LIBRARY OF CONGRESS DDDDSDETbDD# -<«*. Ov d^ o * • ♦ **© A*- .'■'•♦ <^ o^ c ■• • - ' e - " ^vr ' , OP" .J > "V-. c'^ O "^^ '='*' c'^ ^^ *'«'"': d, and confined himself exclusively to documentary evidence, which no one, :'an ipule. Neither is it submitted in the spirit of pr selytism; but with a sincere desire to do justice to a pure patriot, whose well-earnei famr- has been shamelessly traduced for the most vile and selfish purposes; aiu! wh' ther he is, or is not elected president of the United States, it is due to his character 'that the evidences of his devotion to the interests of his country should be more vvidely dilfused among the people. The com- piler must remark, however, that every (iocumeni from the pen of general Harrison affords conclusive proof of his ability t > Jo his own " lurif.ing," as well as his own '[fighting;" for they are characterized by a *iold, man'y, and vigorous style, and abound with those graceful and well-turned p'?riods which mark the practised Writer and accomplished scholar. It will also be seen, in the notices of the enthusiasm of the people during the late war, that he was hailed as "Tue Washington of thk West," and was the Jirst American, since the death of the "Father of his Country'^ whose services in the cause of civil liberty were compared with those of that great benefactor of the human race. The compiler believes that a " Second Washington" will not appear among mankind ; and with a sentiment of general Harrison, (which contains an admonition to the American people that should be inscribed on every ballot-box in the country in letters of gold,) offered in reply to a toastf drunk in his honor at Cincinnati, in September, 1828, he submits the " Text-Book" to the sober judgment of the people. Bv GENEiiAi, Haiiuison: — Electioneering tricks, designed by the great enemy of mankind for the destruction of free governments, by preventing a free expression of the public wilL * It may be well to stale, that the "Register" is admitted to be good authority by all par- ties, and rhal it is admitted as evidence in tlie courts of law, t " 'I'liiit lie dared to be konesl in the worst of times." THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. CHAPTER I. BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS OF GENERAL WILLIAM HENRT HARRISON.* To the catalogue of those who have distinguished themselves by an early victory over sloth, sensuality, and ease, and by a magnanimous oblation of life and personal services at the shrine of patriotism and military glory, it becomes our pleasing task to add the conqueror of Tippecanoe and the hero of the Thames. Major-general XVILLIAM HENRY HARRISON is descended from one of the oldest and most respectable families in Virginia. Through the earliest records of the colonies, the name of Harrison may be traced in the highest order of office ; but our particular information respecting it goes no farther back than the great-grandfather of our present subject, who, though he died young, filled the chair of the house of delegates of that province. His son, too, the grandfather of our William Henry, was a man of considerable wealth, and of vast influence in the colonies ; and at his death left several sons, of whom some held considerable rank afterwards, not only in the legislative assembly of the state, but in the provincial army during the revolutionary war. Benjamin, the eldest of these, and the father of our hero, rendered himself par- ticularly conspicuous by his prompt adoption of the cause of the colonies, in defiance of the suggestions of self-interest, which, at that period, would have dictated an adhe- rence to the cause of the mother country. His possessions in the country were large, his personal influence was extensive and commanding, and the consideration in which he was held by the royal government, was of a nature to secure to him every advantage he could reasonably hope to derive from the favor of the crown. Insensible, however, to every personal solicitation, he, on the first breaking out of the revolutionary troubles, without hesitation or delay formed the generous resolution to cling to the cause of his country ; in defence of her rights and independence, to put his property, his life, and all his hopes on the hazard of the die ; nay, if it should be necessary, to lay them all down as a sacrifice in the struggle ; and, in a word, to rise or fall with the fortunes of America. Zeal so very disinterested naturally inspired the people with confidence in his fidelity, while of his talents he had already given such ample proofs, as evinced his qualifications for offices of the highest trust; he was therefore elected by his coun- trymen to represent the state of Virginia in the continental congress, during the suc- cessive sessions of 1774, 1775, and 1776; and in 1777, declining a re-election to congress, was chosen speaker of the lower branch of the state legislature, in whic' office he continued to act till the year 1782, when he was appointed governor of Vi ginia in the room of governor Nelson, who had resigned. In all these dignified stations, his conduct was so decided and beneficial to the country, and he on ever' occasion evinced so much spirit, patriotic zeal, and wisdom, that, with each successi^ gradation of office, he rose in the esteem, affection, and confidence of his fellow-citizens, till at length he reached the high form graced with the Washingtons, the Henrys, the Randolphs, and the other illustrious men who formed that splendid constellation < ; worthies, which will immortaUze the new world. In the unwearied discharge of these most important duties, we find him employo( during the whole of the revolutionary war. Looking to the journals of congress, n- ■ see them filled with repeated testimonials of the implicit trust reposed in his tale... and fidelity by that august body. There he appears as one of the three memb' - * Tliis memoir is chiefly extracted from a memoir publislied in "JViles' Register" of 1816, a';d copied from tlie "Port Folio." The events subsequent to ISlSare taken from a very interestiii',' biography of general Harrison, from the pen of I. R. Jackson of Philadelphia, and receiK., Iiublished in that city. ^ THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. nominated to proceed to Washington's camp in the vear 1775 in i . the army to extend their term of service : alZlj o7 Z ' i '° P"'""''" determine whether New Ynrh «lmnM tl\ j' ? . ^^^ committee appointed to that celebrated committee sty edth bo.r 1 '"f " "^'^""1''^ ' ''''" ''^^^' '^'''■™^" o^ Je- dignified than memoralSlselyTn wh 1 7h\ ^ '"'^' '^'""""" "^ ^'^"^ "« ration of Independence, was deha'ed momentous subject, the Decla- behind Inm tluee ^onf the^ul st-ofwhom -".1"'''"^' '° *^'^ ''"■^^^'^"^' '--"S ^ .^o ,., .. u. --; - ^^X:^t--i:^ri:^^^ j i^r^rrrt;;St:tarrir^r^f^"^"^^ his fortune, he had a pe ennial s^ril .f ? '^.^^'^'^ j^'^^^^^'^ to the improvement of "pon public concerns,^and rs t Ji^wa-o^n ' "! l''°'t ''''' ^° ^"''^^^'>- "^^^^towed away in that state. His e "abU hmen? ^^R 1 ? '^ '^°'"'""'' ^'^ ^°° «'""'" '^^^'i-^hed comfort, and liberal but co r c 'hoSi I t :Jn"^ T -^ model of elegant sided; yet, owing to the causes al3v mem 1 k ' ^°^^^«'-' P'^'" good ser.se pre- and this suggestfd to hh^Uae expediL^v "f T ' *^^l^"'^'""« •'^'S^" t° ^^" to waste; wo^d,ual,|.hemfor,ucSu:r3;L?