( :c,::x) H Hi H 39HI Epochs of Modern History EDITED BY EDWARD E. MORRIS, M.A. & J. SURTEES PHILLPOTTS, B.C.L. THE AGE OF ELIZABETH REV, M. CREIGHTON, M.A. V THE AGE OF ELIZABETH im i mf wm mmmmmmmm M iim mu0 m ww mm0mmtmn>m~..+/ BY MANDELL CREIGHTON, M.A. LATE F1ILLOW AND TUTOR OF ME K TON COLLEGE, OXFORD WITH MAPS AND TABLES NEW YORK: CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, 1890. 5(1 15 10 THE AGE OF ELIZABETH ' i»m. ' jn immmmfBimBmmamB mm m .wiiMiuw BY MANDELL CREIGHTON, M.A. «Jj— WW W W I I • LATH FELLOW AND TUTOR OF MERTON COLLEGE, OXFORD WITH MAPS AND TABLES NEW YORK: CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, 1890. WAY 2 7 L ans f-er PREFACE. My object in this little book has been to adhere as closely as possible to the intention of the series, and to embrace as much as I could of the contemporary history of Europe. For this purpose severe com- pression was required, and though I have endea- vored to preserve the perspective of events, I can- not hope that I have always succeeded. I have grouped European history round the history of England, because I considered that in that way it would be made most interesting to the English reader. I have regarded the political history as of the chiefest importance, and only in the case of England have I found space for social or literary history. My guide throughout the whole of this period has been Ranke, who has made the history of the six- teenth and seventeenth centuries peculiarly his own. His " Englische Geschichte " 1 contains a clear and 1 Translated, Clarendon Press, 6 vols., 1875. vi Preface. vigorous sketch of the reign of Elizabeth in its con- nection with external politics. His " Deutsche Ge- schichte im Zeitalter der Reformation ,n is a masterly account of the Reformation in Germany and of its political effects upon that country. His "Romische Papste " 2 contains an account of the influence of the Reformation movement on Catholicism, the progress of the Catholic Reformation and its reaction upon Protestantism. His " Geschichte Frankreichs " 3 unfolds the influence of the Reformation on the fortunes of the French monarchy. Finally a little book, originally published as the first volume of a series of which the " Romische Papste ' ' formed the second part, under the name of " Fiirsten und Volker der Siid-Europa " 4 contains an admirable account of the formation of the Spanish monarchy under Charles V. and Philip II. These works of Ranke will remain as the chief sources of our knowledge of the history of these times. They are founded upon a careful study of contem- porary documents, especially upon the despatches of the Venetian ambassadors. There are no works of 1 Partly translated by Mrs. Austin; but the translation is now unfortunately out of print, and can rarely be met with. 2 Translated by Mrs. Austin. 3 vols. Fourth edition. Mur- ray, 1866. 3 A very small part of this has been translated by M. A. Gar- vey (Bentley, 1852) ; but this also is out of print, and is only a fragment. 4 Translated by Walter Kelly under the title "The Ottoman and Spanish Empires" (Whittakers, 1843); also out of P rint « Preface. vii equal value to which the student of this period can be referred for knowledge of the history as a whole. For English affairs, Hay ward's "Life of Edward VI.," Goodwin's " Life of Queen Mary," and Cam- den's "History of Elizabeth" are standard authorities. Mr. Froude's "History of England " is admirable for the reigns of Edward VI. and Mary, and his re- searches have thrown much light upon the politics and character of Elizabeth. Mr. Motley's "Rise of the Dutch Republic" and "History of the United Netherlands ' ' give a detailed account of the revolt of the Netherlands, and bring to notice many cha- racteristics of Elizabeth's government. For the internal history of England, Hallam's " Constitutional History" is indispensable. For ec- clesiastical history, Strype's "Annals of the Refor- mation" and "Life of Parker" are important. For the social history, Nichols' "Progresses of Elizabeth," Stow's "Survey of London," and Harri- son's "Description of England " at the beginning of Holinshed's Chronicle are of the greatest importance. Nathan Drake's "Shakespeare and his Times" is a mine of interesting quotations from contemporary authors. Of Elizabeth's court life and personal character, Sir John Harrington's " Nugae Antiquae " and Naunton's " Fragmenta Regalia " give interest- ing accounts: Miss Aikin's "Memoirs of the Court of Queen Elizabeth ' ' collects a great deal of charac- teristic gossip. For the history of trade, Macpherson's "Annals of viii Preface. Commerce ' ' can be referred to. Mr. Fox Bourne's "English Seamen under the Tudors " gives a clear account of English discoveries during this period. In literary history I have not aimed at doing more than connecting the literary development of England with the great stimulus to national activity which the events of Elizabeth's reign supplied. The young student would gain more by reading one or two of the works referred to than by reading literary histo- ries or criticisms -on books which he has not read. The ground which I have traversed in the social history of this period has been covered since I began to write by Mr. Green's "History of the English People, ' ' which has devoted considerable space to the social and literary history of Elizabeth's reign. To that work, in the first instance, I refer all who need more detailed information on these points. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. PAGE The Reformation, its causes and meaning . . I Questions raised by it . . . . . 3 Mixture of politics and religion . ... 4 Important points in the history of the sixteenth century 4 Religious condition of Europe in the middle of the six- teenth century 5 BOOK I. RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENT IN GERMANY AND ENGLAND. CHAPTER I. RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENT IN GERMANY. Germany and the Reformation . . 7 1519-1544. Projects of Charles V. . . .8 1544. Charles V. attacks the Protestants . 9 His difficulties . . . -9 1552. Reaction against Charles V. . . 10 1555. Diet of Augsburg aims at arranging religious difficulties . . . 13 x Contents. PAGE Weakness of its arrangement . . 13 Hopes of Charles V. . • 14 CHAPTER II. REFORMATION IN ENGLAND UNDER EDWARD VI. 1547-53- Position of Charles V. towards England . 14 1531-1547. Reformation under Henry VIII. . 15 State of parties in England . . 1 5 Jan. 1547. Accession of Edward VI. . . 17 1547-49. The Reformation under the Protector Somerset 17 1547. England and Scotland . . .18 1548-9. Troubles in England . . . 19 1549. England and France . . . .21 Fall of Somerset .... 23 1550. Warwick and the Reformation . . 23 Northumberland's plans ... 26 1553. Death of Edward VI. . . .28 Failure of Northumberland . . 28 CHAPTER III. CATHOLIC REACTION IN ENGLAND.— 1 55 3-5 5. Queen Mary and Charles V. . . .29 1553. Mary's religious changes ... 31 Mary's marriage schemes . . -32 1554. Wyatt's Rebellion ... 34 Mary marries Philip . . . . 36 Re-establishment of papal supremacy . 37 Return of Cardinal Pole and persecution . ^S Mary's home government . . 40 CHAPTER IV. FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND, AND THE PAPACY. — 1555~58. 1556. Abdication of Charles V. . . . 41 1557. Successes of Philip II. . . . 42 Pope Paul IV. and England . . .42 Contents. xi PAGE 1557-8. Loss of Calais . . . -43 1558. Mary's failure and death . . 44 Accession of Elizabeth . . -45 Her political difficulties ... 47 CHAPTER V. RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENT IN ENGLAND. Elizabeth's religious views , . 47 1559. Re-establishment of Protestantism . 48 Opposition of the bishops . ; 49 Elizabeth's ecclesiastical system e „ 50 BOOK II. FRANCE AND SCOTLAND.— 1520-67. CHAPTER I. THE REFORMATION MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND SCOTLAND. 1515-47. Reformation in France under Francis I. . 53 1536-58. Reformation in Geneva and France. . . 54 1559. Death of Henry II. and power of the Guises . 56 State of Scotland and its relations with France 57 John Knox and the Reformation . . 59 Rising against the Regent . . .60 1560. Treaty of Berwick between Elizabeth and the Scots . . . . . 62 ■* Conspiracy of Amboise and recall of the French from Scotland . . 62 Reformation carried through in Scotland . 63 Troubles in France . . .64 Xll CHAPTER II. MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS. PAGE Mary in France. . . . -6$ ^561. Her return to Scotland . . . 65 Elizabeth's relations towards Mary . . 67 Mary's policy . •. , . 69 1562-3. Beginning of the religious wars in France . 69 Elizabeth helps the Huguenots . • 71 1565. Mary's marriage with Darnley . . 73 Catholic plans in Scotland . . 73 1566. Darnley's quarrel with Mary . , -75 1567. Murder of Darnley ... 78 Mary's marriage with Bothwell . . 79 Mary's enforced abdication . . .81 BOOK III. SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS. CHAPTER I. THE SPANISH MONARCHY. Power of Charles V. His government of his dominions. Changes made by Philip II. Character and policy of Philip II. CHAPTER II. THE REVOLT OF THE NETHERLANDS. The Netherlands and their government Their prosperity 1558-66. Opposition to Philip II. . 83 .86 87 9i 9i 92 Contents. xiii PAGE Philip's ecclesiastical measures . '93 Growing discontent in the Netherlands . 95 Commercial effects on England . . 96 1566. Image-breaking in Antwerp . . 97 1567. Alva sent to the Netherlands . . .99 1568. Resistance of the Prince of Orange . 100 CHAPTER III. RESULTS OF ALVA'S MEASURES ON FRANCE, ENGLAND, AND SCOTLAND. — 1567-70. 1567. Rising of the Huguenots . . . 102 1569. Second Religious war in France . . 102 1570. Peace of St. Germain . . . 103 1568. Mary of Scotland escapes from prison and takes refuge in England . . .104 Conduct of Elizabeth . . . 106 1569. Rebellion of the Northern Earls . .107 Cruelty in its suppression . . 108 CHAPTER IV. STRUGGLES OF CATHOLICISM AND PROTESTANTISM. — 1570-72. 1570. Excommunication of Elizabeth . . 109 Murder of the Regent Murray in Scotland no England's answer to the Pope . . no 1571. Ridolfi's plot ..... no Catholic plans in France . . . 112 Charles IX. and Coligny . . 113 Alva's cruelty in the Netherlands . 115 1572. Foundation of the United Netherlands . 116 French help to the Netherlands . . 1 1 7 CHAPTER V. ST. BARTHOLOMEW'S DAY, 1 572. Plot against Coligny . . . .118 Paris and the Huguenots . . 119 xiv Contents. PAGE Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day . 1.20 Effect of the massacre in France and the Netherlands . . . 121 1572-3. Siege of Goes and Haarlem . . .123 1573. Alva leaves the Netherlands . . 124 General result of the massacre . .125 1574. Death of Charles IX. . . . 126 Summary . . . . .126 BOOK IV. HOME GOVERNMENT OF ELIZABETH. CHAPTER I. ELIZABETH AND HOME AFFAIRS. Elizabeth as a politician . . 128 Her economy and deceit . . .129 Her love of peace . . . 129 Her religious views . . .130 Condition of ecclesiastical affairs . 133 English commerce . . . 135 CHAPTER II. Elizabeth's court and minister^. Lord Burleigh .... 137 Sir Nicolas Bacon . . . 139 Elizabeth's favorites . . . 140 Earl of Leicester . . . .141 Elizabeth's court and magnificence . 143 Royal progresses . • . .144 Contents. xy BOOK V. CONFLICT OF CATHOLICISM AND FRO* TESTANTISM.—iS 76-86. CHAPTER I. THE STRUGGLE IN THE NETHERLANDS. — 1576-83. PAGE 1576. The Spanish Fury . . . -149 Coming of Don John of Austria . 150 1577. Failure of his schemes . . . 151 1578. Coming of the Prince of Parma . 153 1580. Philip's conquest of Portugal . .154 Ban against the Prince of Orange . 154 1581. Duke of Anjou woos Elizabeth . . 156 1582. Anjou made sovereign of the Netherlands 157 1583. Anjou's treachery . . . 158 CHAPTER II. THE JESUITS AND THE CATHOLIC REACTION. Rise and objects of the Jesuits . . 159 1576—9. England and the Papacy . . 161 1582. Catholic attempt in Scotland . . 162 1579-84. Seminary priests and Jesuits in England 163 1584. Assassination of the Prince of Orange . 165 Throgmorton's conspiracy in England 166 Association to protect Elizabeth . 166 *vi Contents. BOOK VI. THE LEAGUE AND THE ARMADA. CHAPTER I. SPAIN AND THE LEAGUE. PAGE 1585. Philip II. and France . 167 Formation of the League 168 Henry III. and the League 170 Siege of Antwerp ..... 170 1585-6 . Leicester in the Netherlands 173 Drake in the Spanish Main 173 1586. Death of Sir Philip Sidney .... CHAPTER II. THE SPANISH ARMADA. 174 Babington's conspiracy .... 175 1587. Mary implicated, condemned, and executed 176 Results of Mary's death . . . . 177 Progress of the League .... 178 1587. War of the three Henrys .... 179 1588. Triumph of Guise in Paris 180 ,- Exploits of Drake ..... 181 *■ The Invincible Armada .... 181 Cause of its failure ..... 185 Importance of the crisis . 186 CHAPTER III. REACTION AGAINST SPAIN. 1588. Assassination of Guise .... 187 1589. Assassination of Henry III. . . . 188 1589-/J2. England's naval war against Spain . . 189 Colonizing expeditions .... 192 Contents. 1590. Success of Henry IV. in France 1 59 1-2. Reaction in favor of Henry IV. 1593. Conversion of Henry IV. . XV11 PAGE 195 197 I98 BOOK VII. ENGLAND AFTER THE ARMADA. CHAPTER I. ENGLISH LIFE IN ELIZABETH'S REIGN. Growth, of national character Results of increased prosperity Architecture ..... Furniture Dress Amusements ■ The theatre .The poor-laws Occupations CHAPTER II. ELIZABETHAN LITERATURE. Causes of literary activity Increase of learning Historical inquiry Prose writers . Euphuism . Sir Philip Sidney Puttenham and Bacon Love-poetry Spenser The Drama Greene a 199 200 200 202 204 205 206 207 208 209 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 218 219 XV111 Contents. Marlowe Shakespeare Later Dramatists PAGE 220 222 226 CHAPTER III. LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 1595- Religious settlement in France . 227 1596. Expedition against Cadiz 228 Parties at Elizabeth's court 229 Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex 229 1597. The Island Voyage . . . . 230 r598- Death of Philip II. 231 1599- Essex in Ireland . • 233 1601. Rising of Essex 234 Elizabeth and Parliament • 235 1603. Death of Elizabeth - , 236 GENEALOGICAL TABLES. PAGE 1. Illustrating Mary's Reign 33 2. u Mary of Scotland's Claim to the English Throne ... 74 3. Showing Parentage of Charles V. . . .84 4. " Succession to the Throne of France . 169 MAPS. ^1. Europe in the age of Elizabeth . . to face title 2. Dominions of Philip II 85 \ 3. The Netherlands 115 1 4. English and Spanish Discoveries in the New World , ... 167 5. The Mouth of the Tagus . . . . 19c Cn H HI t-l H Ln Cn (L s 03. Ln h^ ^ 1 P 1 Hi 1-1 cr 1 On 2. M J3 ^ P- Ln ^ Ln Vj p Ln Ln <3 P* 00 CO H-( H Mm M H O 3 ot W 00 2 -^r 2 Q\P M 2 •* » 2. i^ *=J P 1* O >-( 3 HI H>, HI tit 1-4 P p ON Ln g (_n 3 5 m h-|^i 3 OnP, 00 r^ "< M ["'^h^ j—t HI l-tf Ln 2 £ Q Ln tr w tr C/3 oo m On & on£ 1 ^ M 1*3' Ln 1— 1 1 PL hi rt> Ln w P 5* VO H- 1 Ln ,_, W J ' 00 • On- 1 1 I590 Innocent I 1590-159 Clement V. 1 1592-160 O C HI r -. HI ^ W l-H M CTOOG^-J 1 ^ On [P<-n -.(_n P Ln ft- to g On e^O £ Ui _, C/3 l-l HH 1— 1 (__, ! — 1 <^Ln .rfO-i MUi <^Ln ^Ln HHMD HI « |H CfQ M •-s Or ^ VO x° P Ln p: Ln hj <■" £^Lo P « ? 2 -* £- B 1 id 1 M JT HI M l_| g^ >-^ m Ln H^i_n 1— 1 01 <1 HO ' ^h M °^ VO t—l HHLn J -1 O ' J— 1 w ««— | HI Ui p Ln Ui 1 n ! P HI H, rt> P* * On <* Ln^ On 9 a. THE AGE OF ELIZABETH. INTRODUCTION. The period of the Reformatio!* marks a great change in the general condition of Europe. It was a change which had been slowly coming, but which The R e f or „ then first made itself decidedly and clearly ma tion. known. New knowledge had arisen amongst the peo- ples of Europe, and new ideas had come from different sides. The old Latin writers were discovered, and read with eagerness ; the fall of Constantinople sent many Greeks and much of the old Greek literature into Europe. The discovery of the New World extended men's ideas of their surroundings, and opened up a wide field for their speculations. National feeling had grown stronger throughout Europe, as the nations had become united under strong rulers. The result of all this was that men's interests became more secular, that the old ecclesiastical system did not so entirely cover men's lives as it had done in Its causes. the Middle Ages. The change may be seen by noticing how gradually the Crusading spirit passed into the spirit of colonization. Both were founded on the love of adventure ; but this when guided by ecclesiasti- cal feeling led to the Crusades, when guided by national 2 Introduction. feeling led to colonization. As men found that they had more interests outside the ecclesiastical system, they began more to criticise its organization and working. They felt that man was not made for Church system, but Church system for man. There were demands on all sides for a reformation of the existing state of things. It was impossible to advance in other matters until religion had first been dealt with. Every one who wanted to make any improvement found that he must begin from religion in some shape or another. If he were a scholar, like Erasmus, who wanted to make men wiser, he soon found that the existing condition of religion stood in his way. If he were a politician, like Charles V., he soon found that religious questions were the chief ones which he had to consider in conducting affairs. Some men were content with the old state of things, either from interested motives, or from real love for that Its meaning. form of worshi P in which they had been born and bred. Others wished to keep the old sys- tem but make a few alterations in it : they believed the government of the Church to be the right one, and to be, moreover, quite necessary, though they thought that it had been carelessly carried on, and needed improve- ment. Others declared that they could find no authority in Scripture for the existing system of the Church, and wished to change it altogether. Gradually men had to range themselves on one side or the other. Either they thought that in and through the Church only did man have communion with God ; or they thought that God would receive any man who faithfully turned to Him. This was the broad distinction between the two parties we shall call Catholics and Protestants. Hence it was that religion naturally became the battle- field of the old and new state of things. A religious Introduction. 3 change was, moreover, most deep-reaching in its conse- quences. It could not be made without leading to changes in politics and society also. For a change in belief meant a schism from the existing Christian community. This community was ruled over by the Pope, who kept together the different local authorities, and secured the unity of Western Christendom in ecclesiastical matters. A change of belief meant a revolt from his authority. This was very difficult to carry out in any case. For the people who lived under one civil government were not likely all at the same time to agree to Q Uest i ons make this change. They differed in conse- raised by it. quence about almost every point : for the old ecclesiasti- cal system went down to the very foundation of daily life and affected almost everything that men did. In every State, therefore, there were divisions, and that too about serious matters. It was not merely a question of reli- gious beliefs or forms of worship. The Church had large lands, — were these to go to the old religion or to the new religion, or were they to be taken for secular purposes ? Were priests to be looked upon as ordinary men, or were they the sole channels through whom men could obtain salvation ? Were they to marry, or were they not ? These were questions that had to be settled in some way or another. Those who held to the old beliefs could not endure, without a struggle, to see all that they rever- enced set aside. Not only must they keep to the old beliefs themselves, they must see also that the old sys- tem was handed down to those that came after them ; they must see that it was not destroyed. So, too, those who had accepted the new beliefs felt that they must try to spread their own convictions, and must try to root out superstition. Nothing but discord could be the result of these opposite convictions. 4 Introduction. The Reformation, then, introduced division into every State, division which was more or less bitter according as the two parties were more or less equally balanced. But this was not all. Besides affecting the internal condition of States, the Reformation greatly affected their relations towards one another. According to the old state of things Christendom was one ; but now it had ceased to be so. According to the old ideas, the Empe- ror was the temporal head of Christendom, and now it was to be expected that he would try and bring back unity, if it were at all possible. Besides all the other causes for quarrelling which existed in Europe between different States, difference of religion was now added. The consequence of this was that politics and religion became most strangely mixed together. Not only were Mixture of there two parties in each State in open or politics and . religion. concealed warfare with one another, but also all the relations between States were regulated very greatly by religious considerations. Protestantism began simply enough in an attempt to worship God more in accordance with the dictates of reason and conscience. This attempt, however harmless it might seem, really meant a great change in the government of the State which allowed it to be made. It meant also a great change in all the political relations of Europe. It was hardly likely that these changes could be made peaceably ; the interests involved were too great. Only after a period of internal struggle did each nation decide which side it was going to take. Only after a period of great conflict did Europe form itself into a new political system. The interest of the first half of the six- important points in the teenth century lies in tracing the causes that sixteenth cen^ brought about the religious movement, and tury - in seeing how the new principles were at first Introduction. 5 worked out. The interest of the last half of the sixteenth century lies in seeing the political effects which were pro- duced by the religious movement, when it had once taken root. These political results, as we have seen, were of two kinds— they affected the nations separately, and they affected Europe as a whole. We have, then, to keep before us these two main points : — i. The internal conflicts of the nations of Europe be- fore each decided which side in religion it should take as a nation. 2. The changes in the political relations of Europe generally which the Reformation brought about. It is, of course, impossible to keep these two points separate from one another ; but it will be easier to under- stand what was going on, and to see the reasons for the relative importance of events, if these two main points be kept in view. In the middle of the sixteenth century the revolt against the authority of the Pope had spread over the greater part of northern Europe. Norway, Religious con- ii-i j 4--U dition of Sweden, and Denmark had accepted tne Europe in the Protestant teaching. England had thrown jg^ the off obedience to the Pope, though Henry century. VIII. was not in favor of any great change in doctrine. Germany was divided into Protestant and Catholic States, the Protestants prevailing in the north, and the Catholics in the south. The Swiss Cantons were divided into Catholic and Protestant, but the Swiss Protestants were not agreed with the Protestants of Germany. There were also Protestants in France, Scotland, and the Netherlands, though, as yet, they had not made any very important advance. We shall have to trace the fortunes of the Reforma- tion in the following countries : 6 Introduction. (i.) In Germany, where a temporary toleration was devised. (2.) In England, where the revolt from Rome was confirmed, and Protestant opinions were seen to be necessary to the political liberty of the country. (3.) In Scotland, where the people shook off Catholi- cism almost at once, and changed their old political atti- tude to agree with their new religious condition. (4.) In the Netherlands, where Protestantism fostered a desire for freedom, and supported the people in a long war against Spain. (5.) In France, where a long period of civil war was caused by religious differences, but, in the end, Catholi- cism proved itself to be more deeply rooted than Protes- tantism. Besides these occurrences in the separate countries we have to see how the struggle between Protestantism and Catholicism in Europe generally tended to centre round the two powers of England and Spain. The result of this struggle was that England began to take the fore- most position in Europe, while Spain, though still wear- ing the appearance of outward strength, grew internally weaker and weaker. BOOK I. RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENT IN GERMANY AND ENGLAND. CHAPTER I. RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENT IN GERMANY. Germany consisted of a number of small States, each under the rule of their hereditary Prince, and of a num- ber of Free Cities, who were under no control Germany except that of the Emperor, which was very ^^^011 slight. The German king, when he received coronation from the Pope, became Emperor, and was looked upon as the head of Christendom. Under his presidency the Princes of the Empire and Representa- tives of the Cities met together at a Diet to settle matters of common interest for Germany. When many of the States and Cities of Germany fol- lowed Luther's teaching, and shook off the old ecclesi- astical system, they were of course opposed by those that remained Catholic. To protect themselves they formed, in 1529, a league known as the league of Smal- kald, from the place where it was concluded. The Catholics formed a league against them, and so Ger- many was divided into two opposite camps. Charles V. had been Emperor since 15 19, and he would have interfered to put down Protestantism in Ger- 7 8 Religious Settlement in Germany, a. d. 1544 Projects of many at its first growth, if he had been Charles v. a bi e> He was, however, ruler of so many other countries besides Germany, that he could not attend to Germany alone. As King of Spain he had to war against the Moorish corsairs, who injured the Span- ish trade. As the inheritor of the possessions of the Dukes of Burgundy, he had to war with the King of France. As Emperor he had to make good his position in Italy. As head of the House of Austria, as well as head of Christendom, he had to drive out the Ottoman Turks, who pressed up the Danube valley, and threat- ened to extend their conquests over Europe. All these things employed Charles V., and he needed all the help that he could get from Germany to enable him to carry out these great undertakings. In Germany he was king ; but he was checked by the independent power of the Princes and the Free Cities, and could raise money and troops only for such purposes as they approved of. Many of them were in favor of the Reformation, and would not help him in any undertaking directed against Protestantism. He thought it wise, therefore, to leave Protestantism alone at first, and to draw from the grati- tude of the Protestant Princes the help that he needed for his other political designs. He opposed Protestant- ism, for he was Emperor and head of the Catholic world. But he was not, therefore, a devoted adherent of the Papacy, and was convinced that some religious changes were necessary. These changes he hoped to be able to introduce when he had leisure ; meanwhile he let matters take their course in Germany, so far as not to interfere forcibly. At last, in 1 544, Charles V. had put down the pirates, had succeeded in making himself master of the greater part of Italy, had seen the Ottomans fall back from their most -1548. Charles V. and Protestantism. 9 threatening position, and had made peace with France. Now he could turn his attention to Germany. Char]es v His plan was to compel the Pope to summon attacks the a General Council, at which the points in dis- pute between Catholics and Protestants should be set- tled. But the Protestants refused to acknowledge such a council, and Charles, with the help of the Pope, de- clared war against the Smalkaldic League in 1546. Many Protestants helped him ; for not all of them be- longed to the league, and some hoped to get toleration without resistance to the authority of the State. The chief leaders of the Smalkaldic army were John Frederic, Elector of Saxony, and Philip, Landgrave of Hesse. Their army was stronger than the Emperor's, but was broken up by the retreat of the Elector. His Electorate had been attacked in his absence by his nephew Maurice, who though a Protestant was fighting on the Emperor's side. When once the Smalkaldic forces were broken, the Emperor reduced the Protestant cities one by one. Next year he defeated the Elector, and took him pri- soner; the Landgrave of Hesse submitted to him, and was also kept in prison. It seemed as though Protes- tantism were entirely ruined. But, meanwhile, the Pope had become alarmed at this success : he had also quarrelled with the Emperor about the possession of some towns in Italy. He D;fficulties was afraid that Charles V. might settle re- of Cll3Xl6S y • ligious matters in a way unfavorable to the Papacy. So he broke up the Council, which had begun to sit at Trent, as he thought that place was too much under the Emperor's power. Thus Charles V. had compelled the Protestants to obey the Council, but there was no Council to obey. Here- upon he took a step like Henry VIII., and published a io Religious Settlement i?i Germany. A. D. 1552. decree called the " Interim " ( 1 548), which enacted the old ecclesiastical system with a few changes, and toleration on a few points. This was to be the religion of Germany till the Council could go on. The "Interim" however, was liked by neither party. To the Protestants it was as bad as Romanism ; to the Catholics it seemed to be an arbitrary in- Opposltion . to terference in religious matters. Moreover, the national feeling of the Germans was hurt by the way in which the Emperor enforced obedience to it and kept a foreign army in Germany. The German princes also were aggrieved by the imprisonment of the Elector and the Landgrave — it was an infringement of the rights of the princes as a class, which no prince could see with satisfaction. Maurice had been made Elector of Saxony by the Em- peror for his services. He was a Protestant ; but the Maurice of Emperor wished to show that he punished, Saxony no t opinions, but disobedience. Perhaps Maurice had hoped for greater toleration for Protestant- ism, and was now disappointed. Perhaps his policy was entirely selfish, and he had only helped the Emperor that he might get the Electorate of Saxony for himself; now that he had got it he saw he could only keep it by helping Protestantism against the Emperor. It is hard to say which of these views is true. Maurice is one of the most puzzling characters in history ; he was a master of deceit, and he died (1553) before he had time to go far enough with his plans to enable us to judge what he really meant. At all events Maurice of Saxony laid a deep plan against the Emperor. Seeing that the German Protes- Reaction tants were not strong enough to fight by Ch ain i St v themselves, he entered into an alliance with A. d. 1552. Maurice of Saxony. 11 Henry II. of France. Henry II. had only lately come to the throne, and was willing enough to signalize his reign by striking a blow at the great enemy of France. Maurice, laying his plans with deep secrecy, managed to keep together the army with which he had been besieging the Protestant town of Magdeburg in the Emperor's name. As he found that two of his secreta- ries were spies of the Emperor's, he kept them in his service, and wrote false letters, whose contents were meant to deceive the Emperor. Then, when all was ready, and the Emperor, entirely unprepared, was at Innsbruck, where he had gone to look after the reassem- bling of the Council of Trent, Maurice took the field against him. Charles V. had to flee from Innsbruck in the middle of the night, and only left it two hours before Maurice entered. The French, meanwhile, had entered Lorraine, and taken Metz, Toul and Verdun. Charles V.'s prestige was broken ; he had no money and no troops ; he must make peace in Germany, unless he was prepared to see Germany permanently divided. If he hesitated, the result would be that the Catholic States would go with Austria, and the Protestant States would form a new power, under the protection of France. So, sorely against his will, Charles V. had to agree to a peace. At a meeting at Passau, in 1552, Maurice de- manded toleration for the Protestants — tole- convention of ration granted to them for themselves, with- Passau - out any condition of a future Council, or any mention of Papal permission. The Emperor could not be prevailed upon to grant this ; it seemed to him to be a neglect of his duty as head of Christendom. He would only grant toleration until a Diet had been held to settle uniformity. Really, Charles V.'s plans had failed. He was a firm believer in the old political system which depended on 12 Religious Settlement of Germany. A. D. 1555. outward unity. He had hoped to unite his Failure of , . . . Charles V.'s vast dominions into one great power. For p an ' this purpose he was prepared to make a few changes in the old political and ecclesiastical system, though he was not prepared to move from the main ideas on which they were founded. Spain, Italy, Sicily, and the Netherlands he knew how to manage. He won over, says a Venetian ambassador, the Spaniards by his gravity and wisdom, the Italians by his success, the Flemings by his geniality and kindliness ; but the Germans, in spite of his efforts, he never understood. So, when he had succeeded everywhere else, he failed in Germany, The German princes. Protestant and Catholic alike, looked with entire disfavor on his attempt to make a strong central power in Germany. The German people, Protestant and Catholic alike, failed to understand his moderate position in ecclesiastical matters ; they wanted either no change at all, or much more sweeping changes than he was prepared for. So the opposition to him had grown strong just as his plans had seemed on the point of success. When that opposition had openly declared itself, he had to choose between the surrender of his plans and a new hazardous war, by which he would run great risk of losing the Netherlands and Protestant Germany together. Charles V. gave way for the present ; the future still depended on his success against France. He laid siege to Metz with a large army ; but it was to no purpose. His troops began to die as winter came on, and Charles was obliged to raise the siege, saying, with a sigh, that " Fortune was a woman, and did not favor the old." After this failure, there was no course left but con- cession. The Diet of Augsburg in 1555 confirmed the a.d- 1555- Ecclesiastical Reservation. 13 peace agreed to at Passau. The Protes- , Diet of Au § s - tants were to practice their own religion, wherever it had been at that time established. Hence- forth, all Princes and Cities might tolerate or prohibit either religion within their territories. The maxim, " cujus regio ejus religio," (he who rules the country may settle its religion) was now distinctly accepted. By this decree of the Diet of Augsburg the Protestants obtained for the first time a legal position within the Em- pire. Their right to maintain their religion „ ,. . r ° • 1 xt r Religious diffi- was unconditionally recognised. Henceforth cui ties still un- Catholicism could not claim to be the estab- lished religion. No Emperor could lawfully attack Pro- testant princes on the ground of their Protestantism only. The new religion had obtained legal recognition. But still there were many points left unsettled, and there were many points which were not likely to be settled peaceably at once. One question, especially, about which there was no agreement, was of pressing importance. What was to become of the ecclesiastical property of bishops, or other ecclesiastics, who joined the Reformed communion ? Was Church land to become secularized when its eccle- siastical holder became a Protestant, married and had children ? Were the lands given in past time to the old Church, to pass over to this new sect ? On the other hand, was it fair to the Protestants that all the vast dis- tricts at present under the rule of ecclesiastics should al- ways belong to the Catholic powers, and always be ex- empt from Protestant influence ? No agreement could be come to on this point by the Diet ; but it was settled by a decree of the Emperor, that any prelate who joined the Reformed body, should forthwith vacate his eccle- siastical office, with all its possessions, and a new elec- tion should at once be made to his office. This, which B 14 Progress of the Reformation, a.d. 1531 was called the Ecclesiastical Reservation, was merely a decree of the Emperor, and was not accepted by the Protestants as a definite law. For the present, both par- ties were content to let matters rest. Peace had been patched up for a time, but no one expected it to last, The Reformation struggle paused in Germany for the rest of the century, only to break out with greater violence in the terrible Thirty Years War. Meanwhile, however, it remained to be seen if Charles V. would agree to this new state of things. It was en- Hopes of tirely opposed to his views of the unity of his Charles V. dominions, and he would not have accepted it if it had been possible for him to stand out against it. But he saw that the Protestants in Germany, aided by France, were too strong for him, unless he could get a powerful ally. He turned his attention, for this end, to England. The future depended on the success of the connection now established between England and the Austro-Spanish power. CHAPTER II. PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND UNDER EDWARD VI. — I 547-I 553. " The Emperor is aiming at the sovereignty of Europe, which he cannot obtain without the suppression of the Reformed religion ; and unless he crushes Charles v. to- the English nation, he cannot crush the Re- land dsEng " formation." This remark of Sir William Cecil may serve to explain the position in which first the Emperor, Charles V., and afterwards his son, Philip II., King of Spain, stood towards England. -1547* Reformation tender Henry VIII. 15 Their schemes for political supremacy were founded upon the old idea of European politics, which regarded Europe as a confederacy of nations under the headship of Pope and Emperor. England was the first nation which, as a nation, broke away from this state of things-, it was of the greatest importance to the house of Austria and Spain that this rebellion should not be made good. The movement against the Papacy had been of long standing in England. The English Church had never submitted unreservedly to Papal control, _ , * x Reformation and Papal encroachments had been guarded under against, especially in the reigns of Edward I. and Edward III., by stringent laws. At a time when general discontent with the Papacy prevailed in Europe particular cause for discontent was given to Henry VIII. As the royal power was then at its greatest height in England, Parliament transferred to the king the title of " Supreme Head of the Church of England," and abol- ished all the rights over the Church in England which the Pope at that time claimed. This abolition of the Pope's power was all that Henry VIII., and perhaps a majority of the English people, meant at first by the measures taken in his reign. Henry's plan was to maintain the Church discipline and doctrines unchanged, but to maintain them without the authority of the Pope. As time went on it became clear that this was impos- sible. The " men of the new learning " continued to ap- ply to religious matters the tests of reason, , ,. r • • • 1 r -, State of reh- or of primitive custom, and much of the gious parties, existing system was beginning to crumble away before them. Many, on seeing this, became alarmed, and asked themselves the question — "Where is this to stop ?" Afraid of the risk attending further in* 1 6 Progress of the Reformation. A.d. 1547. quiry, they went back to the old Papal system, as being surer than the novelties they heard on every side. They went back again to their old convictions, determined to meddle no more with change, but henceforth to fight the battle of the Pope. So, too, with the common people. They seem at first to have been willing enough to have the Pope set aside. But in the dissolution of the monasteries and its results, they soon began to see and feel what the royal headship of the Church might mean. Many who had seen with joy the monasteries fall, soon felt that their joy had been without cause. The monastery lands had passed to harder masters ; the taxes, which they had fondly hoped they never would have to pay again, were soon levied as if the royal coffers were no better filled than before. Many felt a great want in the associations of their daily life when they looked at the ruined piles with which so much that was solemn in their own lives had been connected. A large party, certainly the majority of the people, wished the old state of things quietly back again. Against these was set a party of earnest men — tho- roughly convinced of the badness of all that had gone on before, and wishing only to carry the changes further, so as to uproot everything that might still tend to keep the old errors alive. So long as Henry VIII. reigned, the more violent members of these two parties were kept down, and Henry forced his own position — the old Church system without a Pope — upon all alike. He seems, however, to have moved on, in his later days, in the direction of fur- ther reforms ; and he was inclined still more towards the party of the new learning by the violent conduct of the Earl of Surrey, which brought suspicion on his father also, the Duke of Norfolk, who was at the head of the Papal party. a. d. 1547. Reformation under Somerset. 17 When Henry died (Jan. 28, 1547), he appointed by his will a council of sixteen members, who were to manage affairs during the minority of his young son, _ , , , T , « / . ,- Accession of Edward VI. Amongst the members of the Edward VI. Council there was a majority of the men of the new learning, and the future movement of the Re- formation in England depended upon the way in which they would act. The Council seems to have felt the difficulty of its position. In the unsettled state of affairs it was neces- sary that the will of one man should guide the State. The Council therefore appointed one of their number, Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, Protector of the Realm. He was made Duke of Somerset, in accordance, it was said, with the late king's wish. As being Edward VI. 's uncle, he was likely to maintain his interests. The Duke of Somerset was the head of the Protestant party, and soon made known his intention of carrying out the Reformation as far as he could. In The Reforma- this he was aided by the Archbishop of Can- %°*g£S the terbury, Thomas Cranmer, whose opinions Somerset - during the later years of Henry VIII. had been slowly forming themselves after the model of the German Re- formers. A series of measures were at once carried out which made England a Protestant nation in matters of doctrine as well as in Church government. First, a royal visitation of the whole kingdom was held. Commissioners were sent into every diocese to see that the Church services were properly conducted. A book of homilies composed by Cranmer, was given to the clergy to be read in churches, and also a copy of Eras- mus' paraphrase of the New Testament. The services were made simpler and more uniform by the publication of the Book of Common Prayer. This, which is now 1 8 Progress of the Reformatio?!, a.d. 1547. known as the First Prayer Book of Edward VI., was compiled by Cranmer out of the old service-books, with a few changes. It has since undergone a few alterations and received a few additions, especially in 1662 ; but Cranmer's Prayer Book is in the main the same as that which is used by the Church of England at the present day. The fact that it is still looked upon with such affec- tion and reverence after three centuries, is the best proof that can be given of Cranmer's moderation and wisdom. On every side there were signs of the fall of the old sys- tem. Archbishop Cranmer ate meat openly in Lent ; images were pulled down in the churches ; an Act of Parliament was passed, allowing the marriage of the clergy. The object of the new system was to recognize Scripture and not tradition as the basis of men's belief. These measures met with the approval of a majority of thinking men in England. They were popular in London, and in the larger towns. But in the country generally they were accepted without being approved of. There was a smouldering discontent on every side. It was only by a successful government in other respects that Somerset was likely to put his religious measures upon a secure footing. Let us see, then, how far his other plans succeeded. The first point to which he turned his attention was a union between Scotland and England. Henry VII. and , Henry VIII. had both labored for this ob- bomerset s J dealings with ject; for they saw that England could never Scotland. n , . , . . . . _, hold an independent position in Europe so long as Scotland was an enemy always on the watch to take advantage of her momentary weakness. James V. of Scotland had died in 1 542, leaving an infant daughter, Mary, as heir to the Scottish throne. Henry VIII. had en- deavored to bring about a marriage between Mary and his a.d. 1548. Somerset's Policy. 19 son Edward, and this policy was pursued by Somerset. First he tried negotiations, and when these failed r he ad- vanced with an army into Scotland. The Scots were defeated with great loss at the battle of Pinkie-cleugh, not far from Edinburgh (September 10, 1547). Somer- set however, had not time to follow up his victory. His presence was wanted in England, and he hastily left Scotland without having accomplished his object. By this expedition, Somerset obtained for the time great military glory in England; but he increased the taxes of the people, who could ill endure to be taxed further. He also sowed so deep hatred in the heart of the Scots that they now threw themselves without reserve into the arms of France, their old ally. The Scottish lords determined to bind France firmly to Scotland by the marriage of their young queen with the dauphin. Mary was sent to France in August, 1548, to be educated till she was old enough for marriage. All hope of an alli- ance between England and Scotland was now at an end. and Somerset's endeavors to bring it about had only succeeded in making it impossible. Moreover, Scotland, by its alliance with France, had pledged itself to Catho- licism, and Protestantism would meet from it with bitter opposition. In this point, then, Somerset had failed ; but still greater difficulties soon beset him at home. He had in- herited from the last reign great financial Trou bles in troubles. The country was in debt, in spite England. of all the confiscations of ecclesiastical property, and the coinage had been depreciated in value, as a means of enabling Government to pay off its debts. This poli- cy, however, had produced very disastrous results in the unsettled state of the country generally. The deprecia- tion of the currency at once increased prices. This 20 Progress of the Reformation, a.d. 1549. made little difference to the merchant or trader, who paid a higher price for what he bought, and got a higher price for what he sold. But the changes which were coming about in methods of cultivation, owing to the large amount of land which had suddenly changed hands after the dissolution of the monasteries, prevented a proportionate increase in the wages of laborers. Large estates were now brought together into the hands of one landlord, and it was soon found that large farms were more profitable when used for grazing than when used for growing corn. English wool could be sold to Flanders for a high price ; and so large sheep-farms be- came the chief agricultural industry of England. This change was bad for the laborers in many ways. Grazing farms, to be profitable, must be large, while corn may be grown, and give a small profit, on small estates. The growth of large sheep-farms tended to di- minish the number of small tillage-farms, and so of small farmers, throughout the land. Again, large graz- ing-farms require quiet and solitude, and villages were pulled down to make the district better suited for the purpose. Grazing-farms also require fewer laborers than^ tillage-farms, and many men were thrown out of em- ployment, and so the rate of wages was kept low. Nor was this all. The monasteries had been indul- gent land-owners, and had never pressed their rights to the utmost. The new land-owners, however, were far different. They enclosed all the waste land and com- mon land which they could, and so deprived many families of their only livelihood. We cannot, then, be surprised that the poor were dis- contented with the Government, and connected their present misery with the religious change. The monas- teries had gone, but the people were worse off than be- a.d. 1549. Somerset'' 's Unpopularity. 21 fore. They wished that the old state of things was back again. This feeling led, in the summer of 1549, to risings of the peasants in many of the counties, which were easily checked at first. They, however, alarmed Somerset, who saw the evil of which the peasants complained, and did not wish to have the lower classes opposed to Protestantism. He therefore appointed com- missioners to inquire into their grievances, and to re- move the enclosures of the commons. This angered the gentry, who were the owners of the land, and en- couraged the peasants to take into their own hands the redress of their wrongs. The insurrection broke out again in a more serious form. Particularly in Norfolk, under the leadership of Robert Ket, the insurgents be- came very formidable, and were only put down after a severe struggle, by the Earl of Warwick, whose forces were largely composed of German mercenaries. By his conduct in this matter, Somerset had set against himself the land-owners, and had only beguiled the peasants to their ruin. His policy had Somerset's deal- failed as regarded Scotland, and it failed in ^ s with France - no less as regarded France. He was of opinion that peace must be made with France, at the price of the surrender of Boulogne, of the capture of which, in Henry VIII. 's reign, England was still proud. This step, however, was so unpopular that he did not dare to take it. France, encouraged by the troubled state of England and having no fear of the Emperor, who was busied in reducing Germany, sent a large army against Boulogne, in August, 1549. It was clear that Boulogne would soon fall, as Somerset had not sufficient troops at his command to meet the French army in the field. Added to all this, Somerset had become personally unpopular. The execution of his brother, Thomas, 22 Progress of the Reformation. A.D. 1549. Somerset's Lord Seymour, however justifiable, had unpopularity, given a great shock to popular feeling. There is no doubt that Lord Seymour, who was Lord High Admiral, was desirous of supplanting his brother. The times were times of wild ambition and desperate plotting for place and power. Lord Seymour had mar- ried the late king's widow with indecent haste, and after her early death had planned to obtain the hand of the Princess Elizabeth. He had tried to set the young king against the Protector, and to win his confidence himself. He was gathering troops for an attack upon his brother, and was robbing the Government by receiving money fraudulently coined. On these charges he was attainted, and was beheaded in 1548. Somerset was rid of a dan- gerous rival ; but the popular voice was loudly raised against the ambition that could require a brother's blood. Somerset, though sincere in his zeal for Protestantism, was also ambitious for his own greatness, and was proud, haughty, and high-handed in his behaviour. He treated the young king with harshness, and kept him under great restraint. He himself affected almost kingly mag- nificence. He wrote to the king of France as "brother." He built himself a splendid palace, Somerset House, in the Strand, and spared nothing to make it worthy of his position. To provide a site for it he had pulled down a parish church, and carried off materials from the ruins of chapels. His personal haughtiness to those around him had become very offensive, and one of his friends did not scruple to write to him — " Of late your grace is grown in great choleric fashions, wheresoever you are contraried in that which you have conceived in your head." The opposition to Somerset soon found a leader in John Dudley, Earl of Warwick. He was the son of the A. D. 1550. Government of Warwick. 