45 
 
 P=5^ 
 
? 
 
 ^s^ 
 
 y 
 
At a preliminary meeting of the citizens of Philadclpbia, held 
 on the evening of December 3d, 1859, at the Girard House, Mr. 
 James S. Gibbons was called to the Chair, and Mr. Chancellor 
 Bailey appointed Secretary. The object of the meeting having 
 been stated, the following gentlemen were appointed to make 
 the necessary arrangements for a Union Demonstration, re- 
 buking all fanaticism, on Wednesday evening, December 7th : 
 
 James S. Gibbons, Chairman. 
 Chancellor Bailey, Secretary. 
 
 Henry A. Stiles, 
 J. W. Bacon, M. D., 
 Daniel C. Mudge, 
 Wm. Van Osten, 
 Rene Guillou, 
 Joseph F. Tobias, 
 Samuel Sparhawk, 
 
 M. S. Shapleigh, 
 R. Vf. Southmayd, 
 Wm. H. Peirce, 
 Chas. p. Herring, 
 Marshall A. Jones, 
 Edward S. Rowand, 
 RoBT. G. Harper. 
 
 The following Report of the Proceedings, from the daily papers 
 of Philadelphia, gives some idea of the success of the Com- 
 mittee's efforts. 
 
THE UNION — "IT MUST AND SHALL BE PRESERVED!" 
 
 FANATICISM UEBUKED, 
 
 IN THE INTERCHANGE OF 
 
 PATRIOTIC SKNTIMENTS 
 
 LAKGE AND EXTIIUSIASTIC MEETING 
 
 IN PHILADELPHIA, DECE3IBER 7th, 1859. 
 
 The recent fanatical demonstration at National Hall appears 
 to have aroused the indignation of a great mass of the commu- 
 nity. While permitting the utmost latitude of speech, and re- 
 fraining from violence, men who love their whole country, and 
 cherish an unchanging affection for that Constitution which has 
 nursed this nation into greatness, and made us powerful among 
 the empires of the world, w^ere shocked at such a manifestation 
 of sympathy. That such sentiments as were uttered at that con- 
 vocation should go forth, as those of the metropolis of Pennsyl- 
 vania, was not to be thought of for a moment. Philadelphia has 
 always been loyal to the Union. Her business relations with all 
 sections of the country are such as to interweave her interests 
 with those of the South as well as those of the North. Her 
 prosperity is dependent upon domestic peace and harmony. 
 
 Our patriotic and conservative citizens were even more alarmed 
 than their Southern brethren at such a display of fanaticism, and 
 they determined to disabuse the mind of the nation. No extra- 
 ordinary preparations were necessary. The great heart of the 
 masses beats truly to the " music of the Union." There was no 
 doubt as to the manner in which the appeal would be answered. 
 Partisan considerations were thrown aside. In this crisis, all 
 political diiferences sank into insignificance. We have passed 
 through many periods of trial, caused by the exciting issue of 
 slavery ; but it was easy to be seen, that unless there was a de- 
 termined -and general rally of the conservative elements, this 
 would be the last test to which the Union would be exposed. 
 Patriotism therefore dictated that the call for a meeting should 
 be issued to all, "irrespective of party." Leading members of 
 the various organizations were placed upon the Committee of 
 
4 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN TEE 
 
 Arrangements, and enumerated amono; the speakers who were 
 invited to address the assemblage. The 7th of December was fixed 
 upon for this noble demonstration, in order that the effect of the 
 "sympathy movement" should be counteracted as soon as pos- 
 sible, and that the excited representatives at Washington should 
 learn the real position of Philadelphia in regard to armed inva- 
 sions of the South. 
 
 The day was ushered in by the thunder of cannon, which re- 
 verberated over the city like a mighty reveille, summoning pat- 
 riotic lovers of the Union to their duty. The sky was heavily 
 overcast, and emblematic of the dark day that had lowered upon 
 the peace and prosperity of the nation. But the stars and 
 stripes, which have become so endeared to the sight of Ameri- 
 cans, and have so gloriously braved " the battle and the breeze," 
 floated over our streets, and waved an invitation to all to rally 
 around the standard of our common country. Every car upou 
 the passenger railways bore the placard of the meeting, with " The 
 Union" in glowing capitals. Wherever you might go, groups 
 could be found discussing the object of the proposed gathering, 
 and the alarming position of affairs at Washington. Perhaps 
 the vital political concerns of this republic were never more uni- 
 versally debated in any community than they were on this occasion 
 in Philadelphia. In spite of the unpropitious character of the 
 weather, it was generally anticipated that the meeting would be 
 one of the most imposing and enthusiastic known in the history 
 of the city; and this expectation was fully realized.* 
 
 Jayne's spacious Hall, on Chestnut street, below Seventh, in 
 which the assemblage w^as intended to be convened, will hold 
 more than six thousand people. But it was tightly packed long 
 before the hour fixed for calling the throng to order, and the 
 street in front of the building presented a dense mass of persons 
 who had no hope of gaining admission. We took particular pains 
 to scrutinize the crowd. It was composed of citizens of all 
 classes, all parties, and all occupations. The business men were 
 strongly represented, and wo observed that they were especially 
 enthusiastic in applauding the sentiments of devoted patriotism 
 to which the eloquent speakers gave utterance, while, in private 
 conversations, they earnestly denounced the atrocious doctrines 
 of the fanatics of National Hall. W^orkingmen were there, also, 
 to pledge anew their hearts to that Union which guaranties to 
 peaceful industry a better reward than it obtains in any other 
 land beneath the sun, and to repudiate the schemes of those who 
 arc striving to plunge the nation into the horrors of a civil war. 
 
 •'■^' The number present being variously estimated at from 20,000 to 30,000. 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTOXE STATE. 5 
 
 The Democrat, American, and Republican stood side by side, 
 •widely differing in opinion upon many questions, but united in 
 defence of the Constitution, as we received it from the fathers of 
 our free government. It was a cheering, thrilling, glorious spec- 
 tacle, that stirred the soul and kindled a flash,of enthusiasm in 
 every eye. 
 
 At an early hour in the morning, a company of enthusiastic 
 individuals paraded the streets with a swivel mounted upon a 
 wagon, which was fired at intervals, but the attention of the police 
 was attracted to the subject, and the fun at once ceased. 
 
 All over the city, during the day, patriotic demonstrations 
 were made, and it was evident that the heart of the people, irre- 
 spective of party, was in the movement. A salute of 100 guns 
 was fired by a squad of artillery, at the whai-f of the Charleston 
 and Savannah Steamship Company, above Vine street. Another 
 salute of 100 guns was also fired from Smith's Island. 
 
 The shipping along Delaware avenue displayed their colors. 
 The " Westmoreland," Capt. Decan, belonging to Messrs. Baker, 
 Stetson &Co's line, displayed a quantity of bunting. The "Isabel," 
 Capt. Chase, for Mobile, also of same line, displayed its flags. 
 
 In Second street, near Willow, we observed a large canvas, 
 having upon it the following inscription : 
 
 i 
 DOWN WITH ALL 
 
 TRAITORS, FACTIONISTS, 
 
 AND DIS UNIONISTS. 
 
 1 
 
 Another flag was displayed from the windows of the St. Louis 
 House, on Chestnut street, upon wdiich was the following : 
 
 GRAND UNION MASS MEETING, 
 
 TO-NIGHT, 
 
 AT JAYNE'S HALL. 
 
 They were displayed from all the prominent hotels, from the 
 armories of the State Fencibles, National Guards, Cadwalader 
 Grays, State Arsenal, and Bonded Warehouse at Front and 
 Lombard streets, and many other places. 
 
6 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 The following song was distributed about the room : 
 
 THE VOICE OF THE PHILADELPHIA UNION MEETING. 
 
 Whereas, 
 
 Wc love the North, the South and East, 
 
 The gteiit ami uiigliiy We.-'t, 
 We Inve the sciveix'igii Sister States, 
 
 Which God hath ever blest. — 
 In Union, one, they long have stood 
 A loved and happy sisterhood ! 
 
 Therefore Resolved, 
 
 In purpose firm, witli hearts to dare. 
 
 And ready hands (o do. 
 As loyal sons of loyal sires. 
 
 In patriotism true, 
 We bhiill as lirothe)-s, heart and hand, 
 Forever by the Union stand! 
 
 In Freedom's arch we hold a place 
 
 We've held in honor long; 
 And firmly fixed the Keystone rests 
 
 In patriotism strong — 
 And we'll so act with patriots all, 
 That Freedom's arch shall never fall. 
 
 To keep the Union safe and strong. 
 
 No duty we will shnn — 
 In numliers many, all our hearts 
 
 In loyalty arc one! 
 And in tliose hearts, which pride elates, 
 Shall dwell a love of all our States ! 
 
 The South shall have her rights — o'er Ler 
 
 Our e;igle spi-eads its wing — 
 The tre;iM)n plotleis, liroirn or white, 
 
 Shall on the gallows swing; 
 For tii(i,s(i who wage intestine wars 
 Shall perish by our country's laws! 
 
 Our Hall fif Independence keeps 
 
 In mem'ry ever dear. 
 The "Old Thirteen," whose lustrous stars 
 
 Upon our flag appear; 
 And deep our wo, if all of tlicm 
 Shall not our banner ever gem ! 
 
 Our Union first ! our Union last! 
 
 Its pMiiiiit sons sliiill cry — 
 Then shall our fljig, with all its stars, 
 
 In gloiy ever fly ! 
 And Ni.rth and South and East and West, 
 In Union bound, be ever blest! 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 7 
 
 DECORATIONS OF JAYNE'S HALL. 
 
 The hall which was honored by the holding of this grand 
 feathering, was very handsomely decorated in various ways. 
 From the front floated an American flag. On the front of the 
 edifice a large transparency was suspended, bearing the sub- 
 joined inscription : 
 
 Beneath the names of the States, on another canvas, was the 
 inscription : 
 
 THE UNION AND THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 On either side of these transparencies were gas jets burning 
 brightly, one for each State of the Confederacy. 
 
 Within tlie vast hall the scene was imposing. Tlie upper gal- 
 lery has recently been removed, thus increasing the space and 
 seeming to add to the height of the immense room. At the Car- 
 penter street end of the hall, the serai- circle of boxes Vras beauti- 
 
8 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 fully adorned with double festoons of flags, extending along the 
 ■whole length of the panels. In the centre, just between and 
 above the seat of the President, was a portrait of the Father of 
 his Country. On the right and left of this picture, and draping 
 it in their folds were the National and State colors or Col. Lewis' 
 1st Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers. 
 
 Disposed about the hall, and pendant from the boxes, were 
 many flags and banners, which imparted a gay and brilliant 
 aspect to the scene. Among them, were no less than four flags 
 belonging to the Scott Legion. Two of these flags were borne 
 in the battles of our country during 1812, and were seen waving 
 over the ranks of our countrymen at North Point. The other 
 two flags of the "Legion" were truly magnificent and costly. 
 They were presented to the "Legion" in the City of Mexico. 
 
 A handsome banner was presented to the Committee of Arrange- 
 ments by Mr. George W. Edwards, on behalf of the Ladies of 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 Vv'hile lion, Josiah Randall was speaking, he made references to 
 the recent lectures of Wendell Phillips in Philadelphia when there 
 were repeated hisses and shouts from the audience to " hang him," 
 "hang him," "kick him out," "he deserves to be hung." The 
 eloquent speaker's remarks were repeatedly interrupted by voci- 
 ferous shouts and cheers. Three cheers were also given for the 
 old Keystone State. 
 
 Mr, James S. Gibbons, chairmaraof the Committee of Arrange- 
 ments, called the meeting to order, and on his motion the follow- 
 ing ofiicers were selected to preside : 
 
 TRESIDENT. 
 
 HON. JOSEPH R. INGERSOLL. 
 
 VICE PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Hon. Josiah Randall, Hon. Edward King, 
 
 " James Campbell, J. Edgar Thomson, 
 
 " Isaac Hazlehurst, JMorton McMichael, 
 
 " Wni. B. Reed, Col. John Swift. 
 
 " Goo. Sharswood, E. Carroll Brewster, 
 
 " Ellis Lewis, J. R. Elanigen, 
 
 " Richard Vaux, Robert Tyler, 
 
 " James Page, William A. Porter, 
 
 " Henry M. Fuller, Richard C. Dale, 
 
 " Henry M. Phillips, Robert Ewing, 
 
 " Eli K. Price, S. B, Barcroft, 
 
 " Peter McCall, George G. Presbury, 
 
 " Geo. M. Wharton, . E. W. Bailey, 
 
 " Jno. C. Knox, George H, Boker, 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 
 
 Samuel Jackson, M. D., 
 Gen. G. Cadwalader, 
 John Gri2:g, 
 F. W. Grayson, 
 James Jeffries, 
 Aug Ileaton, 
 Abraham English, 
 "William B. Potts, 
 Charles Robb, 
 Lyon J. Levy, 
 Geo. H. Stuart, 
 Geo. W. Edwards, 
 I. V. "Williamson, 
 P. Jenks Smith, 
 Joseph H. Thompson, 
 "Wm. C. Ludwig, 
 John Thomas, 
 Joseph M. Cowell, 
 John W. Sexton, 
 Wm. B. Foster, Jr., 
 Charles Henry Fisher, 
 Samuel V. Merrick, 
 James Magee, 
 A. J. Drexel, 
 Charles Macalister, 
 
 P. B. 
 
 P. C. Ell maker, 
 
 Charles Ingersoll, 
 
 George W. Biddle, 
 
 Samuel H. Perkins, 
 
 St. George T. Campbell, 
 
 J. Ross Snowden, 
 
 J. Pemberton Hutchinson, 
 
 Frederick Fraley, 
 
 C. J. Biddle, 
 
 John C. Bullitt, 
 
 C. D. Meigs, M. D., 
 
 "William Struthers, 
 
 A. J. Lewis, 
 Gen. R. Patterson, 
 
 B. H. Brewster, 
 Benj Andrews, 
 J. Laudenslager, 
 John C. Hunter, 
 B. Gerhard, 
 Joseph C. Grubb, 
 
 J. W. Bacon, M. D., 
 George Henderson, 
 "William Swain, 
 John Welsh, 
 Samuel Wright. 
 Goddard, M. D. 
 
 S. W. De Coursey, 
 Samuel Williams, 
 Daniel Haddock, 
 Bene Guillou, 
 Alexander Heron, Jr., 
 Jacob E. Knorr, 
 Wm. F. Griffiths, Jr., 
 Thomas Webster, 
 Bobert M. Lee, 
 Daniel C. Mudge, 
 Thomas C. Herring, 
 Henry A. Stiles, 
 Edward Shippen, 
 David E. Oak, 
 David Webster, 
 C. J. Lewis, 
 M. A. Jones, 
 Simon W. Arnold, 
 
 SECRETARIES. 
 
 George J. Gross, 
 Frank Godwin, 
 Patrick Ward, 
 M. S. Shapleigh, 
 George F. Wardle, 
 Wm. Harris, M. D., 
 Samuel Hewlings, 
 Joseph F. Tobias, 
 Bobert 0. Lowry, 
 J. G. Rosengarten, 
 R. W. Southmayd, 
 Jesse Williams, 
 John 0. James, 
 E. Harper Jeffries, 
 David S. Winebrenner, 
 John M. Dutton, 
 Wm. Van Osten, 
 N. P. Murphy. 
 
10 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 The followinor gentlemen were selected as the Committee on 
 Resolutions: — Hon. Wm. B. Reed, Hon. Edw. King, Hon. J. 
 Randall, Hon. Eli K. Price, Hon. Geo. Sharswooil, and Messrs. 
 John Welsh, Chas. Macalister, Benj. Gerhard, Peter McCall, 
 Stacy B. Barcroft, John C. Bullitt, \Vm. C. Luduig, Richard C. 
 Dale. 
 
 The Hon AYm. B. Reed, in behalf of the committee appointed 
 for the purpose, submitted the following preamble and resolutions, 
 which were unamimously agreed to : 
 
 The citizens of Philadelphia, assembled in general town meeting, 
 desiring, at this juncture to express an earnest sympathy with their 
 fellow citizens of Virginia, recently threatened with an attempt to pro- 
 duce a servile revolt, have, 
 
 1. licsolcet?, That the longer the government of the Union exists, 
 with its manifold and inestimable blessings, the more is it ci nsccrated 
 by the ufi'ection and devotion of those who, as we do, '' kn'"!W no North, 
 no South, no East, no West, but one common country," whose integrity 
 the Constitution alone secures, and whose varying interests the Union 
 harmonizes and protects. 
 
