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SPEECHES .jIII 
 
 Copy I 
 
 / 
 
 HON. REVERDY JOHNSON, 
 
 OF MARYLAND, 
 
 ON 
 
 THE MILITARY RECONSTRUCTION BILL; 
 
 ■0. 
 
 // / DKLITERED 
 
 I-, J 
 
 IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 FEBRUARY 20 AND MARCH a, 1867. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE. 
 
 1867. 
 

RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 Tho first of the subjoined speeches was made 
 by Mr. Jonx.sox on the 20th of February, 1867, 
 on what is Icnown as the Sherman military re- 
 construction bill. At that time he had become 
 satisfied that, if that measure was not adopted, 
 or if adopted, the South should not accept it, 
 their lands would probably be declared confis- 
 cated, and they thereby reduced to absolute 
 poverty. The Sherman bill was an amend- 
 ment to one that had previously passed the 
 House, and in Mr. JoHXSOx's opinion was 
 much less objectionable. He consequently 
 voted for it ; but stated at the time that if 
 adopted he should vote against the bill on its 
 final passage. 
 
 At that time he hoped that-better terms might 
 
 be obtained for the South. But upon finding 
 
 what seemed to be the evident determination 
 
 of the House to exact harsher terms than were 
 
 contained in the Sherman bill, if that was de- 
 ft 
 feated in the House, he endeavored to persuade 
 
 such of its conservative members as he felt 
 himself at liberty to advise with to adopt it. 
 If this had been done, the most objectionable 
 features of the bill as it finally passed would 
 not have been in it. His persuasions, however, 
 were fruitless. The conservatives deemed it 
 their duty, and in this they no doubt were sin- 
 cere, to vote against the amendment, and their 
 
 vote with that of the extreme radicals of the 
 Republican members, acting under the lead 
 of Hon. TuADDEUs Stevens, defeated it. The 
 result was what Mr. Johnson apprehended, 
 the adoption by the House of what is called 
 the Shellabarger amendment, rendering the 
 bill much more objectionable. So amended, it 
 passed the House and was returned to the 
 Senate. 
 
 When Mr. Johnson made the speech of 
 the 20th of February he had become satis- 
 fied that if the bill, as amended, was not 
 passed, a much severer one would follow. 
 It was under this impression, as will be seen 
 by the speech, that he spoke and voted for the 
 measure. In so doing he consulted with no 
 one, political friend or opponent. He acted 
 entirely on his own judgment of what he be- 
 lieved to be his duty to the country as well as 
 to the South. He believed that if the bill 
 failed, ruin would be the fate of the South ; 
 and that in that fate the entire country would 
 greatly suffer. He wished, too, in taking the 
 course he did, to have the South see that in 
 the opinion of one who has ever been true to 
 her rights and zealous to maintain them, that 
 their escape from destruction depended upon 
 their accepting in good faith the bill. 
 
 When the speech of the 2d of March was 
 
delivered Mr. Johnson had in the interval 
 between the 20th of February and that date 
 received information upon which he relied 
 that a majority of the southern people con- 
 curred with him in opinion, and were prepared 
 to accept the measure as the only one prom- 
 ising to rescue them from their present anom- 
 alous and, as they and he believe, unconstitu- 
 tional condition. And he is now convinced, 
 if the terms of the bill are fully comj^lied with, 
 that the southern States at the next session of 
 the present Congress will have their repre- 
 sentatives in both branches, when their rights 
 and interest will hereafter be maintained and 
 promoted, and the Union once more be what 
 it was before the late insurrection, a result in 
 which all patriotic men North and South will 
 rejoice. 
 
 Wednesday, February 20, 18G7. 
 
