand or paddle, and letting it fall on their 
 heads. If we believed them, the natives all suffered from 
 famine — there was no corn, nor bananas, nor sugar-cane, nor 
 fowls, goats, or anything else. Exhibition of brass wire, 
 cowries, or beads had no charm for them — because, since 
 they had no food, such kinds of currency were unattainable. 
 Long ago we had surely all died from want had we been so 
 
68 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 simple as to believe them. In every attempt at barter we 
 suffered from the cunning rogues. A brass rod only pur- 
 chased three ears of corn — in a short time a fowl rose to 
 five brass rods. To live at all, we had to take what we 
 could, for our would-be friends were our worst enemies, be- 
 cause they aided a constant enemy to us — hunger. 
 
 At a place called Mugwye's, above the rapids of Bandeya, 
 there is a cluster of seven villages, backed by plantations of 
 bananas and manioc-fields miles square. An entire day 
 was spent by us pleading, begging, and expostulating, and 
 bartering at terribly dear prices — about a third of the peo- 
 ple had received about three ears of corn each for their 
 cowries and brass rods. The shamefulness of this you will 
 better understand when I tell you that at Bangala, 800 miles 
 nearer the ocean, a brass rod purchases ten rolls of cassava 
 bread, three cowries purchased about fifty bananas, etc.; here 
 a brass rod ought to have purchased twenty rolls of bread, 
 or two large bunches of bananas. Well, we went over in 
 the boat and canoes and helped ourselves, and prepared 
 food for the nine days' wilderness ahead of us. 
 
 Four days' march above Mugwye's, we came to Panga 
 Falls — a decided fall of thirty feet in the centre. The peo- 
 ple here tried to cozen us also ; but as life could not be sus- 
 tained with empty words, our intercourse was but short. 
 
 Above Panga the rapids became more frequent — there is 
 Nejambi, Mabengu, and Avugadu ; and a day's paddling 
 above the latter we come to the settlement of Avejeli, 
 opposite the cataract by which the Nepoko, 300 yards wide, 
 tumbles into the Ituri, or Aruwimi. 
 
 We gain but little information from natives with whom 
 we establish friendship — they are too suspicious and prone to 
 lying; our best sources are those whom we succeed in capt- 
 uring. After a day's experience of us they recover their 
 equanimity and impart readily what they know, or at least 
 as much as we can understand of their languages. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. G9 
 
 There was a stout, well-built native captured at Mugwye's. 
 He reported to us that there was a large lake to the E.S.E., 
 called Nouma, or Urna; it would be found where the Ne- 
 poko and Nowelle join and become one. It took a native 
 two days to cross the lake. There was a large island in the 
 middle full of terrible serpents. I was anxious to see this 
 lake, for I looked upon it as a means of lightening our la- 
 bors. A water-way taking us 100 miles — or even sixty 
 miles east — would be invaluable to us. Road-cutting and 
 hundreds of obstacles met in forest-marching would be done 
 away with. Some of the terrible serpents we would secure, 
 in some way, as specimens. The native was so precise as to 
 locality that we believed him, but two days from Avejeli 
 our guide escaped, and his story turned out to be a fable ; 
 for we never heard more of Nouma, or of any other lake 
 while in the forest region. 
 
 Nejambi Rapids mark the division between two different 
 kinds of architecture and language. Below, the cone huts 
 are to be found ; above the rapids we have villages long and 
 straight, of detached square huts surrounded by tall logs of 
 the Rubiacese wood, which form separate courts, and add 
 materially to the strength of a village. Defended by rifles, 
 such villages would require a large force to capture. The 
 walls of the huts are jealously screened with logs also. We 
 found, after a few days' experience among these, that the 
 natives have been compelled to adopt there many precautions 
 against the poisoned arrows in use throughout the region. 
 At Avisibba, about half-way between Panga Falls and the 
 Nepoko, the natives attacked our camp in quite a resolute 
 and determined fashion. Their stores of poisoned arrows, 
 they thought, gave them every advantage ; and, indeed, when 
 the poison is fresh it is most deadly. Lieutenant Stairs and 
 five men were wounded by these. Lieutenant Stairs's wound 
 was from an arrow the poison of which was dry — it must 
 have been put on some days before. After three weeks or 
 
70 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 so he recovered strength, though the wound was not closed 
 for months. One man received a slight puncture near the 
 wrist; he died from tetanus five days after. Another re- 
 ceived a puncture near the shoulder in the muscles of the 
 arm ; he. died six hours later than the first case — of tetanus 
 also. One was wounded in the gullet — a slight puncture ; 
 he died on the seventh day. I believe one wounded in the 
 side died at night the same day. Tetanus ended the suffer- 
 ings of all. We were much exercised as to what this poison 
 might be that was so deadly. On returning from the Ny- 
 anza to relieve the rear column, under Major Barttelot, we 
 halted at Avisibba, and, rummaging among the huts, found 
 several packets of dried red ants, or pismires. It was then 
 we knew that the dried bodies of these, ground into powder, 
 cooked in palm oil, and smeared over the wooden points of 
 the arrows, was the deadly irritant by which we lost so many 
 fine men with such terrible suffering. JSTow we wonder that 
 we have been so long in the dark, for we could create any 
 number of poisons from such insects as we have seen. The 
 large black ant, for instance, whose bite causes a great blis- 
 ter, would be still more venomous prepared in the same way; 
 the small gray caterpillars would make another irritant which, 
 mixed with the blood, would torture a man to death ; the 
 bloated spiders, an inch in length, which are covered with 
 prickles most painful to the touch, would form another ter- 
 rible compound, the effects of which make one shudder to 
 think of. These poisons are prepared in the woods. In the 
 depths of the forest the savage makes his fire and prepares 
 the fatal venom which lays low even the huge elephant. It 
 is forbidden to cook it near a village. In the forest he 
 smears his arrows, and having covered the points with fresh 
 leaves lest he himself might be a victim, he is ready for war. 
 I could write a book almost upon the various species of 
 bees found in this forest region, and several books miojht be 
 written about the multitude of curious insects we have seen. 
 
AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 71 
 
 What with the bees of all kinds, the wasps, the various kinds 
 of ticks, gnats, etc., our lives have been made just as misera- 
 ble as they could well be. We were prepared to encounter 
 the most ferocious cannibals, but the Central African forest 
 now opened for the first time contains some horrors within 
 its gloomy bosom that we were not prepared for. 
 
 The banks of the river, covered with forest from the Con- 
 go to the ISTepoko, are uniformly low; here and there they 
 rise to about forty feet ; but above the Nepoko, hills begin 
 to crop up more frequently, palms are more numerous, and 
 the woods show the tall, white-stemmed trees so character- 
 istic of the slopes of the Lower Congo. Apropos of these, 
 the natives have a curious way of clearing the woods : they 
 make a platform about ten or fifteen, or even twenty, feet 
 high above the reach of the buttress, and chop the trees 
 down at that height. A clearing will show a few hundreds 
 of trees thus cropped ; and when the bark is decayed, a 
 stranger might fancy, from a first view of the field, that he 
 had come upon a ruined city of temples. 
 
 Above the Nepoko, navigation becomes more difficult, 
 rapids are more frequent — there are two considerable falls 
 to be met with. The land rises steadily, until about 400 
 miles above Yambuya the river is contracted into a rushing 
 stream about 100 yards wide, banked by the steep walls of a 
 canon, though of course in this forest region woods clothe 
 the slopes and summits. Whatever changes the face of the 
 land may show, the forest covers peak, hill, ridge, valley, 
 plain — everywhere it is continuous, nowhere broke-n, except 
 at such clearings as man has made. 
 
 We braved this stream, wild as it was, for a few days lon- 
 ger, but finally progress became impossible. We emptied 
 canoes and boat of their loads, mustered the caravan, and 
 found we were so physically weak that we could not carry 
 them. Ulcers, famine, dysentery, had sapped the strength 
 of a great number. The whole of October, though we had 
 
72 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 only about fifty miles to travel, was spent in gaining the set- 
 tlement of Kilonga-Longa, about 460 miles above Yambuya, 
 sending relief parties back to the survivors of those we had 
 left behind. Had we been a year earlier — say had we started 
 in 1886 instead of 1887 — we should have met with plenty of 
 food up to the Nyanza ; but the Arabs, or two Arabs and 
 their followers, had devastated a whole region. Fungi and 
 wild fruit sustained us ; and those who could not get suffi- 
 cient of the strange things we lived upon perished, or de- 
 serted the starving column to die elsewhere. 
 
 You can understand our course hitherto. From Yambuya's 
 position 1° 17' IS", lat., we reached with the winding river 
 1° 58' N. lat. ; from that point we gradually came south to 
 1° N. Kilonga-Longa's is in north latitude 1° 6', and from 
 this point we struck an almost direct line to Ibwiri, N. lat. 1° 
 20', 3600 feet above the sea, then direct to Mount Pisgah in 
 !N". lat. 1° 21', whence we first caught a view of the grass-land. 
 
 From Kilonga-Longa's to the base of Pisgah the people 
 are Bakumu, and from the south bank of the Ituri to Stan- 
 ley Falls on the Congo, the people are known under that 
 term. East of the Ituri, above Kilonga-Longa's, the people 
 are Balesa, while in the forest region. The style of villages 
 is a single street, flanked by huts connected one with anoth- 
 er, of uniform height and make. One of these villages is 
 like a long, low hut, say 200, 300, or even 400 yards long, 
 sawn from end to end in half — each half removed from the 
 other to make a street between, varying from twenty to six- 
 ty feet in width. 
 
 Having left the regions invaded by the Arabs and their 
 followers in their search for ivory, we fared well, and lived 
 almost sumptuously. Our people regained their lost strength 
 and became men once more, ready and willing to do any- 
 thing or go anywhere. We showed them the grass-land ; 
 with grass they connected cattle, quite a sufficient induce- 
 ment to spur them on. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 73 
 
 June 28th we began our march through the forest ; on 
 December 5th we entered the grass-land — a beautiful rolling 
 country. On the 6th we crossed a branch of the Ituri, forty 
 yards broad, flowing from N.N.W. ; on the 9th we crossed 
 the main Ituri, 125 yards broad, coming from N.N.E. ; on 
 the 10th we crossed another branch of the Ituri coming 
 from E.N.E. ; on the 13th we looked down upon the Al- 
 bert Nyanza from a height (by aneroid) of 5200 feet. This 
 was the highest point of land reached by us, though on ei- 
 ther side of this there were points attaining an altitude of 
 quite 6000 feet. And from this highest point there was a 
 sudden drop of 2900 feet to the level of the Albert Lake. 
 
 As I may say also that ten minutes' march took us from 
 the head of the stream, draining towards the Ituri to the 
 spot whence we saw the Nyanza at our feet, it does not re- 
 quire much imagination to picture the face or contour of 
 the land from this point down to the confluence of the Aru- 
 wimi, or Ituri, with the Congo. It is like the smooth glacis 
 of a fort, and then a sudden drop to the bottom of the ditch ; 
 the sloping glacis would represent the valley of the Ituri 
 up the crest, and then the deep gulf, 2900 feet deep, at the 
 bottom of which is the lake. 
 
 The Aruwimi has many names — the Dudu, Biyerre, Su- 
 halij the Nevva, Nowelle, Itiri — for the last 300 miles of its 
 course, but upward to its source it has a singular, wide- 
 spreading fame under the name of Ituri. The aborigines 
 of the Nyanza — the open plateau and forest tribes down to 
 within a few miles of the Nepoko — all unite in calling it 
 the Ituri. 
 
 The main Ituri, at the distance of 680 miles from its 
 mouth, is 125 yards wide, nine feet deep, and has a current 
 of three knots. It appears to run parallel with the Nyanza. 
 Near that group of cones and hills affectionately named 
 Mount Schweinfurth, Mount Junker, and Mount Speke, I 
 would place its highest source. Draw three or four respect- 
 
74: THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 able streams draining into it from the crest of the plateau 
 overlooking the Albert Nyanza, and two or three respectable 
 streams flowing into it from north-westerly ; let the main 
 stream flow S.W. to near !N". lat. 1° ; give it a bow-like form 
 K lat. 1° to N. lat. 1° 50' ; then let it flow with curves and 
 bends down to N. lat. 1° 17 / near Yambuya, and you have a 
 sketch of the course of the Aruwimi, or Ituri,from the high- 
 est source down to its mouth, and the length of this Congo 
 tributary will be 800 miles. We have travelled on it and 
 along its banks for 680 miles on our first march to the Ny- 
 anza, for 156 miles along its banks or near its vicinity we 
 returned to obtain our boat from Kilonga-Longa's, then we 
 conveyed the boat to the Nyanza for as many miles again; 
 for 480 miles we traversed its flanks or voyaged on its waters 
 to hunt up the rear column of the expedition ; for as many 
 miles we must retrace our steps to the Albert Nyanza for the 
 third time. You will therefore agree with me that we have 
 sufficient knowledge of this river for all practical purposes. 
 On the 25th of May, 1888, Emin Pasha's Soudanese were 
 drawn up in line to salute the advance column as it marched 
 in file towards the Ituri River from the Nyanza. Half an 
 hour after we parted I was musing, as I walked, of the Pasha 
 and his steamer, when my gun-bearer cried out, " See, sir, 
 what a big mountain ; it is covered with salt!" I gazed in 
 the direction he pointed out, and there, sure enough, 
 
 " Some blue peaks in the distance rose, 
 And white against the cold white sky 
 Shone out their crowning snows;" 
 
 or, rather, to be true, a blue mountain of prodigious height 
 and mass. This, then, said I, must be the Puwenzori which 
 the natives said had something white like the metal of my 
 lamp on the top. By prismatic compass-bearing the centre 
 of the summit bore 215° magnetic, from a point five miles 
 from the shores of Nyanza. I should estimate its distance 
 to be quite fifty miles from where we stood. Whether it is 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 75 
 
 Mount Gordon Bennett or not I am uncertain. Against the 
 supposition is the fact that I saw no snow on the latter in 
 1876, that its shape is vastly different, and that Ruwenzori 
 is a little too far west for the position I gave of Gordon 
 Bennett; and I doubt that Gordon Bennett Mountain, if its 
 latitude is correct, could be seen from a distance of eighty 
 geographical miles in an atmosphere not very remarkable 
 for its clearness. I should say that the snow-line seemed to 
 be about 1000 feet from the summit. There is plenty of 
 room for both Ruwenzori and Gordon Bennett in the inter- 
 vening space between Beatrice Gulf and the Albert Nyanza. 
 
 Apropos of the latter lake, I am utterly at a loss to con- 
 jecture how Sir Samuel Baker could stretch it to such an 
 infinite length to the south-west from the position of the 
 highland or terrace, or knoll, above Yacovia, or Mbakovia. 
 Its extremest southern point is about 1° 11/ !N". lat. ; I think 
 about four or five miles at the utmost from the place where 
 he stood. To make matters more complicated, he says in his 
 book that the day he viewed it was " beautifully clear." If 
 so, he should have seen that he was merely looking at a 
 shallow bay, some ten miles wide,' and four or five miles 
 deep ; that into a tongue of the bay enters the Semliki River, 
 a southern tributary of the lake, flowing from the south-west 
 through an almost level plain. And if it were a " beauti- 
 fully clear day," he could not fail to have seen this snowy 
 mountain right before him as he looked towards the south- 
 west. " The blue mountains " also are no other than the 
 slope of the plateau, 5200 feet above the sea, or 2900 feet 
 above the Albert. That remarkable cataract also is only the 
 wet face of sheet-rock, washed by a small stream about ten 
 feet wide. 
 
 Until we stood at ~N. lat. 1° 20', looking down upon the 
 lake, I half suspected that Colonel Mason had committed a 
 grievous error in his observations, or that a large bank of 
 mud, overgrown with tall reeds, had prevented him from 
 
76 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 seeing the lake beyond ; but unfortunately for Sir Samuel's 
 huge lake, Colonel Mason has done his work, and mapped 
 the lake, so well that there is nothing -left for me but to 
 vouch for the general accuracy of his chart of the Albert 
 Nyanza. 
 
 At the south and south-west of the lake there is no mys- 
 tery. A century (or perhaps more) ago the lake must have 
 been some twelve or fifteen miles longer, and considerably 
 broader opposite Mbakovia than it is now. With the wear- 
 ing away of the reefs obstructing the Kile below Wadelai, 
 the lake has rapidly receded, and is still doing so, to the as- 
 tonishment of the Pasha (Emin), who first saw Lake Albert 
 seven or eight years ago ; " For," he says, " islands that were 
 near the west shore have now become headlands occupied by 
 our stations, and native villages." 
 
 Across the lake from Nyamsassic to Mbakovia its color 
 indicates great shallowness, being brown and muddy, like 
 that of a river flowing through alluvial soil. Some of this 
 must of course be due to the Semliki River; but while on 
 board the Khedive steamer, from Nyamsassic to Nsabi, I 
 noticed that the pole of the sounding-man at the bow con- 
 stantly touched ground a mile and a half from shore. Near 
 the south end the steamer has to anchor about five miles 
 from shore. 
 
 At the south-west end the plain rises from the edge of the 
 lake one foot in 180 feet ; the plain of the south end rises at 
 the same rate for about ten miles ; a slight change then 
 takes place as the eastern and western walls of the table- 
 land draw nearer, and debris from their slopes, washed by 
 rains and swept by strong winds, humus of grass and thorn 
 forest, have added to its height above the lake. Natives 
 say that south of this the plain slopes steeply to the level of 
 the uplands. A shoulder of the western wall prevented us 
 from verifying this, and the beyond must be left until we 
 take our journey homeward. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 77 
 
 I look upon the country lying between the Albert Nyanza 
 and the lake discovered by me in 1876 as promising curious 
 revelations. Up to this moment I am not certain to which 
 river the last lake belongs, whether to the Nile or the Congo. 
 I believe to the latter, but what I am sure of is that it has 
 no connection with the Albert Nyanza. The Ruwenzori 
 slopes must supply a large portion of the waters of the Sem- 
 liki River, the plateau south-west and west must supply the 
 rest. But it is at the water-parting between the Semliki and 
 some other river south or south-west that real interest begins. 
 
 The tribes inhabiting the forest and valley of the Ituri are 
 undoubted cannibals. Between the Nepoko and the grass- 
 land the dwarfs are exceedingly numerous. They are called 
 Wambutti. The Pasha's people with us recognize in them 
 the Tikki-tikki farther north. A few only of these peo- 
 ple are to be found south of the Ituri. I suppose we 
 saw about 150 forest villages or camps of the Wambutti. 
 They are a venomous, cowardly, and thievish race ; very ex- 
 pert with their arrows, as we have found to our cost. 
 
 Ugarrowwa, a former tent-boy of Speke's, now grown to 
 be an important man in this region, through wealth unlaw- 
 fully gathered at the expense of thousands of forest natives, 
 is becoming impatient for this letter. To him I confide it, 
 trusting that it will reach you some time. — Yours obediently, 
 
 Henry M. Stanley. 
 
 TELEGRAMS FROM MR. STANLEY. 
 
 THE HOME-COMING — EXTENSION OF THE VICTORIA NYANZA. 
 
 [The following telegram from Mr. Stanley, despatched from 
 Zanzibar, reached Sir Wm. Mackinnon on November 4th.] 
 
 November 2, 1889. 
 
 Reached Albert Nyanza from Banalya, place of despatch 
 of last letter to you, for the third time in 140 days. Eound 
 
78 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 out that Emin and Jephson both prisoners since 18th Au- 
 gust last year, being day after I made the discovery that 
 Major Barttelot's caravan was wrecked. Troops Equatorial 
 Province revolted, shaken off all allegiance ; shortly after 
 Mahdists invaded province in full force. After the first 
 battle many stations yielded, panic-struck ; the natives joined 
 invaders, assist destruction of province ; fugitives were killed; 
 great loss of ammunition. Invaders suffered reverse at tak- 
 ing of Dufile, and despatched steamer to Khartoum for re- 
 inforcements. Found a letter waiting for me near Albert 
 Nyanza exposing dangerous position, survivors urging im- 
 mediate necessity my arrival before the end of December, 
 otherwise it would be too late. Arrived there 18th January 
 for third time. From 14th February to 8th May I waited 
 for fugitives, then left Albert Nyanza homeward bound. 
 Route taken : traversed Sempliki Valley, Anamba, Uson- 
 gora, Toro, Uhaiyama, Unyampaka, Anhori, Karagwe, Uha- 
 yai, Uzinza to South Victoria Nyanza. No hostile natives 
 since we left Kabbarega ; travelled along base snowy range 
 Kujenzori ; three sides Southern Nyanza, or Nyanza of 
 Usongora. It is called now Albert Edward Nyanza, and is 
 about nine hundred feet higher than Albert Nyanza. It has 
 exit by the Sempliki, which receives over fifty streams from 
 Ruwenzori, and finally enters Albert Nyanza, making Albert 
 Edward source south-west branch White Nile, Victoria Ny- 
 anza being south-east sources. 
 
 [The following telegram from Mr. Stanley was received 
 by Sir William Mackinnon on November 21st.] 
 
 "Arrived at Mpwapwa 10th November; expect to leave 
 12th November for East Coast, via Simbamwenni. Euro- 
 peans all well. Bringing about 300 Soudanese. Expect me 
 to arrive any day at coast. Have discovered Victoria Nyanza 
 extends south-west, bringing it to within 155 miles of Lake 
 Tanganyika; length of Victoria Nyanza now 270 miles, area 
 27,000 square miles." 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 79 
 
 [On the same date the following telegram was received at 
 the Foreign Office.] 
 
 "Zanzibar, November 21, 1889. 
 
 "Following news from Stanley: — Arrived at Mpwapwa 
 November 10th, fifty-fifth day from Victoria Nyanza and 
 188th from Albert Nyanza. Europeans present — Stairs, 
 Nelson, Jephson, Parke, Bonny, Hoffmann, Emin Pasha and 
 daughter, Casati, Marco, and Fathers Grault and Schinze, of 
 Algerian Mission. Proposed leaving 12th, reach coast via 
 Heuba Mwemi. Stanley says has made unexpected discov- 
 ery of real value to Africa in extension of Victoria Nyanza 
 to the south-west. The utmost southerly reach of this ex- 
 tension is south latitude 2 deg. 48 min., and brings Victorian 
 Sea within 155 miles from Lake Tanganyika, and that area 
 of lake is 26,900 square miles. All letters and news now 
 pass through German hands." 
 
 LETTER VIII. 
 
 THE MARCH TO THE COAST. DISCOVERIES BY THE WAY. — IM- 
 PRISONMENT OF EMIN AND MR. JEPHSON. THE MAHDI. 
 
 [The following and other Letters referring to the march 
 to the Coast were received in London in the end of No- 
 vember.] 
 
 Kafurro, Arab Settlement, Karagwe, xlugust 5, 1889. 
 
 To the Chairman of the Emin Pasha Relief Fund. 
 
 Sir, — My last report to you was sent off by Salim bin 
 Mohammed in the early part of September, 1888. Over a 
 year full of stirring events for this part of the world has 
 passed since then. I will endeavor in this other following 
 letter to inform you of what has occurred. 
 
 Having gathered such as were left of the rear column, 
 and such Manyuemas as were willing of their own accord to 
 
80 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 accompany me, and entirely reorganized the expedition, we 
 set off on our return to the Nyanza. You will, doubtless, 
 remember that Mr. Mounteney Jephson had been left with 
 Emin Pasha, to convey my message to the Egyptian troops, 
 and that on or about the 26th of July both Emin Pasha and 
 Mr. Jephson were to start from the Nyanza, with a sufficient 
 escort, and a number of porters to conduct the officers and 
 garrison of Fort Bodo to a new station that was to be erected 
 near Kavalli, on the south-west side of Lake Albert, by 
 which I should be relieved of the necessity of making a 
 fourth trip to Fort Bodo. Promise for promise had been 
 made ; for, on my part, I had solemnly promised that I should 
 hurry towards Yambuya and hunt up the missing rear col- 
 umn, and be back again on Lake Albert some time about 
 Christmas. 
 
 I have already told you that the rear column was in a 
 deplorable state ; that out of the 102 members remaining I 
 doubted whether fifty would live to reach the lake; but, 
 having collected a large number of canoes, the goods and 
 sick men were transported in these vessels in such a smooth, 
 expeditious manner that there were remarkably few casual- 
 ties in the remnant of the rear column. But the wild na- 
 tives having repeatedly defeated Ugarrowwa's raiders, by 
 this discovered the extent of their own strength, gave us 
 considerable trouble, and inflicted considerable loss among 
 our best men, who had always, of course, to bear the brunt 
 of fighting and the fatigue of paddling. 
 
 However, we had no reason to be dissatisfied with the line 
 we had made, when progress by river became too tedious 
 and difficult, and the order to cast off the canoes was given. 
 This was four days' journey above Ugarrowwa's station, or 
 about three hundred miles above Banalya. 
 