 2. Re.-olved, That, in the judgment of the citizens of Philadelphia, 
 this settlement of fiJelit}' to the Union would be fruitless, did it not 
 imply an obligation, implicitly and practically to recognize every duty 
 which the Constitution prescribe.-;, and obey and curry hnnestiy into 
 execution, all the laws of Congress, enacted under the Confetilution. 
 
 3. Resolved, That no part of the Constitution of the United States, 
 or of the laws of Congress, are more obligatory on the citizens of the 
 Republic, than those which prescribe the duty of restoring, under judi- 
 cial process, fugitives from labor, and that all attempt*; or ccmbir.ations, 
 to defeat or fustrate those provisions, and all State legislation to the 
 same end, are condemned, by the judgmeut of this comuiunity. 
 
 4. Resolved, That, in view of what lias recently occurred in the Com- 
 monwealth of Virginia, the citizens of Philadelphia disavow, as they 
 have always done, any right or wish to interfere with the domestic 
 institutions of their sister States. 
 
 5. Resolved, That they reprobate, in the strongest and clearest terms, 
 all attempts, whether by invasion, secret instigation, or the promulga 
 tion in any form, of fanatical opinions, to excite seivile insurrection, 
 or to arouse those who are lawfully held in servitude to violence and 
 bloodshed. 
 
 6. Resolved, That looking merely to the past, they deliberately express 
 their approval of the recont administration of justice in the Common- 
 wealth of Virginia, by which, according to the forms of law, strictly 
 observed, the commission of a great crime has been judicially proved, 
 and the punishment awarded by law to that crime baa bccu inflicted. 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 11 
 
 7. Resolved, That it is a simple matter of duty, to express the sense 
 which the citizens of Philadelphia have of the energy and fidelity with 
 which the executive authorities of Virginia have discharged, from first 
 to last, the painful and responsible duty which the emergency imposed. 
 
 8. Resolved, That the Executive of Pennsylvania, in promptly sur- 
 rendering, on the requisition of the Governor of Virginia, those fui^i- 
 tives from justice who sought refuge within our borders, discharged his 
 duty to the Constitution, and for doing so merits, and has received, our 
 hearty approval. 
 
 9. Resolved, That the prompt suppression, in the first instance, of 
 the Harper's Ferry outbreak, is now, and it is hoped, will always be 
 regarded as a most marked illustration of th3 value of the Union, and 
 the efficiency of its Executive authorities in furnishing, on the spot, 
 and at a moment's notice, the military means to suppress a local and 
 dangerous revolt, and relinquishing to the State authorities the vindi- 
 cation of the violated law. 
 
 10. Resolved, That earnestly assuring our brethren of the South that 
 there exists among the people of Pennsylvania a deter. nined spirit to 
 assert and maintain the Constitution of the Union, and the rights of 
 the States under it, we ask in return, confidence, and that difoified 
 moderation which confidence and patriotic sympathy inspire. 
 
 11. Resolved, That these resolutions, embodying the sense of a vast 
 majority of the citizens of Philadelphia, without distinction of party, 
 signed by the officers of the meeting, be published in all the newspapers 
 of Philadelphia and Washington. 
 
12 
 
 FANATICISM REBUKED. 
 
 MEETK^G ON CHESTNUT STREET. 
 
 "When the dense and swaying concourse within the hall had 
 overflowed the platform and threatened the very stability of the 
 floors, a portion of the people adjourned to the street, which was 
 already crowded by those who were not able to get into the hall. 
 
 On motion of Mr. James S. GiLBONS,the following gentlemen 
 wore selected for ofiicers : 
 
 PRESIDENT. 
 
 JACOB LAUDENSLAGER. 
 
 VICE-PRESIDNTS. 
 
 Wm. V. Bark alow, 
 George J. Weaver, 
 James IMcCutcheon. 
 Jacob H. Filson, 
 Thomas P. Parry, 
 Henry Budd, 
 Wm. W. Harkness, 
 James Gwyn, 
 Geo. L. Senat, 
 Henry Sloan, 
 D. S. Stetson, 
 Simon Sternberger, 
 Alex. Murphy, 
 Henry Lewis, Jr., 
 Sam. H. Smith, 
 Joseph A. Clay, 
 J. Harvey Cochran, 
 Ohas. C. Crugan, 
 Mark Wilcox, 
 
 €has. B. Mount, 
 Robert E. Randall, 
 Henry S. Allen, 
 Wm. M. Greiner, 
 John Noble, 
 Edward C. Kelly, 
 Francis A. Godwin, 
 Wm. 0. Bateman, 
 C. T. Myers, 
 E. P. Middlcton, 
 James J. Black, 
 Nathaniel S. Richards 
 H. A. Chadwick, 
 E. A. Hendry, 
 Chas. A. Wells, 
 
 Isaac S. Waterman, 
 Charles J. Adams, 
 Chas. B. Campbell, 
 James Barratt, Jr., 
 Mayer Gans, 
 Jos. B. Shewell, 
 Edward D. Potts, 
 H. M. Shannon, 
 J. C. Knorr, 
 James L. Bewley, 
 J. B. Lippincott, 
 Chas. W. Wharton, 
 John Curran, 
 John P. Kilgore, 
 Leon Berg, 
 Henri L. Foster, 
 Clarence S. Kates, 
 Chas. Kelley, 
 Geo. McHenry. 
 
 SECRETARIES. 
 
 on, 
 
 Richard Price, Jr., 
 Edward S. Rowand, 
 Henry C. Troutman, 
 Martin J. Croll, 
 George P. Russell, 
 T. D. Tillinghast, 
 Francis Wolgarauth, 
 Henry Foulke, 
 Chancellor Bailey, 
 Wm. H. Pierce, 
 John B. Fassitt, 
 A. Leal', 
 Jos. B. Altemus, 
 C. Ross Smith, 
 Stewart Wilson. 
 
SFEECHIilS. 
 
 ;SPEECH OF THE HON. JOSEPH P.. INGEPvSOLL. 
 
 "When our fellow citizens and friends, either close at hand or 
 a little more fir less remote from us, are threatened or assailed 
 Avith evils that may aifect their peace, it is at once a debt we 
 owe to duty, and a grateful exercise of feeling, to give them 
 countenance and support. If they stand in need of actual as- 
 sistance, we should cheerfully rally to their relief. If they are 
 merely in a condition of extreme uncertainty and possible peril 
 from critical causes yet but partially developed, and are suscep- 
 tible of comfort and sympathy, they are entitled to the warm 
 right hand of fellowship, which would be given and received with 
 mutual reliance, confidence, and good-will. Our hearts beat with 
 still stronger emotions when the cause in which they are engaged 
 involves in its sudden approach, not merely personal regard and 
 local attachments, but spreads its influence for good or for evil 
 over the whole length and breadth of the land. For one or for 
 all of these considerations our Virginia brethren are entitled to 
 more than a mere silent or speculative interest in their behalf. 
 Direct assurances of the warmest sympathy are called for, with 
 pledges of something more emphatic, if necessary, in the shape 
 of deeds. 
 
 Events have taken place in this neighboring and adjoining 
 Commonwealth, not merely menacing to its tranquility, but dis- 
 astrous and destructive to life and safety — not simply mischiev- 
 ous and treasonable in design, but bloody in perpetration. The 
 heart of this neighboring State — our sister in all the relations of 
 mutual attachment and regard — has been rudely aimed at ; and 
 fire, and the musket, and the torch, and the dagger, and the pike, 
 have been brought to bear, in fatal exercise, on property, and 
 limbs, and life. Through the nerves and arteries of the justly 
 
14 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 styled 0^1 Dominion — identified as she is with all that is dear to 
 the republic in the hopes of the future and the recollection of 
 the past — the safety and happiness, the well being and the very 
 existence of the whole Linion has been endangered by a conspi- 
 racy as ferocious and daring as it has been unhesitating in its 
 avowals ; and as murderous in its outset, as I trust, in the end, 
 it will prove abortive. 
 
 That patriotic region has been only the salient angle of attack 
 thus far. The blood of her citizens has flowed as a libation to 
 the hopes of broader and still bloodier attempts of sacrifice ; at- 
 tempts are avowed to be cherished in contemplation with designs 
 the most uncompromising. This, we are given to understand, 
 has been only the first act of a long and fearful tragedy. The 
 Union and the Constitution, and all who have in joy and con- 
 tentment rested under the shadow of their protection, are the 
 intended victims, and by their destruction are to be converted 
 into trophies of this demon of wrath. The conspiracy stops no 
 where short of the dissolution of the fundamental support of our 
 liberty and law ; the great charter of the rights and privileges of 
 the people. It cancels the obligations and pledges of our 
 fathers, and it violates with ruthless hands the best prerogatives 
 of their sons. 
 
 The energy of a fearless Governor, seconded by the efforts of 
 a patriotic people, has checked and perhaps baffled the incen- 
 diary attempt. It has been at least smothered for the present. 
 The ashes may still cover hidden and dangerous ingredients of 
 calamity. Nothing but an overwhelming force of public senti- 
 ment and general feeling can — and let us trust it ought, and will, 
 and must forever bury them in deep and irredeemable oblivion. 
 A mawkish and morbid sensibility has crept abroad, which must 
 be rebuked by a genuine devotion to the whole country. We 
 are all in a common peril. The Union is one and indivisible. It 
 cannot be broken in one section, and stand firmly in another. 
 
 It is especially here — a spot above all others consecrated to 
 the Union, and rendered almost sacred by its memorials — that 
 sentiments of sympathy should be cherished, and expressions of 
 cordial co-operation should be uttered. The two great States — 
 Virginia and Pennsylvania — are in many respects, besides simi- 
 lar natural advantages, remarkably identified. Separated only, 
 or rather united, for many miles, with nothing between them but 
 an imaginary boundary line, the ancient Commonwealth grace- 
 fully circumscribes a right angle of the territory of William 
 Penn, and the productions of nature are, to a great extent, iden- 
 tified. The earth teems with similar productions, as if the States 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 15 
 
 were intended to be one. Iron, and coal, and salt, are the spon- 
 taneous productions of both. Education of tlie poor is a darling 
 object of e:ich. Each rises over mountains of wealth toward 
 the west. The more southern of the two has been styled the 
 garden of America. 
 
 The great events of the revolution had their birthplace here — 
 The first Congress of Delegates of 1774 — the immortal Declara- 
 tion of Independence of 1776, and the enduring Constitution 
 framed in 1787, are ours. The leading men who gave tliem life 
 and soul were theirs — Washington, the brightest and the best of 
 human kind — and Jefferson, who prepared with his own hand 
 the record upon his tomb, that he was the author of the Declara- 
 tion of Independence. These great men have honored graves in 
 their native soil, as Franklin, no less memorable as one of the 
 illustrious trio of the revolution, has in ours. 
 
 There was little danger of the Union in its early stages. It 
 was cemented by patriotism, as it was formed by heroic virtue. 
 For many a year, indeed, much of the foreign world affected to 
 undervalue us. They knew and cared to know little about us. 
 Time has now developed our destiny and their esteem. Political 
 writers notice us with complacency and pride. We are conceded 
 to be the happiest, and a distinguished continental writer styles 
 us the richest of nations. If it be worth the boast, we shall one 
 day, perhaps, be the most populous. Oar twenty millions grow- 
 ing up towards the six and thirty millions of France, and ap- 
 proaching the six and twenty millions of Great Britain and Ire- 
 land, are the illustration; and the fields of what composed once 
 thirteen States, and now thirty-eight States and Territories, ma^- 
 yet number three hundred, if we hold fast the bond of Union, 
 and preserve the kindred feelings of affection which it is so well 
 calculated to inspire. 
 
 The liveliest fancy could scarcely depict the probable happi- 
 ness that may await our country united as she is, and long must 
 continue, in one harmonious family. Liberty, dearly bought and 
 nobly won, is a treasure which is becoming an example to the 
 world. A system of laws framed in wisdom, and resting on the 
 firm basis of a written Constitution, if wisely administered, is a 
 protection for the good and a warning to the vicious. We are 
 strong enough to command respect, and kind enough to recipro- 
 cate it. We live in the midst of natural and moral advantages. 
 Two broad oceans are our boundaries. Commerce would be our 
 specialty if agriculture did not rival its advantages, with ever- 
 varying fertility and productiveness. The bowels of the earth 
 are as rich as their surface is prolific. Nothing but an excess of 
 
16 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 the bounties of Heaven, or a reluctance to appreciate and enjoy 
 them can frustrate the hopes of patriots or tlie efforts of states- 
 men. Education will soon* become universal. Let refinement 
 be cultivated and luxury repressed. Let liberality distinguish 
 the rich, industry the poor, and public spirit and good feeling 
 the whole people. Let every citizen be prepared, when neces- 
 sary, to be a soldier, and thus avoid the danger and the extrava- 
 gance of standing armies. Let no interference be given to foreign 
 rights, and no invasion be permitted of our own. Then, united 
 and free, we shall solve the problem of self-government, and of 
 human happiness ; and with contentment in our habits, and mu- 
 tual and universal esteem in our feelings and intercourse, we 
 shall live, under the influences of religion, liberty, and law, a 
 happy and a glorious nation. 
 
 If I urge the claims of the Union with deep and anxious in- 
 terest, it is because of the vital bearing v/hich it has upon us all. 
 Can too much be said to confirm and strengthen it, when we re- 
 flect upon the events of the last few days ? Look back for a 
 couple of weeks, or less, to the celebration of the national thanks- 
 giving, a day which has been usually devoted to mutual con- 
 gratulations upon the peaceful existence and happy prospects of 
 the country. Now, the pulpits have been filled with pious prayers 
 and sad forebodings; with lamentations that seemed almost to 
 assert the fact that the great calamity was actually past. These 
 gloomy thoughts have been entertained especially at the seat of 
 the General Government, where, perhaps too true, a reflection 
 of the general condition is found. All seem to have been look- 
 ing round, not for national health and happiness, and united 
 honor and glory, but to inevitable dissolution, with all the fear- 
 ful incidents with which it must be accompanied and pursued. 
 
 Let me not draw aside the black veil which yet conceals the 
 miserable future that must be beyond and behind disunion. 
 What a fate awaits, in that profound obscure, the most gifted 
 nation on the face of the earth ! Let it be chronicled only in the 
 volume of darkness and death ! Let it never in sad reality be 
 allowed to visit us. Let our vows be oifered up, to support and 
 sustain the Union ; to give hands, hearts, and all to that inesti- 
 mable purpose. And first, let us be ready to gird on our arms 
 for the protection of our friends and brothers from the remotest 
 danger of future massacre. Let the Union, formed by the wis- 
 dom of sages and patriots, and sanctified by the breath and 
 blood of sainted heroes, be guarded like the holy altar of the 
 temple. Let it be saved, by universal devotion, from the rude 
 hands by which it is threatened with being broken assuuder. 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 17 
 
 ■\Ve liave seen the first bloody attempt to effect tlie fatal pur- 
 pose. Let it be the last. Let those — if there be any such — who 
 would incline to renew the effort, be taught that there are mil- 
 lions of freemen willing to live, and ready to die, in the main- 
 tenance of a happy, virtuous, contented, prosperous and United 
 Republic. 
 
 SPEECH OF THE HON. EDWARD KING. 
 
 The Hon. Edward King was the next speaker. He said : — 
 When I consider the object of this meeting, as expressed in the 
 call which has summoned us together, I cannot but feel a mixed 
 sentiment of mortification and pleasure. Mortification, that be- 
 fore our National Constitution to which our fathers fondly antici- 
 pated a perpetuity of duration, has reached a life of seventy-five 
 years, it has become necessary to summon this assembly of citi- 
 zens, in order to renew their vows of fidelity to its obligations, 
 under circumstances that threaten its actual existence. Plea- 
 sure, that responsive to the call, such a mighty assemblage of 
 patriotic citizens have presented themselves, who, uninfluenced 
 by partizan sympathies, repudiating party names, postponing 
 temporary diff^erenccs, ignoring political leaders, and forgetting 
 every thing but their country, its glorious antecedents, and its 
 future grandeur, have resolved, that as far as in them lies, under 
 the blessing of Almighty God, the American Union must and 
 shall be preserved. Ko vow more holy was ever pronounced by 
 mortal lips, no richer blessing was ever invoked by mortal sup- 
 pliants. (Cheers.) 
 