23 minister of Henry VII. who had been put to Fall of death amid the joy of the people, soon after Somerset. the accession of Henry VIII. But Henry VIII. delighted to show that he could cast down and could raise up. John Dudley was gradually taken into his favor, was created Viscount Lisle, and was left one of the executors of the king's will, and, as such, a member of the Privy Council. When the Earl of Hertford was raised to the title of Duke of Somerset, Lord Lisle was also created Earl of Warwick. Gradually he had gained an ascendancy over the Council, and to him, rather than to Somerset, was given the command against the insurgent peasants. When he returned from his victory over Ket, he openly opposed the Protector, and at last a quarrel broke out between the Council and Somerset. Both parties be.gan to raise troops ; but Somerset found that his popularity was gone. He was obliged to submit, to resign the office of Protector, to ask pardon for his offences and to retire into private life (Dec. 1549). His life was spared for a while, but he was found to be too powerful for the safety of his opponents. Changes of ministry were in those days thought secure only when established by the death of the fallen minister. Somerset plotted to regain his position. He formed a plan to raise London in his defence, and so laid himself open to a charge of high- treason, for which he was condemned to death, and beheaded in December, 1 55 1. On Somerset's fall, Warwick was the head of the government. In spite of the unpopularity of the mea- sure, he was compelled to carry out Somer- Government set's plan of peace with France. There were no hopes of saving Boulogne. England was impover- ished, and had no troops. Her chief men were engaged, during the young king's minority, in struggling for their 2 4 Progress of the Reformation. A. D. 1 5 5 1 . own ambitious ends. Her people were oppressed by poverty and distracted by religious discord. Peace, therefore, was made with France in the spring of 1550, and Boulogne was restored. Scotland, also, which was weary of war, was included in the peace. It was impor- tant for the French king at this time to have his hands free that he might be able to help the Protestants in Germany, and strike a blow at Charles V. Warwick was not, like Somerset, a man of deep re- ligious convictions, nor had he any object except self- interest in his desire for power. The Catholic party at first hoped that he would undo his rival's Protestant measures. Perhaps, however, he was afraid, if he did so, of again strengthening Somerset's hands by putting him at the head of a strong religious party. The young king also had formed very decided Protestant opinions, and Warwick could not have made any changes without com- ing into direct collision with the king, in whose name and for whose interest he professed to govern. The Catholic expectations, therefore, were disappointed, and Warwick, having declared for the Reformation, helped to carry out measures of a more decidedly Protestant character. The success of Charles V. in Germany drove many of the leading German Reformers to seek shelter else- where. In England they were kindly re- Progress of t • • J the English ceived by Cranmer, whose own opinion ad- Reformation. yanced stin mrther i n a Protestant direction, from his intercourse with them. The most famous of these exiles, Peter Martyr and Bucer, were appointed to teach theology at the two universities, and everywhere the ideas of the English Reformers received a strong im- pulse from Lutheran teachers. This led to a great in- crease of reforming zeal, but also to greater lawlessness. Many different opinions prevailed on many matters, and a.d. 1552. Faults of the Reformers. 25 this was viewed with alarm, as the unity of the State was believed to depend on a unity of religious belief. Hence the Prayer Book was again revised, and its use made com- pulsory by an Act of Parliament, which rendered it penal to bj present at any religious service different from that therein prescribed. Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, and Bonrer, Bishop of London, who had before been suspected and imprisoned, were now deprived of their sees. To define more clearly the limits of the changes which the English Church had made, Archbishop Cran- mer, in imitation of the Continental Reformers, com- piled and issued the Articles of Religion. These, at first, numbered forty-two, but have since been reduced to thirty-nine. They, like the Prayer Book, have undergone some alterations since Cranmer's day, but in the main they continue such as he first issued. England was now decidedly Protestant. But it would take some time before the changes that had been made could sink down thoroughly amongst the people. The wildness and lawlessness of some Protestant teachers did much to alarm the people and make them fear the tendency of the changes which had been made. This led to repression on the part of the Government ; and when the Reformers are charged with intolerance it must be remembered that religion could not, in those times, be a matter merely of individual opinion. Upon the maintenance of unity, up to a certain point, de- pended social order and national strength. It is to be regretted that the leading statesmen under Edward VI. were influenced, almost entirely, by selfish motives, and that many of the leading ecclesiastics spent much of their time and energies in quarrels about points of small importance. The Reformed doctrines were not commended to the ignorant people by the wisdom, the 26 Progress of the Reformation, a.d. 1553. chanty, or the alluring character of its chief political promoters. As an instance of the want of any directing zeal may be taken the dealings of the king's advisers with Ireland, where, with a view of discouraging the use of the Irish language, it was ordered that the Irish should only have the church services read to them in English. This is one reason of the ill-success of the Re- formation movement in Ireland. It came to the people in a form imposed upon them by their rulers, a form which professed to appeal only to their convictions, yet which was conveyed in a language they could not un- derstand. Protestantism in England had not as yet become a national movement. The political leaders had adopted it, some through conviction, some for interested motives. It was genuinely accepted and zealously spread by a number of earnest converts. But the great mass of the people were content to obey the laws, though their lin- gering sentiment inclined in favor of the old state of things, whose evils were forgotten now that they had been removed, while the evils of the change were severe- ly felt and their influence on the present misery exag- gerated. The failing health of the young king filled the sup- porters of the Reformation with alarm. According to Northum- Henry VIII. 's will, the Princess Mary, his beriand's daughter by Catherine of Aragon, was to succeed. Mary never forgot her Spanish descent nor her mother's wrongs, and the religious change in England was necessarily connected in her mind with the thoughts of an insult offered to herself by the declaration of her illegitimacy. She never forgot also that she was the Emperor's cousin, and the exam- ple of his policy in Germany was not likely to be thrown A.d. 1553. Lady Jane Grey. 27 away upon her. The possibility of her accession filled the dominant party with alarm. They saw in it de- struction to themselves and their plans. As Edward VI. 's health grew worse, and it became evident that he had not long to live, the ambition of the Duke of Northumberland, for such was Warwick's new title, found out a scheme for altering the succession to the throne in a manner favorable to himself and Pro- testantism. Edward VI. was convinced that it was his duty to save the country from the danger of a return to " Papistry." He was persuaded that he had power to settle the succession by will as much as his father had. He forgot that his father had had that power conferred upon him by Act of Parliament. When once he was convinced, he shared all his father's determination and strength of will. The legal scruples of the judges were overruled by his stern and imperious commands. The moral scruples of Archbishop Cranmer had to bow be- fore the young king's will. With his own hand the dying boy drew out the draft of an instrument which was to secure to England a Protestant Queen. Mary, he argued, was barred by illegitimacy, as was also Elizabeth. By Henry VIII. 's will the line of his younger sister, Mary, who had married Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, had been preferred for the succession to the line of his elder sister, Margaret, who had married James IV. of Scotland.* Mary's eldest daughter had married Grey, Duke of Suffolk, and their eldest child, the Lady Jane Grey, who had been recently married to Northum- berland's son, the Lord Guilford Dudley, was chosen by the dying Edward for his successor. Northumberland counted upon the Protestant feeling in London to support * See Genealogical table on p. 33 28 Catholic Reaction in England, a.d. 1553. him. He strengthened his family connections by inter- marriages, and trusted that France would work with him to prevent the Emperor's cousin from ascending the English throne. When Edward VI. died (July 6, 1553) at the early age of seventeen, Queen Jane was duly proclaimed. The Lady jane people, however, taken by surprise at this Gre y- change, received their new queen in silence. The English people have always respected law, and re- ligious discord had not yet created among them such strong party feeling as to make them ready for violent measures. Northumberland soon found that he was mistaken in his hopes of strong popular support. He had also not succeeded in seizing the Princess Mary. She fled to Norwich, where she had been proclaimed queen, and where many lords flocked to her standard. Moreover, Northumberland had difficulties with the queen whom he had chosen. Though only a girl of six- teen, she was wise beyond her years, and had a high sense of the duties of her office. Her first exclamation, when she heard that she was queen, was a fervent prayer that God would give her strength to wield her sceptre for the nation's good. Northumberland found that he could not use her as a puppet. She refused to have her hus- band crowned with herself. Those who had joined Northumberland from purely selfish motives began to fall away when they saw that he would not be absolute even if he succeeded. Northumberland's scheme, therefore, entirely failed. He advanced against Mary, but found that his troops fell Failure and awa ^ from him - At last > in Cambridge, death of North- losing heart at the desertions, he proclaimed umberland. ,.. ' r Mary queen while the tears ran down his face. Mary now entered London unopposed. The Lady a.d. 1553. Mary and Charles V. 29 Jane was committed to the Tower. Northumberland pleaded guilty to the charge of high-treason, and was beheaded. On the scaffold he told the people that he died in the old religion, and that ambition only had led him to conform to the late changes. It is impossible to feel any sympathy for him. He was a man without any principle, except that of self-advancement, and his plan to alter the succession was badly laid and negligently carried out. His selfish policy, his irreligious life, and his hypocrisy or cowardice at the last, made him a most fatal friend to the Reformation. It was because the af- fairs of England were managed by men like him under Edward VI. that Protestant principles did not take deeper root, and the reaction that followed became pos- sible. CHAPTER III. CATHOLIC REACTION IN ENGLAND. — 1 553 — 1 555. The accession of Mary occurred at a time when Charles V. was looking for some means of strengthening him- self against France, and again making himself supreme in Germany. Mary was his cousin, and had been brought up in traditional reverence of his Q uee n Mary wisdom and power. During the last reign, and Charles V. Charles had interfered to procure for her the right of celebrating mass according to the Roman use, which Edward VI. was desirous to stop, according to the law. Mary, at her accession, found herself without a friend whom she could entirely trust. She was fervently at- tached to the old religion, and her fondest desire was to restore it in England. She threw herself upon the Em- c 30 Catholic Reaction in England, a.d. 1553. peror for support in this, and trusted to his wisdom for her guidance. It is this that gives Mary's reign its interest. If Eng- land could only be allied firmly with Spain, and brought back to the old state of things, Charles V.'s policy might still succeed. The Austro-Spanish power might be established as supreme in Europe Change would be rolled back, and future reorganization would depend on the Emperor's will. The ideas of Charles V. were, in the main points, much the same as those of Henry VIII. He would have no change in doctrine or in Church dis- advice to cipline ; but he wished to see flagrant abuses reformed, and the Pope's power rendered subordinate to his own. We see in Mary and Philip the result of the struggle of the previous generation. They were both one-sided and bigoted ; both submitted them- selves entirely to the Pope, and by the very severity of their reactionary measures rendered their success im- possible. So scrupulous was Mary even about small matters that she put off her coronation till she had re- ceived the oil to be used at the ceremony from Granvella, Bishop of Arras. She was afraid that the English oil might have lost its virtue, owing to the schism from Rome. The policy which Charles V. prescribed was one of moderation and tolerance till she felt secure. Then the alliance with himself was to be secured by Mary's mar- riage with his son Philip. Afterwards the restoration of the old state of things might be brought about gradually by legal means. Charles V. well knew the temper of the English people, and did not deceive himself about the difficulties of the marriage. He wished Mary, above all things, to secure her throne first of all, and warned her not to imperil it by offending her people. a . d . 1 5 5 3 • Mary ' s Marriage Schemes. 3 1 The religious question, however, could not be left un- settled. Mary herself attended the mass service according to the old usage, and in many places R eIi s ious the old services were again introduced. The bishops of the Catholic party, who had been deprived of office in the last reign, were restored to their sees, and the Reforming bishops were in their turn committed to the Tower. Cranmer drew this upon himself by boldly publishing a letter in which he expressed his grief at hearing that the mass service had been restored in Can- terbury Cathedral. He denounced its "blasphemies," and offered to prove publicly that the Reformed doc- trines were in accordance with Scripture. Ridley, Bishop of London, and Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, soon followed Cranmer to the Tower. The Queen's chief adviser was Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, whom she delivered from the Tower, where he had been confined during the late reign. Gardiner is the last of the great ecclesiastical made" 6 statesmen in whom mediaeval England was so Chancellor - rich. He was a statesman rather than an ecclesiastic, and the odium which has been attached to his name as a persecutor does not seem to be fairly his due. Gardi- ner was a thorough Englishman. He had been one of the foremost in urging the abolition of the Pope's supre- macy under Henry VIII. He wished for a national Church, but he did not wish in consequence to see any changes in doctrine or in ceremonies. He could not, therefore, agree with any of the changes in the late reign, and he honestly wished to abolish them. Gardiner, therefore, as Lord Chancellor, directed Mary's policy when she met her Parliament. The Crown interest had no doubt been greatly used to get a Parlia- ment agreeable to the queen's views. But the heads of 32 Catholic Reaction in England, a.d. 1554. the Reforming party were scattered. All were discredited by the failure of Northumberland's plot; some were in prison ; many had fled to the parts of the »Continent where they might hold their opinions in safety. The middle classes of the large towns were, on the whole, in favor of the late changes ; but the country people were, on the whole, of Gardiner's opinion — they wanted to have the old state of things, but to be rid of the Pope. Under these circumstances we cannot feel much sur- prise that Gardiner found the new Parliament easy to Catholic manage. All the enactments affecting Queen restoration. Catherine's divorce were repealed, and Mary's legitimacy fully established. It was determined to go back to Henry VIII. 's policy. The Prayer Book was abolished, and all the changes of the late reign were undone. Religion was restored to the condition in which it had been left at the death of Henry VIII. So far, Mary had advanced without difficulty. The next question to be settled was her marriage with Philip. ,, So well did Charles V. know the opposition Mary s maniage this plan was likely to meet with that he would not allow it to be complicated with any further question of the Pope's supremacy. At once, on the news of Mary's accession, Cardinal Pole was sent as the Pope's legate to England ; but on his way through the Netherlands he received orders from the Emperor to go no further without his permission. There were many in England who wished Mary to marry Pole ; for Regi- nald Pole's mother, the Countess of Salisbury, was a daughter of the Earl of Clarence, Edward IV.'s brother, and through her Pole could claim a royal descent* During Henry VIII. 's reign, Pole had gone into exile * See Genealogical table opposite. 33 O < < u I— < o o w o <0 o pi ,2 72 W 55 O 1— H >H H < fo tf o H w h-1 Q »— • W O H-I tf PQ < < ffi H u Ptf — o — 03 Q W) O 03 uj bit) U - . t ■ 3 8* 3 72 o > £ o ST! o rt — 13 — -a w > o3 fti as V b d £ 1 M Bl O O £ « - UfflQ >. K > t/i o CD O gC/2 ^3 8 • ti n ** O !T3 s 34 Catholic Reaction in England. A.D. 1554. rather than recognize the royal supremacy. He incurred Henry's anger by writing a most violent book against his divorce. In his plots against Henry's throne he so far involved his mother and brothers that they died as traitors on the scaffold. The candidate, however, of the English was Courtenay, Earl of Devon, whom Mary had released from the Tower. He was recommended by his youth, his noble family, and his descent from the old royal house of England through his grandmother, who was a daughter of Edward IV. His own misconduct, however, gave Mary a plausible excuse for rejecting his claims. She was determined to marry Philip ; and though Gardiner at first opposed this most earnestly, yet, when he saw the queen's mind was thoroughly made up, he did his best to protect the interests of England, and make the marriage as little disastrous as might be to the nation and the queen. The terms which he drew up, and which the Emperor was obliged to accept, gave Philip no royal title over England, no rights of succession, and no legal influence over English affairs. Still the very mention of this marriage offended the English national feeling, and created deep discontent. Wyatt's Some English nobles put themselves at the rebellion. head of risings in different counties, in favor of the Princess Elizabeth and Courtenay, who were to be proclaimed king and queen. But the conspirators did not lay their plans wisely. In Devonshire and Cornwall Sir Peter Carew discovered himself too soon, and was obliged to flee to France. At Coventry, the Earl of Suffolk, Lady Jane Grey's father, was equally unsuccess- ful, and was made prisoner at Coventry. In Kent only, under Sir Thomas Wyatt, was the rebellion formidable ; but there it threatened to be dangerous to the queen. a.d. 1554. Mary 1 s Marriage with Philip. 35 Wyatt, at the head of 15,000 men, advanced against Lon- don. The queen had no troops to meet him, and the citizens were wavering in their opinions. In this emer- gency Mary displayed her courage. She determined to throw herself upon the loyalty of her people, and ordering the lord mayor to summon a meeting of the citizens, she entered the Guildhall and herself addressed them. Mary was not prepossessing in appearance ; but at such a moment the black piercing eyes that gleamed from her sallow face, and the deep man's voice that jarred upon the ear in ordinary talk, lent greater dignity to her look and speech. Marriage, she said, was not so dear to her that for it she would sacrifice her people's good ; unless her marriage were approved by Parliament, she would never 'marry. " Wherefore stand fast against these rebels, your enemies and mine. Fear them not, for I assure you I fear them nothing at all." Next morning 20,000 men had enrolled themselves to guard the city. As Wyatt advanced, his army fell off from him. He forced his way into London, but found that no one rose to welcome him. He tried to retire, but was taken prisoner (Feb. 7, 1554). After the failure of this rebellion the queen's advisers determined to strengthen her position still more by re- moving out of the way all who hereafter might raise claims against her. Lady Jane Grey and her husband were beheaded. Elizabeth and Courtenay were im- prisoned, and attempts were made to implicate them in Wyatt's rising. The Emperor urged the necessity of putting Elizabeth to death ; but Gardiner felt that the queen was not strong enough to proceed to such a mea- sure. The people had supported Mary both against Northumberland and Wyatt, not because she was popu- lar, but because she was their lawful queen. Elizabeth 36 Catholic Reaction in England, a.d. 1554. claimed their support for a similar reason, because she was the lawful heir to the throne. To lay hands upon her would destroy Mary's own position, and make her marriage with Philip hated amongst all. For the present Elizabeth must be spared. This unsuccessful rising against Mary's marriage made all who were well disposed towards the queen give their consent at once to a measure about which SpEup". the y had been previously doubtful. Parlia- ment gave its approval, and Philip landed in England in July, 1554. Philip himself had been brought up entirely in Spain, and had imbibed the pride and haughtiness of the Castilian nobles. He was cold and reserved in manner, stiff and formal in speech. He was not of robust frame, and so had no pleasure in out- door sports or feats of arms. When he left Spain and joined his father in the Netherlands, Charles V. saw with distress that his son did not succeed in pleasing any of the four peoples whom he soon would be called upon to rule. The Italians murmured at his want of vivaci- ty ; the Flemish despised him for his coldness and want of affability ; to the Germans he was entirely hateful in every way. It was in vain that Charles V. had done his utmost to secure to Philip the ultimate succession to the Empire. Ferdinand of Austria, Charles V.'s brother, refused to waive his son's claims, and the German princes would not give up their right of election. Charles V. was disappointed in his hope of bequeathing all his dominions to his son. But Charles V. had appreciated his son's faults of Philip in manner, and Philip was straitly charged to England. spare no pains in conciliating the English. Charles V. had already resigned to him Naples and Sicily, that he might not come to England as a poor A. d. 1554. Restoration of Papal Supremacy. 37 landless prince. He came, too, well supplied with Spanish gold, which was largely distributed amongst the most influential members of Parliament, and had great weight in bringing about the reconciliation of England with the Pope. So anxious was Philip to be conciliatory that he begged his attendants, immediately on landing, to conform to English customs, and set them an exam- ple by drinking a tankard of English ale. The chief anxiety of Mary and her husband was to bring back England into union with Catholic Christen- dom, under the headship of the Pope. It was a difficult matter, and had been felt by Hshmentof the Emperor to be so. He had urged great the Pa P al r ° ° supremacy. caution and moderation, and had checked Mary's impetuosity. He had detained Pole, the papal legate, in Flanders, and would not allow him to proceed till he had obtained from the Pope full powers to allow the secularized Church property to remain in the hands of its present holders. Charles V. knew well that the English had always borne very grudgingly the claims of the papal supremacy. To get them to admit it again, when once it had been thrown off, would be a very hard task. But to get them to admit it, and to require of the nobles at the same time to resign the Church lands, of which they had obtained possession during the late changes, would be entirely impossible. On the other hand, it was hard for the Pope to forgive rebellion against him, and leave the rebels in possession of all the booty they had gained : it was a bad example to the other European churches. Under the Emperor's influ- ence, however, Pope Julius III. who was an easy, good- natured man, with no very high views of his office, gave Pole permission to waive the question of the restoration of the abbey lands. 3 8 Catholic Reaction in England, a. d. 1554. When this point had been gained, matters were easier. The royal influence was used to the utmost to procure the election of trusty members of Parliament, and the Cardinal temper of the new House of Commons was Pole first tried by a bill to reverse the attainder returns. . _ of Cardinal Pole. This was at once passed, and Pole returned to England, at first only as an Eng- lish nobleman. But he was so well received by the peo- ple that he soon ventured to appear with all the pomp of papal legate. This too caused no disturbance, and when he reached London he was received with most marked honors by the queen and her husband. Parlia- ment at once passed a resolution in favor of reunion with the Roman Church. On St. Andrew's day (No- vember 30), 1554, Pole gave his solemn absolution to the nation. The queen and Philip, with all the members of both Houses of Parliament, knelt humbly before him as he freed them from the penalties of schism and " re- stored them to the communion of Holy Church." The papal supremacy was at once restored, and all acts of parliament which had been passed against it were re- pealed. At the same time the clergy formally resigned their claims to the Church lands which had been seized, and an act of parliament established the titles of their existing possessors. The nobles and great land-holders must have been glad enough at this papal restoration. It certainly benefited them, as it confirmed their claims to the new lands they had got. Both of the two reli- gious parties were equally pledged not to disturb them in their possessions. The Catholic reaction had now firmly set in, and was in the full tide of popular favor. We have to see how, in the next four years, it was entirely discredited; how it failed to win popular sympathy ; how it was associated A.D. 1555. Religious Persecution. 39 with persecutions, with national distress and disaster, and left behind it a deep-seated hatred of popery which sent England forward on a new career as the chief Pro- testant nation of Europe. First of all, the victorious Catholics entered upon a career of persecution, which awoke deep disgust in the mind of the people. The old laws against the Lollards were revived by Parliament; S ? C S. US per ' the chief men amongst the Reformers were put in prison. Their condemnation and execution soon followed, and men were burnt at the stake in different parts of England, to produce a wide-spread feeling of fear. Hooper, Ridley, Latimer, and Cranmer, who had been bishops, were all burnt. Archbishop Cranmer had been induced to recant, to save his life ; but his recanta- tion was of no avail, and was only meant to add to his humiliation. At the last, however, his courage came back to him, and he died nobly, lamenting his coward- ice, and declaring the depth of his real convictions. Everywhere the people looked upon these executions with horror and disgust; while the resolute behaviour of the martyrs won general sympathy. It is true that in other countries religious persecution claimed many more victims than in England. But in England the victims were chosen deliberately from the most important peo-' pie. The persecution was not founded on popular fanaticism or wide-spread religious bigotry, but was con- ducted and approved of by the government alone. It was connected also in the minds of the people with Spanish interference and with foreign aggression. In no other country did persecution make so deep an impression on the mind of the people, and the impression is recorded in the title of " Bloody " which has been attached to the unhappy queen in whose name these horrors were done. 4° Catholic Reaction in England, a.d. 1555. But if the people saw that a recognition of the Pope Confiscated meant persecution at which they shuddered, Church lands. the nobles and gentry soon f ound alsQ that it might affect them in their most tender point, their pockets. The papal claims over the confiscated Church lands, had been given up, but the new Pope, Paul IV. ( I 555)» was not at once disposed to agree to the promise made by his predecessor. The queen's conscience was hurt by the possession of Church lands, and she deter- mined to give back to the Church all the ecclesiastical property in the hands of the Crown. She busied herself also with the restoration of monasteries. The owners of Church lands looked upon this with great distrust ; they began to feel that if the old religion really made head in England, they would not long be able to hold their lands as they had done. This munificence of Mary towards the Church of course diminished the royal revenues. The debt which Mary's had come down from Henry VIII., and had home been increased under Edward VI., went on government. . ' growing. The coinage had been debased in value, and was not restored; foreign trade conse- quently languished. The government was so busily en-^ I gaged in burning heretics that the national defences were neglected. The ships were not kept in repair, and the fortifications were allowed to fall into ruins. The English coasts were ravaged by exiles, especially from Cornwall, who had fled after Wyatt's failure, and now, under French protection, infested the Channel aspirates. Every one saw that the government of the Catholic re- vival was not likely to restore national prosperity. When in addition to all these causes of discontent was added an estrangement between Mary and the Pope, by which the English saw the Pope take the side of their a.d. 1556. Opposition to Charles V. in Italy. 41 enemies, we cannot wonder that Mary saw all her hopes fade away, and that her reign ended in national humili- ation and disasters, which began to make the name of the papacy hateful to the majority of Englishmen. For the causes of this we must go back to consider the plans of Charles V., and see how they had been prospering. CHAPTER IV. FRANCE, SPAIN, AND THE PAPACY. — I 555"l558. In the year 1555, when the Diet of Augsburg con- firmed the religious settlement in Germany, Charles V. again found, as he had done before, that the _ _ Opposition to policy of the Pope was guided by other Charles V. motives than a desire for the spread of Catho- licism. Pope Paul IV., Giovanni Piero Caraffa, was a Neopolitan by birth. He was of the age of eighty, and his mind was filled with the old Italian patriotism of his youthful days, when Italy had not yet fallen under foreign rule. He hated the Spaniards, and was de- termined to spare no pains in driving them out of Naples. He accordingly hastened to make an alliance with the French king for this purpose. Charles V., though not old in years, being only fifty- six, felt himself worn out in health and vigor, and shrunk from the prospect of another long war. He ., ,. , . Abdica- determined therefore to resign his power to tion of his son Philip, and spend his remaining years in solitude. Charles had long ago formed this de- termination. His reign of thirty-six years had been one of ceaseless activity. He had never remained more than 42 France, Spain, and the Papacy, a. d. 1557. a few months in one place, but had hastened, as need required, from one part of his vast dominions to another. To him, as to his son Philip, power brought laborious duties which must be conscientiously fulfilled. Wishing to spend the last years of his life in quiet, and thinking that he had done all he could do, and that the time was favorable for his successor, Charles resigned, in 1556, the Netherlands, Spain, and his possessions in Italy to his son Philip. He then retired to the monastery of Yuste in Estremadura, where he had prepared a house suitable to his needs. There he lived till the end of 1558, engaged alternately in politics and devotion eagerly watching the course of events in Europe, and helping Philip by his counsels. War soon broke out in Italy. The Pope quarrelled with the Spaniards, and called the French to his assist- Successes of ance ' but both in Italy and in France the Philip 11. caus e of Philip prevailed. England was in- duced to join in the war against France, and the Earl of Pembroke led 10,000 men to join Philip's army in the Netherlands. On August 10, 1557, the French were defeated decisively in an attempt to relieve the im- portant town of St. Quentin. The French army in Italy was hastily recalled, and the Pope, finding himself left to the mercy of Philip's viceroy in Naples, the celebrated Duke of Alva, was compelled to make peace. He re- ceived, however, the most favorable terms. The con- quering Alva knelt with the deepest reverence before the enemy he had overcome. It was impossible for the Spaniards to be long at enmity with the Pope. This war between Spain and the Pope had, however important influence on England. If the Pope hated Fv P an^ aul Phili P> it was natural that some part of his EngkHid. hatred should fall on Philip's wife. Partly a.d. 1558. Loss of Calais. 43 to annoy Mary, Paul IV. urged the restoration of the Church lands in England, and revoked the lega- tine powers of Cardinal Pole. Pole had succeeded Cranmer as Archbishop of Canterbury, and to him as much as to any man was the papal restoration in Eng- land due. But Paul IV. had always been opposed to Pole, for Pole, when at Rome, had sympathized with many of the Protestant doctrines, particularly with that of "justification by faith only." Pole was now dealt with as a suspected heretic, and a Franciscan friar of no reputation, the queen's confessor, was made papal legate in his stead. Mary saw that an attempt to recognise such a man as legate in England would be very disastrous. With something of her father's spirit, she threatened the old penalties of praemunire to any one who should intro- duce the Bull into England. The Pope pressed the matter no farther, but Mary and Pole felt sadly the po- sition in which they were placed. They were thwarted by the very power which it was the one object of their lives to serve, and they knew that the sight of this house di- vided against itself was destroying the confidence of the English people. But Mary's government soon received a severe shock. The French were anxious to strike some blow which might compensate for their defeat at St. . .LOSS OI 1^3.13-lS. Quentin, and the decayed defences and scanty garrison of Calais invited their attack. In the winter of 1557-8 Calais was surprised, and the last pos- session of the English in France was lost. The loss was not in itself important, but the disgrace was deeply felt ; for the English claims to France were dear to every Englishman, and war with France on their account had always been popular. Now the last remnant of England's conquests was lost, and with it much of England's past 44 France, Spain, and the Papacy, a.d. 1558. glory had fallen away. The loss of Calais was felt equally by the queen and the people. From every side disappointment and disaster closed over the last years of Mary's reign. Philip, to whom she Mary's failure was devotedly attached, had willingly left and death. England to administer his wide dominions. Mary's hopes of an heir, who should maintain the Spanish line on the English throne, had been disappointed. By the death of Gardiner she had been deprived of hermost faith- ful minister. Pole, who had so long directed her ecclesiasti- cal policy had fallen into disgrace with the Pope. Abroad she met with disaster, and at home she was greeted with the murmurs and unconcealed discontent of her people. Mary's reign ended most sadly. Weighed down by dis- ease, which made her old before her time, she saw that all her plans had failed. She could not believe that plans to restore the religion in which she had such fervent faith could possibly fail to meet with the Divine favor. If they seemed to fail it was only because they were carried out half-heartedly. Catholicism must be more firmly established, and the Protestant heresy must be rooted out. So Mary urged religious persecution with greater zeal, and Pole, who was a humane man by nature, and always opposed extreme measures, was roused to perse- cution as a means of proving his orthodoxy. So it was that the persecutions of Mary's later years excited deeper popular disgust. They were urged on with greater zeal by the queen, just as the mass of the people had felt their first enthusiasm, which alone could make trials and executions tolerable to their consciences, grow cooler by further experience. Mary felt that she was hated by the people whose best interests she firmly be- lieved she was laboring to further. Anonymous letters were thrown before her, and were even hidden in her A,D- 1558. Death of Mary. 45 books of devotion. She died on November 17, 1558, and Pole died within a few hours of his mistress. Both - felt in their last hours that their work was likely to fall „ to the ground with them. Upon Mary's death Elizabeth came to the throne with- out any opposition. The Catholic partycould not unite to exclude her, for it was weakened by the Accession of war between France and Spain. It was im- Ellzabeth - possible for Philip to rejoice at the accession of Anne Boleyn's daughter to the English throne, but still less could he endure the other possible heir, Mary of Scot- land ; for she was married to the Dauphin of France, and so her accession would throw England into opposi- tion to Spain. Moreover, Elizabeth's religious views were still a matter of conjecture; she had not expressed herself very strongly on either side, but, like the great mass of the people, had conformed to the established re- ligion under Edward VI. and Mary equally. Her incli- nations were towards Protestantism, but she was not fond of extremes. Philip still hoped that she might be won over to his side. He offered her his hand in marriage, and Elizabeth did not at once refuse, as she wished to feel her way at first, and avoid difficulties as much as possible. The condition of England was indeed very perilous. The treasury was empty, the revenue was anticipated, and there was a large debt. Trade was Ian- ~ r ° Dangers of guishing, the coinage was debased, and the Elizabeth's po- Channel was swarming with pirates. The country was divided by religious struggles, and was en- gaged in a disastrous war with France, into which it had been plunged in the interest of Spain. Added to this, Elizabeth's legitimacy was doubted, and there was a pre- tender to the throne. It was clearly necessary to act at first with the greatest prudence and caution. D 46 France, Spain, and the Papacy, a.d. 1558. As regards religion, Elizabeth was not anxious to de- clare herself too soon. On the one hand she attended the mass service to please the Catholics ; on the other hand she forbade the elevation of the host to please the Protestants. But this impartial conduct was soon made impossible by the conduct of the Pope. Paul IV. grew no milder as he grew older, and had fallen still more under French influence. When Elizabeth's ambassador announced to him her accession, he answered that "Elizabeth, being illegitimate, could not ascend the throne without his consent ; it was impertinent on her part to do so. Let her, in the first place, submit her claims to his decision." ' Elizabeth had now no doubt about her line of action. She could not hope to strengthen herself against France Her atti- an< ^ Scotland by an alliance with Spain. For tude Philip could not have married her without a towards L France and dispensation from the Pope, and she was the daughter of a marriage which the papacy could never forgive. To attempt to marry Philip would be to surrender her claim to the English throne into the hands of the Pope. She therefore rejected Philip's offer of mar- riage, and was consequently compelled to agree to peace with France at the price of leaving Calais in their hands. Philip II. was desirous of peace with France, for his trea- sury was empty, and it was hopeless for him to try and crush France entirely. Elizabeth, on her side, was afraid that Spain would make a separate peace, and leave her to carry on war with France single-handed. The peace of C&teau Cambresis, concluded on April 12, 1 559, left France in possession of Calais, as well as of Metz, Toul, and Ver- dun. Philip was content to secure the Alps as the bound- ary of his Italian possessions, by establishing once more the independence of Savoy and Piedmont under their duke- &.D. 1559* Elizabeth' s Religious Position. 47 After this peace Elizabeth's hands were free. She was determined henceforth to act independently in politi- cal matters, to take her own line of action and maintain it, to trust to her people, and to support her own mea- sures by identifying them with her people's interests. It was in this that the significance of Elizabeth's reign lay. She was obliged by the isolation in which she found her- self to throw herself entirely upon her people. Under her, therefore, England became again united, and took up once more a leading position among the nations of Europe. r CHAPTER V. RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENT IN ENGLAND. The first result of Elizabeth's experience of the papal plans was to force her to fall back upon the Protestant party in England. This party was becoming stronger day by day, owing to the return of rel'igious many who had been driven into exile by the P° sUlon - persecutions of Mary's reign. These men had mostly taken refuge in Geneva, and had there imbibed the opinions of Calvin. They came back deeply imbued with Calvin's system, and by their energy gained great in- fluence over the people. Elizabeth, and her chief adviser Cecil, were both of them reformers in the sense that they saw much that needed alteration in the old state of things ; but Elizabeth could never bring herself to accept the revolutionary ideas of Calvin. She had more sym- pathy with her father's plan of maintaining the old Church system, but without any connexion with Rome. 48 Religious Settlement in England, a.d. 1559. She was also a great reader of the writings of the early- fathers of the Church, and her plan was to free the English Church from the beliefs and practices which had sprung up in it through its relations to Rome, without altering the Catholic foundation on which it rested. In this plan, also, she had to proceed cautiously, for it was not a plan which could command popular enthu- siasm. It would not conciliate the Catholic party, and would not please the followers of Calvin. It could only be established by careful management and prudence. Concessions must be made to both the extreme parties if the plan was to succeed. It was in this way that the religious settlement under Elizabeth gave its peculiar character to the Church of England. Elizabeth began at once to take a middle course be- tween the Protestants and Catholics. She proclaimed that the old Services were to be continued Re-estab- lishment of till Parliament met, and meanwhile spared ism. a no efforts to secure the election of a subser- vient House of Commons. A commission of divines was appointed to revise the Prayer Book of Edward VI., so that no time should be lost in submitting to Parliament a scheme for the settlement of the religious difficulty. The Parliament, which met in 1559, re-established the royal supremacy over the Church, and enacted that an oath of recognition of the queen as supreme governor of her kingdom, in all causes spiritual as well as civil, should be imposed on all clergy and magistrates. The revised Prayer Book, which had been modified to suit the more moderate of those who adhered to the old state of things, was accepted by Parliament, and its use was enforced by the Act of Uniformity. These changes were violently opposed by the bishops, a.d. 1559. Re-establishment of Protestantism. 49 who counted on Elizabeth's weakness, and on the dis- content of the extreme reformers. They 0pposition were ordered to conduct a public disputa- of the • j i_ -U bishops. tion with some divines appointed by tne queen. On refusing to continue the dispute and comply with the conditions prescribed to them, the chief amongst them were committed to the Tower. Soon after, they were deprived of their sees, and successors were ap- pointed of more Protestant opinions. Matthew Parker, who had been Anne Boleyn's chaplain, was made Arch- bishop of CanterburvJ He was a man of moderate opinions, who held the same views as the queen on religious matters. He was strongly opposed to Calvinism, and held to Scripture, and the customs of the primitive Church. He was a man of great learning, and of strong common sense. The son of a tradesman in Norwich, he was a fair representative of the opinions and feelings of the middle classes. Archbishop Parker's moderation, caution, and good sense did much towards preserving the balance of parties, and establishing the English Church upon the broad basis of concession which so strongly marks it. Thus the Reformation was again established in Eng- land, and commissioners were sent through the country to inquire into its ecclesiastical condition, to administer the oath of supremacy, and see that the new laws were carried out. Very few of the clergy, besides the deposed bishops, refused to take the oath. The changes were, on the whole, popular and met with little opposition. Meanwhile, a change had taken -place in the papacy. On the death of Paul IV., Cardinal d' Medici became Pope, as Pius IV. He was of a gentle and conciliatory nature, and his chief ambition was to see the schism brought to an end. He sent at once a nuncio to the 5° Religious Settlement in England, a.d. 1559. Elizabeth's ecclesiasti- cal system. queen, offering to approve of the Book of Common Prayer and of the administration of the Communion in both kinds, provided only the Church of England would again submit to the papal supremacy. But his offer came too late. It is impossible to say what would have been the result if this offer had been made by Paul IV. ; but the queen's choice had now been made, and she had determined to side with the Protestants and separate herself from the alliance with Spain. The papal nuncio was not allowed to enter England. Thus the queen had taken up her position. She wished to retain as much as possible of the old traditional system of religion ; but she would have none of the abuses that had resulted from papal supremacy and papal interference. She liked the old ceremonies, and was opposed to all the innovations of the Continental reformers. The system which she sanctioned was properly designed to include the more moderate of the two religious parties ; but those who would not accept it were to be compelled to obe- dience. The queen exercised a jurisdiction in ecclesias- tical matters, and at first appointed commissioners to see that the law was properly carried out. These com- missioners grew into a permanent body, the Court of High Commission, for the trial of ecclesiastical cases, 1 and the court thus instituted grew in later reigns into arr* instrument of serious oppression. At present, however, Protestants and Catholics alike had to obey. The Church of England became a national church. But it may be doubted whether the religious settlement under Elizabeth would have been so permanent, had not the events which followed connected it strongly with national feeling. Opposition to the papacy was shown to be a necessary safeguard of the national independence. The A.D. 1559. Elizabeth 's Difficulties. 