^^^^^^^ education as' from which in due time he Sas «;«! to Hamn \'^n ^^'''i '' " Srammar-school, completed his fourteenth yeaT when b^ Hampden College, where he remained till he county. There he remained tHl he ll^'IT""''^ '° '" ^''"^''^y '» Southampton beingponounced byX inndpal weltS fi^ y^^' ^' -'"'^h time, for which he was de'tined'l^; riS he was n aee ??'"""l '" ^'"'"^ '^^ P'^^^^^' tuition of doctor Leiner a uStU^lr^h • ? "^ *^°'" '^ ^^°" P"'oJ ""Jer the and, in the spring o Si wa em to P^Tadlf ■'?'^«'''':'V'^"'^'"^ '" ^"''^'-"'1' enter upon merely to D-ritifvfhat n-„„»i " proie»sion wliicti he had consented to nent professors of Inf day^ n\X f'""' w ' ''''^''°" ^' "^^'^ ^'"'^ =»" ^'^'^ ^""- of .heL,-on aeSoJirof th^rTe^vTc ; r'n'dS bThlriat; 1,'"'""'^^^ ^'"°'" ^'^'^ ^^^^' revolution, was insufficient to shake his nnrnncJ P f . """I "'" P'"''S^'^^^ ^^ the lieu of the medical was he nn.«.L ITT' ^,"',^^'^' profession to choose in his brother had jt^Z tZ e^ .dt;t .:" taUl^„r" T'' '^"f °"' ^ his father fell short of what would be necessary to the I , ^ fT^ "^'"^'''y '"*' ^^ original scheme of life. necessary to the successful prosecution of his ^^t^"BZ:'^S^,!Z^i ^-^'^ '^^P-'^"'' ' ^^« ^-i'y influence '• •>■«« related to attorney-grneS^^^^^^ ''''"''' i" '^i^ ^velfare, - and Mr. Randolph. 'onTe-4' ^^oS ertt;"of ^^^^^ to Mrs. M^^hing.' ^^Jl^. to^:r;:'tS:'- £:ir^-7- ^-ef ii::i::^'^aii^rr to ac,!;p;of it, as ininLb mor rr^^Itl 'T^ '" T"'""' 'T'''"'' ^^'•^'^^ •^ .- Ihcr situation that h^ could ho^ to ael re^e; iu^t'f " ,'"^"''T' 'f " •■"•J would not meet the innrr.h-ifiln f f.^""^^" >? justly apprehensive that hs Lecshouldsolicit h eonmS'^^^^^^^ '"'^"''^'^ '' ^'-t general ' ;<:^-n^.^aS^^f;^i^ .^. - -dance at h. JouST^J^ S r ^tl^X::! --~ ^' 'i^i. ti<: C fir THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 5 obiect of the summons was to dissuade him from going into the army, flew to tho war-office, received his commission in the first regiment of United States infantr., thence hastening to judge Wilson, took the necessary oaths before him, and then pre; ceeded with those documents in his pocket to the house of his patron and friend, wh expressed his entire disapprobation of the step he had taken, but said that he woulii no longer oppose it ; and added, " You are going to a fine country, where, if yoa should leave the army, you may establish yourself to advantage." The regiment in which he was commissioned was then employed on the western waters, under general St. Clair ; and from subsequent events it would seem as if Mr. Morris had spoken in the spirit no less of the prophet than the friend ; for that very country soon after became the scene of his fame, and the high-road to his fortune and honor. After spending in Philadelphia a few weeks, during which he was employed in the recruiting service, he proceeded to join his regiment, and arrived at Fort Washington in the north-western territory, a few days after the defeat of general St. Clair's army by the Indians. His arrival is yet remembered by several persons at Cincinnati, who, when he became a man of consequence and popularity in that country, took pleasure in describing his person. The ensign might have been forgotten, but the governor and the major-general buoyed up all the minute circumstances which would have sunk with the poor subaltern officer to the bottom of oblivion. Accordingly, we are told that ensign Harrison, when he joined his corps, was a stripling of nineteen years of age ; tall, thin, puerile in his person, and to all appearance but wretchedly qualified for the hardships to which a soldier is liable in the wilderness. Yet with such a frame, softened by all the comfort and delicacy in which the wealthy families of the southern states rear up their children, was our military novice at ouce exposed to the most trying circumstances. The broken remains of general St. Clair's army were every day arrivhig at the fort, naked, broken down, and dispirited. The period of service of the militia had expired : the detachment of the second regiment of regulars that was in the action under St. Clair, was entirely cut up, and thus the task of maintaining the line of posts that had been erected, or establishing new ones, and of affording convoys for provisions, devolved upon an inconsiderable body, composed of between three and four hundred of the first regiment, and the miserable fragments of general St. Clair's shattered army. The situation of our young soldier was now such as might well have discouraged the stoutest heart, and disposed him to listen to the admoni- tions of his friends in Philadelphia — nay, so formidable was the prospect before him, that a friend whom he met by accident at the fort, after giving him a lively pic- ture of the excessive hardships to which he must necessarily be exposed, with a frame and constitution so wholly unequal to it, exhorted him to resign his commission and return home again, assuring him that even though he should be able to sustain those hardships, it was scarcely possible he should resist the seductive habits of intem- perance which at that time prevailed in the army. All these remonstrances were unavailing. Taking counsel partly from his own private inclination, and partly from a nice sensibility to shame, which suggested, in exaggerated colors, the impro- priety of retreating from his purpose in such a crisis, and perhaps a little too from the apprehension of being ridiculed by his former associates, he determined to perse- vere, and was soon after appointed to the command of a detachment of twenty men ordered to escort a number of pack-horses to Fort Hamilton ; a duty which, though it was attended with singular difficulties, distresses, and privations, and with all the hardships incident to Indian warfare, such as lying out unsheltered and exposed to the inclemency of the weather, to rain and snow, and wind by night as well as by day, he accomplished to such perfect satisfaction, that he received the public thanks of general St. Clair for his conduct. Soon afterwards general St. Clair set out for Philadelphia, and early in January, 1792, general Wilkinson being appointed colonel of the second regiment, took the command of the army. Of this event general Harrison always speaks with pleasure, as making a very interesting era in his life. The successive defeats of Harmar and St. Clair pointed out to government the na cessity of adopting a more effectual mode of repressing the Indians, or in other wortis. of calling into action against them a larger force and a more cautious system of opera- tions. Negotiations for peace, therefore, were set on foot, in order, if possible, tu a2 6 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-EOOK. bring the savages to reason, at the same time that an act of congress was passed for ra.sing a considerable army ; and in order to provide against that error which had occasioned the two past defeats, viz. the want of discipUne in the troops. The whole of the year 1792, and the winter and spring of 1793, were employed in raising men, and instructing them in military discipline. The new troops were stationed under general Wayne, at first a few miles below Pittsburg, and then descending the Ohio, wore encamped upon its banks below Cincinnati, where Harrison joined them, in Jui:e, 1793, and