 Where is the man whose grasp of intellect and whose compre- 
 hensiveness of calculation enables him to assign even a proximate 
 value to the union of these States, not only to our own citizens, 
 but to the whole human family ! Estimating the future from 
 the past, the view of the keenest and the most profound investi- 
 gator, is lost in the immensity and grandeur of the object, whose 
 mighty movement he in vain attempts to measure. 
 
 Of the past alone can we speak with certainty. And what a 
 lesson does it teach ! Seventy-six years ago, when the thirteen 
 feeble colonies which composed the American Confederation had, 
 after years of suffering and privation, forced the mother country 
 to recognize their independence, they found themselves not yet a 
 nation. The confederation which then composed their frail bond 
 of union — although the patriotic spirit of the people had during 
 the war given it a temporary strength, which it did not in- 
 o 
 
18 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 herently possess — was found utterly insufficient to estahlish and 
 maintain a firm and efficient government. Its imbecility was 
 such as to render it incapable of making the people either happy 
 at home or respected abroad. ^Xe were without money to pay 
 the debt due to France and Holland, incurred in prosecuting the 
 war ; and without credit to obtain the means of satisfying it. The 
 confederation had not the right of direct taxation, and could only 
 obtain money by requisitions on the respective States, payable 
 at their good will and pleasure — the confederation having no 
 power to coerce payment. Some States totally refused to respond 
 to the requisitions made upon them ; some equivocated, assigning 
 the defaults of others as an excuse for their own. A government 
 without power to enforce its laws was a political nullity. Foreiga 
 nations hesitated in entering into treaties of commerce with such 
 a disjointed and fragmentary nation, considering it too contemp- 
 tible to be admitted into the family of States controlled by real 
 and responsible governments ; consequently, our commerce lan- 
 guished, our merchants were disconsolate and despairing ; our 
 ports were without ships; national and individual enterprise were 
 paralyzed, and the country was fast sinking into that torpor, 
 which precedes national extinction and death. What a melan- 
 choly conclusion would this have been to the gallant exploits and 
 glorious struggles which won to our ancestors, during their actual 
 revolutionary conflict, the admiration and sympathy of the world. 
 Yet no man who has studied ever so cursorily the history of our 
 country, can doubt that such would have been her fate, but for 
 the adoption of our glorious Constitution. Such was then the 
 settled conviction of our Washington, our Madison, our Franklin, 
 and the other grand old men who united in its formation. 
 Seventy-two years ago, the Constitutional Convention, composed 
 of delegates from the respective States, with Washington at its 
 head, assembled in this cit}', and after long and anxious delibe- 
 ration, produced that noble plan of government, the Constitution 
 of the United States. Intended for the government of thirteen 
 independent sovereignties, of different climates, productions, in- 
 stitutions, and habits, it was necessarily the result of compro- 
 mises and concessions, mutually made by each, to reconcile all to 
 the new form of government. Among the institutions then exist- 
 ing was that of African Slavery, in which the South, then as 
 now, was principally interested. Any attempt at interfering 
 with this institution, or any attempt to deny the Southern States 
 absolute equality of right in the unsettled lands belonging to the 
 country, or in those thereafter acquired by its blood and trea- 
 sure, would have scattered the Convention and its Constitution to 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 19 
 
 the four winds of heaven, and left the nation a prey to anarchy, 
 or an easy victim to the mother country, when she shouhl find it 
 convenient to re-assume her power over the feeble and disjointed 
 frafjments of what had been the American confederacy. The 
 peculiar position of the Convention, in this respect, I will give you 
 in the words of the father of his country, our own Washington, 
 in his letter to Congress accompanying the Constitution : " In 
 all our deliberations," says he, "we kept steadily in our view 
 that which appears to us the greatest interest of every true Ame- 
 rican, the consolidation of our Union, in which is involved our 
 prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps our national existence. 
 (Applause.) This important consideration, seriously and deeply 
 .mpressed upon our minds, led each State in the Convention to be 
 less rigid on points of inferior magnitude than might have been 
 otherwise expected; and thus the Constitution, which we now 
 present, is- the result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutual 
 deference and concession which the peculiarity of our ptolitical 
 situation rendered indispensable." In these brief, but emphatic 
 expessions, of our common politicah father, is embraced the prin- 
 ciple on which our Union was founded, and on the observance of 
 which it alone can be maintained. It satisfied and convinced 
 our ancestors, wiser and more patriotic men, I fear, than our- 
 selves. The Constitution was adopted by each of the States 
 after full deliberation, and became the supreme law of the land, 
 binding on every American citizen by every obligation that can 
 bind man to man. What has resulted from its adoption, to these 
 United States ? An amount of blessings and prosperity such as 
 the history of no nation that has ever existed under the sun has 
 possessed. Apparent evidence, this is at least, that the supreme 
 law of the Constitution was not in conflict with any higher law, 
 emanating from the great Source of all blessings and prosperity. 
 Our population has increased under it, in little more than seventy 
 years, from three to thirty millions ; our Territory has expanded 
 from the Bay of Fundy to the Gulf of JJexico, from the Atlantic 
 to the Pacific Ocean ; our com.merce covers every sea ; our flag 
 proudly floats under every sky; our credit is unbounded, our re- 
 sources alm.ost infinite ; our people rich, happy and prosperous ; 
 our government admired and loved by its friends, feared and re- 
 spected by its enemies. It has been my lot to wander over a 
 great portion of the four quarters of the globe, and wherever I 
 went, whether among the lordly halls of aristocratic Europe, or 
 among the dark tents of the Bedouin, whether amid the sunny 
 plains of France and Italy, or on the sandy wastes of the Afri- 
 can desert, I have proudly claimed the title of an Americm 
 
20 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 citizen, and found my claim allowed. The haughty Roman, in 
 the proudest and palmiest days of the republic, never pronounced 
 his magic password of " Cwis Momanits Sum" with a greater 
 certainty of prompt recognition. Everywhere I found oppressed 
 and down-trodden nationalities, looking toward these United 
 States as the political Jerusalem from which all their hopes of a 
 better future were to be derived. Are the continuation and per- 
 petuation of these blessings, things to be derided ? Or do we wish 
 to change them for anarchy and civil war, with all tlieir train of 
 attendant horrors and atrocities ? Do we desire these United 
 States to progress in population, wealth and resources, until they 
 become the first power of the world, as surely they will be, if we 
 remain united, before the end of the present century ? Or do 
 we desire to see them split up into petty States; destroying each 
 other by internal warfare, and paralyzing each other's industry, 
 hy vexatious tariffs ? Even a peaceable dksolution of the Union, 
 I regard as highly improbable ; but a continuation of peace after 
 such a dissolution, I regard as impossible. If this could be so, 
 then is all history a lie, and all past experience a delusion. 
 Peace between bordering nations, differing so much as the North 
 and South would, in case of disunion, would be impracticable. 
 Border countries have ever been theatres of bloodshed and 
 slaughter. The slaves of one State escaping into the other, and 
 the protection given to them by the latter, would be a fruitful 
 and perennial source of discord and war. Then would arise the 
 necessity of a strong government, and standing armies to defend 
 frontiers. And our career of folly and madness would terminate, 
 as has always happened in similar cases in the history of the 
 world, in the overthrow of liberty, and the establishment of des- 
 potism. 
 
 How, then, are the rich blessings we enjoy under the Consti- 
 tution, to be preserved to us ? How are the frightful evils that 
 would follow from its destruction, to be avoided? Are we called 
 upon, in order to continue these blessings, to sacrifice any prin- 
 ciple of morals, any obligation of rational conscience ? Certainly 
 not. We are, on the contrary, only required to do what every 
 principle of sound morals, every obligation of rational conscience 
 demands. AVe are only required honestly to keep our contract, 
 entered into after full deliberation and reflection, according to its 
 letter — yea, and according to its spirit. 
 
 That some of the provisions of the Constitution may interfere 
 "with the peculiar views some citizens may entertain, afibrds no 
 reason against its obligatory force. It is a new notion in the 
 law of contracts, that one party may repudiate his part of the 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 21 
 
 obligation because be finds it inconvenient or disagreeable to 
 comply witb it. Tbere is some grace for repudiation for want of 
 means — none for want of will. Tbe Nortbern States knew tbe 
 Soutb possessed slaves, as most of tbem possessed slaves them- 
 selves. They knew, that by agreeing to surrender persons " held 
 to service and labor in one State escaping into another," they 
 agreed to surrender fugitive slaves. To the South this stipula- 
 tion was a sine qua non. It was conceded, and unless we mean 
 to destroy the Union to avoid its execution, it must be complied 
 ivith. There is no middle ground to assume — no place left for 
 equivocation to occupy. Tbe letter of tbe Constitution is clear, 
 its obligation is absolute. That tbe Constitution contains pro- 
 visions repulsive to some individuals, or even some States, was 
 Avhat was anticipated by its framers. On this point Washing- 
 ton, in tbe letter referred to, remarks : " That it (the Constitu- 
 tion) will meet tbe full and entire approbation of every State, is 
 not to be expected ; but each will doubtless consider, that had 
 her interests been alone consulted, tbe consequences might have 
 been particularly disagreeable or injurious to others ; that it is 
 liable to as few exceptions as could reasonably have been ex- 
 pected, we hope and believe ; that it may promote tbe lasting 
 welfare of that country so dear to us all, and secure her free- 
 dom and happiness, is our most ardent wish." 
 
 Such is the language of Washington. Had tbe spirit of amity 
 which he recommended been always cultivated ; bad those " mu- 
 tual concessions, which the peculiarity of our political situation 
 rendered indispensable," been always recognized by tbe respec- 
 tive States and their citizens, the necessity for such an assembly 
 as tbe present never would have arisen. But we have among us 
 men who, in the pulpit and in the forum, on the highways and in 
 the byways, are repudiating tbe Constitution and its concessions ; 
 denouncing tbe domestic institutions of our sister States ; calum- 
 niating their citizens ; instigating, in their midst, domestic insur- 
 rection and revolt ; organizing political parties on the basis of 
 interfering with their institutions ; and denying their equal, un- 
 qualified rights in the common territories of the Union. 
 
 What has been the natural harvest of such noxious germs, 
 sown broadcast over the land ? An abortive, but a dangerous 
 attempt to excite a servile revolt in a sister State ; a treasonable 
 invasion of her unguarded frontier ; and tbe murder of her peace- 
 able citizens, resting, in unprepared security, under tbe ifigis of 
 the Constitution and laws of the Union. Are these things ever 
 to be borne with patience ? Is no effort to be made to crush the 
 fanatic and treasonable spirit that is fast sweeping us into tbe 
 
22 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 dark abyss of dissolution and consequent civil war ? The assem- 
 blage before me gives, in a voice of thunder, the response to these 
 questions. The true people of the North are arousing from their 
 lethargy ; everywhere they are rallying in their force around the 
 broad banner of the Constitution, on which is inscribed, " the 
 Union must and shall be preserved." Woe to the party or poli- 
 tician who stands between them and their fixed resolve. (Cheers.) 
 
 SrEECH OF THE HON. HENRY M. FULLER. 
 
 Gentlemen, this is a fit occasion for moderate and patriotic 
 counsels. It is proper that reflecting and law-abiding men 
 should now assemble. It is right, and just, and neighborly, that 
 we Northern men should, by public meeting and resolution, con- 
 demn, not only the recent attempt at insurrection in Virginia, 
 but should denounce, with unqualified disapproval, any and every 
 effort to disturb the existing relations of the South. As Penn- 
 sylvanians, we are content with our institutions — attached to our 
 section, and ready, if need be, to defend it ; but in our inter- 
 course with our sister States, we will respect their feelings and 
 observe their rights. (Applause.) As Northern men, avc hold 
 out the right hand of fellowship, and make friendly salutations 
 to the South. (Cheers.) Men of the South ! we wish to live in 
 amity with you, and to have a perfect Union. (Repeated cheers.) 
 Do not mistake the expression of a few for the sentiments of the 
 masses (applause), but believe us to be what, in truth and per- 
 fect sincerity, we are — your friends and brethren. This Union, 
 fellow-citizens, to be solid and lasting, must be based upon mu- 
 tual confidence and mutual respect. Whenever we fail to con- 
 fide, when we cease to respect, when we no longer regard the 
 feelings or observe the rights of each other, we shall become 
 estranged, divided, dissolved — and no longer one people. Are 
 there any such offences existing as should separate the American 
 States ? Is there any such disparity of interest, any such 
 inequality existing among the Northern and Southern portions of 
 the confederacy, as should prevent their dwelling together in 
 amity ? (Cries of "no, no.") Are not the peculiar productions 
 of the South — her rice, cotton, and sugar — essential to Northern 
 comfort and civilization ? (A voice, " that's so.") Without them 
 what would become of the navigation and manufactures of the 
 North? On the other hand, without the navigation, manufac- 
 tures, and consumers of the North, of what value would be 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 23 
 
 Southern productions? There is a mutual interest ^vhich, hy 
 •wise and proper Ic^ishition, may be fostered, hirgcly increased, 
 and perpetuated. Here we have a country of vast extent, em- 
 bracing every variety of soil and climate, and involving many 
 supposed antagonisms ; but we nevertheless may, and the senti- 
 ment of the American people this day is, that we shall live as we 
 have lived—one people — not in name only, but united in interest 
 and united in affection. (Cheers.) It is not to be concealed or 
 denied, that the question of slavery is the disturbing element in 
 our system. How it is to be reached, treated, and disposed of, 
 is a matter of serious and solemn concern. Fanaticism — extreme 
 opinions — are always unreasonable and unjust, having zeal with- 
 out knowledge and passion without reason ; they ordinarily ac- 
 complish their own defeat through their own natural folly and 
 extravagance. Like madness, they rave themselves into quiet, 
 and become exhausted. Unfortunately, slavery agitation has 
 been seized upon, South as well as North, and sought, in both 
 sections, to be made an element for political power. This is all 
 wrong ; and the people of both sections are to blame for it. 
 
 Slavery is a fact. We are not responsible for it; the people 
 of the South are not responsible for it. It was brought here be- 
 fore the Union was born. A mysterious Providence has cast 
 upon this continent two races, distinct in origin, character, and 
 color. It is a moral impossibility that two such races should live 
 together, in any considerable number, without the one being in 
 subordination to the other. The experience of more than one 
 hundred years has established the relation and con-firmed the 
 fact, that the two races may dwell together, and the inferior be 
 greatly improved thereby : for surely the African race has 
 grown, and multiplied, and improved in the United States ; and 
 nowhere among the hundred and fifty millions of colored men 
 now living upon the globe, can four millions be found so well 
 protected, so happy, and so Christianized as are this day in the 
 Southern States of the confederacy. Emancipation, wherever 
 practical or safe, and whenever for the interest of both races, is 
 most earnestly to be desired. How is it to be accomplished ? 
 Certainly not by outside organization — that is, by associations 
 in the free States, having abolition for their object — as they have 
 only retarded and defeated their avowed intentions. Habitual 
 criminations, offensive resolutions, that because of slavery the 
 people of a particular section are unworthy of social and religious 
 connection, will never accomplish emancipation. They only pro- 
 duce heart-burnings and mischief. (Cheers.) This matter must 
 be left to the quiet and undisturbed action of those among whom 
 
24 FANATICISM REBUKED, IX THE 
 
 it exists, and are immccliately affected by it. It is our plain, 
 constitutional duty to let it alone. The people of Pennsylvania 
 have done our work of emancipation, and discharged our full 
 measure of responsibility, at their own time and in their own way. 
 (Cheer after cheer.) We settled this question according to our 
 convictions of interest and of duty. Shall we not accord to oth- 
 ers the same right we have exercised for ourselves ? "Whether 
 for good or for evil, it is their concern — not ours. Let us, then, 
 leave it, with all its accountability and every remedy it may seem 
 to require, to the wisdom and conscience of those upon whom 
 Providence and the Constitution cast its responsibility. (Cheers.) 
 We hope that the colored race, under the influence of our ad- 
 vancing civilization, may be lifted up, their condition improved, 
 and ultimately prepared to return, occupy, Christianize, and re- 
 deem the land of their heathen fathers. This cannot be done 
 through our instrumentality. This problem must be solved by a 
 higher power. We must patiently abide the working of Provi- 
 dence. 
 