51 stirring events of Elizabeth's reign bound her people together, and demanded that they should offer a united front to their foes. The murmurs of the extreme Pro- testants were almost drowned in the general awakening of the national enthusiasm, and religious discord among the reformed did not assume any serious form until the more peaceful reign of her successor, when the reformed religion had become endeared to the sentiments and prejudices of the majority of Englishmen. At first, however, Elizabeth's position was very dan- gerous. At home were numbers of discontented, both Catholics and Protestants. Abroad, the Her claims of Mary of Scotland to the English difficulties, throne were warmly supported by France ; and Philip of Spain, alarmed at Elizabeth's conduct in the matter of religion, seemed disposed to sink his en- mity with France, and make common cause against her. Had France, Spain, and Scotland really united against England, Elizabeth's throne could not have stood. But religious difficulties, which had not hitherto given these countries any serious trouble, began to arise, and Eliza- beth knew how to use the opportunities thus offered her. Her policy was not noble nor magnanimous ; but with an impoverished kingdom, a ruined navy, a feeble army, and an insecure position, noble policy was impossible. The queen was not free to follow her own inclinations even in the matter of her marriage. Parliament besought her to marry so as to settle the question of the succession to the throne. But it was hard for her to marry either a Catholic or a Protestant, without either putting herself at a disadvantage to Mary of Scotland, or sacrificing the strength of her political position. On the other hand, if she did not marry, Mary was looked upon as her suc- cessor. The Archduke Charles of Austria, the Earl of Religious Settlement in England, a.d. Arran, and Eric, king of Sweden, were proposed to her as husbands ; but she preferred Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester. Her reason kept her inclinations in check, and prevented her from making so unpopular a marriage. While she wavered, she used her other suitors as means for raising expectations among the politicians of Europe. Similarly, in other matters, she was content to raise hopes and balance parties against one another. She strove to give the least possible and receive the largest possible return. She made promises take the place of actions. We have to trace her tortuous course through her intricate relations with Scotland, France, and Spain, and see how she managed to steer herself and England clear of the dangers which threatened them. BOOK II. REFORMATION IN FRANCE &* SCOTLAND. CHAPTER I. THE REFORMATION MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND SCOT- LAND, I54O-60. The Reformation movement, and the difficulties which it raised in the politics of every kingdom, gave rise to complications in France and Scotland of which Elizabeth took advantage to secure her own position. So long as a religious war did not break out in England it- self, Elizabeth could use the difficulties of neighboring States for her own purposes. So long as England re- mained united enough to make foreign interference dif- ficult, Elizabeth could balance parties, and help insur- gents in the kingdoms of her opponents. In France the conflict of religious opinions threatened to become serious, much more serious than it had been in Germany. Luther's Reformation was R e f or ma- conservative in principle. He wished to tion in alter as little as possible of the belief and practice of the old Church. While aiming at the re- moval of abuses, he was anxious to preserve the old framework. But in France the Reformers were not so much engaged in removing the abuses of the old state of things as endeavoring to discover for themselves a 53 54 The Reformation Movement, a.d. 15 41. new system of life, by which each man might realize more entirely his own relationship to God. Hence the German Reformers did not awake such fierce opposition as did the Protestants in France. In Germany the Re- formation only demanded a few modifications of the existing political system ; in France it called for an en- tire change of national life. The principles on which French Protestantism was founded had far deeper root in the mind and character of the individual than had the teaching of Luther and Melanchthon. But here, as in all other things, the deeper principles had to meet with the more bitter antagonism. Protestantism in France had made considerable pro- gress under Francis I., as the king himself, and his sis- . ter Margaret, queen of Navarre, were in favor of some reforms. But when Francis I. failed in his political undertakings against Charles V., the intolerant spirit of his people was too strong for him to resist. The theologians of the College of Sorbonne, in the University of Paris, declared themselves violently for the old Church, and the popular opinion of the capi- tal was on their side. Francis I., though allied with the Protestant princes of Germany, and with the Turks abroad, was driven to persecute at home. Under Henry II. persecution was still more vigorously carried on, and the Protestant teachers were obliged to flee from France. Some of the chief of them took refuge at Geneva, a city in the dominions of the Duke of Savoy, among a French-speaking people. Geneva was in a state of political confusion. Its municipality claimed the right to regulate its internal affairs ; but its bishop wished to assert his tion in power over it, and the Duke of Savoy also desired to bring it into subjection. The r-1558. John Calvin. 55 citizens were opposed to the duke and bishop, and the ideas of the Reformers gave them a ground on which to rest their opposition. Protestantism first came to Gene- va through the German-speaking towns of the Swiss con- federates, where Luther's opinions had largely spread. But the French refugees were more in accordance with the spirit of the people, and Geneva became the centre of French Protestantism. Jean Chauvin, better known as John Calvin, a native of Picardy, acquired a great in- fluence over the affairs of the city. Once he was driven away by his enemies, but in 1541 he returned, and from that time Geneva was the centre of his teaching. Cal- vinism aimed at completely establishing the connection of man with God by means of its doctrine of predestina- tion, according to which the Church consisted solely of those who had been from the beginning predestined to salvation. Starting from this conception, Calvin organ- ized the most rigorous church discipline, and enforced it by means of the government of the city. The greatest moral strictness was exacted, and Geneva, entirely un- der Calvin's influence, became a model for all the Pro- testant States. The example of Geneva naturally told most power- fully upon France. The Protestants in- Calvinism in creased in numbers in spite of the perse- France - cutions, and the wretched condition of the government under Henry II. gave them still greater weight. The king abandoned everything to his favorites, who urged on the persecution as a means of gaining money for themselves. Ecclesiastical offices were given away as rewards for services done to the king, and men who had been pliant courtiers one day were seen officiating as bishops on the next. In this state of things morality was entirely on the side of the Protestants. They grew 56 The Reformation Movement, a.d. 1559. in numbers, so that in 1558 they were reckoned at 400,- 000, and each congregation organized itself on the principles which Calvin had laid down at Geneva. Henry II. was alarmed at this spread of Protestantism, and a desire to have his hands more free to attack it is Death of sa id to have been one of the reasons which Henry ii. made him ready to conclude the peace of Cateau Cambresis with Philip II. (April 2, 1559). He published severer edicts against Protestantism, and was suspected of a plan to help the Duke of Savoy to con- quer Geneva, when he was accidentally killed at a tournament (July 26, 1559), and a change came over the government of France. Francis II., who succeeded his father, was a boy of the age of sixteen, who, at the very beginning of his Power of the reign, gave up all his power to the bitterest Guises. enemy of the Protestants, Charles Guise, Cardinal of Lorraine. He was one of the six sons of Claude, Duke of Guise, who had been one of the bravest generals of Francis I.* These six sons were to play a most important part in French history. All of them were full of vigor and energy, all of them were staunch, we may say fanatical, Catholics, and lost no opportunity of carrying out their convictions. Francis, Duke of Guise, the elder brother of the cardinal, had already made himself a name in France by the capture of Calais James V. of Scotland had married the cardinal's sister, and Mary of Scotland was his niece. It was through her marriage to Francis II. that the Cardinal of Lorraine had gained his great influence with the king. He was, moreover, justly popular with the people, — a man of commanding presence, great affability, ready eloquence, * See genealogical table, p. 169. A.D. 1542. Condition of Scotland. 57 unblemished moral character, unwearied zeal in dis- charging the duties of his archbishopric, and a high reputation for sanctity. Now that he had power in his hands, he set three main objects before himself, — the suppression of Protestantism, hostility to England, and the establishment of the power of his own family. Thus it was by the Cardinal's advice that Francis II. and Mary assumed at once the title and arms of England. Mary's claims were to be asserted against Elizabeth ; Protestantism was to be crushed En^ancf l ° in England as well as in France, and the influence of the Guises was to be supreme in both countries. Elizabeth knew that Philip would lend no help to carry out such plans as these ; but the Pope was likely to combine in their favor all staunch Catholics who were ready to move at the papal command. It was through Scotland that the blow against England would first be struck. Elizabeth's plan was to avoid it by help- ing the discontented in France and Scotland alike, so as to employ the cardinal's energies at home. We have seen the condition of France. Scotland was equally inflammable on the question of religion, while the power of the crown was much less than in France. The Scottish nobles were at the Scotland. head of the powerful clans, and the continu- al border warfare with England had kept alive their military spirit. The king, on the other hand, had but small revenues, and no army at his command. Hence, to obtain greater power, the Crown had allied itself with the Church, and had been willing to enrich the clergy as a means of diminishing the importance of the nobles. The Scottish Church was wealthy and corrupt, and when Henry VIII. of England endeavored to prevail on James 58 The Reformation Movement, a.d. 1557 V. of Scotland to join with him in his reforming plans, the Scottish clergy in alarm bought off the king's com- pliance, and stirred him up to the war with England which cost him his life (1542). But the suppression of the monasteries and confiscation of church property in England had wrought a great impression in Scotland, and the clergy felt themselves insecure. Persecution awoke the most bitter passions, and the burning of George Wishart, one of the most popular of the reform- ing preachers, brought a terrible punishment on the persecutor. Cardinal Beaton, the primate, was murdered in the castle of St. Andrew's (1546), and for fourteen months the castle was held against the regent. The policy, however, of England towards Scotland, and the disastrous battle of Pinkie (1547), compelled the Scots to look to France for help, and so strengthened the Catho- lic party. French troops were brought in greater num- bers to Scotland, and in 1554 the queen-mother, Mary of Lorraine, sister of the Cardinal of Lorraine, was made regent. The Scots, however, were soon impatient of French influence over them, and disliked the foreigners whom the regent put in power. They felt that French in though it might be useful for them to play Scotland. , . _ _ ,. , off the French against the English so as to secure their independence, still if they were to be de- pendent on one or the other, the English were more nearly related to them than the French. On one side was an alliance with France and Catholicism ; on the other side an alliance with England and Protestantism. Here, as in Geneva, national feeling united with religious conviction, and Protestantism became the symbol of antagonism to the French dominion. In 1557 a powerful political party was formed of those who were -1559- John Knox. $g in favor of ecclesiastical reform. It was a party which came together with different objects. Some were in favor of Protestant doctrines ; some hoped for a share of church lands ; some wished to raise a party against French influence. But all combined to sign a bond, in accordance with an old Scottish practice, pledging them- selves to work together for a common purpose. This bond is known as the First Covenant, and those who signed it agreed to demand that the English Book of Common Prayer be used in the churches, and that Protestant preaching be allowed. For a while nothing definite was done; but in 1558 the burning of an old preacher, Walter Mill, at St. Andrew's, aroused the Lords of the Congre- „ ,. . , . . . ^ Religious gation, as the signers of the Covenant now struggles in called themselves. They presented their demands to the regent, and some time was spent in use- less discussion. But the hands of the Reformers were strengthened by Elizabeth's accession in England, and on May 2, 1559, the leading spirit of the Scottish Refor- mation, John Knox, returned to Scotland. Knox had been born in Glasgow in the year 1505. He had had a good education, and had taken up Protestant- ism with the fire and fervor of a severe and John Knox. stern nature. He was one of those who held the Castle of St. Andrew's after the murder of Cardinal Beaton, and on its capture had been sent as a prisoner to serve in the French galleys. After nineteen months of suffering, which only intensified the depth and narrow- ness of his convictions, he succeeded in escaping. For a while he lived in England, where he published a fierce attack upon Mary, called the " Monstrous Regiment of Women." Then he joined Calvin in Geneva, and learned from him the principles which he afterwards 60 The Reformation Movement. a.d. 1559 labored to enforce. It was Knox's influence which turned the Scottish Reformation from following in the steps of the English movement, and impressed upon it the more rigid and severe form which had been thought out by Calvin. Knox came back to Scotland profoundly- convinced of the truth of his own convictions, and determined to carry them out at any hazard. He was keen, shrewd, and clear-sighted, a man not likely to put himself or his opinions at the mercy of political contin- gencies, but determined to use politics for his own pur- poses. Those who joined him to gain their own ends, found that he was more than their match. Utterly fear- less, never giving way for an instant, not to be deterred by threats or won over by fair promises, he went upon his own course. He was convinced that to put down popery was his highest duty, and no feelings. of sympa- thy for others, no restraints of decorum, no compassion for human weakness, was allowed to stand in his way. Hard, cold, and austere, yet with a grim humor and a rare power of clear and ready eloquence, he was the terror of those in power and the constant favorite of the people. Knox's influence was soon felt in the course of affairs. In May, 1559, the regent, stirred to action by the Cardi- Oppositionto na l °f Lorraine, summoned the reformed the regent. clergy to Stirling. They came, but sur- rounded by so many followers, that the regent was afraid, and promised that if they would disperse she would pro- ceed no further. They agreed ; but scarcely were they gone before Mary caused the preachers to be tried and condemned in their absence. Knox's anger broke out in a fierce sermon against idolatry, preached at Perth. The people of the town rose and destroyed the images in the churches, and tore down all architectural orna- -1560. Elizabeth and Scotland. 61 merits which contained sculpture. The example of Perth was followed elsewhere, and the churches of Scotland were soon robbed of their old beauty. From this time we must date the decay of the fine ecclesiastical build- ings of Scotland, whose ruins still bear witness to their former splendor. They were not of course destroyed at once ; but they were stripped bare and left to mouldei unheeded. The stern spirit of the Scottish Reformation would not consent to offer the new simple worship, of which men's consciences approved, in the old buildings which had been profaned by idolatrous rites. The lords of the Congregation were now in open rebellion against the regent, and war was on the point of breaking out. It was, however, averted for a time by the mediation of a few moderate men, amongst whom was Lord James Stewart, an illegitimate son of the late king, known in later history as the Earl of Murray. Both parties agreed to lay down their arms, and submit their disputes to a meeting of the Estates of the Realm, while the regent promised not to molest the people of Perth, or garrison the town with French soldiers. She kept the letter only of her promise ; for she hired native troops with French money, and proceeded to punish the people of Perth. This perfidy gave strength to the Congrega- tion. They again took up arms, seized Edinburgh, sum- moned a parliament, and deposed the regent (October, 1559)- This was a bold step ; but without help from England it could not be maintained. As the regent was strong in French troops, the Congregation must ally Elizabeth and with England. Elizabeth wished to help Scotland, them ; but her course was by no means clear. To ally with rebels fighting against their lawful sovereign was a bad example for one in Elizabeth's position to set. She E The Reformation Movement, herself had many enemies abroad who were willing enough to interfere in the affairs of England, and many of her subjects recognized her as queen only by virtue of her legal title, which they would be willing enough to set aside. Elizabeth's ministers were less cautious than herself; but Cecil's political wisdom was never allowed to act till Elizabeth had provided for her own position in case of failure. At last, in January, 1560, a treaty was made at Ber- wick between Elizabeth and the Duke of Chatelherault, the second person in the Scottish realm. Elizabeth un-i dertook to aid the Scottish lords in expelling the French, but would only aid them so long as they acknowledged their queen. And now a strange change had come over Scotland. The Scots were fighting side by side with the English War against against their old allies the French. Already the French. their religious feelings had overcome their old national animosities ; or rather, religion itself had become a powerful element in their national spirit. The war, however, was for a while indecisive. The French troops held the fortress of Leith, and, though blockaded by an English fleet, still managed to repulse the attacks of their assailants. It was doubtful whether Elizabeth would be prevailed upon to send troops enough to secure success for the Scottish lords. But meanwhile affairs in France took a direction favorable to the Reformers. The Cardinal of Lorraine Conspiracy of na( l offended the nobles by his exclusion of Amboise. them from State affairs, and by his en- deavors to secure all the power for his kinsmen. France was deeply in debt, and there were many murmurs against the oppressive taxes which were levied solely to further the family interests of the Guises in securing their A.D. 1560. Troubles in France. 63 hold on Scotland. To these grievances was added the disaffection of the Protestants. The combined result of all these causes of discontent was a plan to seize the young king at Amboise, deprive the Guises of their power, and entrust the management of affairs to the next princes of the blood, the Prince of Conde and the King of Navarre. The king, it was urged, was only sixteen, and ought to be delivered from evil counsellors. The plan was badly carried out, and entirely failed. The hastily gathered troops who hurried to Amboise were easily repelled (March, 1560). They were called Huguenots, meaning apparently a crowd hastily gather- ing. From this time the name passed on to the French Protestants in general. But though this attempt failed, it showed the cardi- nal how great were the dangers he had to face. The French troops were needed at home, and could no longer be spared for Scotland. The called from withdrawal of the French made peace neces- sary in Scotland, and by the treaty of Edinburgh (July, 1560), it was provided that henceforth no foreigners should be employed in Scotland without the consent of the estates of the realm. Elizabeth's policy was rewarded by a condition that Mary and Francis II. should acknow- ledge her queen of England, lay aside their own preten- sions, and no longer wear the British arms. Before the treaty was signed the queen-regent died (June 20), and with her the power of France and the Guises in Scotland was gone for the present. The Congregation was now triumphant, and the work of Reformation was quickly carried on. A meeting of the Estates approved of the Geneva Confes- sion of Faith, abjured the authority of the Reforma- Pope, and forbade the administration, or tlon * 64 The Reformation Movement, a.d. 1561. presence at the administration of the mass, on pain of death for the third offence (August 25, 1560). Meanwhile the Guises were powerless to prevent this. In France the Huguenots demanded toleration, and Affairs in their demand had been supported by Admiral France. Coligny. Cardinal Guise was preparing for more vigorous measures, when his plans were cut short by the death of the young king, at the age of seventeen (December 4, 1560). He was succeeded by his brother, Charles IX., a boy of ten, about whose minority there could be no doubt. The queen-mother, Catherine de Medici, was recognized as regent, and the princes of the blood were called back again to the council. France was divided by factions, each striving for power. Cathe- rine was a Florentine, who had been ill-treated by her husband and neglected by her son, who hated the Guises, and would shrink from nothing which would help her to get power into her own hands. Now that she had obtained a position in the State it seemed as though she were determined to avenge her former se- clusion, and satisfy her pent-up greed for power. Next to her was Antony, king of Navarre, an honest, well- meaning, genial man, who strongly favored Protes- tantism. Against both of these were the Guises, with a strong party of zealous Catholics, wishing for an oppor- tunity to carry out their plans. France was on the eve of the outbreak of a war in which the passions of parties and factions were strangely mingled with religious feelings. England and Scotlandhad nothing more to fear from that side for some time to come. The plans of the Guises were no longer to be carried on in Scotland and England by armed interference, but by the political craft and cunning of their niece, Mary of Scotland, who had been trained under their influence. A.D. 1 561. Character of Mary. 65 CHAPTER II. MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS. Mary was left a widow at the age of eighteen ; but sne had gained a political experience far beyond her years. Her French education had almost done away Ma in all traces of her Scottish birth. She had re- France, ceived to the full the lessons of graceful refinement for which the French court since the times of Francis I, had become famous, and amongst its beautiful and brilliant ladies she gained a reputation as one of the most beautiful and most accomplished. In religion and politics she was a Catholic, attached to the schemes of her uncles the Guises. In the atmosphere of intrigue in which she had moved, she had learned the arts of dissimulation. She knew how to throw over her deep-laid plans a veil of charming artlessness. She knew how to use for her own purposes her great natural gifts, and to employ her per- sonal charms as a means of working out her political plans. Never has there been a sovereign whose public and private life have been so entirely mixed together. Political plans seem to have had no attraction for her unless they had a dash of personal feeling and personal adventure. The enjoyments of private life gave her no pleasure unless she were working through them upon unconscious agents towards the furtherance of her great ends. At first her character was unknown in England, and it was of the greatest importance to Elizabeth to know how far she might look on Mary as a friend. Her . . . Mary comes ministers m Pans urged upon Mary the to Scotland. signature of the treaty of Edinburgh, ac- 66 Mary Queen of Scots. a.d. 1561. knowledging Elizabeth as queen of England. Mary re- fused to sign this, and her address in giving excuses for her refusal first convinced Elizabeth of the power of the enemy with whom she had to do. Till the treaty was signed, Elizabeth refused Mary a passage through Eng- land on her return to Scotland. Mary showed her brave- ry by sailing from Calais to Leith, though the Channel was. full of English cruisers. She landed safely in Scot- land in the middle of August, 1561. The Scots received her with enthusiasm ; for their chivalrous feelings were awakened by the sight of their young queen, as she stood before them in her beauty and grace. To Mary, accustomed to the splendid pa- geantry of the French court, the attempts of the Scots to welcome her seemed rough and rude. She had left behind her all the graces of the French court, and had come amongst a rugged and proud people, to whom subserviency was unknown, and who were heedless of decorum. The common people thronged about her with easy familiarity as she went to Edinburgh ; the nobles were rude and boisterous, and cared little how they showed their respect ; the queen had no royal army to meet her, no body-guard nor band of courtiers. Nothing shows more forcibly the great strength of mind and firmness of resolution which Mary possessed than does the way in which she comprehended her posi- tion and resolutely adapted herself to it. Though sur- rounded with difficulties, a young queen come to govern, without any real power, a people almost strangers to her, alone amongst men with whom she had no sympathies, Catholic amongst a Protestant people — still she bravely set her face to do the work on which she had deter- mined. Full of ambition, she had many chances before her. a.d. 15 61. Elizabeth and Mary. 67 If the Catholics prevailed in France, she might rely on help from that country. If there were any „ \ ' r J . J Mary s plans. movement of Catholics in England, it must be in her name. If anything were to befall Elizabeth, she was the next heir to the English throne. The future was full of possibilities. Meanwhile she must win the good-will of the Scots,— perhaps she might even succeed in winning them back to Catholicism ; anyhow she must have Scotland at her control as a safe starting-point for her further plans. Elizabeth could not penetrate Mary's designs ; she could only suspect them, and Mary's refusal to ratify the treaty of Edinburgh confirmed her in her suspicion. She felt herself checked on every side by Mary, whose position in Scotland was undisputed, whose Eliza b et h's re- claims to England were maintained by lations to -, , • -, r • Mar y- many, and whose right of succession was admitted by almost all. Elizabeth would most probably have wished for a peaceable alliance with Mary, whose right to the succession would then have been recognized. But she could not admit the right of succession until the claim to present possession was laid aside. Mary on her part would not give up an existing claim, to gain a doubtful benefit in the future. Meanwhile Elizabeth could neither admit nor reject Mary's right of succes- sion without injuring herself. She could not marry with- out putting herself at a disadvantage as compared with Mary. If she married a Protestant, the Catholics, being deprived of the hope of a Catholic successor, would be drawn closer to Mary. If she married a Catholic, it would be distasteful to the Protestants, and she would by such a marriage, sacrifice much of the independence not only of her personal but of her political position. There is no doubt that she wished to marry Robert Dud- 68 Mary Queen of Scots. a. d. 1562. ley, Earl jf Leicester, the younger son of John Dudley, Earl of Northumberland, who had played so great a part in the events of Edward VI. 's reign. But she felt that she could not marry a subject without lowering her position in Europe ; it would, in fact, be preferring her own gratification to the nation's good. As she could not marry to her liking, she used her marriage projects as a means for diplomatic shuffling. So, for a few years, history seems almost to be con- cerned with the personal contest of these two queens ; for they summed up in their own persons of Elizabeth the opposite tendencies of the time. They and Mary. i • ■, i_ j were opposed m eager rivalry, each ready to take advantage of the other's mistakes. Both of them were highly gifted women ; both were ambitious and with great plans for the future. Mary was more graceful, more winning, with greater subtlety and quickness. Elizabeth was more imperious, more cautious, with greater foresight and prudence. Both of them were utterly unscrupulous and deceitful, ready to use any instrument in their way, and careless of everything but the success of their plans. But their plans had this difference : Elizabeth was identified in her interests with the nation over which she ruled, and though she might at times be capricious, yet in the end her sense of duty towards her people prevailed over her purely personal desires. She lied, and plotted, and quibbled ; but it was to gain, at the least possible cost to her people, some object which was for her people's good. Mary, on the other hand, had no sympathy with the Scottish character ; her ends were purely selfish, and her plans were simply laid for the increase of her own greatness. Hence it was that she failed. In the crisis of her for- tunes her sensual nature was too strong for her political a.d. 1562. Religious Wars in France. 69 cunning ; the desire for gratification at the moment overcame the desire for future success ; she lived for herself alone, and sacrificed her future to her present. At first Mary's government was one of wise modera- tion, under the guidance of her half-brother, Lord James Stewart, who was created Earl of Murray. The queen succeeded in gaining toleration moderation. for her own Catholic worship, and the mode- rate party gradually increased. One great reason of this was that the new clergy were discontented at not re- ceiving the lands of the old Church. One-third of these lands went to the Crown for the payment of the new clergy ; but the other two-thirds were left in the hands of the laymen who had managed during the disturbances to get possession of them. Mary was not content with mere moderation. When the plans of the Earl of Huntley, who still headed the Catholics in the north of Scotland, were suspected by the government, Mary accompanied the Earl of Murray on an expedition against him (1562). She rode gaily on horseback, and enjoyed to the full the excitement of a martial undertaking. Huntley was killed ; the power of his clan, that of the Gordons, was broken, and Catholi- cism was driven out of the north. Mary felt that her time was not yet come, and meanwhile she would not risk her future success by maintaining her principles in an untimely way. The reason for this dissimulation was, no doubt, the unfavorable turn which affairs had taken in France. The Protestants had used the dissensions between Beginning of the queen-mother and the Guises as a means wars r !n gI ° US of bettering their own position. At a meet- France - ing of the Estates, held at St. Germain on January 5, 1562, it was agreed that a legal position should be granted Mary Queen of Scots. A.D. 1562. to the Protestants ; their preaching was allowed within certain limits, and all penalties against them were sus- pended. But though this might be a politic measure, it awoke most bitter feelings in the minds of the fanatical Catho- lics, at whose head stood Francis, Duke of Guise. Tole- ration was impossible when men's passions were so vio- lent. Two hostile bodies could not live peaceably in the same land. The hatred against the Protestants blazed forth in the massacre by Guise's followers of a Huguenot congregation at Vassy, who had assembled under the protection of the recent edict. The massacre was not deliberate, but the angry soldiers rushed upon the de- fenceless crowd, and Guise approved of the deed (March 1, 1562). When Guise arrived in Paris he was received with enthusiasm by the people of the city. His friends gathered round him, and he was soon more pop- ular than the king himself. The Catholic feeling was stronger in France than Catherine had supposed. She was a politician, and cared nothing about religion in itself. She had tried moderation, but the Catholic party showed itself stronger and more zealous. For the present she lent it the king's name. The object of the Catholic confederates was to revoke gradually the edict of toleration, beginning first with the chief towns. They succeeded in winning over to their side Antony, king of Navarre, by promises of the resto- ration of his kingdom, which, since 15 12, had been in the hands of Spain. But the other head of the Huguenot party, Antony's brother Louis, Prince of Conde, remained true to his principles. Though a man of easy, careless character, whose life was by no means marked by Hu- guenot severity, he still believed Protestantism in the A.£>. 1563. Pacification in France. 71 bottom of his heart. He did not hesitate to accept the challenge offered. Declaring that the queen-mother and the young king were kept in captivity by the Guises, he took up arms for their liberation. Conde was not strong enough, however, to wage war by himself. He applied to Elizabeth for help, which she cautiously and sparingly gave, after having demanded as a condition the surrender of helps the Havre-de-Grace into her hands. As before u s uen she had defeated the plans of the Guises by an alliance with the rebel nobles of Scotland, so now she would do her utmost to prevent the Guises from helping Mary, by forming an alliance with the rebellious Huguenots of France. The war centered in Normandy, and at first was un- favorable to the Huguenots. On December 19, 1562, Conde was defeated and taken Prisoner at Dreux, and the Duke of Guise undertook the siege of Orleans, the most important town which the Huguenots held. But fanaticism was not solely on the Catholic side. A young Huguenot, Poltrot de Merey, had convinced himself that he would be doing a deed acceptable to God if he could rid the earth of the persecutor of his brethren. He con- trived to assassinate the Duke of Guise before Orleans, February 24, 1563. Already had the religious war in France awakened feelings of the bitterest kind, and swept away the ordinary principles which regulate the dealings between man and man. The violence and an- imosity which have always marked French party quar- rels found in these religious contests their most awful expression. Now that Conde was in prison, and Guise „ .- . r ' Pacification was dead, the queen-mother again came in France, forward to urge moderation. She patched 7 2 Mary Queen of Scots. A. d. 1565. up a reconciliation, and the edict of Amboise (March ic, 1563,) gave the Protestants the right to worship in al towns where they worshipped at present, except Paris which was too bigotedly Catholic to tolerate their pre- sence. A truce was agreed to between the two con- tending parties, though it clearly could not be of long duration. But at first the national spirit prevailed. Catherine was able to unite both factions for the recovery of Havre, which was easily won back from the English, and Elizabeth was compelled to make peace. For the next few years, however, the party of the Guises gradually grew stronger in France, owing partly to the spread of the order of the Jesuits, and in part to the influence of Philip II. of Spain, who dreaded the in- fluence of the French Protestants upon the Netherlands. He was urgent that the queen-mother should join with him in taking common measures for the suppression of heresy. Catherine, who dreaded Spanish interference in France, refused to move from her policy of moderation. In proportion as the Guise influence advanced in France, so did Mary in Scotland begin to act more decidedly. Her marriage was a great means by which the Guises might increase their position in Europe, and many negotiations were entered into on the subject. First, Don Carlos, son of Philip II., was proposed to Mary; but apparently his father was already afraid of the ungovernable temper of the youth, and the match was strongly opposed by Catherine de Medici who intrigued to prevent it. If Mary had married Don Carlos, the Reformation would have been at once put down in Scotland, which would have again become the quarter from which a Catholic onslaught might be made on England. When this project fell through, Elizabeth urged Mary's marriage Question of Mary's marriage. iA. d . 1565. Marriage of Mary. 7 3 vvith her own favorite, Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, ■and offered, if this marriage were contracted, to recognise .Mary as her successor in England. But Mary knew that by her marriage with a Protestant and an English sub- ject she would have made herself forever harmless to Elizabeth, and would have destroyed the political influ- ence of her position. Mary saw no chance of securing her recognition in England, either by agreement with Elizabeth, or by help from Spain. She must take her own measures, and trust to her own skill. She felt that she had made her- self personally popular in Scotland by her winning manners, and she knew that the fanatical intolerance of Knox and his followers had created a Catholic reaction amongst all the more moderate men. Mary thought that she could now afford to show her real colors, and therefore on July 29,1565, she married her cousin, Henry Stewart, Lord Darnley. This marriage was a blow to the Protestant party, as Darnley was a Catholic. Murray and his followers re- garded it as a menace, and at once took up arms, but they were not joined by recruits as they had expected. They were powerless against the levies which the king and queen brought against them, and were driven to take refuge in England. Elizabeth also felt herself threatened by this marriage of Mary ; for Darnley's mother was a grand-daughter of Henry VII. of England, and by taking him as husband, Mary had strengthened her own claim to the English succession. Mary's position was now most formidable to Eliza- beth. The Catholic lords were recalled in Scotland, and everywhere throughout Europe Catholicism began to raise its head. It was generally plans in believed that an understanding had been 74 Mary Queen of Scots. a. d. 1565, W K H O H < U C/3 >< ^ 9 in c/3 h-1 W ►J PQ H u t— I o o ►J < w o G G o 1—1 o tt d> G G > - U G G -t-> U rS o ,G^h o b .So be ™ cJ < II bo bo > "8 ^ >^ s 1— 1 G t/Too .2 c) ri "■> *-3 . " f 1 rdina Rom ror, I -a 2 3 & ^6 £f «5) a ^w bA S3 2 rt • (3 v£> 5 l-O . 8 1 00 o I — , On On | II vo vO M u-i ITN ■ P £ M p* 1/3 •3 o Pi W )-i r— j 3 £4 I 57°- were to last, it could only be by a close alliance of the Catholic party with Spain. But here the old national jealousy stood in the way. Alva had not given such cordial help as was expected ; his success in the Nether- lands was threatening to France ; to subdue the Hugue- nots by Philip's assistance would be to sacrifice the national independence and lay open a new field to the boundless ambition of Spain. The court resolved on peace, and offered again to renew the edict of pacifica- tion. But as the Huguenots demanded some guarantee for their security, four towns were put into their hands io4 Results of AlvcC s Measures, a. D. 1567. for two years, amongst them Rochelle. The peace of St. Germain (August, 1570), again restored quiet in France ; but it showed that, if need were, the Huguenots were determined to maintain their own safety by arms. But the presence of an Alva in the Netherlands affected England almost as closely as it did France. It was just „ . . at the time of Alva's expedition, that Mary Position of Mary in Scot- of Scotland had exhausted the patience of her subjects. The deposition and captivity of Mary deprived the Catholic party in England of its head. Mary at that time had so entirely disgraced her- self in the eyes of Europe, that a rising in her name was not to be thought of. Still Elizabeth was afraid of Alva and was unwilling to seem to be in league with the Scottish nobles, who had deposed their sovereign. She felt the danger of admitting their right to do so. Though keenly alive to the advantages she had gained from recent events in Scotland, she could not bring herself to sanction them. Perhaps she thought that Mary had so far discredited herself as to be henceforth harmless ; perhaps she thought that her restoration through English influence would silence her. At all events she urged her release upon the Scottish lords, till she was met by the threat that her further importunity might cost Mary her life. The nobles were resolved that Mary should not re- turn to power. But her party gathered strength from ,, , Alva's successes. Before she had been in Mary s es- cape from prison a year she managed to escape to Hamilton, and soon found herself at the head of an army of her adherents. Murray, though taken by surprise, armed also, and cut off Mary's ad- vance to the strong castle of Dumbarton Rock, where she felt she would be secure. The two armies met at a.d. 1568. Mary's Escape to England. 105 Langside on the Clyde (May 13, 1568). The battle is interesting, as showing the strange results produced by the old method of warfare. In front of both armies were stationed the heavy armed men. When they charged, the spears of both opposing lines stuck in the joints of each other's armor. The front lines were consequently fastened together, and the battle became a mere tussle, in which the hinder ranks could take no part, except by throwing stones and sticks over the impeding mass of mail. At last the battle was decided by a charge of Murray's cavalry. Mary's troops fled, and she herself galloped from the field and hurried across the Border, where she took refuge in Carlisle, and begged for Eliza- beth's protection. This was a step extremely perplexing to Elizabeth and her advisers. What was to be done ? To restore Mary by force would be to alienate the Mary in Scots, and to establish in Scotland a hostile England, in place of a friendly government. To allow Mary to go to France would be to put a most dangerous instrument in the hands of the Catholic party on the Continent. To keep her in England was equally difficult, for Elizabeth had no grounds for treating her as a prisoner, and if she were at large she would be a centre for Catholic plots. Her presence in the northern counties was dangerous, for there the Catholics were strongest. Before Mary's presence and the story of her misfortunes, the remem- brance of her crimes began to fade away, and the old chivalrous spirit revived. It was thought wise to remove her from Carlisle to Bolton Castle in Yorkshire. At first Elizabeth tried to arrange a compromise be- tween Mary and the Regent Murray ; but this was im- possible. Mary demanded that Elizabeth Conference should either restore her, or give her free at York ' 106 Results of Alva^s Measures, a.d. 1568^ passage to France. She asked for an interview. Eliza- beth refused the interview till Mary had cleared herself of the charges brought against her, urging that she could not proceed to restore her, and so punish the rebellious lords, till she knew the extent of their guilt. Mary ac- cordingly agreed to a conference, which was held at York towards the end of the year. The Duke of Nor- folk, the chief Catholic peer, was the principal commis- sioner appointed by Elizabeth. Murray and Mary both sent their representatives ; but the conference led to no decided result, except that the evidence against Mary for the murder of Darnley, including the " casket let- ters," was laid before the chief English peers. They reported to the queen that they had seen " such foul matters " as to justify her in refusing to give Mary an interview. On the main question nothing was done. Mary still remained at Bolton, and Murray returned to Scotland with a loan of 5,000/. from Elizabeth, "for the maintenance of peace between England and Scotland." Elizabeth was still doubtful what course to pursue. The suppression of the Huguenots in France, and the entire subjugation of the Netherlands might Elizabeth arm a ^ Europe against her. In the face of this danger Cecil and the Protestants urged the queen to put herself at the head of Protestantism in Europe, to make war openly against Alva, and send back Mary to Scotland. The Catholic and moderate party wished for peace with Spain, and the recognition of Mary's claim to the succession in England.. Eliza- beth adopted a middle course. She sent money to the Huguenots in France, and seriously crippled Alva by seizing some ships laden with money for the pay of his soldiers, which had been driven by bad weather into Southampton and Plymouth (December, 1568). Alva a. d. 1569. Rising of the North. 107 was furious, and seized all English ships and property in the Netherlands. Elizabeth retaliated on the Spani- ards in England. She pleaded that the money belonged to Genoese bankers, not to Alva ; it had come into her hands, and she had borrowed it instead of him. Philip, desirous of settling matters in the Netherlands before engaging with England, allowed the affront to pass by. Similarly, Elizabeth hoped that the documents laid before her commissioners would destroy in their minds any doubts they might feel about Mary's detention. But in this she was mistaken. in^Mary. The Duke of Norfolk had formed the scheme of marrying Mary ; and many who, from political reasons, were opposed to Cecil, and were in favor of a concilia- tory polic}>- towards Mary and Spain, promised him their assistance. Elizabeth, however, discovered the plan too soon. Norfolk was committed for a short time to the Tower, and his confederates, among whom was Leicester, were for a while disgraced. Mary was indeed a dangerous captive. Her partisans had waited to see if this powerful political coalition would succeed ; but when they saw that it had failed „ , „. ' J Rebellion of and that Cecil's watchfulness was not to be the Northern eluded, they had recourse to arms. The Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland headed a premature rising in the north. They demanded the restoration of the old religion and the dismissal of the queen's upstart advisers. They advanced to Durham, celebrated the mass once more in the cathedral, and tore the English Bible in pieces before the people. But their triumph was brief. The Catholic gentry were not yet prepared to turn rebels, and the aid expected from the Duke of Alva never came. The Earl of Sussex kept them occupied in the north till he was joined by rein- 108 Results of Alva' 's Measures, a. d. 1569. forcements from the southern counties. When at length he was strong enough to proceed against them, the rebel army dispersed, Westmoreland fled to the Netherlands, where he ended his days miserably in the receipt of a small pension from Philip. Northumberland took refuge in Scotland, where he was taken prisoner by Murray, and at last given up to the English government and executed at York. The rebellion was easily put down, and severely punished. The queen had been thoroughly frightened, and her terror showed itself in revenge. in its Sussex complained that he was left in the suppression. N or th " but to direct hanging matters." In every little village the insurgents were sought out and executed. As yet Elizabeth had been merciful ; but as the great conflict of her reign deepened around her, mercy gave way before desperate endeavors. Still, the end of the year 1569 showed Elizabeth to be strong in her hold upon her people. The long-threatened Catholic rebellion had failed to shake her position. Alva had not yet felt himself strong enough to help her rebels. Philip, in despite of an outrageous affront, was not pre- pared for war. There was nothing to fear from France ; for the French dread of Spain was tending to bring Eng- land and France nearer together, and a French marriage was even proposed to Elizabeth. A.d. 1570. Excommunication of Elizabeth. 109 CHAPTER IV. STRUGGLE OF CATHOLICISM AND PROTESTANTISM, 1 570-1 572. One great reason of the failure of the rising in England had been that the Catholics, as a body, did not join it. Their allegiance was as yet due to their queen, and they did not feel that their religion called upon them to take part in a rebellion. This feeling, however, was soon to be disturbed. Open and avowed hostility between Catholicism and Protestantism was to be introduced into England also. Pope Pius V., Michele Ghislieri, had been a Dominican inquisitor before his elevation to the papacy. Austere, zealous and determined, he devoted all his , r . TT Elizabeth energies to the suppression of heresy. Un- excommuni- der his rule the Inquisition crushed out Pro- cate ' testantism in Italy. Though a man of fervent piety and blameless life, he shrank from no measures which were likely to put down the schism. He rejoiced over Alva's cruelties in the Netherlands, and sent him a sword and cap which he had blessed, as a token of his favor. A man of this kind was not likely to leave the English Catholics doubtful of their duties. He proceeded to the excommunication of Elizabeth ; but he did it secretly that he might not be prevented by the remonstrances of France and Spain. In May 1 570 the bull of excommuni- cation was found fixed on the door of the Bishop of Lon- don's house, and a student of Lincoln's Inn, by name Felton, paid with his life for his rash act. This excommunication was felt by Elizabeth and her H no Struggle of Catholicism, &c. A. d. 15 71. ministers to be a declaration of war ; it was resented by the mass of the English people as an act of aggression. Moreover, fears for the queen's life had been awakened by recent events in Scotland. The Catholic Affairs in party had there roused itself for a desperate Scotland. r J r effort, and had hoped, if the Regent Murray were removed, to succeed once more in gaining power. James Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh undertook Murray's assassination, and shot him from the balcony of a house in Linlithgow, as he was making a state entry into the town, January 23, 1570. The result was anarchy in Scotland, where for the next few years a civil war raged between the queen's party and the adherents of the king. In England the Parliament which met in 1 571 pro- ceeded to pass bills declaring it high treason to call the „ , - queen a heretic, or to affirm that any one England s * . J answer to particular person was her successor, or to publish any bull from the Pope. A bill was even introduced to compel all above a certain age to re- ceive the Communion according to the established service ; but this was withdrawn after a discussion. The Catholic attack upon England had called forth severe reprisals. England entered upon a course of persecution, not, however, of religious opinions as such, but because of their political consequences. Conformity to the Estab- lished Church was rigidly required from all ; and while Parliament passed laws against the Catholics, the High Commission Court, under the presidency of Archbishop Parker, demanded from the Puritans obedience to the established ceremonies. The religious struggle was not long in breaking out again. The old plan of the liberation of Ridolfi's Mary, her marriage with the Duke of Norfolk, and of the restoration of Catholicism a. d. 1572. Ridolfi 1 s Plot, in was again revived. But this time it was seen that the aid of foreign powers was necessary for its success. Ridolfi, a Florentine, who had long resided in England, was sent to confer with the Duke of Alva, Philip II. , and the Pope. Philip II. warmly entered into the scheme. The Pope declared himself ready to sell even the chalices from his churches for such a worthy object. It was agreed that Alva was to send 10,000 men to help the conspirators. But Ridolfi was too dull a plotter to escape the vigilance of Lord Burleigh, by which title Sir William Cecil was now known. A suspicious packet of papers was seized. Norfolk's secretary was imprisoned and confessed, and the whole plot was discovered. Mary's ambassador in England, the Bishop of Ross, was thrown into the tower, and the Spanish ambassador was dismissed from England. Norfolk was brought to trial before his brother peers, was found guilty of treason and. condemned to death. It was some time before Elizabeth could be brought to consent to the execution of the chief nobleman in the kingdom ; but at last she gave way, and Norfolk was beheaded, June 2, 1572. The rising of 1569 had failed, because it was confined within too narrow limits and had not appealed to the Catholic world. Now a great plot in which all the chief Catholic powers were to have taken part was stopped before it could come to a head. Philip II. did not ven- ture to resent his ambassador's dismissal. The queen only became dearer to her people as they saw the efforts directed against her. Meanwhile in France the dread of the encroachments of Spain had been increased. The combined fleets of Venice, the Pope, and Philip II. had Inland " d won a brilliant victory at Lepanto over the Turks, and a new course of aggrandizement seemed ii2 Struggle of Catholicism, &C. a.d. 1572. open to Philip. France drew nearer to England, and proposals were made for a marriage between Elizabeth and the Duke of Anjou, the younger brother of Charles IX. The negotiations gave Elizabeth an opportunity for the display of her vacillation and her delight in mys- tifying those around her. The marriage was not popular in England, and all talk of it was laid aside for a while in consequence of the events of 1572 in France. In that country peace with the Huguenots and jealousy of Spain had become, both of them, parts of the royal policy. The young king, Charles IX., was of Charles of weak intelligence, yet of wild and pas- sionate nature. His education had been neglected owing to his feeble health, and he was unable to give serious attention to the affairs of state. He was entirely under the influence of his mother, Catharine de s Medici, who ruled in his name. Catharine was the daughter of the man to whom Machiavelli ^at"? 