 We decided that as the south bank of the Ituri River was 
 pretty well known to us, with all its intolerable scarcity and 
 terrors, it would be best to try the north bank, though we 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 81 
 
 should have to traverse for some days the despoiled lands, 
 which had been a common centre for Ugarrowwa's and 
 Kilinga-Longa's bands of raiders. We were about one bun- 
 dred and sixty miles from the grass-land, which opened a 
 prospect of future feasts of beef, veal, and mutton, with pleas- 
 ing variety of vegetables, as well as oil and butter for cook- 
 ing. Bright gossip on such subjects by those who had seen 
 the Nyanza served as stimulants to the dejected, half-heart- 
 ed survivors of the rear column. 
 
 On the 30th of October, having cast off the canoes, the 
 land march began in earnest, and two days later discovered a 
 large plantain plantation in charge of the dwarfs. The peo- 
 ple flung themselves on the plantains, to make as large a 
 provision as possible for the dreaded wilderness ahead of us. 
 The most enterprising always secured a fair share, and 
 twelve hours later would be furnished with a week's provi- 
 sions of plantain flour. The feeble and indolent revelled for 
 the time being on abundance of roasted fruit, but always 
 neglected providing for the future, and thus became victims 
 to famine. 
 
 After moving from this place, ten days passed before we 
 reached another plantation, during which time we lost more 
 men than we had lost between Banalya and Ugarrowwa's. 
 The small-pox broke out among the Manyuema and their 
 followers, and the mortality was terrible. Our Zanzibaris 
 escaped this pest, however, owing to the vaccination they 
 had undergone on board the Madura. 
 
 We were now about four days' march above the conflu- 
 ence of the Ihuru and Ituri rivers, and within about a mile 
 from the Ishuru. As there was no possibility of crossing 
 this violent and large tributary of the Ituri, or Aruwimi, we 
 had to follow its right bank until a crossing could be dis- 
 covered. 
 
 Four days later we stumbled across the principal village 
 of a district called Andikumu, surrounded by the finest plau- 
 6 
 
82 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 tation of bananas and plantains we had yet seen, which all 
 the Manyuemas' habit of spoliation and destruction had been 
 unable to destroy. There our people, after severe starvation 
 during fourteen da} 7 s, gorged themselves to such excess that 
 it contributed greatly to lessen our numbers. Every twen- 
 tieth individual suffered some complaint which entirely in- 
 capacitated him from duty. 
 
 The Ihuru River was about four miles south-south-east 
 from this place, flowing from east-north-east, and about sixty 
 yards broad, and deep, owing to the heavy rains. 
 
 From Andikumu a six days' march northerly brought us 
 to another flourishing settlement, called Indeman, situated 
 about four hours' march from the river we supposed to be 
 the Ihuru. Here I was considerably nonplussed by the 
 grievous discrepancy between native accounts and my own 
 observations. The natives called it the Ihuru River, and my 
 instruments and chronometer made it very evident that it 
 could not be the Ihuru we knew. Finally, after capturing 
 some dwarfs, we discovered that it was the right branch of 
 the Ihuru River, called the Dili River. This agreeing with 
 my own views, we searched and found a place where we 
 could build a bridge across. Mr. Bonny and our Zanzibar 
 chief threw themselves into the work, and in a few hours 
 the Dui River was safely bridged, and we passed from Inde- 
 man into a district entirely unvisited by the Manyuema. 
 
 In this new land, between the right and left branches of 
 the Ihuru, the dwarfs called Wambutti were very numerous, 
 and conflicts between our rear-guard and these crafty little 
 people occurred daily, not without harm to both parties. 
 Such as we contrived to capture we compelled to show the 
 path; but invariably, for some reason, the} 7 clung to the 
 east and east-north-east paths, whereas my route required a 
 south-east direction, because of the northing we had made in 
 seeking to cross the Dui River. Finally, we followed ele- 
 phant and game tracks on a south-east course ; but on the 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 83 
 
 9th of December we were compelled to halt for a forage in 
 the middle of a vast forest, at a spot indicated by my chart 
 to be not more than two or three miles from the Ituri Riv- 
 er, which many of our people had seen while we resided at 
 Fort Bodo. 
 
 I sent one hundred and fifty rifles back to a settlement 
 that was fifteen miles back on the route we had come, while 
 many Manyuema followers also undertook to follow them. 
 
 I quote from my journal part of what I wrote on Decem- 
 ber 14th, the sixth day of the absence of the foragers : " Six 
 days have transpired since our foragers left us. For the 
 first four days time passed rapidly — I might say almost 
 pleasantly — being occupied in recalculating all my observa- 
 tions from Ugarrowwa to Lake Albert and down to date, 
 owing to a few discrepancies here and there, which my sec- 
 ond and third visit and duplicate and triplicate observations 
 enabled me to correct. My occupation then ended, I was 
 left to wonder why the large band of foragers did not return. 
 The fifth day, having distributed all the stock of flour in 
 camp, and killed the only goat we possessed, I was compelled 
 to open the officers' provision-boxes and take a pound pot of 
 butter, with two cupfuls of my flour, to make an imitation 
 gruel, there being nothing else save tea, coffee, sugar, and a 
 pot of sago in the boxes. In the afternoon a boy died, and 
 the condition of a majority of the rest was most dishearten- 
 ing; some could not stand, but fell down in the effort. 
 These constant sights acted on my nerves, until I began to 
 feel not only moral but physical sympathy as well, as though 
 weakness was contagious. Before night a Madi carrier died; 
 the last of our Somalis gave signs of collapse ; the few Sou- 
 danese with us were scarcely able to move." 
 
 The morning of the sixth day dawned. We made the 
 broth as usual — a pot of butter, abundance of water, a pot 
 of condensed milk, a cupful of flour, for one hundred and 
 thirty people. The chiefs and Mr. Bonny were called to 
 
84 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 council. At my proposing a reverse to the foragers of such 
 a nature as to exclude our men from returning with news of 
 such a disaster, they w T ere altogether unable to comprehend 
 such a possibility. They believed it possible that these one 
 hundred and fifty men w T ere searching for food, without 
 which they would not return. They were then asked to 
 consider the supposition that they were five days searching 
 for food ; they had lost their road, perhaps, or, having no 
 white leader, they had scattered to loot goats, and had en- 
 tirely forgotten their starving friends and brothers in camp; 
 what would be the state of the one hundred and thirty peo- 
 ple five days hence? Mr. Bonny offered to stay with ten 
 men in camp, if I provided ten days' food for each person, 
 while I would set out to search for the missing men. Food 
 to make a light cupful of gruel for ten men for ten days was 
 not difficult to procure; but the sick and feeble remaining 
 must starve unless I met with good-fortune, and accordingly 
 a stone of butter, milk, flour, and biscuits were prepared and 
 handed over to the charge of Mr. Bonny. 
 
 The afternoon of the seventh day mustered everybody, 
 besides the garrison of the camp, ten men. Sadi, the Man- 
 yuema chief, surrendered fourteen of his men to doom ; 
 Kibbo-Bora, another chief, abandoned his brother ; Fundi, 
 another Manyuema chief, left one of his wives and a little 
 boy. We left twenty-six feeble, sick wretches, already past 
 all hope, unless food could be brought to them within twen- 
 ty-four hours. 
 
 In a cheery tone, though my heart was never heavier, I 
 told the forty-three hunger-bitten people that I was going 
 back to hunt up the missing men. Probably I should meet 
 them on the road, but if I did that they would be driven on 
 the run with food to them. We travelled nine miles that 
 afternoon, having passed several dead people on the road; 
 and early on the eighth day of their absence from camp, met 
 them marching in an easy fashion ; but when we were met 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 85 
 
 the pace was altered to a quick-step, so that in twenty-six 
 hours from leaving Starvation Camp we were back with a 
 cheery abundance around, gruel and porridge boiling, bana- 
 nas boiling, plantains roasting, and some meat simmering in 
 pots for soup. 
 
 This has been the nearest approach to absolute starvation 
 in all my African experience. Twenty-one persons alto- 
 gether succumbed in this dreadful camp. 
 
 On the 17th of December the Ihuru River was reached in 
 three hours, and having a presentiment that the garrison of 
 Fort Bodo was still where I had left them, the Ihuru was 
 crossed the next day, and the two days following, steering 
 through the forest, regardless of paths, we had the good- 
 fortune to strike the western angle of the Fort Bodo planta- 
 tions on the 20th. 
 
 My presentiment w T as true. Lieutenant Stairs and his 
 garrison were still in Fort Bodo, fifty-one souls out of fifty- 
 nine, and never a word had been heard of Etnin Pasha or of 
 Mr. Mounteney Jephson during the seven months of my 
 absence. Knowing the latter to be an energetic man, we 
 were left to conjecture what had detained Mr. Jephson, even 
 if the affairs of his province had detained the Pasha 
 
 On December 23d the united expedition continued its 
 march eastward, and as we had now to work by relaj r s, owing 
 to the fifty extra loads that we had stored at the fort, we did 
 not reach the Ituri Ferry, which was our last camp in the forest 
 region before emerging on the grass-land, until January 9th. 
 
 My anxiety about Mr. Jephson and the Pasha would not 
 permit me dawdle on the road, making double trips in this 
 manner; so, selecting a rich plantation and a good camping- 
 site to the east of the Ituri River, I left Lieutenant Stairs in 
 command, with one hundred and twenty-four people, includ- 
 ing Dr. Parke and Captain Nelson, in charge of all extra 
 loads and camp, and on the 11th of January continued my 
 march eastward. 
 
86 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 The people of the plains, fearing a repetition of the fight- 
 ing of December, 1887, flocked to camp as we advanced, and 
 formally tendered their submission, agreed to contributions 
 and supplies. Blood - brotherhood was made, exchange of 
 gifts made, and firm friendship was established. The huts 
 of our camp were constructed by the natives; food, fuel, 
 and water were brought to the expedition as soon as the halt- 
 ing-place was decided upon. 
 
 We heard no news of the white men on Lake Albert from 
 the plain people, by which my wonder and anxiety were in- 
 creased, until the 16th, at a place called Gaviras, messengers 
 from Kavalli came with a packet of letters, with one letter 
 written on three several dates, with several days' interval be- 
 tween, from Mr. Jephson, and two notes from Emm Pasha 
 confirming the news in Mr. Jephson's letter. 
 
 You can but imagine the intense surprise I felt while 
 reading these letters by giving you extracts from them in 
 Mr. Jephson's own words : 
 
 Duffle, November 7, 1888. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I am writing to tell you of the position of 
 affairs in this country, and I trust this letter will be deliv- 
 ered to you at Kavalli in time to warn you to be careful. 
 
 On August 18th a rebellion broke out here, and the Pasha 
 and I were made prisoners. The Pasha is a complete pris- 
 oner, but 1 am allowed to go about the station ; but my 
 movements are watched. The rebellion has been got up by 
 some half-dozen Egyptians, officers and clerks, and gradual- 
 ly others have joined, some through inclination, but most 
 through fear; the soldiers, with the exception of those at 
 Lahore, have never taken part in it, but have quietly given 
 in to their officers. 
 
 When the Pasha and I were on our way to Pegaf, two 
 men, one an officer, Abdul Vaal Effendi, and then a clerk, 
 went about and told the people that they had seen you, and 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 87 
 
 that you were only an adventurer, and had not come from 
 Egypt; that the letters you had brought from the Khedive 
 and Nubar Pasha were forgeries; that it was untrue Khar- 
 toum had fallen, and that the Pasha and you had made a 
 plot to take them, their wives, and children out of the coun- 
 try, and hand them over as slaves to the English. Such 
 words in an ignorant and fanatical country like this acted 
 like fire among the people, and the result was a general re- 
 bellion, and we were made prisoners. 
 
 The rebels then collected officers from the different sta- 
 tions, and held a large meeting here to determine what meas- 
 ures they should take, and all those who did not join in the 
 movement were so insulted and abused that they were 
 obliged, for their own safety, to acquiesce in what was done. 
 The Pasha was deposed, and those officers who were sus- 
 pected of being friendly to him were removed from their 
 posts, and those friendly to the rebels were put in their 
 places. It was decided to take the Pasha as a prisoner to 
 Regaf, and some of the worst rebels were even for putting 
 him in irons; but the officers were afraid to put their plans 
 into execution, as the soldiers said they would never permit 
 any one to lay a hand on him. Plans were also made to 
 entrap you when you returned, and strip you of all you had. 
 
 Things were in this condition, when we were startled by 
 the news that the Mahdi's people had arrived at Lado with 
 three steamers and nine sandals and nuggers, and had estab- 
 lished themselves on the site of the old station. Omar Sali, 
 their general, sent up three peacock dervishes with a letter to 
 the Pasha (a copy of this will follow, as it contains some in- 
 teresting news), demanding the instant surrender of the 
 country. The rebel officers seized them and put them in 
 prison, and decided on war. After a few days the Mahdists 
 attacked and captured Regaf, killing five officers and num- 
 bers of soldiers, and taking many women and children pris- 
 oners, and all the stores and ammunition in the station were 
 
88 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 lost. The result of this was a general stampede of people 
 from the stations of Bidden, Kirri, and Muggi, who lied with 
 their women and children to Lahore, abandoning almost ev- 
 erything. At Kirri the ammunition was abandoned, and 
 was at once seized by the natives. The Pasha reckons that 
 the Mahdists number about one thousand five hundred. 
 
 The officers and a large number of soldiers have returned 
 to Muggi, and intend to make a stand against the Mahdists. 
 Our position here is extremely unpleasant, for since the re- 
 bellion all is chaos and confusion. There is no head, and 
 half a dozen conflicting orders are given every day, and no 
 one obeys. The rebel officers are wholly unable to control 
 
 the soldiers. 
 
 . • • . • » . 
 
 The Ban's have joined the Mahdists. If they come down 
 here with a rush nothing can save us. 
 
 The officers are all very much frightened at what has 
 taken place, and are now anxiously awaiting your arrival, 
 and desire to leave the country with you, for they are now 
 really persuaded that Khartoum has fallen, and that you 
 have come from the Khedive. 
 
 • •••••• 
 
 We are like rats in a trap ; they will neither let us act 
 nor retire, and I fear unless you come very soon you will 
 be too late, and our fate will be like that of the rest of the 
 garrisons of the Soudan. Had this rebellion not happened, 
 the Pasha could have kept the Mahdists in check for some 
 time ; but as it is he is powerless to act. 
 
 I would suggest on your arrival at Kavalli that you write 
 a letter in Arabic to Shukri Aga (Chief of Mswa Station), 
 telling him of your arrival, and telling him you wish to see 
 the Pasha and myself, and write also to the Pasha or myself, 
 telling us what number of men you have with you. It 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 89 
 
 would, perhaps, be better to write to me, as a letter to him 
 might be confiscated. 
 
 • •••••* 
 
 Neither the Pasha nor myself thinks there is the slight- 
 est danger now of any attempt to capture you being made, 
 for the people are now fully persuaded you come from 
 Egypt, and they look to you to get them out of their diffi- 
 culties ; still it would be well for you to make your camp 
 strong. 
 
 If we are not able to get out of the country, please re- 
 member me to my friends, etc. — Yours faithfully, 
 
 A. J. MoUNTENEY JePIISON. 
 
 To H. M. Stanley, Esq., Commander of the 
 Relief Expedition. 
 
 Wadelai, November 24, 1888. 
 
 My messenger not having yet left Wadelai, I add this 
 
 postscript, as the Pasha wishes me to send, my former letter 
 
 to you in its entirety. 
 
 Shortly after I had written to you the soldiers were led 
 by their officers to attempt to retake Regaf, but the Mah- 
 dists defeated them, and killed six officers and a large num- 
 ber of soldiers. Among the officers killed were some of 
 the Pasha's worst enemies. The soldiers in all the stations 
 were so panic-stricken and angry at what had happened that 
 they declared they would not attempt to tight unless the 
 Pasha was set at liberty : so the rebel officers were obliged 
 to free him, and sent us to Wadelai, where he is free to do 
 as he pleases, but at present he has not resumed his author- 
 ity in the country ; he is, I believe, by no means anxious to 
 do so. We hope in a few days to be at Tunguru, a station 
 on the lake, two days by steamer from N'sabe, and I trust 
 when we hear of your arrival that the Pasha himself will 
 be able to come down with me to see you. 
 
90 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 Our danger as far as the Mahdists are concerned is, of 
 course, increased by this last defeat, but our position is in 
 one way better now, for we are farther removed from them, 
 and we have now the option of retiring if we please, which 
 we had not before while we were prisoners. We hear that 
 the Mahdists have sent steamers down to Khartoum for re- 
 inforcements ; if so, they cannot be up here for another six 
 weeks. If they come up here with reinforcements it will 
 be all up with us, for the soldiers will never stand against 
 them, and it will be a mere walk over. 
 
 Every one is anxiously looking for your arrival, for the 
 coming of the Mahdists has completely cowed them. 
 
 We may just manage to get out — if you do not come 
 later than the end of December — but it is entirely impossi- 
 ble to foresee what will happen. A. J. M. J. 
 
 Tunguru, December 18, 1888. 
 
 Dear Sir, — Mogo (the messenger) not having yet started, 
 I send a second postscript. We are now at Tunguru. On 
 November 25th the Mahdists surrounded Duffle Station, 
 and besieged it for four days. The soldiers, of whom there 
 were about live hundred, managed to repulse them, and 
 they retired to Regaf, their headquarters. As they have 
 sent down to Khartoum for reinforcements, they doubtless 
 will attack again when strengthened. In our flight from 
 Wadelai the officers requested me to destroy our boat (the 
 Advance). I therefore broke it up. 
 
 Duffle is being renovated as fast as possible. . . . The Pa- 
 sha is unable to move hand or foot, as there is still a very 
 strong party against him, and the officers are no longer in 
 immediate fear of the Mahdists. 
 
 Do not on any account come down to Usate (my former 
 camp on the .lake, near Kavalli's Island), but make your 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 91 
 
 camp at Kavalli (on the plateau above). Send a letter di- 
 rectly you arrive there, and as soon as we hear of your ar- 
 rival I will come to you. I will not disguise the fact from 
 you that you will have a difficult and dangerous work before 
 you in dealing with the Pasha's people. I trust you will 
 arrive before the Mahdists are reinforced, or our case will 
 
 be desperate. 
 
 I am, yours faithfully, 
 
 A. J. MoUNTENEY JEPHSON. 
 
 You will doubtless remember that I stated to you in one 
 of my latest letters last year (1888) that 1 know no more of 
 the ultimate intentions of Emin Pasha than you at home 
 know. He was at one time expressing himself as anxious to 
 leave, at another time shaking his head, and dolorously ex- 
 claiming, " I can't leave my people." Finally, 1 departed 
 from him in May, 1888, with something like a definite prom- 
 ise : " If my people leave, I leave ; if my people stay, I 
 stay." 
 
 Here, then, on January 16, 1889, I receive this batch of 
 letters and two notes from the Pasha himself confirming the 
 above, but not a word from either Mr. Jephson or the Pasha 
 indicative of the Pasha's purpose. Did he still waver, or 
 was he at last resolved? With any other man than the 
 Pasha or Gordon, one would imagine that, being a prisoner, 
 and a fierce enemy hourly expected to give the coup mortel, 
 he would gladly embrace the first chance to escape from a 
 country given up by his Government. But there was no 
 hint in these letters what course the Pasha would follow. 
 These few hints of mine, however, will throw light on my 
 postscript, which here follows, and on my state of mind after 
 reading these letters. 
 
 I wrote a formal letter, which might be read by any per- 
 son, the Pasha, Mr. Jephson, or any of the rebels, and ad- 
 dressed it to Mr. Jephson, as requested ; but on a separate 
 
92 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 sheet of paper I wrote a private postscript for Mr. Jeph son's 
 
 perusal. 
 
 Kavalli, January 18, 1889, 3 p.m. 
 
 My dear Jephson, — I now send thirty rifles and three of 
 Kavalli's men down to the lake with my letters, with urgent 
 instructions that a canoe should set off, and the bearers be 
 rewarded. 
 
 I may be able to stay longer than six days here, perhaps 
 for ten days. I will do my best to prolong my stay until 
 you arrive without rupturing the peace. Our people have 
 a good store of beads, cowries, and cloth, and I notice that 
 the natives trade very readily, which will assist Kavalli's re- 
 sources should he get uneasy under our prolonged visit. 
 
 Be wise, be quick, and waste no hour of time, and bring 
 Buiza and your own Soudanese with you. I have read your 
 letters half a dozen times over, but I fail to grasp the situa- 
 tion thoroughly, because in some important details one letter 
 seems to contradict the other. In one you say the Pasha is 
 a close prisoner, while you are allowed a certain amount of 
 liberty ; in the other you say that you will come to me as 
 soon as you hear of our arrival here, and " I trust," you say, 
 " the Pasha will be able to accompany me." Being prison- 
 ers, I fail to see how you could leave Tunguru at all. All 
 this is not very clear to us, who are fresh from the bush. 
 
 If the Pasha can come, send a courier, on your arrival at 
 our old camp on the lake below here, to announce the fact, 
 and I will send a strong detachment to escort him up to the 
 plateau, even to carry him if he needs it. I feel too exhaust- 
 ed after my thirteen hundred miles of travel since I parted 
 from you last May, to go down to the lake again. The 
 Pasha must have some pity for me. 
 
 Don't be alarmed or uneasy on our account ; nothing hos- 
 tile can approach us within twelve miles without my know- 
 ing it. I am in the thickest of a friendly population, and if 
 I sound the war-note, within four hours I can have two thou- 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 93 
 
 sand warriors to assist to repel any force disposed to violence. 
 And if it is to be a war of wits, why, then, I am ready for 
 the cnnningest Arab alive. 
 
 I wrote above that I read your letters half a dozen times, 
 and my opinion of you varies with each reading. Some- 
 times I fancy you are half Mahdist or Arabist, and then Ernin- 
 ist. I shall be wiser when I see you. 
 
 . . . Now, don't you be perverse, but obey, and let my 
 order to you be as a frontlet between the eyes, and all, with 
 God's gracious help, will end well. 
 
 I want to help the Pasha somehow, but he must also help 
 me, and credit me. If he wishes to get out of this trouble, 
 I am his most devoted servant and friend, but if he hesi- 
 tates again I shall be plunged in wonder and perplexity. I 
 could save a dozen Pashas if they were willing to be saved. 
 I would go on my knees to implore the Pasha to be sensible 
 in his own case. He is wise enough in all things else, even 
 his own interest. Be kind and good to him for many virt- 
 ues, but do not you be drawn into the fatal fascination Sou- 
 dan territory seems to have for all Europeans of late years. 
 As soon as they touch its ground they seem to be drawn into 
 a whirlpool which sucks them in and covers them with 
 its waves. The only way to avoid it is to obey blindly, 
 devotedly, and unquestioningly all orders from the out- 
 side. 
 
 The Committee said: "Relieve Emin Pasha with this am- 
 munition. If he wishes to come out, the ammunition will 
 enable him to do so ; if he elects to stay, it will be of service 
 to him." The Khedive said the same thing, and added, 
 " But if the Pasha and his officers wish to stay, they do so 
 on their own responsibility." Sir Evelyn Baring said the 
 same thing in clear and decided words, and here I am, after 
 4100 miles of travel, with the last instalment of relief. Let 
 him who is authorized to take it, take it. Come ; I am ready 
 to lend him all my strength and wit to assist him. But this 
 
94 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 time there must be no hesitation, but positive yea or nay, 
 
 and home we go. 
 
 Yours, very sincerely, 
 
 Heney M. Stanley. 
 A. J. Mounteney Jephson, Esq. 
 
 If you will bear in mind that on August 17, 1888, after a 
 march of 600 miles to hunt up the rear column, I met only 
 a miserable remnant of it, wrecked by the irresolution of its 
 officers, neglect of their promises, and indifference to their 
 written orders, you will readily understand why, after an- 
 other march of 700 miles, I was a little put out when I dis- 
 covered that, instead of performing their promise of con- 
 ducting the garrison of Fort Bodo to the Nyanza, Mr. Jeph- 
 son and Emin Pasha had allowed themselves to be made 
 prisoners on about the very day they were expected by the 
 garrison of Fort Bodo to reach them. It could not be pleas- 
 ant reading to find that, instead of being able to relieve 
 Emin Pasha, I was more than likely, by the tenor of these 
 letters, to lose one of my own officers, and to add to the 
 number of the Europeans in that unlucky Equatorial Prov- 
 ince. However, a personal interview with Mr. Jephson was 
 necessary, in the firct place, to understand fairly or fully the 
 state of affairs. 
 
 On February 6, 1889, Mr. Jephson arrived in the after- 
 noon at our camp at Kavalli on the plateau. 
 
 I was startled to hear Mr. Jephson, in plain, undoubting 
 words, say, "Sentiment is the Pasha's worst enemy; no one 
 keeps Emin Pasha back but Emin Pasha himself." This 
 is a summary of what Mr. Jephson had learned during nine 
 months, from May 25, 1888, to February 6, 1889. I gath- 
 ered sufficiently from Mr. Jephson's verbal report to con- 
 clude that during nine months neither the Pasha, Signor 
 Casati, nor any man in the province, had arrived nearer any 
 other conclusion than that which was told us ten months 
 before. Thus: 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 95 
 
 The Pasha : " If my people go, I go ; if they stay, I stay." 
 
 Signor Casati : " If the Governor goes, I go ; if the Gov- 
 ernor stays, I stay." 
 