 Now, fellow-citizens, we, as citizens of a common country, 
 living under a common Constitution, have a common duty to 
 perform — to defend the rights of every section whenever and 
 however assailed. We have no sympathy with that modern hero- 
 worship which exalts crime and deifies a felon — which sends com- 
 fort, counsel, and material aid to the cell of the homicide, encour- 
 aging treason and justifying murder. The history of the insur- 
 rection attempted at Harper's Ferry discloses a remarkable fact 
 — that John Brown, a man of intelligence, of strong will, great 
 earnestness of purpose, after nearly a year's preparation, vith a 
 thousand pikes in possession, with muskets and ammunition at 
 his command, holding two days the Government Arsenal, could 
 not induce a single slave to join his standard. There, in Vir- ■ 
 ginia, with 23,000 negro slaves within a circuit of fifteen miles, 
 to whom liberation and freedom were promised, not one came 
 forward to accept this boon. Does not this prove that the slaves, 
 as a mass, are contented as they are? They want no change; 
 least of all, such change as John Brown could give them. Wiser 
 than John Brown, and wiser than those who aided and abetted 
 nim, they are content to bear the ills they have, rather than rush 
 to others they know not of. (Cheers.) 
 
 Certainly, in this view, the worst enemies the slave can have 
 are they who disturb his quiet, rouse his discontent, and invite 
 him to rebellion. Insurrection and rebellion can only result in 
 his extermination. Strongly as we are attached to freedom, 
 gladly as we would welcome emancipation, vre shall draw no lines 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. Z-!) 
 
 of physical or social geography. "\Ye will do no act, malce no 
 declaration of purpose, to wound the feelings or divide the affec- 
 tions of the American people. We adopt the language of the 
 great statesman of the West — of Henry Clay — and declare we 
 prefer the liberty of our own country to that of every other 
 country, and the happiness of our own race to that of any other 
 race. (Cheers.) 
 
 SPEECH OF THE HON. JOSIAH EANDALL. 
 
 Fellow citizens : — In ohedience to your wishes I appear once 
 more as the advocate of the Union, and to unite with you in re- 
 affirming the allegiance of our city and commonwealth to the 
 Constitution and laws of our country. 
 
 The people of Virginia were quietly and usefully pursuing 
 their common good, when a small band of Conspirators, instigated 
 by others who kept in the background, attempted to excite a re- 
 volt on the part of the slave population of the South. The cul- 
 prits have had a fair trial, and have been sentenced to condign 
 punishment. The leader, John Brown, has been executed, and 
 his associates will in a few days undergo a like penalty of the 
 law. 
 
 The official conduct and private deportment of Gov. Wise have 
 been firm, judicious, and prudent. Self-preservation demanded 
 the course he has taken. If the judicial and executive authori- 
 ties of Virginia would have permitted these criminals to have 
 escaped, it would have encouraged others to attempt a similar 
 outbreak and insurrection. John Brown deserved the punish- 
 ment he has received, if he had done nothing else than permit 
 four of his own children to be embroiled in the crime and fanaticism 
 for which they have met with an untimely death. A weak and 
 miserable effort has been made to prove him insane ; he himself 
 has disproved this allegation, and immediately before his execu- 
 tion, disclosed the real truth. He labored under the delusion 
 that the slaves were dissatisfied with their condition, and were 
 ready to rise en masse, and cut the throats of their masters and 
 their wives and cliildren. Such has been the result of a tragedy 
 which, in its practical result, has confirmed the confidence reposed 
 in the safety and strength of the Southern States. 
 
 No part of the Union has been more loyal in its attachment to 
 the Federal Constitution, and to respect the rights of the South, 
 than our city and commonwealth. Whenever the question has 
 
26 FAXATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 been ftiirly presented to our people, a triumphant majority has 
 vindicated the rights secured by that great charter of liberty. 
 
 We have, hov/ever, amongst us a few individuals Avho are ex- 
 ceptions to the remark that I have made ; I mean that body of 
 men and women who have seo:re<iated top;cther under the Coo;no- 
 men of Abolitionists. Some 3'ears ago, at every successive guber- 
 natorial election they have voted an Abolition (or Lesmojne) 
 ticket. It never amounted, in the present consolidated city to 
 more than one hundred and forty-seven votes or thereabout. It 
 has not since increased in numerical strength. We have more 
 convicts in the Eastern Penitentiary than this number of Aboli- 
 tionists, and we might as well be called a convict community as 
 an Abolition community. These Abolitionists, though small in 
 number, are active and untiring in their treasonable eSbrts, and 
 they have recently, under the protection of the armed municipal 
 police, met together and promulgated the most abominable opin- 
 ions and sentiments. It is much to be regretted that the chief 
 magistrate of our city did not follow the example of his prede- 
 cessor and take efficient measures to suppress such meetings. 
 Such a course will alone prevent what must be the inevitable 
 result, an open violation of the peace and quiet of our city. 
 
 The South should understand our position. The people at 
 large have no power to prevent such emissaries as Wendell Phil- 
 lips and Giddings coming here and delivering abolition lectures — 
 they have no power to prevent the Rev. jMr. Furness and Mrs. 
 Lucretia Mott from disseminating their sceptical disunion doc- 
 trines ; but they have no part nor lot M'ith them, and can with 
 great propriety quote the language of Mr. Jeiferson, in his inau- 
 gural address, March 4, 1801 : — 
 
 "If there be any among us, who would wish to dissolve this 
 Union, or to change its republican form, let them stand undis- 
 turbed as monuments of the safety •with which error of opinion 
 may be tolerated, where reason is left free to combat it." 
 
 It is a source of pride and exultation that, in the recent crisis, 
 Pennsylvania has been true to herself and her sister State, Vir- 
 ginia. Her Chief Magistrate, Gov. Packer, has firmly and 
 promptly done his duty ; the border citizens of the Common- 
 wealth have with alacrity turned out and assisted in the capture 
 of the criminals, and, as far as we know at present, no citizen of 
 Pennsylvania was directly implicated in the insurrection at Har- 
 per's Ferry. I trust the South will understand our true position 
 and adopt no hasty measures. Whenever a majority of the 
 North shall endorse the incendiary projects of these abolitionists, 
 it v.'ill then be time enoufih for them to convene in council, and 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 27 
 
 gravely clellberate upon the proper measures to be adopted in the 
 event of such an emergency. 
 
 But the Harper's Ferry conspiracy has developed a great 
 moral truth, of more value to the tJnion than any event that has 
 occurred in this country since the adoption of the Federal consti- 
 tution. It is this, the slaves are happy and contented; they 
 desire no change ; hut least of all that change ^\hich the hypo- 
 crisy and malignity of abolitionism, at home and abroad, wish to 
 force upon them. We ask the British press abroad, and the 
 Abolition press at home, to feel and acknowledge the rebuke 
 which the slaves themselves have administered to the affected 
 benevolence and philanthrophy of these fanatics. Not a single 
 slave in A^irginia could be found who would rally around their 
 standard at Harper's Ferry, when Brown and his company had 
 undisputed possession of the United States Arsenal. This noble 
 exhibition of fidelity on the part of the slaves is grateful and 
 lionorable to the country. It will fasten more strongly the rela- 
 tive ties which bind together the interests of the master and the 
 slave, and it furnishes an indignant refutation of the base slan- 
 ders which have been so profusely lavished upon the slave popu- 
 lation of the South. 
 
 For what are we contending? I answer, the highest prize 
 ever drawn in the great lottery of human happiness; the perpe- 
 tuity of our Republic. 
 
 Eighty years ago, three millions of people erected the thir- 
 teen colonies into an independent nation. We have since in- 
 creased to thirty millions, and have become the wonder and 
 admiration of the world. We have been engaged in three 
 wars, and have come out of each with more credit than we 
 entered into it. We have augmented our territorial limits to an 
 almost immeasurable extent, and we hold not a foot of ground 
 which we have acquired by force. We have a land flowing with 
 milk and honey, in which our surplus crops soften and assuage the 
 evils of war, famine and pestdence in every part of the habitable 
 globe. Fifty years ago, the "Edinburgh Review" sarcastically 
 inquired, " Who reatis an American book ?" At this day, in 
 the arts, sciences and literature, we occupy no second rank to 
 any portion of the civilized world. And yet we have amongst 
 us turbulent and dissatisfied spirits, who desire to pull down this 
 noble fabric, and will rejoice over its ruins when that sad result 
 shall be realized. It would have been far better that Cornwallis 
 had never surrendered .at Yorktown, and that the experiment of 
 a free and enlightened people, governing themselves, had been 
 reserved until a later period in time, when it could have been 
 
28 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 tried under more auspicious circumstances. But I am not ■willing 
 to believe that either the North or the South are ready for a dis- 
 solution of the Union, and I conclude with repeating the senti- 
 ment expressed by the noble Decatur, at the dinner given to him 
 in this city after the capture of the Macedonian : 
 
 " Our country, — may she always be right. But our country, — 
 God bless her — right or wrong." 
 
 SPEECH OF ISAAC HAZLEIIURST, ESQ. 
 
 Mr. Hazlehurst said that he felt grateful for the opportunity 
 afforded him to re-afiirm his allegiance to the Union and the 
 Constitution. He would like successfully to invoke the patriotic 
 spirit which framed the one and adopted the other. The city 
 of the Constitution is well calculated to animate and encourage 
 generous impulses. As a Pennsylvanian, he felt proud to turn 
 to the record of his native State as showinf; that her allegiance 
 needed no affirmance. It had never been questioned. Her devo- 
 tion to the whole Union was as firmly fixed in the aff'ections of 
 her people, as were the mountains that stand around her valleys. 
 She has loved not only wisely, but well. Faithfully, but 
 silently. 
 
 I feel proud then, continued Mr. Hazlehurst, as a Pennsylva- 
 nian, to stand to-night in the centre of her commercial Metrop- 
 olis, to declare that this ancient Commonw^ealth has nothing to 
 repent of. Her truth to the Union and the Constitution has 
 been her only dower. A generous recognition of her favorite 
 policy might, it is true, have reflected from her noble rivers, 
 smiling villages, or robed her hillsides with happy families, but 
 no disappointment has ever chilled the ardor of her love, or 
 stifled one single impulse for the common weal. 
 
 And what, said Mr. Hazlehurst, is the Union ? It is not ter- 
 ritory — it is not a compulsory association held together by an 
 outside pressure ; but it is our country — in its constitutional 
 structure, proportioned like the columns of this mighty edifice, 
 giving and taking strength reciprocal, and making firm the whole 
 ■with grace and beauty, so that no part can be removed without 
 infringement of the general symmetry. 
 
 And while we re-aflirm our attachment to the Union and the 
 Constitution, let us not fail to condemn fanaticism — all fanati- 
 cism. In a country like this, embracing so many diversified 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 29 
 
 interests, we can say, truthfully, that fanaticism has no 
 special locality, nor is it confined by geographical limits. 
 Let i(s condemn it; let all condemn it. Should it breathe 
 treason to the Union and the Constitution, condemn it. Should 
 it set up conscience above the law, condemn it ; should it, 
 under the influence of a Avild and mad ambition, invade the 
 territory of a peaceful neighbor, condemn it — and more than all 
 condemn it, should it seek to prostrate the flag of our marine to 
 cover that commerce Avhose only tonnage is sighs and tears. By 
 so doing, we shall avoid those contentions among independent 
 sovereignties, which, like those among brothers, are " as the bars 
 of a castle." 
 
 Our path of duty, said Mr. Hazlehurst, is plain. Fidelity to 
 all sections, and at all times, and obedience to the constituted 
 authorities of the land, will make our Union perpetual. With 
 our Union as it is, and thorough fraternal feeling between its 
 various parts, we may present ourselves to the world as a grand 
 nationality, fostering its own labor, and developing its own re- 
 sources. 
 
 SPEECH OF ROBERT TYLER, ESQ. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Fellow Citizens : I shall only detain 
 you for a few brief moments. When the city of Phikulelphia 
 speaks, as it has done to-night, my feeble words, in comparison 
 with its powerful utterance, sink into insignificance. I accepted 
 your invitation to attend this meeting with alacrity, being de- 
 lighted to learn then, for the first time, that such a patriotic 
 movement was contemplated ; and I am happy to stand here, on 
 this occasion, and to be permitted to express the devoted attach- 
 ment I feel, in common with the sentiment entertained by the 
 thousands of respectable citizens gathered in this hall, for the 
 Constitution and Government of the United States. I can well 
 understand how it is a matter of profound astonishment with 
 many, and of bitter mortification to all present, that a real cause 
 should exist, demanding such a public demonstration on the part 
 of the merchants, and other loyal citizens of Philadelphia; but 
 all, I think, must admit this demonstration to be peculiarly ap- 
 propriate, under the circumstances, and even necessary. The 
 recent outrage perpetrated at Harper's Ferry, although restric- 
 ted by a merciful Providence to a comparatively limited amount 
 of positive mischief, has suddenly revealed to the eyes of tlie whole 
 country a startling condition of afiairs, which must be met and 
 managed with promptitude and success. At first but little im- 
 
30 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 portance was attached hj the public mind to an act wliich was 
 supposed to have been the special work of a few crazj monomo- 
 niacs ; but it was soon made to appear, in the most unexpected 
 and offensive manner, that the criminality of the brutal and 
 bloodj conduct of the murderer Brown, and his wretched asso- 
 ciates, was not confined to those who have already felt, or who 
 are soon to experience, the swift and sure penalty of the violated 
 laws. It is now plainly to be seen that the open violence of a few 
 hardened malefactors, has served, and fortunately served to lay 
 bare a most formidable conspiracy, whose double object it has been 
 and is to effect, if possible, the subversion of the Union and the de- 
 struction of the sacred truths of the Christian religion, by the plau- 
 sible, though vicious pretences of an abolition philanthropy. I pro- 
 nounce this conspiracy to be a formidable one, because its wicked 
 and insolent organization has been found to extend, with greater 
 or less effect, throughout the States of the North and the West ; 
 and because, even here in our midst, in this city where our noble 
 republican government had its birth, and which should forever 
 remain unstained by such pollution, its clamorous agents and 
 emissaries have dared to insult the community by croaking 
 their hoarse treason in our streets. I also pronounce its philan- 
 thropic assumptions to be mere false pretences to serve its de- 
 testable objects, because it would substitute a political anti-slavery 
 idea of disunion and insurrectionary horrors in the place of all 
 calm statesmanship and sincere patriotism ; and because, going 
 much farther in folly and crime, it would make a hero a martyr, 
 and even a descended Deity, of a man whose bad passions, while 
 pursuing unlawful courses, impelled him' voluntarily to desert the 
 natural obligations due to his neglected family, whose savage 
 heart took a reckless pleasure in scenes of fraternal strife and 
 bloodshed, and whose soul, blackened with many terrible crimes, 
 ventured into the awful presence of God, sustained to the last, 
 by the unhallowed egotism of an impious self-righteousness, with- 
 out the slightest indication of a becoming sense of humility, and 
 without a single thought of penitence or remorse. Thus formid- 
 able in numbers, and thus monstrous in impiety, this conspiracy 
 must be powerfully encountered, and at once subdued. It is, 
 therefore, your dut}^, and doubtless, you have so felt it to be, to 
 confront with the solid influence of a stern and implacable moral 
 power now, when the strong hand of physical supremacy is not 
 yet needed, these treacherous machinations against our free and 
 glorious government, against the holy inspirations of our relig- 
 ion, and the principles of civilized society. And it is eminently 
 proper that the voices of an overwhelming majority of our peo- 
 
TATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 31 
 
 pie should bo spontaneously raised at this time, in general and 
 emphatic condemnation of the acts and intentions of the Aboli- 
 tion plotters, and in cordial and respectful recognition of the 
 claims of Virginia to our fraternal sympathies and support. 
 