6 - had dedicated the " Prince," and she was de Medici. ' well skilled in all the arts of dissimulation. After living powerless at court during her husband's life- time, she was determined to satisfy her desire for power when her time came. Yet her title to power was very precarious. She was a stranger by birth ; she repre- sented no great national interest, no political party ; she was supported by no great family, and awoke no enthu- siasm amongst the common people. Yet when she once had power in her hands she devoted all her energies to keep it. About the great questions which at that time agitated France, she was entirely indifferent; but she was willing to play off one party against the other so as to maintain herself in power. Tall, and of strong, com- manding appearance, she exercised great influence over those who were around her. She had a powerful nature, A.D. 1572. Gaspard de Coligny. tit which could adapt itself to any circumstances. She had great quickness of mind and penetration. She knew well how to conciliate opponents, and how to satisfy them without committing herself to definite promises. She trusted no one, and no one trusted her. She pre- ferred to be regarded as a peace-maker and mediator between the contending parties in France ; but would hesitate at nothing to rid herself of one who was likely to disturb her position. Hence she had opposed the Guises, and had been a foe to Mary of Scotland. Over Charles IX. her rule seemed absolute, and she was determined to maintain it at any cost. But she saw this rule over her son's mind suddenly threatened. Charles IX. became jealous of the fame gained by his younger brother, the Duke of Anjou, who had been the leader of the victorious Catho- lics at the battle of Moncontour. The populace of Paris was distinguished by its bitter hatred of the Hugue- nots, whose chief opponent was always the popular hero of the capital. Charles IX. was alarmed at his brother's superior position ; he was afraid of some plot against himself. Stung to a sudden energy, he determined to gain glory himself also. For this end he would make common cause with the Huguenots, and wage war against Spain. The head of the Huguenot party was also the most famous general in France, and was in French history at this age the one prominent man who rose above the level of intrigue, fanaticism, and self-seeking into a higher region of lofty self-devotion. Gaspard de Coligny was sprung from an old Burgun- dian family, and was in early life distinguished as a soldier. He knew every branch of the soldier's trade, and to courage and coolness united a capacity for disci- ii4 Struggle of Catholicism, &c. A.t>. 1572. pline and military organization. He had undertaken the hopeless task of defending St. Quentin against Philip's army ; he had undertaken it though he knew it to be hopeless, and knew that his reputation would suffer through the failure. He was taken prisoner in the battle, and during his imprisonment a change came over his religious opinions, and he adopted the faith of Calvin. When the religious wars began in France, Coligny fully appreciated the momentous importance of the issue involved. He counted the cost, and gave himself unreservedly to the conflict. He asked his wife if she had the courage to face dangers, misfortunes, exile, and, if need were, death, — if she were prepared to ruin the future of her children for the sake of her religious convictions. His wife, as heroic as her husband, bade him go forth upon the path of duty without fear for her. In this spirit Coligny entered upon the strife. His mind was not under the sway of fierce passion, or desire for power, or thirst for fame. Sternly and sadly he undertook a sacred duty, which he carried out without being 'elevated by success or cast down by failure. Through evil report and good report he went upon his solitary way. His calm prudence and commanding temper enforced obedience upon his party, which re- spected and obeyed rather than loved him. High above the fierce passions, the mean intrigues, the unscrupulous ' self-seeking, which distinguished France in his age, his figure rises as the one man endowed with a noble pur- pose, who felt laid upon him a mighty weight of duty, which he must carry unflinchingly to the end. Such was the man with whom Charles IX. now found himself brought into connection. Coligny had so strong Coligny's a belief in the possibility of a reconciliation plans. between the two contending parties, that he AD. 1572. Alva? s Taxation. 115 went himself to the court to urge his views more decidedly. He endeavored to fan the king's dread of Philip II., and prevail on him to declare war against Spain, — a step which must aid greatly the struggling cause of Pro- testantism in the Netherlands. In that country Alva's savage measures had failed of complete success. He flattered himself at the end of 1569 that he had put down heresy and had re- duced the provinces to obedience. It only j r , . , - , . Alva's taxa- remamed for him to carry out the rest of his tion of the promise to make the provinces pay for the et erlands- trouble they had given, and make them contribute large- ly to the royal resources for the future. For this purpose he devised a new scheme of taxation. Instead of grants of money being made by the states to their prince ac- cording to their sympathy with the purposes for which he proposed to use it, they were henceforth to pay accord- ing to a regular system. A tax of the twentieth penny (five per cent.) was to be paid every time real property changed hands ; a tax of the tenth penny (ten per cent.) was to be paid on all personal property or merchandise every time it was sold. Alva was a soldier and not a financier, or he would have known that these measures would involve the en- tire ruin of the commerce of the Netherlands. An active trading people, made liable to this tax of ten per cent, on every sale, would necessarily be unable to manufac- ture and sell any article at the same price as formerly. Instead of being the great merchants of Europe, they would be unable to compete with other countries whose productions were not subject to this heavy tax. Alva's endeavor to increase the royal income by extorting money from the Netherlands would really result in a diminution of the capital sum on which the taxes must n6 Struggle of Catholicism, &>c. A. D. 1572. be levied, and would ruin the people without enriching the king. Men who had stood by Alva and applauded him in his severe measures against heresy now rose in opposi- tion against him. Loud outcries were raised in Madrid. In the Netherlands trade was at a stand-still, and men shut their shops rather than submit to the tax. Universal discontent and deep hatred towards Alva prevailed amongst the whole mass of the people. In this state of feeling it required very little to rouse the people to resistance. A sudden raid of oftheNe- a band of Netherlandish outlaws laid the therianders. foundation of the memorable revolt of the Netherlands. Among those who had left the Netherlands rather than submit to Alva, many were accustomed to the sea. These now, seizing upon vessels, cruised as Foundation . , „, , _ . n of the United pirates in the Channel, professing to make Netherlands. war on Alya ]n the name of 0ra nge. Hardy, brave, and cruel adventurers, they inflicted much damage on the Spanish ships, and found in England a ready market for their booty. Alva, in the beginning of 1572, remonstrated with Elizabeth on the shelter which she gave to these freebooters, who were at that time lying in some of the southern ports of England. Elizabeth, wishing to be conciliatory in a little matter, sent orders that the Netherland pirates were no longer to be supplied with provisions. Forced by hunger, the little fleet of twenty-four ships, under the command of a rude Flemish noble, William de la Marck, set sail from England for a foray. They were driven by stress of weather to enter the mouth of the Meuse, and came opposite the city of Brill. More in bravado than with any serious expecta- tion of success, this handful of men, not more than 250, a. D. 1572. Revolt of the Netherlands. 117 sent a message demanding the surrender of Brill. A panic seized the magistrates and citizens ; they fled and left their fortified city to the " water beggars," who took possession of the city in the name of the Prince of Orange, stadtholder of the king. The failure of an attempt to regain Brill for the Spaniards gave additional courage to the Netherlanders. Flushing was the first to expel its Spanish government. The example was followed by all the chief cities of Holland and Zeeland, and many of the cities of Gelder- land, Oberyssel, and Friesland. By the middle of 1572 a large portion of the Netherlands was in open revolt against Alva. Meanwhile Count Louis of Nassau had been busy in France, where he enlisted the sympathies of the Hugue- nots, who sent out forces under Genlis to ^ ... b rencn help aid him in a bold scheme which he had to the Ne- formed, of surprising Mons, the chief city of Hainault. His surprise was successful, and Alva saw himself assailed on two sides. In the north the land was in rebellion ; in the south a rising was being pro- moted by French help. When it was too late he abo- lished his tax of the tenth penny. The revolt had now taken shape. Representatives of the Estates of Holland met at Dort in July, and recognized the Prince of Orange as the king's lawful stadtholder in Holland, Zeeland, Friesland, and Utrecht. There was no talk of throwing off their allegiance to Philip II. ; but against the despotic system of government introduced by Alva they set up their old constitution. The Prince of Orange had been appointed by Philip stadtholder of Holland in 1569; him they would follow in maintaining their lawful privi- leges against tyrannical governors. The revolt of theNe- therlands was not directed against Philip's legitimate au- 1 1 8 St. Bartholomew' s Day. A. D . 1 5 7 2 . thority, but against the arbitrary use of his authority to introduce constitutional changes to which the Estates had never agreed. Alva's first step was to send his son, Don Frederic de Toledo, to besiege Mons, which could not be defended unless speedy reinforcements arrived. Genlis had hur- ried to France to raise fresh troops, but was defeated by Don Frederic outside Mons, and few of his reinforce- ments reached the city. Still Count Louis hoped for greater succors, and the fate of Mons depended on Co- ligny's influence over the French king. CHAPTER V. ST. Bartholomew's day. Coligny had cast over Charles IX. the spell of his powerful mind, and the king inclined more and more to his view of war with Spain in the Nether- CoH n galnst lands. But the queen-mother was alarmed at Coligny's power ; if he were to succeed, her influence over the king would be gone for ever. She made common cause with the Catholic party, resolved that at any cost Coligny's plans should fail. She joined with the widow of the murdered Francis, Duke of Guise, and the two women plotted Coligny's assassination. A gentleman attached to the house of Guise, Maurevert, shot at Coligny (August 22) as he was slowly entering his house engaged in reading a letter. The shot was fired from the window of a house opposite ; it wounded Coligny in the arm, but the wounds were not dangerous. A.D. 1572. Scheme of Massacre. 119 It was clear that an inquiry would be made into the at- tempted assassination. Catherine was not a woman to shrink from carrying out a scheme she had undertaken. Coligny must be got rid of, and the king must be res- cued once for all from his influence. His wounds gave him greater hold upon the king's sympathies. The Hu- guenots gathered round him demanding vengeance. They were prepared to go in a body to the king, and de- nounce the Duke of Guise as the assassin ; they mut- tered threats of what they would do if they failed to ob- tain redress. Men's passions had grown fiercer. The populace of Paris prepared themselves to defend the Guises against an attack of the Huguenots. The Hu- guenots stood sullenly opposed to the excited populace amongst whom they lived. Coligny had striven for the reconciliation of the two parties ; of this the marriage of Henry, the young King of Navarre, with Margaret of Valois, the French king's sister, (August 18), had been Paris a-d ° . - .. T the Hugue- regarded as the pledge. The Prince of Na- nots. varre, after his father's death, had become the titular head of the Huguenot party. His marriage with Margaret was to bring the two parties together, and the Huguenots had streamed into Paris to be present at the festival, and make a demonstration of their power. The people of Paris had received them with silent threats. They themselves were fanatically Catholic, and saw with hatred Coligny enter the city and take his place at the royal council by the side of Henry of Anjou and Henry of Guise. The attempted assassination of Coligny awoke all the deepest passions of both parties. Catholics and Protestants alike began to gather apprehensively round their chiefs. In this excited state of popular feeling Catherine and 120 St. Bartholomew' s Day. a.d. 1572. the Guises saw their safety. The king was perplexed at finding that his mother was privy to the at- ma C s h slSe S ° f tempt on Coligny's life. She repeated to him exaggerations of the wild words and threats uttered by the Huguenots. She showed him their armed bands in the streets, and asked if a royal army could be raised to meet them. She warned him that soon the royal power would pass entirely into the hands of Coligny. She stirred up the king's feeble mind to alarm, and then suggested to him the way out of the difficulty. All the chiefs of the Huguenots were in Paris, caught as in a net. It only needed a word from the king to arm the people of Paris against them, and rid him- self of his enemies at one stroke. The scheme was not premeditated, nor had the Hu- guenots been deliberately invited to the capital to be massacred. Perhaps old plans of a general massacre for the suppression of Protestantism, which had been suggested in former times by Philip II. recurred to Catherine's mind. But the plan in itself arose to her Italian bra;n as a possible means of extricating herself from her present difficulties. To rid himself of his ene- mies at one blow was a device sometimes adopted with success by an Italian tyrant in his small state. Cathe- rine believed it possible in France. At first Charles IX. shrank with horror from the proposal. Catherine rea- soned in its favor as an act of policy, appealed to Charles's affection by declaring that her life was no longer safe in Paris, and at last taunted the feeble youth with want of courage. Charles was stung by his mother's taunt. He gave his assent to the plan, and when once his assent had been given he hurried on with feverish excitement. Early in the morning of St. Bartholomew's Day, Sun- A.D. 1572. Effects of the Massacre. 121 day, August 24, the massacre began ; it was known in after days by the bitter name of the " Paris Matins." The Duke of Guise himself super- mew's Day. intended the murder of Coligny ; the corpse s ' 24 ' I572 ' was thrown out of the window into the court-yard where Guise stood. All the Huguenot chiefs, except only the two princes, Navarre and Conde, were put to death. On every side the bells rang; and the populace in the king's name stormed and robbed the houses of the Huguenots and murdered their masters, who were en- tirely taken by surprise. It was a night of horror. Private revenge and personal hatred ran riot under the protection of the royal authority ; religious fanaticism sheltered itself under the name of patriotism. A terrible fury had seized the people. For years they had been disturbed and disquieted by Huguenot rebellion ; it needed but a few sharp hours of determined action, and these disturbers of the peace would be got rid of forever. The fury spread quickly from town to town. The roy- al orders were everywhere acted upon, and for days the massacre went on. It is difficult to estimate the number of victims ; the calculations Effects of the massacre. vary between 25,000 and 100,000 in the whole of the kingdom. In the excitement of the act, its terrible significance was not regarded by those con- cerned. The king rejoiced that at last he had acted de- cidedly and had become a king indeed. Catherine thought that she had freed herself from her enemies and had wrought a good deed for her country at the same time. The Catholic powers exulted over this victory of Catholicism. Gregory XIII., who had but lately become Pope, ordered a " Te Deum " to be sung in honor of the event, and went in solemn procession to be present at 122 St. Bartholomew' ) s Day. A . d . 1572. the thanksgiving. Philip forgot his usual severity of manner, and laughed for joy. No doubt the atrocity of the deed was not known at first. It was believed that a plot of the Huguenots had been discovered, that their designs had been anticipated, and that they had met with the punishment that was their due. In England only was the moral bearing of the massacre at once per- ceived ; a shudder went through the land at the thought that a king should arm one part of his people against another. The French ambassador was long refused an audience of the queen ; and when at last he was admit- ted, he was received in solemn silence by the queen and court, who were all dressed in mourning. In the Netherlands the events which we have been relating produced the most disastrous results. The pa- triots saw themselves cut off from any hope of French help. Orange, who was advancing to the relief of Mons, Effects on the was driven back into Holland, and Mons was Netherlands. compelled to surrender. The rebellion was crushed in the southern provinces ; and the Spanish troops, by their atrocities, exacted a terrible revenge. Alva sent orders that every town which refused to ad- mit a garrison should be besieged, and all its inhabitants be put to death. At Mechlin, Zutphen, and Naarden, these orders were almost literally carried out. Alva was consistent in his policy of crushing rebellion by the ex- ample of terrible severity. But the men of Holland and Zeeland were not to be crushed without making an effort, and a struggle now began which has made the name of Holland memorable. It was a struggle conducted on both sides with desparate bravery and determined daring. Marvels of force and cruelty attract our attention as much as marvels of pa- triotism and self-devotion. The Spanish soldiers were a.d. 1573. Siege of Haarlem. 123 unequalled in Europe ; they were devoted to their leader and zealous for the Catholic cause ; they fought with as much desperation and fury as did the burghers, whose only hope of life lay in their courage. The struggle which now began is marked by matchless deeds of valor on both sides. An attempt on the part of the patriots to obtain pos- session of the town of Goes, in South Beveland, led to a wonderful exploit on the part of the Spa- niards. South Beveland is an island lying off |^f s e of the mouth of the Scheld. It had once formed part of the mainland, but the sea in a heavy storm had dashed away the dykes, and now ran in a channel, ten miles broad at its narrowest part, between South Beveland and the shore of which it had once formed part. Goes was invested by the patriots, and the Spaniards were cut off by the fleet of the Zeelanders from sending reinforcements. Determined not to lose the town, they formed the bold undertaking of wading along a narrow causeway on the " Drowned land," as it was called. The water on this narrow causeway was four feet deep at low tide, and rose with the tide ten feet. It was a terrible hazard for the band of 3,000 men who undertook this journey of ten milesby night with the water reaching up to their shoulders, A few false steps and they would be lost ; if they failed to accomplish their task in six hours, the rising tide would sweep them away. Yet such was the disciplined precision of the Spanish soldiers, that of the three thousand only nine were lost on the way. The rest reached Beveland in safety, and Goes was saved. The siege of Haarlem is again famous for the desperate courage of the patriots. When summoned ... c Siege of to admit a Spanish garrison, the men 01 Haarlem. 124 *S£ Bartholomew' s Day. a.d. 1573. Haarlem determined to resist. Their fortifications were weak ; their garrison was only 4,000 men, while Don Frederic de Toledo led against them 30,000 veterans. Yet for seven months they kept the Spaniards at bay, and only yielded at last to famine. Three hundred women armed themselves and fought in a regular corps. Assaults upon the city were repelled by the determina- tion of the citizens, who poured boiling oil and blazing pitch on their assailants. Women and children worked day and night to repair the breaches in the walls. When it was found hopeless to take the city by assault, the Spaniards tried to undermine the walls. The citizens made countermines, and sometimes the opposing parties would meet under ground and engage in savage contest. But the valor of the men of Haarlem could not hold out against famine. On July 12, 1573, the city surrendered. Its garrison was butchered, and the city was left a heap of ruins. Alkmaar was next attacked ; but the patriots resolved that the dykes should be broken down and the country round be swallowed up by the waters of the sea, rather than that Alkmaar should fall into the enemy's hands. The Spaniards, discovering this resolution, re- tired in dismay ; they had come to fight against men, not against the ocean. Thus, at the end of 1 573, it was clear that Alva's severity, so far from having broken the spirit of the Netherland- ers, had only stirred them up to the most Alva retires , * from the Neth- stubborn resistance. For seven years Alva had tried his utmost; he was weary of his task, and Philip was convinced of the failure of his mea- sures. He was consequently allowed to return to Spain, where soon after, on a slight pretext, he and his son were imprisoned ; nor was Alva restored to favor till his military talents were required for an expedition against Portugal. A.D. 1573. Results of the Massacre. 125 In the Netherlands a more pacific policy was adopted by Alva's successor, Don Louis de Requesens, who was governor for the next three years, 1573-6. In France the result of the massacre of St. Bartholo- mew's had not been quite so decisive as the fanatics who had engaged in it had hoped. The Results of the moral horror of the deed dawned upon the Brnhoimnew' 1 minds of its actors. Charles IX. was haunted Da y- in his dreams by the terrible remembrance of that night; he sprang from his bed in terror; and to the excited minds of those around him, the air seemed to be filled with groans and shrieks. Even in the camp, men thought they saw the dice thrown by Henry of Guise stain the table with a mark of blood. Moreover, the general policy of France had been con- tradicted by this massacre, and when men's feelings settled down, it was seen to have been a mistake. Spain was the leader of the Catholic world ; and France could not hope to dispute that leadership with Spain. By the massacre France had lost her moderating position between the two parties. All dealings with the Nether- landers were broken off. The negotiations for the mar- riage of Elizabeth with the Duke of Anjou were stopped. The Huguenots still held out against the royal troops in their cities of Rochelle, Nismes, and Sancerre. It was in vain that these cities were besieged; they defended themselves with desperate heroism. Though many of the Huguenots had been massacred, and many had changed their religion through terror, still there remained too many to be put down by force. Moreover, the Poles were thinking of the election of the Duke of Anjou to their throne ; but if Anjou were to become king of Poland, he must declare himself willing to mediate between the two religious parties, and to allow religious 1 126 St. Bartholomew' 's Day. a. d . 1 5 7 4. freedom. For all these reasons the old policy of pacifi- cation again won the upper hand in France. In July, 1573, free exercise of religion was granted to the towns of Rochelle, Montauban, Nismes, and Sancerre. The Huguenots obtained peace for a while ; and the discords at court soon strengthened their hands. The youngest brother of the king, the Duke of Charles'ix Alencon, openly opposed his mother. In the dissensions and quarrels that followed, a new party gradually gained ground. It was composed of men who for political reasons wished to maintain the edicts of toleration, and so to allow the fury of religious passions to settle for awhile. In this distracted state of things Charles IX. died, in May, 1574. His brother hastened to leave his Polish kingdom, from which he fled secretly, as he was afraid the Poles might put hin- drances in his way, and succeeded in France as Henry III. The next few years are free from any decisive events in Europe generally. The first outburst of the great commotions which mark the reign of Elizabeth had sub- sided. Things had begun somewhat to find their level. At first all was doubtful and uncertain. The chief actors had to watch eagerly for indi- cations which way fortune was likely to turn. It had seemed that the chances were greatly against Protes- tantism and Elizabeth. Elizabeth had never ventured to ally herself definitely with the Protestant cause. She had no rational hope that the Netherlands would give Philip so much trouble, or the Huguenots so long make head in France. Year by year Elizabeth's throne grew stronger. The failure of the rising in the north, and then of the Ridolfi plot, showed that she was firm upon her seat. England had been growing more united, more decided, more adventurous. A bold and eager national a.d. 1574. Summary. 127 spirit had been growing up amongst the people. From the year 1572 to 1576 the country was quiet and secure. When again England came forward, it was no longer uncertain of its position or its destiny, but was prepared for a struggle with Spain which should determine the future of both countries, and should decide the fate of Protestantism in Europe. BOOK IV. HOME GOVERNMENT OF ELIZABETH* CHAPTER I. ELIZABETH AND HOME AFFAIRS. The events of the beginning of Elizabeth's reign suc- ceeded one another in such quick succession, that in tracing them up to this point we have seen „,. , , ° f. . . Elizabeth Elizabeth only as a politician. We have asapoii- seen how, by a cautious though often tortu- ous policy, she had managed to preserve her own interests and those of England from foreign attack, and at the same time had fostered at home a feeling of national unity. In the full light which has lately been thrown upon the events of this time, it is easy enough to find fault with Elizabeth's policy, to show how selfish and ungenerous it was to upbraid her with indifference to the great inte- rests of Protestantism in general. But it must be re- membered that England, when Elizabeth ascended the throne, was not in a position to interfere decisively in the affairs of Europe. Its entire population barely reached five millions. The queen's revenues amounted to no more than 500,000/. a year. The treasury was in debt ; the coinage was debased. Commerce was languish- ing ; the people were poor ; there was a danger that religious difficulties would cause a civil war. It is scarcely reasonable to demand from Elizabeth a bold 128 Her D eceitf nines s. 129 policy under such circumstances. She was compelled to husband the country's resources, to avoid war, to play off her enemies against one another. She Her learnt an economy which soon became economy. habitual to her and degenerated into stingi- ness. She took care to get from all around her as much as she could in the way of presents, and to make the scantiest returns. She sold her help to the Huguenots and to the Netherlanders at the highest rate she could. When Leicester died, the man for whom she felt as much affection as she was capable of, she dried her tears, and ordered that his goods should be seized in payment of money she had lent him. So, too, she learned to gain her ends by swagger, by threats, by underhand means, by subterfuges, by bare- faced lies if these were convenient. It may be allowed that a cautious policy was necessary fulness" 61 for Elizabeth ; but no excuse can be urged for her unblushing deceit. She took to diplomacy with a woman's thoroughness and a woman's wilfulness. Act- ing with perfect seriousness, she often by her falseness produced a ridiculous caricature. She told lies that de- ceived no one. In both her letters and speeches she wrapped up her meaning in ambiguous phrases and complicated sentences, which it was impossible to under- stand with any precision. She gave orders in such a way that she might disavow them if she pleased. She liked her ministers to act without definite orders, some- times on their own responsibility, and then to bear the consequences if the scheme failed. She was averse to war, partly because, it cost money, with which she grieved to part ; partly because war broke off the opportunities for diplomacy in which she thought that she excelled. But her ^ce?^ 130 Elizabeth and Home Affairs. motive was very greatly a generous feeling for her people, and a true instinct for the national wants. " No war, my lords," she would often exclaim at the council, striking the table with her fist, " no war; " and this resolve of hers often checked the great schemes of her more aspiring ministers, and enabled England to grow into its necessary strength. She felt no sympathy for the Netherlanders in their struggle with Philip ; their misery in no way appealed to her generosity. She drew out of their misfortunes all the commercial advantages she could to England. She only sent them aid when she was afraid they would cease to resist, and so make Philip too powerful. She never expected for a moment that they would make good their position as against Philip. She advised them to make peace with Philip, and could not understand their persistence about reli- gious freedom ; nor did she approve of subjects refusing to obey their prince in such matters. She was even ready to help Philip against them if she could gain thereby an advantageous settlement of England's difficulties with Spain. Elizabeth was indeed incapable of generous sympathy with a revolt against religious persecution ; for she was Her reii- not herself a woman of deep religious convic- gious views, tions. She was a Protestant chiefly because it was impossible for the daughter of Anne Boleyn to take her place in Europe as a Catholic sovereign. But though she was a Protestant she hated Puritanism, because she felt that the utterances of such a man as John Knox were widely opposed to her own ideas of a sovereign's position and power. She wished to see a religious system prevail which should rob Catholicism and Puritanism alike of their fanaticism, yet should be a genuine expression of the religious feeling of the people at large. She was an- Condition of the English Church. 131 noyed at any attempts to alter the established ceremonies in either of the extreme directions, and was always ready to administer a corrective. When Puritanism seemed to be growing too strong, she set up a crucifix in her chapel'' and lit the candles upon the altar. When the Dean of St. Paul's thought to please her by putting on her cushion a richly illuminated Prayer Book, she frowned and put it from her, and scolded the dean soundly when service was over. It was, however, very difficult for her to maintain the moderate character which she desired to give to the Es- tablished Church. The clergy, who almost all retained their benefices in spite of the of the Eng- religious changes made at Elizabeth's ac- llsh church - cession, were, as a body, inclined to the old religion. The most high-minded amongst them had resigned their benefices rather than submit ; those who remained were the least zealous. The lower clergy did not number many men of education ; the country parishes were even - sometimes handed over to the care of one who had been the squire's butler, or who deserved a pension from him for some service. It was difficult with such men as these to establish the new rites on an orderly footing ; and the queen was often angered by the news of some disorders. The marriage of the clergy especially, being a shock at first to the current popular sentiment on the subject, gave rise to many scandals. The clergy married unfit wives, and were not scrupulous how they provided for them. The church vestments and other possessions were some- times seen turned into ornaments for the clergymen's wives. This was especially a scandal in the case of cathedral chapters which had been under monastic dis- cipline. The queen forbade any member of a college or cathedral to have his wife living within the precincts. 132 Elizabeth and Home Affairs. She duliksd the marriage of the clergy, and refused to rescind the law prohibiting it, which had been passed in Mary's reign. The marriage of the clergy was connived at but not legalized ; and when the queen paid a visit to Archbishop Parker she took leave of Mrs. Parker, say- ing, " Madam I may not call you ; mistress I am loth to call you ; but I thank you for your cheer." The ecclesiastical difficulties of Elizabeth's position made themselves more and more distinctly felt as her reign went on. At first the idea of separa- Persecution of the ting from the national Church was not one which suggested itself. Though the Catho- lics objected to Elizabeth's changes, they did not at first withdraw themselves entirely from the Church services. But as the conflict between the two religions became more definite, no further concessions could be made on either side. The Catholics, though they might not be openly disloyal, were still suspected of desiring the acces- sion of Mary of Scotland ; and after the bull of Pope Pius V. against Elizabeth, and the Ridolfi plot, the laws against Catholicism were made more severe, and were more rigorously carried out. Even as against Catholicism, Protestantism in England did not present an undivided front. The Puritan party submitted as little as did the Catholics to the tans. Un " ecclesiastical observances which had been established. They objected that much re- mained which savored of superstition. They tried to assert their right to disobedience. But irregularities in the conduct of the Church services seemed to the queen to be intolerable. Conformity in the use of the surplice was required by Archbishop Parker, and those clergy- men who refused to comply were suspended from their livings. They soon began to form conventicles, which Conditions of Ecclesiastical Affairs. 133 were suppressed by law (1567). The Puritans, in oppo- sition to the law, began to form themselves into the sects of Protestant Dissenters in England. The great questions of the sixteenth and seventeenth century were religious questions. The difficulty was how to maintain the old political system, when _ ,. . x . Conditions of the old ecclesiastical system, which had ecclesiastical been so closely connected with it, was over- ques 10ns ' thrown. The reign of Elizabeth shows us how the old system, now everywhere conscious of its danger, was making efforts to reassert its ascendency. These efforts were repelled at first by the care and caution, afterwards by the vigor and energy, of England. But when Eng- land had made good its own position against foes out- side, there remained for Elizabeth's successors the adjustment of the limits between the old political system, as yet but slightly modified, and the new ecclesiastical ideas. This adjustment was hard to make, when the idea of tolerance was equally far from all contending parties. Elizabeth ought not to be too severely found fault with as a persecutor, if, at a time when the nation was going through a fierce struggle for its existence, she demanded a definite basis of unity. The state adapted the old ecclesiastical system, with the fewest possible changes, to the new ecclesiastical ideas, and demanded after this measure of reform the same unconditional obedience as before. Those who were content with the old state of things, and those who wished for further change, were both of them to be reduced to a common measure. The change that had passed over England was not to cause division. She must still offer to her enemies, at a time when ecclesiastical matters were the chief matters of politics, an undivided front. On the one hand there was to be no breach with the old system of 134 Elizabeth and Home Affairs. European politics ; on the other hand there was to be freedom from all that was most degrading and weaken- ing in the old state of things. These were the views of Elizabeth and her advisers ; but they did not and could not know the strength of the forces against which they were contending. Not till after the struggles of more than two centuries was it seen that there are in man convictions too strong to be curbed by motives of political expediency. Elizabeth's ecclesiastical system was not a permanent solution of the questions raised by the Reformation. She would neither broaden the basis of the ShSh? s &nd Esta blished Church, nor would she allow the formation of independent sects outside it. She left to her successors the task of solving the difficuties which this policy had wrought. For herself she was determined to keep the clergy in order by means of the bishops. Grindal, who succeeded Parker as Archbishop of Canterbury (1575), found to his cost that the royal supremacy was not a mere empty name. The queen was alarmed at the growth of a custom of clerical meetings, ' prophesyings,' as they were called. These meetings were meant for discussion, and for prac- tice in readiness of speech, that the clergy might be trained to preaching. The queen, however, did not ap- prove of preaching — to read the Homilies was enough. She did not like clerical discussions in the existing con- dition of religious opinion. She ordered the bishops to put down these prophesyings. When Archbishop Grindal refused to interfere he was suspended from his office, and for five years was not allowed to exercise his func- tions. Nor did the queen in other matters show to her bishops the respect which she demanded for them from others English Commerce. 13 5 She would keep bishoprics vacant, and appropriate their revenues to her own purposes ; often she would detach a manor from their possessions in the interest of a favorite. When the Bishop of Ely showed some re- luctance to abandon to Sir Christopher Hatton the gardens of Ely House, the queen wrote him a peremp- tory letter — " Proud prelate, I understand that you are backward in Complying with your agreement ; but I would have you know that I who made you what you are can unmake you ; and if you do not forthwith ful- fil your engagement I will immediately unfrock you. Yours, as you demean yourself — Elizabeth." On an- other occasion, when the Bishop of London preached before the queen a sermon on the vanity of dress, the queen told her ladies " if the bishop held more discourse on such matters she would soon fit him for heaven ; but he should walk thither without a staff and leave his mantle behind, him." Elizabeth, however, acted wisely in the measures which she took for the restoration of commerce and prosperity within her country. The reign of Elizabeth is the epoch from which dates the naval and En s lish r t commerce. commercial greatness of England, and the queen's care and attention contributed in no slight de- gree to this result. One of the earliest measures of her reign was the restoration of the coinage, which had been so debased by her predecessors that it was worth only one-third of its nominal value. To call in the debased coinage and melt it down, and to issue a new coinage whose worth should correspond to its intrinsic value, was no easy task for an impoverished exchequer. Yet it was accomplished without causing much hardship, and when it had been done, English merchants could again carry on their business with foreign countries. 136 Elizabeth and Home Affairs. The most important branch of English commerce had always beenthe woollen trade with Flanders. English cloth was exported to the Flemish marts, and there sold to merchants from the rest of Europe. Twice every year the Company of Merchant Adventurers fitted out a fleet of fifty or sixty ships to convey their goods to the Nether- lands. It is computed that about 100,000 pieces of cloth were shipped thither annually. In 1553 a number of merchants and nobles equipped three ships to explore a northern passage to India. Two of them were lost in the ice ; but the third, commanded by Richard Chancellor, made its way to Archangel, and laid the foundation of the trade with Russia. In 1557 came an ambassador from the Emperor of Muscovy. The Merchant Adventurers rode forth to meet him in procession, dressed in velvet, with chains of gold around their necks, that they might impress the Muscovite with their wealth, and so make his countrymen desirous of trading with them. The increasing importance of English commerce was shown in 1 560 by the building of the Royal Exchange. Sir Thomas Gresham, a wealthy merchant who had lived long in Flanders, contrasted the splen- The Royal ^or of the Flemish traders with the discom- .hxchange. fort of London, where all business had to be done by merchants standing, in all weathers, on the nar- row pavement of Lombard Street. He accordingly erected a brick building, with a quadrangle inside, round which, on the ground floor was an arched colonnade supported on marble pillars, where the merchants might walk. Be- low were vaults for merchandize, and on the first floor were shops, from the rent of which Gresham hoped to reimburse himself. The Exchange was visited in state by Elizabeth, who was so pleased with it that " she Spread of English Commerce. 137 caused it by an herald and a trumpet to be proclaimed the Royal Exchange, and so to be called from thence- forth, and not otherwise." Commerce, however, is not a thing which it lies in the power of princes to develop by patronage, though they may help it by their general policy. Elizabeth managed to keep England in English , ' , . c -,-, , Commerce. peace when the rest of Europe was invol- ved in war. Moreover her rule was economical, and the taxes were not oppressive. England under her was relieved from its public debt, and its capital found occu- pation in trade at a time when the commerce of the Ne- therlands was checked by disturbances. A spirit of naval adventure took deep root among all classes, and may be seen especially in the voyages of Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Martin Frobisher in quest of a north-west passage to the fabulous region of Cathay. The perils of the Arctic regions were experienced first by English seamen, and the line of investigation then opened out has ever remained peculiar to English enter- prise. CHAPTER II. ELIZABETH ; HER COURT AND MINISTERS. The wisdom of Elizabeth was shown in nothing so strongly as in her sagacity in the choice of ministers and her power of using men for her own pur- poses. The name most closely connected ^? r ^ Bur " with Elizabeth's government is that of Wil- liam Cecil, Lord Burleigh. First as secretary, afterwards as lord-treasurer, he was a member of the council, and 138 Elizabeth; her Court and Ministers. always exercised the chief influence on the affairs of state. In those days the sovereign was his own prime minister, and his confidential advisers were chosen at his own will. Throughout the whole of Elizabeth's reign Burleigh continued to be her chief minister. His advice was not always followed by the queen, and he had many opponents who never ceased to intrigue against him ; but he was the man who did most in moulding England's policy, and he retained the queen's favor till his death. William Cecil was born in 1520, and began a politi- cal career under Henry VIII. Under Edward VI. he was made secretary through the patronage of the Duke of Somerset. He lost his place when his patron fell, but regained court favor by drawing the articles of im- peachment against him. He was restored to office in 1550, and contrived to keep himself so far free from any connection with Northumberland's plot that he received from Mary a general pardon. He lost his office as secre- tary, but lived in peace and conformed to the Catholic religion. He attached himself secretly and cautiously to the Princess Elizabeth, and gave her wise counsels to help her in the difficult position in which she was placed. When Elizabeth came to the throne, she at once marked her sense of Cecil's merit by appointing him council. " This judgment," she said to him, " I have of you ; that you will not be corrupted with any gift, and that you will be faithful to the state ; and that, without re- spect of my private will, you will give me that counsel that you think best." Cecil was not heroic, nor had he any elevation of character ; but his wary, cautious, compromising, sensi- ble character commanded Elizabeth's admiration, be- cause it coincided so well with her own. Elizabeth was partly conscious that her own caprices, or alarms, Sir Nicolas Bacon. 139 or fancies, occasionally impelled her to acts of folly against her better judgment. Cecil's calm and deliber- ate wisdom seemed to her to be the expression of her own higher self. She treated him often as men treat their conscience when it reminds them of unpleasant truths. She browbeat him, and abused him, and con- tradicted him ; she overwhelmed him with reproaches, so that he often left her presence in tears. But she always thought over his advice, and often, after a struggle, al- lowed it to prevail over her own inclinations. She did not entirely adopt Burleigh's policy, which was in favor of open opposition to Spain and earnest support to the Protestant cause in Europe. Elizabeth was more cau- tious in this than her cautious minister. She never for- got that her counsellors were, after all, the heads of par- ties, with their own interests to serve, while to her be- longed the care of the kingdom as a whole. It could not be but that Burleigh should wish to separate Eng- land from the Catholic powers, and make the succession of Mary of Scotland impossible ; for Mary's accession would certainly mean his own ruin. Elizabeth was not so clear about the question of the succession ; and she knew that the fear of Mary was the strongest bond to attach her ministers loyally to herself. Cecil's chief ally was his friend and brother-in-law, Sir Nicolas Bacon, the lord keeper, who by his second wife was father of the illustrious Francis Ba- con. More serious and thoughtful than Bac?n COlaS Cecil, he contributed steadfastness and dig- nity to his friend's shifty policy. " He was a plain man," says his son Francis ; " direct and constant, without all finesse and doubleness, and one that was of a mind that a man should rest upon the soundness and strength of his own courses, and not practice to circumvent others* " i4o Elizabeth; her Court and Ministers. His motto, " Mediocria firma," showed his sound com- mon sense. When Elizabeth once remarked that his house was too small for him, " No, madam," he answered, "but you have made me too big for my house." He was a man of literary tastes and of refined mind. In the garden of his house at Gorhambury was built a room dedicated to the Seven Sciences ; its walls were adorned with an allegorical figure of each science, surrounded by portraits of her most eminent followers. We may take Cecil and Bacon as the chief representa- tives of the statesmen who clustered round Elizabeth, Elizabeth's an d were recommended to their mistress by favorites. their wisdom and ability. But Elizabeth's political advisers found their difficulties greatly increased by the power of favorites who were merely courtiers, and owed their influence with the queen to their per- sonal qualities rather than their political wisdom. Eliza- beth was fond of magnificence and display. She never appeared in public without a splendid band of fol- lowers. Her body of "gentlemen pensioners" con- tained all the young men of the noblest families in England. Sir John Holies says that he did not know among the number a worse man than himself; and he was possessor of an estate worth 4,000/. a year. The nobles of England flocked to Elizabeth's court, and were proud to be in attendance upon her. Besides her love of display, she was also glad to strengthen her own position by the personal tie which thus grew up between the nobility and herself. Thus her courtiers necessarily had great influence with the queen ; and her favorites from time to time had great political power. The fact that the queen was un- married tinged all their relations towards her with a dash of gallantry. There was in those days no conventional The Earl of Leicester. 141 bar to the marriage of an English queen and an English noble. The leading favorite approached Elizabeth with a mixture of a lover's familiarity and a subject's obedience. Elizabeth's personal feelings were strong. From political motives she refused to marry ; but she keenly felt the loneliness of her position and never ceased to long for intense personal attachment. She demanded of her favorites that they should devote themselves to her, as she had devoted herself to her conception of England's interests. Their marriages she regarded as so many in- sults to herself. Giving her affections as a woman she imposed restrictions as a queen, and was continually discovering, with grief and anger, that her favorites only behaved as lovers in her presence, and gave to her as queen the devotion which she longed for as a woman. The first of these favorites, who occupied the chief place in the queen's affections until his death in 1588, was Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester. He was The Earl of the son of John Dudley, Duke of Northum- Leicester, berland, and is said to have been born on the same day and the same hour as Elizabeth. Recommended by his fine personal appearance and elegant manners, he rose at once in her favor. He was bold, ambitious, and in- triguing ; but his policy was directed only by self-interest, and the queen's partiality for him gave a weight to his counsels which they did not deserve. He was the great opponent of Cecil ; for he regarded Cecil as an obstacle to his entire power over the queen. It is certain that Elizabeth would gladly have married him, if she could have done so with prudence or even with safety. Leicester put himself at the head of the Puritan party, mainly as a means of political power against Cecil. He was a man destitute of religious principles, and a notorious profligate. He was unpopular, owing to his arrogance, K 142 Elizabeth; her Court and Ministers. and the blackest stories were told and believed against him. He was popularly believed to have rid himself of his first wife, Amy Robsart, at the time when there was most probability of his marriage with the queen. In a book called " Leicester's Commonwealth," supposed to have been written by the Jesuit Parsons, he is accused of every kind of murder and assassination. Certainly many of his enemies died most opportunely for his plans. So great was his influence with the queen that she forgave him even his second marriage with the Countess of Essex in 1578. In her rage she at first threatened to imprison him in the Tower, and was with difficulty re- strained from making this public display of her feelings. Yet he had become so necessary to her that he was soon restored to her favor. Still Leicester's power was by no means unlimited. The queen's proud spirit could not brook the idea of de- pendence on any man. When it came to the point, Elizabeth would be roused and act for herself. One day an usher refused admittance to the queen's presence to a follower of Leicester's who had no privilege of admis- sion. Leicester threatened the usher with dismissal ; whereupon the man stepped before him, and kneeling before the queen told her the story, and asked whether Leicester were king, or her majesty queen. " My lord," she exclaimed, " I have wished you well, but my favor is not so locked up for you that others shall not partake thereof; for I have many servants, to whom I have, and will at my pleasure, bequeath my favor, and likewise resume the same ; and if you think to rule here, I will take a course to see you forthcoming. I will have here but one mistress and no master." "These words," adds Naunton, " so quelled my Lord of Leicester, that his feigned humility was long after one of his best virtues." Elizabeth' ' s Court. 