 The Faithful : " If the Pasha goes, we go ; if the Pasha 
 stays, we stay." 
 
 However, the diversion in our favor created by the Mah- 
 dists' invasion, and the dreadful slaughter they made of all 
 they met, inspired us with a hope that we could get an an- 
 swer at last — though Mr. Jephson could only reply : " I real- 
 ly cannot tell you what the Pasha means to do. He says he 
 wishes to go away, but will not make a move ; no one will 
 move. It is impossible to say what any man will do. Per- 
 haps another advance by the Mahdists would send them all 
 pell-mell towards you, to be again irresolute, and requiring 
 several weeks' rest to consider again." 
 
 In February I despatched a company to the Steam Ferry, 
 with orders to Mr. Stairs to hasten with his column to Ka- 
 valli with a view to concentrate the expedition ready for any 
 contingency. Couriers were also despatched to the Pasha, 
 telling him of our movements and intentions, and asking 
 him to point out how we could best aid him. Whether it 
 would be best for us to remain at Kavalli, or whether we 
 should advance into the province, and assist him at Mswa or 
 Tunguru Island, where Mr. Jephson had left him. I sug- 
 gested the simplest plan for him would be to seize a steamer 
 and employ her in the transport of the refugees (who, I heard, 
 were collected in numbers at Tunguru) to my old camp on 
 the Nyanza, or that, failing a steamer, he should march over- 
 land from Tuno-uru to Mswa. and send a canoe to inform me 
 he had done so, and a few days after I could be at Mswa, 
 with two hundred and fifty rifles, to escort them to Kavalli. 
 But the demand was for something positive, otherwise it 
 would be my duty to destroy the ammunition and march 
 homeward. 
 
 On the 13th of February a native courier appeared in 
 
96 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 camp with a letter from Emin Pasha, with news which elec- 
 trified us. He was actually at anchor just below our plateau 
 camp. But here is the formal letter : 
 
 Camp, February 13, 1889. 
 To Henry M. Stanley, Esq., Commanding the Relief Expedition. 
 
 Sir, — In answer to jour letter of the 7th inst., for which 
 I beg to tender my best thanks, I have the honor to inform 
 you that yesterday, at 3 p.m., I arrived here with my two 
 steamers, carrying a first lot of people desirous to leave this 
 country under your escort. As soon as I have arranged for 
 cover of my people, the steamships have to start for Mswa 
 Station, to bring on another lot of people awaiting transport. 
 
 With me there are some twelve officers anxious to see you, 
 and only forty soldiers. They have come under my orders 
 to request you to give them some time to bring their broth- 
 ers — at least such as are willing to leave — from Wadelai, and 
 I promised them to do my best to assist them. Things hav- 
 ing to some extent now changed, you will be able to make 
 them undergo whatever conditions you see fit to impose upon 
 them. To arrange these I shall start from here with the offi- 
 cers for your camp, after having provided for the camp, and 
 if you send carriers, I could avail me of some of them. 
 
 I hope sincerely that the great difficulties you have had to 
 undergo, and the great sacrifices made by your expedition in 
 its way to assist us, may be rewarded by a full success in bring- 
 ing out my people. The wave of insanity which overran the 
 country has subsided, and of such people as are now coming 
 with me we may be sure. 
 
 Signor Casati requests me to give his best thanks for your 
 kind remembrance of him. 
 
 Permit me to express to you once more my cordial thanks 
 for whatever you have done for us until now, and believe me 
 to be, Yours very faithfully, 
 
 Dr. Emin. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 97 
 
 During the interval between Mr. Jephson's arrival and the 
 receipt of this letter, Mr. Jephson had written a pretty full 
 report of all that he had heard from the Pasha, Signor Casati, 
 and Egyptian soldiers, of all the principal events that had 
 transpired within the last few years in the Equatorial Prov- 
 ince. In Mr. Jephson's report I come across such sentences 
 as the following conclusions. I give them for your con- 
 sideration. 
 
 " And this leads me now to say a few words concerning the 
 position of affairs in this country when I entered it on April 
 21, 1888. The 1st battalion, about seven hundred rifles, 
 had long been in rebellion against the Pasha's authority, and 
 had twice attempted to make him prisoner. The 2d battal- 
 ion, about six hundred and fifty rifles, though professedly 
 loyal, was insubordinate and almost unmanageable. The 
 Pasha possessed only a semblance, a mere rag of authority ; 
 and if he required anything of importance to be done, he 
 could no longer order — he was obliged to beg — his officers 
 do it. 
 
 " ISTow, when we were at N'sabe, in May, 1888, though the 
 Pasha hinted that things were a little difficult in his country, 
 he never revealed to us the true state of things, which was 
 actually desperate, and we had not the slightest idea that any 
 mutiny or discontent was likely to arise among his people. 
 We thought, as most people in Europe and Egypt had been 
 taught to believe by the Pasha's own letters and Dr. Junker's 
 later representations, that all his difficulties arose from events 
 outside his country, whereas, in point of fact, his real danger 
 arose from internal dissensions ; thus we were led to place 
 our trust in people who were utterly unworthy of our confi- 
 dence or help, and who, instead of being grateful to us for 
 wishing to help them, have from the very first conspired 
 how to plunder the expedition and turn us adrift ; and had 
 the mutineers, in their highly excited state, been able to 
 7 
 
98 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 prove one single case of injustice or cruelty or neglect of 
 his people against the Pasha, he would most assuredly have 
 lost his life in this rebellion." 
 
 I shall only worry you just now with one more quotation 
 from Mr. Jephson's final report and summary: 
 
 " As to the Pasha's wish to leave the country, I can say 
 decidedly he is most anxious to go out with us, but under 
 what conditions he will consent to come out I can hardly 
 understand. I do not think he quite knows himself, his 
 ideas seem to me to vary so much on the subject ; to-day he 
 is ready to start up and go, to-morrow some new idea holds 
 him back. I have had many conversations with him about 
 it, but have never been able to get his unchanging opinion 
 on the subject. After this rebellion I remarked to him, ' I 
 presume, now that your people have deposed you, and put 
 you aside, you do not consider that you have any longer 
 any responsibility or obligations concerning them;' and he 
 answered, 'Had they not deserted me, I should have felt 
 bound to stand by them and help them in any way I could ; 
 but now I consider I am absolutely free to think only of 
 my own personal safety and welfare, and if I get the chance, 
 I shall go out regardless of everything.' And yet only a 
 few days before I left him he said to me: 'I know I am 
 not in any way responsible for these people, but I cannot 
 bear to go out myself first and leave any one here behind 
 me who is desirous of quitting the country. It is mere 
 sentiment, I know, and, perhaps, a sentiment you will sym- 
 pathize with ; but my enemies at Wadelai would point at 
 me and say to the people, " You see he has deserted you !" ' 
 These are merely two examples of what passed between us 
 on the subject of his going out with us, but I could quote 
 numbers of things he has said all equally contradictory. 
 Again, too, being somewhat impatient after one of these 
 unsatisfactory conversations, I said, ' If ever the expedition 
 does reach any place near you, I shall advise Mr. Stanley to 
 
AS TOLD i:> H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 99 
 
 arrest you and carry you off whether you will or no;' to 
 which he replied, ' Well, I shall do nothing to prevent you 
 doing that.' It seems to me that if we are to save him, we 
 must save him from himself. 
 
 "Before closing my report I must bear witness to the 
 fact that in my frequent conversations with all sorts and 
 conditions of the Pasha's people I heard, with hardly any 
 exceptions, only praise of his justice and generosity to his 
 people ; but I have heard it suggested that he did not hold 
 his people with a sufficiently firm hand."' 
 
 I now am bound, by the length of this letter, necessities 
 
 of travel, and so forth, to halt. Our stay at Kafurro is 
 
 ended, and we must march to-morrow. A new page of this 
 
 interesting period in our expedition will be found in my 
 
 next letter. Meantime you have the satisfaction to know 
 
 that Emin Pasha, after all, is close to our camp at the lake 
 
 shore ; that carriers have been sent to him to bring up his 
 
 luggage and assist his people. 
 
 Yours faithfully, 
 
 Henry M. Stanley. 
 William Mackinnon, Esq., 
 
 Chairman of the E. P. R. Committee. 
 
 LETTER IX. 
 
 the difficulty with emin. — treachery of the egyptians. 
 
 — muster of the fugitives. the march to the east 
 
 coast. — Stanley's illness. — new geographical discov- 
 eries. 
 
 Camp at Kizinga, Uzinja, August 17, 1889. 
 
 To the Chairman of the Emin Pasha Relief Committee. 
 
 Sir, — On the 17th of February Emin Pasha and a follow- 
 ing of about sixty -five people, inclusive of Selim Bey, or 
 Colonel Selim, and seven other officers, who were a deputa- 
 tion sent by the officers of the Equatorial Province, arrived 
 
100 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 at my camp on the plateau near Kavalli's village. The 
 Pasha was in mufti, but the deputation were in uniform, 
 and made quite a sensation in the country ; three of them 
 were Egyptians, but the others were Nubians, and were 
 rather soldierly in their appearance, and, with one or two 
 exceptions, received warm commendations from the Pasha. 
 The divan was to be held the next day. 
 
 On the 18th Lieutenant Stairs arrived with his column — 
 largely augmented by Mazamboni's people — from the Ituri 
 River, and the expedition was once more united, not to be 
 separated, I hoped, again during our stay in Africa. 
 
 At the meeting, which was held in the morning, Selim 
 Bey — who had lately distinguished himself at Duffle by re- 
 taking the station from the Mahdists and killing about two 
 hundred and fifty of them, it was said — a tall, burly, elderly 
 man of fifty or thereabouts, stated, on behalf of the deputa- 
 tion and the officers at Wadelai, that they came to ask for 
 time to allow the troops and their families to assemble at 
 Kavalli's. 
 
 Though they knew what our object in coming to the "Ny- 
 anza was — or they ought to have known — I took the occa- 
 sion, through the Pasha, who is thoroughly proficient in 
 Arabic, to explain it in detail. I wondered at the ready 
 manner they approved everything, though since I have dis- 
 covered that such is their habit though they may not be- 
 lieve a word you utter. I then told them that though I had 
 waited nearly a year to obtain a simple answer to the single 
 question whether they would stay in Africa or accompany 
 us to Egypt, I would give them before they departed a 
 promise, written in Arabic, that I would stay a reasonable 
 time, sufficient to enable them to embark themselves and 
 families, and all such as were willing to leave, on board the 
 steamers, and to arrive at the lake shore below our camp. 
 
 The deputation replied that my answer was quite satis- 
 factory, and they promised, on their part, that they would 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 101 
 
 proceed direct to Wadelai, proclaim to all concerned what 
 my answer was, and commence the wprk of transport. 
 
 On the 21st the Pasha and the deputation went down to 
 the Nyanza camp on account of a false alarm about the 
 Wanyoro advancing to attack the camp. A rifle was stolen 
 from the expedition by one of the officers of the deputation. 
 This was a bad beginning of our intercourse that was prom- 
 ised to be. 
 
 The two steamers Khedive and Nyanza had gone in the 
 mean time to Mswa to transport a fresh lot of refugees, and 
 returned on the 25th, and the next day the deputation de- 
 parted on their mission ; but, before they sailed, they had a 
 mail from Wadelai, wherein they were informed that an- 
 other change of government had taken place. Selim Bey, 
 the highest official under the Pasha, had been deposed, and 
 several of the rebel officers had been promoted to the rank 
 of Bey. The next day the Pasha returned to our camp, 
 with his little daughter Ferida, and a caravan of 144 men. 
 
 To a question of mine the Pasha replied that he thought 
 twenty daj^s a sufficiently reasonable time for all practical 
 purposes, and he offered to write it down in form. But this 
 I declined, as I but wished to know whether my idea of a 
 "reasonable time" and his differed; for, after finding what 
 time w r as required for a steamer to make a round voyage 
 from our old camp on the Nyanza to Wadelai and back, I 
 had proposed to myself that a month would be more than 
 sufficient for Selim Bey to collect all such people as desired 
 to leave for Egypt. The interval devoted to the transport 
 of the Egyptians from Wadelai could also be utilized by 
 Surgeon Parke in healing our sick. At this time the hard- 
 est worked man in the expedition was our surgeon. Ever 
 since leaving Fort Bodo, in December, Surgeon Parke at- 
 tended over a hundred sick daily. There were all kinds of 
 complaints, but the most numerous, and those who gave the 
 most trouble, were those who suffered from ulcers. So largely 
 
102 THE STORY OF EMIN'S EESCUE, 
 
 bad these drained our medicine chests that the surgeon 
 had nothing left for their diseases but pure carbolic acid 
 and permanganate of potash. Nevertheless, there were some 
 wonderful recoveries during the halt of Stairs's column on 
 the Ituri River in January. The surgeon's "devotion" — 
 there is not a litter word for it — his regular attention to all 
 the minor details of his duties, and his undoubted skill, en- 
 abled me to turn out 280 able-bodied men by the 1st of 
 April, sound in vital organs and limbs, and free from all 
 blemish ; whereas on the 1st of February it would have been 
 difficult to have mustered 200 men in the ranks fit for serv- 
 ice. I do not think I ever met a doctor who so loved his 
 " cases." To him they were all " interesting," despite the 
 odors emitted and the painfully qualmish scenes. I consider 
 this expedition in nothing happier than in the possession 
 of an unrivalled physician and surgeon, Dr. F. H. Parke, of 
 the A.M.D. 
 
 Meantime, while "our doctor" was assiduously dressing 
 and trimming up the ulcerous, ready for the march to Zan- 
 zibar, all men fit for duty were doing far more than either 
 we or they bargained for. We had promised the Pasha to 
 assist his refugees to the Plateau Camp with a few carriers 
 — that is, as any ordinary man might understand it, with one 
 or two carriers per Egyptian ; but never had people so gross- 
 ly deceived themselves as we had. The loads were simply 
 endless, and the sight of the rubbish which the refugees 
 brought with them, and which was to be carried up that 
 plateau slope, up to an altitude of two thousand eight hun- 
 dred feet above the Nyanza, made our people groan aloud — 
 such things as grinding-stones, ten-gallon copper cooking- 
 pots, some two hundred bedsteads, preposterously big bas- 
 kets, like FalstafTs buck-basket ; old Saratoga trunks, fit for 
 rich American mammas ; old sea-chests, great clumsy-look- 
 ing boxes, little cattle-troughs, large twelve-gallon pombe 
 jars, parrots, pigeons, etc. These things were pure rubbish 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 103 
 
 — for all would have to be discarded at the signal to march. 
 Eight hundred and fifty-three loads of these goods were, 
 however, brought up with the assistance of the natives, sub- 
 ject as they were to be beaten and maltreated by the vile- 
 tempered Egyptians, each time the natives went down to 
 the Nyanza ; but the Zanzibaris now began to show an ugly 
 temper also. They knew just enough Arabic to be aware 
 that the obedience, tractability, and ready services they ex- 
 hibited were translated by the Egyptians into cowardice and 
 slavishness, and after these hundreds of loads had been con- 
 veyed they refused point-blank to carry any more, and they 
 explained their reasons so well that we warmly sympathized 
 with them at heart; but here, by this refusal, they came in 
 contact with discipline, and strong measures had to be re- 
 sorted to, to coerce them to continue the work until the 
 order to "cease" was given. On the 31st March we were 
 all heartily tired of it, and we abandoned the interminable 
 task. Thirteen hundred and fifty-five loads had been trans- 
 ported to the plateau from the Lake Camp. 
 
 Thirty days after Selim Bey's departure for Wadelai a 
 steamer appeared before the Nyanza Camp, bringing in a 
 letter from that officer, and also one from all the rebel offi- 
 cers at Wadelai, who announced themselves as delighted at 
 hearing, twelve months after my second appearance at Lake 
 Albert, that the "Envoy of oar great Government" had 
 arrived, and that they were now all unanimous for departing 
 to Egypt under my escort. 
 
 When the Pasha had mastered the contents of his mails 
 he came to me to impart the information that Selim Bey 
 had caused one steamer full of refugees to be sent up to 
 Tunguru from Wadelai, and since that time he had been 
 engaged in transporting people from Duffle up to Wadelai. 
 According to this rate of progress, it became quite clear 
 that it would require three months more, even if this effort 
 at work, which was quite heroic in Selim Bey, would con- 
 
104 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 tinue, before he could accomplish the transport of the people 
 to the Nyanza Camp below the plateau. The Pasha, per- 
 sonally elated at what he thought to be good news, desired 
 to know what I had determined upon, under the new aspect 
 of affairs. 
 
 In reply, I summoned the officers of the expedition to- 
 gether — Lieutenant Stairs, R.E., Captain R. H. Nelson, Sur- 
 geon T. H. Parke, A.M.D., Mounteney Jephson, Esq., and 
 Mr. William Bonny — and proposed to them, in the Pasha's 
 presence, that they should listen to a few explanations, and 
 then give their decision one by one, according as they should 
 be asked. 
 
 Gentlemen, Emin Pasha has received a mail from Wade- 
 lai. Selim Bey, who left the post below here on the 26th 
 February last, with a promise that he would hurry up such 
 people as wished to go to Egypt, writes from Wadelai that 
 the steamers are engaged in transporting some people from 
 Duffle to Wadelai — that the work of transport between 
 Wadelai and Tunguru will be resumed upon the accomplish- 
 ment of the other task. When he went away from here we 
 were informed that he was deposed, and that Emin Pasha 
 and he were sentenced to death by the rebel officers. We 
 now learn that the rebel officers, ten in number, and all their 
 faction, are desirous of proceeding to Egypt ; we may suppose, 
 therefore, that Selim Bey's party is in the ascendent again. 
 
 Shukri Aga, the chief of the Mswa Station — the station 
 nearest to us — paid us a visit there in the middle of March. 
 He was informed on the 16th of March, the day that he de- 
 parted, that our departure for Zanzibar would positively be- 
 gin on the 10th April. He took with him urgent letters for 
 Selim Bey announcing that fact in unmistakable terms. 
 
 Eight days later we hear that Shukri Aga is still at Mswa, 
 having only sent a few women and children to the Nyanza 
 Camp, yet he and his people might have been here by this 
 if they intended to accompany us. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 105 
 
 Thirty days ago Selim Bey left us with a promise of a 
 reasonable time. The Pasha thought once that twenty days 
 would be a reasonable time. However, we have extended 
 it to forty-four days. Judging by the length of time Se- 
 lim Bey has already taken, only reaching Tunguru with one- 
 sixteenth of the expected force, I personally am quite pre- 
 pared to give the Pasha my decision. For you must know, 
 gentlemen, that the Pasha, having heard from Selim Bey 
 "intelligence so encouraging," wishes to know my decision, 
 but I have preferred to call you to answer for me. 
 
 You are aware that our instructions were to carry relief 
 to Emin Pasha, and to escort such as were willing to ac- 
 company us to Egypt. We arrived at the Xyanza, and met 
 Emin Pasha in the latter part of April, 18S8, just twelve 
 months ago. We handed him his letters from the Khedive 
 and his Government, and also the first instalment of relief, 
 and asked him whether we were to have the pleasure of his 
 company to Zanzibar. He replied that his decision depended 
 on that of his people. 
 
 This was the first adverse news that we received. In- 
 stead of meeting with a number of people only too anxious 
 to leave Africa, it was questionable whether there would be 
 any except a few Egyptian clerks. With Major Barttelot 
 so far distant in the rear, we could not wait at the Nyanza 
 for this decision. As that might possibly require months, 
 it would be more profitable to seek and assist the rear col- 
 umn, and by the time we arrived here again, those willing 
 to go to Egypt would be probably impatient to start. We, 
 therefore, leaving Mr. Jephson to convey our message to 
 the Pasha's troops, returned to the forest region for the rear 
 column, and in nine months were back again on the Nyanza. 
 But instead of discovering a camp of people anxious and 
 ready to depart from Africa, we found no camp at all, but 
 hear that both the Pasha and Mr. Jephson are prisoners, 
 that the Pasha has been in imminent danger of his life from 
 
106 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 the rebels, and at another time is in danger of being bound 
 on his bedstead, and taken to the interior of Makkaraka 
 country. It has been current talk in the province that we 
 were only a party of conspirators and adventurers, that the 
 letters of the Khedive and Nubar Pasha were forgeries con- 
 cocted by the vile Christians Stanley and Casati, assisted by 
 Mohammed Emin Pasha. So elated have the rebels been 
 by their bloodless victory over the Pasha and Mr. Jephson 
 that they have confidently boasted of their purpose to en- 
 trap me by cajoling words, and strip our expedition of every 
 article belonging to it, and send us adrift into the wilds to 
 perish. We need not dwell on the ingratitude of these 
 men, or on their intense ignorance and evil natures, but 
 you must bear in mind the facts to guide you to a clear 
 decision. 
 
 We believed when we volunteered for this work that we 
 should be met with open arms. We were received with 
 indifference, until we were led to doubt whether any people 
 wished to depart. My representative was made a prisoner, 
 menaced with rifles; threats were freely used. The Pasha 
 was deposed, and for three months was a close prisoner. I 
 am told this is the third revolt in the province. Well, 
 in the face of all this, we have waited nearly twelve months 
 to obtain the few hundreds of unarmed men, women, and 
 children in this camp. As I promised Selim Bey and his 
 officers that I would give a reasonable time, Selim Bey and 
 his officers repeatedly promised to us there should be no 
 delay. The Pasha has already fixed April 10th, which ex- 
 tended their time to forty -four days, sufficient for three 
 round voyages for each steamer. The news brought to-day 
 is not that Selim Bey is close here, but that he has not 
 started from Wadelai yet. 
 
 In addition to his own friends, who are said to be loyal 
 and obedient to him, he brings the ten rebel officers, and 
 some six hundred or seven hundred soldiers, their faction. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEYS LETTERS. 107 
 
 Remembering the three revolts which these same officers 
 have inspired, their pronounced intentions against this expe- 
 dition, their plots and counterplots, the life of conspiracy and 
 smiling treachery they have led, we may well pause to con- 
 sider what object principally animates them now — that from 
 being ungovernably rebellious against all constituted author- 
 ity they have suddenly become obedient and loyal soldiers 
 of the Khedive and his "great Government." You must be 
 aware that, exclusive of the thirty-one boxes of ammunition 
 delivered to the Pasha by us in May, 1888, the rebels pos- 
 sess ammunition of the Provincial Government equal to 
 twenty of our cases. We are bound to credit them with 
 intelligence enough to perceive that such a small supply 
 would be fired in an hour's fighting among so many rifles, 
 and that only a show of submission and apparent loyalty 
 will insure a further supply from us. Though the Pasha 
 brightens up each time he obtains a plausible letter from 
 these people, strangers like we are may also be forgiven for 
 not readily trusting those men whom they have such good 
 cause to mistrust. Could we have some guarantee of good 
 faith there could be no objection to delivering to them all 
 they required ; that is, with the permission of the Pasha. 
 Can we be certain, however, that if we admit them into this 
 camp as good friends and loyal soldiers of Egypt, they will 
 not rise up some night and possess themselves of all the 
 ammunition, and so deprive us of the power of returning to 
 Zanzibar ? It would be a very easy matter for them to do 
 so after they had acquired the knowledge of the rules of the 
 camp. With our minds filled with Mr. Jephson's extraor- 
 dinary revelations of what has been going on in the prov- 
 ince since the closing of the Kile route, beholding the Pasha 
 here before my very eyes — who was lately supposed to have 
 several thousands of people under him, but now without 
 any important following — and bearing in mind " the cajol- 
 ings" and " wiles" by which we were to be entrapped, I ask 
 
108 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 you would we be wise in extending the time of delay be- 
 yond the date fixed — that is, the 10th of April? 
 
 The officers, one after another, replied in the negative. 
 
 "There, Pasha," I said, "you have your answer. We 
 march on the 10th of April." 
 
 The Pasha then asked if we could " in our consciences 
 acquit him of having abandoned his people," supposing they 
 had not arrived by the 10th of April. We replied, " Most 
 certainly." 
 
 Three or four days after this I was informed by the 
 Pasha — who pays great deference to Captain Casati's views 
 — that Captain Casati was by no means certain that he was 
 doing quite right in abandoning his people. According to 
 the Pasha's desire, I went over to see Captain Casati, fol- 
 lowed soon after by Etnin Pasha. 
 