 I am aware, fellow-citizens, that this is an assemblage of con- 
 servative men of all parties, and although my political opinions 
 are those of an humble member of the National Democratic party, 
 I am perfectly conscious that it would not be consistent with 
 strict propriety or with good taste, to attempt to occupy your 
 attention with observations suggested, no matter how naturally, 
 by partizan inclinations or exclusive party views. I trust I may 
 venture to say, however, without oifence, that the party with 
 which I have the honor to be connected has ever been, and is 
 now, a national party, and that it is willing and anxious to co- 
 operate in the common necessities of the country with the true 
 friends of our Constitutional Union, wherever they may be found ; 
 and that it reckons as its foes all those, let their professions be 
 what they may, who would sacrifice the Constitution first and 
 the Union next, to the licentious domination of a sectional Abo- 
 lition majority. It is quite certain, fellow-citizens, that a new 
 phase in our history has now presented itself. This is the first 
 occasion that a public meeting has ever been held to disavow the 
 acts of those who have claimed the right to levy war upon a State 
 of the Union, for the purpose of confiscating private property 
 and subverting its institutions, as well as to disavow the motives 
 of those who have countenanced such a scheme. And the Ques- 
 tion now pressing itself upon our earnest consideration is not so 
 much with the past as with the present and the future. The pre- 
 sent is taking care of itself — for we have all met here on neutral 
 ground, to rebuke treason and faction, open and covert. And, 
 for the future, let us pledge ourselves, with an immovable will, 
 to cultivate a broad and generous sentiment of nationality, and 
 to defend the wise institutions of our fathers against all treason- 
 able encroachments, whether from infidel, fanatic or demago'T^ue. 
 It is said and believed by many that the Union is in great danger. 
 It may have been in danger a month or two ago, but it is no 
 longer so. The people of the North begin to feel that the ques- 
 tion of the preservation of the public peace, and the perpetuity 
 of the Government rest mainly in their hands, and they are 
 equal to their responsibilities. The great mass of the business 
 men of the country, while engaged in their absorbing industrial 
 pursuits, may drift unreflectingly in the current of party politics 
 up to a certain point, but they will never consent to be drawn 
 into the whirlpool beyond, of intestine discord and anarchy. It 
 
82 FANATICISM REBUKED, IX THE 
 
 is absurd to suppose that our people will not break through all the 
 ordinary restraints of party names, and cease to be controlled by 
 old associations of persons and leaderships, when they may have 
 once discovered the threatening exigencies of their situation, and 
 the attempted impositions of false political prophets. This meet- 
 ing is a convincing proof of this fact. Without regard to old 
 party affiliations, the merchants and business men of this city 
 have rushed eagerly into it, to respond to a sentiment of nation- 
 ality and perpetual union, in the name and spirit, not of any 
 political party or of any section, but simply in the name and 
 spirit of the Constitution of the United States. No ! the Union 
 no longer trembles in the balance ! Heaven has marked its be- 
 neficence towards our country on more occasions than one ; and 
 the criminal foray of old John Brown and his followers has proved 
 the " open sesame " of our security, by evolving a secret plot 
 against our institutions, which will now be easily crushed, but 
 which, if it had been still longer concealed, might have grown 
 into a very dragon of destructiveness. Henceforth I predict 
 that the pulpit infidels and abolition fanatics, and their sympa- 
 thisers, may rave in vain. They are already disarmed and pow- 
 erless. And if there be demagogue politicians, who would lead 
 a sectional abolition mob to the high places of power, under a 
 broken government, at the expense of the memories and the 
 works of Washington and Henry, of Jefferson and Hamilton, of 
 Madison and Adams, and all that bright host of worthies who 
 achieved our independence with their swords and their pens, and 
 Avho organized real freedom never before known in all the ages, 
 in our governmental system of sovereign States and Federal 
 delegated authority ; a government harmonious in all its propor- 
 tions ; just and generous in its distribution of rights and duties ; 
 severely logical in all the relations of its fundamental princi- 
 ples ; yet so flexible as easily to admit of all rational, social de- 
 velopments — if there be such, I say, let them learn that the peo- 
 ple in their quiet indignation will strip them at the ballot-box of 
 all honor and power, and consign them to that disgrace from 
 which obscurity itself will not relieve them. I perceive plainly, 
 fellow-citizens, that your grand demonstration will be now emu- 
 lated in all directions. The whole country will now speak out. 
 The cause of the Union will become everywhere the only test of 
 true American patriotism, and the sterling rule of common sense 
 in politics ; and every humanitarian anti-slavery conception hos- 
 tile to the compromises of the Constitution and provocative of 
 public disorders, will be trod under foot as worthless and spuri- 
 ous. Be well assured that, when every sectional abolitionist 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 33 
 
 politician, "whether knave, fanatic, or traitor, shall have sunk into 
 dishonorable graves, the flag of our own free government ^vill 
 continue to wave over the heads of an united people. 
 
 SPEECH OF ELI K. TRICE, ESQ. 
 
 Mr. Price said: 
 
 My invitation here was not to speak, but to act as an officer 
 of the meeting, vet I see this evening my name announced among 
 the intended speakers. I only speak that it may not be inferred 
 that I am not hearty in the purpose of this gathering. 
 
 It is the duty of every good citizen, in some way, to express 
 his opinion in reprobation of the crime that has astounded the 
 country, and to express the estimate in which he holds the Con- 
 stitution that makes our people a great nation. 
 
 It has been the painful experience of many of us, for years 
 past, to observe a diminished regard for that instrument which 
 we should regard as sacred ; for it was the work of true patriots ; 
 it preserves the peace of the country, secures the property of 
 every citizen, and makes us respected among the nations. 
 
 The questions of slavery, which we now discuss, were all dis- 
 cussed in the convention that framed the Constitution. They 
 were thon compromised, and should have been taken as there for- 
 ever settled. It was then necessarily a question of a union with 
 States holding slaves in the south, or of no Union. It was better 
 to have the Union, although slavery should continue to exist in 
 the south. To this union alone do we owe all that has made us 
 a great nation — our peace, our prosperity, our prestige, and all 
 the glory of our past history. To this we owe our security against 
 foreign conquests, and our exemption from border wars, and 
 heavy domestic burdens. 
 
 Dissolve this Union, and we must prepare to arm our citizens, 
 and make each State, or few States, a nation of soldiers, to be 
 its police and to guard its frontiers. Our borders must then be 
 lined with fortifications, custom houses, and revenue collectors 
 and soldiers. Oar merchants and manufacturers would then pay 
 in duties all that they now enjoy in profits, in carrying on the 
 trade that now passes free of duty among these States. These 
 imposts would be required to pay armies to collect and guard the 
 revenues, and armies to protect us and fight our battles. 
 
 Are we prepared to make this change because fanatics of ex- 
 treme views will persist in disturbing the peace of the country ? 
 3 
 
34: FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 These, and all, should learn to practice a becoming and consti- 
 tutional deportment toward all their fellow-citizens of all parts 
 of the country ; learn to live in a fraternal and hospitable man- 
 ner with all those who owe allegiance to the common Constitu- 
 tion ; and should cherish and revere it with more than the 
 loyalty of subjects to their sovereign. It is our sovereign with- 
 out mortal frailty. It should have a life everlasting. 
 
 The Constitution intends that we of any one State should 
 leave to the citizens of every other State the exclusive duty of 
 reforming their own institutions. If we desire to proffer our 
 advice, it can only be done as one gentleman may do to another 
 gentleman, or as one Christian may do to another Christian ; 
 that is, to advise when our advice is asked, to speak when we 
 shall be heard, and then we may persuade and convince ; but 
 never, assuredly, when our advice is not welcome, much less when 
 we abuse or commit violence. May the friends of peace then, 
 never forget what they owe to the Constitution, wdiat they owe 
 to their brethren of all sections of our beloved country, and what 
 we owe to philanthropy and religion, which never can be ad- 
 vanced but by kindness and love, and a fraternal spirit. If they 
 are true to duty and patriotism they will never countenance a 
 fanaticism which strikes at the security of all law, all protection 
 of property, and of life, and the best welfare of those whom they 
 would desire to benefit. An extended servile insurrection, after 
 its first outrages, would be certain death to all insurgents. All 
 progress in reforms should be made under the forms and security 
 of law, and with that time, steadiness, justice, and security by 
 which an Almighty Providence shapes events. 
 
 SPEECH OF BENJAMIN H. BREWSTER, ESQ. 
 
 Benjamin H. Brewster, Esq., was next introduced, and re- 
 ceived with three cheers and a " tiger." He remarked : 
 
 After all that has been said, it is hardly necessary for me to 
 add more than a few practical reflections. 
 
 The extraordinary character of the occasion that has obliged us 
 to meet here, warns me that this subject should be treated in a 
 cool and calm spirit of comment. The purpose we have in view 
 rises far above all lower considerations. Heat or violence would 
 frustrate our intentions and expose us to just censure. It is a 
 shame that we have been brought to this pass. The fermenting 
 elements of political contention have, by their excess, inflicted 
 this sad scandal upon us ; the fanatical denunciations of rash and 
 
TATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 6o 
 
 designing men have prompted others to deeds of sorrow, which 
 we meet here to reprobate. 
 
 For one, I do not believe tliat this Union has been, or ever 
 will be, in danger from any such cause. The people of this 
 country, both North and South, will never cast away their Con- 
 stitution at the bidding of zealots or fanatics. In the ordinary 
 course of public affairs — in the common current of political ac- 
 tion — parties and factions lash each other into petty tempests; 
 hut down in the depths of the great popular flood, there is a 
 power and a will that can subdue and overwhelm th6 lawless. 
 Even now, the men who have roused the wild elements of servile 
 war and murder, who have profanely taught others that it was a 
 holy thing to arm the servant against his master, and that it v.-as 
 a lawful thing to rob and plunder, stand abashed and trembling 
 before the bar of public judgment. Whenever the emergency 
 shall arise, the people of this country will tear down all party 
 barriers, trample them in the dust, and, with the loyalty of Amer- 
 ican manhood, stand up for their country, the whole country — 
 from Maine to California, from Oregon to Florida. Our Union 
 was the work of men wise in their generation. It was founded 
 to shelter an empire under the protection of law. As it was the 
 product of faith and wisdom, so will it survive, upheld by the 
 same faith and guarded by the same Almighty wisdom. 
 
 No man at the North supposes that the angry threats of par- 
 tizans at the South are the established opinions of their people, 
 or that the few adventurers who start from their shores to invade 
 foreign countries on predatory raids, are countenanced and sus- 
 tained there ; or that the bold attempt to override the law and 
 re-establish the slave-trade is prompted by the public judgment. 
 We know here, full well, that these are all the excesses of angry, 
 lawless, and thoughtless men. And they must know, — and if 
 they doubt, this and like meetings will convince them — that we 
 of the North are loyal to the Constitution, and vail uphold the 
 law and punish evil doers. Southern men want no foreign ter- 
 ritory snatched from its allegiance by American invaders; they 
 do not want it, as it will bring its own curse. They want no 
 hordes of savages from Africa scattered over their lands, to be a 
 terror and not a help. They want no new confederacy at the 
 cost of the old Union, to sunder all ties of blood and common 
 history — to break down the grand citadel of free government, 
 which we and they have together erected to perpetuate our lib- 
 erties and stand a landmark to the human race. 
 
 For my part, I have no scruples upon this subject of domestic 
 slavery. Any man who will think for a minute, will smile at the 
 
36 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 exaggerated opinions of those who give their days and nights to 
 its condemnation. Ever since the English first planted it in this 
 country, it has been, and still is, where it most exists, a necessity; 
 for how, without such help, could the early settlers have subdued 
 this savage wilderness, and cleared the way for the free white 
 man ? It is now a social necessity ; for how can the Southern 
 men, if they wished it, rid themselves of this race of needy and 
 thriftless people ? It would be a pitiless act of wanton barbarity 
 to cast them loose upon their own resources, and it would be a 
 wild act of self-slaughter for the whites to liberate them. It is 
 a commercial necessity; for by their labor do we produce our 
 great staple cotton, with which vre command the markets of the 
 world, and by which alone we have maintained peace with other 
 nations, and hindered their rulers from inflicting upon us those 
 injuries that would have retarded our growth and suppressed our 
 national greatness. 
 
 The aristocratic governments of Europe have suffered from 
 the moral influence of our example; and, as a counter-blow, they 
 v>'ho first sent us the negro, now reproach us with his condition. 
 They would incite discord here, and prejudice us v.'ith their mis- 
 governed people. But above all, it is a political necessity ; and 
 by that necessity we are bound, if we wish to enjoy the benefits 
 of our common Constitution. Our general government is a great 
 corporation, as Chief Justice Marshall styled it, of defined and 
 limited powers. Our State governments are absolute democratic 
 sovereignties, except so far as they are restrained by their con- 
 cessions to the general Constitution. What man can place his 
 finger upon a line of that Constitution that bestows the po^Yer to 
 regulate this question of domestic servitude within the States ? 
 And who that ever read it does not know that it stipulates to re- 
 store all fugitives from labor, and recognizes the condition of 
 servitude, and binds us all, citizens and States, to protect such 
 property for their owners ? 
 
 If we intend to live within the Constitution, and enjoy its 
 benefits, we must, as honest men, uphold its engagements ; and, 
 for one, I believe that there is no folly or excess that Congress 
 can commit, or the general government sanction, that the Con- 
 stitution does not provide an abundant help and protection for. 
 We need dread no headlong ruin while we live within the forms 
 of law. The legislature may wander in the heat of political ex- 
 citement, but the firm, just hand of the law, declared by its 
 judges, will blot out the black lines that record a despotic will, 
 and proclaim, with a clear voice, the constitutional rights of free 
 sovereignties and the constitutional duties of our general legisla- 
 ture. 
 
PATRIOTISM OP THE KEYSTONE STATE. 37 
 
 Within the forms of law "we are safe ; beyond them we are in 
 ruins. What men could ever boar with sucli tyranny, — what na- 
 tion could ever exist, when one part of it encouraire and set on 
 their fanatical instruments to invade and desolate the other with 
 fire and fagot, sword and slaughter, with rapine and murder ? 
 And yet that has been the act of the misguided and misguiding, 
 who have excited the wickedness we have here assembled to cen- 
 sure and deplore. 
 
 The law is that which puts a difference betwixt good and evil, 
 between just and unjust. If you take away the law, all things 
 will fall into confusion. Every man will become a law to him- 
 self, which, in the depraved condition of human nature, must 
 needs produce many enormities. Lust will become a law, and 
 envy will become a law ; covetousness and ambition will become 
 laws. — {Pynis Speech^ Trial of Stafford^ State Trials.) 
 
 Jared Ingersoll, Esq., next made a speech, urging the neces- 
 sity of fidelity to the Constitution and the Union. He referred to 
 the traveling abolition lecturers, and particularly to Wendell Phil- 
 lips, who ought, he said, to be arrested as a traveling vagabond. 
 (Applause.) Those who do not concur in the sentiments of these 
 abolitionists, should attend their lectures and hiss them down. 
 