was appointed second aid-de-camp to the commander-in-chief, having bet'i in the preceding year raised to a lieutenancy in the first regiment. In September, it being understood that the negotiations with the Indians had failed of eflfect and were broken off, the army, consisting of four thousand five hundred effective regulars, including some troops of dragoons, and of an auxiliary force of two thousand mounted militia under the command of general Scott, marched to Green- ville; but an early setting in of the frost rendered it advisable to put the troops into winter quarters, huts were built, and a system of discipline, calculated for the kind of warfare in which they were to be employed, was diligently put in practice. Here young Harrison devoted himself to the study and practice of his profession with such success, that he obtained the confidence of his commander and the attachment of his associates. It was not, however, till the latter end of June, 1 794, that general Wayne was enabled to march from Greenville, the enemy retreating before him as he advanced. He took and destroyed the town of the Indians, and advanced upon the British fort lately built at the foot of the rapids of the Miami river. The Indians had collected in that neighborhood, and on the 20th of August opposed the march of the American army, who soon routed them, and driving them to within a short distance of the Britisli fort, encamped in full view of it. In this battle Harrison's conduct received the warmest applause from general Wayne. He had been appointed by the general to assist in forming the left wing of the regular troops; a task of extreme difficulty, owing to the thickness of the woods in which they were posted, and he accomplished it with great skill and effect. Thus completely vanquished and humiliated, the Indians sued for peace; in the winter an armi^:tice was granted to them, and in the August following a treaty termi- nated all their differences, and, with those, the war. In the autumn of 179.5, Mr. Harrison, now a captain, was married to the youngest daughter of John Cheeves Symmes, esq., one of the judges of the north-western ter- ritory ; and on the departure of general Wayne for the Atlantic states, was continued by him in his post of aid-de-camp, and left in the command of Fort Washington. In the former of these offices he remained till the death of general Wayne, which happened in the course of the following year. In 1797 captain Harrison finding the country reposed in peace, left the army, and was in a few weeks afterwards appointed secretary of the north-western territory in the room of W. Sergeant, esq., who was raised to the office of governor of the Mis- sissippi territory. In the year 1799, he was sent as a delegate to congress from the north-v.'estern territory, and had an active share in bringing through congiess the law for changing the defective system that had been in use for the sale of public lands, and in introducing the plan now in operation. Ho was in fact the person who origi- iiaed that measure, the happy effects of which upon the treasury of the United |-^!'-.es are now acknowledged by every one; for it has been ascertained, that the In; ,iense growth of population which enabled that territory in a short time after to b.y.ime one of the states, and at this time not one of the smallest, arose altogether fro'ii that plan. When the Indiana territory was formed out of a part of the north-western, Mr. Har- rison was appointed, by Mr. Adams, the first governor of it; and in the year 1801, removed to the cajjital of it (Vincennes) with his family. At the exjuration of three years, for which he had been appointed, he was again nominated to that ollice by Mr. Jefferson, and continued to retain it under Mr. Madison till he was called to the <• '..rnand of the nortli-western army after the fall of Detroit. Hiring his administration he directed his attention to the disciplining of the militia, uik; exerted himself in endeavoring to civilize and better the condition of tlie Indian L.'-iijes that fell under his superintendence. In his letters to governor Scott of Ken- THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK- 7 tucky, which have been published, and in his speeches to the Indiana legislatare, he strenuously recommended the system of the old republics, under which military in- struction was commenced at school. In consequence of that recommendation, the United States gave a section of each township of Indiana for the use of schools, and an entire tovraship near Vincennes towards the establishment of a college, for the express purpose of military instruction. Of his anxiety to secure the Indians from inquietude and the aggressions of the whites, to promote their civilization, and to induce them to raise domestic animals as a substitute for the wild game which was rapidly decreasing, his speeches and mes- sages to the legislature of Indiana bear abundant testimony ; while the many advan- tageous treaties he made with them, prove his popularity with that singular race of beings. But a still stronger proof is this :— A few of the party attached to the prophet, gave out that the tribes who signed the treaty at Fort Wayne in 1809, were overawed by a large force into that measure, contrary to their inclination. This was a foul aspersion ; for the truth has been established beyond controversy, that at the time of negotiating there were no more than thirty soldiers along with governor Har- rison, while the Indians amounted to more than eighteen hundred — and he was entirely in their power, having sle^t at a house half a mile from the fort surrounded by ^ multitude of Indians. The civil administration of general Harrison as governor of the territory, though not attended with such splendid circumstances as his military achievements, do him no less credit. A minute detail of his conduct in that high office would be out of its place in such an article as this, and could not be very interesting to the reader. For the present purpose it is sufHcient to state that his management of the territory ob- tained the universal applause of the people, and the unqualified approbation of the general government. One event of it, however, merits particular description, as well on account of its important efiects upon the public concerns, as of its serving to illustrate the character of general Harrison— we meon the expedition on the Wabash, in the autumn of 1811, which ended in the victory of Tippecanoe. [Official details of the battle of Tippecanoe, the defence of Fort Meigs, and the victory over Proctor at the Thames, &c. are inserted in subsequent chapters, and it is not necessary to give them here. They were, indeed, glorious achievements, and reflected the highest honor upon the victorious general, who was greeted as " the Washington of the West."] On receiving the news of the victory of the Thames, the thanks of congress were expressed to general Harrison in the warmest manner. Among many others, whose grateful feelings found utterance on that occasion, the hon. Langdon Cheves ob- served, on the floor of congress, that—' The victory of Harrison was such as would have secured to a Roman general in the best days of the republic, the honors of a triumph.' A sentiment which was fully responded to, in the comphmentary notices which he received from