143 Leicester was not the only courtier who owed his position solely to the royal favor. Christopher Hatton, a young student of the Inns of Court, attracted the queen's attention by his elegant dancing at a masque. He left the study of law and Christopher became a courtier. In due time he was rewarded by no less an office than that of lord chan- cellor. The lawyers were disgusted ; but Hatton was a prudent and upright man. He used the assistance of learned assessors in the discharge of his legal duties, and filled his high office with credit. He was the only one of the queen's favorites who died unmarried : but the queen's conduct to him was capricious ; she became tired of him, and he is said to have died of chagrin. Thus Elizabeth's court was a scene of wild adventure. Every young man who could gain admission there might hope to gain the queen's atten- ^ zi J beth * s tion and secure his own fortunes. Every kind of merit might hope for recognition from a sove- reign who could equally appreciate literature, bravery, and elegant accomplishments. The queen's favor, how- ever, had not only to be won, but also to be maintained against all rivals. The adventurous spirit which animated English sailors to perilous voyages in the New World, found occupation at home in more nimble feats of dex- terity, in climbing the deep ascent to royal favor and defending the passes to that perilous height. Spenser describes the courtier's position with vigorous bitterness of feeling : Full little knowest thou, that hast not tride, What hell it is in suing long to bide : To lose good days, that might be better spent ; To waste long nights in pensive discontent ; To speed to-day, to be put back to-morrow ; 144 Elizabeth; her Court and Ministers. To feed on hope, to pine with feare and sorrow ; To fret thy soul with crosses and with cares : To eate thy heart through comfortlesse dispaires : To fawne, to crouche, to waite, to ride, to ronne, To spend, to give, to want, to be undonne. Elizabeth was fond of making magnificent public ap- pearances, surrounded by the ladies and gentlemen of her court in their most splendid attire. Some- Ehzabeth's times she went on horseback, sometimes magnificence borne in a litter on the shoulders of her chiefest nobles. But most often did she go along the only broad highway of London, the royal barge with its rich drapery heading a long procession of attendant boats on the Thames. Sometimes she went with curious pomp, " a thousand men in harness with shirts of mail and corselets and morrice-pikes, and ten great pieces carried through the city, with drums and trumpets sounding, and two morrice dancings, and in a cart two white bears." Elizabeth thoroughly enjoyed the pleasures of royalty, and realized them to the full in her royal progresses. During her reign she visited, from time to time, her nobles and the chief cities of her realm. Royal Everywhere her presence was a cause for .Progresses. J r entertainments and rejoicings. Everywhere she could enjoy the gratification of her vanity in the ap- plause which her affability won or in the admiration which her dignity inspired. Moreover her thrifty mind enjoyed magnificence doubly when she had not to pay for it. A courtier in disgrace knew that there was no better way back to favor than to solicit the costly honor of a royal visit ; and Elizabeth was always ready to re- ceive a present from the faithful burgesses whose city she condescended to visit. Sometimes her greed over- Elizabeth at Kenilworth. 145 came her decorum. When she visited Norwich, the Mayor, after a tedious Latin oration, handed her a silver cup full of gold pieces, saying, « Sunt hie centum librae puri auri " (here are a hundred pounds of pure gold). The queen eagerly took off the cover and looked inside; then with a pleased face handed it to one of her ser- vants, saying, " Look to it ; there is a hundred pound." We possess full accounts of many of these royal enter- tainments, from which much is to be learned about the taste and manners of the time. Most notable amongst them are the " princely pleasures SkSSu of Kenilworth," where in 1575 the Earl of worth - Leicester entertained the queen for nearly three weeks with a daily succession of shows and banquets. The queen was met some distance off by her host, with a brilliant cavalcade. On nearing the castle a giant por- ter, armed with a club, refused admittance to all till he saw the queen, when throwing away his club he pros- trated himself at her feet and gave up to her his keys. As she entered the castle a floating island on the moat approached the bridge over which she was passing, and a lady who had been in captivity since the days of King Arthur commemorated in a long poem her happy de- liverance through the terror of Elizabeth's name. The bridge itself was ornamented with posts, on each of which were seen the offerings to one of the heathen gods. Birds, fishes, fruits, musical instruments, and armor, ail were hung in their order as symbolical gifts to the queen. When the bridge was passed, at the entrance of the inner court a poet appeared, who recited a long Latin poem, explaining to the queen the meaning of all that she had seen. This reception may serve as a sample of the varied amusements which filled up the rest of the queen's visit. Every day had its own entertainment. 1 46 Elizabeth ; her Court and Ministers. Now there was a water party, when Arion on his dolphin drew near and sung the praises of the queen, accompa- nied by an entire orchestra who were stowed away inside the monstrous fish. Now there was a ride in the woods, where " Ombre Selvaggio," the wild man of the woods, overcome by the queen's dignity and grace, vowed henceforth to lay aside his savagery and live in her ser- vice. Echo too, in answer to appropriate questions, expressed her delight at Elizabeth's presence. Some days were given up to the chase, to hawking, and to bearbaiting. There were fireworks and tumbling feats when other amusements flagged. Nor were the sports of the common people disregarded. One day the queen was entertained by a band of rustics who represented a country wedding, and afterwards displayed their skill in tilting at the quintain. Another day the men of Coventry fought their mimic tournament, according to a yearly custom, in commemoration of a great victory over the Danes. Nor did the burgesses of the towns which Elizabeth visited fall short of the nobles in the honors which they paid her. At Norwich, Mercury, attired in NorSch! at blue satin lined witn clotl1 of g° ld > with ™g s on his hat and on his heels, descended from a magnificent carriage at the queen's door, and invited her to go and see the revels. There was an elaborate masque representing Venus and Cupid, Wantonness and Riot, who, after many gambols, were put to flight by Chastity and her train. The queen's visits to* the two Universities were also very characteristic. At Cambridge the Public Orator, on his knees, for more than half-an-hour Elizabeth at commemorated the queen's virtues. At first Cambridge. ........ she counterfeited indignation, shook her Elizabeth at Oxford. 147 head and bit her fingers, exclaiming, " Non est Veritas, et utinam " (It is not the truth ; I would that it were). When he praised virginity, she called out, " God's bless- ing of thy heart, there continue." On Sunday, she heard a Latin sermon in the morning, and in the evening saw a representation of the Aulularia of Plautus in the Uni- versity church. As yet the wave of Puritanism had not swept over England and stamped a rigid Sabbatarianism on the popular mind. She visited all the colleges in turn, hearing at each a Latin oration, and receiving, amongst other presents, a splendidly bound volume full of Latin and Greek verses composed in her honor. She was besought to address the University in Latin ; and after a great show of reluctance, with many ex- pressions of diffidence and pleadings of her want of preparation, she delivered an elaborately prepared and turgid Latin speech, in which she held out hopes of imitating her predecessors by founding some new build- ing in the University. Perhaps her promise deceived no one ; Elizabeth's thrift prevented her from leaving any architectural monument of her taste or munifi- cence. At Oxford there was a similar tedious flow of orations ; and brains were* raked to patch together a still larger collection of copies of verses than had been made at Cambridge. The queen was so far Oxford, advanced in erudition that, after another show of bashfulness, she addressed the University in Greek. Better far than her speeches was her ready re- mark to the vice-chancellor, Dr. Humphreys, a dis- tinguished Puritan who opposed the views of the queen and Archbishop Parker. When he advanced in cap and gown at the head of an academic procession, the queen, as she gave him her hand, said with a smile, " That 148 Elizabeth; her Court and Ministers. loose gown, Doctor, becomes you mighty well : I wonder your notions should be so narrow." It was by sayings such as these that the queen won the hearts of the peo- ple, who can always appreciate keen homely wit and readiness of speech. BOOK V. CONFLICT OF CATHOLICISM AND PRO- TESTANTISM, 1576-83. CHAPTER I. STRUGGLE IN THE NETHERLANDS, 1 576-83. We must return from these peaceful progresses of Eliza- beth to the dangers which still surrounded her. In a sonnet she expresses her feelings : The doubt of future foes exiles my present joy, And wit me warns to shun such snares as threaten mine annoy. There was still in England — "The Daughter of Debate that eke discord doth sow." So long as Mary of Scotland lived Elizabeth could not be free from fear. The danger that next threatened her was from the side of the Netherlands. Requesens did not long carry on his policy of pacification, as he died early The "Spanish in 1576. Before a successor arrived the, Fur y-" Spanish troops in the Netherlands mutinied to recover their arrears of pay. Philip II. was so impoverished by his many undertakings, that he could not supply the Netherland troops with money. They were determined to take matters into their own hands. They organized themselves under officers of their own appointment, and seized upon the wealthy city of Antwerp. The " Spanish Fury," as this attack was called, ruined the most flourish- 149 150 Struggle in the Netherlands. A.D. 1576. ing commercial city of Europe. Many of its citizens were massacred; its wealth was carried off and its merchants dispersed. The indignation caused by this butchery and pillage did much to bind together the Netherland States, of which two only were Protestant, while fifteen remained Catholic. By the Pacification of Ghent (November 8, 1576), all the seventeen States bound themselves to expel the Spaniards, and agreed to sink religious differences for that purpose. Meanwhile the new governor of the Netherlands was hastening thither to realize great plans for his own future. Don John of Don John of Austria, the natural brother of Austria. Philip II. was now in his thirty-second year, and was the most renowned General in Europe. His victory at Lepanto had filled his mind with ambitious dreams. He had made his brother an offer of conquer- ing the Moors in Tunis, if he might be allowed to rule that country as king. The Pope supported him in his request ; but Philip, who was conscious of his own want of military capacity or gifts to win popularity, was alarmed at the prospect of a rival. He sent his brother to the Netherlands to keep him out of the way. But Don John went there with a still more brilliant scheme, for which likewise he had obtained the papal sanction. He was resolved to pacify the Netherlands rapidly, and then with his Spanish troops cross over to England, put himself at the head of the Catholics, liberate and marry Mary, and rule as king. This plan did not long escape Philip's vigilance. He was doubly alarmed, but could take no open step against it. It was lucky for Elizabeth that Don John had not arrived earlier. The Pacification of Ghent had already been formed, and gave the Nether- lands a solid basis of resistance which might withstand delusive promises of redress. -i 5 77. D o?i John of Austria. 151 Don John had with difficulty obtained Philip's consent to his attack on England, on the condition that it was made with Spanish soldiers only. His first object therefore was to quiet the Netherlands p r °"? J° hn ' s and draw off the Spanish troops to England. Negotiations were at once begun ; and the Netherland Estates demanded the ratification of the Pacification of Ghent, the maintenance of their old customs and char- ters and the immediate withdrawal of the Spanish troops. On -this last point Don John labored to have a delay of three months, and provision for their removal by sea. The States, however, were obstinate in demanding their immediate withdrawal by land. It was in vain that Don John urged every plea he could invent for the delay. The Netherlander had made up their minds, and he was at last compelled to yield the point. He saw with despair his hopes destroyed for the present. All uncon- sciously the Netherlanders had saved England from a great danger, and had freed Philip from anxious alarm. Philip was rejoiced to see his brother's ambitious schemes disappointed, and was determined to let his haughty spirit wear itself out in the hopeless task of reducing the Netherlands without an army. The demands of the Netherlanders were agreed to by the Perpetual Edict, February 17, 1577. The Spanish troops were withdrawn, and Don John was Failure of left to face the difficulties of his position. Don J ohn - His restless mind could not adapt itself to carry out a gentle and yielding policy. He was naturally looked upon with suspicion by the people. He had neither patience nor forbearance for the task imposed upon him. More- over Philip was bent upon his destruction. A plot was laid by Philip's secretary of state, Antonio Perez, to draw treasonable expressions from Don John. Feigning to be 152 Struggle in the Netherlands, a . d . 1577. his friend, he wrote to him, and showed all his answers to the king. Don John's secretary, Escovedo, was sent to Madrid, where he was assassinated by the orders of Perez with Philip's connivance. Don John felt that he was surrounded with an atmosphere of suspicion, and that he stood single-handed. He knew that his great schemes were hopeless, that he would be refused the ne- cessary means for governing the Netherlands and would be kept there until he had undone his previous reputation. The peace which had been agreed upon did not long continue. Misunderstandings arose between the Estates and Don John, and in October 1577 war was again de- clared. But the political issues of the struggle between Spain and the Netherlands had now broadened. The foremost man amongst the Netherlanders was the Prince of Orange. He had been the leading spirit in the con- test against Philip. As being a Protestant, however, he was disliked by the Catholic nobles, who accordingly invited the Archduke Matthias of Austria to put himself at their head. Matthias was the brother of the Emperor Rudolf; but he brought neither wisdom nor money to aid a feeble cause. Moreover there were hopes of help from France. The brother of King Henry III. the Duke of Alenc,on, or Duke of Anjou as he became on his brother's accession, put himself at the head of the party of Politicians and advocated the old policy of hostility against Spain. He occupied an almost independent po- sition in France, and many of the Netherland nobles looked to him for help. The prospect of this roused Elizabeth to take more decided steps ; that the Nether- lands should become French would be as dangerous to England as that they should become Spanish. Elizabeth made a treaty of alliance with the Netherlands, lending them money and supplying them with troops. -1578. Alexander Farnese. 153 The Netherlands, however, could do nothing in the field against disciplined Spanish soldiers. In January 1578 they were defeated with great loss by Don John at Gemblours. But. it was his last exploit. Worn out by despondency he fell a victim to a pestilence raging in his army, and died on October 1, 1578, at the age of thirty- two, leaving a last request that his body might be buried in the Escurial, by the side of his imperial father. Don John was succeeded in the Netherlands by Alex- ander Farnese, Prince of Parma, son of Margaret, Duchess of Parma, who had been regent when the troubles in the Netherlands first Alexander rarnese. broke out. He soon proved himself to be admirably fitted for the task he had undertaken. He was the first commander in Europe, uniting bravery with coolness and decision. He could plan a campaign as well as win a battle, and in the art of besieging cities he was without a rival. Besides his military talents he had great powers of governing; his manner was con- ciliatory, he was just and patient, and was resolutely fixed on carrying out by every means the end he had set before himself. He was moreover a keen politician, who delighted in spinning or unravelling with cautious prudence the web of diplomatic intrigue. It was not long before the results of his presence were felt in the Netherlands. He managed to take advantage of the differences between the Catholic and Protestant states. The Walloon provinces of the south, which were all Catholic, entered into a separate union. William of Orange, by the union of Utrecht, combined the seven provinces of Gelderland, Oberyssel, Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht, Groningen, and Friesland, to defend themselves against Spain and maintain their religious liberties. This "Union of Utrecht" was the foundation of the Ne- 154 Struggle in the Netherlands, a.d. 1580. therland Republic. These seven provinces held together under the guidance of the Prince of Orange ; the other ten provinces gradually fell back into the hands of Spain, though on tolerably advantageous terms, as there were no religious difficulties in the way. In the face of this state of things William of Orange and the " nearer united provinces," as they were called, found it necessary to take decided steps for Philip's con- . . quest of their own preservation. In the early part ortuga. of the year 1580 the war languished in the Netherlands ; for Philip's attention was turned to Portu- gal, the vacant crown of which he claimed through his mother, a daughter of King Manuel. He was opposed by the Duke of Braganza, and also by a natural son of the royal house, Don Antonio. But Philip's power carried all before it. Alva advanced into Portugal, and in fifty-eight days had expelled Don Antonio and re- duced the country under Philip. The conquest of Por- tugal was finished before any of the other powers of Europe had time to interfere. This accession to Philip's power increased his determination to reduce the Nether- lands, and filled the Netherlanders with dismay. But it also awoke the jealousy of France and England, and made open resistance to Spain more necessary. The European conflict, which for a few years had seemed to be lulled, awoke with greater intensity than before. Philip II. and his advisers were convinced that the Prince of Orange was the great obstacle to the reconquest Phiiip'aban of the Netherlands. In March, 1580, Philip Pmiceof 6 published a solemn ban, in which he re- Orange. counted all the crimes of W\lliam of Orange, and exposed him " as an enemy of the human race." Any one who delivered him up, alive or dead, was to re- ceive twenty-five thousand crowns of gold, and to be -i 581. Abjuration of Allegiance. 155 ennobled for his valor. To this William replied in a famous " Apology," in which he denounced unsparingly the misdeeds of Philip, and in the noblest tones asserted the lawfulness of his own patriotic endeavors. But it was necessary for him to prepare for a long conflict, and to strengthen the Netherlands by foreign help. At the earnest request of the estates of Holland and Zeeland he accepted on July 5, 1581, the sovereignty over those two provinces as long as the war should last. At the end of the same month all the provinces which had not yet made terms with Parma abjured by a solemn act the sovereignty of Philip. He had not fulfilled his duties as their protector ; he had destroyed their ancient liberties and treated them as slaves ; he was not their prince but their tyrant,— as such they lawfully and reasonably claimed to depose him. The Netherlands prepared themselves for open fight. They could not hope to cope with Philip single-handed ; but by abjuring his sovereignty they could put themselves under the protection of the Anjou made powers opposed to Spain. The Archduke th^Nefher- Matthias of Austria had been useless to lands - them. He was dismissed with thanks, and the Duke of Anjou was elected sovereign by all the States except Holland and Zeeland, who would have no head but William of Orange. They hoped that the old hostility between France and Spain might be revived, and that as Henry II. had defended the oppressed Germans against Charles V., so Henry III. might maintain their cause against Philip. Moreover there was a project of marriage between Elizabeth and the Duke of Anjou. If this had been brought about, a union would have been formed between England and France in opposition to Spain ; political motives would have once more pre- 156 Struggle in the Netherlands. a . d . 1 5 8 1 . vailed over religious dissensions, and the old system of European politics would have been re-established as it had been before the Reformation. The wooing of the Duke of Anjou is ludicrous enough in the accounts which have come down to us. It is dif- ficult to believe that Elizabeth, at the mature Anjou's r n ill 1 rr wooing of age of 48, could have any deep affection for her ill-favored suitor, who was 20 years younger than herself. Francis of Anjou was small and badly made ; his face was marked with small-pox, his skin was covered with blotches, and his nose was swollen to double its size. His voice was harsh and grating ; Elizabeth used to call him her " Frog." No doubt Eliza- beth was ready to marry him, and was nearer to marriage with him than with any of her previous suitors, because she thought that through him her political position might be securely established. Yet she was resolved to be quite sure on this point before committing herself. Meanwhile she behaved with all the coyness of a bash- ful girl ; she allowed her subjects to think that her mind was made up, and waited to see the result. A pamphlet appeared, by a young lawyer of the name of Stubbs, called " The Discovery of a Gaping Gulf, wherein Eng- land is like to be swallowed up by another French Mar- riage, if the Lord forbid not the banns by letting her see the sin and punishment thereof." The book was sup- pressed by royal proclamation, and Stubbs was sentenced to the amputation of his right hand. After the execu- tion of his sentence Stubbs waved his hat with his left hand and cried " God save the queen." But Elizabeth learned from the feeling then displayed that the English Protestants looked with disfavor on a French marriage. Meanwhile, in the summer of 1 581 the Duke of Anjou advanced into the Netherlands, compelled the Prince 1583. Anjou in the Netherlands. 157 of Parma to relinquish the siege of Cambray, and garrisoned the town. Then disbanding his army he crossed over to England to pursue his wooing. The articles of the marriage treaty were concluded ; but still Elizabeth wavered. When it came to the point, she doubted if France would really hold to the offensive and defensive alliance which she demanded ; she doubted how her marriage would affect her own position and power. Anjou was received with every sign of affection. After a splendid festival the queen, in the presence of her court, drew a ring from her finger and placed it upon his. But after three months' wooing, during which time Elizabeth showed him all possible regard, her mind was still not made up. Anjou departed, for he could be no longer absent from the Netherlands. Elizabeth herself accompanied him to Canterbury, and took leave of him with tears. A splendid retinue of English nobles was sent to accompany him, and Elizabeth wrote to the Estates General of the Netherlands requesting them to honor him as if he were her second self. Perhaps she wished to see how Anjou would succeed in the Nether- lands before committing herself to him. She wished still to have it in her power to resume negotiations for marriage, if she were convinced that it would be advan- tageous to her. In February, 1582, Anjou was installed in Antwerp as Count of Brabant, and soon afterwards was accepted by the other united provinces, except Holland . . . w - x . x Anjou in and Zeeland, as their prince. In every case the Nether- he received the old constitutional sovereign- ty, and was bound to maintain the old liberties. He soon chafed at the restraints by which he found himself sur- rounded. He complained that the real power was in the hands of the Estates General, and that he was prince 158 Struggle in the Netherlands, a.d. 1584. only in name. A plan was accordingly formed among his French officers of seizing on the most important cities, and making Anjou supreme by force. Anjou himself planned the surprise of Antwerp. On January 17, 1583, the French troops suddenly dashed through the streets of Antwerp crying out, " Vive la messe ! vive le due d' An- jou!" The citizens were at first surprised, and the French dispersed to plunder. But the burghers soon recovered themselves and threw up barricades in the streets. The French were driven out with great slaughter, and Anjou, who was eagerly awaiting the result outside the gates, had to retire baffled. This act of deliberate treachery awoke the deepest resentment among the Netherlanders ; but William of Orange was anxious to avoid any rupture treachery. w ^ tn France. The year was spent in futile negotiations with Anjou, who at last retired to Paris, where he died in June, 1 584. He was a man entirely destitute of any principles ; his sole motive was a vain-glorious desire for his own advancement. His ap- pearance is ludicrous in the history of England, and contemptible in the history of the Netherlands. If he had won a battle against the Spanish forces in the Netherlands, the result might have been most im- portant. French help might have been openly given against Spain ; he might have married Elizabeth, and England and France might have united in a great effort against Spain on the battle-field of the Netherlands. As it was, he strengthened the hands of the Duke of Parma ; for his presence at Cambray gave a reason to the provinces which favored Parma for admitting Spanish troops ; if they had not done so, Parma's hands would have been tied. Lastly, Anjou's treacherous attempt against Antwerp spread distrust and confusion among the united provinces. a.d. 1521-37. The Jesuits. 159 CHAPTER II. THE JESUITS AND THE CATHOLIC REACTION. We must turn our attention from these political struggles to consider the shape which the antagonism between Catholicism and Protestantism had assumed, and the means by which Catholicism was aiming at its re-estab- lishment. The most powerful weapon for effecting the Catholic restoration was the Order of the Jesuits. This Order owed its origin to a young Spanish knight, Don Inigo Lopez de Recalde, known as Jesuits/ e Ignatius Loyola. As a young man his mind was filled with the aspirations of Spanish chivalry, which still bore a strong crusading color from the recent wars against the Moors. At the siege of Pampeluna, in 1 521, Ignatius was wounded in both legs. After a long and tedious illness he recovered, but was lamed for life. During the weeks spent in bed his chivalrous fancies had received a religious tinge, which went on deepening afterwards. His mind gradually passed from the idea of worldly to that of spiritual warfare, and he trans- ferred to his new quest the visions and feelings which had moved him in his first pursuit of arms. His imagi- native mind was filled with fancies and apparitions, and the fervor of his enthusiasm kindled the minds of others. He found in Paris, where he went to study, two men of remarkable powers of mind who shared his own mystic beliefs, Peter Faber, a Savoyard, and a Spaniard, Fran- cesco Xavier. They formed themselves into a little band, bound by the vows of chastity and poverty ; they 160 The Jesuits and the Catholic Reaction. 1537 swore to devote themselves to the spread of Christianity and to go where the Pope bade them. In 1537 they went to Rome, and called themselves by the military name of Jesuits, — the Company of Jesus. They added to their previous vows the vow of absolute obedience to their general, whom they elected for life; and they placed themselves entirely at the disposal of the Pope. While the papacy was being shattered by defection on every side,, this new society arose, bound by a vow of the most absolute devotion to the papal commands. This new Order was formed for active work, not for the cultivation of contemplative virtues. Its members wore no monastic habit and accepted no the Order. clerical office. They devoted themselves to practical pursuits, — to preaching, to hearing confessions, and to the education of the young. The Order at once became powerful and rapidly spread ; it appealed to the chivalrous feeling which the struggle against Protestantism had awakened in the minds of those who clung to the old faith. Its internal organiza- tion was most rigid ; the principle of obedience was used to separate the Jesuits from every tie which binds the or- dinary man to his fellows. The Jesuit gave away all his possessions, cut himself off from his relations, laid aside all right of individual judgment, and obeyed his supe- riors without inquiring into the reason or object of their orders. The power of the Jesuits over society in general was founded chiefly on their efforts to promote education and their development of the system of the confessional, They worked together with order and arrangement. They were good and careful teachers, and got into their hands the instruction of the young, as they took no money for their teaching. They also formed minute ~~ I 579* Catholic Attempt on Ireland. 1 6 1 rules for the direction of men's consciences in an age when men's consciences were singularly awakened. We cannot wonder that such a society spread rapidly in the Catholic countries, and that its organization gave great strength to the Catholic reaction. A new spirit of zeal and earnestness was infused into the old ecclesiastical jystem, which had seemed to be crumbling away before the onslaughts of Luther and Calvin. Under this new impulse Catholicism exchanged its attitude of repression for one of aggression. The papacy again became a power which had forces at its command. In the Netherlands the influence of the Jesuits in the Walloon provinces, which remained devoutly Catholic, had been greatly instrumental in bringing them back to Spain. The growing strength of the papacy also encouraged it to attack England more boldly. We have seen how the excommunication of Elizabeth by Pius V. r^ i j England failed to move the English Catholics as a body and the from their loyalty. His successor, Pope Gre- Pa P ac y- gory XIII., saw that it was necessary to secure foreign help against England ; his hopes were first fixed upon Don John of Austria, and we have seen how they were doomed to disappointment. The next hope of the pope was to strike a blow through Ireland, where the people still remained Catholic and refused to accept the English Prayer Book. It does not seem that any vigorous at- tempts were made to enforce its use ; but the Irish were represented to the Pope as groaning under religious op- pression. Gregory XIII. believed that the Irish would rise at once in behalf of Catholicism, if only they received any small encouragement. An English exile, Thomas Stukely, received money from the Pope for the conquest of Ireland ; he was, however, diverted to an enterprise 1 62 The Jesuits and the Catholic Reaction. 1581. against the Moors, where he met his death. But his confederate, James Fitzmaurice, brother of the Earl of Desmond, was resolved to try his fortunes alone. In June, 1579, he landed with a few Spanish troops in Ire- land, and took possession of the fort of Smerwick, near Kerry. The Irish, however, did not join him as he expected, and in a skirmish Fitzmaurice was killed. His brother, the Earl of Desmond, openly revolted, and, as the rising seemed to be gathering in force, a reinforce- ment of Spanish and Italian soldiers was sent to Smer- wick in 1 580. But the new deputy of Ireland, Lord Grey de Wilton, directed a vigorous siege against the fort, which Was compelled to yield unconditionally. The English were embarrassed by the number of their pri- soners, which equalled that of their own force. They were, moreover, savagely determined to give a lesson against foreign intervention. Already a fierce hatred of the Spaniards as Catholic oppressors had begun to rouse the hearts of Englishmen. The garrison of Smerwick was disarmed, and then butchered by a body of troops under the command of Sir Walter Raleigh. The Earl of Desmond had no further hopes after this. The rebellion was crushed and severely punished. The papal attempt on -Ireland had resulted only in failure. At the same time also a Catholic attempt of a more insidious kind was made upon Scotland. Esme Stewart, „ , Lord of Aubigny, came from France to Scot- Catholic at- . . XT b J . r , , -^ , , tempt on land. He was a nephew of the late Earl or Lennox, and so cousin to the young king James VI., with whom he rapidly became a great fa- vorite. D'Aubigny had been a member of the Guise party in France. The Scots saw with dismay his in- fluence over James, who created him first Earl, then Duke of Lennox. The favorite put himself at the head -i 5 8 1 . Jesuits in England. 1 63 of the faction opposed to the Regent Morton, who had made many enemies. In 1581 Morton was accused of having been a confederate in the murder of Darnley, and was beheaded in spite of Elizabeth's attempts to in- terfere in his favor. Lennox now seemed supreme in Scotland, and it was suspected that he would again unite the Catholic parties in Scotland and France against Elizabeth. The Protestant feeling of the country was alarmed, and the hatred of the favorites on the part of the old nobles again found its expression in a bond. The Earl of Gowrie invited the young king to a hunt at his castle of Ruthven, where James found himself a prisoner in the hands of his nobles (August 1582). Lennox was banished from the kingdom, and died next year in France. The fear of Catholic influence in Scotland was for a time dispelled. Meanwhile an attempt had been made to establish the influence of Catholicism in England itself. The zeal of the Jesuits had been contagious, and . J p ~ Seminary amongst other institutions to which it had priests in , _. ,. , • England. given rise was the English seminary at Douay. This was a college for the training of young English Catholics, who went to study abroad. It was founded in 1568, but, owing to the troubles in the Netherlands, was transferred from Douay to Rheims. In 1579 Pope Gregory XIII. founded an English college at Rome. Its members were pledged to return to England and preach the faith which they believed. We cannot wonder that the Jesuit enthusiasm seized these young Englishmen, and that they were determined to do and suffer anything, provided they might further their great object. In 1 580 the first of these Jesuit mission- Jesuits in aries, Parsons and Campion, set foot in England. 164 The Jesuits and the Catholic Reaction. 1582 England. Their success was at once very great. The English Catholics, who up to this time had given a kind of passive conformity to the new services, plucked up fresh courage. Numbers flocked to the secret services of these bold priests, who in different disguises, and under changing names, traveled from place to place throughout the land. Persecution lent a zest to their preaching, and the words of men who spoke at the peril of their lives were then, as always, powerful. A print- ing press was also set up, from which proceeded books in defence of Catholicism, written by trained controver- sialists among the Jesuits. The Catholics awoke from their torpor and became conscious of their wrongs. They no longer could consent to attend the reformed services, or to recognize the validity of Elizabeth's ecclesiastical laws. If this organization had been carried out before the rising of 1570, it is impossible to say what might have been the result. The government was thoroughly alarmed, and acts of parliament were passed, subjecting these missionaries _ . to the penalties of high treason and in- Persecution x . ° of the creasing the punishments for recusancy. Any one being absent from church was liable to a fine of twenty pounds a month. The Catho- lics were subjected to severe persecution, and their houses were ransacked in search of concealed priests. Campion and other Jesuits were taken prisoners and condemned to death on the charge of conspiring against Elizabeth. It was believed in England that secret plots were on foot against the queen's life. The Catholic countries of the Continent rang with stories of the martyrs' death and of the cruelty of the English queen. The fears of England were soon increased by the death of the Prince of Orange. The reward offered by -1584- Death of the Prince of Orange. 16 j Philip and the fanaticism inspired by the Death of the Jesuits combined to afford two powerful Prince of . /• 1 • it o Orange. motives for his removal. In 1 582, imme- diately after the installation of the Duke of Anjou, a Biscayan, Joureguy, had fired at the Prince, and wounded him in the neck. The assassin had amongst his papers a written vow to offer to the Virgin of Bay- onne a robe, a crown, and a lamp, to the Lord Jesus a rich curtain, if his attempt succeeded. For a while Orange's life was despaired of; but he gradually recovered. It was not long, however, before a more successful attempt was made. A Burgundian, Balthasar Gerard, found admittance to the Prince, and shot him as he was descending the staircase of his house at Delft (July, 1584). The death of Orange was a severe blow to the cause of Netherlandish freedom. He had given himself up heart and soul to the struggle against Philip, without any thought of his own aggrandizement, with entire devotion to the cause he had undertaken. Cautious and prudent, he yet shrank from no risks. On his own side he had to contend with the jealousy of the other Netherland nobles, who could not endure a chief. He was matched against the most skilful warriors and the ablest politi- cians of Europe. Yet William, "the Silent," as he was called, moved cautiously among the dangers of his posi- tion, intent only on keeping the provinces united and determined in spite of reverses to persevere in their resistance against Spain. When he died his presence was particularly needed, as Alexander of Parma had been gaining over the cities of Brabant; Ypres, Bruges, and Ghent had all fallen into his hands, and he had laid siege to Antwerp, which was anxiously looking to the Prince of Orange for succors. 1 66 The Jesuits and the Catholic Reaction. 1584. About the same time also another conspiracy was dis- covered in England against Elizabeth. Its principal Th agent was Francis Throgmorton, whose plan ton's con- was to remove Elizabeth by assassination, spixcicv and set Mary on the English throne by the aid of Spain and the French Catholics. Throgmorton was executed, and as his papers inculpated the Spanish ambassador, Don Bernardino de Mendoza, he was called to account before the council ; on refusing to answer he was ordered to leave the country. It was an open de- fiance to Philip ; but Philip was too busy with other schemes to take any notice of it at the time. These constant plots against Elizabeth, and the deep impression of horror caused by the death of William of Orange, made loyal Englishmen combine in Association , r r . . . to protect defence of their queen. A voluntary asso- Enzabeth. ciation was formed, the members of which solemnly undertook to prosecute to the death all who should make an attempt against the queen, and all in whose behalf such an attempt should be made. This was a threat against the imprisoned Mary, a warning to her party that her death would follow on the success of any plot against Elizabeth. The Catholic assassinations were met in England by a stern threat of vengeance. The two parties stood in undisguised hostility the one to the other. Ruaaell <$• Strutlicrs.fi. I*. BOOK VI. THE LEAGUE AND THE ARMADA. CHAPTER I. SPAIN AND THE LEAGUE. Philip II. meanwhile was occupied with larger schemes for the aggrandizement of the Spanish monarchy. At the beginning of the revolt of the Nether- Philip n. and lands his cautious temper had led him to France - resolve to overcome the rebel provinces before proceed- ing to his greater undertakings. Now that the Prince of Orange was removed, and Alexander of Parma was winning town after town, it seemed to Philip that the revolt must soon be extinguished. The only hope of the Netherlands lay in foreign assistance. Elizabeth was not prepared to help them ; but they still had hopes from France. In the beginning of 1585 an embassy from the United provinces appeared at the French court, and offered to Henry III. the sovereignty as it had been ex- ercised by Charles V. ; they begged to be united to the French crown. Henry listened to their request, but at last declined it. Still his conduct was alarming to Philip II. Moreover, Catharine de' Medici had brought for- ward claims to the throne of Portugal, for which she demanded satisfaction from Philip. Philip was of opinion that the best thing he could do to advance the power of 167 1 68 Spain and the League. a. d. 1585. Spain was to check the power of the French court, and obtain an influence over French affairs. The state of things in France invited him to interfere. Henry III. himself was unpopular amongst his nobles. Character of He surrounded himself with worthless favor- Henry III. j teSj and S p ent h^ d a y S j n effeminate amuse- ments with these mignons of the court. He delighted to appear in public in feminine robes of great* magnifi- cence, with pearls hanging from his ears in a style of Oriental profligacy and luxury. He had no children, and the death of the Duke of Anjou excited men's minds about the question of the succession. The near- est heir of the blood royal was Henry, king of Navarre, whose marriage with the king's sister Margaret, had been the occasion of the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day. Henry of Navarre was a Huguenot, and the pos- sibility of his succession was alarming to the French Catholics, and equally so to Philip of Spain. The religious struggle, as we have seen, was more violent, and offered sharper contrasts in France than it Formation of did m other countries. The French Catho- the League. ^ cs saw w }th daily increasing disgust the toleration given to the Huguenots; the idea of a Hugue- not king was intolerable to them. The Catholic party gathered round the Duke of Guise, and it was easy for Philip to stir it into activity. The Alliance between Philip and the Guises was formed in January, 1585. It is known as "the League." Its object was to prevent a heretic from becoming king of France, by securing the succession of the Cardinal of Bourbon, a younger brother of King Anthony of Navarre, and so uncle to Henry of Navarre. Further, they agreed to extirpate Protestant- ism, not only in France but also in the Netherlands. In April the League published its manifesto, setting forth • z n t/i ., ft «C1 *, b 8 St* o X»_ • r M C/l w Es — • w ■o Li — jv ft o" <>» CD 5"- II s°^ «? r^ 8 v> ^> **• 5' i— i ftps crq L 3 £ H Z & r. b- * S' n a w 8 ft ft^ ■Si ^ J* 8 S nP y§ b3 h o o o f l-H -I o > > a" C 2 w W C/l - W M. < k>. (A (/; t- 1 1=1 r 3 "< I -1 HH o a Charle Duke i Orlean is XII. Louis. Duke Orleat z o » O m ► O cn n &fs, J - 0>7T V O O « < n o 8 X < H X * •S.£l b !s so- 3 ELhh 3 I i ^> C o P-S- " ro 3 £ S 8 ^ t -1 "^ o ° ■c — s-- » O U «-( c c ■ g — o — ct> — O 8 8 g n> «i ft. 169 > Cd r w O l-H Q H W a o o H (/) l-H o H O H W o 50 o o > 170 Spain mid the League. A. d. 1585. that subjects are not bound to recognize a prince who is not a Catholic. The interests of the nobles, the clergy, and the towns were all provided for. The Guises en- listed against the government the selfish feelings of every class. Had Henry III. possessed any force of character or any power of political insight, he would have made common cause with the Huguenots and the Henry Hi. and Netherlander to repel this outrage upon the the League. x . . crown. As it was, however, his religious feelings overpowered all others ; he became a confederate with the Guises, and revoked (July 1585) the edicts of toleration to the Protestants. There was no longer any hope to the Netherlands of putting themselves under the protection of France. Meanwhile Alexander of Parma had been steadily advancing in his plans. On the result of the siege of Antwerp depended the fate of the provinces Siege of f Flanders and Brabant. Parma strained Antwerp. every nerve to insure its surrender, and carried out his plans for its capture with a perseverance and resoluteness which nothing could shake. The siege of Antwerp was long memorable in the annals of sieges. Antwerp, the great commercial capital of Europe, stands at the mouth of the Scheldt, where the river broadens into an estuary of the sea dotted with small islands. The strong places on the landward side were in Parma's hands. But Antwerp was too well fortified to be taken by storm, and it was impossible to blockade it so long as the river remained open. The flat-bottomed boats of the Hollanders could take advantage of any condition of the tide and bring supplies to the beleaguered city. Parrria, however, made himself master of the banks of the Scheldt and built forts at such places as secured A. D. 1585. Siege of Antwerp. 171 him the command of the navigation of the river. He then proceeded, during the winter of 1584, to build a bridge across the stream. The Scheldt was here 60 feet deep and 800 yards broad ; to bridge such a channel seemed to the besieged an impossible folly. But the Spaniards, beginning from either bank, slowly drove in their piles so firmly that their work withstood the huge blocks of ice that in the winter months rolled down the stream. When the piers had been built as far as was possible, the middle part was made sure by a permanent bridge of boats. In February, 1585, the Scheldt was closed. In Antwerp, however, lived an Italian engineer, Giambelli, who proposed a means of breaking through this barrier. He took two ships, in each of which he built a marble chamber, filled with gunpowder, over which was placed a pile of every kind of heavy missile. These ships were floated down the Scheldt, but their meaning was disguised by some small fire-ships which sailed in front of them. The Spaniards spent their energies in warding off the fire-ships, and the other two struck against the bridge ; in one the match burnt out without reaching the powder, but the other took fire with a terrific explosion. A thousand Spanish soldiers were hurled into the air, and a breach of two hundred feet was made in the bridge. Confusion and panic terror struck the hearts of the Spaniards. But the men of Antwerp could not use their success ; the signal was not given to the Zeeland fleet which was waiting out at sea. No relief came, and Alexander of Parma, recovering at once his presence of mind, set to work with desperate energy to repair the breach. In three days the blockade was again established, and Parma awaited the end. Another desperate sally was made by the Netherlanders, who 172 Spain and the League. a.d. 1585, succeeded in carrying one of the Spanish forts ; but they could not maintain themselves there against the valor of the Spanish troops when they were under their heroic leader's eye. The Netherlanders were driven back, and with their failure Antwerp's last hope was gone. The city capitulated on August 17, 1585 ; there was to be a general amnesty, but only the Catholic religion was to be tolerated ; those who refused to conform were allowed two years to wind up their affairs and quit the city. When France had refused all help to the Netherlands and had admitted Spanish influence within its borders, it „.. . : , , became evident to Elizabeth and her minis- luizabetn sends troops to the ters that English help could no longer be re- fused. It was clear that England would soon be attacked by Philip II., and that every effort must be made to keep him employed. The States offered the sovereignty to Elizabeth, as they had done before. She would not, however, accept this, as she would not openly countenance rebellion ; she rather wished to give the States only just as much assistance as would enable them to maintain themselves against Spain, and she wished to help them at as little cost as possible. Months were spent in haggling between the two powers. At last Elizabeth, though she refused even the title of Protector of the Netherlands, agreed to furnish 5,000 footmen and 1,000 horse, but demanded the surrender of Brill and Flushing into her hands as guarantees for the payment of her expenses. The Netherlanders were compelled 'adly to submit to these hard terms, and at the end of 585 the Earl of Leicester landed in Holland as leader of the English troops. Leicester was not, however, fit to oppose so skillful a general and politician as Alexander Farnese. He com- A. D. 1585. Drake in the Spanish Main. 173 mitted a blunder immediately after his land- . Leicester in ing, by transgressing the queen s commands the Nether- and accepting the supremacy over the an s ' government of the Netherlands, under the title of governor-general. Elizabeth was highly indignant, and wrote angry letters to the States. Parma, to gain time, had opened negotiations with Elizabeth. It is certain that the queen was not indisposed to peace with Spain, and could she have secured it would have sacrificed the cause of the Netherlands. She listened to proposals for handing over the cautionary towns to Parma. Rumors of these negotiations spread among the Netherlanders and kindled doubts of Elizabeth's sincerity. Men were afraid that their experience of the Duke of Ahjou would be repeated in Elizabeth. The negotiations came to nothing ; but they prevented England from helping the States with vigor, and gave Philip time to prepare for a great blow against England. This was made more necessary spanis^Main for him by the bold exploits of Sir Francis Drake, who at the end of 1585 set sail with a fleet of 25 vessels for the Spanish main. There he captured, plun- dered, and destroyed the wealthy and important cities of San Domingo and Carthagena ; he coasted along the shores of Cuba and Florida, plundering as he went, and in July 1586 returned to England laden with booty. The Spaniards exclaimed, " Drake has played the dragon." Philip was alarmed for the security of the Spanish trade with its colonies in the New World, on which much of the resources of Spain depended. It was of the highest importance to him that these English aggressions should be checked. His plan was a great naval invasion from Spain and the Netherlands at the same time. The Eng- lish Catholics, he calculated, would rise on behalf of M 174 Spain and the League. a.d. 1586. Mary. Under such a general as Parma the capture of London would be easy ; Elizabeth was to be put to death ; Parma could marry Mary, and govern England in the interest of Spain and Catholicism. While Philip was revolving this design, Leicester was doing nothing to cause a diversion in the Netherlands. In spite of his presence Parma captured Sir Philip Grave and Neus. Leicester laid siege to Zutphen, and Parma marched to its defence. In the battle that ensued, Leicester's nephew, Sir Philip Sydney received a wound of which he died. Great was the grief of Europe at his death, and men of every na- tion mourned for him. Though he died at the early age of thirty -two, his pure and noble spirit had left its mark upon his times. He was a brave warrior, an accom- plished gentleman, a famous scholar, a wise politician. He was a man of lofty soul and deep religious feelings. All who met him owned the charm of his manner and his ready appreciation of every kind of excellence. He was " the common rendezvous of worth in his time." His character still stands out as the type of English chivalry in Elizabeth's England. Leicester achieved nothing in the Netherlands, The States were dissatisfied with him, and he returned to England in November, 1 586. Elizabeth needed all her counsellors around her. Philip II. had secured France by the complications of her internal affairs, and was now threatening England in earnest. The Netherlands seemed to be giving way to the Prince of Parma, Eng- land was fearful of Catholic plots, and the adherents of Mary were raising their heads in expectation of the promised help of Spain. A.D. 1586. BabingtorC s Conspiracy. 