 SPEECH OF CHARLES INGERSOLL, ESQ. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and fellow-citizens : The wonder ought to 
 be, not that this vast multitude that I see before me rocking and 
 swaying to and fro, for want of space to stand on, is assembled, 
 but that we should be wanted — that a meeting should be called 
 for — that there should be any need of us here — that when the 
 Constitution of the United States, which ought to be immortal, 
 is hardly turned seventy years, this huge dense mass of crowded 
 men, with anxious faces, should be collected to say that the Con- 
 stitution and Union of these States, the legacy of our fathers, 
 and the most precious that ever was bequeathed by man, is worth 
 preserving, and shall be preserved ; that we mean to stand by 
 it; that, forsooth, we will not see our institutions torn to tatters, 
 and burnt and trampled upon by the vilest, and at the same time 
 the smallest, and who ouo;ht to be the most insisnificant and 
 powerless pack of miserable incendiaries who ever aspired to the 
 ruin of anything — fellows who are just up to burning a few barns, 
 which I understand they have lately been doing ; but who really, 
 as conspirators against their country can hardly be conceived — 
 
38 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 and any danger at all from whose rascally endeavors, if we did 
 not see, we would not be able to believe. But seeing is believ- 
 ing ! And here is the country in confusion, and these baffled 
 miscreants pestering us with their prayers to spare the lives of 
 their friends, aud stunning Avith their curses and denunciations, 
 at the same time, our southern brethren, and all the north, too, 
 that is not possessed of this one idea, of a crusade against negro 
 shivery. Now, fellow-citizens, I will say in regard to the politi- 
 cal relations between the north and south a single word. We 
 have the majority, fellow-citizens, we are more numerous than 
 they; we have more, people, and consequently more votes — 
 which yet, thank God, are the only legitimate basis of power — 
 than they have, in the Congress that sits at Washington, and 
 which, under the Constitution, is the judge between us if we 
 differ upon the policy and measures of the Union, large or small, 
 and they are bound to yield to us, in all cases arising under the 
 Constitution, when we ask and assert for ourselves no more than 
 the Constitution gives to the preponderating vote — and which 
 vote, and the privileges that belong to it, in shaping the 
 course of the Union, I say, and am ready to insist, we ought 
 to exercise more freely and largely than ever it has been 
 exercised, since the organization of the government — when 
 Congress first met in the City of New York. I say we have 
 failed to ourselves — we of the northern portion of the Confede- 
 racy — in not asserting more fully than we ever yet have asserted, 
 the due and lawful privileges that belong to the majority; and I 
 say, too, if we had asserted them, as we ought, from the begin- 
 ning, and were now asserting them, wiTniN the Constitution, our 
 southern friends would ever have been, and would this day be 
 content and uncomplaining. Mark me, I do not mean that the 
 majority in these States, a confederacy of independent sovereign- 
 ties, would be warranted in pushing their predomination over 
 the minority to the point to which, reasonably, it might be pushed 
 in a government as governments are commonly framed, and 
 where their institutions are centralized, and purely national, as 
 we see them in the rest of the world. There is an obvious, and 
 ever to be respected difference between that case and ours ; and 
 it could not with impunity be overlooked. But it is a truth, 
 gentlemen, which cannot be denied, that the marrow of the dij6&- 
 culty is now, whatever it may have been formerly, on questions 
 of tariffs and others on which sectional differences among us first 
 sprung up, that we are no longer loitliin the Constitution — party 
 spirit has got clean outside of it. And this, fellow-citizens, this 
 is the circumstance of which the abolition fanatics have availed 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 39 
 
 themselves to make their efTorts, ^vhich otlierwise would be so 
 puny, so absolutely contemptible — of such importance, that it 
 has been thought well — nay, really and truly necessary, to 
 call together the people, the primary people, as they used to 
 assemble in the democracies of heroic Greece, and which were 
 addressed by rather different mettle from the best that comes to 
 inspire and fortify us now-a-days — to utter their warning voice 
 of thunder against the heresies of some of those who are among 
 us, and against the dangers that are thought to impend, and 
 which — for let us not flatter ourselves — do actually impend over 
 us all. 
 
 Now, this is not the time and place to comment upon consti- 
 tutional questions, to discuss points of policy, or political justice 
 in the abstract, therefore let me ask your attention, for a few 
 minutes, to things that are practical, and so plain as to be before 
 every man's eyes ; and which, as I understand it, are what we 
 are met to look at and insist on. 
 
 That the people of the United States, fellow-citizens, must 
 live under the Constitution of the Union, or have no life, is 
 and must be clear to the dullest perception. It may be, 
 for aught I know, better for the South to submit to see their 
 rights in their slaves guarantied to them by the Constitu- 
 tion, violated, than to go out of the Union; but will the South 
 think so ? If your person is insulted, or your property trespassed 
 on, it would be, as a matter of calculation, or even of Christian 
 spirit, perhaps, a great deal better not to peril your person and 
 estate to right or avenge yourself; but you would right or 
 avenge yourself for all that. I hold it to be too plain to be 
 talked about, that if this anii-slavery madness goes on, the 
 Union must be dissolved. And what will be the consequence of 
 that, good citizens of Philadelphia ? Why, in the first place, the 
 problem of self-government is settled. The dissolution of this 
 Union, should it be dissolved on the question of this slavery 
 bubble. — which is, as it is made and now stands, and is pressed 
 by the extremists, and who are in danger of becoming the lead- 
 ers, an affair of faction, of sheer faction, every jot as much as 
 the green and blue faction were at Constantinople in the days 
 of the Lower Empire. I say the present dissolution of this 
 Union of happy States, happy in an unparalleled prosperity, 
 without one drawback of any kind, may, and must, and 
 ought to satisfy the most passionate lover of liberty — and 
 none, I hope, adore that bright goddess with a purer worship 
 than yours and mine — that we are not fit for self-government, 
 that men — we like all the rest — must have crowns, sceptres, 
 
40 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 and priv;]e<^e(l classes to keep things together; combinations 
 possessed with a stronger interest, it would then appear, in the 
 common welfare, and more steady and tenacious than the people 
 themselves. It would be rashness to deny that our capacity for 
 self-government is a problem that we are now solving, which is 
 not yet solved, and which, with the dissolution of the Union, is 
 solved once and forever— solved in darkness and despair— solved, 
 not as Washington and Franklin meant, but in the full sense of 
 the aristocracies of the Old World, which are even now, in the 
 flush of eager hope, watching our differences and praying for the 
 soul of John Brown! Keeping the Union together? Why, 
 fellow-citizens, that is but the A B C of our political spelling 
 book ! If we cannot do that, what can we do ? How should 
 we be fit to govern, to navigate ourselves amid the shoals of 
 policy, if we have not sense enough to keep our heads out of 
 the fire ? What do you take to be this thing so familiarly 
 talked about, and which is called by such a quiet name as 
 dissolution of the Union, as if it were the dissolution, by mutual 
 consent, of one of your Market street houses ? No ! with the 
 termination of our partnership, comes the same day, civil war, 
 and that the wildest and most tremendous the world ever saw, for 
 even civil war has its degrees of comparison. How are we to 
 settle? Who is to take this, and who to keep that? Look at 
 the map, and you will see what we are going to do — you will 
 see that our territorial separations throughout the entire United 
 States have been made, for the most part, not in natural bound- 
 aries, not by deep rivers and high mountains, but by the sur- 
 veyor's line — by lines not so much as visible to the eye — so that 
 the farmers of Pennsylvania, and of this State of Virginia of 
 which we speak to-night, in driving the peaceful plow, have their 
 fields one half in the Keystone State and the other in the Old Do- 
 minion, and actually do not know in which of the two it is their 
 corn is to grow. Why, fellow-citizens, Ave ndjoin six States — 
 New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Ohio, and New York, 
 and excepting in the instance of our Jersey friends, from whom 
 we are divided by the river Delaware, we are indebted for all 
 our separation and demarcation of territory to the surveyor, to a 
 line of blazed trees — a very good one for folks of the same family, 
 ■who can sleep in the same bed — but who ever heard of rival nations 
 agreeing on such lines, without first fighting about it ? If these 
 States do not hold together as friends, every tiling is to be fought 
 for by the bitterest enemies ; for such avc are, when we cease to be 
 united. In this new country of ours, where Nature is yet so little 
 changed by the artifice of man ; where we have scarce scratched 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 41 
 
 the surface of the mighty earth ; where in real truth our map 
 remains to be made, territorial questions alone, but for the Union, 
 would take centuries to settle ; and the ira fratriim, the war 
 among divided brothers, would not leave it a question of North and 
 South at all, though the quarrel and dissolution might be on that, 
 but a war which must be national chaos, in which it would be just 
 as impossible to predict limits and borders — what would be Penn- 
 sylvania, or New York, or Virginia, when the war was over — as 
 it is to tell, when you dash down a vessel of glass, of what size 
 and shapft the fragments will be. A civil Avar, I say again, in 
 Avhich the same families, same blood, race, language, the same 
 habits and manners, fought out their internecine controversy, 
 would be, in point of terror, such a one as this v.'orld never yet has 
 witnessed. They have had civil wars in England. The King and 
 Parliament, or perhaps two dynasties, fought for power ; and the 
 people took side with one or the other, and when the quarrel was 
 healed with a truce or a peace, or a King's head Avas chopped off at 
 Whitehall, or a great man privately murdered in a castle, the 
 people Avere good friends again. Sussex had not quarreled Avith 
 Kent, nor Lincolnshire Avith Middlesex. The country had not 
 quarreled Avith itself, one part with another. And so it was in 
 France, when the King and Parliament of Paris came to bloAvs. 
 In Germany they had civil war, somewhat on the scale that 
 ours, when it comes, must be. There they fought, one part of 
 the country against the other — the Catholic land against the 
 Protestant. Austria, Bavaria, and so on, which adhered to the 
 Church, against Saxony, Brandenburg and the others that followed 
 Luther. That is, the people were in it ; it Avas not a question for 
 the great only, for ambitious or discontented leaders, but the na- 
 tion went to it in good earnest, and Germany was broken up never 
 to be put together again. The strongest country of Europe, the 
 modern representative of the conquering Goths, lost forever its 
 place at the head of the family of nations. Our Avar, my friends, 
 would be like that of the Germans, with this difference : That 
 they had to tear up an old country that Avould tear, that had 
 places marked to tear, whose territories were separated, not only 
 by rivers and chains of mountains, but by the Avork of man 
 and the hand of time, by varying dialects and differences of man- 
 ners, which made the dissolution of their union comparatively 
 an easy thing, so that, after thirty years of fighting, sacking, 
 and devastation, so aAvful in its sort, that ours alone could par- 
 allel or surpass it, they came to a separation and a peace. I can 
 understand that, at the end of our thirty years war — to suppose 
 it lasted no longer — Pennsylvania should have conquered or 
 
42 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 been conquered bj some of the neigliboring States, between whicli 
 and us Mason and Dixon, or some other measurers of the ground 
 have drawn a line to be fought for; but let the political 
 philcsaphers who doctor the Union tell you, if they can, how it 
 is to be that after the Union is dissolved, and our lines have been 
 fought for and fixed, they are to be respected, without a triple 
 row of fortresses to keep them. 
 
 And now, fellow citizens, an opinion not as apolitical doctor, 
 but a mere lawyer, perhaps not a very learned one, but still able 
 to flatter myself that I can give you a hint which may be more 
 or less useful, even on so important a question as this, of the 
 preservation of the Union. Poison is dangerous ; if it is about 
 it gets into the system, we can hardly tell how. By absorp- 
 tion, perhaps, or it may be by some modern electric influ- 
 ence, but the how matters not, such is the ascertained fact. 
 And here in Philadelphia, on the occasion of the departure of 
 the sainted spirit of John Brown, we have been invaded, for the 
 first time, in any force, by the abolition lecturers, peripatetics, 
 who have vended and uttered their doses in our midst, in a man- 
 ner which, considering that no community, however virtuous, is 
 poison proof, and that there are people, of both sexes, who can 
 be induced to swallow almost anything, is more or less danger- 
 ous ; and they ought to be stopped in this, the beginning of their 
 career of mischief. Now, give me leave to inform you, it is a 
 settled rule of law, that any person going to a public exhibi- 
 tion, be it a playhouse, or lecture, or meeting like yours to-night 
 — or any public gathering, no matter what, is at perfect liberty to 
 express aloud his approbation or disapprobation of what he 
 hears from the stage or rostrum. If I gave utterance, in your 
 presence here, to a sentiment which was distasteful to you, 
 you would interrupt me and say so on the spot, and put me down 
 W"ith a storm of hisses, if my sentiments were unworthy and 
 shocking. And this is your right, by well established law. If I 
 am called on to cite my precedents I would refer you to, among 
 other cases, that of what were called the 0. P. riots at Covent 
 Garden Theatre, in London, where it was held by the stiff-backed 
 judges of aristocratic England, that while the law would not 
 countenance conspiracies, hissing was just as lawful and per- 
 missible as applause. Strange it would be, were it otherwise. 
 What, then — if you may hiss a player that forgets his part, or a 
 singer that makes a false note — should be the reception, in this 
 still decent and uncontaminated community, of those fanatical 
 vagabonds who come here among us, preaching sedition, who de- 
 nounce our Saviour, curse the name of Washington, and exalt as 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 43 
 
 ■worthy of our prayers and benedictions, condemned felons, mur- 
 derers and traitors ? Who open their mouths only to pour forth 
 blasphemies too horrible to think of! Is the most atrocious lan- 
 guage that ever fell before a public audience from the mouth of 
 man to pass, because the fellow that utters it, styles it his plat- 
 form, his doctrine, his creed, sets himself up for a teacher or 
 preacher, and calls it religion or politics ? The next time these 
 "wicked fools — enemies of God and man, bigots, who, it is no ex- 
 aggeration to say, expect God as Avell as man to conform to 
 their OAvn one idea, and that a vile one — present themselves be- 
 fore the public for their voices, why, fellow citizens, let them 
 have them ! ! 
 
 With regard to what has been spoken of to-night, the conduct 
 of the Mayor, and his view of his dut}^ on the occasion of the 
 recent infidel effervescence at, I do not know what hall, to 
 which he sent a police force to prevent disturbance, — a single 
 word. I have a perfect respect for Mr. Henry ; from all I hear 
 or know of him I doubt not he is a conscientious ofiicer, and I 
 feel sure he is a gentleman of honor and intelligence. But he has 
 made, what is called in the courts, a mistake of laiv. I do not 
 believe he mistook the facts. He, no doubt, thought of them as 
 every good man must ; and he mistook the line of his duty, be- 
 cause he mistook the laiv. His business was to prevent a riot, 
 and to do that he is bound to go back to the beginning, and lay 
 his hand of power upon the party, whether a croAvd or single in- 
 dividual that first commences or incites to the riot. Tell me, 
 then, when one of these animals has come among us to splash 
 with his venom all that is sacred, whether it is he or his in- 
 dignant audience that incites to the riot which arises. W^ho be- 
 gins — who makes it ? Who should be interfered with, in order 
 to the restoration of law and order ? If the Mayor were here 
 now, and I suddenly broke off on the course of what I am say- 
 ing, and fell to "cursing like a very drab," and you cried down 
 with him, what would the Mayor do, — take me off the stage, or 
 turn you out of the room ? I need not enlarge on it, the May- 
 or's duty was a plain one. lie ought to have closed the doors 
 against them, when these infidel agitators offered to come and 
 address us, and not have lent his aid to obtain for them a quiet 
 hearing. As to the Pennsylvania Acts of Assembly on the sub- 
 ject of public meetings, I pledge myself that no lawyer who 
 reads them will hesitate to say that the}' are simply, and nothing 
 at all more than what is called among lawyers a re-enactment of 
 the common law. They leave the law exactly where they found 
 it ; and that is, gentlemen, as I have stated it to you. 
 
44 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 A vrord in conclusion. State pride, fellow citizens, is a very 
 good thino:, and the States of this Union are very respectable 
 commonwealths. Pennsylvania is respectable, so is Virginia, so 
 is Wassnchusetts : but without the Union, after the dissolution of 
 it, let me tell you, you would be much more comfortable, and 
 find yourselves living in a much more respectable country in any 
 ))urt of Europe than in Pennsylvania, Virginia or Massachusetts. 
 It is not Pennsylvania you are indebted to, and which makes you 
 what you are. It is the government of the United States — the 
 Union of the States — this Union which is preached and cursed 
 at, and which we, fellow citizens, come here to night to say we 
 mean to stand by. If you were on any distant shore, the shores 
 of Europe or Asia, or anywhere else out of the country, and 
 told people you were a Pennsylvanian, or a Virginian, they 
 would not know what you meant, or where you came from. You 
 would be obliged to show on the map where it was you lived. 
 But point to the flag of the Union, and it will see you safe and 
 honored round the world. It is the poverty of patriotism, fel- 
 low citizens, when a man's soul is pinched into its State or its 
 village, and can't expand itself to the limits of his country. 
 Who is there so narrow and niggardly that his heart don't beat 
 for his whole country ? Fellow citizens, let us go for the Union, 
 there our debt lies, for, I tell you, that when it is no more, when 
 it is dissolved, the very names of Pennsylvania and Virginia 
 will be forgotten ; and dissolved it will be, when the day comes 
 that sees — I will not say the John Brown family have their way, 
 for they are too small — but that sees with indifference, that sees 
 without interfering actively to put them down, the machinations 
 of these men who are engaged, hitherto with impunity, in tear- 
 ing down a government which, if it comes to the end to which 
 they would bring it, is the last serious Republican experiment the 
 world will see. 
 
 SPEECH OF COL. JAMES PAGE. 
 