 The Senate having under consideration the bill 
 (11. R. No. 1143) to provide for the more efficient 
 government of the insurrectionary States — 
 
 Mr. JOHNSON said: 
 
 Mr. President : I have felt a solicitude 
 for the condition of the country consequent 
 upon the exclusion of the southern States 
 from their right of representation in this body 
 that I want words to express. The view that 
 I have entertained is that in their present 
 condition they are entitled to be represented. 
 But the Congress of the United States, from 
 the termination of the rebellion to the present 
 time, have taken a different view, and I have 
 lost all hope of seeing them at an early day, 
 if at any day, with the consent of Congress, 
 reinstated in their original condition. Beside, 
 the interest, the vital interest, which the people 
 of the South necessarily have in the present 
 state of things, the interest of the other States 
 is almost as great. As long as it continues, 
 more or less will the reputation of the country 
 suffer, and more or less will its material inter- 
 
 ests suffer. I have been, therefore, from the 
 first, ready to agree to any proposition which I 
 believed would have the effect to bring the south- 
 ern States back, however much I may be op- 
 posed to the conditions which might be exacted 
 of them. Nothing can be worse than the state in 
 which they are now placed ; desolation around 
 them ; all rights denied them of a political 
 character; and on the floor of the Senate, to 
 say nothing of another branch of the Govern- 
 ment, their character as men has been aspersed 
 in terms which have caused me nothing but the 
 deepest regret. I think I know that they are 
 not deserving of such aspersion. I think I 
 know that the descendants of the men of the 
 South, who upon so many occasions battled on 
 the field for the honor and glory of the coun- 
 try, and contributed so much to the success of 
 our civil government, cannot be such men as 
 some of the members of Congress have desig- 
 nated them. I wish them here in our midst, 
 to show by their presence that in all particu- 
 lars, moral and political, intellectual and 
 Christian, they are our equals. The very bat- 
 tles they have waged in seeking to destroy the 
 Government exhibited deeds of valor of which 
 Rome in her proudest days might have boasted. 
 If I had my own way I would at once receive 
 them in this Chamber, with a heart full of con- 
 viction that they would be true to their duty 
 to the country, and that they would promote 
 its permanent interest. 
 
 But I have not my way. I am obliged to 
 acquiesce in the decision of the majority of 
 Congress, however erroneous or unjust I may 
 think that decision to be, provided I believe 
 that it will end in a comparatively short time 
 in restoring the southern States to the brother- 
 hood of States. I am unwilling that this Con- 
 gress shall adjourn without the adoption of 
 some measure that holds out a hope, however 
 distant, tliat this may be the result of our delib- 
 
orations; and believing that this will be done 
 by the adoption of the measure before you I 
 shall give it my vote, not because I approve 
 of it in the abstract or in the particular, but 
 because I think I see in it a mode of rescuing 
 the country from the perilous predicament in 
 which it is now placed. 
 
 Mr. President, if there be a feeling which 
 sliould animate the heart of every American, 
 it should be one of generosity, magnanimity, 
 and charity for the men who, although they 
 sought to break asunderthe cords of the Union, 
 are now .looking with solicitude to their being 
 reinstated. If there be a feeling wliich should 
 animate every American citizen, it is that we 
 should be. and at the earliest period, a people 
 one and indivisible, demonstrating to the world 
 that however alarming the few last years may 
 have been, and however they were calculated 
 to cause the lovers of constitutional freedom 
 to (Hspond, the time has come, or the time 
 will speedily come, when the feelings conse- 
 quent upon that effort will have subsided, and 
 we shall be brought together again and be seen 
 in the undisturbed exercise of the duties im- 
 posed upon us, and exhibiting to the world a 
 people great in war, and a people capable of 
 being in the end, the war terminated, as great 
 in peace. 
 
 Saturday, March 2, 1867. 
 
 A message was received from the President 
 of the United States, returning, with his ob- 
 jections, the bill (H. R. No. 1143) to provide 
 for the more efiBcient government of the insur- 
 rectionary States. 
 
 The PRESIDENT pro tempore. This bill 
 is now to be reconsidered by the Senate ac- 
 cording to the provisions of the Constitution ; 
 and the question is. Shall the bill pass, the 
 objections of the President of the United States 
 to the contrary notwithstanding? 
 
 Mr. JOHNSON. Mr. President, while doing, 
 as I sincerely do, full justice to the motives 
 of the President in refusing to sign the bill 
 before us, I cannot but regret that he felt him- 
 self compelled by a sense of duty to come to 
 that conclusion, and I also regret the tone 
 which his message in several portions of it 
 assumes. It contains, as I think, some legal 
 propositions which are unsound, and many 
 errors of reasoning which upon examination 
 will be found apparent. And above all do I 
 lament the course he has thought it his duty to 
 pursue, because I see, as I believe, that it may 
 result in continued turmoil and peril, not only 
 to the South, but to the entire country. I 
 rise, therefore, for the purpose of stating very 
 briefly, in addition to the reasons which I 
 assigned when the bill was formerly before us, 
 why I cast the vote which I then gave, and why 
 I shall give the same vote now. [Applause in 
 the galleries.] 
 