every part of the union. Having entirely defeated the enemy in Upper Canada, general Harrison advanced with a part of his army, to the Niagara frontier, and thence to Sackett's Harbor, where he left the troops, and proceeded to the seat of government. On his way thither, he passed through New York, and Philadelphia ; in which cities he was received with the most flattering marks of public honor and distinction. After the necessary delay of a few days at Washington, general Harrison proceeded to Ohio, where important duties required his presence. In the plan for the ensuing campaign, to the surprise and regret of the public, general Harrison was designated for a service, far inferior to that which he had a right to expect. Regardless of the memorable victories which this gallant and experienced officer had won, and unmindful of the various and important services which he had rendered to his country, the secretary of war saw fit to assign to him the command of a district, where he would be compelled to remain inactive, while others were ap- pointed to those more arduous duties, which he had heretofore fulfilled with so much honor to himself, and to the nation. As if still unsatisfied with the insult which he had offered to general Harrison, the secretary of war, on the 25th of April, 1814, appointed a subordinate ofiicer to a separate command within his district, and notified him to that effect. On the receipt of this notification, general Harrison instantly addressed a letter to the secretary, tendering his resignation, with a notificatiou 8 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. thereof to the president. 'As soon as governor Shelby heard of the resignation of general Harrison, he lost no time in addressing the president in his usual forcible terms to prevent his acceptance of it; but unfortunately for the public mterests, the president 'was then on a visit to Virginia, to which place the letters from general Harrison and governor Shelby were forwarded, and that of the latter was not received until after the secretary, Armstrong, without the puevious consent of THE PRESIDENT, had assuiucd to himself the high prerogative of accepting the resig- nation. The president expressed his gi'eat regret that the letter of governor Shelby had not been received earlier, as in that case the valuable services of general Harrison would have been preserved to the nation in the ensuing campaign.' Soon after his resignation, in the summer of 1814, Mr. Madison evinced his una- bated confidence in the abilities and integrity of general Harrison, by appointing him to treat with the Indians, in conjunction with his old companions in arms, governor Shelby, and general Cass. And in the following year, he was placed at the head oi another commission, appointed to treat with the north-western tribes. 1 he advan- tageous treaties made in both these cases, afforded new instances of the untaiimg success, that has always attended general Harrison's negotiations with the Indians. In 1816, he was elected, by a large majority, a member of the house of representa- tives in congress, from Ohio. In this station he served, greatly to his own honor and to the satisfaction of his constituents, until 1819 ; when, on the expiration of lus term of service, he was chosen to the senate of the state legislature. In 1824 he was elected a senator of the United States from Ohio. While ser^■lng in this high station, he commanded universal reflect. His views as a statesman were liberal and extended ; his remarkable readiness in debate soon rendered him a prominent member; and the nervous and impassioned eloquence, and classical telicity of illustration, with which he enforced his arguments, gained him much mfiuence. In 1828, he was appointed by Mr. Adams, envoy extraordinary and minister pleni- potentiary to the Republic of Col.mbia. He accepted this appointment, and repaired, without delay, to the scene of his duties, where ho was received with every demon- stration of respect. He found this unhappy country in a deplorable condition— .he people ignorant of their rights, and almost in a state of anarchy, and Bo ivar ap- parently about to assume the despotic power of a military dictator. Shocked at tins state of things, with the frankness of an old soldier, he wrote his celebrated letter to Bolivar, which is inserted at length in subsequent pages. , . ^ „ , , General Harrison remained in Colombia but a short time, havmg been recalled by cencral Jackson, soon after he came into power. , • nu- Since his return from this mission, he has lived in comparative retirement, in Ohio, the state of his adoption. With the most enticing opportunities of accumula mg wealth, during his long government of Indiana, and supenntendency of Indian affairs, he acquired none ; his honest and scrupulous integrity was proot against he golden temptations. His time and best energies were devoted to the service of his counti-/, and his own interests were ever, with him, a secondary consideration. He therefore retired without the spoils of office, and with only a competency barely sufh- cicnt for his support; but rich in a reputation undimmed by a smgle tarnisli, and in the honor and respect of all his fellow-citizens. , , . *i.o oMk-it^ General Harrison is now sixty-six years of age; but such have been the activity and temperate habits of his past life, that he enjoys his moral and physical energ e, in remarkable vigor. In person, he is tall and thin; his features are irregular, but his eyes are dark, keen, and penetrating; his forehead is expansive; his mouth pecu- liirlv indicative of firmness and genius; and his countenance is highly expressive ol inlelli-ence and benevolence. His manners are plain, frank, and unassuming, and his disposition is cheerful, kind, and generous, almost to a fault. In his private inte- course he is beloved and esteemed by all who know him. In the various civil and military offices he has held, he has always been moderate and forbearing, yet hrm and true to his trust. No other commander has ever been more popular with our mil t.a and the true secret of this cannot be better explained than by his own 'i^Ply. J^ ^^ asked how he had gained this influence: 'By treating them,' said he, 'with affection and indness, by allays recollecting that they were my fellow-citiz.ens, -hose lee mg I was bound to respect; and by sharing with them, on every occasion, the hardships which ihcy were obliged to undergo.' " THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. CHAPTER II. THE BATTtE OF TIPPECANOE, ETC. The preceding memoir presents a most interesting and graphic account of the nature and value of the services of General Harrison, and ought to convince any- reasonable man that he possesses, in an extraordinary degree, all those qualifications which should adorn a brave soldier and an enlightened statesman, and that he is " pecu- liarly fitted to bring back the government to that old and beaten track in which it was marching to prosperity and greatness," until perverted to the base purposes of party, and used to crush, instead of to protect, the interests of the people. The foul spirit of detraction has, however, been at work, and it is the design of the follow- ing pages to exhibit, from official sources, the evidences of his public services, and the estimation in which they