 Col, Page said : I came here to-night with no desire to speak, 
 but for the purpose of endorsing what the meeting did — to enrol 
 mj'self on the side of law and order, to enlist under the stars and 
 stripes, in opposition to the black flag of abolitionism wherever 
 found, and to avow my readiness to strike down traitors. Ours 
 is not a government of force ; it is a government of opinion. Its 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 45 
 
 strength is in the people. By public opinion it is to stand or 
 fall. Once permit this source of its power to he poisoned and 
 perverted, it becomes a rope of sand, and the slightest touch will 
 crumble it to pieces. For years fanatics and traitors have been 
 at Avork to undermine and destroy the fair temple of American 
 liberty, presuming too much upon the patience of the people. It 
 is not enough for us to express, at this time, merely disapproba- 
 tion of their acts. It is our place and duty, here and now, to 
 denounce all enemies to the peace and safety of society, the 
 Union, and the laws, wherever met, whether in high or low 
 places, in the press or from the platform, in the halls of legisla- 
 tion or the pulpits of our churches. Let all such be the scorn 
 and reproach of the present age, and the condemned of posterity. 
 Let us do more ; let us roll back the waves of sedition, treason, 
 murder, and insurrection that these fanatics in our midst have 
 set in motion. Let there be no sympathy with or for abolition- 
 ists of the John Brown stamp ; but let them, wherever found, be 
 leo-ally condemned, and hung as high as Ilaraan. The only error 
 committed by Virginia was in not shooting them down on the 
 spot, sparing not a man. Those who teach " bloody instruction " 
 should be made to feel and suiTer its horrors, v,hether by the 
 torch of the incendiary or the pike of the assassin. The active 
 in stirring up the embers of civil strife should beware, lest they 
 reach a point where forbearance ceases to be a virtue, and they 
 invoke the shield of that law and the power of that government 
 which, in their folly and madness, they derided. For my own 
 part, I sympathize with none such ; but abhor them from my in- 
 most soul. They are the curse of the negro and the foe of the 
 white man; false alike to their country and their God; abound- 
 ing in idle, theoretical, but destitute of all real and practical char- 
 ity. They will give you hypocritical groans, and prayers, and 
 tears ; but when the plate goes round, no money. Tlie Gospel 
 insurrection, which they give out, in the language of an eminent 
 divine, is not from above ; " it is theliiss of the serpent — it comes 
 from hell." 
 
 In conclusion, he remarked : I hold a military commission, but 
 old and gray as I am, if this fanaticism should ever come into 
 collision with the conservative element of the country, I shall be 
 ready. The conflict will then be life for life. Mine, it may be, 
 for the Union and the Constitution; that of my foe, perhaps, for 
 being a traitor to both. 
 
46 FANTICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 SPEECH OF THE HON. RICHARD YAUX. 
 
 Fellow-Citizens : — It is an inalienable riglit which dis- 
 Uttguishfis freemen, to assemble and discuss those subjects 
 which belong to their peace, }ife, liberty, and happiness. This 
 is a riglit inalienable. It was asserted and attained on the 
 American soil, the Fourth of July, 1776. The establishment of 
 that right and its exercise for these objects, constituted, and 
 consecrated our present form of government. It has never been 
 assailed, never been suspended, never has its exercise been 
 threatened with opposition by patriots. It is eminently and 
 essentially a right which belongs to American citizenship. ^Ye 
 meet here to night, then, from no necessity to defend encroach- 
 ments on our birthright. For what are we gathered at this time ? 
 Why have the people of Philadelphia been convoked? What 
 exigency has aroused their vigilance and impelled them to exer- 
 cise their great constitutional rights of meeting together? The 
 Union of the States is in no danger of dissolution. There is no 
 impending pei'il to this confederacy of States. The integrity of 
 the Federal Union is threatened by no foe or force. This glori- 
 ous Union of separate and sovereign commonwealths cannot 
 be broken asunder. That power does not exist, foreign or 
 domestic, which can sever the ties which bind the people of 
 the Union to the Union of these States. That man has never 
 been born, in whose heart or mind such treason was ever tu- 
 tored, by schemes or combinations to achieve such a result. 
 The strength of our Union is not described by words ; it cannot 
 be measured by policy or profit. It was, and is, a divine revela- 
 tion for the political regeneration of man. Who dare assail it ? 
 Look to the past. Has history lost her power to teach ? Has 
 memory become silent in a grave ? Do we require now, in less 
 than a century since our Union was established, to be awakened to 
 the consideration of the trials, sufferings, perils, and privations 
 which this Union cost ? Has the blood of victims and martyrs 
 for liberty ceased to speak from the ground of Concord, Lexing- 
 ton, Saratoga, and Yorktown ? Have the wails and groans, the 
 prayers and petitions, of our Revolutionary Fathers, ceased to be 
 heard in the ears of those who enjoy the triumphs their patriotism 
 procured ? While the flag of our Union floats in the sunlight, 
 every stripe recalls these sufi'erings, every star these triumphs. 
 The Union ! it defies treason as it defies dissolution. We, the 
 people of Philadelphia, have too many inspirations ever to forget 
 our allegiance to this Union. Within the sound of my voice 
 the Declaration of Independence was written ; within the sound 
 of my voice it was first proclaimed to an astonished world. 
 Within the sound of my voice the Federal Constitution was first 
 
PATRIOTISM or THE KEYSTONE STATE. 47 
 
 created, and by it the original colonics were forever common- 
 wealths compacted into Union. Take from off your feet the 
 sandals of skeptical security ; the place on which you stand is 
 patriot ground. 
 
 It is then, fellow-citizens, a duty we owe this Union, that con- 
 venes us to-night. In the North as well as in the South, we have 
 heard from time to time, the hissing voice of fanaticism and sec- 
 tionalism, like that of a serpent, in our Eden of peace and happi- 
 ness. You may call it by whatever name you please. You may 
 designate it fanaticism, or sectionalism, or madness, or error, but 
 it is'treason. No less treason because it has not assumed the 
 proportions which treason takes. Harmless as it is, it should be 
 fitly designated, lest uncertainty as to its character, might mis- 
 lead the unwatchful or the unwary. It has not assumed, it is 
 true, any recognized form of enmity or opposition to our established 
 government, but it has presumed to clothe itself in the panoply 
 which only belongs to the people. It has in the South, used^words 
 which only can be spoken by the majesty of majorities. In the 
 North, the miserable few, this fraction of a segment of popula- 
 tion, has arrogated to itself to represent the people. Thus, both 
 North and South, the few, the bold reckless few, have, behind 
 the terms only employed when the majority announces its decrees, 
 essayed to make public opinion, an opinion which has never been 
 entertained by any but those Avho believe in a modern agrarianism. 
 Fanatics and skeptics do not hold opinions in harmony with those 
 of the people of this city. I protest against this treason to the 
 majority of our citizens. Here in Philadelphia, very lately, 
 doctrines have been promulgated which are at direct and open 
 variance with the sentiments of our population. I can speak for 
 a large portion of the citizens of Philadelphia, and proclaim them 
 faithful to the Constitution, and opposed to any form or feature 
 of political fanaticism. I desire to deny the right of this incon- 
 siderable few, here in Philadelphia, to attempt to make or under- 
 take to interpret, the public opinion of Philadelphia on the subjects 
 to which they devote themselves. As error is harmless where 
 truth is left free to combat it, so these few are important only 
 while the many take no means to refute them. If these doctrines 
 which they teach are calculated to excite fears for results which, 
 though not possible, by toleration might become probable, you, 
 fellow-citizens, have to-night dispelled such fears. You have 
 spoken not to be misunderstood. Let me decipher your sign, 
 made in this vast multitude. Let me read it in a language com- 
 prehensible by all men, Avhether North or South, East or West. 
 In the immortal words of the sage and hero, Jackson, it is thus 
 spoken : " Our Federal Union, it must and shall be preserved." 
 
48 PAXATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 SPEECH OF JOHN C. BULLITT, ESQ. 
 
 }dr. Bullitt said: There are times and seasons when it is the 
 duty of a nation to take a survey of their position — when the 
 man of business should turn from his daily work — the profes- 
 sional man from his ordinary avocations — the farmer from his 
 reaping and sowing — when the whole people shouhl give their 
 most earnest attention to the protection and preservation of their 
 country. If the fleets of a foreign foe were hovering upon the 
 seaboard, every heart would beat with patriotic impulse, and we 
 would readily sacrifice all private interests for the public good. 
 Yvhen we are threatened with domestic feuds, the occasion be- 
 comes infinitely more urgent — timid and hesitating counsels 
 should then be laid aside — public sentiment should be outspoken 
 — the disturbers of the peace should be restrained by the over- 
 whelming force of public opinion, and the lawful exercise of 
 authority by the government for the suppression of insidious 
 machinations or violent outbreaks, should be sustained and up- 
 held by all who are actuated by a truly loyal and national spirit. 
 
 Such an occasion is the present. While peace and quiet pre- 
 vailed thiougiiout the land, while the people were reposing in 
 unsuspicious confidence in the strength and security of the Go- 
 vernment, while all around the horizon indicated liappy omens of 
 the future, suddenly, upon one of our great highways, almost 
 under the very shadow of the Federal Capitol, a lawless band, 
 impelled by the evil demon of treason, and rioting in the impend- 
 ing prospect of the carnage consequent upon a servile insurrection, 
 seize upon a public arsenal, arouse and make prisoners of citizens 
 at the hour of midnight, shoot down others, and boldly proclaim 
 their intention to break up and revolutionize the social and poli- 
 tical organization of one-half the confederacy. 
 
 This might in itself be harmless enough if it were but the 
 casual violence of the desperadoes who were immediately engaged 
 in it. It was the work of but a few hours, when the movement 
 was comprehended, to extinguish the flame they wme kindling. 
 But the man must be blind indeed who does not see in it the 
 legitimate fruits of seeds that have been sown, and which have 
 been most industriously cidtivated by certain classes of people 
 until they have germinated in this mad atempt. Wh-At provoca- 
 tion was there for it ? What wrong had any one of these men 
 suffered at the hands of Virginia V What has she lione to call 
 down upon her the enmities of those or any other class of people ? 
 She has but maintained her institutions as handed down from the 
 men who framed the government. Staunch, loyal and true to 
 the Union, she has always moved_on in the middle current — 
 
PATRIOTISM OP THE KEYSTONE STATE. 49 
 
 never lending herself to violence or intemperance in lier political 
 sentiments. 
 
 But one cause can be assigned for this attack upon her. It 
 was the settled purpose of John Brown and his confederates to 
 overthrow the Southern Governments — to stir up a servile insur- 
 rection which would spread from State to State in desolating 
 fury. It was but working out practically what for years has 
 been promulgated in virions parts of the North, in many news- 
 papers, from the pulpit, and the hustings. It was but the attempt 
 at demonstration of principles boldly avowed and endorsed by 
 members of Congress, Governors of States, newspaper editors, 
 and itinerant lecturers. It was not at Virginia alone the blow 
 was aimed. Every Southern State was to share her fate. Need 
 we proof that it was not a mere accident or a casual outbreak of 
 a few lawless spirits? Cast your mind's eye back for the last 
 few weeks. Who furnished the arms and munitions of war which 
 were collected near Harper's Ferry ? How came Brown to have 
 the means to make preparations? Had he not aiders and abet- 
 tors in his so-called "Kansas work ?" 
 
 But further witness the sympathy, the threats, the eulogies 
 that have found expression in reference to the leader of that 
 band. On Friday last, in churches professing to worship the 
 true God, prayers were addressed to the Throne of Grace, 
 breathing such hot treason that they should have blistered the 
 lips that uttered them. In the capital of the State of New York, 
 guns were fired by a Government officer, with a Government 
 cannon, in commemoration of the glorious death of a felon. 
 Throughout New England, village bells were tolled in lamentation 
 over the fate of the man, who, taken while in the very act of 
 treason, and red with innocent blood, was suffering a traitor's 
 doom ! Here in our midst, with shame be it said, he was elevated 
 above all other heroes, patriots and philanthropists, and execra- 
 tions and anathemas the most dreadful heaped upon the head of 
 the Executive of Virginia for the simple discharge of his duty. 
 
 These things prove the magnitude of the danger to be appre- 
 hended. Men, whose philanthropy leads them to love other 
 colors and races more than their own, who see in the salutary 
 restraints of the wholesome laws of the Republic nothing but 
 tyranny and oppression, who repudiate both the Old and New 
 Testament, because they find no warrant there for sedition and 
 insurrection, proclaim loudly and boldly their dangerous tenets — 
 that thousands of other traitors are to spring up to carry out 
 that which in this case has proved so miserable an abortion. 
 The press, the pulpit, the stump, are to be subsidized — wealth is 
 4 
 
50 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 to furnish the means, talent is to direct, and misguided zeal and 
 fanaticism are to execute their foul purposes. 
 
 These are not mere idle speculations. They are hut the ex- 
 pression of what these people loudly, boldly, shamelessly pro- 
 claim as their future prospects and purposes. I have been told, 
 since this meeting was called, that it was unnecessary — that 
 this was giving an importance to an affair which would die out 
 and soon be forgotton if treated with contempt. I have heard 
 similar arguments used before. Virginia was reposing in con- 
 scious security, indifferent to and regardless of the ravings of 
 the would be philanthropists and fanatics who were preparing to 
 desecrate her soil and crimson it with the blood of her citizens. 
 
 We of Pennsylvania were indifferent to the mad and treason- 
 able proclamations and addresses that for years have emanated 
 from our midst, while the preparations were going on under the 
 eyes of our citizens for a wicked and murderous descent upon our 
 sister State. 
 
 It will not do for us to treat this with indifference or contempt. 
 There is a point beyond which it is weakness to be indifferent, 
 and forbearance is no longer a virtue. 
 
 I advocate no violence. Let public sentiment speak out and 
 frown down every incendiary attack, either by word or deed, upon 
 the integrity and institutions of the country, come from what 
 quarter it may. Let it be known that the freedom of speech, 
 which every freeman should enjoy, is not to be perverted to the 
 stirring up of civil war. Let it be known that while every man 
 shall be protected in his lawful rights under the established gov- 
 ernment, condign punishment will be meted out to him if he 
 abuses his privileges by fomenting civil discord and compassing 
 treason. 
 
 As far as Virginia is concerned, every consideration, whether 
 of interest, or policy, or patriotism, or attachment, impels us to 
 guard her rights, her integrity, her welfare, as we would our 
 own. 
 
 Virginia and Pennsylvania stand as the two great middle 
 States of the Confederacy. They have both been always pre- 
 eminent for their patriotism and fidelity to the Union. Identi- 
 fied in revolutionary reminiscences, with a common border, with 
 mutual interchanges socially and in trade, time should but bind 
 them together more and more strongly with each revolving year. 
 Can it be forgotten that the great act which has given the name 
 to Independence Hall was the production of a Virginia states- 
 man ! Can it be forgotten that he who presided over our 
 common destinies in the dark days of the Revolution^ and 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTOXE STATE. 51 
 
 led the troops of Virginia and Pennsylvania slioulder to 
 shoulder in that struggle — he who achieved our independence, 
 and then with a wisdom, a moderation, and true patriotism never 
 before exemplified, organized and started our government upon 
 its unrivaled career of prosperity and greatness — that he who, 
 by his wise counsels and great deeds, and patriotic services, won 
 for himself the title of Father of his Country — can it be forgot- 
 ten that he was a native of Virginia's soil, and that his remains 
 now repose beneath her turf! 
 
 And are we to be told that we must stand by, cold and indif- 
 ferent, when that sister State is convulsed in every part ? When, 
 too, the foul treason which has drank the life's blood of her citi- • 
 zens was plotted and prepared in our own State ? She was the 
 victim to be sacrificed. Pennsylvania soil has been desecrated 
 by the preparations to offer her up. No! No! It cannot be. Let 
 us say to her that she is bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh — 
 that the blow which vibrates through her pulse is felt no less in 
 ours — that we will indignantly frown upon every attack upon her 
 rights, by word or by deed — that while we may be unable to 
 guard her against the midnight assassin who may furtively cross 
 our borders, yet, knowingly and wilHngly, we will harbor no 
 traitors against her peace — that we will stand as a wall between 
 her and the mad fanaticism which would w^ar upon her institu- 
 tions and the safety of her citizens — and that as far as depends 
 upon us, the safety, the integrity, the perpetuity of the Union 
 shall be preserved. 
 
 Nor let these be idle words, but as far as may be in our power, 
 let us live in the closest bonds of sympathy and fellowship with 
 her, as with the rest of the confederacy. Let it not be that by 
 any act of ours, either of omission or commission, the smallest 
 fibre shall be broken of the ligaments that bind us to her most 
 closely of all the States of the Union. 
 