 Questions of law, honor, duty, were brought forward by 
 Casati, who expressed himself clearly that " moralement" 
 Em in Pasha was bound to stay by his people. I quote these 
 matters simply to show to you that our principal difficulties 
 lay not only with the Soudanese and Egyptians ; we had 
 some with the Europeans also, who, for some reason or an- 
 other, seemed in nowise inclined to quit Africa, even when 
 it was quite clear that the Pasha of the province had few 
 loyal men to rely on, that the outlook before them was im- 
 minent danger and death, and that on our retirement there 
 was no other prospect than the grave. I had to refute these 
 morbid ideas with the A B C of common-sense. I had to 
 illustrate the obligations of Emin Pasha to his soldiers by 
 comparing them to a mutual contract between two parties. 
 One party refused to abide by its stipulations, and would 
 have no communication with the other, but proposed to itself 
 to put the second party to death. Could that be called a 
 contract? Emin Pasha was appointed Governor of the 
 province. He had remained faithful to his post and duties 
 until his own people rejected him, and finally deposed him. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 109 
 
 He had been informed by his Government that if he and his 
 officers and soldiers elected to quit the province, they could 
 avail themselves of the escort of the expedition which had 
 been sent to their assistance, or stay in Africa on their own 
 responsibility; that the Government had abandoned the 
 province altogether. But when the Pasha informs his people 
 of the Government's wishes, the officers and soldiers declare 
 the whole to be false, and decline to depart with him, will 
 listen to no suggestion of departing, but lay hands on him, 
 menace him with death, and for three months detain him a 
 close prisoner. Where was the dishonor to the Pasha in 
 yielding to what was inevitable and indisputable? As for 
 duty, the Pasha had a dual duty to perform — that to the 
 Khedive as his chief, and that to his soldiers. So long as 
 neither duty clashed, affairs proceeded smoothly enough ; but 
 the instant it was hinted to the soldiers that they might retire 
 now if they wished, they broke out into open violence and 
 revolted, absolved the Pasha of all duty towards them, and 
 denied that he had any duty to perform to them ; conse- 
 quently the Pasha could not be morally bound to care in the 
 least for people who would not listen to him. 
 
 I do not think Casati was convinced, nor do I think the 
 Pasha was convinced. But it is strange what strong hold 
 this part of Africa has upon the affections of European offi- 
 cers, Egyptian officers, and Soudanese soldiers! 
 
 The next day after this, Emin Pasha informed me that he 
 was certain all the Egyptians in the camp would leave with 
 him on the day named ; but from other quarters reports 
 reached me that not one-quarter of them would leave the 
 camp at Kavalli's. The abundance of food, the quiet de- 
 meanor of the natives, with whom we were living in perfect 
 concord, seemed to them to be sufficient reasons for prefer- 
 ring life near the Nyanza to the difficulties of the march. 
 Besides, the Mahdists, whom they dreaded, were far away, 
 and could not possibly reach them. 
 
110 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 On the 5th of April, Sercen, the Pasha's servant, told me 
 that not many of the Pasha's servants intended to follow him 
 on the 10th. The Pasha himself confirmed this. Here was 
 a disappointment indeed ! Out of the ten thousand people, 
 there were finally comparatively very few willing to follow 
 him to Egypt. To all of us on the expedition it had been 
 clear from the beginning that it was all a farce on the part 
 of the Wadelai force. It was clear that the Pasha had lost 
 his hold over the people — neither officers, soldiers, nor serv- 
 ants were ready to follow him ; but we could not refute the 
 Pasha's arguments, nor could we deny that he had reason 
 for his stout, unwavering faith in them, when he would reply, 
 " I know my people ; for fifteen years I have been with 
 them, and I believe that when I leave all will follow me." 
 When the rebels' letters came announcing their intention to 
 follow their Governor, he exclaimed, " You see ! I told you 
 so !" 
 
 But now the Pasha said: "Never mind, I am something of 
 a traveller myself. I can do with two servants quite as well 
 as with fifty." 
 
 I did not think I should be drawn into this matter at all, 
 having formed my own plans some time before ; but it in- 
 tensified my feelings greatly when I was told that, after 
 waiting forty-four days, building their camps for them, and 
 carrying nearly fourteen hundred loads for them up that 
 high plateau wall, only a few out of the entire number 
 would follow us. But on the day after I was informed that 
 there had been an alarm in my camp the night before ; the 
 Zanzibari quarters had been entered by the Pasha's people, 
 and an attempt made to abstract the rifles. This it was 
 which urged me to immediate action. 
 
 I knew there had been conspiracies in the camp, that the 
 malcontents were increasing, that we had many rebels at 
 heart among us, that the people dreaded the march more 
 than they feared the natives ; but I scarcely believed that 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. Ill 
 
 they would dare put into practice their disloyal ideas in my 
 camp. 
 
 I proceeded to the Pasha to consult with him, but the 
 Pasha would consent to no proposition — not but what they 
 appeared necessary and good, but he could not, owing to 
 the want of time, etc. Yet the Pasha the evening before 
 had received a post from Wadelai which brought him terri- 
 ble tales of disorder, distress, and helplessness among Selim 
 Bey and his faction, and the rebels and their adherents. 
 
 I accordingly informed him that I proposed to act imme- 
 diately, and would ascertain for myself what this hidden 
 danger in the camp was, and, as a first step, I would be 
 obliged if the Pasha would signal for general muster of the 
 principal Egyptians in the square of the camp. 
 
 The summons being sounded, and not attended to quickly 
 enough to satisfy me, half a company of Zanzibaris were de- 
 tailed to take sticks and rout every one from their huts. 
 Dismayed by these energetic measures, they poured into the 
 square, which was surrounded by rifles. 
 
 On being questioned, they denied all knowledge of any 
 plot to steal the rifles from us, or to fight, or to withstand in 
 any manner any order. It was then proposed that those 
 who desired to accompany us to Zanzibar should step on one 
 side. They all hastened to one side except two of the 
 Pasha's servants. The rest of the Pasha's people, having 
 paid no attention to the summons, were secured in their huts, 
 and brought to the camp square, where some were flogged, 
 and others ironed and put under guard. 
 
 " Now, Pasha," I said, "will you be good enough to tell 
 these Arabs that these rebellious tricks of Wadelai and 
 Duffle must cease here, for at the first move made by them 
 I shall be obliged to exterminate them utterly." 
 
 On the Pasha translating, the Arabs bowed, and vowed 
 that they would obey their father religiously. 
 
 At the muster this curious result was returned : There 
 
112 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 were with us 134 men, 84 married women, 187 female do- 
 mestics, 74 children above two years, and 35 infants in arms ; 
 total, 514. 
 
 I have reason to believe that the number was nearer 600, 
 as many were not reported, from a fear, probably, that some 
 would be taken prisoners. 
 
 On the 10th of April we set out from Kavalli's in num- 
 ber about 1500, for 350 native carriers had been enrolled 
 from the district to assist in carrying the baggage of the 
 Pasha's people, whose ideas as to what was essential for the 
 march were very crude. On the 12th we camped at Mazarn- 
 boni's; but in the night I was struck down with a severe 
 illness, which wellnigh proved mortal. It detained us at 
 the camp twenty-eight days, which, if Selim Bey and his 
 party were really serious in their intention to withdraw from 
 Africa, was most fortunate for them, since it increased their 
 time allowance to sevent} T -twodays. But in all this interval 
 only Shukri Aga, the chief at Mswa Station, appeared. He 
 had started with twelve soldiers, but one by one disap- 
 peared, until he had only his trumpeter and one servant. 
 A few days after, the trumpeter absconded. Thus only one 
 servant was left out of a garrison of sixty men, who were 
 reported to be the faithfulest of the faithful. 
 
 During my illness another conspiracy, or rather several 
 conspiracies were afloat, but only one was attempted to be 
 realized, and the ringleader of that one, a slave of Awash Ef- 
 fendi's, whom I had made free at Kavalli's, was arrested, and 
 after court-martial, which found him guilty, was immediately 
 executed. 
 
 Thus, I have very briefly summarized the events attending 
 the withdrawal of the Pasha and his Egyptians from the 
 neighborhood of the Albert Nyanza. I ought to mention, 
 however, that through some error of the native couriers em- 
 ployed by the Egyptians with us, a packet of letters was in- 
 tercepted, which threw a new light upon the character of the 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 113 
 
 people whom we were to escort to the sea-coast at Zanzibar. 
 In a letter written by Ibrahim Effendi Elham, an Egyptian 
 captain, to Selim Bey, at Wadelai, were found: "I beseech 
 you to hurry up your soldiers. If you send only fifty at 
 once, we can manage to delay the march easily enough, and 
 if you can come with your people soon after, we may obtain 
 all we need." Ibrahim Effendi Elham was in our camp, and 
 we may imagine that he only wrote what was determined 
 upon by himself and fellow-officers, should Selim Bey arrive 
 in time to assist them in carrying out the plot. 
 
 On May 8th the march was resumed ; but in the evening 
 the last communication from Selim Bey was received. It 
 began in a very insolent style, such as " What do you mean 
 by making the Egyptian officers carry loads on their heads 
 and shoulders ? What do you mean by making the soldiers 
 beasts of burden ? What do you mean by — ," etc. — all of 
 which were purely mythical charges. The letter ended by 
 abject entreaties that we should extend the time a little 
 more, with protestations that if we did not listen to their 
 prayers they were doomed, as they had but little ammuni- 
 tion left, and then concluding with the most important in- 
 telligence of all, proving our judgment of the whole number 
 to be sound. The letter announced that the ten rebel offi- 
 cers and their adherents had one night broken into the store- 
 houses at Wadelai, had possessed themselves of all the reserve 
 ammunition and other stores, and had departed for Mal- 
 karaka, leaving their dupe, Selim Bey, to be at last sensible 
 that he had been an egregious fool, and that he had dis- 
 obeyed the Pasha's orders and disregarded his urgent en- 
 treaties for the sake of ingrates like those who had thrust 
 him into a deep pit, out of which there was no rescue, unless 
 we, of course, should wait for him. 
 
 A reply was sent to him for the last time that if he were 
 serious in wishing to accompany us we should proceed for- 
 ward at a slow rate, halting twenty-four days on the route, 
 8 
 
114 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 by which he would easily overtake us with his 200 soldiers. 
 This was the last we heard of him. 
 
 The route I had adopted was one which skirted the Ba- 
 legga Mountains at a distance of forty miles or thereabouts 
 from the Eyanza. The first day was a fairish path, but the 
 three following days tried our Egyptians sorely, because of 
 the ups and downs and the breaks of cone-grass. On arriv- 
 ing- at the southern end of these mountains we were made 
 aware that our march was not to be uninterrupted, for the 
 King of Unyoro had made a bold push, and had annexed a 
 respectable extent of country on the left side of the Semliki 
 River, which embraced all the open grass-land between the 
 Semliki River and the forest region. Thus, without making 
 an immense detour through the forest, which would have 
 been fatal to most of the Egyptians, we had no option but to 
 press on, despite Kabba Rega and his Warasura. This latter 
 name is given to the Wanyoro by all natives who have come 
 in contact with them. 
 
 The first day's encounter was decidedly in our favor, and 
 the effect of it cleared the territory as far as the Semliki 
 River free of the Warasura. 
 
 Meantime we had become aware that we were on the 
 threshold of a region which promised to be very interesting, 
 for daily, as we advanced to the southward, the great snowy 
 range which had so suddenly arrested our attention and ex- 
 cited our intense interest (on May 1, 1888) grew larger and 
 bolder into view. It extended a long distance to the south- 
 west, which would inevitably take us some distance off our 
 course unless a pass could be discovered to shorten the dis- 
 tance to the countries south. At Buhobo, where we had 
 the skirmish with Kabba Rega's raiders, we stood on the 
 summit of the hilly range which bounds the Semliki Val- 
 ley on its north-west and south-west sides. On the opposite 
 side rose Ruwenzori, the Snow Mountain, and its enormous 
 eastern flank, which dipped down gradually until it fell into 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 115 
 
 the level, and was seemingly joined with the table-land of 
 Unyoro. The humpy western flank dipped down suddenly, 
 as it seemed to us, into lands that we knew not by name as 
 yet. Between these opposing barriers spread the Semliki 
 Valley — so like a lake at its eastern extremity that one of 
 our officers exclaimed that it was the lake, and the female 
 followers of the Egyptians set up a shrill " Lululus" on see- 
 ing their own lake, the Albert Nyanza, again. With the 
 naked eye it did appear like the lake, but a field-glass re- 
 vealed that it was a level grassy plain, white with the ripe- 
 ness of its grass. Those who have read Sir Samuel Baker's 
 " Albert N yanza " will remember the passage wherein he 
 states that to the south-west the JSTyanza stretches "inimita- 
 bly." He might well be in error at such a distance, when 
 our own people, with the plain scarcely four miles away, 
 mistook the plain for the Nyanza. As the plain recedes 
 south - westerly the bushes become thicker ; finally acacias 
 appear in their forests, and, be} 7 ond these again, the dead 
 black thickness of an impenetrable tropical forest ; but the 
 plain, as far as the eye could command, continued to lie ten 
 to twelve miles wide between these mountain barriers, and 
 through the centre of it — sometimes inclining towards the 
 south-east mountains, sometimes to the south-western range. 
 The Semliki Kiver pours its waters towards the Albert Ny- 
 anza. 
 
 In two marches from Buhobo we stood upon its banks, 
 and, alas for Mason Bey and Gessi Pasha! had they but 
 halted their steamers for half an hour to examine this river, 
 they would have seen sufficient to excite much geographi- 
 cal interest ; for the river is a powerful stream from eighty 
 to one hundred yards wide, averaging nine feet depth from 
 side to side, and having a current from three and a half to 
 four knots per hour, in size about equal to two-thirds of the 
 Victoria Nile. t 
 
 As we were crossing this river the Warasura attacked us 
 
116 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 from the rear with a well-directed volley, but, fortunately, 
 the distance was too great. They were chased for some 
 miles; but, fleet as greyhounds, they fled, so there were no 
 casualties to report on either side. 
 
 We entered the Awamba country on the eastern shore of 
 the Semliki, and our marches for several days afterwards 
 were through plantain plantations, which flourished in the 
 clearings made in this truly African forest. Finally, we 
 struck the open again immediately under Ruwenzori itself. 
 Much, however, as we had flattered ourselves that we should 
 see some marvellous scenery, the Snow Mountain was very 
 coy, and hard to see. On most days it loomed impending 
 over us like a tropical storm-cloud, ready to dissolve in rain 
 and ruin on us. Near sunset a peak or two here, a crest 
 there, a ridge beyond, white with snow, shot into view — 
 jagged clouds whirling and eddying round them, and then 
 the darkness of night. Often at sunrise, too, Ruwenzori 
 would appear fresh, clean, brightly pure ; profound blue 
 voids above and around it ; every line and dent, knoll and 
 turret-like crag deeply marked and clearly visible. But 
 presently all would be buried under mass upon mass of mist, 
 until the immense mountain was no more visible than if we 
 were thousands of miles away. And then, also, the Snow 
 Mountain being set deeply in the range, the nearer we ap- 
 proached the base of the range the less we saw of it, for 
 higher ridges obtruded themselves and barred the view. 
 Still, we have obtained three remarkable views — one from 
 the Eyanza Plain, another from Kavalli, and a third from 
 the South Point. 
 
 In altitude above the sea I should estimate it to be be- 
 tween 1S,000 and 19,000 feet. We cannot trust our trian- 
 gulations, for the angles are too small. When we were in 
 positions to ascertain it correctly, the inconstant mountain 
 gathered his cloud} 7 blankets around him and hid himself 
 from view ; but a clear view, from the loftiest summit down 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEYS LETTERS. 117 
 
 to the lowest reach of snow, obtained from a place called 
 Karimi, makes me confident that the height is between the 
 figures stated above. 
 
 It took us nineteen marches to reach the south-west angle 
 of the range, the Semliki Valley being below us on our right, 
 and which, if the tedious mist had permitted, would have 
 been exposed in every detail. That part of the valley trav- 
 ersed by us is generally known under the name of Awamba, 
 while the habitable portion of the range is principally de- 
 nominated Ukonju. The huts of these natives, the Bakonju, 
 are seen as high as 8000 feet above the sea. 
 
 Almost all our officers had at one time a keen desire to 
 distinguish themselves as the climbers of these African Alps, 
 but, unfortunately, they were in a very unfit state for such 
 a work. The Pasha only managed to get 1000 feet higher 
 than our camp, but Lieutenant Stairs reached the height of 
 10,677 feet above the sea, but had the mortification to find 
 two deep gulfs between him and the Snowy Mount proper. 
 He brought, however, a good collection of plants, among 
 which were giant heather, blackberries, and bilberries. The 
 Pasha was in his element among these plants, and has classi- 
 fied them. 
 
 The first day we had disentangled ourselves of the forest 
 proper, and its outskirts of straggling bush, we looked down 
 from the grassy shelf below Ruwenzori range and saw a 
 grassy plain, level seemingly as a bowling-green, the very 
 duplicate of that which is seen at the extremity of the Albert 
 Nyanza — extending southerly from the forest of the Semliki 
 Valley. We then knew that we were not far from the 
 Southern Lake discovered by me in 1877. 
 
 Under guidance of the Wakonju I sent Lieutenant Stairs 
 to examine the river, said to flow from the Southern Nyanza. 
 He returned next day, reporting it to be the Semliki River, 
 narrowed down to a stream forty-two yards wide and about 
 ten feet deep, flowing, as the canoe-men on its banks said, to 
 
118 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 the Eyanza Utuku, or Nyanza of Unyoro — the Albert Ny- 
 anza. Besides native reports, he had other corroborative 
 evidence to prove it to be the Semliki. 
 
 On the second march from the confines of Awavela we 
 entered Usongora — a grassy region as opposite in appearance 
 from the perpetual spring of Ukonju as a droughty land 
 could well be. This country bounds the Southern Nyanza 
 on its northern and north-western side. 
 
 Three days later, while driving the Warasura before us, 
 or, rather, as they were self-driven by their own fears, we 
 entered, soon after its evacuation, the important town of 
 Kative, the headquarters of the raiders. It is situated be- 
 tween an arm of the Southern Nyanza and a salt-lake about 
 two miles long and three-quarters of a mile wide, which con- 
 sists of pure brine of a pinky color, and deposits salt in solid 
 cakes of salt-crystals. This was the property of the Wason- 
 gora, but the value of its possession has attracted the cupid- 
 ity of Kabba Eega, who reaps a considerable revenue from 
 it. Toro, Ankori, Mpororo, Ruanda, Ukonju, and many other 
 countries demand the salt for consumption, and the fortu- 
 nate possessor of this inexhaustible treasure of salt reaps all 
 that is desirable of property in Africa in exchange, with no 
 more trouble than the defence of it. 
 
 Our road from Kative lay east and north-east, to round the 
 bay-like extension of the Nyanza lying between Usongora 
 and Unyampaka, and it happened to be the same taken by 
 the main body of the Warasura in their hasty retreat from 
 the salt-lake. On entering Uhaiyana, which is to the south 
 of Toro, and in the uplands, we had passed the northern head 
 of the Nyanza, or Beatrice Gulf, and the route to the south 
 was open — not, however, without another encounter with the 
 Warasura. 
 
 A few days later we entered Unyampaka, which I had 
 visited in January, 1876. Ringi, the king, declined to enter 
 into the cause of Unyoro, and allowed us to feed on his ba- 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 119 
 
 lianas unquestioned. After following the lake shore until it 
 turned too far to the south-west, we struck for the lofty up- 
 lands of Aukori, by the natives of which we were well re- 
 ceived, preceded, as we had been, by the reports of our good 
 deeds in relieving the salt-lake of the presence of the uni- 
 versally obnoxious Warasura. 
 
 If you draw a straight line from the Nyanza to the Uzinja 
 shores of the Victoria Lake, it would represent pretty fairly 
 our course through Ankori, Karagwe, and Uhaiya to Uzinja. 
 Ankori was open to us, because we had driven the Wanyoro 
 from the salt-lake. The story was an open sesame. There 
 also existed a wholesome fear of an expedition which had 
 done that which all the power of Ankori could not have 
 done. Karagwe was open to us, because free-trade is the 
 policy of the Wanyambu, and because the Waganda were 
 too much engrossed with their civil war to interfere with 
 our passage. Uhaiya admitted our entrance without cavil 
 out of respect to our numbers, and because we were well in- 
 troduced by the Wanyambu, and the Wakwiya guided us in 
 like manner to be welcomed by the Wazinja. Nothing hap- 
 pened during the long journey from the Albert Lake to 
 cause us any regret that we had taken this straight course, 
 but we have suffered from an unprecedented number of 
 fevers. We have had as many as 150 cases in one day. 
 Ankori is so beswept with cold winds that the expedition 
 wilted under them. Seasoned veterans like the Pasha and 
 Captain Casati were prostrated time after time, and both were 
 reduced to excessive weakness like ourselves. Our blacks, 
 regardless of their tribes, tumbled headlong into the long 
 grass to sleep their fever fits off. Some, after a short illness, 
 died. The daily fatigues of the march, an ulcer, a fit of 
 fever, a touch of bowel complaint, caused the Egyptians to 
 hide in any cover along the route ; and, being unperceived 
 by the rear-guard of the expedition, were left to the doubt- 
 ful treatment of natives with whose language they were 
 
120 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 utterly ignorant. In the month of July we lost 141 of their 
 number in this manner. 
 
 Out of respect to the first British prince who has shown 
 an interest in African geography, we have named the south- 
 ern Nyanza — to distinguish it from the other two Nyanzas 
 — the Albert Edward Nyanza. It is not a very large lake. 
 Compared to the Yictoria, the Tanganyika, and the Nyassa, 
 it is small, but its importance and interest lie in the sole 
 fact that it is the receiver of all the streams at the extremity 
 of the south-western or left Nile basins, and discharges these 
 waters by one river, the Semliki, into the Albert Nyanza, 
 in like manner as Lake Yictoria receives all streams from 
 the extremity of the south-eastern or right Nile basin, and 
 pours these waters by the Yictoria Nile into the Albert 
 Nyanza. 
 
 These two Niles, amalgamating in Lake Albert, leave this 
 
 under the well-known name of White Nile. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 Henry M. Stanley. 
 William Mackinnon, Esq., etc. 
 
 LETTEE X. 
 
 VARIOUS INCIDENTS OF THE EXPEDITION ; DISCOVERY AFTER 
 
 DISCOVERY. 
 
 [The following letter is addressed to Mr. Edward Marston, 
 Mr. Stanley's friend and publisher.] 
 
 C. M. S. Station, South End Victoria Nyanza, 
 September 3, 1889. 
 
 My dear Marston, — It just now appears such an age to 
 me since I left England. Ages have gone by since I saw 
 you, surely. Do you know why ? Because a daily-thicken- 
 ing barrier of silence has crept between that time and this ; 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 121 
 
 silence so dense that in vain we yearn to pierce it. On my 
 side, I may ask, What have you been doing? On yours 
 you may ask, And what have you been doing ? I can assure 
 myself, now that I know you live, that few days have passed 
 without the special task of an enterprising publisher being 
 performed as wisely and well as possible, and for the time 
 being you can believe me that one day has followed the 
 other in striving strifefully against all manner of obstacles, 
 natural and otherwise, from the day I left Yambuya to 
 August 28, 1889, the day I arrived here. The bare cata- 
 logue of incidents would fill several quires of foolscap; cat- 
 alogue of skirmishes would be of respectable length ; cata- 
 logue of adventures, accidents, mortalities, sufferings from 
 fever, morbid musings over mischances that meet us daily, 
 would make a formidable list. 
 
 You know that all the stretch of country between Yam- 
 buya to this place was an absolutely new country except 
 what may be measured by five ordinary marches. First, 
 there is that dead white of the map now changed to a dead 
 black — I mean that darkest region of the earth confined be- 
 tween E. long. 25° and E. long. 29° 45', one great, compact, 
 remorselessly sullen forest, the growth of an untold number 
 of ages, swarming at stated intervals with immense numbers 
 of vicious man-eating savages and crafty undersized men, 
 who were unceasing in their annoyance. Then there is that 
 belt of grass-land lying between it and the Albert Nyanza, 
 whose people contested every mile of advance with spirit, 
 and made us think that they were guardians of some price- 
 less treasure hidden on the JSTyanza shores, or at war with 
 Emin Pasha and his thousands. A Sir Perceval in search 
 of the Holy Grail could not have met with hotter opposition. 
 Three separate times necessity compelled us to traverse this 
 unholy region, with varying fortunes. Incidents often crowd- 
 ed fast. Emin Pasha was a prisoner, an officer of ours was 
 his forced companion, and it really appeared as though we 
 
122 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 were to be added to the list ; but there is a virtue, you 
 know, even in striving unyieldingly in hardening the nerve 
 and facing these ever-clinging mischances, without paying 
 too much heed to the reputed danger. One is assisted much 
 by knowing that there is no other course, and the danger 
 somehow, nine times out of ten, diminishes. 
 
 The rebels of Emin Pasha's Government relied on their 
 craft and the wiles of the heathen Chinee, and it is rather 
 amusing now to look back and note how punishment has 
 fallen on them. Was it Providence or luck ? Let those 
 who love to analyze such matters reflect on it. Traitors 
 without the camp and traitors within were watched, and 
 the most active conspirator was discovered, tried, and hanged; 
 the traitors without fell afoul of one another, and ruined 
 themselves. If not luck, then it is surely Providence, in 
 answer to good men's prayers far away. 
 
 Our own people, tempted by extreme wretchedness and 
 misery, sold our rifles and ammunition to our natural en- 
 emies, the Manyuema slave-traders' true friends, without 
 the least grace in either their bodies or souls. What happy 
 influence was it that restrained me from destroying all those 
 concerned in it? Each time I read the story of Captain 
 Nelson's and Surgeon Parke's sufferings I feel vexed at my 
 forbearance; and yet, again, I feel thankful, for a Higher 
 Power than man's severely afflicted the cold-blooded mur- 
 derers by causing them to feed upon one another a few 
 weeks after the rescue and relief of Nelson and Parke. The 
 memory of those days alternately hardens and unmans me. 
 