were held by the government and the people; and thus enable the friends of the peoples' candidate to repel error and establish truth. His celebrated battle with the Indians was fought on the night of the 7th of November, 1811, on the Wabash river, at a place called TIPPECANOE, in sight of the Prophet's town, and lasted for two hours. Thirty-seven Americans were killed, and one hundred and fifty-one wounded. Among the killed were colonels Owen and Shelby, captain Spencer, and both of his subalterns, captain Berry of Croydon, and captain Baen of the regular army. Governor Harrison was shot through the hat and slightly wounded. The American force consisted of eight hundred men ; three hundred and fifty of these were of the 4th regiment United States infantry, and the remainder volunteer cavalry and riflemen from the state of Kentucky and the territory of Indiana, of which territory Harrison was then governor'. The force of the Indians is not stated with accuracy, but it greatly out- numbered the American troops ; and they sufl'ered great loss in killed and wounded. The Indians, it was believed, were instigated to hostilities against our peaceful citizens, by the British government, and completely armed and equipped out of the king's stores at Maiden. " Indeed," said gov. Harrison, in a letter to colonel J. M. Scott, of Frankfort, Kentucky, (see vol. i. Niles' Reg. p. 311.) "they were much better armed than the greater part of my troops; every Indian was provided with a gun, scalping knife, tomahawk and war club, and most of them with a spear, whilst the greater part of the riflemen had no other weapon than a rifle." The governor had marched up to the Prophet's town in the evening, and held a conference with him, when it was agreed to hold a council the next morning. A negro, however, deserted to the Indians, and told them that the governor had but about three hundred men, that he had a large quantity of goods with him, and that the next day, when thev were in council, he intended to fall upon them and destroy them. This in- formation, it is supposed, induced the Indians to make the attack in the night, when they rushed upon the American troops with extraordinary rapidity. But they were not " surprised," as has been asserted; for it will be seen, by referring to Niles' Reg. vol. ii. p. 56., that three captains, one ensign, and the surgeon and assistant surgeon of the 4th regiment United States infantry, have published certificates and statements relative to the battle, in which the prudence and skill of governor Harrison are represented in the most honorable light. " The whole of the men slept upon their arms, with their accoutrements upon them, and the lines were formed in FROM FOUR TO SIX MINUTES after the firing of the first gun, with astonishi7ig regularity and order ,-" — which could not have been accomplished in a dark night, without a previous arrangement predicated upon a supposed attack ! The American troops fought with the most determined bravery, and the Indians, inspired by the presence of their Prophet, and their thirst for blood and plunder, obstinately main tained their ground for two hours. Cols. Daveiss, Owen, White, Geiger, judge Taylor, major Floyd, and captains Berry, Baen and Spencer, performed prodigies of valor. Three Indians attacked colonel E. Geiger in his tent at one time, he killed one and vanquished the other two, when he Avas wounded in the arm. Major Floyd \ 10 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. fought like Cssar, " in his shirt tail," and clothed himself with victory. The slaiigh ter was, indeed, dreadful, for the Indians came to the point of the bayonet with their tomahawks, and only ceased the struggle with the loss of life. After the battle gov. Harrison took possession of about five thousand bushels of corn, belonging to the Indians, and burned the Prophet's town. (See Niies' Reg. vol. i. p. 238.) There was another unfounded statement in relation to this brilliant affair which at- tracted ihe notice of some of the brave officers who participated in it. A corres- pondent of the National Intelligencer, in a letter to the editor of that publication, dated February 22, 1817, recorded in Niles, vol. xii. p. 90, said : — " In Dr. Ramsay's history of the American Revolution, continued by Dr. Smith to the treaty of Ghent, I find in pages 142, 3, and 4, of the 3d volume, an account of the transactions which preceded the battle of Tippecanoe, so essentially diiferent from the facts, particularly that part which states that general Harrison encamped his troops on ground selected or pointed out by the Indians, that I am induced, from regard to historic truth, and the reputation of a distinguished officer, to request the publication of the following extract from McAffee's history of the war in the western country, and the subjoined statements of the honorable Waller Taylor, now a senator from Indiana, and lieut. col. Snelling, of the army, then a captain in the 4th United States regiment of infantry. Justice. THE EXTRACT. "To this it was observed, that as the Indians seen hovering about the army, had been frequently invited to a parley by the interpreters, who had proceeded some distance from the lines for the purpose ; and as these overtures had universally been answered by menace and insult, it was very evident that it was their intention to fight ; that the troops were in high spirits and full of confidence ; and that advantage ought to be taken of their ardour to lead them immediately to the enemy ; to this the governor (Harrison) answered, that he was fully sensible of the eagerness of the troops ; and admitting the determined hostility of the Indians, and that thoir insolence was full evidence of their intention to fight, yet he knew them too well to believe that they would ever do this, but by surprise, or on ground which was entirely favorable to their mode of fighting. He was therefore determined not to advance with the troops, until he knew precisely the situation of the town, and the ground adjacent to it, par- ticularly that which intervened between it and the place where the army then was — that it was their duty to fight when they came in contact with the enemy — it was his to take care that they should not engage in a situation where their valor would be useless, and where a corps upon which he placed great reliance would be unable to act ; that the experience of the last two hours ought to convince every officer, that no reliance ought to be placed upon the guides, as to the topography of the country ; that relying on their information, the troops had been led into a situation so unfavor- able, that but for the celerity with which they changed their position, a few Indians might have destroyed them. He was therefore determined not to advance to the town, until he had previously reconnoitered, either in person, or by some one on whose judgment he could rely. Major Daveiss immediately replied, that from the right of the position of the dragoons, which was still in front, the opening made by the low grounds of the Wabash could be seen ; that with his adjt. D. Floyd, he had advanced to the bank, which descends to the low grounds, and had a fair view of the cultivated fields and the houses of the town ; and that the open woods, in which the troops then were, continued without interruption