 In the union of these two States I believe is to be found the 
 surest guaranty of the perpetuity of our government. Together 
 they can heal dissensions or overawe any mad attempts at dis- 
 union, come from what quarter they may. Once estranged and 
 divided, once arrayed in angry or bitter feelings against each 
 other, the dividing line can easily be found. Let us, then, deter- 
 mine that no such lines shall ever be drawn — that Pennsylvania 
 will stand by Virginia as she did in the days of the Revolution — 
 that her people shall be our people — her foes shall be our foes. 
 
52 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 SPEECH OF BENJAMIN GERHARD, ESQ. 
 
 "We arc met this evening to express our opinions upon certain 
 recent public occurrences. A sister southern State has just been 
 the scene of a great outrage, committed "with calm deliberation 
 bj northern men. The laws of Virginia have been defied in this 
 wicked act — the State invaded — the firesides of its citizens at- 
 tempted to be put in peril ; and had the end and efforts of these 
 deluded men succeeded, the homes and property of our brethren 
 would have been destroyed, and other crimes too fearful to name 
 have followed. 
 
 Well, the attempt failed — some of the guilty parties have been 
 slain — others have been tried and convicted, and one has 'paid 
 his last debt to the law by an ignominious death. Has quiet yet 
 ensued ? Far from it — even our peaceful city has exhibited a 
 spectacle stamping disgrace upon it, by the eulogy of crime and 
 the sanction of the great wrongs which have been perpetrated. 
 Do you endorse the meeting to which I refer? Tell me, my 
 friends, whether this is a correct representation of your feelings 
 and views ? I know what will be your indignant reply, and I 
 know that to give that answer in the most emphatic manner, you 
 have met in this great assemblage. And we stand here now in 
 this place to denounce the Virginia plot, to express our firm ad- 
 herence to our beloved Constitution, and our unswerving loyalty 
 to the Union. No fanaticism has play in this great metropolis, 
 and in this great State. Pennsylvania will ever be found, as she 
 always has been found, on th& side of the Constitution and the 
 laws. And as we deeply deplore the wrong done to our sister 
 State, we v/ish here, and now, and everywhere, always to say 
 so ; and following the example of our illustrious forefathers, to 
 pledge to the Union " Our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred 
 honors." We desire here to say to our southern brethren, you 
 are our brethren, and as such you will ever find us — always ready 
 and always prepared by our moral and physical force to resist 
 any injury done or intended to be done to you, as an injury done 
 to us and our families. Tell me, my friends, if Pdo not speak 
 your sentiments ? With such sentiments there can be no talk of 
 a dissolution of the Union ; the Union is in our hearts, it will re- 
 main in our hearts, and no power can separate the citizens of 
 the United States. 
 
 But some will be found (not here, I am sure,) who will say, we 
 wish no disunion — that wish comes from the South — the South 
 demands it. But is this so ? Do you believe it ? Let me have 
 the evidence of it. It may be said to be found in the general 
 feeling of exasperation exhibited through all the slaveholding 
 States. Is this true ? Grant that it is so, and I believe it. Can 
 
PATRIOTISM QF THE KEYSTONE STATE. o3 
 
 it exist without a cause ? Is there no reason for it ? Has the 
 South no cause for exasperation of feeling ? Have no attempts 
 been made upon the rights of the South? Do not some misguided 
 people of the North desire to introduce a servile war within our 
 southern borders — and thus to fire their houses and shed the 
 blood of their fiimilics ? I do not ask whether or not these par- 
 ties specifically desire these results of a servile Avar ; but must 
 they not know that such results will follow from their efibrts. 
 Can we then say that the south has no cause for this exaspera- 
 tion of feeling ? 
 
 But again, when and where in this enlightened land, was it 
 ever heard or known that a great section of our country was 
 united in a sense of a common wrong without a cause for it. Lot 
 us not be so unjust to our brethren — it can never be true — it 
 never was true, and never will be true that such a sentiment can 
 exist without a cause. I say then, without fear of contradiction, 
 that the mere existence of this feeling is of itself sufficient proof 
 that there is cause for it — and let us agree to put it aside — to 
 extinguish it at once and absolutely. 
 
 I know you all assent to my proposition, and from this time 
 out I anticipate a great moral change. This meeting and this 
 night will commence a new era ; our southern brethren will once 
 . raorp open their hearts to us, and we shall once more become a 
 united people, rejoicing in our Union, proud of our Union, and 
 determined that it shall endure as a lasting fruit of the labor and 
 wisdom of our forefathers. Let us not be misled by European 
 ideas which are as insidious as they are false. Before England 
 undertakes to teach us, let her remove the stain upon her own 
 garments ; before she instructs us as to our duties in regard to 
 African slavery'-, let her at least absolutely renounce it, no mat- 
 ter under what name she may clinch it. 
 
 That there has been a recent development of anti-slavery 
 fanaticism in the northern part of the United States, there can 
 t be no question ; and the foundation of it, I think, is equally 
 plain. It is clear that it rests upon English soil, and that it is a 
 British crusade against our domestic institutions. It is needless 
 to refer to proofs for this ; we all know it as a fact, obtruded 
 upon our daily vision. Whence does this philanthiopic attention 
 to our interests arise? Does it rest upon true humanity? I 
 think not — I know not ; or else they would begin their reform 
 first with their own nation, upon which lies the offence they 
 charge upon us in its most aggravated form. I need only, for 
 this, adduce the testimony of one of our townsmen, who recently 
 visited the Island of Mauritius. African slaves, called appren- 
 tices, are imported into this island, after having been bought 
 
54 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 from their barbarian kings for trinkets and other articles of 
 trifling value, nominally for a term of years, but really for as 
 lono- a period as their owners choose to detain them. And ;vhen 
 imported into the English dominions, you shall learn, in the 
 words of the author to whom I have referred, how these slaves 
 are treated. 
 
 " One day, whilst strolling up an avenue contiguous to a wharf, 
 I was attracted by a crowd assembled around a walled enclosure. 
 Taking the privilege of ray nation (curiosity), I elbowed my way 
 through the vast assemblage, and saw ('tell it not in Askelon, 
 publish it not in Gath') two English auctioneers, in a country 
 under England's control and governed by England's laws, 
 mounted on their rostrum, selling, what they call in the British 
 Isles, their fellow-men — co-equal in all respects to themselves. 
 To say that I was surprised would convey but a faint idea of my 
 feelings; I was really astounded. * * * * * * * *. 
 ****** This feeling soon gave way to that of indig- 
 nation at the recreant sons and daughters of our own soil, who 
 disgrace our country, after having been nursed and rocked in the 
 cradle of liberty, as soon as they are out of their swaddling 
 clothes, turning upon and stinging their nurse, and, for the sake 
 of political or monetary personal aggrandizement, publishing 
 wishy-washy novels, containing such perverted descriptions of 
 our Southern slavery system as to induce foreigners to think our 
 boast of liberty and free government is but a farce. Such per- 
 sons do not merit being dignified by the notice of honest men, 
 which they court; and whether it be in the form of a favorable 
 mention or a criticism is all one to them, so long as it gives them 
 publicity." {Whitecars Whaling Voyage, pp. 318, 319, 320, 
 321. 
 
 " On the principle that sparing the rod spoils the child (for these 
 people are viewed only as children) their owners are not at all re- 
 served in the use of this instrument of chastisement ; and along 
 with the gangs at labor may the overseer be seen applying it with- 
 out remorse. * * * * " This, however, is not their only way 
 of punishment. I saw several instances of gross personal abuse. 
 In one case I saw the slave thrown down, and dragged by the 
 waistband over the sharp points of the macadamized street, with 
 nothing to protect him from laceration except several thicknesses 
 of calico. *************** 
 A police officer stood looking on apathetically, as though the 
 whole affair were a matter of course." (pp. 318, 319.) 
 
 Neighboring nations must live together either under a conven- 
 tion or a constitution. I prefer the latter, if only from the low- 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 55 
 
 est computation of interest. I need only point out for the cor- 
 rectness of my choice, the present condition of Eng-huul, kept, 
 for some time past, by France under an annual expenditure, for 
 extraordinary defensive preparations, of §250,000,000— a tax 
 equal to more than three times the whole annual expenditures of 
 our government. 
 
 But we must not put a money value on the Union. The Union 
 is our country, and he who does not love the Union is unworthy 
 of our attention. I wiil not waste my time by addressing such a 
 person. But I speak to those who love their country ; and they 
 only are worthy of our regards. To them it is derogatory to 
 speak of the value of the Union ; and they would rightly consider 
 it as irrelevant as to ask one who builds a church or founds an 
 hospital, endows a university or establishes a gallery of the fine 
 arts, what is the value of such a work ? We love our country ; 
 tkat is, we love the Union. 
 
 It is easy to say that the influence and power of this country 
 for good among the nations of the world must depend largely 
 upon the Union. As we are great, and strong, and powerful, so 
 shall we be able to advance right and repress wrong, succor the 
 oppressed and strengthen the free ; so, too, the blessings of civi- 
 lization and Christianity can be diffused by us, almost in the pro- 
 portion of our national greatness. "We ought not to be driven to 
 such considerations as these. A family never can be allowed to 
 estimate for any purpose whatever the value of their family bond. 
 It is an affection and sentiment, and we should yield ourselves to 
 its kindly influence without investigating its value or utility. 
 
 In order to conform to the real object of this meeting, our at- 
 tention must be confined to the action of ourselves and those 
 around us. Is the South true to the Union ? I do not doubt it 
 is ; but if it is not, that is not a subject for the consideration of 
 this meeting. Are we true to the Union ? that is the question, 
 and I know its answer. Let us, then, here pledge ourselves to 
 the Constitution and the Union, and determine, in good faith, 
 
 honestly and fearlessly to perform our duty in every relation, 
 good citizens of the State of Pennsylvania and of the Unit 
 States, and thus we will secure to ourselves and our posterity 
 those blessings which our forefathers obtained for us. 
 
56 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 THE UNION FLAG OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 The Committee of Arrangements of tlie late Union Mass Meet- 
 ing received a handsome banner from a number of ladies of this 
 city, having inscribed on the front, " Union Forever" and on 
 the reverse, ^'■Pennsylvania greets her Sister State, Virginia, 
 Deceniber 1, 1859." This flag was forwarded to Governor Wise, 
 of Virginia, as the first executive officer of that State, accom- 
 panied by the following letter : 
 
 • 
 Philadelplda, December 12, 1859. 
 
 To His Excellency Henry A. Wise, 
 
 Governor of Virginia : 
 
 Sir — The proceedings of the immense meeting of the citizens 
 of Philadelphia, "irrespective of party," have already attracted 
 the attention of the country. 
 
 The resolutions unanimously adopted by the meeting clearly 
 and pointedly expressed the Union-loving and law-abiding views 
 and sentiments of an overwhelming majority of our people. 
 
 Over the heads of thousands, who eagerly participated in the 
 expression in our city, the flag which accompanies this letter 
 waved, and was hailed by the deafening cheers of patriotic feel- 
 ing- 
 Pennsylvania greets her sister State, Virginia, and sends to 
 her that flag, through the hands of her first executive officer, as 
 an evidence of her warmest sympathy, respect, and support. 
 She begsVirginia would understand, that the great mass of cit- 
 zens of Pennsylvania, the Keystone of the Federal Arch, are 
 perfectly loyal to the principles of the Constitution of the United 
 States, and that they are opposed to any act of any party which 
 would violate the rights of any State of the Confederacy, or 
 which would jeopardize public tranquility, and the perpetuity of 
 the Government. 
 
 This flag, the gift of the ladies of our city to the Committee of 
 Arrangements, we forward as a relic of the great conservative 
 movement which Philadelphia has inaugurated. We feel that it 
 was proper for the first rebuke to treason and fanaticism to em- 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 57 
 
 anate from the City of Independence, where once the sous of 
 Vivo-inia met the sons of Pennsylvania, and pledged a "Union of 
 hearts, a Union of hands, and the Flag of our Union forever." 
 
 With great respect, we remain, 
 
 Yours, respectfully, 
 
 JAMES S. GIBBONS, Chairman. 
 
 CHANCELLOR BAILEY, Secretary. 
 
 RENE GUILLOD, J. W. BACON, M D., 
 
 R. W. SOUTHMAYD, EDWARD S. ROWAND, 
 
 JOS. F. TOBIAS, HENRY A. STILES, 
 
 CHARLES P. HERRING, DANIEL C. MtlDGE, 
 
 M S. SHAPLEIGH, WM. VAN OSTEN, 
 
 WM. H. PEIRCE, R. G. HARPER, 
 
 MARSHALL A. JONES, SAMUEL SPARHAWK. 
 
 GOVERNOR WISE'S REPLY. 
 
 Richmond, Va., December 18, 1859. 
 
 To James S. Gibbons, Esq., Chairman, ^c: 
 
 Dear Sir — At the earliest moment that I have been able to 
 do so, I acknowledge yours of the 12th, presenting, through me, 
 to the State of Virginia, a flag from the citizens of Philadelphia, 
 irrespective of party, pledging a "Union of hearts, a Union of 
 hands, and the Flag of our Union forever." 
 
 With that pledge I gratefully and affectionately accept that 
 beautiful flag, which has been received, and is now unfurled on 
 our capitol, for a commonwealth which gave a Jefferson to Car- 
 penter's Hall for the day of the 4th of July, 1776, and a Wash- 
 ington to make the declaration of that day, from that hall, good. 
 
 Your sympathy, sir, is the sympathy of patriotism ; it is the 
 beatino; of hearts to hearts, in bosoms which feci as our fathers 
 felt towards each other. It would have been strange and unnat- 
 ural, indeed, if any other feeling than this had flowed forth from 
 Philadelphia. And you may rely on it, that we still have confi- 
 dence in and love for the patriots of Pennsylvania. Your State, 
 in the late disturbances of our peace, has acted the part of a sis- 
 ter State. We rely upon her loyalty to conservative principles, 
 as they are embodied in our Constitution of Union ; and we are 
 assured that the mass of her citizens would be our brethren in 
 
58 FANATICISM REBUKED, IN THE 
 
 arms against any wrongs to eitlier commonwealth. It is for that 
 reason that I confidently appealed to their authorities to be vigi- 
 lant to restrain those who would assail our peace and safety. 
 And it is because of our sincere desire to preserve the Union, 
 that we are impelled to ask, not only for sympathy from the 
 people in their primary assemblies, but for the sanction of con- 
 servative laws to enforce the obligations of the Constitution. 
 
 I will communicate your letter to the General Assembly of 
 Virginia, now in session, and invite them to take order upon the 
 presentation of a flag, which, I pray, may be a sign of our 
 "Union forever." 
 
 I am, with grateful emotions, your fellow-citizen, 
 
 HENRY A. WISE 
 
PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE. 59 
 
 ACCEPTANCE OF THE FLAG. 
 
 RESOLUTIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 Richmond, Va., Dec. 23, 1859. 
 
 To James S. Gibbons, Esq. : 
 
 Dear Sir : — By order of the General Assembly of Virginia, 
 I send a copy of their resolutions to you, expressing a cordial 
 response to the patriotic citizens of Philadelphia, on the presen- 
 tation of a flag inscribed with their loyal devotion to the Union 
 as framed, and the Constitution as construed by the fathers of 
 the Republic. With heartfelt congratulations upon these evi- 
 dences of amity, I am sir, with sincere respect for you personally. 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 HENRY A. WISE. 
 
 Whereas, A large number of the patriotic citizens of Phila- 
 delphia have presented to the Commonwealth of Virginia a Flag, 
 inscribed with an expression of their loyal devotion to the Union 
 as framed, and the Constitution as construed by the fathers of 
 the Republic, be it 
 
 Resolved, hy the G-eneral Assembly of Virginia, That we 
 gratefully accept the beautiful gift as a renewed evidence of the 
 devoted patriotism of that heroic band of Northern conserva- 
 tives, who have so long maintained an equal conflict with the 
 assailants of our rights, and the enemies of our peace, and that 
 wherever fortune may invite or fate impel in the future, Virginia 
 will cherish with aff'ectionate gratitude the memory of those who 
 so bravely encounter frowns of faction, and so nobly defy the 
 fury of fanaticism. 
 
 Resolved, That the Governor of this Commonwealth be re- 
 quested to communicate a copy of these resolutions to James 
 S. Gibbons, Esq., of Philadelphia. 
 
 Passed in both houses of the General Assembly, December 
 
 22, 1859. 
 
 W. F. GORDON, Qlerh. 
 
i 
 
 Lb My '1 3