175 CHAPTER II. THE SPANISH ARMADA. To meet the threatened danger Elizabeth took the only steps she could. She supplied Henry of Navarre with money to enable him to make head against the League in France, and she made an alliance of " stricter amity " with the Scottish king, whereby both powers bound them- ^ selves to maintain the cause of Protestantism and help one another in case of an invasion. But though the open conflict was drawing near, the secret war of plots and assassinations did not abate its vigor. A plot for the queen's death was hatched in the Seminary at R'heims, and was C on S b p\Ky n ' S communicated to the Spanish ambassador in France. In England Anthony Babington was charged with carrying out the scheme, and he soon gathered round hirn a band of Catholic fanatics. Their object was to kill Elizabeth, set Mary free, and make her queen by Spanish help. The plot was communicated to Mary and received her sanction and approval. The conspirators, however, had not conducted their plans with sufficient secrecy. ' The plot was known to Elizabeth's watchful secretary, Sir Francis Walsingham. Few things are more surprising in the history of this period than the dexterity with which both Walsingham and William of Orange organized a system of spies and obtained in- formation of their opponents' measures. Walsingham had his creatures in every court of Europe ; even in the Jesuit Colleges he had men in his pay. The perilous state of affairs, and the unscrupulous diplomacy of the 176 The Spanish Armada. A. D. 1587. time had made a system of espionage a necessary part of statesmanship. When hypocrisy and deceit formed so great a part of politics, they could only be met by more profound and elaborate dissimulation. Walsingham knew of the plot at once ; but he saw in it a means of implicating Mary and involving her in trea- sonable practices. He did not immediately Mary , apprehend the conspirators, but allowed implicated. rr . them to go on till he could get clear evidence of Mary's complicity into his hands. In this Elizabeth agreed; she had the courage to expose herself to the dangers of this conspiracy, which might at any moment break upon her, in order to give Walsingham time for his discoveries. The conspirators communicated with Mary by means of a man who was in Walsingham's em- ploy. Letters passed between them concealed in beer barrels which were carried in for the use of Mary's household; but a copy of every letter was taken by Walsingham's secretary on the way. At last when proof enough had been obtained, Walsingham's toils closed round the plotters ; they were taken prisoners and con- fessed. Mary was kept in ignorance of their fate. During her absence from her room her papers were all seized, and the evidence of her restless plotting was laid de^ned. C ° n " "before Elizabeth. Babington and his com- panions were executed in September, 1586. As to Mary, Elizabeth's ministers were determined to be rid of her, and free the country, before the hour of its extremest peril, of the danger which her presence had always brought. Elizabeth was hard to manage in this matter ; she was willing to be rid of Mary, but shrank from the odium which Mary's death would bring upon herself. At length a commission of forty privy counsel- A . D . 1 5 8 7 . Execution of Mary. 177 lors and noblemen was appointed to try Mary, " com- monly called Queen of Scots," under the provisions of the act passed two years before for Elizabeth's protection. Mary was taken to Fotheringay Castle in Northampton- shire, and the trial began. At first Mary refused to an- swer, saying that she did not acknowledge the jurisdic- tion of the court over a queen ; but she at last consented to plead. The evidence was heard, and on October 25 sentence was pronounced against Mary on the ground of privity to Babington's plot "for the hurt, death, and destruction of the royal person." Mary had been condemned ; but Elizabeth hesitated to ^rder the execution of a queen, a near relative to herself, who had sought refuge in her kingdom, and whom she had kept for nineteen years in confinement. Parliament petitioned that the sentence executed should be carried into effect, and that the "seed-plot of so many conspiracies" should be re- moved. Elizabeth paused before she could resolve ; she even made overtures to have Mary privily put out of the way, that she might avoid the responsibility of a decision. At last she signed the warrant for Mary's execution, but gave no orders that it should be carried into effect. Her secretary, Davison, at once took action upon it, and Mary was beheaded in Fotheringay Castle on February 8, 1587. It is impossible not to feel a certain amount of sym- pathy for Mary, round whose personal history so much romance has gathered. Yet her death was -_,,,, r ™ Results of necessary for England s safety. She had Mary"s not spent her years of confinement as a pining captive ; her days were passed in constant intri- gues and plottings ; she was not merely a passive but an active enemy to Elizabeth and to England. She repre 178 The Spanish Armada. a. D. 1587. sented in her own person all that was opposed to Eliza* beth's quiet, and to the peace of Protestant England. Of this fact she was always conscious, and hoped for every turn of affairs not only for liberty but for the Eng- lish throne. So long as she lived, England could not offer a united front to foreign foes. When she died the citizens of London kindled bonfires and rang merry peals of bells. A weight was lifted from men's minds, and they began to breathe more freely. Elizabeth's conduct was most unworthy, but was ex- tremely characteristic. She professed that she had never intended the warrant to be carried into effect. She expressed the greatest indignation against Davison, who was brought to trial for contempt, was severely fined, and never afterwards received into the royal favor. She put on mourning for Mary, and sent excuses to James VI. of Scotland. She hoped in this childish way to reap the advantage of the deed which had been done, and to avoid the responsibility of the blame which it brought. Mary's death was a distinct defiance to the Catholic powers. Pope Sixtus V. expressed boundless indigna- tion ; he made Dr. Allen, the founder of the Seminary, a cardinal ; he offered Philip a large sum of money to help him in his invasion of England. On his side, Philip slowly bestirred himself; he furbished up claims of his own to the English throne. Mary's death had in- creased his eagerness to attack England by giving him a greater interest in the result ; so long as Mary lived he must fight in her name ; now he might fight in his own. He was, however, restrained during the year 1587 by the unfavorable aspect of affairs in France. The League Progress of had not prospered so well at first as Philip the League. jj ha( j w i s h e( j. Henry III.'s submission to a.d. 1587. Position of Henry III. 179 it had been too prompt. It was probable that the mo- derate Catholics might still win the day under the king's leadership. Their policy was to convert Henry of Na- varre, the heir-presumptive, to Catholicism, and so to unite France under one religion into a powerful king- dom. This was opposed entirely to the views of Philip and the Leaguers. They wished for the absolute tri- umph of Catholicism under the protection of the King of Spain ; they aimed at excluding Henry of Navarre and entirely destroying the Huguenots. Until it had been decided which of these parties should carry the day, Philip could not withdraw his attention from France. In 1587 troops were sent by the German and the Swiss Protestants to the aid of the Huguenots. „ r , . ° War of the The campaign that followed has been called three Hcnrvs the " War of the three Henrys," for Henry III., Henry of Navarre, and Henry of Guise each led his own army into the field. Henry of Navarre was suc- cessful at Coutras in defeating the army sent against him under the command of the Duke of Joyeuse. It was the first battle the Huguenots had as yet won, and filled them with hopes of their young leader. The French and German troops were cut off from joining the Huguenots by the army under Henry III., who, being anxious to settle the war peaceably, prevailed upon them to with- draw, and carry on no further enterprise against the French crown. The Germans projected an attack on Guise, who had his own army under his command. Guise was however too strong for them ; they were de- feated at Auneau, and driven with great slaughter out of the kingdom. Thus then the Huguenots had been successful, and Ihe violent Catholics had also been successful ; but the i8o The Spanish Armada. a.d. 1588. Position of Henry III. moderate policy of the king seemed to be only half-hearted, and on his return to Paris he met with a cold reception from the people. His position was indeed a false one, as each of the two powerful parties in the kingdom had its determined sup- porters, while the king could not make up his mind to ally himself with either. He had the confidence of neither party, and in Paris an association of the citizens was formed for the aid of the Catholic princes. The people of Paris were fanatically Catholic ; they had been trained by the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, and were ready again to act with decision in support of their beliefs. Henry of Guise was their idol, and he was a man well fitted to be a popular leader. He was an ac- complished cavalier and a brave soldier ; his appearance was commanding, and he had a rare combination of bodily and mental vigor. By his frankness and geni- ality he attached his soldiers to himself in the camp ; by his geniality, affability, and courtesy, he won the hearts of the people in the city. The king felt that he was without influence in Paris, and that plots were being laid against him. He threa- tened vengeance, and the people summoned the Duke of Guise to come to their protection. Against the king's orders Guise entered Paris (May 9, 1588). The king ordered his Swiss guards who were quartered in the suburbs to enter the city. The citizens, indignant at the threat, rose against them ; the streets were defended by barricades, and the dis- missal of the troops was demanded. Six thousand guards were useless against the fury of half a million of people. The guards were driven out, and the king fled from the city. Guise was left master of Paris (May 12, 1588), and the king found himself again obliged to undertake Guise triumphant. a.d. 1588. Exploits of Drake. 181 the destruction of heresy, and to make Guise lieutenant- general of the kingdom. When Philip II. 's party had won this decisive victory in France, he felt that he was free to make his attempt upon England. Moreover the daring of English seamen made it neces- sary for him to take some decided step to vindicate the power of Spain at sea. In April, 1587, Drake sailed from Plymouth with a fleet of twenty- § xp i oits of five vessels, and entered the harbor of Cadiz. He defeated the ships sent against him, and de- stroyed some forty or fifty vessels, besides an immense store of provisions which Philip was preparing for his expedition against England. When he had done all the harm he could he went on to Cape St. Vincent, where he again did much damage to the ships and stores. He meant to have continued his voyage to the Azores to wait for the Spanish ships coming home from the Indies, but his fleet was dispersed by a storm. However, he was still able to capture one of the largest of the Spanish ships, the San Filifte, laden with treasures from the Indies. With this rich prize he returned to Plymouth on June 26. He certainly had done his best to " singe King Philip's beard," as he had avowed to do. The spoil of the San Filifte alone paid for the expenses of the expedition, and gave good profits to those who had ventured their money to equip it. It was intolerable to Philip that these indignities should be endured. His preparations were thrown back for a time ; but in the end of May, 1 588, his fleet for the conquest of England put to sea. C ibie "The most fortunate and invincible Ar- Armada, mada," as it was called, consisted of a fleet of 132 ships, manned by 8,766 sailors and 2,088 galley slaves, and carrying 21,855 soldiers, as well as 300 monks, priests, /82 The Spanish Armada. A.D. 1588. and officers of the Inquisition, who were to begin their work of the conversion of England the moment the landing was effected. The plan was that Alexander of Parma was to join them somewhere in the Channel with 17,000 Spanish troops from the Netherlands. There would thus be an army of 50,000 men for the invasion of England. Elizabeth's preparations were sadly deficient. Though she had seen Philip's preparations, she had been lulled into security by feigned negotiations of prepara- Alexander of Parma. She seems to have tlons * refused, until the danger was actually upon her, to contemplate the possibility of an actual encounter with Spain. She hoped till the last moment that she might make peace for herself by abandoning the Nether- lands to Philip. When she discovered her delusion pre- parations were still slowly and sparingly made. Neither fleet nor army was properly raised or equipped. There were only thirty-four ships of the royal navy, containing 6,279 m en. But the sea-port towns sent out their vessels, and noblemen and gentlemen on every side manned all the ships they could and placed them at their country's service. With one mind and one purpose England met its peril. If Philip's invasion had come earlier, when Mary of Scotland was still alive, it might have found England distracted. Now that Mary was dead, Philip had no longer any plea by which he might appeal to the English people. His invasion bore no religious character; it was regarded merely as an act of foreign aggression. Ca- tholics as well as Protestants gathered round the queen and armed themselves for her defence. The Armada was long in reaching England. Its "galleons " and " galeasses " were huge unwieldy vessels, magnificent for a pageant, but hard to manage either in a.d. 1559. The Armada in the Channel. 183 a storm or a fight. They expressed the stately grandeur of the Spanish character, as well as its inability to learn from the teachings of experience. Three weeks were spent in sailing from Lisbon to Cape Finisterre. Not till the middle of July were they seen off the Lizard point. The Lord High Admiral, Lord Charles Howard of Effingham, at once put out from Plymouth harbor with sixty ships. Lord Charles Howard, though by no means the most experienced sailor at Elizabeth's command, was well fitted for his post. He was popular among the sailors, and was both bold and prudent. Moreover, " he had skill enough to know those who had more skill than himself, and to follow their instructions, so that the queen had a navy of oak and an admiral of osier." Under him served such daring and experienced seamen as Hawkins, Drake, and Frobisher, men whose names were already a terror to the Spaniards, and who had borne round the world the fame of English seamanship and courage. The English watched the huge Spanish fleet pass by, " very slowly, though with full sails, the winds being, as it were, weary with wafting them, and the 1 ^1 • . ,,,1 „ The Arma- ocean groaning under their weight. How- da in the ard allowed it to pass by on its way up the Channel. Channel to join with Parma. His tactics were to hang upon its rear and take advantage of its mishaps with his smaller and lighter vessels, which sailed twice as fast as the clumsy Spanish ships. The Spaniards wished to force an engagement, in which they trusted to their superior weight and numbers ; but the English could choose their own time to advance or retreat. From Saturday, July 20, to Saturday, July 27, the English followed the Spaniards on their way to Calais roadsteads, inflicting on them many losses, cutting off their stragglers, and taking ad- 1 84 The Spanish Armada. A. 0.158$. vantage of all their mistakes. On Sunday, July 28, the two fleets faced one another. The Spaniards lay off Calais, waiting for the arrival of Alexander of Parma ; over against them lay the English fleet, increased now to about a hundred and forty sail, though the ships were much smaller than the heavy Spanish vessels. It was no longer possible for the English to put off an engagement. If the Spanish fleet were to advance to Engagement Dunkirk, drive back the ships of the Hol- off Calais. landers, which at present guarded the coast of the Netherlands and prevented the egress of the Duke of Parma, the peril of England would indeed be great. This must be. prevented ; but the English commanders felt how difficult it was for their small ships to destroy the huge Spanish galleons. "Considering their hugeness," said Sir William Winter, whom the Lord Admiral asked for counsel, "it will not be possible to remove them but by a device." The device was soon contrived ; six of the oldest vessels in the fleet were converted into fire-ships, and on Sunday night were despatched against the Armada. A wind sprung up which drifted them successfully to their desti- nation. A panic seized the Spaniards, some of whom had been present at the siege of Antwerp, and shuddered at the thought of the explosion of Giambelli's infernal machine. A cry was raised, " The fire-ships of Antwerp ! the fire-ships of Antwerp!" The terrified sailors cut their cables in their eagerness to escape, and the ships fell into confusion. Some came into collision, some were burnt by the fire-ships, the rest were driven by wind and tide northwards along the Flemish coast. The English pursued, and on Monday, July 29, there was a hot engagement off Gravelines. The English ships refused to come to close quarters, but poured showers of a.d. 1588. Fate of the Armada. 185 musketry on the Spanish vessels, while the p ate of the Spaniards on their part shot badly, and in- Armada, flicted little loss on the English. The Armada suffered severely, and as the gale increased became more and more helpless before it. The English had soon spent all their ammunition, but still gave chase, while the Spa- niards were driven on up the North Sea. At last Lore Howard, who had neither powder, shot, nor provisions, thought that he had "put on a brave countenance" long enough. As he returned on Sunday, August 4, there blew a tremendous gale, which scattered his fleet for a while, but they all arrived safely in Margate roads at last. The Spaniards fared more severely in the northern seas. Some were driven on the shores of Norway, some were wrecked on the coast of Scotland, some on Ireland. The miserable remnant of the fleet, after being driven by the tempest round the Hebrides, at last reached Spain early in October. Fifty-three ships only, out of the hundred and thirty-two, 10,000 men out of the 30,000, found their way home. Philip's projected invasion had hopelessly failed, mainly because no steps were taken to secure the junc- tion between the troops of Parma and the Cause of fleet of Medina-Sidonia. The enterprise failure. was skillfully devised, but it was ponderous, and admitted of no modification if any calculation failed. It fell in pieces before the bold and rapid attacks of the light English vessels and the fury of the elements, neither of which it was adapted to face. If the Armada had effected a landing, and had conveyed Alexander of Parma to England, it is impossible to say what would have been the result. Elzabeth's land forces had gathered at Til- bury, under the command of Leicester, to defend Lon- don; but they were only raw recruits, ill-fitted to face 1 86 The Spa?iish Armada. a.d. 1588. the veterans of Spain under such a general as Parma. Elizabeth in the hour of need showed true Tudor spirit. She went herself among her troops, and when her coun- sellors, through fear of Catholic plots, begged her not to show herself in public, " Let tyrants fear," she answered ; " I have always so behaved myself that, under God, I have placed my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts and good-will of my subjects; and therefore I am come amongst you, as you see, resolved in the midst and heat of battle, to live or die amongst you all. I know that I have the body but of a weak and feeble woman, but I have the heart of a king, and of a king of England too." The volunteers at Tilbury were stirred to deep enthusiasm ; but it was well that England's fleet saved her from the risk of trusting to Leicester's general- ship and the undisciplined valor of recruits. The Armada had failed, and its failure marked a de- cisive moment in the history of Europe. It told that the power of Spain was declining, and that oFthe^orSs. England had again risen to be a great power in Europe. But this was a result not seen at once. Philip himself received the news of the fate of the Armada with his usual constancy ; he did not change countenance. "I sent it," he said, "against man, not against the billows. I thank God, by whose generous hand I am gifted with such power that I could easily, if I chose, place another fleet upon the seas." He did not give up his design, but only resolved to make the next attempt more wisely. But there is a tide in the affairs of men, and Philip was never destined to have leisure or means for another attempt. Affairs in France claimed his attention. A reaction against the power of Spain set in throughout Europe. England could wreak on Spain a ruinous revenge, and Philip dragged Spain into hope- a.d. 1588. Assassination of Guise. 187 less bankruptcy by his great schemes, which were always on the verge of succeeding but always missed that com- plete success which alone was worth having. CHAPTER III. REACTION AGAINST SPAIN. Philip's schemes were destined to similar failure in France. We have seen how entirely the power of the League had won the day at the beginning of 1588. Henry III. was obliged to summon the Estates at Blois, and to submit to many limitations upon the royal power ; war was to be resumed against Henry of Navarre. The king found himself merely a tool in the hands of the Duke of Guise and his party. This position was intolerable to him, as a similar position had been intolerable to his mother, Catherine, when the Huguenot, Coligny, was endea- voring to mould the policy of the French tion of monarchy. Henry resolved, as his mother had done, to free himself of his dangerous rival by as- sassination. On December 23d, 1588, Guise was sum- monad to the king's chamber, and was murdered on entering it by some of the king's body-guard, while the king awaited the accomplishment of the deed. Great was the fury of the people. Paris took the first step, and refused any longer to recognize a king who had broken his word to the harm of the Catholic faith. All the great towns of France followed the example of the capi- tal, and the Duke of Mayenne, brother of the murdered 1 88 Reaction against Spain. a. d. 1589. Guise, placed himself at the head of the confederates. Open war broke out between the king and the League. Henry III. by himself would have been powerless against this opposition ; but Henry of Navarre with his small army of well-trained soldiers marched Assassina- tioa of to his aid. Tolerance to the Huguenots was again proclaimed by the king. The Catholic royalists slowly gathered round him, and the contest lay between the principles of monarchy and tolerance on the one side, and the exclusive principle of Catholicism on the other. In July 1589 Henry III. found himself strong enough to lay siege to Paris. The League trusted to assistance from the Duke of Parma in the Netherlands ; for Philip's cause was so closely allied with it that the subjugation of the Netherlands was now secondary to the success of his scheme in France. But the assassination of Guise was to produce its fruits. A fanatical Dominican priest, Jacques Clement, was so moved by a papal admonition denouncing Henry III., that he decided it was no sin for a priest to kill a tyrant. On August 2, 1589, he obtained an interview with the king, and stabbed him. The question of the succession to the French throne was now a matter of supreme importance. The heir- _ . „ presumptive was the Huguenot Henry of Question of r l ° J the French Navarre ; against him was brought fofward the candidate of the League, the Cardinal of Bourbon. If it was worth Philip's while to interfere before in French affairs to gain influence for Spain, it was now a matter of vital importance for him to prevent the accession to the French throne of a man not only opposed to him in religion, but also an hereditary foe to the Spanish house. Henceforth to the end of his reign A. d. 1589. Expeditio7i against Lisbon. 189 Philip's energies were directed to the repression of Henry of Navarre. But it was now England's turn to assume an attitude of aggression against Spain. The spirit of naval adventure, which had already grown high in England, • , ,, England s received fresh vigor from the results of the naval war Armada fight. Hostility to Spain became Spain!' a passion in adventurous minds, and any plan for an attack upon the Spaniards was received with enthusiasm. Early in 1589 an expedition against Spain was sent out under the command of Sir John Norris and Sir Francis Drake. Don Antonio, the pretender to the crown of Portugal, accompanied them, for he hoped that his presence would stir the Portuguese to revolt against Philip. The fleet, consisting of some 50 vessels and 15,000 men, landed first at Corunna, where they burned the ships in the harbor and then proceeded to besiege the city ; the lower town surrendered, but the upper town was too strongly fortified to be taken by storm. Moreover, a Spanish army of 15,000 men marched to the relief of the town ; the English, 7,000 strong, met them about five miles from Corunna, and after a short but sharp encounter repulsed and pursued them with great slaughter. These exploits were brilliant, but fruitless for the main object of the expedition, and Elizabeth was angry that Drake had not at once proceeded to Lisbon. a i ii 1 1 1 • 1 Expedition At length, however, he passed on thither, against being joined on his way by transports, with which came a noble volunteer, the young Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, then at the age of twenty -two. Essex was now Elizabeth's chief favorite ; he had been commended to her by Leicester, who was afraid of the growing influence of Sir Walter Raleigh. After Leices- N 190 Reaction against Spain . a. d. i 5 89 . ter's death, which took place immediately after the repulse of the Armada, Essex held the chief place in the queen's affections. But the ambitious youth of twenty- two found it hard to curb his high spirit within the narrow bounds required to pay court to a mistress who was approaching the age of sixty. He had longed to join this expedition, but had been prevented by the queen's express commands to Drake and Norris to send him back from Plymouth. He had, however, managed after all to elude the royal vigilance and go forth upon his quest for martial glory. Norris landed in the middle of May at Peniche, about forty miles from Lisbon. Drake sailed up the Tagus to join him against Lisbon. But Norris found it hopeless to take Lisbon. His troops were suffering from sickness, brought on by intemperance at Corunna ; the Portuguese did not rally, as had been expected, round Don Antonio, whose name brought only a few unarmed peasants : the English had no cannon to batter the town. Norris A.D. 1590. English Naval Adventure. 191 marched back and joined Drake at Cascaes, at the mouth of the Tagus, where they took the fort and seized sixty vessels belonging to the Hance Towns that lay in the harbor laden with provisions. After some more pillage along the coast the English returned home. The expedition had been a failure in its main object, and there had been great loss of life through sickness. Yet the English had shown how vulnerable Spain was, and had defeated a Spanish naval ad- , r^-i C c venture army on its own ground. The name of Spain was no longer a terror to the English mind ; it was rather a symbol of every thing that Protestant England condemned. A crusading spirit against Spain and the Inquisition was mingled with a desire for glory and a thirst for gain, and sent the English youth to seek ad- ventures in irregular warfare. Private adventurers, merchants, and gentlemen, all fitted up vessels for this fierce naval war, and the daring deeds of English seamen filled the Spaniards with surprise that soon gave way to alarm. The Spanish waters were no longer safe. In 1 590 ten English merchantmen, on their way home from Venice, defeated twelve huge Spanish war galleys which had been sent against them in the Straits of Gibraltar. The merchant ships of England were more than a match for the war ship of Spain ; Spanish galleys and merchant- men alike were at the mercy of English privateers, which scoured the seas at their will. The noblest of these privateers was George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, who strove by ventures at sea to repair his fortunes, which he had shattered by prodigali- ty. He was renowned for knightly prowess in tourna- ments, and once as he kneeled before the queen to re- ceive the prize she dropped her glove, which he thence- forward wore as a favor, encircled with diamonds ; but 192 Reaction against Spain. a. d. 1590. in spite of this royal graciousness he refused to borrow the queen's ships for his expeditions, as he knew the thrifty Elizabeth would reckon hardly with him for any losses. The queen indeed never failed to demand from these adventurers that their expeditions should be directly pro- fitable to the royal coffers. When in 1 590 Hawkins made an unsuccessful voyage, so that his prizes did not pay for the expenses, he made a humble apology to the queen, in which he said, " Paul might plant and Apollos might water, but that it was God only that gave the increase." "This fool," testily exclaimed Elizabeth, "went out a soldier, and is come home a divine." This temper of the queen was reflected in all others who engaged in naval adventures. When the first fear of Spain had passed away, these expedi- Coionizing tions took too exclusively the character of expeditions. * free-booting, and lost their more definite po- litical significance. The desire for gain outweighed with the younger generation of English seamen the desire of crippling Spain. There was, however, one man, Sir Walter Raleigh, who represented throughout his life the principle of statesman-like opposition to Spain in its dis- tant colonies. This principle he always urged in Parlia- ment, and brought forward fresh schemes of colonization in opposition to Spain. He it was who first colonized Virginia (1584), though the settlement failed for want of proper management and proper support. In 1592 he penetrated to the isthmus of Darien ; but his plans were stopped by a message from the queen ordering him to return. Elizabeth disgraced her favorite for having dared to marry secretly one of her maids of honor, Eliza- beth Throgmorton. In 1595 he made an expedition to Guiana in search of El Dorado, the fabled land of gold. A. D. 1589. Philip II. and the League. 193 His persistent hostility to Spain made his death a peace- offering which the pacific policy of James I. did not hesi- tate to make. The temper of these English seamen may be illus- trated by the conduct of Sir Richard Grenville. His one ship, the " Revenge," faced a Spanish fleet of fifty ves- sels, nearly all of them twice as large as his own. From three o'clock in the afternoon till daybreak next morning did Grenville hold out against them all. Time after time a huge Spanish ship attempted to board him and was driven back. At last all his powder was spent, the pikes all broken ; of his crew of a hundred men forty were killed and the rest all wounded. Grenville could fight no more, but he would not surrender. The Spaniards offered honorable terms, and Grenville was taken on board the Spanish admiral's ships, saying " that they might do with his body what they list, for he esteemed it not." In a few hours he died, amid the respectful cares of the Spanish nobles, saying, " Here die I, Richard Grenville, with a joyful and a quiet mind, for that I have ended my life as a good soldier ought to do, who has fought for his country and his queen, for honor and re- ligion.'' This was the spirit which opposition to Spain awoke in England, the spirit which beat back Philip and filled England with a strong and vigorous national life. Meanwhile Philip's interest was fixed upon affairs in France. The death of Henry III. had opened out a wide prospect for the aggrandizement of Spain. The League in its fanatical attach- P hil jP IL and * ° the League. ment to Catholicism had almost entirely lost the feeling of nationality. Its members looked to Philip as the head of the Catholic party in Europe. They proclaimed the Cardinal of Bourbon king under 194 Reaction against Spain. a.d. 1590. the title of Charles X., but Philip was to be recognized as Protector of France, Here was a prospect peculiarly suited to Philip's policy ; France might be absorbed as a province in the Spanish monarchy, which would then be a great organization for the entire re-establishment of Catholicism throughout Europe. In opposition to the League Henry of Navarre assumed the title of King Henry IV. He was of course supported by the Huguenots ; but the Catholics who Henry IV. s religious posi- had adhered to Henry III. were sorely per- plexed. They did not wish to give up the hereditary rights of the monarchy, but they could not consent to see the monarchy severed from Catholicism. Henry IV. gave them to understand that he was not ob- stinate in his adherence to Protestantism ; he was willing " to be further instructed." Henry was not a man of deep religious principle. He had been brought up by his mother as a Huguenot ; after the massacre of St. Bar- tholomew's day he had conformed to Catholicism, and had lived a gay, careless life at court. When things were a little more favorable he had again joined the Hu- guenots. So long as he was a prince of the blood he thought he had a right to hold his own opinions and to enjoy his political rights at the same time. But now that the rights of the monarchy had descended to him, things were changed. His first duty, he conceived, was to save the French crown, and again to unite the French nation. He looked upon religion with the eye of a statesman ; if the principle of Catholicism were held by the French people to be a necessary element in the monarchy, he must not lightly set up against their wish the traditions of his early education. On this understanding the greater part of the Catholic royalists still held by him. But his chances seemed a.d. 1590. Campaign of 1 590. 195 almost hopeless. Henry IV. was, however, characterof admirably fitted to fight a difficult game. Henry iv. Always good-natured, amiable, and gay, he won men's hearts and inspired them with confidence. He was a brave and dashing soldier, to whom generalship seemed almost an instinct. Under an air of reckless good hu- mor and unthinking jollity he hid a cool and calculating brain. While seeming to live for the moment he never forgot the end which he had before him. He believed profoundly, with an almost religious fervor, in the jus- tice of his cause. He was determined to succeed, and knew the importance of every small success in helping towards his end. He was, moreover, entirely free from pedantry, and was prepared to make any necessary sacrifice that could help his cause. He was soon sup- ported by the popular opinion of Europe ; for Philip's schemes awoke the profoundest alarm. The idea of the balance of power was beginning to prevail in European politics, and this idea demanded the existence of France as an independent power. Even Pope Sixtus V. was not willing to see the triumph of Catholicism purchased at the price of establishing the absolute power of Spain in Europe. Philip represented a party which was more orthodox than the head of the Church. Henry IV. began his campaign in 1590 by besieging Dreux. The army of the League was led to its relief by the Duke of Mayenne, brother of the mur- Campaign dered Guise. The armies met in the plain of 1590. of Yvry, where the royalists were victorious mainly through the desperate valor of Henry himself, who at once advanced to the siege of Paris. The city was ill prepared to stand a siege, and was almost reduced to starvation when Alexander of Parma advanced to its re- lief with his army from the Netherlands. He was bitter- io6 Reaction against Spain. a. d. 1593. ly disappointed at being stopped in his plans for the sub- jugation of that country by Philip's orders to advance into France. For a while the Netherlands had time to gather together their strength, and France became the battle-field of opposition to Spain. Henry IV. broke off the siege of Paris, and trusting to his cavalry, composed almost entirely of French nobles, wished to force Alex- ander of Parma to a battle. But Parma was a more ex- perienced general than Henry ; he out-manceuvred him and refused to fight, till the nobles of Henry's army grew weary of waiting and his forces dispersed. Parma having done his work of relieving Paris retired to the Netherlands. The death of the titular Charles X. during the siege, increased the influence of Spain. The Leaguers had no Philip's influ- one whom they could set up as a king against trice in France. Henry IV. ; they could trust only to Spanish help. Their scheme was to confer the French kingdom on the Infanta Isabella, Philip's daughter by his third wife, Elizabeth, daughter of Henry II. of France. Philip demanded that he should himself choose for her a husband who should at once be acknowledged as king of France. Meanwhile France seemed likely to be again split up ; every province was fought for by two nobles, one on the Campaign of side of the League, one of Henry IV. To 1591-2. hgip j-hg L ea g Ue> j n Brittany, Philip sent a body of Spanish troops. The presence of the Spaniards on the coast opposite to England, awoke the liveliest alarm in Elizabeth, and made her more ready to send troops to the help of Henry. At her urgent desire, Henry, in the winter of 1591, laid siege to Rouen ; but when he seemed likely to take it, the experience of his last campaign was again repeated. Alexander of Parma a.d. 1592. Reaction in favor of Henry IV. 197 marched to its relief; Henry was obliged to raise the siege of Rouen, and was again out-generaled by Alex- ander in his attempts to cut off his retreat. The campaign of 1 591-2 had been made useless to Henry IV. by the military genius of Alexander Farnese. But in December, 1592, Parma died at Arras, and Philip had no general whom he could set against Henry IV. for the future. Moreover the cause of the ^ .. . Reaction in League was losing ground in France. The favor of Henry public opinion of Europe was beginning to tell, and the Republic of Venice had recognized Henry IV. in spite of papal admonitions. The party of the League in France itself was no longer unanimous. The question of the marriage of the Infanta Isabella raised jealousies ; Philip first proposed as her husband his cousin, the Archduke Ernest, brother of the Emperor Rudolph ; but he was distasteful to the French, as he might one day become Emperor. Next Philip seemed to favor Charles of Guise, son of the murdered duke ; but Mayenne was in no way desirous to see his nephew raised to power at his own expense. Since his brother's death he had been regarded as the head of the League, and he was not prepared to resign that position to his nephew. Amid the difficulties which had now sprung up, the moderate party of Politicians was daily gathering strength against the fanatical Leaguers. The Parliament of Paris sent an admonition to the Duke of Mayenne to prevent the crown from passing into the hands of a foreigner. The distance of Spain prevented it from sending efficient military help to the League. Henry IV. drew nearer to the Catholics ; he was prepared to change his religion for the purpose of securing his position as king of France. It was not, however, to the fierce Catholicism of the League, that Henry IV. could possibly 198 Reaction against Spain. a.d. 1594. go over ; it was to the moderate religious views of the royalist clergy, who were willing to grant toleration to the Huguenots, as a condition of winning over the king to Catholicism. On July 23, 1593, Henry was solemnly u T „ , received into the bosom of the Church by the Henry IV. be- ' comesaCatho- Archbishop of Bourges, in the church of St. Denis. He at once reaped the fruit of his conversion ; many who could never have deserted the League to join a heretic now came over to his side. The French national spirit revived and took him for its champion. In March, 1594, the gates of Paris were opened to Henry, and before the end of the year the Duke of Mayenne had made terms with him. Henry had still many difficulties to face before he had made his position as king of France quite secure ; but Philip's project of making France a dependency of the Spanish crown had failed, in spite of its apparent nearness to success. BOOK VII. ENGLAND AFTER THE ARMADA. CHAPTER I. ENGLISH LIFE IN ELIZABETH'S REIGN. The repulse of the Spanish Armada, marks the period in Elizabeth's reign when the national spirit rose to its highest point. England, which had long English been weighed down by doubts and fears, character, awoke to a consciousness of its true position. Internal conflicts and differences of opinion ceased to be of im- portance in face of the great danger which threatened all alike. Englishmen felt, as they had never done before, their community of interests, their real national unity. Hatred of Spain became a deep feeling in the English mind, and when combined with religious zeal and the desire for adventure produced that spirit of rest- less and reckless daring which so strongly marks the English character at this time. Nowhere is the outcome of awakened national feeling more finely expressed than in the lines which Shakespeare puts into the mouth of the dying Gaunt : This royal throne of kings, this sceptred isle, This earth of majesty, this seat of Mars. This other Eden, demi-paradise ; This fastness built by Nature for herself Against infection, and the hand of war ; I 99 200 English Life in Elizabeth? s Reign. This happy breed of men, this little world : This precious stone, set in the silver sea, Which serves it in the office of a wall Or as a moat defensive to a house, Against the envy of less happier lands. Moreover England under Elizabeth's careful rule had rapidly increased in wealth and prosperity. It was free from war when all the rest of Europe was increased engaged in deadly struggle. The queen prosperity. wag thrifty and provident, so that industry was not crippled by heavy taxes. The troubles in the Netherlands threw great commercial advantages into the hands of the English which they were not slow in using. Increasing national prosperity went together with increas- ing national spirit, and England made rapid strides during the eventful forty-five years of Elizabeth's reign. One way in which this showed itself was in the great advance of literature. Men's tongues seemed to be loosened ; they felt and expressed interests of every kind. No longer were some things only of importance, but all things that concerned man and his life and feelings were felt to be worthy of record. Hence it is that we know so much more of Elizabeth's times than we do of those that went before, and that we have materials for a sketch of the social life and manners of the people. The increase of wealth produced a greater desire for comfort, and Elizabeth's reign was marked by a great Architec- progress in all the refinements and ap- ture - pliances of daily life. Amongst the nobles the sense of peace and security, joined with the desire for greater grandeur, led to a change in the character of their residences. The fortified castle was re-modelled into a palace, though still retaining its old appearance. This was the case with Kenilworth Castle, inside whose Prosperity of England. 201 frowning battlements was a magnificent palace with every requirement of luxury. New mansions were also erected all over England by the gentry who wished to live in a manner suitable to their dignity. No age has left a more decided mark on our domestic architecture than the age of the Tudors. The Gothic Architecture of the middle ages had given way before the revival of the classical style which spread from Italy. The mixture of Gothic and classical architecture produced the stately yet simple Elizabethan mansions of which such admirable examples remain in Hatfield, Longleat, Audley End, Holland House, and Knowle. Country houses generally were built of brick or stone instead of wood ; glass took the place of lattices. " Of old time," says Harrison in his Description of Eng- land, " our countrie houses instead of glass did use much lattise, and that made either of wicker or fine rifts of oke in checkerwise. But now our lattises are also grown e into lesse use, because glass is come to be so plentifulle, and within a verie little so good cheape if not better than the other. The wals of our houses on the inner side be either hanged with tapistrie, arras worke, or painted cloths, wherein either diverse histories, or herbes, beasts, and such like are stained, or else they are seeled with oke of our own or wainscot brought hither out of the east countries. As for stooves we had not hitherto used them greatlie, yet do they now begin to be made in diverse houses of the gentrie." When the Spaniards in Queen Mary's days saw the English houses, they said, " These English have houses made of sticks and dirt, but they fare commonly as well as the king." This reproach was no longer true in Elizabeth's time. The luxury of comfort also made rapid progress. "There are old men," says Harrison, " yet dwelling in 202 English Life in Elizabeth' s Reign. the village where I remaine, which have Increase of noticed three thing's to be marvellouslie al- comrort. , ... tered in England in this their remembrance. L&wq is the multitude of chimnies latelie erected, where- ' as in their young daies there were not above two or three if so manie, in uplandish towns of the realme. Another is the great amendment of lodging, for our fathers have lien full oft upon straw pallets, and a good round log under their heads instead of a bolster or pillow. The *1 third thing they tell of, is the exchange of vessels as of treene (wooden) platters into pewter, and wooden spoones into silver or tin. Such also was their povertie, that if some one od farmer or husbandman had been at the alehouse among six or seven of his neighbours, and there in braverie to show what store he had, did cast down his purse, and therein six shillings of silver, it was very likelie that all the rest could not laie down so much against it ; whereas in my time the farmer will thinkie his gaines verie small towards the end of his terme, if he have not six or seven years rent lieing by him, beside a fair garnish of pewter on his cupboard, with so much more in od vessels going about the house, three or foure feather beds, so manie coverlids and carpets of tapestrie, a silver salt, a bowle for wine, and a dozzen spoons to furnish up the sute." The rich furniture and decorations of the rooms in „ . noblemen's houses is described by Shake- Furniture. speare in Cymbeline : Her bedchamber was hanged With tapestry of silk and silver ! the story Proud Cleopatra, when she met her Roman, And Cydnus swelled above the banks, or for The press of boats, or pride ; a piece of work So bravely done, so rich that it did strive Meals. 203 In workmanship and value. The chimney Is south the chamber ; and the chimney-piece Chaste Dian bathing. The roof of the chamber With golden cherubims is fretted ; her andirons (I had forgot them) were two winking Cupids Of silver, each on one foot standing, nicely Depending on their brands. Carpets were not yet much known or used, and the floors were strewed with rushes ; thus Romeo says : Let wantons light of heart Tickle the senseless rushes with their heels. In food, and in the exercise of hospitality, the English were profuse. The usual fare of a gentleman, says Harrison, " was four, five, or six dishes when they have but small resort." There were many kinds of meat, and "for a man to taste of every dish that standeth before him is rather to yield unto a conspiracy with a great^al nf meat for the speedy sup- pression of natural health, than the natural use of a necessary means to satisfy himself with a competent re- past to sustain his body withal." The great men dined in state at a high table in their hall, while their depen- dants sat at lower tables ; the remnants of their dinner were given to the poor. Venetian glass, which was a rarity, was the favorite substance of their drinking ves- sels. Fift^sjx^soxts-of French wines were imported in- to England, and thirty kinds of Italian, Greek, Spanish, and Canary wines. ^Tunken ness was then, as always, a characteristic feature of th"e*^English people. China dishes and plates were beginning to be known. Knives for eating purposes only began commonly to take the place of fingers in 1563, and forks were not used before 161 1. The times for meals were strangely different from our present custom ; the gentry dined at eleven and 204 English Life in Elizabeth? s Reign. supped at five, the farmers dined at one and supped at seven. Dress was remarkable in this age for its splendor and magnificence ; the vanity of the queen set an example of profusion which was almost universally followed, and which excited the anger of many Pu- Dress. ritan satirists. Even then the English had no distinctive dress of their own, but followed foreign fashions without much taste. Every kind of dress was in vogue, and on great occasions there was a strange mixture of costumes. French, German, and Spanish dresses varied with " Moorish gowns and barbarian sleeves." Different patterns were adopted for dressing the hair and trimming the beard. Some men wore ear- rings, " whereby they imagine the workmanship of God to be not a little amended." Ruffs made of lawn or cambric were worn by both sexes ; they were stiffened with starch and wire, and were edged with gems. Queen Elizabeth left at her death a wardrobe of three thousand gowns, made of the richest materials ; they were of enor- mous bulk, and were stuffed and padded so as to stand off from the body. Gentlemen's breeches, and doublets were similarly padded to an uncomfortable size ; over these they wore cloaks " of silk, velvet, damask, or other precious stuff," embroidered with gold or silver and but- toned at the shoulder. It was not uncommon for a cour- tier to " put on a thousand oaks and an hundred oxen intoa suit of apparel, to wear a whole manor on his back." The title of " merrie England " was not a meaningless one in Elizabeth's time. Nothing can give a stronger testimony to the strength of the wave of Pu- Festivals in J . ° . the country. ritan feeling which swept over England in the next century than to see how entirely it destroyed the many games and festivities which before Festivals in the Country. 