 The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Order 
 will be observed in the galleries, or they will be 
 cleared. 
 
 Mr. JOHNSON. I hope it will not for a 
 moment be supposed by those whom I am ad- 
 dressing that I am now governed, or was gov- 
 erned before, by any desire or expectation of 
 popular applause. My motives, if I know my- 
 self, were and are pure and patriotic. I see 
 before me a distressed, a desolated country, 
 and in the measure before you I think I see 
 the means through which it may be rescued 
 and restored ere long to prosperity and a health- 
 ful condition, and the free institutions of our 
 country preserved. 
 
 Mr. President, I have reached that period 
 of life when I can have no other ambition than 
 that of serving my country. During the whole 
 period of our troubles I have hoped and be- 
 lieved that the war would terminate success- 
 fully, and that that accomplished, our forms of 
 
6 
 
 Government as devised by our fatliers v?ould ■ 
 be even the more firmly established, securing 
 to the States all the powers they possessed 
 without dispute before the .war, and which 
 they thought, as I think, cannot be exercised 
 at all by the General Government, and secur- 
 ing to that Government the powers granted it, 
 which the States are equally incompetent to 
 discharge. But we are now, though the war 
 has successfully terminated, in a condition 
 which fills every reflecting man with anxiety. 
 Without examining the motives of our brethren 
 of the South in attempting to dissever our 
 Union and to establish a confederacy of their 
 own, it is sufficient to say that in my opinion 
 if they had succeeded the cause of constitu- 
 tional liberty would for years, if not forever, 
 have terminated. 
 
 The effort, thank God, has fiiiled. The power 
 of the Government under the providence of 
 Heaveti has proved able to arrest and defeat 
 it, and the South, as I believe, is willing in 
 good faith and anxious to abide .by the result. 
 The question to be decided is and has been 
 from the period of the war's termination, how 
 is the Government to be restored to its original 
 integrity, and the States, as vital to that integ- 
 rity, to be restored to their former constitu- 
 tional condition? The opinion entertained by 
 me during the war, and since — often expressed 
 in the Senate and upon other suitable occa- 
 sions — is that the moment the insurrection was 
 suppressed the States where It prevailed re- 
 mained In the Union with all the rights and 
 obligations before belonging to them, and that 
 the General Government had no power to limit 
 these in any way whatever ; that the authority 
 to change their government belongs exclusively 
 to their own people, subject only to the restric- 
 tions expressed or implied of the Constitution 
 of the General Government; that this freedom 
 from control is applicable to every department 
 
 of that Government. In my view, therefore, 
 they were and are as entirely without the juris- 
 diction of the Executive as of Congress. The 
 authority delegated to Congress to preserve our 
 Institutions, State and Federal, by suppressing 
 insurrections aimed at their existence cannot 
 be even tortured with any show of plausibility 
 into an authority to destroy them. 
 
 I consequently- think that no terms can be 
 exacted, either by the President or by Congress, 
 
 as conditions to be performed before they are 
 
 * 
 entitled to representation in the Senate and 
 
 House of Representatives. And in -nothing 
 that I have ever said or written upon the sub- 
 ject have I attempted to justify upon constitu- 
 tional grounds the authority of the Executive 
 to enforce conditions upon the States as pre- 
 liminaTy to their right of representation. The 
 ground upon which I have maintained and do 
 maintain the constitutionality of the present 
 State governments of the South is that^the 
 people of such States have, since they were 
 exacted, complied with them and framed their 
 constitutions accordingly. The late and the 
 now President took a different view. They 
 both seem to have supposed that these States 
 were not within the Union so as to be entitled 
 to representation in Congress until they should 
 comply with such terms as they might stipulate, 
 and that they had the authority, without the 
 sanction of Congress, to require them. 
 