 With the rescue of the Pasha, poor old Casati, and those 
 who preferred Egypt's flesh pots to the coarse plenty of the 
 province near the Nyanza, we returned ; and while we were 
 patiently waiting, the doom of the rebels was consum- 
 mated. 
 
 Since that time of anxiety and unhappy outlook I have 
 been at the point of death from a dreadful illness ; the strain 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 123 
 
 had been too much, and for twenty-eight days I lay help- 
 less, tended by the kindly and skilful hand of Surgeon 
 Parke. 
 
 Then, little by little, I gathered strength, and ordered the 
 march for home. Discovery after discovery in the wonder- 
 ful region was made — the snowy range of Ruevenzoni, the 
 "Cloud King" or " Rain Creator," the Semliki River, the 
 Albert Edward Nyanza, the plains of Usongora, the salt 
 lakes of Kative, the new peoples, Wakonju of the Great 
 Mountains, the dwellers of the rich forest region, the Aw- 
 amba, the fine-featured Wasongora, the Wanyoro bandits, 
 and then the Lake Albert Edward tribe and the shepherd 
 race of the eastern uplands — the Wanyankori, besides the 
 Wanya-ruwamba and the Wazinja — until at last we came to 
 a church whose cross dominated a Christian settlement, and 
 we knew that we had reached the outskirts of blessed civili- 
 zation. 
 
 We have every reason to be grateful ; and may that feel- 
 ing be ever kept within me. Our promises as volunteers 
 have been performed as well as though we had been special- 
 ly commissioned by a government. We have been all •vol- 
 unteers, each devoting his several gifts, abilities, and ener- 
 gies to win a successful issue for the enterprise. If there 
 has been anything that clouded sometimes our thoughts, 
 it has been that we were compelled by the state of Emm 
 Pasha and his own people to cause anxieties to our friends 
 by tedious delay, and every opportunity I have endeavored 
 to lessen these by despatching full accounts of our progress 
 to the Committee, that through them all interested might 
 be acquainted with what we had been doing. Some of my 
 officers also have been troubled in thought that their gov- 
 ernment might not overlook their having overstayed their 
 leave; but the truth is, the wealth of the British Treasury 
 could not have hastened our march without making our- 
 selves liable to impeachment for breach of faith, and the 
 
124 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 officers were as much involved as myself in doing the thing 
 honorably and well. 
 
 I hear there is great trouble, war, etc., between the Ger- 
 mans and Arabs of Zanzibar. What influence this may have 
 on our fortunes I do not know, but we trust nothing to inter- 
 rupt the march to the sea, which will be begun in a few days. 
 
 Meantime, with such wishes as the best and most insep- 
 arable friends endow one another, I pray your partners, Mr. 
 Searle, Mr. Rivington, and young Mr. Marston, to accept, and 
 you to believe me, Always yours sincerely, 
 
 Henry M. Stanley. 
 To Edward Marston, Esq. 
 
 LETTER XL 
 
 FROM MR. JEPHSON TO MR. STANLEY. LETTER FROM THE 
 
 MAHDi's GENERAL TO EMIN. — LETTERS FROM LUPTON BEY 
 TO EMIN. 
 
 Dear Sir, — The following letter is a translation of a copy 
 of the original letter sent by the hand of three Peacock der- 
 vishes from Omar Saleh, General of the Mahdi's forces, to 
 Emin Pasha. The letter arrived on October 17, 1888, when 
 the Pasha and I were prisoners at Duffle, and was inter- 
 cepted and opened by the rebel officers, who, after torturing 
 the Mahdi's three envoys to get information from them, had 
 them beaten to death with clubs. I am indebted to Osman 
 Effendi Latif, Yakeel of the province, for the copy of this 
 letter. His sou entered the rebels' divan at great risk, 
 secretly at night, and copied the letter for me. The trans- 
 lation of the letter was made by Emin Pasha. The original 
 letter was destroyed, together with the Government books 
 and papers, in the burning of Duffle. 
 
 I am, yours faithfully, 
 
 A. J. MOUNTENEY JePHSON. 
 
 H. M. Stanley, Esq., commanding Expedition. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 125 
 
 From the servant of God, Omar Salek, officer of the Mah- 
 di, to whom we give reverential greetings, appointed for 
 conducting affairs in the Province of Hatalastiva, to 
 The Honored Mahomed Emin, Mutfir of Hatalastiva. 
 
 May God lead him in the paths of His gifts. Amen. 
 
 After greeting you, I would remind you that the world is 
 a house of change and decay, and everything in it must one 
 day perish ; nothing in it is of value to a true servant of God 
 except that which is for his good in his future life. If God 
 wishes to be kind to His servant, He humbles him and blesses 
 all he does, and God is the blessing in everything, and no 
 word nor action proceeds from Him which does not show 
 His infinite compassion. God is the Master of all His creat- 
 ures ; in His hands are the keys of all things ; there is noth- 
 ing beyond His power in the heavens or in the earth. He 
 sees all things within and without, and all things good and 
 evil are in His hands. The King gives His gifts to whom- 
 soever He pleases, He says "Be," and it is so. 
 
 As you are intelligent and understand good advice, we 
 think of you with all kindness, for we have heard of you 
 from many of your friends, who have told us of your life 
 and of your work. • Among them our friend Osman Erlab, 
 your messenger, w T ho has come with us, and from others. As 
 we have heard you are kind to your people and that you 
 love justice, we have decided to tell you of our doings and 
 of our position, because there are many people adverse to us, 
 and they do not speak the truth about our affairs, and per- 
 haps they deny the truth. We belong to God's army and 
 follow His Word only; with our army is the victory, and we 
 follow the Imam Mahomed el Mahdi, the son of Abdullah — 
 before whom we bow — the Khalifa and Prophet of God — to 
 whom we offer our greetings, and of whom the Master of 
 All has said, "And in these days there shall be raised from 
 my seat a man who shall fill the earth with justice and light 
 as it was filled before with injustice and darkness." We 
 
126 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 have now come by his order, and there is no possible result 
 but what is good from his commands in this changeful 
 world. We have given ourselves, our children, and posses- 
 sions to him as an offering to God and He has accepted them 
 from us. He has brought his true believers their souls and 
 possessions with His Word and Paradise belongs to them. If 
 they are killed, they are killed as an offering to God, and if 
 they kill, they kill in His cause, as it is written in the Old 
 Testament and in the Koran. Whoever fulfils his duty 
 towards God is by His blessing bought by Him, as he also 
 buys him, and He is Master of the world. 
 
 In the month of Ramadan, 1298, God revealed the expect- 
 ed Mahdi, and made him sit on His footstool, and girded him 
 with the sword of victory. He told him that whoever was 
 his enemy was unfaithful to God and His Prophet, and 
 should suffer in this world and in the next, and his children 
 and goods should become the prey of the true Moslems, and 
 he (the Mahdi) should be victorious over all his foes, though 
 they were as numberless as the sand of the desert ; and who- 
 ever should disobey him should be punished by God. And 
 God showed him His angels and saints from the time of 
 Adam till this day, and all the spirits and devils. He has 
 before him an army — its chief is Israel — to whom our 
 greetings ; and He ever goes before the victorious army a 
 distance of forty miles. Besides this, God revealed to him 
 many miracles. It was impossible to count them, but they 
 were as clear as the sun at mid-day, whose light is seen by 
 all. And the people flocked to him by the orders of God 
 and His Prophet. 
 
 He commanded the people to collect and assist him against 
 his foes from all parts of the country, and he wrote to the 
 Governor-general at Khartoum and to all the governors in 
 the Soudan, and his orders were fulfilled. He wrote to ev- 
 ery king, especially to the Sultan of Stamboul, Abdul Hamid, 
 to Mahomed Tewfik, Yali of Egypt, and to Victoria, Queen 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 127 
 
 of Britannia, because she was in alliance with the Egyptian 
 Government. Then the people came from every side and 
 submitted to his rule, and told them they submitted to God 
 and His Prophet and to him, for there is only one God and 
 He is supreme, and they promised they would abstain from 
 all evil, and that they would neither steal nor commit adul- 
 tery, nor do anything which was forbidden by God. They 
 would give up the world and strive only for God's Word 
 and make war for their Holy Belief forever. 
 
 And we have found him, the Mahdi, more compassionate 
 to us than a pitying mother ; he lives with the great, but has 
 pity for the poor; he collects people of honor around him 
 and houses the generous ; he speaks only the truth and 
 brings people to God, and relieves them in this world, and 
 shows them the path to the next. He reigns over us accord- 
 ing to God's word, and conforms to the words of the priests. 
 And all religions and the Moslems have become brothers and 
 help one another for good, and have become slaves of the 
 Prophet, who said, "All men are equal before God." He 
 was told by God that his time had come, and that his friends 
 were God's friends, and the people believed in him, as did 
 Abd el Kader el Geli, who believed in him and in his mis- 
 sion, and said, "Who follows him goes to eternal blessing, 
 and who denies him denies God and His Prophet." But 
 the whole of the Turks in the Soudan who saw the won- 
 ders and forewarnings which happened at this time and did 
 not believe, have been destroyed by God, and have been 
 killed one after another. 
 
 The first army which fought against the Mahdi had for 
 its chief Abu Soud Bey, who came with a steamer at the 
 time when the Mahdi was at Abba; but though he was hard 
 pressed, God killed all his enemies. Then the Prophet or- 
 dered him to Gedir, and he went, but he was followed by 
 Raschid Imam Mudir of Pashodo and many people with 
 him. Then followed Yuseph Pasha el Shilali, Mahomed 
 
128 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 Bey Sulieman el Shaiki, and Abdullah Wadi Defallah, one 
 of the Kordofan merchants, and with them another army of 
 great strength, and God killed them all. Then came the 
 army of Hicks, a renowned man, and with him Al-ed-din 
 Pasha, Governor-general of the Soudan, and many officers, 
 and with them a very large army composed of the people of 
 different countries — no one but God knows their number — 
 and many Krupp guns, and they were all killed in less than 
 an hour, and their strongholds were taken right up to Khar- 
 toum, the residence of the Governor-general, a very strong 
 place between the two rivers. 
 
 In Khartoum were killed Gordon Pasha, the Governor, 
 and with him the Consuls, Hansal and Nichola Leontides, the 
 Greek, and Azor the Copt, and many others of the Chris- 
 tians, and many or the rebellious Mahomedans, Farrateh 
 Pasha Ezzeim, Mahomet Pasha Hassan, Bachit, Batraki, and 
 Achmet Bey el Dgelab. And whoever was killed by the 
 Mahdi's followers was at once consumed by fire, and this is 
 one of the greatest wonders happening to confirm what is 
 written is come to pass before the end of the world. There 
 is just another wonder. The spears carried by the Mahdi's 
 followers had a flame burning at their points, and this we 
 have seen with our eyes and not heard only. 
 
 And so event followed event near Suakim and Dongola 
 until General Stewart Pasha, Gordon's second in command, 
 died, and with him some consuls, and this happened in Wady 
 Kama. Then the other Stewart in Abu Teleah, he had 
 come with an English army to relieve Gordon Pasha, but 
 many were killed, and God drove them back ignominiously. 
 And then the whole Soudan and its dependencies accepted 
 the Mahdi's rule, and submitted to the Imam the Mahdi, 
 and gave themselves to him with their children and posses- 
 sions and became his followers, and whoever opposed him 
 was killed by God, and his children and property became 
 the prey of the Moslems. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. ST VNLEY'S LETTERS. 129 
 
 The armies of the Mahdi under the command of our 
 friend Wed en Nedgumi are beleaguering Egypt near Wady 
 Haifa and Abu Hamed. Near Askar Abu el Hudjadg is 
 our friend Osman Digna. Abyssinia is in the hands of our 
 friend Handan Abu Gaudia. In an encounter with the 
 Abyssinians, God helped him, and he killed them, and 
 among those killed was the chief of their army, who was 
 called Ras Adrangi ; some of his children were killed and 
 some made slaves. Our people reached the great church in 
 the town of Condar, which is one of the most remarkable 
 things among the Christians. In Darfour, Shakka, and Bahr 
 el Ghazal is our friend Osman Aden, and with him Keremal- 
 lah and Zebehr el Fhasl. The whole country is in the hands 
 of God's soldiers, who war against the foes of God, who deny 
 the Imam, the Mahdi. They are always victorious by God's 
 strength and might, as He promised by His Word, " Ye who 
 believe if ye fight, God will give you the victory." And 
 again, "God is with us, and the victory is to the believers;" 
 and yet again, " God is well pleased by those who are slain 
 in His service ; they are like reared up strongholds." 
 
 So now we have come in three steamers and in sandals 
 and nuggers filled with soldiers from God's army under our 
 orders, sent to you from his Mightiness the Great Chief of 
 all the Moslems, the ever-victorious in his religion, who re- 
 lies on God the Lord of the world, the Khalifa, the Mahdi — 
 may God be gracious unto him ! — with his sacred orders, 
 which are the orders of God and His Prophet, and it is your 
 duty to obey them by reason of their religious teaching, you 
 and whoever may be with you, whether Moslems, Christians, 
 or others, and we bring you such news as will insure your 
 welfare in this world and in the next, and to tell you what 
 God wishes, He and His Prophet, and to assure you of a 
 free pardon, to you and to whomsoever is with you, and 
 protection for your children and property, from God and 
 His Prophet, on condition that you submit to God. 
 9 
 
130 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 There are with us some letters written, by permission of 
 our master, by some of your brethren who wish you well ; 
 they are from Abdul Kader Slatin, who was formerly Mudir 
 of Darfour ; Mahomed Said, who was formerly called Georgi 
 Islamboulia ; Ismail Abdullah, who was formerly called 
 Boles Salib, a Copt ; and many others who sympathize with 
 you, and are now honored by the Mahdi's grace. There are 
 also letters from your companions, Abdullah Lupton, who 
 was Mudir of Bahr el Ghazal, Ibrahim Pasha Fanzi, Nur 
 Bey ; Ibrahim Bey, commander of Kordofan. God has 
 helped them all with his blessing, and they are now well-to- 
 do and free from care, and God has given them more than 
 they ever possessed in worldly goods and heavenly favor — 
 when they became friends of the Mahdi, God rewarded them. 
 
 Now, the Khalifa, the Mahdi, out of compassion for your 
 forlorn state, left alone in the hands of the negroes — for 
 there has been no news of you for a long time, and you must 
 have lost all hope — has sent us to you with an army, as I 
 before told you, to take you out of the land of the infidels 
 to join your brethren the Moslems. Submit, therefore, with 
 gladness to God's wish and come at once to see me wherever 
 I may be, for I am now so near you, that I may honor you 
 with the sacred Orders. You will find them full of won- 
 derful things, on which depend your salvation in this and in 
 the next world, and you will find in them the contentment 
 of God, the ruler of the world. I have to add I am ordered 
 by his Highness — whom no one can deny — that I am to 
 honor you and take care of you, and when we meet you will 
 have all your wishes fulfilled, and you will become one of 
 the true believers, as your master wishes. 
 
 And now be of good cheer and do not delay. I have said 
 enough for one whose intelligence is bright, and now we 
 pray God to lead you towards our master, for we believe 
 you are one of those who hear good advice and follow it — 
 and in truth it is God's gift. Among the things in your 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 131 
 
 favor in the hands of the Khalifa, the Mahdi, was the arrival 
 of your letter, brought by our friend Osman Erbal, intimat- 
 ing your submission. He received this letter, and was well 
 pleased with it, and because of this and the Khalifa, the 
 Mahdi's, compassion for you we have come here as I told 
 you before. 
 
 May God bless and assist you in all that you do. Salaam. 
 
 P.S. — The following letters are copies of the last three 
 letters from Lupton Bey, Governor of the Bahr el Ghazal 
 Province, to Emin Pasha, who kindly allowed me to copy 
 them. — A. J. M. Jephson. 
 
 April 12, 1884. 
 
 Dear Emin, — The Mahdi's army is now camped six hours' 
 march from here. Two dervishes have arrived here, and 
 want me to hand over the Murdireh to them. I will fight 
 to the last. I have put my guns in a strong fort, and if they 
 succeed in capturing the Murdireh, I shall, I hope, from my 
 fort turn them out again. They come to you at once if I 
 lose the day ; so look out. Perhaps this is my last letter to 
 you. My position is desperate, as my own men have gone 
 over to them in numbers. 1 am known now by the name of 
 Abdullah. I win the day or die ; so good-bye. Kind regards 
 to Dr. Junker. 
 
 If steamer comes to you, write to my friends and let them 
 know I die game. F. Lupton. 
 
 Their address is 38 Leadenhall Street, London, or High- 
 house, Blackheath, London. 
 
 April 20, 1884. 
 
 Dear Emin Bet, — Most of my people have joined the 
 Mahdi's force. Nazir Bucho and Nazir Liffe, with all their 
 men, have gone over ; also the people from Gudju have gone 
 over with the Government grain. I don't know how it will 
 end. I have se-nt Wazy Uller to the Mahdi's camp. I hardly 
 
132 THE STORY OF EMLN'S RESCUE, 
 
 know if I am Lupton Bey or the Emir Abdullah. I will 
 write you as soon as Wazy Uller returns. Enemy are armed 
 with Remingtons, and have four 01 five companies of regular 
 troops with them, and some 8000 or 10,000 Orbau and Gil- 
 labau,* but I will give you their correct strength as soon as 
 I am sure about the matter. I don't think it's under the 
 above number. Slatin wrote me two lines ; he only said, "I 
 send this man Hadji Mustapha Kismullah to you." He is 
 now the Emir Abd el Kada. Yours truly, 
 
 F. Lupton. 
 
 April 25, 1884. 
 Dear Emin, — It is all up with me here ; every one has 
 joined the Mahdi, and his army takes charge of the Murdi- 
 reh the day after to-morrow. What I have passed through 
 the last few days no one knows. I am perfectly alone. The 
 man who brings you this will give you all particulars. I 
 hear that an army was never so totally defeated as was that 
 of General Hicks. Out of 16,000 men only 52 are alive, and 
 they are nearly all wounded. Look you out ; some 8000 to 
 10,000 men are coming to you well armed. Hoping that we 
 shall meet. Yours truly, 
 
 F. Lupton. 
 
 LETTER XII. 
 geographical results from the albert nyanza to uzinja. 
 
 To the Secretary of the Royal Geographical Society, London. 
 
 Camp at Kizinga, Uzinja, August 17, 1889. 
 Sir, — I remember, while standing on the edge of the pla- 
 teau which overlooks the southern end of Lake Albert, in 
 December, 1887, that looking across the lake to the Unyoro 
 
 * Desert Arabs and traders. — A. J. M. J. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 133 
 
 plateau, and running my eye along its unbroken outline from 
 north to south, I was much struck by the gradual but steady 
 uplift of the land to a point near the lake's end, where a wide 
 cleft separated the plateau from the disjointed mass and 
 higher elevations culminating around Mount Ajif. South- 
 ward beyond Ajif we could see nothing but dark, impene- 
 trable clouds, ominous of a storm ; yet underneath these 
 night-black clouds lurked a most interesting mystery — that 
 of the long-lost and wandering "Mountains of the Moon." 
 Little did we imagine it, but the results of our journey from 
 the Albert Nyanza to Unyampaka, where I turned away 
 from the newly discovered lake in 1876, establish beyond a 
 doubt that the snowy mountain which bears the native name 
 of Ruwenzori or Ruwenjura is identical with w T hat the an- 
 cients called "Mountains of the Moon." 
 
 Note what Scheabeddin, an Arab geographer of the fif- 
 teenth century, writes : "From the Mountains of the Moon 
 the Egyptian Nile takes its rise. It cuts horizontally the 
 equator in its course north. Many rivers come from this 
 mountain and unite in a great lake. From this lake comes 
 the Nile, the most beautiful and greatest of the rivers of all 
 the earth." 
 
 If, adopting the quaint style and brevity of the Arab 
 writer, we would write of this matter now, we would say : 
 "From Ruwenzori, the Snow Mountain, the western branch 
 of the Upper Nile takes its rise. Many rivers come from 
 this mountain, and uniting in the Semliki River, empty into 
 a great lake named by its discoverer the Albert Nyanza. 
 From this lake, which also receives the eastern branch of the 
 Upper Nile, issues the true Nile, one of the most famous of 
 the rivers of all the earth." 
 
 But this is a matter of slight moment compared to the 
 positive knowledge that in the least suspected part of Africa 
 there has shot up into view and fact a lofty range of mount- 
 ains, the central portion of which is covered with perpetual 
 
134 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 snow, which supplies a lake to the south of the equator, and 
 pours besides scores of sweet-water streams to the large trib- 
 utary feeding the Albert Nyanza from the south. 
 
 You will remember that Samuel Baker, in 1864, reported 
 the Albert Nyanza to stretch " inimitably " in a south-west- 
 erly direction from Yacovia, and that Gessi Pasha, who first 
 circumnavigated that lake, and Mason Bey, who, in 1877, 
 made a more careful investigation of it, never even hinted 
 of the existence of a snowy mountain in that neighborhood, 
 nor did the two last travellers pay any attention to the Sem- 
 liki River. I might even add that Emin Pasha, for years 
 resident on or near Lake Albert, or Captain Casati, who for 
 some months resided in Unyoro, never heard of any such 
 remarkable object as a snowy mountain being in that region, 
 therefore we may well call it an unsuspected part of Africa. 
 Surely it was none of our purpose to discover it. It simply 
 thrust itself direct in our homeward route, and as it insisted 
 on our following its base-line, we viewed it from all sides 
 but the north-east. Only then could we depart from its 
 neighborhood. 
 
 Surrounded as I am by the hourly wants of an expedition 
 like this, I cannot command the time to write such a letter 
 on this subject as I would wish. I must even content my- 
 self with allowing a few facts to fall into line for your lei- 
 surely consideration. 
 
 If you will draw a straight line from the debouchure of 
 the Nile from Lake Albert, 230 geographical miles in a di- 
 rection nearly south-west magnetic, you will have measured 
 the length of a broad line of subsidence, which is from 
 twenty to fifty miles wide, that exists between 3° N. lat. 
 and 1° S. lat. in the centre of the African continent. On 
 the left of this great trough, looking northward, of course, 
 there is a continuous line of upland, rising from 1000 to 
 3000 feet above it. Its eastern face drops abruptly into the 
 trough ; the western side slopes gently to the Ituri and 
 
AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 135 
 
 Lomba basins. To the right there is another line of up- 
 land. The most northerly section, ninety miles, rising from 
 1000 to 3000 feet along the trough, is the Unyoro plateau, 
 whose western face almost precipitously falls into the trough, 
 and whose eastern face slopes almost imperceptibly towards 
 the Kafur. The central section, also ninety miles long, con- 
 sists of the Ruwenzori range, from 4000 to 15,000 feet 
 above the average level of the trough. The remaining sec- 
 tion of upland, and the most southerly, is from 2000 to 3500 
 feet higher than the trough, and consists of the plateaus of 
 Uhaiyana, Unyampaka, and Ankori. 
 
 The most northerly section of the line of subsidence, 
 ninety miles in length, is occupied by the Albert Nyanza; 
 the central section, also ninety miles, by the Semliki River 
 valley ; the southernmost portion, fifty miles long, by the 
 plains and the new Nyanza, which we have all agreed to 
 name the Albert Edward Nyanza, in honor of the first Brit- 
 ish prince who has shown a decided interest in African 
 geography. 
 
 You will observe, then, that the Semliki Valley extends 
 along the base of the Ruwenzori range ; that the northern 
 and southern extremities or flanks of Ruwenzori have each 
 a lake abreast of it ; that the Semliki River runs from the 
 upper to the lower lake in a zigzag course. 
 
 If you were to make a plan in rilievo of what has been 
 described above, the first thing that would strike you would 
 be that what had been taken out of that abyss or trough 
 had been heaped up in the enormous range, and if along its 
 slope you we-re to channel out sixty-two streams emptying 
 into this trough, and let the sides of the trough slope here 
 and there sharply towards the centre, you would be im- 
 pressed with the fact that Ruwenzori w T as slowly being 
 washed into the place whence it came. However, all these 
 are matters for geologists. 
 
 For months all Europeans on this expedition, before set- 
 
136 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 ting out on their journey towards Zanzibar from the Albert 
 Lake, were exercised in their minds how Sir Samuel Baker, 
 standing on a hill near Yacovia, five or six miles from the 
 extremity of the Nyanza, could attach "illimitability " to 
 such a short reach of water ; but after rounding the Baleg- 
 ga Mountains, which form a group to the south of Kavalli, 
 we suddenly came in view of the beginning of the Semliki 
 Valley, a sight which caused officers to ask one another, 
 "Have you seen the Nyanza ?" and the female portion of 
 the Egyptian following to break out into rapturous " Lu-lu- 
 lus." Yet we were only four miles away from the valley, 
 which was nearly white with its ripe grass, and which in- 
 deed resembled strongly the disturbed waters of a shallow 
 lake. 
 