to the town. Upon this information, the gover- nor said he would advance, provided he could get any proj)er person to go to the town with a flag. Captain T. Dubois, of Vincennes, having offered his services, he was despatched with an interpreter to the Prophet, desiring to know whether he would now comply with the terms that had been so often j)R)posed to him. The army was moved slowly after in order of battle. In a few moments a messenger came from captain Dubois, informing the governor that the Indians were near him in considerable numbers, but that they would return no answer to the inter[)reter, although they were sufficiently near to hear what was said to them, and that upon his advancing, they constantly endeavoured to cut him off from the army. Gov. Harrison, during this last effort to open a negotiation, which was sufficient to show his wish for an accom- THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 11 modation, resolved no longer to hesitate in treating the Indians as enemies. He there- fore recalled captain Dubois, and moved on with a determination to attack them. He had not proceeded far, however, before he was met by three Indians, one of them a principal counsellor to the Prophet. They were sent, they said, to know why the army was advancing upon them — that the Prophet wished if possible to avoid hos- tilities ; that he had sent a pacific message by the Miami and Patawatamie chiefs, who had come to him on the part of the governor — and that those chiefs had unfor- tunately gone down on the south side of the Wabash. A suspension of hostilities was accordingly agreed upon; and a meeting was to take place the next day between Harrison and the chiefs, to agree upon the terms of peace. The governor further informed them, that he would go on to the Wabash and encamp there for the night. Upon marching a short distance further he came in view of the town, which was seen at some distance up the river upon a commanding eminence. Major Daveiss and adjt. Floyd had mistaken some scattered houses in the fields below for the town itself. The ground below the town being unfavorable for an encampment, the army marched on in the direction of the town, with a view to obtain a better situation beyond it. The troops were in an order of march, calculated by a single conversion of companies, to form the order of battle, which it had last assumed, the dragoons being in front. This corps soon however became entangled in ground covered with brush and tops of fallen trees. A halt was ordered, and major Daveiss directed to change position with Spencer's rifle corps, which occupied the open fields adjacent to the river. The Indians seeing this manoeuvre, at the approach of the troops tovi'ards the town, supposed that they intended to attack it, and inmiediately prepared for defence. Some of them sallied out, and called to the advance corps to halt. The governor upon this rode forward, and requested some of the Indians to come to him, assured them that nothing was farther from his thoughts than to attack them — that the ground below the town on the river was not calculated for an encampment, and that it was his intention to search for a better one above. He asked if there was any other water convenient beside that which the river afforded ; and an Indian with whom he was well acquainted, answered, that the creek which had been crossed tvi^o miles back, ran through the prairie to the north of the village, A halt was then ordered, and some officers sent back to examine the creek, as well as the river above the town. In half an hour, brigade-major Marston Clarke and major Waller Taylor returned, and reported that they had found on the creek every thing that could be desired in an encampment — an elevated spot, nearly surrounded by an open prairie, with water convenient, and a sufSciency of wood for fuel. An idea was propagated by the ene- mies of governor Harrison, after the battle of Tippecanoe, that the Indians had forced him to encamp on a place, chosen by them as suitable for the attack they intended. The place however was chosen by majors Taylor and Clarke, after examining all the environs of the town ; and when the army of general Hopkins was there in the fol- lowing year, they all united in the opinion, that a better spot to resist Indians was not to be found in the whole country. The above account taken from McAfift'e's history of the war in the western coun- try, as it relates to the situation of the camp occupied by the army under the command of governor Harrison, on the night between the 6th and 7th of November, 1811, is entirely correct. The spot for the encampment was selected by col. Clarke, (who acted as brigade-major to general Boyd,) and myself. We were directed by governor Har- rison to examine the country up and down the creek until we should find a suitable f.lace for an encampment. In a short time we discovered the place on which the army encamped, and to which it was conducted by us. No intimation was given by the Indians of the wish that we should encamp there, nor could they possibly have known where the army would encamp until it took its position. The only error in the above extract is, in saying that major Clarke and myself were sent hack, by which it would appear that the army retrograded to take up its encampment ; this is not the fact, the army filed off in front of the town at right angles to the Wabash to reach its encamp- ment. It has ever been my belief that the position we occupied was the best that could be found anywhere near us, and I believe that nine-tenths of the officers were of that opinion. We did not go on the Wabash above the town, but I am certain that there was no position below it that was eligible for an encampment. Fcbruarij 22, 1817. Waller Tatlor. ^^ THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. My situation as a platoon officer nrpvpnt«,i ,»,„ v • transactions above related, so £ ^ Sle J th^il '7"^ ^rT'' '^"°^'^'i«-« of the army under general Harrison by^ifsLff officer hH '^' '^jy^'^-t of the extract from McAffee's history I have no b.«^> ^' "^ T'^^^^y P'^'-"^'^^ the substantially correct ; and that in mv onininn ^h '" T'"^ '^^' ^ ^'^'^'"^ it t« be camped con^bined th'e adv^n^ s 7 ZTlll 'and "a S"f "'^f '''■ ^^^ - (orhottom-landasiiisealLdjSgrth^Ltlt^^^ J. SXELLIXG, TV-a5At«^^an, February 28, 1 8 1 7." *"'" ''°'°"'^' ^''^ Infantry. by'^ptiStta'dtftrirse^^^^ °^^« ^^"•«. communicated December, ,811, and ,^i^:P:: mL'TX i^^^^^^^^^^^ "' ^^ ^-'^'^ «^'-. « To Me Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. I lay before congress two letters received from governor Harrison af ih t ^• Territory reporting the particulars and the issue of t^e exSdt on nn , K '^''"* " Whir'r-°' r'^'fr '^? ■" ^^y communication ofSember 5 '" '" ^°"- actrwhich^ott:™^^^^^^^^ m uTt^rr'"^''^ ir^^ '^- ^'- '- - ^^^ dauntless spirit a„dUuI ti^^ d'p^^^^^^^^^^ eT ylLrio^onheT ''' engaged, as well as the collected firmness which distiLuiZd tC r^!. ? °°P' occasion requiring the utmost exertions of valor and difciptne ^"'"'"''"'^«'- °" ^° It may reasonably be expected that the good efiects of fhi^ rrif.r.i i r . ^ :,• persion of a combination of savages which appears to h.vph '^''*t^"'^ '^''■ greater extent, will be experienced not only in a^Ssation of the '^^'^^'^S to a WttsAm^/o«, December 18, 1811. '^^'^^^ Madisow. Vincennes, November 18, 1811 resSt"^l"n':Sirb;tlt^^h^^o:rL'.efm7c:^^^^^^^^^^^^^ Indians under ,he control of the Shawanoe prophet ThadprevoLv tw"T "^ ma letter of the 2ncl instant, of my proceedLg^ previously to'Iy a Sal It thtvT million river, where I had erected a blockhouse for the protection of fhrL i ut was obliged to leave, and as a depository for our heavy CgaLe a„d s-h n/ "^ ^ visions as we were unable to transport in wa^^ons On fhl "1 r°"v ^o^^ I had on the preceding day avoided the dangerous pass of S creek bv dm n My order of march hitherto had been similar to that used by general Wavne- th.t is, the infantry were in two columns of files on either side of the road nn H h^ ' i riflemen and cavalry in front, in the rear, and on the hnk/ W oi M '"7"'"^ unfavorable for the action of caval.y th^y werTptelun he 1' but tvfie^et l^ otherwise thev were made to exchange positions with one of the mounted rifle corp" THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 13 Understanding that the last four miles were open woods, and the probability being greater that we should be attacked in front than on either flank, I halted at that dis- tance from the town and formed the army in order of battle. The United States infantry placed in the centre, two companies of infantry and one of mounted riflemen on each flank formed the front line. In the rear of this line was placed the baggage, drawn up as compact as possible, and immediately behind it a reserve of three compa- nies of militia infantry. The cavalry formed a second line at the distance of three hundred yards in the rear of the front line, and a company of mounted riflemen the advanced guard at that distance in front. To facilitate the march, the whole were then broken off in short columns of companies, a situation the most favorable for forming in order of battle with facility and precision. Our march was slow and cau- tious, and much delayed by the examination of every place which seemed calculated for an ambuscade. Indeed the ground was for some time so unfavorable that I was •obliged to change the position of the several corps, three times in the distance of a mile. At half-past two o'clock we passed a small creek at the distance of one mile and a half from the town, and entered an open wood when the army was halted and again drawn up in order of battle. During the whole of the last day's march parties of Indians were constantly about us, and every effort was made by the interpreters to speak to them, but in vain — new attempts of the kind were now made, but proving equally ineffectual, a captain Dubois, of the spies and guides, offering to go with a flag to the town, I despatched him with an interpreter to request a conference with the prophet — in a few moments a message was sent by captain Dubois to inform me that in his attempt to advance, the Indians appeared in both his flanks, and although he had spoken to them in the most friendly manner, they refused to answer, but beckoned to him to go forward, and constantly endeavoured to cut him off from the army. Upon this information I recalled the captain, and determined to encamp for the night, and take some other measures for opening a conference with the prophet. Whilst I was engaged in tracing the lines for the encampment, major Daveiss, who commanded the dragoons, came up to inform me that he had penetrated to the Indian fields ; that the ground was entirely open and favorable ; that the Indians in front had manifested nothing but hostility, and had answered every attempt to bring them to a parley with contempt and insolence. It was immediately advised by all the ofRcers around me to move forward. A similar wish indeed pervaded all the army — it was drawn up in excellent order, and every man appeared eager to decide the contest immediately. Being informed that a good encampment might be had upon the Wabash, I yielded to what appeared to be the general wish, and directed the troops to advance, taking care, however, to place the interpreters in front, with directions to invite a conference with any Indians they might meet with. We had not advanced above four hundred yards, when I was informed that three Indians had approached the advanced guards and had expressed a wish to speak to me. I found upon their arrival that one of them was a man in great estimation with the prophet. He informed me that the chiefs were much surprised at my advancing upon them so rapidly — that they were given to understand by the Delawares and Miamies whom I had sent to them a few days before, that I would not advance to their town, until I had received an answer to my demands made through them. That this answer had been despatched by the Patawatamie chief, Winemac, who had accompanied the Miamies and Delawares on their return ; that they had left the prophet's town two days before with a design to meet me, but unfor- tunately taken the road on the south side of the Wabash. I answered that I had no intention of attacking them until I discovered that they would not comply with the demands which I had made — that I would go on and encamp at the Wabash, and in the morning would have an interview with the prophet and his chiefs, and explain to them the determination of the president — that in the mean time no hostilities should be committed. He seemed much pleased with this, and promised that it should be observed on their part. I then resumed my march, we struck the cultivated grounds about five hundred yards below the town, but as these extended to the bank of the Wabash there was no possibility of getting an encampment which was provided with both wood and water. My guards and interpreters being still with the advanced guard, and taking the direction of the town, the army followed and had advanced within about one hundred and fifty yards, when fifty or sixty Indians sallied out, and with loud exclamations called to the cavalry and to the militia infantry, which were B 14 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. * on our right flank, to halt. I immediately advanced to the front, caused the army to halt, and directed an interpreter to request some of the chiefs to come to me. In a few moments the man that had been with me before made his appearance. I informed him that ray object for the present was to procure a good piece of ground to encamp on, where we could get wood and water— he informed me that there was a creek to the north-west which he thought would suit our purpose. I immediately despatched two officers to examine it, and they reported that the situation was excellent. I then took leave of the chief, and a mutual promise was again made for a suspension of hos- tilities until we could have an interview on the following day. I found the ground destined for the encampment not altogether such as I could wish it— it was indeed admirably calculated for the encampment of regular troops that were opposed to regu- lars, but it afforded great facility to the approach of savages. It was a piece of dry oak land, rising about ten feet above the level of the marshy prairie in front (towards the Indian town) and nearly twice that height above a similar prairie in the rear, through which and near to this bank ran a small stream clothed with willows and other brush wood. Towards the left flank this bench of highland widened considera- bly, but