205 were common throughout the land, and so stamped upon English life the somewhat hard and joyless aspect which it still wears. In the country the festivities of Christmas, New Year's Day, Twelfth Night, Plough Monday, Can- dlemas, Shrove Tuesday, Easter, May Day, and many others, were all celebrated with curious pageants and old traditional customs of merry-making. Each district had some historic festival which it commemorated by some rude pageant. The Morris dancers, Maid Marian and Little John, the show of the Hobbyhorse and the Dra- gon, and other performances of thafkind, awoke trie" anger of the Puritans, who saw in them remnants of paganism and superstition. Sundays were the holidays of the week, when every village had its games and social recreations. Wakes, fairs, and weddings were all occa- sions of sports and jollity. Dancing, archery, and bear-baiting were favorite amusements in the capital. There the fashionable pro- menade was the middle aisle of St. Paul's cathedral, where the young man of fashion life in would order his tailor to meet him with pat- on on ' terns ; for the dark little shops were ill-suited for the dis- play of goods. There by his remarks in public the dandy could get credit for his taste from passers by before he appeared in his new suit at all. Before dinner he walked in one dress, after dinner he returned in another. If he wished to attract especial attention he mounted the steps of the quire while service was going on. That was for- bidden, and one of the quire boys at once left his place to exact a fine ; then could the dandy amaze the congre- gation by the splendor of his " perfumed embroidered purse," from which in a lordly way he would " quoit into the boy's hands that it was heard above the first lesson, although it were read in a voice as big as one of the great O 206 English Life in Elizabeth 's Reign. organs." After this edifying display he would look into the bookseller's if he were of a literary turn of mind ; if not, he would visit the tobacconist's ; for tobacco, which was first brought to England by Sir Walter Raleigh in 1586, had already become popular. As an amusement for the evening was the theatre, which first sprang into popularity during Elizabeth's reign. The stirring, bustling time awoke an The theatre. . , • , . . , interest in the display of the activity and power of human life. The spirit of adventure felt a de- sire for satisfaction in the contemplation of the struggles of men against destiny, of the soul against its surround- ings. The bands of players kept by the queen and noblemen for the performance of masques and pageants at their own festivities began to give public perform- ances. The people needed something to supply the old Miracle Plays which the Reformation had stopped. Public theatres quickly increased in number. At first they were rude enough, and were in shape reproductions of the court-yard of an inn, which first had been the place for dramatic representations. The "groundlings" of the pit stood unprotected from the weather ; the boxes and the stage only were covered. The stage was di- vided into two parts by a balcony, and thus a simple kind of scenery was secured. At first plays were only allowed on Sunday evening, but soon the players " made four or five Sundays every week." A penny or two- pence admitted to the pit and gallery ; a shilling to the more privileged parts of the house. There were no women actors, and female parts were always performed by boys ; but the spectators needed few external helps to give the words a meaning, and rouse their interest in the problem of human life and passion which the drama brought be- fore them. The Poor-Laws. 207 As regards the ordinary occupations of the English, commerce and naval enterprise greatly increased the number of those who could find industrial employment. As a consequence of this the distress amongst the poor population in the country slow- ly diminished. The " sturdy beggars," who, during the last three reigns had infested the country almost like banditti, were more easily put down in quieter times. The first step towards dealing with them fairly was to make provision for those who were really sick and desti- tute. A weekly collection was made in all parish churches for the benefit of the poor of the parish. When this was insufficient the justices were empowered to make an assessment for the purpose. Work-houses and hospitals began gradually to be built. Finally the system^ of parish relief for the poor was established on the pre- sent basis by a statute passed in 1601, which enacted— that houses of correction be erected in every county, " and provided for the maintenance of the poor by means of a rate, which was to be collected and distributed by overseers of the poor. In this way poverty was provided for, and the number of vagrants began slowly to decrease. -" But severity was still used against them, and not less than 300 of these disturbers of the peace were hanged yearly. y lt is computed that there were no fewer than 10,000 of these vagabonds in England, engaged sometimes in begging, with many devices to excite compassion, sometimes thieving, sometimes infesting the roads in bands, and using violence to the passers by. The num- ber diminished but slowly, as it was not easy for them to get employment. There was no great increase in the demand for agricultural laborers, and in the towns trade was rigidly regarded by the guilds. No man could practice a craft who was not a member of a guild, and 2o8 The Elizabethan Literature. had not served a regular apprenticeship. The appren- tices were a powerful body in London ; they were always ready to interfere in a disturbance, and the cry of " Clubs ! " would bring forth a small army of them, ready to take part in any riot that arose. The occupations for aspiring gentlemen are Occupations. .. , „,.. n noted by Shakespeare : — Men of slender reputation Put forth their sons to seek preferment out: Some to the wars to try their fortunes there: Some to discover islands far away; Some to the studious universities. To these we must add the difficult and perilous road to fortune by seeking court favor. Those whose position did not give them this opportunity, or who chafed under its restrictions, could find employment in the Nether- lands, in France, or in naval expeditions against Spain. Others could go on voyages of discovery either in the Arctic regions or in the Indian seas. Those who pre- ferred more studious pursuits studied in Paris, in Germany, or in Italy. Italy especially still exercised a powerful influence, over which the English moralists bewail. "There be the enchantments of Circe," says Roger Ascham, " brought out of Italy to mar men's manners in England, much by example of ill life, but more by precepts of fond books." CHAPTER II. THE ELIZABETHAN LITERATURE. Amid the varied activity of Elizabeth's reign, English literature burst forth in its most vigorous form. No sub- Increase of Learning. 209 ject is more profitless for speculation than an attempt to assign the causes for literary literary activity. But one thought certainly sug- gests itself. Literature is concerned with the expression of individual thought, and the age which from any circumstances or conditions forces upon man the conception of his own individual power and force, prompt* him also to express that conception in the most forcible language. We have seen how the age of Eliza- beth brought upon England a consciousness of its national greatness, and awoke in the minds of individual English- men a deling of their own power. Men felt the greatness of the world and the importance of the issues before them ; they felt also in those adventurous days how much each man could do for himself. • Their ambition was boundless, and success awaited their own courage or cleverness or address. They felt their own import- ance and they knew their own strength. Moreover, with increased leisure and increased com- fort men had more time for cultivation. The revival of letters which had begun in Italy in the pre- increase of ceding century had been slow in taking learning. root in England. The troubled times had prevented the spread of learning, and Germany and France had advanced more rapidly than England. Grammar schools had been established by Henry VIII. and Edward VI., and slowly produced their fruit. But under Mary learning had decayed; the universities were almost at their lowest point, for knowledge was sacri- ficed to disputation, and the fear of persecution cramped the freedom of thought. Under Elizabeth the universities at once began to revive ; the queen was most anxious for their progress, and encouraged them by her presence. The influence of Italian literature soon made itself 210 The Elizabethan Literature. felt in England. Already, under Henry VIII., had Influence of sprung up two " courtly makers " as Putten- y ' ham called them, the Earl of Surrey and Sir Thomas Wyat, "who having traveled into Italy, and there tasted the sweet and stately measures of the Italian poesie, greatly polished our rude and homely manner." They introduced the sonnet, so well adapted to the expression of amorous conceits, which has since then always held a chief place among our forms of poetical composition. Surrey also introduced blank yerse in his translation of the second book of* Virgil's /Eneid. Translations rapidly increased in number. Harrington translated Ariosto's "Orlando Furioso," Fairfax, Tasso's " Jerusalem Delivered," and Chapman, Homer's "Iliad/' There was a greater desire for knowledge about Eng- land's past history. Archbishop Parker set an example Historical °f diligence in rescuing from destruction the inquiry. records and documents which had been dispersed by the dissolution of the monasteries. Holin- shed, aided by Harrison and others, compiled his " Chro- nicles," which show at all events a larger interest than had yet been felt. Stow was a diligent antiquary who traveled on foot through England to examine manuscripts, and whose " Survey of London " is still the source of our knowledge of the early history of that city. With true antiquarian zeal Stow " wasted his sub- stance, neglected his business, and spent all his money " in his favorite pursuit. At the accession of James I. we find him reduced to want in his old age, and receiving from the king a permission to ask alms from the churches. Hakluyt was so impressed with the geogra- phical value of the voyages then being made by the English that he collected and published the narratives English Prose Writers. 211 "S of travelers. As Elizabeth's reign went on, inquiry in- creased and took a broader form. William Camden, head master of Westminster School, published his " Bri- tannia," an antiquarian geography of Britain ; after Elizabeth's death he wrote a history of her reign which shows a great advance upon previous contemporary an- nalists in breadth of view and political insight. Daniel's " History of England," Knolles' " History of the Turks," and. Sir Walter Raleigh's " History of the World " show an enlarged conception of historical writing, which was altogether new in England, and from which the rise of critical history can really be traced. The influence of Italian models was not entirely bene- ficial. All conscious efforts at imitation lead to affectation and pedantry ; too great attention to style E ,. , makes words be valued at the expense of prose thought. Obscurity took the place of clear- ness, and the desire to clothe a thought in a recondite image or far-fetched allusion was stronger than the wish to express the thought itself. Some of the simpler writers in the early part of Elizabeth's reign complain bitterly of these foreign affectations. Roger Ascham, the tutor of Elizabeth and Lady Jane Grey, in vain lays down the rule — " He that will write well in any tongue must speak as the common people do, and think as wise men do ; so should every man understand him, and the judgment of wise men allow him. Many English writers have not done so, but using strange words, as Latin, French, and Italian, do make all things dark." Ascham, himself a man of strong common sense, was Elizabeth's Latin secretary. He is known as the author of the "School-master," the firsttreatise on classical educa- tion in the English language, and of " Toxophilus," an ele- gant little dialogue on archery. Again, Thomas Wilson 212 The Elizabethan Lite?'ature. tried by his criticisms of style to stop the obscurity of ex- pression which came from following foreign models ex- travagantly. " Some seek so far outlandish English, that they forget altogether their mother's language. Some far-journeyed gentlemen, at their return home, like as they love to go in foreign apparel, so will they powder their talk in over-sea language. The mystical wise men and poetical clerks will speak nothing but quaint proverbs and blind allegories : delighting much in their own darkness, especially when none can tell what they do say." This affected style reached its highest point in Lyly's " Romance of Euphues," published in 1561. The story is but slight, and is concerned with a young Athenian gentleman, who lives first at Naples and then in Eng- Lyiy and land ; it is used merely as a thread to bind Euphuism. together a number of remarks and reflec- tions on love, education, friendship, and other points. The style is antithetical and inflated ; but there is much fineness of thought running through the book. It was written for ladies : " Euphues had rather lie shut in a lady's casket than open in a scholar's study." In this aspiration Lyly succeeded ; the ladies of the court all became his scholars. A new style of speaking, called after its founder Euphuism, became fashionable and long prevailed among the courtiers. Shakespeare satirized Euphuism in his earliest play, " Love's Labor's Lost," in the character of the superfine Don Armado, while in Holofernes he shows us the other tendency, towards pe- dantry, which was engaged in spoiling the English tongue. Euphuism owed its great success to the patron- age of the queen. It suited Elizabeth's character to ex- press herself in quaint conceits, which by their length seemed to be a careful statement, while through their Sir Philip Sidney. 213 obscurity they were without meaning. To be decorous and impressive without committing herself decidedly to any definite action, was exactly what Elizabeth delighted in. Sir Philip Sidney marked the return to a soberer and more straightforward style. Sidney's earliest literary effort was a masque, " The Queen of the Sir P hiii p May," in which the pedantic and affected Sidney. talk was caricatured and ridiculed. His romance of "Arcadia" was no doubt suggested by Lyly's " Eu- phues," but showed a great advance in manner of com- position. The'story was more continuous, and the teach- ing was not so much conveyed by direct moralizing as by the incidents and situation of the story itself. The setting, however, is a perplexing mixture of chivalrous and classical surroundings ; and though Sidney ridiculed pedantry he could not avoid many extravagances and much that is far-fetched both in style and manner. Per- haps the only pure work of Elizabeth's time which has escaped the prevailing affectation is Sidney's " Defence ofPoesie," a noble and graceful treatise on the power of imagination, and a vindication, as against the Puritan tendencies of the time, of its lawful uses. " Nature never set forth the earth in so rich tapestry as divers poets have done, neither with so pleasant rivers, fruitful trees, sweet- smelling flowers, nor whatsoever else may make the too much loved earth more lovely. Her world is brazen ; the poets only deliver a golden." " I never heard the old song of Percy and Douglas, that I found not my heart moved more than with a trumpet." In passages such as this we feel the fulness of joy in life and beauty, the depth and quickness of feeling, the nobility and force of spirit, which enabled the men of Elizabeth's time to do great things both in life and literature. 214 The Elizabethan Literature. English prose writing went on through a course of purification and amplification throughout Elizabeth's Puttenham reign. Puttenham's " Art of Poesie," which and Bacon. appeared in 1589, was an attempt at serious criticism. Its author tries to mediate between pedantry and barbarism, to show how the English language may be enriched without being encumbered. But the prac- tical example how this could be achieved was given by Francis Bacon, whose Essays, first published in 1597, show a mixture of fancy and clearness which was new in English literature. These " brief notes, set down signi- ficantly rather than curiously," as their author says of them, show the effect which the political life of Eliza- beth's time had exercised in maturing reflection and calling into life political wisdom. They are full of preg- nant remarks on government ; they show a keen analy- sis of the laws of the forces at work in human society, and of the motives by which men are influenced in their common actions. They are incisive, clear and con- densed. Bacon had freed himself from all affected forms of expression. His imagination is fervent yet restrained ; his imagery is abundant yet carefully selected with a view to clearness ; he is grave, serious and thoughtful ; his language is chosen to give force and clearness to his thought. His style is not yet quite easy or flowing, but it is concise and dignified. Bacon's Essays will always rank as one of the standard models of English style. But Bacon has a still greater place in English litera- ture ; he first clearly set forth the claims of philosopher. inductive philosophy as against the old methods of metaphysical speculation. He asserted that knowledge was to be found by careful in- vestigation of Nature, not by spinning cobwebs of the brain. He turned men from disputations of words to an Love Poetry. 215 observation of the world around them. Bacon's method was faulty, as was natural for a beginner ; but modern science has still to point to him as the man who first brought into due prominence the principles on which its method was to be founded. His great work, in which these ideas were first set forth, was not published till 1620, but it marks the fruits which the increased know- ledge of the world in Elizabeth's reign had been slowly bearing in a thoughtful mind. The great glory, however, of Elizabethan literature are the poets and dramatists. It was in the forms of the imagination that the new spirit of England first found its most congenial expression. p Love Every kind of poetical composition began to advance. To write verses was a necessary accom- plishment of every gentleman ; no love-making could be carried on without a plenteous flow of amorous verse. The lover Sighing like furnace, with a woful ballad Made to his mistress' eyebrow, is reproduced in all the poetry of the time. Partly the fashion was copied from the sonnets of Petrarch, which were devoted to the expression of changing phases of his pining love for Laura. But the fashionable forms were Soon filled with the language of real feeling. The men of Elizabeth's times neither acted nor felt sluggishly. Their full and ardent natures felt and spoke strongly; sometimes in tones of passionate desire, sometimes with delightful fancies which sprang from delicate and tender thought. Sometimes the Elizabethan poets weave a sweet fancy into the rigorous forms of the sonnet ; some- times they transport themselves and their love from the dull region of common life, and in a realm of faintly 2i 6 The Elizabethan Literature, imaged peace and simplicity pour forth their pastoral songs. Sometimes again the memory of old tales of love stirs them to tell again with living feeling the story of lovers' fortunes in bygone times. Amongst these love-poets we may notice Sir Philip Sidney, who began to sing his lady's praises in studied and artificial forms: gradually he burst Sidney's through his trammels and learned to be sonnets. ° more natural : — I sought fit words to paint the blackest face of woe, Studying inventions fine, her wits to entertain, Oft turning others' leaves to see if thence would flow Some fresh and fruitful showers upon my sun-burnt brain. But words came halting forth, wanting invention's stay. At last the happy revelation came to the laboring stu- dent, — Biting my truant pen, beating myself for spite, " Fool," said my muse to me, "look in thy heart and write." His sonnets and his songs are full of delicate fancies, and express in new and varied imagery the changing moods of his own mind. If Italy' taught Elizabethan writers the sonnet as the expression of love, no less powerful was the influence of the Italian epics of Ariosto and Tasso. penser. ^.^ have seen how soon these poems were translated into English, where they soon produced a follower in Edmund Spenser, whose poem of the "Faerie Queen " is the great epic of Elizabethan England. Spen- ser was educated at Cambridge, and began life under the patronage of the Earl of Leicester and his nephew Sidney. In 1580 he went to Ireland as secretary to the viceroy. There he spent almost all the rest of his days, Edmund Spenser. 217 living for the most part at Kilcolman, near Cork, where be had received a grant of three thousand acres of land. In 1598 his house was burned down in Tyrone's rebel- lion, and he was compelled to flee to England. He died in London in the following year. Though living in the seclusion of Ireland he took a deep interest in English affairs. His great friend was Sir Walter Raleigh, whom in his poem — "Colin Clout's come home again," he cele- brates as the "Shepherd of the ocean," while Sidney's untimely death is bewailed in the elegy of Astrophel. Spenser's poems are all animated by his own religious views. We see in them the force of the early Protestant feeling, the hatred of Romanism as being the source of error, the devotion to Elizabeth as the symbol of Eng- land's noblest aspirations. The " Faerie Queen " is indeed a poem most charac- teristic of the time in which it was written. Standing on the threshold of the modern time, Spenser took the old forms of the past and breathed f5g e „ E aene into them a new ideal life. Chivalry in its old meaning was past and gone ; but its forms of tilts and tournaments and champions and ladies' favors still sur- vived as a graceful amusement at the festivities of Elizabeth's court. The system was not yet forgotten, but all the genuine spirit of that system had faded away. It was Spenser's object to make these dry bones of the past again live with the life of the present. The spirit of the new age in religion and politics alike was trans- ferred into symbolical forms taken from the old legends of chivalry. In a far distant land, where the outlines were dim and faded into a soft dreamy haze, the ima- gination of the poet finely set forth in forms of knights and ladies the altered moral aspect of the world. Away from the tumult of the world, in his quiet retreat, — 218 The Elizabethan Literature. Under the foot of Mole, that mountain hoar, Keeping my sheep among the cooly shade Of the green alders by the Mulla's shore, the poet peopled his ideal world with the creatures of his own fancy. Freed from the trammels of reality Spenser's imagination draws picture after picture, scene after scene, without effort or straining after effect. He moves easily in the world which he has created, a world far away from daily life, yet not so alien from men's thoughts as to be entirely unsubstantial and unreal. It is a world of lofty enterprise and high endeavor, of ceaseless labor and conflict for a great end. Virtues and vices encounter one another in incessant shock, and the soul of man is ever advancing through repeated trial and effort towards a higher aim. Yet over all is thrown an air of quietness and peace. Not the violence of ex- cited emotions, but the steady course of the calm yet determined soul is the ideal of Spenser. Hence comes the air of purity and gentleness which is such a dis- tinguishing feature of the "Faerie Queen." The poet's self-mastery gives the poem its dignity, refinement, and grace. "The Faerie Queen" is the noblest monument of the fine cultivation of Elizabeth's age. But Elizabeth's time is most famous as being the period in which the English drama flourished. The new-born desire for knowledge turned to man, man's life, and man's destinies as the most congenial field for its inquiries, and the popular taste for dramatic spectacles gave it an open field for its display. Elizabeth's reign saw almost the earliest be- ginnings of the drama, and saw it reach its highest point in the plays of Shakespeare. The earliest English comedy which deserves the name, "Ralph Royster- Doister," was written in Henry VIII. 's reign by Nicholas Greene. 219 Udall, head master of Eton; it is founded upon the models of Latin comedy, and deals with the adventures of a gull in his wooing of a rich widow. "Gammer Gurton's Needle," written about 1560, supposed to be by John Still, is almost farcical in its character and treats of the disturbance caused in a small village by an old woman's loss of her needle and the misunderstandings which follow. In tragedy Thomas Sackville, Lord Buckhurst, led the way by his play of " Gorboduc," or " Ferrex and Porrex," which was acted in 1562; the story is taken from ancient British history, and is con- cerned with royal jealousy, revenge, and murder. The play is a series of narrations rather than a drama ; the action is only slightly represented on the stage, and each act is preceded by a dumb show to explain its purport. It is, however, in about 1586, when the excitement of England had reached its highest pitch, that Marlowe first began to write, and was close followed by , . J Greene. Greene, Peele, Nash, and Shakespeare. Marlow, Greene, and Peele were all of them educated at the university, and after many discreditable adventures settled down in London, where they led a wild literary life. They and a few kindred spirits formed a profligate circle, who haunted taverns and were ready to turn their hands to any rude jest or unprincipled trick which might supply them with means to carry on their debaucheries. Besides being a play writer, Greene was also a writer of tales, mostly after Italian models ; but he has also left some interesting tracts which throw great light upon his own life. On leaving Cambridge he traveled to Italy and Spain, where he " saw and practiced such villany as is abominable to declare." On his return to England he " ruffled out in silks, and seemed so discontent that no place would please him to abide in, nor no vocation 220 The Elizabethan Literature. cause him to stay himself in." " Young in years yet old in wickedness, I began to resolve that there was nothing bad that was profitable : whereupon I grew so rooted in all mischief that I had as great delight in wickedness as sundry have in godliness." He followed through life his idea that "what is profitable ceases to be bad:" he married and deserted his wife ; he rambled here and there, sometimes in a state of maudlin repentance, then relapsing into debauchery as soon as he could get any money by the numerous tales and pamphlets which he hurriedly composed. He died in poverty and misery at the early age of 32, of the results of a surfeit of Rhenish wine and pickled herrings. The life of Greene may serve as an example of that of the others. Marlowe was even more unhappy ; he was stabbed at the early age of 28 in a tavern brawl. Besides their dissolute lives, Marlowe and Greene were both accused of having made open profession of atheism. From such wild and stormy natures it may be supposed the Elizabethan drama found no calm beginnings. In Marlowe's Marlowe, fury, desire, and villany reach an P la y s - extravagant pitch of passion. In " Tam- burlaine the Great " he represents the Tartar conqueror inflated by ambition and success to a point that almost baffles expression. He rages against God and man alike, and believes he has passed beyond the common lot of humanity. The imagery throughout the play is colossal : — I would strive to swim through pools of blood, Or make a bridge of murdered carcasses, Whose arches should be framed with bones of Turks, Ere I would lose the title of a king. In the " Rich Jew of Malta" human villany is displayed Christopher Marlowe. 221 on the most gigantic scale ; the Jew commits every pos- sible crime, even to the poisoning of his own daughter, with fiendish ingenuity, and exults in his success. The prologue of the play is spoken by Machiavelli, who is made to lay down the principle, I count religion but a childish toy, And hold there is no sin but ignorance. In his play of " Faustus" Marlowe has dealt with the effects of the overpowering desire for knowledge, the thirst for power, the craving to overstep the limits of life, to enjoy a few years' intoxication of success at the ex- pense of all the future. We are astonished that a work which shows so much profundity of thought should have been written by so young a man. The desires and in- terests of an Englishman of that age are set forth in Faustus' exclamation of delight when first he knows that he has power to command spirits : I'll have them fly to India for gold, Ransack the ocean for orient pearl, And search all corners of the new found world For pleasant fruits and princely delicates. I'll have them read me strange philosophy ; And tell the secrets of all foreign kings : I'll have them wall all Germany with brass And make swift Rhine circle fair Wittenberg ; I'll have them fill the public schools with silk, Wherewith the students shall be bravely clad ; I'll levy soldiers with the coin they bring And chase the Prince of Parma from the land, And reign sole king of all the Provinces ; Yea, stranger engines for the brunt of war Than was the fiery keel at Antwerp bridge I'll make my servile spirits to invent. We have dwelt upon Marlowe because he is the most characteristic representative of the uncontrolled ambition P 222 The Elizabethan Literature. and inordinate desires which lent force to the adven- turous spirit of Elizabethan England. A new horizon had opened before men's eyes. They rushed forward with unbounded delight to take possession of their new realm, and in their first excitement hurried off in chase of what was most marvelous, most strange, and most monstrous among the novelties which had been revealed. In the region of the imagination Marlowe delights in elevating human nature to superhuman proportions. Not the orderly array of life, nor the fine motives of action attract him, but he rushes forward to depict the almost unimaginable extravagance of fury, villany, and desire. Yet Marlowe is a great dramatist. His imagery is forcible, his fancy vivid, his pictures of human passion real though exaggerated ; there is the stamp of genius on everything he wrote, and his faults are of the kind that would have been tempered by age. In plot and action, in his views of scenic effect, Marlowe was a great advance upon his predecessors, and when compared with his contemporaries appears as a true dramatic artist. About the time when Marlowe's earliest play appeared William Shakespeare first came up to London. He was „, , the son of a well-to-do tradesman in Strat- Shakespeare. ford-upon-Avon, whose fortunes however had begun to decline during his son's boyhood. At the early age of nineteen he married Anne Hathaway, who was eight years his senior. Increasing poverty and, as the story goes, a disturbance about poaching in Sir Thomas Lucy's park, drove Shakespeare to quit Stratford, leaving his wife and family behind, and induced him to try his fortunes in London. He arrived there at the age of twenty-two and became an actor. We cannot trace with any certainty his life in London, nor how he became a poet. His earliest work, " Venus and Adonis," the first Shakespeare. 223 heir of his invention, was dedicated to the Earl of Southampton, who was always his constant patron. Soon he began to try his hand at writing plays, at first comedies which turned upon the fashions of the day. " Love's Labor's Lost," his earliest play, was a piece slight in plot, ridiculing the folly of Euphuism and pedantry. The " Comedy of Errors " was an adaptation of Latin comedy, and aimed at amusing by its broad complications rather than any study of character. In "A Midsummer Night's Dream " first of all the poet's fancy broke forth unrestrained ; his pictures of fairyland are full of graceful imagination, and gain force by the contrast between the airy gambols of the elves and the clumsy clowns who labor at their rehearsal. We do not know how Shakespeare learned and wrote, nor can we do more than guess at the order of his plays. They were written most of them to order. The theatre possessed an acting copy of some old story, legend, or history ; these Shakespeare wrought up ; some he entirely trans- formed with his own power, others perhaps he only remo- deled and wrote in parts. Dramatic representations of English history were highly popular, and Shake- speare's historical plays are deeply interesting as show- ing how the English at that time looked back upon the stirring events and characters of their country's past. Shakespeare wrote quickly to supply the demand of the playhouse. His fame soon grew, and Elizabeth listened to his plays with interest. He is said to have written the "Merry Wives of Windsor" to gratify the queen, who wished to see Falstaff in love. His plays were at first published ; but when his fame was secure he seems to have stopped their publication that he might make more money from their representation. After 1600 " Hamlet" and " King Lear" were the only two which 224 The Elizabethan Literature. were published during his lifetime. Though famous in London, Shakespeare seems never to have lost his affec- tion for his native place. His gains were not all spent in the delights of society. Though he supped at the Mermaid Tavern amongst the wits of the time, he invested his money in the purchase of land near Stratford. In Shake- speare genius was not a wild excitement as it had been to Marlowe ; order and self-control were characteristics of his greater penetration in the meaning of life. His insight and depth of feeling led him to care and pru- dence, not to mere excesses. He retired from London to spend his last years in ease and comfort at Stratford, where he died in 1616 at the age of fifty-two. It is impossible to explain a genius like Shakespeare by any features of the times in which he lived, or to point out the sources from which he gained his experience or knowledge. Analysis and criticism can only discover, they cannot explain, profound truths, fine points of per- ception, discrimination in details, which the poet's ima- gination saw in their entirety, and depicted as it saw. Treatises have been written to prove Shakespeare's spe- cial knowledge of various subjects, and to claim for him a technical training in each. It is impossible to identify Shakespeare with any of his characters, or to say that any special mood of the human mind was peculiarly his own. He is equally at home in the scheming villany of Rich- ard III. and the chivalrous bravery of Henry V., in the consuming jealousy of Othello and the complacent sen- suality of Falstaff, in the reckless wit of Mercutio and the absorbing revenge of Shylock. In tragedy and comedy alike he is supreme ; his master hand swept with unerring accuracy over the entire scale of human life and passion. As he advanced in life, we find in his plays greater thoughtfulness and a more serious tone. In Shakespeare. 225 " The Merchant of Venice," he takes a deeper view of the varied course of life ; in a short while how great a change has come imperceptibly over the life and fortunes of so many. "As you like it" shows still further the poet's thoughtfulness. He grapples with the contradic- tions of life, — " sweet are the uses of adversity ;" while the cynical moralizings of Jacques and the quaint, prac- tical wisdom of the clown give opportunities for setting in sharp contrast the different solutions of life's problem. In "Hamlet" Shakespeare has drawn the struggle of man's spirit with destiny, the conflict of the soul with its surroundings, the terrible force of sin to perturb the life of the innocent. So profound is the insight which dictated " Hamlet " that it still remains an inexhaustible subject of speculation, opening out innumerable prob- lems of human life and character. Shakespeare's range of interest was endless. Amongst the last of his plays was the " Tempest," in which he seems to have caught the curiosity awakened by travelers' tales, and to have pressed forward in fanciful speculation to consider the origin of man's nature. The monstrous form of Caliban, half human, half brutal, goes with a soul that has but the lower animalism and selfish cunning of the brute for its foundation. The "Tempest," like " A Midsummer Night's Dream" is worked out with supernatural ma- chinery. Again we are in the region of spirits ; but the spirits of Shakespeare's age differ from those of his youth. No longer are they in the foreground working spontaneously and showing now and then their interest in man's fortunes ; they are now kept under man's sway, controlled by his will, and compelled to work at his command. In both plays the poet's imagination over- powers us, and peoples the fairy region with shapes which become almost real to us. But the sprightly play of 226 The Elizabethan Literature. youthful fancy, the unfettered gaiety of heart which clothed the world with the fair colors of a beautiful dream, have given way to the reflective wonder of age, which peers into questions it cannot solve. The airy grace of " A Midsummer Night's Dream " changes into the stately dignity of the " Tempest." With greater knowledge has come greater uncertainty ; on the con- scious enjoyment of power follows the sense of its bit- terness : — Like the baseless fabric of this vision The cloud-capped towers, the gorgeous palaces, The solemn temples, the great globe itself, Yea, all which it inherits shall dissolve ; And like this unsubstantial pageant faded, Leave not a rack behind : We are such stuff As dreams are made of, and our little life Is rounded with a sleep. In Shakespeare the glory of the Elizabethan drama was at its height. His youth saw the wild extravagances of the genius of Marlowe ; in his later years Later drama- j^ saw a new race f dramatists arise, Web- tists. _ ' _ ster, Ford, Massinger, Chapman, Middle- ton, Jonson, Beaumont and Fletcher. They were all men of force and power, though none had the range or the profundity of Shakespeare. Jonson is the most fa- mous of them, and is remarkable for taking the subjects of his comedies from the domestic life of his own time. He was a scholar proud of his learning, and wished to introduce a severer style of composition than the untram- meled freedom of Shakespeare. The drama continued to thrive in England until the severer morality of the Puritans revolted against the license into which it began to fall under the writers of James I.'s time, and the thea- tre declined before the feverish excitement which pre- ceded the times of the Great Rebellion. A. D. 1 5 9 5 . Desire for Peace. 227 CHAPTER III. LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. The years that followed the repulse of the Spanish Armada were the culminating years of Elizabeth's reign. England awoke to her true position. Spain Desire for was everywhere driven back. France again peace, began to form itself into a strong and united power. Yet the power of Spain was still looked upon with respect. Henry IV. and Elizabeth would both of them gladly have made peace with Philip II., and would have given the Netherlands over to him could they have been certain of his intentions towards themselves. But Philip still sup- ported the League in France and threatened another invasion of England. Henry IV. and Elizabeth still held by the Netherlands, though they were always sus- picious of one another's intentions. The struggle of Philip and the League against Henry IV. became every day more hopeless. Henry's position in France became so far secure after his _ ,. . Religious conversion, that in December, 1595, Pope settlement Clement VIII. solemnly gave him absolu- tion. The religious struggle in France was now over. Protestantism had been vanquished, not by the victory of the extreme party, but by the formation of a moderate party which lay between the two extremes. France re- turned to submission to the papacy ; but it was a volun- tary submission, and the attitude of the French Church was one of independence. The Pope was glad to see the re-establishment of the old equilibrium between the two Catholic powers of France and Spam. So long as 228 Last Years of Elizabeth. a.d. 1590. Spain only had been thoroughly Catholic, the papacy had had to follow Spain entirely ; now it could again assume an independent position between the two powers. After the absolution of Henry IV. it was impossible for Philip long to continue the war against him. Philip him- ^ ,. . self, in spite of his great dominions, was Expedition ' r b ' against Cadiz, hopelessly bankrupt. The loss of the re- 159 ' sources of the Netherlands, the expenses of his many wars, and the ruinous financial system which he had inherited, and by which the yearly revenue was pledged for the payment of interest on the royal debt — all these causes combined to exhaust the king's coffers, though he squandered nothing on his own magnificence or pleasures. In the beginning of 1596 Philip won an important triumph by the capture of Calais. But this awoke the alarm of England and of the Hollanders as much as of the French. A joint expedition was equipped against Spain in which the English took the lead. Lord Admiral Howard sailed with a fleet of a hundred and fifty vessels against Cadiz, and the Earl of Essex com- manded the land forces. On June 21 the Spanish ships which assembled for the defence of the town were en- tirely defeated. Essex was the first to leap on shore, and the English troops easily took the city. The clem- ency of the English soldiers contrasted favorably with the terrible barbarities of the Spaniards in the Nether- lands. " The mercy and the clemency that had been showed here," wrote Lord Howard, "will be spoken of throughout the world." No man or woman was need- lessly injured ; but Cadiz was sacked, and the shipping in its harbor destroyed. Essex wished to follow up this exploit by a further attack upon Spain ; but Howard, who had accomplished the task for which he had been sent, insisted on returning home. a.d. 1596. Earl of Essex. 229 This was the last great naval expedition against Spain. There was in England also a strong desire for peace. The queen and Burleigh were both grow- p art i es at su- ing old ; they felt that they had accom- zabe t h ' s c °u«. plished their purpose ; they had steered England through the difficulties which beset her ; they would gladly have reaped the advantages of the position which they had now secured. But there was a strong party among the younger nobles who were animated by the old spirit of hatred against Spain. They were eager for an opportu- nity of gaining military distinction ; they longed to destroy Spain utterly, and win for England without dis- pute the mastery of the seas. The struggles of these two parties cast a shadow over the declining years of Elizabeth, and the queen's personal weaknesses were mingled in a melancholy and almost tragic way in the political intrigues which disturbed the end of her reign. The leader of the war party was Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. He was Leicester's step-son, and had been introduced to court by him. After „ , ^ ■* , Robert JJever- Leicester's death he became the queen's eux, Earl of chief favorite, and succeeded to Leicester's influence. Young, handsome, chivalrous, outspoken, and ambitious, he awoke all Elizabeth's tenderness, and although he was more than thirty years her junior, she bestowed upon him the affection of a mistress rather than of a mother. He gathered round him all the am- bitious and ardent spirits of the time, and so long as his influence was supreme with the queen, a policy of peace was impossible. When he set out for Cadiz his power was at its height. During his absence Burleigh prevailed with the queen to have his son, Robert Cecil, appointed secretary of state. The peace party had thus gained a great victory, and used their power to disparage the ex- 230 Last Years of Elizabeth. a.d. 1598. ploits of Essex. On his return he took up a position of determined antagonism to them, and symbolized his views at a festival in honor of the queen's accession. He was met in the tilt-yard by a hermit, an officer of state, and a soldier ; each entreated him to follow his views of life ; but the answer was given " that this knight would never forsake his mistress' love, whose virtue made all his thoughts divine, whose wisdom taught him all true policy, whose beauty and worth made him at all times fit to command armies." In 1597, Essex prevailed upon the queen to allow a naval expedition, known as "The Island Voyage," to be The island made, with the object of destroying the Voyage. Spanish ships, and of cutting off their fleet on its return from the West Indies. The fleet sailed for the Azores, where Raleigh, without waiting for Essex, captured the island of Fayal. Essex blazed into anger against Raleigh, and even threatened his life; party quarrels broke out even in the fleet. The expedition was a failure, owing to the mistakes made by Essex. The Spanish fleet escaped, and the English squadron reached home without having done much damage. Philip meantime had sent out another Armada against England, which was dispersed by a storm off the Scilly Isles, and was driven back to Ferrol. This was, however, the last attempt at war upon a large scale. Henry IV. early in 1598, concluded with Philip's new Philip the treaty of Vervins, and turned his plans - attention to the consolidation of the French monarchy upon its old Catholic basis. By the edict of Nantes, toleration was given to the French Protestants ; but a slow process of political exclusion and social pres- sure was applied to win them back to Catholicism. Philip's hands were once more free for operations against A.t>. 1598. Death of Philip IT. 231 England and the Netherlands. His plan was to give up to his daughter, Isabella, the sovereignty of the Spanish Netherlands, and leave to her husband, the Cardinal Archduke Albert, of Austria, the task of reducing the disobedient provinces. Meanwhile England was again to be attacked where it was most vulnerable, in Ireland. The discontented Irish had been reduced to obedience by a strong hand, and had been kept quiet during the great crisis of Elizabeth's reign. Gradually, however, the tribes of Ulster united under Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, who received support from Philip and the Pope. In August, 1 598, he surprised the fort of Blackwater, and inflicted a serious defeat upon the English forces. Philip could not, however, prosecute his designs. He was seized with a mortal illness, and died in September, after a most painful illness, which he en- Results of dured with Christian fortitude. " I die like Philip II. 's a good Catholic, in faith and obedience to the holy Roman Church," were his last words. He was seventy-one years old, and had ruled the Spanish mon- archy for forty years. He was a sincere fanatic, who had identified his own interests with those of Catholi- cism. We have seen how wide were his plans and how far-reaching was his policy. His great schemes failed one by one, and left him hopelessly bankrupt, In 1597 he repudiated his debts, and ruined many of the chief commercial houses in Europe. His enterprises were not national but dynastic ; they aimed solely at extending his own influence and the power of his house. His pos- sessions were taxed to the utmost to supply funds for these great undertakings; his people's industry was stopped by unwise taxes, and when his plans failed they were left impoverished. Castile, as being the seat of his government and most completely under his power, suf- 232 Last Days of Elizabeth. a. D. 1598. fered most. The fall of Spain from its high position in Europe was gradual, but the causes of its decay were financial. It had to pay for the great plans of Charles V. and Philip II., and it received no national advantage to recompense it for the injurious results of their failure. Philip II. left to his successor a high position, an impove- rished exchequer, and a ruinous system of government. It required only a few years for the last two legacies to destroy the first. In spite of all his efforts, Philip II. had seen the loss The United to tne Spanish monarchy of the United Pro- Provinces, vinces of the Netherlands. The cession of the obedient provinces (known henceforth as the Spanish Netherlands) to the Infanta Isabella and her husband Albert, was made just before Philip's death. They were to bear joint rule over the Provinces with the title of the Archdukes. Under their skilful general Spinola, a worthy successor of Alexander of Parma, the war in the Nether- lands was carried on briskly till 1607. But generalship was soon developed in the United Provinces as well. Prince Maurice of Orange, son of William the Silent, dis- played remarkable powers as a tactician. While war was carried on under him and Spinola, the Netherlands became a school of warfare to the rest of Europe. The United Provinces continued to hold their own against all attempts to subdue them. In 1607 a truce was made which practically recognized that the United Provinces had made good their claim for independence. Under Prince Maurice as Stadtholder, Holland became a Eu- ropean power whose commercial and colonizing activity soon gained for her an important position. Meanwhile England had still to face the serious diffi- culty of the Irish revolt. The peace party amongst Elizabeth's counsellors saw in this new peril a fit field for A.d. 1599. Essex in Ireland. 