 This part of the Semliki Valley, which extends from the 
 lake south-westerly, is very level ; for thirty miles it only 
 a f tains to an altitude of fifty feet above the lake. All this 
 part can only recently have been formed, say the last few 
 hundred years. In one of its crooked bends nearer the 
 south-eastern range we stumbled suddenly upon the Semliki 
 River, with an impetuous volume, from eighty to one hun- 
 dred yards wide, and an average depth of nine feet. Its 
 continually crumbling banks of sandy loam rose about six 
 feet above it. One glance at it revealed it to be a river 
 weighted with fine sediment. When we experimented, we 
 found a drinking-glass full of water contained nearly a tea- 
 spoonful of sediment. We need not wonder, then, that for 
 miles the south end of Lake Albert is so shallow that it will 
 scarcely float p. row-boat. 
 
 Beyond the grassy portion of the valley, a few acacias be- 
 gin to stud it, which, as we proceed south-westerly, become 
 detached groves, then a continuous thin forest, until it 
 reaches the dense and rank tropical forest, with tail trees 
 joined together by giant creepers, and nourishing in its 
 shade thick undergrowths. Everything now begins to be 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 137 
 
 sloppy wet, leaves and branches glisten with dew, weeping 
 mosses cover stem, branch, and twig. The ground is soaked 
 with moisture, a constant mist rises from the fermenting 
 bosom of the forest. In the morning it covers the valley 
 from end to end, and during the early hours, stratum after 
 stratum rises, and attracted by the greater drought along the 
 slant of the Ruwenzori slopes, drifts upward until the sum- 
 mits of the highest mountains are reached, when it is gradu- 
 ally intensified until the white mist has become a storm-cloud, 
 and discharges its burden of moisture amid bursts of thun- 
 der and copious showers. 
 
 The valley sensibly rises faster in the forest legion than 
 in the grassy part. Knolls and little rounded hills crop out, 
 and the ground is much more uneven. Violent streams 
 have ploughed deep ravines round about them, and have 
 left long, narrow ridges, scarcely a stride across, at the sum- 
 mit between two ravines a couple of hundred feet deep. 
 At about seventy-five miles from the Albert Nyanza the 
 valley has attained about 900 feet of an altitude above it, 
 and at this junction the forest region abruptly ends. The 
 south-west angle of Ruwenzori is about east of this, and 
 with the change of scene a change of climate occurs. We 
 have left eternal verdure, and the ceaseless distillation of 
 mist and' humid vapors into rain, behind, and we now look 
 upon grass ripe for the annual fire and general droughtiness. 
 From this place the valley becomes like a level grassy plain 
 until the Albert Edward Nyanza is reached. 
 
 The southernmost stretch of the Ruwenzori range projects 
 like a promontory between two broad extents of the ancient 
 bed of the Albert Edward. To avoid the long detour, we 
 cross this hilly promontory in a south-easterly direction from 
 the Semliki Valley, and enter eastern Usongora, and are in a 
 land as different from that at the north-western base of Ru- 
 wenzori as early summer is from midwinter. As we con- 
 tinue easterly, we leave Ruwenzori on our left now, and the 
 
138 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 strangely configured Albert Edward Nyanza on our right. 
 The broad plains which extend between were once covered 
 by this lake. Indeed, for miles along its border there are 
 breadths of far-reaching tongues of swamp penetrating in- 
 land. Streams of considerable volume pour through these 
 plains towards the Nyanza from Ruwenzori, without benefit- 
 ing the land in the least. Except for its covering of grass — 
 at this season withered and dried — it might well be called a 
 desert ; yet in former times, not very remote, the plains were 
 thickly peopled — the zeribas of milk-weed and dark circles 
 of Euphorbia, wherein the shepherds herded their cattle by 
 night, prove that, as well as the hundreds of cattle-dung 
 mounds we come across. The raids of Waganda and the 
 Warasura have depopulated the land of the Wasongora, the 
 former occupants, and have left only a miserable remnant, 
 who subsist by doing " chores " for the Warasura, their pres- 
 ent masters. 
 
 From Usongora we enter Toro, the Albert Edward Nyanza 
 being still on our right, and our course being now north- 
 easterly, as though our purpose was to march to Lake Albert 
 again. After about twenty miles' march we turn east, leave 
 the plains of the Albert Edward, and ascend to the uplands 
 of Uhaiyana, which having gained, our course is south until 
 we have passed Unyampaka, which I first saw in 1876. 
 
 South of Unyampaka stretches Ankori, a large country 
 and thickly peopled. The plains have an altitude of over 
 5000 feet above the sea, but the mountains rise to as high as 
 6400 feet. As Ankori extends to the Alexandra Nile, we 
 have the well-known land of Karagwe south of this river. 
 
 Since leaving the Albert Nyanza, between Kavalli and the 
 Semliki River, we traversed the lands of the Wavira and 
 Baregga. On crossing the Semliki we entered the territory 
 of the Awamba. When we gained the grassy terrace at the 
 base of the Ruwenzori range we travelled on the border-line 
 between the Wakon ju, who inhabit the lower slopes of Ru- 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 139 
 
 wenzori, and the Awamba, who inhabit the forest region of 
 the Semliki Valley. The Wajonku are the only people who 
 dwell upon the mountains. They build their villages as high 
 as 8000 feet above the sea. In time of war — 'for the Wara- 
 sura have invaded their country also — they retreat up to the 
 neighborhood of the snows. They say that once fifty men 
 took refuge right in the snow region, but it was so bitterly 
 cold that only thirty returned to their homes. Since that 
 time they have a dread of the upper regions of their mount- 
 ains. 
 
 As far as the south-west angle of Ruwenzori the slopes of 
 the front line of hills are extensively cultivated — the fields 
 of sweet-potatoes, millet, eleusine, and plantations of bananas 
 describe all kinds of squares, and attract the attention ; while 
 between each separate settlement the wild banana thrives 
 luxuriantly, growing at as high an altitude as the summits 
 of the highest spurs, whereon the Wakonju have constructed 
 their villages. 
 
 Though we were mutually hostile at first, and had several 
 little skirmishes, we became at last acquainted with the Wa- 
 konju, and very firm, close friends. The common enemy 
 were the Warasura, and the flight of the Warasura upon 
 hearing of our advance revealed to the Wakonju that they 
 ought to be friends with all those who were supposed to be 
 hostile to their oppressors. Hence we received goats, ba- 
 nanas and native bee in abundance ; our loads were carried, 
 guides furnished us, and every intelligence of the movements 
 of the Wanyoro brought us. In their ardor to engage the 
 foe, a band of them accompanied us across Usongora and 
 Toro to the frontier of Uhaiyana. 
 
 South-west of Awamba, beyond the forest region of the 
 Semliki Valley, begins Usongora. This country occupies the 
 plains bordering the north-west and north of Lake Albert 
 Edward. The people are a fine race, but in no way differing 
 from the finer types of men seen in Karagwe and Ankori, 
 
140 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 and the Wahuma shepherds of Uganda. Their food consists 
 of milk and meat, the latter eaten raw or slightly warmed. 
 
 The Toro natives are a mixture of the higher class of ne- 
 groes, somewhat like the Waganda. They have become so 
 amalgamated with the lower Wanyoro that we can find noth- 
 ing distinctive, The same may be said of the Wahaiyana. 
 What the royal families of these tribes may be we can only 
 imagine from having seen the rightful prince of Usongora 
 in Ankori, who was as perfect a specimen of a pure Galla 
 as could be found in Shoa. But you need not conclude 
 from this that only the royal families possess fine features. 
 These Ethiopic types are thickly spread among the Wahuma 
 of these Central African uplands. Wherever we find a land 
 that enjoys periods of peace, we find the Wahuma at home, 
 with their herds, and in looking at them one might fancy 
 himself transported into the midst of Abyssinia. 
 
 Ankori is a land which, because of its numbers and readi- 
 ness to resistance, enjoys long terms of uninterrupted peace ; 
 and here the Wahuma are more numerous than elsewhere. 
 The royal family are Wahuma, the chiefs and all the wealth- 
 ier and more important people are pure Wahuma. Their 
 only occupation, besides warring when necessary, is breeding 
 and tending cattle. The agricultural class consists of slaves — 
 at least such is the term by which they are designated. The 
 majority of the Wahuma can boast of features quite as regu- 
 lar, fine, and delicate as Europeans. 
 
 The countries to the south of the Albert Edward are still 
 unexplored, and we have not heard much respecting them ; 
 but what we have heard differs much from that which you 
 find illustrated by that irregular sheet of water called Muta 
 Nzige in the "Dark Continent" map. 
 
 Ruanda bears the name of Unyavingi to the people of 
 Ukonju, Usongora, and Ankori, and is a large, compact 
 country, lying between the Alexandra Nile and the Congo 
 water-shed to the west, and reaching to within one day's 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 141 
 
 long march of the Albert Edward. It also overlaps a por- 
 tion of the south-west side of that lake. The people are de- 
 scribed as being very warlike, and that no country, not even 
 Uganda, could equal it in numbers or strength. The late 
 queen has been succeeded by her son, Kigeri, who now 
 governs. 
 
 Since the commencement of our march homeward from 
 our camp at Kavalli, we have undergone remarkable vicissi- 
 tudes of climate. From the temperate and enjoyable climate 
 of the region west of Lake Albert we descended to the hot- 
 house atmosphere of the Semliki Valley — a nearly three thou- 
 sand feet lower level. Night and day w r ere equally oppress- 
 ively warm and close, and one or two of us suffered greatly 
 in consequence. The movement from the Semliki Valley 
 to the plains north of Lake Albert brought us to a dry but 
 a hot land ; the ground w r as baked hard, the grass was scorch- 
 ed, the sun, but for the everlasting thick haze, w T ould have 
 been intolerable ; in addition to which the water, except that 
 from the Kuwenzori streams, was atrocious, and charged with 
 nitre and organic corruption. The ascent to the eastern pla- 
 teau was marked by an increase of cold and many an evil 
 consequence — fevers, colds, catarrhs, dysenteries, and paraly- 
 sis. Several times we ascended to over 6000 feet above the 
 sea, to be punished with agues, which prostrated black and 
 white by scores. In the early mornings, at this altitude, 
 hoar-frost was common. Blackberries were common along 
 the path in north-west Ankori, 5200 feet above the sea-level. 
 
 On entering Uzinja, south-west corner of Lake Victoria, 
 the health of all began to improve, and fevers became less 
 common. 
 
 I have jotted these few remarks down very hastily. 
 Whether it is from lack of wholesome food or not, but I 
 confess to feeling it an immense labor to sit down and write 
 upon any subject. I do not agree with Shakespeare when 
 he says : 
 
142 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 "Fat paunches have lean pates; and dainty bits 
 Make rich the ribs, but bankrupt quite the wits." 
 
 In our case, and I speak for all our officers as well as my- 
 self, " dainty bits" just now would brighten up our wits, 
 for we suspect that our wits have strongly sympathized 
 with the bodies' pains. 
 
 That you may know what the upper regions of Ruwen- 
 zori were like, I send you Lieutenant Stairs's account of his 
 ascent to a height 0$ nearly 11,000 feet. 
 
 Yours obediently, 
 
 Henry M. Stanley. 
 
 LIEUTENANT STAIRS's ACCOUNT OF HIS ASCENT OF RUWENZORI, 
 TO A HEIGHT OF 10,677 FEET ABOVE SEA-LEVEL. 
 
 Expedition Camp, June 8, 1889. 
 To H. M. Stanley, Esq., Commanding Emin Pasha Relief Expedition. 
 
 Sir, — I have the honor to present you with the following 
 account of an attempt made by me to reach the snow-capped 
 peaks of Ruwenzori. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 6th June, accompanied by 
 some forty Zanzibaris, we made a start from the expedi- 
 tion's camp at the foot-hills of the range, crossed the stream 
 close to camp, and commenced the ascent of the mountain. 
 
 With me I had two aneroids, which together we had pre- 
 viously noted and compared with a standard aneroid re- 
 maining in camp under your immediate observation ; also a 
 Fahrenheit thermometer. 
 
 For the first 900 feet above camp the climbing was fairly 
 good, and our progress was greatly aided by a native track 
 which led up to some huts in the hills. These huts we 
 found to be of the ordinary circular type so common on the 
 plains, but with the difference that bamboo was largely used 
 in their interior construction. Here we found the food of 
 the natives to be maize, bananas, and colocasia roots. On 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 143 
 
 moving away from these huts we soon left behind us the 
 long, rank grass, and entered a patch of low, scrubby bush, 
 intermixed with bracken and thorns, making the journey 
 more difficult. 
 
 At 8.30 a.m. we came upon some more huts of the same 
 type, and found that the natives had decamped from them 
 some days previously. Here the barometer read 23.58 and 
 22.85 ; the thermometer 75° F. On all sides of us we could 
 see Dracaenas, and here and there an occasional tree-fern and 
 Mwab palm ; and, tangled in all shapes on either side of the 
 track, were masses of long bracken. The natives now ap- 
 peared at different hill-tops and points near by, and did 
 their best to frighten us back down the mountain by shout- 
 ing and blowing horns. We, however, kept on our w 7 ay up 
 the slope, and in a short time they disappeared and gave us 
 very little further trouble. 
 
 Of the forest plains, stretching far away below us, we 
 could see nothing, owing to the thick haze that then ob- 
 scured everything. We were thus prevented from seeing 
 the hills to the west and north-west. 
 
 At 10.30 a.m., after some sharp climbing, we reached the 
 last settlement of the natives, the cultivation consisting of 
 beans and colocasias, but no bananas. Here the barometer 
 read 22.36; thermometer 84° F. Beyond this settlement 
 was a rough track leading up the spur to the forest; this 
 we followed, but in many places to get along at all we had 
 to crawl on our hands and knees, so steep were the slopes. 
 
 At 11 a.m. we reached this forest, and found it to be one 
 of bamboos, at first open, and then getting denser as we 
 ascended. We now noticed a complete and sudden change 
 in the air from that we had just passed through. It be- 
 came much cooler and more pure and refreshing, and all 
 went along at a faster rate and with lighter hearts. Now 
 that the Zanzibaris had come so far, they all appeared anx- 
 ious to ascend as high as possible, and began to chaff each 
 
144 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 other as to who should bring down the biggest load of the 
 "white stuff " on the top of the mountain. 
 
 At 12.40 p.m. we emerged from the bamboos and sat 
 down on a grassy spot to eat our lunch. Barometers 21.10 
 and 27-3^0-. Thermometer 70° F. Ahead of us, and rising 
 in one even slope, stood a peak, in altitude 1200 feet higher 
 than we were. This we now started to climb, and after go- 
 ing np it a short distance, came upon the tree-heaths. Some 
 of these bushes must have been twenty feet high, and as we 
 had to cut our way foot by foot through them, our progress 
 was necessarily slow and very fatiguing to those ahead. 
 
 At 3.15 we halted among the heaths for a few moments 
 to regain our breath. Here and there were patches of in- 
 ferior bamboos, almost every stem having holes in it, made 
 by some boring insect, and quite destroying its usefulness. 
 Underfoot was a thick spongy carpet of wet moss, and the 
 heaths on all sides of us, we noticed, were, covered with 
 " Old Man's Beard." We found great numbers of blue 
 violets and lichens, and from this spot I brought away some 
 specimens of plants for the Pasha to classify. A general 
 feeling of cold dampness prevailed ; in spite of our exer- 
 tions in climbing, we all felt the cold mist very much. It 
 is this continual mist clinging to the hill-tops that no doubt 
 causes all the vegetation to be so heavily charged with moist- 
 ure and makes the ground underfoot so wet and slipp} T .» 
 
 Shortly after 4 p.m. we halted among some high heaths 
 for camp. Breaking down the largest bushes, we made 
 rough shelters for ourselves, collected what firewood we 
 could find, and in other ways made ready for the night. 
 Firewood, however, was scarce, owing to the wood being so 
 wet that it would not burn. In consequence of this the 
 lightly clad Zanzibaris felt the cold very much, though the 
 altitude was only about 8500 feet. On turning in, the ther- 
 mometer registered 60° F. From camp I got a view of the 
 peaks ahead, and it was now that I began to fear we should 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 145 
 
 not be able to reach the snow. Ahead of us, lying directly 
 in our path, were three enormous ravines ; at the bottoms 
 of at least two of these there was dense bush. Over these 
 we should have to travel, and cut our way through the bush. 
 It then would resolve itself into a question of time as to 
 whether we could reach the summit or not. I determined 
 to go on in the morning and see exactly what difficulties 
 lay before us, and if these could be surmounted in a reason- 
 able time to go on as far as we possibly could. 
 
 On the morning of the 7th, selecting some of the best 
 men, and sending the others down the mountain, we started 
 off again upward, the climbing being similar to that we ex- 
 perienced yesterday afternoon. The night had been bitterly 
 cold, and some of the men complained of fever, but all were 
 in good spirits, and quite ready to go on. About 10 a.m. we 
 were stopped by the first of the ravines mentioned above. 
 On looking at this I saw that it would take a long time to 
 cross, and there were ahead of it still two others. We now 
 got our first glimpse of a snow peak, distance about two and 
 a half miles, and I judged it would take us still a day and a 
 half to reach this, the nearest snow. To attempt it, there- 
 fore, would only end disastrously, unprovided as we were 
 with food, and some better clothing for at least two of the 
 men. I therefore decided to return, trusting all the time 
 that at some future camp a better opportunity for making 
 an ascent would present itself, and the summit be reached. 
 Across this ravine was a bare, rocky peak, very clearly de- 
 fined, and known to us as the south-west of the " Twin 
 Cones." The upper part of this was devoid of vegetation, 
 the steep beds of rock only allowing a few grasses and 
 heaths in one or two spots to exist. 
 
 The greatest altitude reached by us, after being worked out 
 and all corrections applied, was about 10,677 feet above the 
 sea. The altitude of the snow peak above this would prob- 
 ably be about 6000 feet, making the mountain, say, 16,600 
 1Q 
 
146 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 feet high. This, though, is not the highest peak in the Ru- 
 wenzori cluster. With the aid of a field-glass I could make 
 out the form of the mountain-top perfectly. The extreme 
 top of the peak is crowned with an irregular mass of jagged 
 and precipitous rock, and has a distinct crater-like form. I 
 could see, through a gap in the near side, a corresponding 
 rim, or edge, on the farther, of the same formation and alti- 
 tude. From this crown of rock the big peak slopes to the 
 eastward at a slope of about 25°, until shut out from view 
 by an intervening peak ; but to the west the slope is much 
 steeper. Of the snow, the greater mass lay on that slope 
 directly nearest us, covering the slope wherever its inclina- 
 tion was not too great. The largest bed of snow would 
 cover a space measuring about 600 by 300 feet, and of such 
 depth that in only two spots did the black rock crop out 
 above its surface. Smaller patches of snow extended well 
 down into the ravine. The height, from the lowest snow 
 to the summit of the peak, would be about 1200 or 1000 
 feet. To the E.N.E. our horizon was bounded by the spur 
 which, starting directly behind our main camp and mount- 
 ing abruptly, takes a curve in a horizontal plane and centres 
 onto the snow peak. Again, that spur which lay south of 
 us also radiated from the two highest peaks. This would 
 seem to be the general form of the mountain, namely, that 
 the large spurs radiate from the snow peaks as a centre, and 
 spread out to the plains below. This formation on the west 
 side of the mountain would cause the streams to flow from 
 the centre, and flow on, gradually separating from each 
 other, until they reach the plains below. There they turn 
 to the W.N.W., or trace their courses along the bottom 
 spurs of the range and run into the Semliki River, and on 
 to the Albert Nyanza. Of the second snow peak which we 
 have seen on former occasions I could see nothing, owing 
 to the " Twin Cones" intervening. This peak is merely the 
 termination, I should think, of the snowy range we saw 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. U7 
 
 when at Kavalli's, and has a greater elevation, if so, than 
 the peak we endeavored to ascend. Many things go to show 
 that the existence of these peaks is due to volcanic causes. 
 The greatest proof that this is so lies in the numbers of con- 
 ical peaks clustering round the central mass on the western 
 side. These minor cones have been formed by the central 
 volcano getting blocked in its crater, owing to the pressure 
 of its gases not being sufficient to throw out the rock and 
 lava from its interior ; and consequently the gases, seeking 
 for weak spots, have burst through the earth's crust, and 
 thus been the means of forming these minor cones that now 
 exist. Of animal life on the mountain we saw almost noth- 
 ing. That game of some sort exists is plain from the num- 
 ber of pitfalls we saw on the road-sides, and from the fact 
 of our finding small nooses in the natives' huts such as those 
 used for taking ground game. We heard the cries of an 
 ape in a ravine, and saw several dull grayish-brown birds 
 like stone-chats, but beyond these nothing. 
 
 We found blueberries and blackberries at an altitude of 
 10,000 feet and over, and I have been able to hand over to 
 the Pasha some specimens for his collections, the generic 
 names of which he has kindly given me, and which are at- 
 tached below. That I could not manage to reach the snow 
 and bring back some as evidence of our work I regret very 
 much ; but to have proceeded onward to the mountain un- 
 der the conditions in which we were situated I felt would 
 be worse than useless ; and though all of us were keen and 
 ready to go on, I gave the order to return. I then read off 
 the large aneroid, and found the hand stood at 10.90. I set 
 the index-pin directly opposite to the hand, and we started 
 downhill. At 3 p.m. on the 7th I reached you, it having 
 taken four and a half hours of marching from the "Twin 
 Cones." I have the honor to be, sir, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 W. E. Stairs, Lieut., B.E. 
 
148 
 
 THE STORY OF EMLN'S RESCUE, 
 
 P.S. — The following are the generic names of the plants 
 collected by me. Emin Pasha has kindly furnished them : 
 
 1. 
 
 Clematis. 
 
 14. 
 
 Sonchus. 
 
 27. 
 
 Asplenium. 
 
 2. 
 
 Viola. 
 
 15. 
 
 Erica arborea. 
 
 28. 
 
 Aspidiurn. 
 
 3. 
 
 Hibiscus. 
 
 16, 
 
 Landolphia. 
 
 29. 
 
 Polypodium. 
 
 4. 
 
 Impatiens. 
 
 17. 
 
 Heliotropium. 
 
 30. 
 
 Lycopodium. 
 
 5. 
 
 Tephrosia. 
 
 18. 
 
 Lantana. 
 
 31. 
 
 Selaginella. 
 
 6. 
 
 Elycina. (?) 
 
 19. 
 
 Moscnosma. 
 
 32. 
 
 Marchantia. 
 
 7. 
 
 Rub us. 
 
 20. 
 
 Lissochilus. 
 
 33. 
 
 Parmelia. 
 
 8. 
 
 Vaccinium. 
 
 21. 
 
 Luzula. 
 
 34. 
 
 Dracasna. 
 
 9. 
 
 Begonia. 
 
 22. 
 
 Carex. 
 
 35. 
 
 Usnea. 
 
 10. 
 
 Peucedanum. 
 
 23, 
 
 Anthistiria. 
 
 36. 
 
 Tree-fern. 
 
 11. 
 
 Gnaphalium. 
 
 24. 
 
 Adiantum. 
 
 37. 
 
 One fern. 
 
 12. 
 
 Helichrysum. 
 
 25. 
 
 Pellia. 
 
 38. 
 
 One polypodium, 
 
 13. 
 
 Senecio. 
 
 26. 
 
 Pteris aquilina. 
 
 
 
 LETTER XIII. 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL PROBLEMS. 
 
 [The following letter is addressed by Mr. Stanley to Colo- 
 nel J. A. Grant, C.B., the celebrated African traveller.] 
 
 Villages of Batundu, Ituri River, Central Africa, 
 September 8, 1888. 
 
 My dear Grant, — I have only been able to write scrap- 
 py letters hitherto, though I start them with strong incli- 
 nation to give our friends a complete story of our various 
 marches and their incidents, but so far I have been com- 
 pelled to hurriedly close them, lest I should miss the oppor- 
 tunity to send them. This one, for instance — I know not 
 how to send this at present, but an accidental arrival of a 
 caravan, or an accidental detention of the expedition, may 
 furnish the means. I will trust to chance and write, never- 
 theless. 
 
 You more than any of the Committee are interested in 
 Lake Albert. Let us deal with that first. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 149 
 
 When, on December 13, 1887, we sighted the lake, the 
 southern part lay at our feet almost, like an immense map. 
 We glanced rapidly over the grosser details — the lofty pla- 
 teau walls of Unyoro to the east, and that of Baregga to the 
 west, rising nearly 3000 feet above the silver water, and be- 
 tween the walls stretched a plain — seemingly very flat — 
 grassy, with here and there a dark clump of brushwood, 
 which as the plain trended south-westerly became a thin 
 forest. The south-west edge of the lake seemed to be not 
 more than six miles away from where we stood — by obser- 
 vation the second journey I fixed it at nine miles direct south- 
 easterly — from the place. This will make the terminus of the 
 south-west corner at 1° 17" IN", lat. By prismatic compass 
 the magnetic bearing of the south-east corner just south of 
 Numba Falls was 137°; this will make it about 1° 11' 30" 
 N. lat. A magnetic bearing of 148° taken from IN", lat. 1° 
 25' 30" about exactly describes the line of shore running 
 from the south-west corner of the lake to the south-east cor- 
 ner of the Albert. Baker fixed his position at lat. IN". 1° 15' 
 if I recollect rightly. The centre of Mbakovia Terrace 
 bears 121° 30' magnetic from my first point of observation ; 
 this will make his Yacovia about 1° 15' 45", allowing 10° 
 w T est variation. 
 