 In my judgment, in this they were right in 
 part, but not in the whole. They were right 
 in holding that the States are entitled to rep- 
 resentation; but not because they had the au- 
 thority to impose the conditions which they 
 exacted, but because the people had adopted 
 them. It is unnecessary, on this occasion, to 
 state what those conditions were. In my opin- 
 ion they were as unconstitutional as any to be 
 found In the present bill. Congress, however, 
 from the first has been of opinion, as their 
 
conduct shows, that notwithstanding the peo- 
 ple of these States fulfilled these presidential 
 conditions, they were not restored to the right 
 of representation until Congress should so 
 declare, and this, as manifested in the recent 
 congressional elections, seems to be the pres- 
 ent judgment of the country. This being so, 
 how are the States to be restored? It can 
 only be done in fact upon their submitting to 
 the conditions which Congress may require. 
 Failing to do so, they must remain as they are, 
 liable to taxation without representation, and 
 to be governed, in all respects, not only with- 
 out but against their will. ^ 
 
 I impute no improper motives either to Con- 
 gress or to the Executive, the past or the pres- 
 ent. I. accord purity of purpose and patriotic 
 designs to both; but with all becoming respect 
 I dififer in opinion from both. I seek, how- 
 ever, as vital to the prosperity of the country, 
 if not to the continuing existence of our insti- 
 tutions, the complete restoration of the Union ; 
 and I now see no way of accomplishing it but 
 through the measure on your table. 
 
 Mr. President, we are now, in my opinion, 
 by the course which Congress (though very 
 much to my regret) deems it its duty to pursue, 
 in a state of quasi war. Our condition is virtu- 
 ally revolutionary. Ten States ai'e held and 
 treated as conquered provinces, and are so 
 held and treated because, in the judgment of 
 the dominant party, they are enemies of the 
 Union and of the Government. This state of 
 things is full of peril to all we should hold dear. 
 It must be arrested, or our Government will 
 sooner or later be destroyed. So thinking, 
 were I to hesitate a moment longer to give my 
 sanction to a measure which promises, as I 
 believe the one upon your table does, to ter- 
 minate it, I should be false to the true interest, 
 honor, and very safety of the nation. We are 
 told in the message before you (and quotations 
 
 from a recent decision of the Supreme Court 
 are given in support of the opinion) that such 
 military force as this bill provides cannot be 
 constitutionally resorted to, the war having ter- 
 minated. As a question of law I concur in 
 that view. But if that question should be 
 presented to that court hereafter, when will it 
 considei^e war terminated ? It may hold that 
 to be a political question, to be decided ex- 
 clusively by the political department of the 
 Government, by Congress, to whom is alone 
 intrusted the power to declare war and to sup- 
 press insurrections. I am therefore not pre- 
 pared to say that that high tribunal would rule 
 this bill to be unconstitutional, although they 
 may think as men that the war is at an end in 
 fact, and on that account regret as I do this 
 legislation. But neither upon that ground nor 
 upon any other is it more obnoxious to constitu- 
 tional objection than are the civil rights and 
 Freedmen' s Bureau bills. These, both of them, 
 subject the southern States to military power as 
 effectually in all particulars as the one before 
 us; and the President (as he was in duty 
 bound to do) from the first has enforced them. 
 Indeed, the bill in question does not dififer at 
 all from those referred to, except in a way 
 which renders it in my opinion much less ob- 
 jectionable. They established over the South 
 military rule alone, providing no means for its 
 cessatifjn, while this does provide means calcu- 
 lated and intended to reinstate the South as 
 States entitled to the same rights as the other 
 States ; and when that is done there is of course 
 an end to military rule by Congress. 
 
 And, Mr. President, the light in which I view 
 this bill, and which led me to sanction it, I am 
 glad, though not surprised, to find is the light in 
 which it is viewed by most of the reflecting and 
 intelligent men of the South. I collect this from 
 a portion of their public press, but more espe- 
 cially from communications made to me in re- 
 
^ 
 
 8 
 
 gard to it by very many of the leading men of 
 that section since I gave it my sui^port. They 
 tell me it is their purpose to organize under 
 it. They are taking lessons from experience. 
 The constitutional amendment heretofore pro- 
 posed to them, if they had adopted it, would, 
 I firmly believe, before this have given them 
 representation in Congress. Of that T have no 
 doubt ; but they rejected it, and now to adopt 
 it would not have that result. The bill which 
 passed the Senate, if it had not been altered in 
 the other branch, would have accomplished the 
 same end upon terms less exacting than those 
 incorporated into it by the House. To these 
 alterations the Senate, though evidently with 
 reluctance, gave their assent rather than aban- 
 don the measure altogether. I concurred in 
 that assent, and why ? Because I then believed, 
 indeed thought I knew, that the bill failing, one 
 of a much more harsh and unjust character 
 would be adopted, one founded upon the hypoth- 
 esis that the people of the South were conquered 
 enemies, and their land and other property on 
 that account liable to confiscation and for- 
 feiture. 
 