233 the warlike ambition of Essex. Somewhat Revolt of against his will he was sent out as Lord Ireland. Deputy to Ireland, with an army of twenty-two thousand men. It was to be seen if he would justify by his deeds his martial talk. Essex left the court unwillingly, for his personal relations towards the queen were unsatisfactory. He had become intoxicated by power, and Essex and forgot at times the basis of its tenure. He the queen, mistook his popularity for an independent source of au- thority, and thought that the queen could not do without him. At a council in which Irish affairs were being; dis- cussed, Essex differed from the queen, and when she refused to follow his opinion he turned his back con- temptuously upon her. Enraged, Elizabeth gave him a box on the ear, and Essex laid his hand upon his sword, exclaiming that he would not have endured such an affront at the hands of Henry VIII. himself. For some time after this he stayed away from court ; but the quarrel was made up, and Essex sailed for Ireland in March, 1599, accompanied by royal favor and popular applause and expectations. Essex's conduct in his command disappointed all men's hopes. Instead of marching against Tyrone in Ulster, he spent four months in putting down smaller rebels in Munster. Even there his Essex in Ireland. success was not brilliant, and his soldiers suffered from sickness. When at last he went against Tyrone his men were dispirited ; he could not venture on a battle, and entered into negotiations with the rebel chiefs. There were rumors of a renewal of war with Spain, and Essex was anxious to return to England. He made peace with Tyrone, contrary to his orders, but he still trusted to his own popularity. He hastily returned to England in September, and hurried at once into the 234 Last Years of Elizabeth. a.d. i6oi t queen's presence. At first she received him graciously; but soon the voices of his enemies prevailed. Essex was called to account for his conduct before the council, and was committed to custody. He was examined before the Star Chamber, was deprived of his offices, and ordered to live a prisoner in his own house during the queen's pleasure. His conduct had awakened the queen's sus- picions, and his enemies accused him of making a league with Tyrone that he might obtain aid from him in a projected revolt in England. He was not admitted into the royal presence, and when, in September, 1600, a monopoly of sweet wines expired, from which he drew his chief source of income, it was not renewed. Essex now saw that his enemies were bent on his Rising of ruin, and he determined on a decided step. He threw his doors open and gathered his friends around him ; once more he trusted to his popu- larity to overawe the queen and obtain his old influence over her. The privy council, alarmed at his preparations, summoned him before them. He refused to appear, and when some of- the councillors were sent to ask the cause of the assemblage at Essex House, they were kept as prisoners, and Essex marched with his followers into the City, hoping that it would rise in his behalf. But the people saw no cause for a revolt. Essex with difficulty made his way back to his house and was forced to sur- render (February 8, 1601). He was brought to trial and found guilty of high treason. It was a terrible trial to Elizabeth to sign the death- warrant of the man she had loved; but the force of events drove her to do so. The queen who had con- demned to death the Duke of Norfolk and Mary Queen of Scots could not pardon Essex if she would. He was executed on February 25, and Elizabeth, now grown old a.d. 1 60 1. Elizabeth and Parliament. 2 35 and worn with cares, never recovered from the shock of this tragic complication. A cloud gathered over the last years of Elizabeth. Her old ministers were dead, and intrigues which she could not command were rife po S u iarit around her. A new generation of her people h y the ii 1 • 1 queen. had grown up whose interests lay beyond the shifty policy to which Elizabeth had now accustomed herself. England had passed through the great crisis of its peril in safety, and those who now enjoyed the proud feeling of independence felt little sympathy with the cautious policy by which that independence had been slowly won. Elizabeth had done her work and outlived her time. As she went to open Parliament in 1601 she no longer heard the accustomed acclamations from the populace, who resented Essex's death. The expenses moreover of the Irish war began to weigh heavily upon her. Up to this time she had managed by strict economy to keep herself tolerably independent of parliamentary grant, and hence her tone to Parliament had been one of superiority and repression. Elizabeth and r J Parliament. In 1601 large supplies were granted by Par- liament for the Irish war ; but an attack was made upon the right which the crown exercised of granting mono- polies (or the exclusive right of trading in some article) to courtiers as a convenient way of providing for them without expense. So bitter and so unanimous was the House in its complaints that it was impossible for the queen to stand against it. Seeing that she must give way, Elizabeth did so with good grace; she sent a message to the House that she would revoke all illegal grants of monopolies. Her message was received with joy; one member even called it "a gospel of glad tidings." A deputation went to thank her, and Eliza' 236 Last Years of Elizabeth. a.d. 1603. beth, in a dignified speech, thanked them for having pointed out to her a mistake into which she had fallen through error of judgment. The new spirit of the people was finding its expression in a desire for greater political freedom. The arbitrary system of the Tudors, which made everything Signs of J . future trou- centre round the sovereign, was no longer in accordance with the new state of things which their strong government had done much to pro- mote. Parliament began to act with greater freedom and independence, and it required all Elizabeth's tact and prestige to maintain her old position. There were signs that her successor would have to modify her sys- tem of government, which was rendered tolerable to the people only by its success. A gleam of success was thrown over the last years of Elizabeth by the victory of Lord Mountjoy (formerly Sir Charles Blount) in Ireland. The joint Success in forces of the Spaniards and Irish were de- feated ; but though Tyrone was reduced to extremities Mountjoy recommended that an agreement be made with him. His final submission was made four days before the queen's death. Elizabeth's end was rapidly approaching. She became moody and wayward after Essex's death ; she realized from it her own isolation ; she became Kr at b a gloomy and suspicious. " She walks much in her privy chamber," says Sir John Har- rington, " and stamps with her feet at ill news, and thrusts her rusty sword at times into the arras in great rage. The dangers are over, yet she always keeps a sword by her table." Bodily weakness and mental dis- tress rapidly increased, till in March 1603 she took to her bed. Sir Robert Carey, her kinsman, gives an ac- A.d. 1603. Summary. 237 count of her condition. " She took me by the hand and wrung it hard, and said, " No, Robin, I am not well ; " and then discoursed with me of her indisposition, and that her heart had been sad and heavy for ten or twelve days ; and in her discourse she fetched not so few as forty or fifty great sighs." Her illness grew worse till on March, 23, she was speechless. It is said that by signs she indicated to her council the King of Scotland as her successor. Then she made signs for the Archbishop to come to her, and listened long to his prayers : twice when he rose from his knees to depart, she motioned to him to continue. Early on Thursday morning, March 24, she died, in the seventieth year of her age, and the forty-sixth of her reign. Her character has been sufficiently shown in recount- ing the events in which she took part. Her wisdom and her prudence are to be measured by her suc- ,_ T . , , . , Summary. cess. With scanty means at her command she yet succeeded, in an age of vast plans and huge undertakings, in guiding England safely through the dangers which threatened it on every side. During her reign England grew rapidly both in inward resources and in outward importance. Freed from the fear of Spain, England began to realize her position as the chief maritime power of Europe ; a new spirit began to develop itself amongst the people ; the increased sense of individual power found its expression in the grandest outburst of English poetry. The reign of Elizabeth marks the time when England began definitely to as- sume those features which most distinguish her from other nations at the present day. Q INDEX. -:-o-j- ACC ACCORD, the, 97 Adventure, naval, in England, 189, 191 Albert, Cardinal Archduke of Austria, 231 Alengon, Francis, Duke of, see Anjou Alkmaar, siege of, 124 Allen, Dr. made Cardinal, 178 Alva, Duke of, in Italy, 41 ; character of, 99 ; plans in the Netherlands, 100 ; . his success, 101; influence of on France, 102 ; seizure of ships of, 106 ; taxation of the Netherlands by, 115 ; leaves Netherlands, 124 Amboise, conspiracy of, 62 ; edict of, 72 Anjou, Henry Duke of (Henry III.) 119, 125 — Francis, Duke of, 56; made sove- reign of Netherlands, 155; woos Eliza- beth, 156 ; attempt on Antwerp, 158 Antonio, Don, 154, 189 Antwerp, 92; iconoclasm at, 97; the " Spanish fury " in, 144 ; attacked by Duke of Anjou, 152 ; siege of, 170 "Apology" of Orange, 100, 155 Archangel, 136 Architecture in England, 200 Armada, The, 181-6 Articles of Religion, 25 Ascham, Roger, 211 Augsburg, Diet of, 13 Austria, Don John of, see John — Albert of, see John Albert Azores, 230 BABINGTON'S plot, 175, 176 Bacon, Francis, 214 ■ — Sir Nicolas, 139 Beaton, Cardinal, 58, 59 CAU " Beggars," the, 96 — " sturdy," 207 Berlaymont, 96 Berwick, treaty of, 62 Blackwater, Fort, 231 Blois, estates at, 1&7 " Blood Council," the, 100 Bolton Castle, 106 Borthwick Castle, 80 Bothwell, rise of, 77, 78; divorce of,»9; marries Mary, 79 ; fall and death of, 8q Boulogne, siege of, 21 Bourbon, Cardinal of, 168, 188, 193 Brill, capture of, 117; given over ta Elizabeth, 172 Burgundy, 83, 91 Burleigh, Lord, in, 137, 229 CADIZ, attacked by Drake, 181 ; by Howard, 228 Calais, lost to England, 43 ; captured by Philip II., 220 Calvin, 47, 55, 59 Cambray, siege of, 157 Cambridge, Elizabeth at, 146 Camden, William, 211 Campion, 163, 164 Caraffa, see Paul IV. Carew, Sir Peter, 34 Carey, Sir Robert, 237 Carlisle, Mary at, 105 Carlos. Don, 72 Carthagena, 173 Cascaes, 191 " Casket letters," the, 81, 106 Cateau Cambrensis, Peace of, 46, 56, 87 Catharine de' Medici, 64, 112, 118, 167 Catholics, defined, 2 Cautionary towns in Netherlands, 172 239 24° Index CEC Cecil, Robert, 229 — William, see Burleigh, Lord Chancellor, Richard, 136 Charles V., projects of, 8 ; attacks Pro- testants, 9; opposition to, 10, 11; position towards England, 14 ; rela- tions to Mary, 30; and Philip II., 36; influence of on Julius III., 37; abdi- cation of, 41 ; power of, 83 ; dominions of, 82; government of the Netherlands by, 86 ; established Inquisition in Netherlands, 94 Charles IX., 64, 112, 113, 120, 125, 126 Charles X., 193, 196 Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, 83, 9 1 Chatelherault, Duke of, 62 China Dishes, 203 Christendom, idea of, 2 Church, condition of English, 131 Church lands, questions about, 3 ; under Mary, 37, 40; in Scotland, 100 Clement VIII., 227 Clement, Jacques, 188 Clergy, marriage of, 3 ; allowed in Eng- land, 18; Elizabeth's views about, 131 Coinage, depreciation of, 19, 40 ; re- stored, 135 Coligny, Admiral, 64, 114, 112, 118 Colonization, origin of, 1 ; English expe- ditions for, 192 Commerce, English, 135-6 Commons, enclosure of, 20 " Compromise," the, 95 Conde, Louis, Prince of, 63, 70, 71 Congregation, Lords of the, 59, 60 Corunna, 189 Courtenay, Earl of Devon, 34-5 Courtras, battle of, 179 Covenant, first, 59 Cranmer, Archbishop, 18, 27, 39 Cumberland, Earl of, 191 DARIEN, Raleigh at, 192 Darnley, Lord, marries Mary, 73 ; Discontent of, 75 ; reconciled to Mary, 76 ; murdered, 78 D'Aubign6, Lord, 162 Davison, 177 Desmond, Earl of, 162 Devereux, Robert, see Essex, Earl of Devon, Earl of, 34-5 Diet, 7: of Augsburg, 12 Dissenters in England, 133 Divorces of Bothwell and Mary, 77 Dort, meeting of Estates at, 117 FAR Douay, Seminary of, 163 Drake, Sir Francis, in Spanish Main, 173; at Cadiz, 181; attacks Corunna and Lisbon, 189 Dress in England, 204 Dreux, battle of, 71 Dudley, John, see Northumberland, Duke of — Robert, see Leicester, Earl of Dunbar, 77, 80 EBOLI, Prince of, 98 Edinburgh, treaty of, 61, 63 Edward VI., accession of, 17; death of, 28 Egmont, Count, 93, 95, 97, 100 Elizabeth, imprisoned, 35 ; accession, 45 ; dangers of her position, 45, 51 ; re-establishes Protestantism, 48 ; her suitors, 52 ; helps Lords of the Con- gregation, 59 ; relations to Mary of Scotland, 67 ; character of, 68 ; urges Mary's release, 104 ; perplexed by Mary's presence, 105 ; helps Hugue- nots, 102 ; seizes Spanish ships, 106 • excommunicated, 109 ; plot against, 115; her policy, 128; her economy 129 ; her deceitfulness, 129 ; her love of peace, 130; her religious views, 130, 132; and her bishops, 134; her favor- ites, 142 ; her court, 143 ; her magni- ficence, 144 ; her progresses, 144 ; wooed by Duke of Anjou, 156-7: association in defence of, 166 ; helps Netherlands, 172; league with Scot- land, 175 ; preparations of, for the Armada, 181 ; at Tilbury, 185 ; her wardrobe, 204 : her Euphuism, 207 ; troubles of her last days, 236; and Parliament, 235 ; death of, 236 Ely, Bishop of, 135 Emperor, idea of, 7 Ernest, Archduke, 197 Escoveda, 152 Essex, Robert Devereux, Earl of, at Lisbon, 189 ; at Cadiz, 228 ; character of, 229 ; expedition of to West Indies, 230 ; in Ireland, 233 ; rising and death of, 234 Euphuism, 109 Exchange, the Royal, Excommunication of Elizabeth, 109 FABER, Peter, 159 Farnese, Alexander, Prinoe of Index. 241 FAY Parma, character of, 153; beseiges Antwerp, 170-1 ; takes Neuss, 174 ; relieves Paris, 195 ; relieves Rouen, 197; death of, 197 Fayal, 230 Festivals, 205 Flushing, expels Spaniards, 117; given over to Elizabeth, 172 Fotheringay, 177 Francis I., 54 Francis II., 56, 63 French, the, in Scotland, 21, 24, 58-63 Frobisher, Martin, 131 Furniture, 202 GARDINER, Bishop of Winchester, in Tower, 25 ; Chancellor, 31 Gemblours, battle of, 153 Geneva, Reformation in, 54 Gerard, Balthazar, 165 Germany, condition of, 7 ; Reformation in, 7-18 ; religious settlement in, 12 Giambelli's fire ships, 171, 184 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 137 Ghent, pacification of, 150 Ghislieri, Michele, see Pius V. Goes, siege of, 123 Gowrie, plot of, 163 Grammar schools, 209 Gravelines, engagement off, 184 Greene, 219-220 Gregory XIII., 121, 161 Granvella, Cardinal, 29, 92, 94 Grenville, Sir Richard, 193 Gresham, Sir Thomas, 136 Grey, Lady Jane, 28, 35 Grey de Wilton, Lord, 162 Grindal, Archbishop, 134 " Gueux," see Beggars Guiana, Raleigh in, 192 Guilds in the Netherlands, 92 ; in Lon- don, 207 Guise, Cardinal, 56, 62 — Charles, Duke of, 197 — Claude, Duke of, 56 — Francis, Duke of, 56, 70, 72 — Henry, Duke of, 121, 125 ; character of, 180; triumphs in Paris, 180; as- sassinated, 187 — Mary of, Regent of Scotland, 58, 60, 62, 63 Guises, the policy of, 70, 71 ; and the League, 168 H AARLEM, siege of, 123 Hakluyt, 210 JES Hamilton, James of Bothwellhaugh, no Hatton, Sir Christopher, 143 Havre de Grace, surrendered to Eliza- beth, 71, 72 Hawkins, Sir John, 102 Henry VIII. of England, Reformation under, 15 ; death of, 17 ; policy towards Scotland, 19 Henry II. of France, n, 56 Henry III., 126 ; and Netherlands, 167 ; character of, 168 ; driven from Paris, 180 ; wars with League, 187 ; assassi- nated. 188 Henry IV., see Navarre, Henry of; ac- cession, 194 ; religious position, 194 ; character of, 195 ; campaign in 1590, 195 ; campaign in 1591-2, 196 ; recog- nized by Venice, 197 ; converted, 198 ; absolved, 227 Henry of Navarre, 168, 179, 179 " Henrys, War of the Three," 179 Hesse, Landgrave of, 9 High Commission Court, 50, no Historical writing, 210 Holinshed's Chronicle, 210 Holland, 122 Holies, Sir John, 140 Home, Lord, 80 " Homilies, Book of," 17 Hooper, Bishop, 39 Horn, Count, 93, 97, 98, 100 Howard, Lord Charles, of Effingham, 183 228 Huguenots, 63, 119, 121, 126 Humphreys, Dr., 147 Huntley, Earl of, 69 ICONOCLASM, in Scotland, 55; in Netherlands, 97 Inquisition, the, in Netherlands, 94, 95 ; in Italy, 109 " Interim," the, 10, n Ireland, Reformation in, 25 ; rising ot Desmond in, 161-2 ; rising of Tyrone in, 231 ; Essex in, 233 ; Mountjoy in, 236 Isabella, Infanta, 196, 197, 231 Italian influence on England, 208, 210, 216 TAMES V. of Scotland, 56 J. James VI. of Scotland, birth of, 77 Jarnac, battle of, 103 Jemmingen, battle of, 101 Jesuits, the, 72, 159 ; in England, 163 242 Index. JOH John, Don, of Austria, 151 Jonson, Ben, 226 Joureguy, 165 Julius III., Pope, 58 KENILWORTH, Elizabeth at, 145 ; Castle of, 200 Ket, Robert, 21 Kirk of Field, 78 Knox, John, 59, 60 LANGSIDE, battle of, 105 Latimer, Bishop, 39 League; the, 189, 188, 193, 196, 197, 219 Leicester, Earl of (Robert Dudley), 52, 58 ; proposed to Mary, 72 ; disgraced, in ; character of, 141 ; in Netherlands, 172-4; at Tilbury, 185 ; death of, 190 Lennox, Earl of, 78 Lepanto, battle of, in, 150 Lisbon, attacked by Drake, 189 Lochleven, 81 Lorraine, Cardinal of, 102 Louis of Nassau, Count, 100, 113 Loyola, Ignatius, 159 Lyly's Euphues, 212 MADRID, 87 Magdeburg, siege of, 10 Marck, William de la, 116 Marlowe, Christopher, 220 Mary, Queen of England, accession of, 29 ; coronation of, 31 ; advice of Charles V. to, 30 ; restores Catho- licism, 32 ; speech of in Guildhall, 35 ; marries Philip, 36 ; home government of, 40 ; thwarted, by Pope, 43 ; loses Calais, 43 ; death of, 44 Mary, Queen of Scots, married to Francis II., 19, 56; assumes arms of England, 57, 63 ; in France, '65 ; comes to Scotland, 65 ; plans of, 67 ; Eliza- beth's relations to, 67 ; character of, 68 ; Marriage with Darnley, 73 ; plans in Scotland, 73 ; connection with Bothwell, 77; marriage with Both- well, 79 ; her fall, 79 ; abdication, 80 ; escape from prison, 104 ; in England, 105; projected marriage with Nor- folk, 107; with Don John, 150; Throg- morton's plot in behalf of, 166 ; impli- cated in Babington's plot, 175; con- demned, 176; executed, 177; results of her death, 177-8 Mary of Burgundy, 91 Matthias, Archduke, of Austria, 152, 155 Maurevert, 118 Maurice of Saxony, 9-13 Maximilian I., Emperor, 91 Mayenne, Duke of, 187, 195, 197 Meals, 203 Medici, Catharine de, 71, 112 Mendoza, Don B. de, 166 Merchant Adventurers, Company of, 136-7 Merey, Poltrot de, 71 Metz, siege of, 12 Mill, Walter, burned, 59 Monasteries, dissolution of, 16 Monceaux, 96 Moncontour, battle of, 103 Monopolies, 235 Mons, siege of, 118, 122 Montmorency, Constable, 102 Morton, Lord, 88, 166 Mountjoy, Lord, in Ireland, 236 Murray, Earl of, 61, 69, 73 ; arms against Mary, 73 ." in England, 75 ; returns to Scotland, 76 ; made regent, 81 ; defeats Mary at Langside, 105 ; at York, 108 ; assassinated, no NANTES, edict of, 229 Naples and Sicily, 36 Nassau, William of, see Orange — Louis of, see Louis Navarre, Antony, King of, 62, 64, 71 — Henry of, marriage of, 119; helps Henry III,, 188; question of his suc- cession, 188; becomes king, 104; see Henry IV. Netherlands, the, under Charles V., 86; helps Philip II., 87; geography of, 90; government of, 91 ; prosperity, 91 ; Margaret, regent of, 92 ; opposition to Philip in, 95; opposition to foreign troops, 93 ; Inquisition in, 94; religious opposition in, 95; trade in, 96 ; disturbances in, 107 ; Alva sent to, 99; taxation of, 115; foundation of United, 116; helped by Huguenots, 117; effects of Massacre cf Bar- tholomew's on, 121 ; Don John of Austria in, 150; Parma wins over Walloon provinces, 153; Seven Pro- vinces abjure Philip, 154 ; Anjou in, 155-158 ; Jesuits in, 163 ; apply to Henry III., 167; Elizabeth's help to, 172; Lancaster in, 172-6; cession of Spanish to Isabella, 231 ; independence of United Provinces of, 232 Index. 243 Norfolk, Duke of, 106 ; his plan to marry Mary, 107; executed, 11 1 Norris, Sir John, 189, 190 North, rising of the, 107 Northumberland, John Dudley, Duke of, defeats Ket, 21 ; Protector, 23 ; Reformation under, 24; plot of, 26; death and character of, 28 Northumberland, Thomas Percy, Earl of, 108 Norwich, Mary at, 28 ; Flemings settle in, 96 ; Elizabeth's visit to, 146 OMMEGANG, 97 Orange, Prince Maurice of, 232 Orange, William of Nassau, Prince of, 93, 94 ; withdraws from Netherlands, 98 ; resists Alva, 100 ; unites with Huguenots, 102 ; made Stadtholder of Holland, 117 ; unites the Seven Pro- vinces, 153, 164; Philip's ban against, 154; assassination of, 165 ; character of, 165 ; his spies, 165 Orleans, siege of, 71 Oxford, Elizabeth at, 147 PARIS, and the Huguenots, 119; Guise triumphant in, 180 ; be- sieged by Henry III,, 188; by Henry IV., 195 Parker, Archbishop, 49. no, 132, 210 — Mrs., 132 Parliament, restores Catholicism, 32 ; absolved by Pole, 38; restores Pro- testantism, 38; acts of in 1571, no; Elizabeth's attitude to, 235 ■ — of Paris, 197 Parma, Margaret, Duchess of, in Neth- erlands, 92, 97, 89 Parma, Prince of, see Farnese, Alexan- der Parsons, the Jesuit, 143, 164 Passau, Convention of, n Paul IV., 40, 41, 42, 49 Peasants, rising of, 21 Peniche, 190 Pensioners, Gentlemen, 140 Perez, Antonio, 151 Perrenot, Anthony ; see Grenvella, Car- dinal Perth, 60, 66 Persecution in England, 132 Philip II., character of, 36, 88 ; marries Mary, 36 ; comes to England, 36 ; success in Italy, 42 ; offers marriage to Elizabeth, 46 ; makes peace with France, 46 ; changes in government made by, 87 ; founds Spanish Em- pire, 87 ; his religious policy, 89 ; identified with Spain, 90 ; opposition to in Netherlands, 88, 97 ; share in Ridolfi's plot, no ; treatment of Don John, 151 ; ban against the Prince of Orange, 154 ; schemes in France, 161 ; after the Armada, 186 ; and the French succession, 188 ; Protector of France, 193 ; financial difficulties of, 228,231 ; makes peace with France, 230 ; plans in Netherlands, 231 ; death of, 231 ; results of his reign, 231-2 Pinkie-cleugh, battle of, 19 Pius IV., 49 Pius V., 109, 132 Poland, Henry of Anjou, made King of, 125 Pole, Reginald, Cardinal, 32 ; descent of, 33 ; in England, 34 ; made Arch- bishop, 43 ; death of, 44 Politicians, the, 197 Politics concerned with religion, 4 Poor-law, the, 207 Popes Julius III., 37 Paul IV., 40, 41, 42, 46, 49 Pius IV., 49 Pius V., 109, 132 Gregory XIII., 121,161, 163 Sixtus V., 178, 194 Portugal conquered by Philip II., 154 Portuguese discoveries, 91 Prayer Book, of Edward VI., 25 Progresses, royal, 144 ' Prophesyings,' 134 Protestants, origin of, 1 Puritans, the, 132 Puttenham, 214 RALEIGH, Sir Walter, 167, 195, 206, 211, 217, Reformation, the, its causes, 1 ; its meaning, 2 ; questions raised by, 3 ; political effects of, 4-6 ; in Germany, 4-6; in England under Henry VIII., 15, 16; under Somerset, 17; under Warwick, 24 ; in Ireland, 26 ; re- established in England, 49 ; contrast of in France and Germany, 52 ; in Geneva, 54 ; in France, 53 ; in Scot- land, 59-63 Requesens, Don Louis de, 125, 149 ' Reservation, Ecclesiastical,' the, 13 Ridley, Bishop, 39 Ridolfi's plot, no Rizzio, David, 76 244 Index. Robsart, Amy, 142 Rochelle, 103, 125 Ross, Bishop of, in Rouen, siege of, 197 Russia, beginning of trade with, 136 SACKVILLE, Thomas, Lord Buck- hurst, 219 San Domingo, 173 San Felipe, 181 Saxony, John Frederic, Elector of, 9 — Maurice of, 9-13 Seymour, Edward, see Somerset — Lord, executed, 22 Shakespeare, 222 Sidney, Sir Philip, 174, 213, 216 Sixteenth century, chief points in, 4 ; condition of Europe in, 5 Smalkaldic League, 7, 9 Smerwick, 162 Somerset, Duke of, Protector, 17; fa- vors Reformation, 18 ; dealings with Scotland, 18; unpopularity, 22 ; fall of, 23 ; death of, 23 Sonnet, the, 210 Southampton, Earl of, 223 ' Spanish Fury,' the, 149 Spanish monarchy, 84 Spenser, Edmund, 143, 216 Spinola, 232 St. Bartholomew's Day, Massacre of, 121-25 St. Denis, battle of, 102 St. Germain, Estates at, 69 ; Peace of, 103 St. Jean d'Angely, 103 St. Paul's Cathedral, a fashionable pro- menade, 203 St Quentin, battle of, 42, 87, 93, 114 Stewart, Lord James, see Murray, Earl of Still, John, 219 Stow, John, 210 Stubbs, pamphlet of, 156 Stukely, Thomas, 161 Surrey, Earl of, 290 Sussex, Earl of, 107 THEATRE, The, in England, 206 Throgmorton's plot, 166 Tilbury, Elizabeth at, 186 Toledo, Don Frederic de, 118, 124 Translations into English, 210 Trent, Council of, 9-1 1 Tunis, 149 Tyrone, Earl of, 231, 233, 236 UDALL, Nicolas, 210 Utrecht, Union of, 153 VALENCIENNES, 98 Vassy, massacre of, 70 Venitian glass, 203 Venice, recognizes Henry IV., 197 Vervins, Treaty of, 230 Virginia, foundation of, 192 ' Voyage, The Island,' 230 T17ALSINGHAM, Sir Francis, 175- Warwick, Earl of, see Northumberland, Duke of Westmoreland, Earl of, 107, 108 Wilson, Thomas, 211 Winter, Sir William, 184 Wishart, George, 58 Wyatt, Sir Thomas, rises against Mary, 34 "NT'AVIER, Francesco, 159 YORK, Conference at, 105 Yuste, 42 Yvry, battle of, 195 ZEELAND, 11 7-122 Zutphen, siege of, 174 ' ' llie volumes contain the ripe results of the studies of men who are authorities in their respective fields." — The Nation. EPOCHS OF HISTORY EPOCHS OF ANCIENT HISTORY Eleven volumes, i6mo, each $1.00. EPOCHS OF MODERN HISTORY Eighteen volumes, i6mo, each $1.00. The Epoch volumes have most successfully borne the test of experience, and are universally acknowledged to be the best series of historical manuals in existence. They are admirably adapted in form and matter to the needs of colleges, schools, reading circles, and private classes. Attention is called to them as giving the utmost satisfaction as class hand-books. Noah* Porter, President of Yale College. "The 'Epochs of History' have been prepared with knowl- edge and artistic skill to meet the wants of a large number of readers. To the young they furnish an outline or compendium. To those who are older they present a convenient sketch of the heads of the knowledge which they have already acquired. The outlines are by no means destitute of spirit, and may be used with great profit for family reading, and in select classes or reading clubs. " Charles Kendall Adams, President of Cornell University. "A series of concise and carefully prepared volumes on special eras of history. Each is also complete in itself, and has no especial connection with the other members of the series. The works are all written by authors selected by the editor on account of some, especial qualifications for a portrayal of the period they respectively describe. The volumes form an excellent collection, especially adapted to the wants of a general reader." The Publishers will supply these volumes to teachers at SPECIAL NE T RA PES, and would solicit correspondence concerning terms for examination and introduction copies. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, Publishers 743-745 Broadway, New York THE GREAT SUCCESS OF THE SERIES is the best proof of its general popularity, and the excellence of the various volumes is further attested by their having been adopted as text-books in many of our leading educational institu- tions. The publishers beg to call attention to the following list comprising some of the most prominent institutions using volumes of the series : Smith College, Northampton, Mass. Univ. of Vermont, Burlington, Vt. Yale Univ., New Haven, Conn. Harvard Univ., Cambridge, Mass. Bellewood Sem., Anchorage, Ky. Vanderbilt Univ., Nashville, Tenn. State Univ., Minneapolis, Minn. Christian Coll., Columbia, Mo. Adelphi Acad., Brooklyn, N. Y. Earlham Coll., Richmond, Ind. Granger Place School, Canandaigua, N. Y. Salt Lake Acad., Salt Lake City, Utah. Beloit Col., Beloit, Wis. Logan Female Coll., Russellville, Ky. No. West Univ., Evanston, 111. State Normal School, Baltimore, Md. Hamilton Coll., Clinton, N. Y. Doane Coll., Crete, Neb. Princeton College, Princeton, N. J. Williams Coll., Williamstown, Mass. Cornell Univ., Ithaca, N. Y. Illinois Coll., Jacksonville, 111. Univ. of South, Sewaunee, Tenn. Wesleyan Univ., Mt. Pleasant, la. Univ. of Cal., Berkeley, Cal. So. Car. Coll., Columbia, S. C. Amsterdam Acad., Amsterdam, N. Y. Carleton Coll., Northfield, Minn. Wesleyan Univ., Middletown, Mass. Albion Coll., Albion, Mich. Dartmouth Coll., Hanover, N. H. Wilmington Coll., Wilmington, O. Madison Univ., Hamilton, N. Y. Syracuse Univ., Syracuse, N. Y. Univ. of Wis., Madison, Wis. Union Coll., Schenectady, N. Y. Norwich Free Acad., Norwich, Conn. Greenwich Acad., Greenwich, Conn. Univ. of Neb., Lincoln, Neb. Kalamazoo Coll., Kalamazoo, Mich. Olivet Coll., Olivet, Mich. Amherst Coll., Amherst, Mass. Ohio State Univ., Columbus, O. Free Schools, Oswego, N. Y. Bishop J. F. Hurst, ex-President of Drew ThcoL Sem. "It appears to me that the idea of Morris in his Epochs is strictly in harmony with the philosophy of history — namely, that great movements should be treated not according to narrow geographical and national limits and distinction, but universally, according to their place in the general life of the world. The historical Maps and the copious Indices are welcome additions to the volumes." EPOCHS OF ANCIENT HISTORY. A SERIES OF BOOKS NARRATING THE HISTORY OF GREECE AND ROME, AND OF THEIR RELATIONS TO OTHER COUNTRIES AT SUCCESSIVE EPOCHS. Edited by Rev. G. W. Cox and Charles Sankey, M.A. Eleven volumes, i6mo, with 41 Maps and Plans. Sold separately. Price per vol., $1.00. The Set, Roxburgh style, gilt top, in box, $11.00. TROY— ITS LEGEND, HISTORY, AND LITERATURE. By S. G. W. Benjamin. " The task of the author has been to gather into a clear and very readable narrative all that is known of legendary, historical, and geographical Troy, and to tell the story of Homer, and weigh and compare the different theories in the Homeric controversy. The work is well done. His book is altogether candid, and is a very valuable and entertaining compendium." — Hartford Courant. "As a monograph on Troy, covering all sides of the ques- tion, it is of great value, and supplies a long vacant place in our fund of classical knowledge." — N. Y. Christian Advocate. THE GREEKS AND THE PERSIANS. By Rev G. W. Cox. "It covers the ground in a perfectly satisfactory way. The work is clear, succinct, and readable." — New York Independent. ' ' Marked by thorough and comprehensive scholarship and by a skillful style." — Congregationalist. "It would be hard to find a more creditable book. The author's prefatory remarks upon the origin and growth of Greek civilization are alone worth the price of the volume." — Christian Union. EPOCHS OF ANCIENT HISTORY THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE— From the Flight of Xerxes to the Fall of Athens. By Rev. G. W. Cox. "Mr. Cox writes in such a way as to bring before the reader everything which is important to be known or learned ; and his narrative cannot fail to give a good idea of the men and deeds with which he is concerned. " — The Churchman. "Mr. Cox has done his work with the honesty of a true student. It shows persevering scholarship and a r'esire to get at the truth." — New York Herald. THE SPARTAN AND THEBAN SUPREMA- CIES. By Charles Sankey, M.A. " This volume covers the period between the disasters of Athens at the close of the Pelopenesian war and the rise of Macedon. It is a very striking and instructive picture of the political life of the Grecian commonwealth at that time." — The Churchman. "It is singularly interesting to read, and in respect to arrangement, maps, etc., is all that can be desired." — Boston Congregationalist. THE MACEDONIAN EMPIRE— Its Rise and Culmination to Death of Alexander the Great. By A. M. Curteis, M.A. "A good and satisfactory history of a very important period. The maps are excellent, and the story is lucidly and vigor- ously told." — The Nation. " The same compressive style and yet completeness of detail that have characterized the previous issues in this delightful series, are found in this volume. Certainly the art of conciseness in writing was never carried to a higher or more effective point." — Boston Saturday Evening Gazette. #*# The above five volumes give a connected and complete history of Greece from the earliest times to the death of A lexander. EPOCHS OF ANCIENT HISTORY EARLY ROME— From the Foundation of the City to its Destruction by the Gauls. By W. Ihne, Ph.D. " Those who want to know the truth instead of the tra- ditions that used to be learned of our fathers, will find in the work entertainment, careful scholarship, and sound sense." — Cincinnati Times. " The book is excellently well done. The views are those of a learned and able man, and they are presented in this volume with great force and clearness." — The Nation. ROME AND CARTHAGE— The Punic Wars. By R. Bosworth Smith. " By blending the account of Rome and Carthage the ac- complished author presents a succinct and vivid picture of two great cities and people which leaves a deep impression. The story is full of intrinsic interest, and was never better told." — Christian Union. " The volume is one of rare interest and value." — Chicago Interior. "An admirably condensed history of Carthage, from its establishment by the adventurous Phoenician traders to its sad and disastrous fall." — New York Herald. THE GRACCHI, MARIUS, AND SULLA. By A. H. Beesley. ' ' A concise and scholarly historical sketch, descriptive of the decay of the Roman Republic, and the events which paved the way for the advent of the conquering Caesar. It is an excellent account of the leaders and legislation of the repub- lic."— Boston Post. " It is prepared in succinct but comprehensive style, and is an excellent book for reading and reference." — New York Observer. 1 ' No better condensed account of the two Gracchi and the turbulent careers of Marius and Sulla has yet appeared." — New York Independent. EPOCHS OF ANCIENT HISTORY THE ROMAN TRIUMVIRATES. By the Very Rev. Charles Merivale, D.D. " In brevity, clear and scholarly treatment of the subject, and the convenience of map, index, and side notes, the volume is a model." — New York Tribune. "An admirable presentation, and in style vigorous and picturesque. " — Hartford Courani. THE EARLY EMPIRE— From the Assassina- tion of Julius Caesar to the Assassination Of Domitian. By Rev. W. Wolfe Capes, M. A. " It is written with great clearness and simplicity of style, and is as attractive an account as has ever been given in brief of one of the most interesting periods of Roman History." — Boston Saturday Evening Gazette. "It is a clear, well-proportioned, and trustworthy perfor- mance, and well deserves to be studied." — Christian at Work. THE AGE OF THE ANTONINES— The Roman Empire of the Second Century. By Rev. W. Wolfe Capes, M.A. " The Roman Empire during the second century is the broad subject discussed in this book, and discussed with learning and intelligence. " — New York Independent. " The writer's diction is clear and elegant, and his narra- tion is free from any touch of pedantry. In the treatment of its prolific and interesting theme, and in its general plan, the book is a model of works of its class. " — New York Herald. " We are glad to commend it. It is written clearly, and with care and accuracy. It is also in such neat and compact form as to be the more attractive." — Congregationalist. *#* The above six volumes give the History of Rome from the founding of the City to the death of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. EPOCHS OF MODERN HISTORY. A SERIES OF BOOKS NARRATING THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND AND EUROPE AT SUCCESSIVE EPOCHS SUBSEQUENT TO THE CHRISTIAN ERA. Edited by Edward E. Morris. Eighteen volumes, i6mo, with 74 Maps, Plans, and Tables. Sold separately. Price per vol., $1.00. The Set, Roxburgh style, gilt top, in box, $18.00. THE BEGINNING OF THE MIDDLE AGES- England and Europe in the Ninth Century. By the Very Rev. R. W. Church, M.A. "A remarkably thoughtful and satisfactory discussion of the causes and results of the vast changes which came upon Europe during the period discussed. The book is adapted to be exceedingly serviceable." — Chicago Standard. "At once readable and valuable. It is comprehensive and yet gives the details of a period most interesting to the student of history. " — Herald and Presbyter. "It is written with a clearness and vividness of statement which make it the pleasantest reading. It represents a great deal of patient research, and is careful and scholarly." — Boston Journal. THE NORMANS IN EUROPE— The Feudal System and England under the Norman Kings. By Rev. A. H. Johnson, M.A. " Its pictures of the Normans in their home, of the Scan- dinavian exodus, the conquest of England, and Norman administration, are full of vigor and cannot fail of holding the reader's attention." — Episcopal Register. " The style of the author is vigorous and animated, and he has given a valuable sketch of the origin and progress of the great Northern movement that has shaped the history of modern Europe." — Boston Transcript. EPOCHS OF MODERN HISTORY THE CRUSADES. By Rev. G. W. Cox. " To be warmly commended for important qualities. The author shows conscientious fidelity to the materials, and such skill in the use of them, that, as a result, the reader has before him a narrative related in a style that makes it truly fascinating. ' ' — Congregationalist. "It is written in a pure and flowing style, and its arrange- ment and treatment of subject are exceptional." — Christian Intelligencer. THE EARLY P L A NT AGEN ETS— Their Relation to the History of Europe; The Foundation and Growth of Constitutional Government. By Rev. W. Stubbs, M.A. " Nothing could be desired more clear, succinct, and well arranged. All parts of the book are well done. It may be pronounced the best existing brief history of the constitution for this, its most important period." — The Nation. " Prof. Stubbs has presented leading events with such fair- ness and wisdom as are seldom found. He is remarkably clear and satisf actory. " — The Churchman. EDWARD III. By Rev. W. Warburton, M.A. " The author has done his work well, and we commend it as containing in small space all essential matter. " — New York Independent. ' ' Events and movements are admirably condensed by the author, and presented in such attractive form as to entertain as well as instruct." — Chicago Interior. THE HOUSES OF LANCASTER AND YORK —The Conquest and Loss of France. By James Gairdner. " Prepared in a most careful and thorough manner, and ought to be read by every student. " — New York Times. "It leaves nothing to be desired as regards compactness, accuracy, and excellence of literary execution." — Boston Journal. EPOCHS OF MODERN HISTORY THE ERA OF THE PROTESTANT REVO- LUTION. By Frederic Seebohm. With Notes, on Books in English relating to the Reformation, by Prof. George P. Fisher, D.D. ' ' For an impartial record of the civil and ecclesiastical changes about four hundred years ago, we cannot commend a better manual." — Sunday- School Times. "All that could be desired, as well in execution as in plan. The narrative is animated, and the selection and grouping of events skillful and effective." — The Nation. THE EARLY TUDORS— Henry VII., Henry VIII. By Rev. C. E. Moberley, M.A., late Master in Rugby School. "Is concise, scholarly, and accurate. On the epoch of which it treats, we know of no work which equals it. " — N. Y. Observer. " A marvel of clear and succinct brevity and good historical judgment. There is hardly a better book of its kind to be named." — New York Independent. THE AGE OF ELIZABETH. By Rev. M. Creighton, M.A. " Clear and compact in style ; careful in their facts, and just in interpretation of them. It sheds much light on the progress of the Reformation and the origin of the Popish reaction during Queen Elizabeth's reign ; also, the relation of Jesuitism to the latter." — Presbyterian Review. " A clear, concise, and just story of an era crowded with events of interest and importance." — New York World. THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR— 1 61 8-1 648. By Samuel Rawson Gardiner. "Asa manual it will prove of the greatest practical value, while to the general reader it will afford a clear and interesting account of events. We know of no more spirited and attractive recital of the great era." — Boston Saturday Evening Gazette. " The thrilling story of those times has never been told so vividly or succinctly as in this volume. " — Episcopal Register. EPOCHS OF MODERN HISTORY. THE PURITAN REVOLUTION; and the First Two Stuarts, 1 603- 1 660. By Samuel Rawson Gardiner. " The narrative is condensed and brief, yet sufficiently com- prehensive to give an adequate view of the events related." — Chicago Standard. "Mr. Gardiner uses his researches in an admirably clear and fair way." — Congregationalist. ' ' The sketch is concise, but clear and perfectly intelligible." — Hartford Courant. THE ENGLISH RESTORATION AND LOUIS XIV., from the Peace of Westphalia to the Peace of Nimwegen. By Osmund Airy, M.A. " It is crisply and admirably written. An immense amount of information is conveyed and with great clearness, the arrangement of the subjects showing great skill and a thor- ough command of the complicated theme." — Boston Saturday Evening Gazette. "The author writes with fairness and discrimination, and has given a clear and intelligible presentation of the time." — New York Evangelist. THE FALL OF THE STUARTS; and Western Europe. By Rev. Edward Hale, M.A. ' ' A valuable compend to the general reader and scholar. " — Providence Journal. ' ' It will be found of great value. It is a very graphic account of the history of Europe during the 17th century, and is admirably adapted for the use of students." — Boston Saturday Evening Gazette. ' 'An admirable handbook for the student. " — The Churchman. THE AGE OF ANNE. By Edward E. Morris, M.A. ' ' The author's arrangement of the material is remarkably clear, his selection and adjustment of the facts judicious, his historical judgment fair and candid, while the style wins by its simple elegance." — Chicago Standard. ' ' An excellent compendium of the history of an important period. " — The Watchman. EPOCHS OF MODERN HISTORY. THE EARLY HANOVERIANS— Europe from the Peace of Utrecht to the Peace of Aix- la-Chapelle. By Edward E. Morris, M.A. " Masterly, condensed, and vigorous, this is one of the books which it is a delight to read at odd moments ; which are broad and suggestive, and at the same time condensed in treatment. " — Christian Advocate. "A remarkably clear and readable summary of the salient points of interest. The maps and tables, no less than the author's style and treatment of the subject, entitle the volume to the highest claims of recognition." — Boston Daily Ad- vertiser. FREDERICK THE GREAT, AND THE SEVEN YEARS 5 WAR. By F. W. Longman. "The subject is most important, and the author has treated it in a way which is both scholarly and entertaining." — The Churchman. "Admirably adapted to interest school boys, and older heads will find it pleasant reading." — New York Tribune. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, AND FIRST EMPIRE. By William O'Connor Morris. With Appendix by Andrew D. White, LL.D., ex-President of Cornell University. "We have long needed a simple compendium of this period, and we have here one which is brief enough to be easily run through with, and yet particular enough to make entertaining reading." — New York Evening Post. "The author has well accomplished his difficult task of sketching in miniature the grand and crowded drama of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Empire, showing himself to be no servile compiler, but capable of judicious and independent criticism." — Springfield Republican. THE EPOCH OF REFORM— 1 830-1 850. By Justin McCarthy. " Mr. McCarthy knows the period of which he writes thoroughly, and the result is a narrative that is at once enter- taining and trustworthy." — New York Examiner. " The narrative is clear and comprehensive, and told with abundant knowledge and grasp of the subject." — Boston Courier. IMPORTANT HISTORICAL WORKS. THE DAWN OF HISTORY. An Introduction to Pre- Historic Study. New and Enlarged Edition. Edited by C. F. Keary. i2mo, cloth, $1.25. This work treats successively of the earliest traces of man ; of language, its growth, and the story it tells of the pre-his- toric users of it ; of early social life, the religions, mythologies, and folk-tales, and of the history of writing. The present edition contains about one hundred pages of new matter, embodying the results of the latest researches. ' ' A fascinating manual. In its way, the work is a model of what a popular scientific work should be." — Boston Sat. Eve. Gazette. THE ORIGIN OF NATIONS. By Professor George Rawlinson, M.A. i2mo, with maps, $1.00. The first part of this book discusses the antiquity of civiliza- tion in Egypt and the other early nations of the East. The second part is an examination of the ethnology of Genesis, showing its accordance with the latest results of modern ethnographical science. ' ' A work of genuine scholarly excellence, and a useful offset to a great deal of the superficial current literature on such subjects. " — Congregationalist. MANUAL OF MYTHOLOGY. For the Use of Schools, Art Students, and General Readers. Founded on the Works of Pet- iscus, Preller, and Welcker. By Alexander S. Murray, Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum. With 45 Plates. Reprinted from the Second Revised London Edition. Crown 8vo, $1.75. " It has been acknowledged the best work on the subject to be found in a concise form, and as it embodies the results of the latest researches and discoveries in ancient mythologies, it is superior for school and general purposes as a handbook to any of the so-called standard works." — Cleveland Herald. ' ' Whether as a manual for reference, a text-book for school use, or for the general reader, the book will be found very valuable and interesting." — Boston Journal. IMPORTANT HISTORICAL WORKS. THE HISTORY OF ROME, from the Earliest Time to the Period of Its Decline. By Dr. Theodor Mommsen. Translated by W. P. Dickson, D.D., LL.D. Reprinted from the Revised London Edition. Four volumes, crown 8vo. Price per set, $8.00. "A work of the very highest merit; its learning is exact and profound ; its narrative full of genius and skill ; its descriptions of men are admirably vivid." — London Times. "Since the days of Niebuhr, no work on Roman History has appeared that combines so much to attract, instruct, and charm the reader. Its style — a rare quality in a German author — is vigorous, spirited, and animated." — Dr. Schmitz. THE PROVINCES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. From Caesar to Diocletian. By Theodor Mommsen. Translated by William P. Dickson, D.D., LL.D. With maps. Two vols., 8vo, $6.00. ' ' The author draws the wonderfully rich and varied picture of the conquest and administration of that great circle of peoples and lands which formed the empire of Rome outside of Italy, their agriculture, trade, and manufactures, their artistic and scientific life, through all degrees of civilization, with such detail and completeness as could have come from no other hand than that of this great master of historical re- search." — Prof. W. A. Packard, Princeton College. THE HISTORY OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. Abridged from the History by Professor Theodor Mommsen, by C. Bryans and F. J. R. Hendy. i2mo, $1.75. " It is a genuine boon that the essential parts of Mommsen's Rome are thus brought within the easy reach of all, and the abridgment seems to me to preserve unusually well the glow and movement of the original." — Prof. Tracy Peck, Yale University. "The condensation has been accurately and judiciously effected. I heartily commend the volume as the most adequate embodiment, in a single volume, of the main results of modern historical research in the field of Roman affairs." — Prof. Henry M. Baird, University of City of New York. IMPORTANT HISTORICAL WORKS. THE HISTORY OF GREECE. By Prof. Dr. Ernst Curtius. Translated by Adolphus William Ward, M.A., Fellow of St. Peter's College, Cambridge, Prof, of History in Owen's College, Manchester. Five volumes, crown 8vo. Price per set, $10.00. " We cannot express our opinion of Dr. Curtius' book bet- ter than by saying that it may be fitly ranked with Theodor Mommsen's great work. " — London Spectator. "As an introduction to the study of Grecian history, no previous work is comparable to the present for vivacity and picturesque beauty, while in sound learning and accuracy of statement it is not inferior to the elaborate productions which enrich the literature of the age." — N. Y. Daily 1'ribune. Ci^ESAR: a Sketch. By James Anthony Froude, M.A. i2mo, gilt top, $1.50. ' ' This book is a most fascinating biography and is by far the best account of Julius Caesar to be found in the English language." — The London Standard. "He combines into a compact and nervous narrative all that is known of the personal, social, political, and military life of Caesar ; and with his sketch of Caesar includes other brilliant sketches of the great man, his friends, or rivals, who contemporaneously with him formed the principal figures in the Roman world." — Harper's Monthly. CICERO. Life of Marcus TuIIius Cicero. By William Forsyth, M.A., Q.C. 20 Engravings. New Edition. 2 vols., crown 8vo, in one, gilt top, $2.50. The author has not only given us the most complete and well-balanced account of the life of Cicero ever published ; he has drawn an accurate and graphic picture of domestic life among the best classes of the Romans, one which the reader of general literature, as well as the student, may peruse with pleasure and profit. "A scholar without pedantry, and a Christian without cant, Mr. Forsyth seems to have seized with praiseworthy tact the precise attitude which it behooves a biographer to take when narrating the life, the personal life of Cicero. Mr. Forsyth produces what we venture to say will become one of the classics of English biographical literature, and will be wel- comed by readers of all ages and both sexes, of all professions and of no profession at all. " — London Quarterly. VALUABLE WORKS ON CLASSICAL LITERATURE. THE HISTORY OF ROMAN LITERATURE. From the Earliest Period to the Death of MarCUS Aurelius. With Chronological Tables, etc., for the use of Students. By C. T. Cruttwell, M. A. Crown 8vo, $2.50. Mr. Cruttwell's book is written throughout from a purely literary point of view, and the aim has been to avoid tedious and trivial details. The result is a volume not only suited for the student, but remarkably readable for all who possess any interest in the subject. " Mr. Cruttwell has given us a genuine history of Roman literature, not merely a descriptive list of authors and their productions, but a well elaborated portrayal of the successive stages in the intellectual development of the Romans and the various forms of expression which these took in literature." — N. Y. Nation. UNIFORM WITH THE ABOVE. A HISTORY OF GREEK LITERATURE. From the Earliest Period of Demosthenes. By Frank Byron Jevons, M.A., Tutor in the University of Durham. Crown 8vo, $2.50. The author goes into detail with sufficient fullness to make the history complete, but he never loses sight of the com- manding lines along which the Greek mind moved, and a clear understanding of which is necessary to every intelligent student of universal literature. " It is beyond all question the best history of Greek litera- ture that has hitherto been published." — London Spectator. 1 ' With such a book as this within reach there is no reason why any intelligent English reader may not get a thorough and comprehensive insight into the spirit of Greek literature, of its historic development, and of its successive and chief masterpieces, which are here so finely characterized, analyzed, and criticised." — Chicago Advance. '& TRANSLATIONS OF PLATO. THE DIALOGUES OF PLATO. Translated into English, with Analysis and Introduc- tions. By B. Jowett, M.A., Master of Balliol College, Oxford. Anew and cheaper edition. Four vols., crown 8vo, per set, $8.00. " The present work of Professor Jowett will be welcomed with profound interest, as the only adequate endeavor to transport the most precious monument of Grecian thought among the familiar treasures of English literature. The noble reputation of Professor Jowett, both as a thinker and a scholar, is a valid guaranty for the excellence of his perfor- mance." — New York Tribune. SOCRATES. A Translation of the Apology, Crito, and parts of the Phaedo of Plato. Containing the Defence of Socrates at his Trial, his Conver- sation in Prison, with his Thoughts on the Future Life, and an Account of his Death. With an Introduction by Professor W. W. Goodwin, of Harvard College. i2mo, cloth, $1.00; paper, 50 cents. TALKS WITH SOCRATES ABOUT LIFE. Translations from the Gorgias and the Republic Of Plato. i2mo, cloth, $1.00; paper, 50 cents. A DAY IN ATHENS WITH SOCRATES. Translations from the Protagoras and the Republic Of PlatO. Being conversations between Socrates and other Greeks on Virtue and Justice. i2mo, cloth, $1.00; paper, 50 cents. " Eminent scholars, men of much Latin and more Greek, attest the skill and truth with which the versions are made ; we can confidently speak of their English grace and clearness. They seem a ' model of style,' because they are without manner and perfectly simple." — W. D. Howells. "We do not remember any translation of a Greek author which is a better specimen of idiomatic English than this, or a more faithful rendering of the real spirit of the original into English as good and as simple as the Greek." — New York Evening Post. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, 743 and 745 Broadway, New York. F 633 LIBRARY OF CONGRESSg 020 680 288 1