 In trying to solve the problem of the infinity of Lake Al- 
 bert as sketched by Baker, and finding that the lake termi- 
 nus is only four miles south of where he stood to view it, 
 "from a little hill," and on u a beautifully clear day," one 
 would almost feel justified in saying that he had never seen 
 the lake. But his position of Yacovia proves that he actual- 
 ly was there, and the general correctness of his outline of 
 the East Coast from Yacovia to Magungo also proves that 
 he navigated the lake. When we turn our faces north-east, 
 we say that Baker has done exceedingly well, but when we 
 turn them southward, our senses in vain try to penetrate 
 the mystery because our eyes see not what Baker saw. 
 
150 THE STORY OF EMIN'S KESCUE, 
 
 When Gessi Pasha first sketched the lake after Baker, and 
 reduced the immense lake to one about ninety miles long, 
 my faith was in Baker, because Gessi could not resolve by 
 astronomical observations the south end of the lake. When 
 Mason Bey — an accomplished surveyor — in 1877 circumnav- 
 igated the lake and corroborated Gessi, then I thought that 
 perhaps Mason had met a grassy barrier or sand-bank over- 
 grown with sedge and ambatch, and had not reached the 
 true beyond, because he admitted that he could not see very 
 far from the deck of his steamer ; my faith still rested in 
 Baker ; but now, with Lieutenant Stairs, of the Ro # yal Engi- 
 neers, Mr. Mounteney Jephson, Surgeon Parke, Emin Pasha, 
 Captain Casati, I have looked with my own eyes upon the 
 scene, and find that Baker has made an error. I am some- 
 what surprised, also, at Baker's altitudes of Lake Albert, and 
 the "Blue Mountains," and at the breadth attributed by him 
 to the lake. The shore opposite Yacovia is 10J miles dis- 
 tant, not 40 or 50 miles; the "Blue Mountains" are noth- 
 ing else but the west upland — the highest cone or hill being 
 not above 6000 feet above the level of the sea — not 7000 
 feet or 8000 feet high. The altitude of Lake Albert by an- 
 eroid and boiling-point will not exceed 2350 feet — not 2720 
 feet. 
 
 And last of all, away to the south-west, where he has 
 sketched his " infinite " stretch of lake, there rises, about 
 forty miles from Yacovia, an immense snowy mountain, a 
 solid square-browed mass with an almost level summit be- 
 tween two lofty ridges. If it were " a beautifully clear day " 
 he should have seen this, being nearer to it by thirteen geo- 
 graphical miles than I was. 
 
 Apropos of the error of Baker, Emin Pasha related to me 
 a curious scene, of which I believe he was a witness, between 
 Gordon and one of his staff-officers who had been despatched 
 on a mission to Uganda, and who on returning reported that 
 he had discovered a large lake between Lake Albert and 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 151 
 
 Lake Victoria called the Gita Nzige, or Lake Ibrahim, and 
 that he had also a new survey of Lake Victoria. 
 
 " Well, sir, have you seen the Victoria Nyanza 2" asked 
 Gordon, looking up from a letter he was writing. 
 
 "Yes, sir, I have." 
 
 " What would you estimate its breadth at?" 
 
 "About five miles, I should say, sir." 
 
 " Five miles ! Are you not a little out there?" 
 
 " Well, say about seven." 
 
 " Only seven. Surely, sir, you must be still out. Are you 
 not ?" 
 
 " Say about ten, then." 
 
 " Oh," said Gordon, smiling, " but you must be a little out 
 still, I should say," etc. 
 
 " Well, say fifteen, then. 1 protest against adding another 
 mile." 
 
 " But tell me," said Gordon, " could you see a man across 
 with the naked eye or a field-glass V 7 
 
 "Most distinctly." 
 
 " What ! from the water's edge ?" 
 
 " Not exactly from the water's edge, but from a few feet 
 above the water-level." 
 
 " It is strange, most strange, not only that the Victoria 
 Nyanza is only fifteen miles wide — I believe you said fifteen 
 miles, sir?" 
 
 "Yes, sir, fifteen miles at the farthest." 
 
 — " but that a man could be seen fifteen miles off with a 
 field-glass. Thank you, sir, for your very interesting report." 
 
 I am told that at an interview with the cartographer of 
 the general staff he was most anxious that Lake Ibrahim 
 should have certain prominence by expansion of the outlines, 
 as it was a new discovery. The pliant and friendly cartog- 
 rapher traced out along the line of the Victoria Nile a re- 
 spectable lake about thirty miles by ten. " Oh, that will 
 never do," cried the discoverer. "What! Lake Ibrahim, 
 
152 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 Gita Nzige, must at least be a hundred miles long by fifty- 
 miles wide at least." 
 
 "Yet," said Emin 'Pasha, "both Gordon and I saw this 
 lake, and we know it to be only an expansion of the Vic- 
 toria Nile, similar to that lying between Wadelai and the Al- 
 bert, or like that of the Upper Congo and Stanley Pool. In 
 consequence it has many shallow channels separated by islets 
 and glistening white sand-bars." 
 
 About the lake discovered by me in 1876 I can learn very 
 little from the natives. At Chief Kavalli's I saw two natives 
 who came from that region. One of them hailed from Un- 
 yampaka and the other from ITsongora. The first said that 
 the Albert lake is much larger than that near Unyampaka. 
 The other said that the Southern Lake is the largest, as 
 it takes two days to cross it. He describes it as being a 
 month's march from Kavalli's. Their accounts differ so 
 much that one is almost tempted to believe that there are 
 two lakes — a smaller one near Unyampaka and connected 
 by a river or channel with that of Usongora. 
 
 My interest is greatly excited, as you may imagine, by 
 the discovery of Ruwenzori — the Snowy Mountain — a pos- 
 sible rival of Kilimanjaro. Remember that we are in north 
 latitude, and that this mountain must be near or on the 
 equator itself, that it is summer now, and that we saw it in 
 the latter part of May, that the snow-line was about (estimate 
 only) 1000 feet below the summit. Hence I conclude that 
 it is not Mount Gordon Bennett, seen in December, 1876 
 (though it may be so), which the natives said had only 
 snow occasionally. At the time I saw the latter there was 
 no snow visible. It is a little farther east, according to the 
 position I gave it, than Puwenzori. 
 
 All the questions which this mountain naturally gives 
 rise to will be settled, I hope, by this expedition before it 
 returns to the sea. If at all near my line of march, its 
 length, height, and local history will be ascertained. My 
 
AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 153 
 
 young officers will like to climb to the summit, arid I shall 
 be glad to furnish them with every assistance. They will 
 perhaps be able to bring me a bucketful of snow to 
 cool my "sherbet." Many rivers will be found to issue 
 from this curious land between the two Muta Nziges. 
 What rivers are they ? Do they belong to the Nile or the 
 Congo? There is no river going east or south-east from 
 this section, except the Katonga and Kafur, and both must 
 receive, if any, but a very small supply from Gordon Ben- 
 nett and Ruwenzori. The new mountain must therefore be 
 drained principally south and west. If south, the streams 
 have connection with the lake south ; if west, the Semliki 
 tributary of Lake Albert and some river flowing to the Congo 
 must receive the rest of its waters. Then if the lake south 
 receives any considerable supply the interest deepens. Does 
 the lake discharge its surplus to the Nile or to the Congo? 
 If to the former, then it will be of great interest to you, and 
 you will have to admit that Lake Victoria is not the main 
 source of the Nile; if to the Congo, then the lake will be 
 the source of the river Lowwa, or Loa, since it is the largest 
 tributary to the Congo from the east between the Aruwimi 
 and the Luama. For your comfort, I will dare venture the 
 opinion even now, that the lake is the source of the Lowwa, 
 though I know nothing positive of the matter. But I infer 
 it, from the bold manner in which the Aruwimi trenches 
 upon a domain that any one would have imagined belonged 
 to the Nile. It was only ten minutes' march between the 
 head of one of its streams to the crest of the plateau whence 
 we looked down upon the Albert Nyanza. 
 
 From the mouth of the Aruwimi to the head of this 
 stream is 390 geographical miles in a straight line. Well, 
 next to the Aruwimi in size is the Lowwa River, and from 
 the mouth of the Lowwa to the longitude of Ugampaka post 
 in a direct line is only 240 geographical miles. 
 
 Emin Pasha, though living in comfort so far as provisions 
 
154 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 could supply his wants, was in a much worse position than I 
 believed he was when I set out from England. Kabba Rega 
 had been friendly with him up to December, 1887, but the 
 news spread through Uganda, and thence to Unyoro, that 
 there was a large expedition advancing to help Emin. Then 
 Kabba Rega immediately expelled Captain Casati with every 
 mark of indignity. He was bound to a tree, stripped naked, 
 and finally sent adrift to perish. Fortunately, after a few 
 days of extreme misery and want, he was found and rescued 
 by Emin Pasha, who, in his steamer, searched the north-east- 
 ern shore for him. This was a terrible reverse to Casati, 
 who was robbed of all his clothes, journals, and memoirs. 
 We also lost a packet of letters that had been sent by the 
 missionaries of Uganda for our expedition. 
 
 As Kabba Rega has about 1500 guns, mostly rifles, he is 
 not so despicable an opponent as he was in the time of 
 Baker. These African kings settled in their own country 
 have time in their favor. In time everything comes to 
 those who can wait. Kabba Rega, of course, could wait 
 without impatience, and everything belonging to Emin Pasha 
 and his force would revert to him, failing any decisive move- 
 ment of retreat on the part of Emin before it was too late. 
 The northern road via the Nile was blocked, though many 
 of his soldiers have fondly hoped up to this day for relief 
 from that quarter. To the south are the warlike tribes 
 whom we will have to meet going to sea, and Emin Pasha's 
 people had no idea of venturing in that direction, because 
 they would not believe that Emin knew the road, and they 
 had not seen a living man appear from there to give them 
 the news of such a road. To the west and south-west were 
 numerous peoples who knew how to fight, who were as yet 
 unwhipped out of their native arrogance, and consequently 
 had an immense faith in their native valor. Their strength 
 and fighting powers were left for us to test, and for a short 
 time it really seemed as if we had been too confident. Day 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 155 
 
 after day they leaped and bounded to the struggle, which, 
 however, always ended disastrously for them. Even if they 
 were gathered en vnasse, these natives could never have held 
 their own against Emin Pasha's force, provided his people 
 were unanimously loyal and determined to co-operate with 
 him. Unfortunately the force is not to be relied on for 
 such a work. If the Nubians doubted that Emin Pasha 
 could lead them south to Zanzibar they would doubt that he 
 could lead them anywhere, especially to the wilds of the 
 west, about which no man knew anything. The Nubians 
 were willing to go north by the Nile, and to let Emin Pasha 
 lead them, but on arriving near Khartoum they would tell 
 him they knew the road themselves, and did not need him. 
 This was their idea, and it is principally the reason why the 
 Pasha seemed to be hemmed in so rigorously. 
 
 The loyalty of the Pasha to his men becomes apparent, 
 though they have been disloyal to him. He could not cast 
 them off because it would be their ruin, neither could he 
 venture away from them alone. 
 
 One of his officers, Shukr Aga, constantly loyal to him, 
 related to me a story which, when repeated by me to Emin 
 Pasha, was confirmed by him. The Pasha would never 
 have told it himself. 
 
 A few months ago 190 rifles of the 1st battalion set out 
 for Wadelai, where Emin Pasha resided, with the intention 
 of capturing him and compelling him to remain with them, 
 as a rumor current that an expedition was advancing from 
 the south and west had become confused in their minds with 
 the intended flight of their general. Convinced that their 
 safe departure out of the region where they had seen so 
 much trouble lay in the Pasha's presence and leadership, 
 they had conceived the idea of arresting him and taking him 
 with them to Duffle ; for, said they, " We know of only one 
 road, and that leads down the Nile by Khartoum." The 
 Pasha, suddenly informed of their intention of capturing 
 
156 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 him, cried out: "Well, let them kill me. I am not afraid 
 of death. Let them come, I will await them." But the 
 officers of the 2d battalion implored him in urgent terms 
 to make his escape, arguing that the violent capture of their 
 Pasha would put an end to all government, and that it was 
 but the first step to the total subversion of discipline. For 
 some time he refused to listen to them, but finally escaped 
 to Mswa (about forty-five miles from our camp at Nsabe). 
 Soon after his departure the detachment of the 1st battal- 
 ion came up, and, after surrounding the station, summoned 
 the Pasha to come out and surrender himself to them. They 
 were informed that the Pasha had gone south in his steam- 
 er, upon which the malcontents advanced and seized the 
 commandant and officers, and flogged them severely with 
 the kourbash. Some of them they carried away with them 
 to Duffle. 
 
 Commenting upon this, the Pasha said : " All the members 
 of the 1st battalion stationed north of Wadelai have been 
 opposed to making a retreat, and any suggestion to leave 
 their watch-post at Duffle has only provoked indignation and 
 scepticism. But now, as you have come, and many of our 
 people saw you while in Uganda with Linant Bey (1876), and 
 know you personally, and many more have heard of your 
 name, all of them will be convinced that there is another 
 road to Egypt, and that you, having found them, can take 
 them out of the country. They will see your officers, they 
 will see your Soudanese, they will listen respectfully to any 
 message you may send them and gladly obey. That is my 
 opinion, though nobody knows what the sentiments of the 
 1st battalion are, because there has not been time to hear 
 them so far." 
 
 Shukri Aga, the commandant of Mswa Station, on Lake 
 Albert, is a brave, intelligent officer, an ex-slave promoted to 
 his present rank for distinguished service against Karamalla, 
 the agent of the Mahdi, where he was wounded three times. 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 157 
 
 Between our line of route to Kavalli and a line drawn 
 west from Mswa Station lies a section unvisited by any 
 European. The people are devoted to Kabba Rega, and, 
 therefore, hostile to our expedition and to Einin Pasha, and 
 they have had orders to do their best to molest us. Those 
 lying near our route to the south are hostile to Kabba Rega, 
 and opposed to us all equally, but the lessons taught them 
 by us in piercing through their country on our first visit 
 have inspired in them a wdiolesome respect for us. My idea 
 has been all along to fight as little as possible, but, when com- 
 pelled to do so, to set about the job as efficiently as possible, 
 so that then there will remain no doubt in native minds 
 what we propose doing when we tell them. By this policy 
 we have won a large section in our favor — at least have com- 
 pelled them to pay ready obedience. In returning from the 
 Nyanza the second time we mustered 1500 natives and led 
 them to the plain of Usiri north of our route. It was simply 
 a long walk for us, but it has been enough. Before we left, 
 messengers came from them saying that the chiefs desired 
 to enter our new confederation. Now, if it is necessary to 
 teach Kabba Rega something that he has not yet learned, 
 that there are people in this world other than those who 
 have been content to pour their bounties into his lap, to be 
 accepted or not to be accepted at his own good -will and 
 pleasure, it is likely he may force me to attempt it. I hope 
 to have the means behind me with those natives whom we 
 have brought round to our view of things. There will be 
 at least 5000 of them, and with Emin Pasha's force and my 
 own Zanzibaris, inured to savage forest life during these last 
 fifteen months, it will not be difficult. For you must re- 
 member that if I travel south, to lead the Pasha's army and 
 followers out of this country, we must spend a month in 
 lands subject to Kabba Rega, and another month through 
 lands governed by his allies. You must surely know what 
 this means. I have not the rich cloths requisite to fill the 
 
158 THE STORY OF EMIN'S EESCUE, 
 
 rapacious maw of Kabba Rega, but I shall have bullets 
 enough, and more than enough, for his need. Then if Emin 
 Pasha does not accompany me with his troops, it will be 
 still more obligatory on me to be prepared for the worst 
 that may happen, because to travel peacefully I should have 
 to go to him to obtain his sanction to travel through his 
 country, and that is impossible. Hence you may see that 
 though we have surmounted a great deal already, the crisis 
 will appear when we part from Emin Pasha, or leave the 
 coast of the Albert Nyanza in the company of Emin Pasha. 
 Whether we go south to the Muta Nzige or coast the north- 
 ern and eastern flank of Unyoro, it will be all the same. 
 From the reports of Emin, who lost 270 men in the Ukedi 
 country, Kabba Rega dominates everywhere. 
 
 By-the-bye, Emin Pasha said it was very lucky I did not 
 approach him from the east by way of the Masai and Ukedi, 
 or Langgo, as he calls it. The Langgo land is a great water- 
 less desert for the most part. Even if we had been able to 
 pierce through the Wakedi, it is doubtful if the want of 
 food and water had not annihilated the expedition. He 
 has a strong objection to return by that waterless route to 
 the sea. 
 
 Now that we know the Ituri so well, I feel convinced that 
 we could not have chosen a better route. We lost a great 
 number of men in going to Nyanza the first time, but the 
 return was accomplished with the loss of three only, and we 
 performed the journey in eighty-two days, inclusive of all 
 halts. I hope to go to the Nyanza again as rapidly as we 
 returned from there, with just as few losses. The men are 
 heartened now, knowing all about the road, and knowing 
 that they are going to Zanzibar. The Ituri River helps us 
 half-way. All our loads are carried in canoes. In forty- 
 five days afterwards we shall be on the Albert Nyanza. I 
 told Emin Pasha I should be back with him about the mid- 
 dle of December, 1888. I have three mouths before me 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEYS LETTERS. 159 
 
 yet — an ample time unless I am delayed by some unforeseen 
 obstacle. 
 
 Yours very sincerely, 
 
 Henry M. Stanley. 
 To Colonel J. A. Grant, C.B. 
 
 LETTEK XIV. 
 
 FROM EMIN PASHA TO THE RELIEF COMMITTEE. 
 
 Mslala, August 23, 1889. 
 
 Sir, — Having reached, under the escort of Mr. Stanley's 
 expedition, to-day this place, I cannot but hasten to write 
 just two words to tell you how deeply we all appreciate the 
 generous help you have sent us. When, in the stress of ad- 
 versity, I first ventured to make an appeal to the world ask- 
 ing assistance for my people, I was well aware of such an 
 appeal not passing unheard, but I never once fancied the 
 possibility of such kindness as you and the subscribers of 
 the Relief Fund have shown us. 
 
 It would be impossible to tell you what has happened 
 here after Mr. Stanley's first start; his graphic pen will tell 
 you everything much better than I could. I hope, also, the 
 Egyptian Government permitting it, some future day to be 
 allowed to present myself before you, and to express to you 
 then the feelings of gratitude my pen would be short in ex- 
 pressing in a personal interview. 
 
 Until such happy moments come, I beg to ask you to 
 transmit to all subscribers of the fund the sincerest thanks 
 of a handful of forlorn people, who, through your instrumen- 
 tality have been saved from destruction, and now hope to 
 embrace their relatives. 
 
 To speak here of Mr. Stanley's and his officers' merits 
 
160 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 would be inadequate. If I live to return I shall make my 
 
 acknowledgments. 
 
 I am, sir, with many and many thanks, 
 
 Yours very obliged, Dr. Emin. 
 
 W. Mackinnon, Esq., Chairman of Committee of the 
 Relief Expedition Fund. 
 
 LETTER XV. 
 
 THE TROUBLES WITH THE REAR COLUMN. 
 
 C.M.S. Station at Mslala, South End of Lake Victoria, 
 East Central Africa, August 31, 1889. 
 
 My dear De Winton, — We arrived here on the 28th 
 inst., and found the modern Livingstone, Mr. A. M. Mackay, 
 safely and comfortably established at this mission station. 
 I had always admired Mackay. He had never joined the 
 missionaries' attacks on me, and every fact I had heard 
 about him indicated that I should find him an able and reli- 
 able man. When I saw him, and some of his work about 
 here, then I recognized the man I had pleaded in the name 
 of Mtesa should be sent to him in 1875; the very type of 
 man I had described as necessary to confirm Mtesa in his 
 growing love for the white man's creed. 
 
 A packet of newspaper cuttings was given to me on arri- 
 val; the contents of most of them have perfectly bewildered 
 me. I am struck with two things, viz., the lack of common- 
 sense exhibited by the writers, and the utter disregard of 
 accuracy shown. Not one seems to have considered my 
 own letters to the Committee, or my speech at the Mackin- 
 non dinner before starting, as worthy of regard. They do 
 not care for the creed that I have always professed, the one 
 great article of faith of the working portion of my life, 
 " Never make a promise unless you mean to keep it"; and 
 my second article of faith, which ought to have been as gen- 
 
AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 161 
 
 erally known, if words and corresponding actions may be 
 judged, " Obey orders, if you break owners " (see my work 
 on the Congo and its Free State). "All I prayed for," said 
 I, at the Mackinnon dinner speech, "is that the same im- 
 pelling power which has hitherto guided and driven me in 
 Africa would accompany me in my journey for relieving 
 Gordon's faithful lieutenant." 
 
 Now, in this White Pasha affair, tell me why should I 
 budge one foot to right or left from the straight line de- 
 scribed to you in my letters. " Kavalli's, on the Albert Ny- 
 anza, almost due east from Yambuya — that is the objective 
 point, natural obstacles permitting." I have never yet de- 
 parted from the principle of fulfilling my promise to the 
 letter where there is a responsibility attached to it. Have 
 people at any time discovered any crankiness in me ? Then 
 why should they suppose that I who expressed my view that 
 Gordon disobeyed orders — Gordon's wilfulness, you remem- 
 ber the phrase in the Mansion House Speech — would be ten 
 times more disobedient and a thousand times more disloyal, 
 deserving of such charges as " breach of faith," "dishonesty," 
 "dissimulation," by going in the direction of Bahr Gazelle 
 and Khartoum ? I should not have gone were it to win an 
 imperial crown, unless it had been an article in the verbal 
 bond between the Committee and myself. The object of 
 the expedition, as I understood it, was simply the relief of 
 Emin Pasha, so far as the Committee were concerned in the 
 undertaking; but the Egyptian Government added, "and 
 the escort of Emin Pasha and his people to the sea, should 
 Emin Pasha require it." 
 
 Now, in the Emin Pasha affair, the latest Blue-book which 
 Lord Iddesleigh furnished me with contained many expres- 
 sions through Emin Pasha's letters, which seemed to prove 
 that he had faithfully maintained his post until he could 
 learn from his Government what its intentions were, and 
 that he had force enough with him to depart in almost any 
 
 11 
 
162 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 direction towards the sea, if such was the Government's 
 wish ; by the Congo, by Monbuttu, or via Langgo Land, and 
 Masai were alike to him. But on November 2, 1887, forty- 
 two days before I reached the Albert Nyanza, he writes to 
 his friend, Dr. Felkin, "Don't have any doubt about my 
 intentions. I do not want a rescue expedition. Have no 
 fears about me. I have long made up my mind to stay." 
 
 All this is very unsatisfactory and inexplicable; he also 
 said that he had sent searching parties in the direction I was 
 supposed to come. On December 15th, 16th, 17th, I made 
 inquiries of the people at the south end of Lake Albert, and 
 they had seen no steamer or strange boat since Mason Bey's 
 visit in 1877. Consequently this absence of news of him 
 cost us a 300-mile journey, to obtain our boat and carry her 
 to the ISTyanza. With this boat we found him within three 
 days. Finally he steamed up to our camp, but instead of 
 meeting with one who had long ago made up his mind, Emin 
 Pasha had not begun to make up his mind either to stay or 
 go away with us. He would first have to consult his people, 
 scattered among fifteen stations over a large extent of coun- 
 try. I foresaw a long stay, but to avoid that and to give the 
 Pasha ample time to consider his answer and learn the wishes 
 of his people, I resolved to go back even to Yam buy a to as- 
 certain the fate of the rear column of our expedition under 
 Major Barttelot. This diffidence on the part of the Pasha 
 cost me another rough march of 1300 miles. When I re- 
 turned to the Nyanza after eight months' absence, it was 
 only to find that Emin Pasha and Mr. Jephson, one of our 
 officers who stayed with him as a witness, had been made 
 prisoners four months previous to this third arrival of ours 
 on the Nyanza, and that the invasion of the Pasha's prov- 
 ince by the Mahdists had utterly upset everything. 
 
 When Mr. Jephson, according to command, detached him- 
 self from the Pasha and came to me, I learned then for the 
 first time that the Pasha had had no province, government, 
 
AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 163 
 
 nor soldiers for nearly five years; that he was living undis- 
 turbed, and that some yielded sometimes to his wishes, ap- 
 parently through mere sufferance and lack of legitimate ex- 
 cuse to cast him off utterly. But when he permitted himself 
 by a gust of awakened optimism to venture into the presence 
 of his soldiers, he was at once arrested, insulted, menaced, 
 and imprisoned. 
 
 In re Major Barttelot and Tippu Tib, I have seen more 
 nonsense on this subject than on any other. 
 