 Acting upon this conviction, I believed, unless 
 the South was restored to the Union, laws of 
 confiscation would be passed, and in such a 
 form that I did not know, nor do I now know 
 with anything like an assured oijinion, what 
 would be the judgment of the Supren^e Court 
 upon their constitutionality when the question 
 was brought before it. I did, however, know 
 that it could not be so brought without con- 
 siderable delay, and that in the mean time with 
 such a cloud over their titles the owners would 
 not be able to obtain that credit which they 
 now so much need to develop their industry, by 
 mortgaging their lands or otherwise. And in 
 this state of things, although the law might 
 hereafter be declared invalid, the consequence 
 would, in many cases if not in all, be total ruin ; 
 
 and if eventually its constitutionality should 
 be adjudged, the entire southern region would 
 be surrendered to a colored population, the 
 whites, our fellow-citizens, and who are now 
 anxious to be with us again, be driven from 
 their homes, made exiles in their native land. 
 Under this impression no mere pride of opin- 
 ion could I suffer to restrain me a moment in 
 supporting a measure which I believed might 
 avert so dreadful a calamity. Something to 
 prevent it must be done. Party with me can 
 have no influence when the safety of the coun- 
 try requires in my judgment that it be disre- 
 g^ded. If I know myself, and in this respect 
 I think I do, I should hang my head in very 
 shame if for the sake of mere party success 
 I refused to give a vote in support of any 
 measure which I believed involved -the safety 
 of the country. 
 
 Mr. President, I seek the restoration of the 
 Union as it was prior, to the insurrection^ This 
 I believe can be attained if the southern States 
 will organize under this bill, and if it is faith- 
 fully carried out by the President, and that I 
 have no doubt he will do, if it becomes a law. 
 When this is effected, and they are again with 
 us, I do not doubt that all the restrictions now 
 proposed and which are so obnoxious in my 
 judgment, and so unnecessary and so unjust to 
 the best men of the South, will in a very short 
 period be removed. And then, as of old, during 
 the struggles of the Revolution, and the wars 
 of 1812 and 1846, we shall be found united 
 as a band of brothers, in council, on the 
 ocean, and on the field, seeking with equal 
 zeal, valor, and patriotism to maintain the 
 Government bequeathed to us by our fathers, 
 to promote the national prosperity, and to uj:)- 
 hold the rights and vindicate the national 
 honor ; starting upon a career even more pros- 
 perous than we have enjoyed in the past, and 
 challenging more than ever the wonder and 
 
9 
 
 admiration of llie world. Contenting m3'seir, 
 therefore, with what I have now said, reserv- 
 ing for a future occasion a more extended 
 examination of the subject, should I deem it 
 necessary, I shall do as I did before, cast my 
 vote in favor of the bill, the objections of the 
 President to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 Mr. BuGKAi.EW having addressed the Senate, 
 
 Mr. JOHNSON said: 
 
 Mr. President: I have but a word or two 
 to say in reply to the honorable member from 
 Pennsylvania. He seems to suppose that the 
 vote which I am about to give, and the one 
 which I have already given on the measure 
 before us, are not in accordance with the opin- 
 ions I have heretofore expressed. He finds it, 
 he tells us, impossible to reconcile them. He 
 says he listened to some remarks of mine when 
 the measure was formerly before us, and lluit 
 they served to strengthen his own opinion upon 
 the questions which it involves. He apparentl}' 
 considers that consistency should compel me 
 to vote now as I voted then. Mr. President, 
 consistency in a public man can never properly 
 be esteemed a virtue when he becomes satisfied 
 that to preserve it will operate to the prejudice 
 of his country. The pride of opinion, which 
 more or less belongs to us all, becomes, in my 
 judgment, in a public man a crime when in- 
 dulged at the sacrifice or hazard of the public 
 safety. It is true, sir, that I thought when the 
 constitutional amendment was before us that it 
 was obnoxious to serious constitutional objec- 
 tions. I predicted then that the South would 
 not ratify it; and at that time I thought that 
 she should not. The prediction was verified. 
 She refused to ratify it, and what has been the 
 result? A measure still more severe has been 
 adopted by Congress, and it is not in the power 
 of the minority of this body, or of the other 
 House, or. of the people for a period of two 
 years successfully to resist it. Whether justly 
 