 You remember the promise I made " to do as much good 
 as I could do, but as little mischief as possible." Let us see 
 how this applied to the engagement with Tippu Tib. This 
 man had grown rich through his raids, which had been the 
 boldest and best rewarded with booty of any ever made. 
 That error of judgment which led Captain Deane to defy 
 the Arabs for the sake of a lying woman who had fled from 
 her master to avoid punishment, had irritated all the Arabs 
 at the Stanley Falls, and especially Tippu Tib and all his rel- 
 atives, friends, subjects, and armed slaves. Tippu Tib was 
 resolved to retaliate on the Congo Free State; he was at 
 Zanzibar collecting material for the most important raid of 
 all, that is, down the Upper Congo. Who could have stopped 
 his descent before he reached Stanley Pool ? "Who knew the 
 means of the State for defence better than I did ? There- 
 fore it was a fearful desolating war, or a compromise and a 
 peace while good faith was kept. If both parties are honest, 
 peace will continue indefinitely. To secure Tippu Tib's hon- 
 esty, a salary of £30 per month is given to him. For this 
 trifling consideration thousands of lives are saved, and their 
 properties are secured to them. The Congo State is permit- 
 ted to consolidate until it is readier with offensive means 
 than at that time. 
 
 Thank God I have long left that immature age when one 
 becomes a victim to every crafty rogue he. meets. I am 
 not a gushing youth, and we may assume that Tippu Tib's 
 
164 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 prime age was yet from dotage. We both did as much as 
 possible to gain advantage. I was satisfied with what I ob- 
 tained, and Tippu Tib obtained what money he wanted. At 
 the time he agreed, he was sincere in his intentions. You 
 remember your Scripture, I dare say, and you remember the 
 words : " There is more joy in heaven over one sinner that 
 repenteth, than over ninety-nine that need no repentance." 
 Who had been a greater sinner than Tippu Tib, at least in 
 our estimation ? But he could not sin down the Congo, for 
 pecuniary as well as for more powerful reasons, which can- 
 not be mentioned lest other crafty rogues take advantage of 
 the disclosures. 
 
 After disposing of Tippu Tib, " the pirate, the freebooter, 
 buccaneer, and famous raider," I must say a word about 
 poor Barttelot. He was a major in the British army. His 
 very manner indicated him to be of a frank, gallant, dar- 
 ing, and perhaps somewhat dangerous nature if aroused. 
 His friends who introduced him to me in London spoke of 
 him in some such terms. They named the campaigns he 
 had been in, and what personal services he had performed. 
 As I looked at the major's face I read courage, frankness, 
 combativeness in large quantity, and I said to these friends, 
 courage and boldness are common characteristics among 
 British officers, but of the most valuable quality for an ex- 
 pedition like this I have not heard anything; I hope you 
 can add " forbearance." 
 
 The only quality perhaps in which he was deficient was 
 that of forbearance, though I promised myself that he 
 should have little chance to exercise combativeness. Yet 
 you must not think that this was a defect in him. It was 
 merely the result of high spirits, youth, and a good constitu- 
 tion. He was just pining for work. I promised him he should 
 have so much of it he would plead for rest. But unfortu- 
 nately want of sufficient vessels to float the expedition at one 
 time on the Upper Congo compelled me to leave about oner 
 
AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 165 
 
 half of my stores in charge of Mr. Troup at Stanley Pool, 
 and 126 men under Messrs. Ward and Bonny at Bolobo, and 
 as the major was senior officer, and Mr. Jamieson was an 
 African traveller of experience, after due consideration it 
 was conclusive that no other two men could be fitter for 
 the post of guarding the camp at Yambuya. With me for 
 the advance column were Lieutenant Stairs, R.E., very in- 
 telligent and able, Captain Nelson, of the Colonial Forces, 
 Mounteney Jephson, a civilian, to whom work was as much 
 a vital necessity as bread, and Surgeon T. H. Parke, of the 
 A.M.D., a brilliant operator and physician. All were equally 
 ignorant of the Kiswahili, the language of the Zanzibaris, as 
 Major Barttelot and Mr. Jamieson. The only two who knew 
 the language were Messrs. Ward and Troup, and they were 
 not due at Yambuya until the middle of August. Would 
 it have been wise to have placed either Stairs, Nelson, or 
 Jephson, instead of Major Barttelot, the senior officer, and 
 Mr. Jamieson, in command of Yambuya? I feel sure you 
 will agree with me I made the best choice possible. 
 
 When young officers, English, German, or Belgian, come 
 to Africa, for many months there is no abatement of that 
 thirst for action, that promptitude for work, that impatience 
 to be moving, which characterizes them at home. Aimemia 
 has not sapped the energies and thinned the blood. They 
 are more combative at this period than any other. If any 
 quarrels or squabbles arise it is at this time. 
 
 I had to interfere twice between lire-eating young Arabs 
 and strong, plucky young Englishmen, who were unable to 
 discern the dark-faced young Arab from the " nigger," be- 
 fore we reached Yambuya. Well, it just happened that the 
 major, forgetting my instructions as to forbearance, met 
 these Arab fire-eaters, and the consequence was that the 
 major had to employ the Syrian Assad Ferran to interpret 
 for him. Whether the man interpreted falsely I know not, 
 but a coolness arose between the high-spirited nephew of 
 
166 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 Tippu Tib and the equally high-spirited young major which 
 was never satisfactorily healed up, and which in the long- 
 run led to the ever-to-be-regretted death of poor Barttelot. 
 
 In the written instructions to Major Barttelot, June 24th, 
 Yambuya Stockaded Camp, paragraph 3 reads as follows : 
 
 " It is the non-arrival of the goods from Stanley Pool 
 and the men from Bolobo which compel me to appoint you 
 commander of this post. But as I shall shortly expect the 
 arrival of a strong reinforcement of men (Tippu Tib's people) 
 greatly exceeding the advance force — which must at all haz- 
 ards proceed and push on to the rescue of Emin Pasha — I 
 hope you will not be detained longer than a few days after 
 the departure of the Stanley on her final return to Stanley 
 Pool in August (say August 18, 1887, as the steamer did 
 arrive in time, August 14th). 
 
 Paragraph 5. " The interests now intrusted to you are of 
 vital importance to this expedition. All the men (Zanzi- 
 baris) who shortly will be under your command will consist of 
 more than a third of the expedition. The goods are needed 
 for currency through the regions beyond the lakes. The loss 
 of these men and goods would be certain ruin to us, and the 
 advance force itself would need to solicit relief in its turn." 
 
 Paragraph 6. " Our course from here will be true east, or 
 by magnetic compass, E. by S. The paths may not exactty 
 lead in that direction at times, but it is the S.W. corner of 
 Lake Albert near or at Kavalli that is our destination. . . . 
 Our after-conduct must be guided by what we shall learn of 
 the intentions of Emin Pasha." 
 
 Paragraph 7. " We shall endeavor by blazing trees and 
 cutting saplings to leave sufficient traces of the route taken 
 by us." 
 
 Paragraph 8. " It may happen should Tippu Tib send the 
 full complement of men promised (600 men), and if the 126 
 men have arrived by the Stanley, that you will feel compe- 
 tent to march your column along the route pursued by me. 
 
AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 167 
 
 In that event, which would be most desirable, we should 
 meet before many days. You will find our bomas, or zeri- 
 bas, very good guides." 
 
 Paragraph 9. "It may happen also that Tippu Tib has 
 sent some men, but he has not sent enough. In that event 
 you will of course use your discretion as to what goods you 
 can dispense with to enable you to march.'' 
 
 (List of classes of goods, according to their importance, 
 here given, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, the highest numbers to be 
 first thrown away.) 
 
 "If you still cannot march, then it would be better to 
 make double marches than throw too many things away — if 
 you prefer marching (moving on) to staying for our arrival." 
 
 These were supplemented by verbal explanations giving 
 permission to march the very next day after the contingent 
 from Bolobo had arrived — if he could prepare his goods in 
 time — urgently impressing him not to place any stress on the 
 promises of Tippu Tib, if he failed to make an appearance 
 within a reasonable time of the promised date. His carriers 
 w T ere not absolutely necessary, but they would serve to keep 
 our men fresh for other journeys. If Tippu Tib came, why, 
 well and good ; if he did not come, then be indifferent ; 
 adapt your goods to your carriers, and march on after us. 
 The sooner you can march, the sooner we will meet. If 
 Tippn Tib broke his written agreement made with me before 
 the Consul, his promises to you would be still more unreli- 
 able. You last saw him, he promised to come within nine 
 days; that date will be over the day after to-morrow. If he 
 comes any time before the arrival of the Stanley, all will be 
 well ; but if he does not come by that time, it will prove that 
 the man never intended to come. Don't bother your mind 
 about him, but come along with what you can — ammunition, 
 beads, and cloth, private luggage, and European provisions. 
 If you make double marches of four or six miles a day, 
 you will do very well, etc. 
 
168 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 
 
 The major rose up in his frank, impetuous manner, and 
 said : " By George, that's the style ! I will stop very few 
 days indeed after the people from Bolobo come up. I 
 wouldn't stop longer for anything." 
 
 Unfortunately, tantalizing delays, accompanied by con- 
 stant fair promises on the part of the Arabs, prevented the 
 forward movement ; with what unfortunate results to the 
 expedition and to the rear column is too well known to be 
 again referred to here. 
 
 In re atrocities on the Congo, I do not know who made 
 the horrible statement that I have seen connected with the 
 names of Major Barttelot and Jamieson. It is simply incon- 
 ceivable nonsense — a sensational canard. The Rev. Wilmot 
 Brooke has written a letter to the Times about " atrocities on 
 the Aruwimi." There is one part of a sentence which reads 
 as follows : " Eye-witnesses, both English and Arab, have as- 
 sured me that it is a common thing, which they themselves 
 have seen on passing through the Manyuema camp, to see 
 human hands and feet sticking out of their cooking-pots." 
 
 The question I should like to ask here is, " Who are those 
 English who have seen this curious sight — hands and feet 
 sticking out of cooking-pots?" Mr. Wilmot Brooke is an 
 independent missionary seeking for a nest. It must be that 
 there is something of an " untra veiled" look about him for 
 him to have been chosen as the recipient of this interest- 
 ing Police Gazette item. I would not mind guaranteeing 
 that " those English " are as undiscoverable as Prester John's 
 traditional crown. I have had 150 so-called Manyuema, or 
 rather Wasongora and Wakusu slaves of Manyuema head- 
 men, with me — Tippu Tib's people — some twelve months 
 now, and not one Englishman has seen anything of the kind. 
 
 Is Mr. Wilmot Brooke, or is it Assad Ferran, the author 
 of that tale that an execution of a woman was dela} 7 ed by 
 Jamieson or Barttelot that a photographer might make ready 
 his apparatus? Would it surprise you to know that there 
 
AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 169 
 
 Was no photograph apparatus of even the smallest kind within 
 500 miles of Stanley Falls, or the camp at Yambuya, north, 
 south, east, or west at that time, or at any time near that date '{ 
 
 The tale is sometimes varied that it was not a photograph 
 but a sketch that some one wished to make* Was this 
 Jamieson or Ward ? — for both are, or were> clever with the 
 pencil. But why should a pencil artist wish to delay the ex- 
 ecution ; could he make an instantaneous sketch ? Might he 
 not at any time have made a sketch of a weapon uplifted to 
 strike — the position of the victim and slayer. Melton Prior 
 is one of the quickest artists I ever knew, but even he would 
 think it impossible to sketch the lightning stroke of a sabre. 
 
 But I might go on at this rate forever with the "infinite 
 — finite" nonsense I find in print in these scraps. Major 
 Barttelot did punish men twice with severity ; but, singular 
 as it may seem, the white person who accused him was pres- 
 ent on both occasions during the flogging scene ; he never 
 even protested. The second time he gave his verdict at a fair 
 trial " death," and signed the document consigning him to 
 instant doom. 
 
 I have had to execute four men during our expedition ; 
 twice for stealing rifles, cartridges, and broken loads of am- 
 munition ; one of the Pasha's people for conspiracy, theft, 
 and decoying about thirty women belonging to the Egyp- 
 tians, besides for seditious plots — court-martialled by all offi- 
 cers and sentenced to be hung; a Soudanese soldier, the last, 
 who deliberately proceeded to a friendly tribe and began 
 shooting at the natives. One man was shot dead instantly, 
 and another was seriously wounded. The chiefs came and 
 demanded justice, the people were mustered, the murderer 
 and his companions were identified, the identification by his 
 companions confirmed, and the murderer was delivered to 
 them according to the law " blood for blood." 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 
 Henry M. Stanley. 
 
HENKY M. STANLEY. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 AFRICA'S CORTEZ. 
 
 Going into the London office of the New York Herald on 
 my return from Central Asia in 1873, I found there a small, 
 wiry, sunburnt, keen-eyed man, who was introduced to me as 
 " Mr. Stanley." All England was then ringing with that name, 
 and every one was reading the stirring tale of the author's 
 eight months' march inland from Zanzibar through the peril- 
 ous and almost unknown region east of the great lakes, till he 
 stood face to face on the shore of Lake Tanganyika with the 
 great pioneer whose work he was destined to complete. 
 
 Then, of course, the rabid curiosity that cannot be happy 
 till it knows what kind of boots a hero wears, and how much 
 sugar he puts in his tea, fastened like a leech upon the new 
 popular lion. Insatiable gossips ferreted out the date of his 
 birth (1840) in a quiet little Welsh cottage near Denbigh, and 
 discovered that he had passed ten of his first thirteen years of 
 life in the poor-house of St. Asaph, had been a pupil-teacher for 
 a twelvemonth at Mold, in Flintshire, had gone to sea in his six- 
 teenth year as cabin-boy of a trading vessel bound for New 
 Orleans, and had been adopted by a merchant of that place 
 named Henry Stanley, who replaced the boy's real name of 
 " John Rowlands " with that which was soon to echo through- 
 out the whole world. 
 
 "Adventures are to the adventurous," said Lord Beacons- 
 field ; and Stanley's American life amply verified the pithy 
 saying. By turns a Confederate soldier, a prisoner of war, a 
 petty officer on a Northern gunboat, an amateur correspond- 
 ent, penning with characteristic coolness the details of a sea- 
 fight while the shot rattled around him like hail, he received 
 from the stern period between 1861 and 1865 a fit training for 
 the mighty work beyond. Even then the latter was taking 
 shape in his daring soul, and the Russian officers who met him 
 during his Eastern travels in 1865-66 told me, years later, with 
 a glow of honest admiration on their hard faces, how he used 
 
112 APPENDIX. 
 
 to say to them, with the energy of one who meant what he 
 Said, "I'll see the heart of Africa yet before I die, and do 
 something there that shall be remembered." 
 
 That prophecy was soon to be fulfilled. The Abyssinian 
 campaign of Magdala, which he witnessed as the New York 
 Herald correspondent with General Napier's army, gave to the 
 future Cortez of Central Africa his first experience of life in 
 the tropical wilds — an experience that bore ample fruit three 
 years later, when he fought his way through the deadly inte- 
 rior of south-eastern Africa to seek the lost Livingstone, whom 
 many had long since given up as dead. It was then that the 
 prompt energy and wonderful power of organization which 
 characterized the man showed themselves in their true propor- 
 tions. While two relieving expeditions were making slow and 
 elaborate preparations, Stanley darted in and did the work be- 
 fore their very eyes, with means which most men would have 
 thought wholly inadequate. " When the news first came, sir, 
 that you'd found Livingstone," said his trusty English lieuten- 
 ant, years later, during the dreadful voyage down the Congo, 
 "I was one of them that didn't believe a word of it ; but now 
 that I've seen you at work, I believe you could go anywhere 
 and do anything." 
 
 Such a man could never be long at rest, and the winter of 
 1873 saw him on the wing once more, to join Sir Garnet Wolse- 
 ley's march to Coomassie through the West African king- 
 dom of Ashantee. This campaign — the experiences of which, 
 together with tho^e of his Abyssinian journey, were published 
 not long after in a small volume entitled " Coomassie and 
 Magdala" — must have been of priceless value in preparing 
 him for the mighty enterprise that carried him across the 
 whole breadth of Africa a few years later. In Abyssinia he 
 traversed stony uplands and bare treeless hills ; in Ashantee 
 he met with his first foretaste of that long and terrible strug- 
 gle through the dense, bristling mass, and hot, stifling vapor- 
 bath atmosphere of the great equatorial forest, which was to 
 be the crowning achievement of his life. During the whole 
 march to Coomassie the invaders were literally shouldering 
 their way through a giant hedge of rank, spiky, poisonous 
 vegetation, reeking with deadly vapors and swarming with un- 
 seen enemies. " The crowding trees and coiling creepers " (I 
 quote Stanley's own emphatic words) " almost shut out the 
 
AFRICA'S CORTEZ. 173 
 
 light of day, and we marched in a cheerless twilight. Every- 
 thing here seemed to be weeping ; the huge broad leaves kept 
 shedding great drops of water, turning the ground below into 
 a thick paste of mud, in which we sank over ankles at every 
 step -lad to gain even a few feet at a time, though only to 
 halt Tgain directly, and stand shivering in one of these pud- 
 dles for an hour or more, till some obstruction in front was re- 
 moved." The Ashantee march was the Congo expedition 
 
 carved in a cameo. 
 
 And now the curtain began to rise upon a drama such as tne 
 world had never seen since the great Spanish filibuster hewed 
 his way through Mexico in the sixteenth century. The au- 
 tumn of 1874 found Stanley once more at Zanzibar, with his 
 face again turned westward towards the " lake country " which 
 had been the scene of his first exploit. All that nature or man 
 could do to arrest his progress— fever, famine, treachery, de- 
 sertion, adverse weather, the cowardice of his followers and 
 the obstinate ferocity of his enemies— only roused his indom- 
 itable spirit to stronger efforts, till at last (after many a hair- 
 breadth escape and many a desperate battle, and the loss of 
 one of the two gallant English brothers who were the only 
 white men among his one hundred and fifty comrades) he suc- 
 ceeded in filling up the gaps left in the previous surveys of 
 Burton, Speke, and Baker, by determining the position and 
 boundaries of the four great equatorial lakes, viz., the Victoria 
 and Albert Kyanzas, Muta Nzige, and Tanganyika. 
 
 To almost any other man such an achievement would have 
 seemed enough for one journey ; but to Stanley's untiring en- 
 emy nothing seemed to have been done while anything re- 
 mained to do. The great work which brave old Livingstone 
 had died to accomplish was still unfinished, and his daring suc- 
 cessor resolved to complete it by the exploration of the mys- 
 terious " Lualaba River," which Stanley had already in his se- 
 cret heart identified with the Congo. On he went, in defiance 
 of all obstacles, till at length, after a weary struggle of many 
 days through swamp and jungle, he came out upon the bank 
 of the unknown stream, and the dreadful journey began. 
 
 For untravelled readers it is always hard to estimate the 
 magnitude of such a task, for the simple reason that no one 
 who has not himself faced the horrors of a prolonged struggle 
 through Central Africa or Central Asia can have the faintest 
 
174 APPENDIX. 
 
 idea of what they really are. What a march through trop- 
 ical forests really means is a life which is one long death — 
 weary days and nights of sleepless pain and fever — a rage 
 of gnawing hunger that seems to tear out your very vitals, 
 and a burning, frantic thirst which a whole river could not 
 quench. Day after day you toil through the frightful, un- 
 ending cobweb of the pathless forest, hacking your way amid 
 the gloomy twilight of the giant trees through a black 
 snaky tangle of matted boughs and tough, wiry creepers and 
 huge dagger-like thorns, while the damp, foul, steaming vapor 
 makes your head sick and your limbs faint, and you feel your 
 strength failing hour by hour, while knowing all the while 
 that it is death to halt or even to linger. Whether you go by 
 land or by water, everything around you seems hostile — treach- 
 erous shoals, sunken rocks, deadly fever mists, the fierce beast 
 or fiercer savage in the thickets around, the crocodile and hip- 
 popotamus in the waters below. Often do you start up from 
 a heavy torpor of utter exhaustion, which is more of a swoon 
 than a sleep, only to find that, with your brain reeling and 
 your limbs sinking beneath you from crushing fatigue, you 
 must retrace your steps over ground traversed at the cost of 
 sufferings more bitter than death itself. And when to all this 
 is added the haunting, ever-present consciousness that not for 
 one moment during that long and weary struggle can you 
 really feel safe, and that the presence of man, so far from be- 
 ing a pledge of help and security, is the one thing to be dread- 
 ed and shunned most of all — this is, indeed, to " die daily." 
 
 All this and much more did this one man endure, not for a 
 few days or a few weeks, but for eight months together. 
 Thirty-two deadly battles with blood-thirsty cannibals, in sev- 
 eral of which, as Stanley forcibly said, " it rained poisoned ar- 
 rows day and night," combined with famine, disease, grinding 
 fatigue, and the hungry waters of the furious river to thin the 
 ranks of the little band. Very few and weary were the hand- 
 ful of heroes who survived to find themselves "only five 
 marches from white faces " on the lower Congo. 
 
 But just as success seemed already in the grasp of their 
 daring leader, an unforeseen peril threatened death to one and 
 all when almost within sight of the European settlements. 
 The rapids that obstructed the river having put a stop to the 
 canoe voyage which had brought them thus far, they were now 
 
AFRICA'S CORTEZ. 175 
 
 forced to march overland; and the men, weakened by so many 
 hardships, and now left almost without food, proved quite un- 
 equal to the task of carrying heavy loads over the steep, wooded 
 ridges flanking the stream, while the natives refused to give 
 them food unless rum or something equally precious were of- 
 fered in exchange. 
 
 Only one thing was left to do. He sent down his two 
 strongest men to the nearest settlement, bearing a note from 
 himself with an urgent request for immediate supplies, while 
 he and the rest watched and waited through two weary days 
 — every hour of which must have seemed as long as a year — 
 for the coming of the food that was their only hope of life, lint 
 it came at last. " You should have heard what a cheer the 
 poor starving fellows set up," said Stanley to me afterwards, 
 " when they saw the porters coming up the hill with the stores. 
 I can tell you that was the happiest moment of my life." 
 
 The story of this unparalleled feat, told by its hero in 
 " Through the Dark Continent " (1878), eclipsed all his former 
 exploits, and made him once more the lion of all Europe. Ex- 
 aggeration came, as usual, to magnify deeds which little need- 
 ed it. Nothing seemed too marvellous for the hero of such 
 adventures and such escapes. An honest German to whom I 
 mentioned that Stanley had had one hundred and twenty-two 
 fevers asked, eagerly, " Mein Gott ! did he have dem all to 
 once?" But this enthusiasm was not wholly unalloyed with 
 dissatisfaction. The few who could read in the great pioneer's 
 dark, worn face that expression of native power and command, 
 that "go anywhere and do anything" look which ennobled the 
 harsh features of his two prototypes, Lord Clive and Sir Fran- 
 cis Drake, had no cause for disappointment in comparing his 
 deeds with their doer. But the many who saw their ideal ex- 
 plorer in the towering form, brawny limbs, and bold, bearded 
 face of Sir Samuel Baker found the Congo hero's small, slight 
 frame, and plain, almost coarse features, not at all equal to 
 their expectations; and their displeasure vented itself either 
 in avowed disbelief of his alleged exploits, or in multiplied 
 slanders against his character and motives. 
 
 Nothing could be more unjust than the charges of wan- 
 ton cruelty and bloodshed freely made against him by many 
 who ought to have known better. When hemmed in by 
 blood-thirsty cannibals, bent on slaughtering him and all 
 
176 APPENDIX. 
 
 his men, he could fight as fiercely as any Afghan ; but no 
 " wanton blood-shedder " would have cleft his wav through 
 the savagest region upon earth with such slight loss both to 
 friends and foes. No man reckless of human life would have 
 twice gone alone into a mob of raging savages and levelled 
 spears to preserve peace. No mere destroyer would have kept 
 his armed followers from taking by force from the selfish 
 brutes around them, during that fearful two days' waiting on 
 the lower Congo, the food for want of which they were dying 
 by inches. No naturally cruel man would have spoken with 
 such deep feeling as I have heard him speak of the welcome 
 that greeted his surviving followers in their distant homes at 
 Zanzibar, and of the fate that had befallen those who returned 
 no more : " Poor little Amina said to me when she lay dying, 
 * This is a bad world, master, and you have lost your way in 
 it.' Then my brave Safeni, the best of them all, went mad, 
 and wandered away into the forest alone, and never came 
 back. When I went out there again I had search made for 
 him in all directions, and offered fabulous amounts of cloth to 
 the chiefs for any news of him ; but no — not a word !" 
 
 Stanley's later achievements — his return to the Congo in 
 1879 for the International African Association, his establish- 
 ment of trading posts along the whole 1400 miles of river up 
 to Stanley Falls, the road-making that earned him his native 
 name of " Bula Matari" (Rock-breaker), and the system of 
 transport organized by himself and his gallant comrade Major 
 Vetch, the companion of our West African shipwreck with 
 King Oko jumbo — have been too fully and recently told in his 
 last book (" The Congo and the Founding of its Free State ") 
 to need repetition here. In 1884 the work was done, and he 
 came home to advocate the making of a railway round the 
 Congo Rapids, thus connecting the inland trade with that of 
 the coast. But the moment the master's hand and eye were 
 removed, the fabric so laboriously reared began to crumble. 
 Disquieted by vague rumors of mishaps, Stanley was already 
 planning a third visit to his little African kingdom when the 
 " Emin Relief Expedition" summoned him to more exciting 
 work. David Ker. 
 
 the END.