 or not, whether originating In patriotic motives 
 or not, he must be blind to the signs of the 
 times who does not now see that there is a 
 fixed determination in the dominant party of 
 the country that the southern States .shall not 
 be represented in Congress except upon such 
 conditions as that body may impose. To resist 
 this determination it is evident that the Pres- 
 ident is powerless, and that the South will be 
 unrepresented until Congress shall admit them. 
 
 And the question for my decision is, what 
 shall I do for the South in her present exi- 
 gency and for the country? I should have 
 rejoiced and should still rejoice if the recent 
 elections should have so terminated as to have 
 caused Congress to abandon its purpose and to 
 have recognized what I believed to be the con- 
 stitutional rights of the South. But they did 
 not so terminate. On the contrary, they seem 
 to sanction the policy of Congress. In this 
 predicament what is a patriotic Senator to do? 
 Is he to abandon all hope and make no eiTort 
 to preserve sooner or later the rights of the 
 South, or is he not bound to make such an 
 effort? In my view he clearly is, and it is be- 
 cause I so think that I now support the meas- 
 ure upon your table. I flatter myself that the 
 South do not doubt my friendship, and that they 
 will be satisfied that in giving my support to 
 this measure I have had their interest, in view. 
 Mr. President, what will be their condition if 
 they reject it. Harsher measures will probably 
 ■be resorted to. Confiscation of their lands and 
 their distribution among the blacks and those 
 called loyal whites, and this I fear may be done 
 in a form which will render all attempt at legal 
 redress fruitless. 
 
 The Supreme Court in the prize cases in terms 
 declared that the insurrection was a war carry- 
 ing with it the incidents and consequences of an 
 international war. One of these incidents is the 
 right of the conqueror to confiscate enemies' 
 
10 
 
 property. This right was exercised during our 
 revolutionary struggle, and if the insurrection 
 was a war (I do not think it was as far as this 
 right is concerned) the United States may ex- 
 ercise thatright. Should Congress, therefore, 
 declare that the insurrection still exists, that 
 the war is not ended, and that the citizens of 
 the South are public enemies, and that on 
 that account they confiscate their property, 
 what may not the judiciary hold? I do not 
 undertake to give the answer with anything 
 like certainty ; but they may say that whether 
 the war existed or not was a political question 
 to be decided exclusively by the war-making 
 power of our Government, Congress. In that 
 contingency how hopeless would be the con- 
 dition of the South. Her personal property is 
 already swept away, every house is filled with 
 mourning, all business enterprise destroyed, 
 and that which alone remains, her lands, would 
 share the same fate. And I am asked or ex- 
 pected, though entertaining as I do this appre- 
 hension, to abide by the views which I have 
 heretofore entertained, and for the sake of 
 consistency see the South involved in total 
 
 destruction without extending a hand to pre- 
 vent it. 
 
 This, Mr. President, I cannot do; my judg- 
 metit rejects it ; my heart revolts at it. The 
 honorable member from Pennsylvania tells us 
 that these considerations are not suited to the 
 deliberations of this body, that I have mis- 
 taken the forum of debate, and that they are 
 only proper to be addressed to a popular as- 
 sembly. In this I do not concur. When the 
 conduct of Congress and the measures it may 
 adopt are not influenced by popular opinion 
 the body would sfon lose public confidence. 
 f He also tells us that the opposite course which 
 he is pursuing he is willing to submit to the 
 judgment of the men of this age and of future 
 ages. So am I, Mr. President, and this I do 
 with all becoming confidence. With that honor- 
 able Senator I am likewise content that ray con- 
 duct on this occasion, and the motives which 
 animate me shall be recorded in the permanent 
 and enduring archives of the country, and I 
 have no fear that with reflecting and patriotic 
 men, North or South, my judgment or patriot- 
 ism will suffer. 
 
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