became gradually narrower in the opposite direction, and at the distance of one hundred and fifty yards from the right flank, terminated in the abrupt point. The two columns of infantry occupied the front and rear of this ground at the distance of about one hundred and fifty yards from each other on the left, and something more than half that distance on the right flank— these flanks were filled up, the first by two companies of mounted riflemen amounting to about one hundred and twenty men, under the command of major-general Wells of the Kentucky militia, who served as a major; the other by Spencer's company of mounted riflemen which amounted to eighty men. The front line was composed of one battalion of United States infantry under the command of major Floyd, flanked on the right by two companies of militia, and on the left by one company. The rear line was composed of a battalion of United States troops under the command of captain Baen, acting as major, and four companies of militia infantry under lieutenant-colonel Decker. The regular troops of the line joined the mounted riflemen under general Wells on the left flank, and colonel Decker's battalion formed an angle with Spencer's company on the left. Two troops of dragoons, amounting in the aggregate to about sixty men, were en- camped in the rear of the left flank, and captain Parke's troop, which was larger than the othpr two, in the rear of the front line. Our order of encampment varied little from that above described, excepting when some peculiarity of the ground made it necessary. For a night attack the order of encampment was the order of battle, and each man slept immediately opposite to his post in the Ime. In the formation of my troops I used a single rank, or what is called Indian file — because in Indian war- fare, where there is no shock to resist, one rank is nearly as good as two, and in that kind of warfare the extension of line is a matter of the first importance. — Raw troops also manoeuvre with much more facility in single than in double ranks. It was my constant custom to assemble all the field officers at my tent every evening by signal, to give them the watch word and their instructions for the night — those given for the night of the 6th were, that each corps which formed a part of the exterior line of the encampment, should hold its own ground until relieved. The dragoons were directed to parade dismounted in case of a night attack, with their pistols in their belts, and to act as a corps de reserve. The camp was defended by two captains guards, consist- ing each of four non-commissioned officers and 42 privates — and two subalterns guards of twenty non-commissioned officers and privates. The whole under the com- mand of a field olRcer of the day. — The troops were regularly called up an hour before day, and made to continue under arms until it was quite light. On thft morning of the 7th I had risen at a quarter after four o'clock, and the signal for call ing out the men would have been given in two minutes, when the attack commenced. It began on our left flank — l)ut a single gun was fired by the sentinels or by the guard in that direction, which made not the least resistance, but abandoned their officer and fled into the camp, and the first notice which the troops of that flank had of the dan- ger, was from the yells of the savages within a short distance of the line — but even under those circumstances the men were not wanting to themselves or to the occasion. Such of them as were awake, or were easily awakened, seized their arms and took their stations ; others which ware more tardy, had to contend with the enemy in the THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. , 15 doors of their tents. The storm first fell upon captain Barton's company of the 4tli United States regiment, and captain Geiger'a company of mounted riflemen, which formed the left angle of the rear line. The fire upon these was excessively severe, and they suffered considerably before relief could be brought to them ; some few In- dians passed into the encampment near the angle, and one or two penetrated to some distance before they were killed. I believe all the other companies were under arms and tolerably formed before they were fired on. The morning was dark and cloudy — our fires afforded a partial light, which, if it gave us some opportunity of taking our positions, was still more advantageous to the enemy, affording them the means of taking a surer aim — they were therefore extinguished as soon as possible. Under all these discouraging circumstances, the troops (nineteen twentieths of whom had never been in action before) behaved in a manner that never can be too much applauded. They took their places without noise and with less confusion than could have been expected from veterans placed in a similar situation. As soon as I could mount my horse, I rode to the angle that was attacked — I found that Barton's company had suf- fered severely and the left of Geiger's entirely broken. I immediately ordered Cook's company and the late captain Wentworth's, under lieutenant Peters, to be brought up from the centre of the rear line, where the ground was much more defensible, and formed across the angle in support of Barton's and Geiger's. My attention was then engaged by a heavy firing upon the left of the front line, where were stationed the small company of United States riflemen, (then however armed with muskets,) and the companies of Baen, Snelling, and Prescott of the 4th regiment. I found major Daveiss forming the dragoons in the rear of those companies, and understanding that the heaviest part of the enemy's fire proceeded from some trees about lifleen or twenty paces in front of those companies, I directed the major to dislodge them with a part of the dragoons. Unfortunately the major's gallantry determined him to ex- ecute the order with a smaller force than was sufficient, which enabled the enemy t& avoid him in front, and attack his flanks. The major was mortally wounded and his party driven back. The Indians were however immediately and gallantly dislodged from their advantageous position, by captain Snelling at the head of his company. In the course of a few minutes after the commencement of the attack, the fire ex- tended along the left flank, the whole of the front, the right flank, and part of the rear line. Upon Spencer's mounted riflemen, and the right of Warwick's company, which was posted on the right of the rear line, it was excessively severe ; captain Spencer and his first and second lieutenants were killed, and captain Warwick was mortally wounded — those companies however still bravely maintained their posts, but Spencer had suffered so severely, and having originally too much ground to occupy, I reinforced them with Robb's company of riflemen, which had been driven, or by mis- take ordered from their position on the left flank towards the centre of the camp, and filled the vacancy that had been occupied by Robb with Prescott's company of the 4th United States regiment. My great object was to keep the lines entire, to prevent the enemy from breaking into the camp until day light, which should enable me to make a general and effectual charge. With this view I had reinforced every part of the line that had suffered much ; and as soon as the approach of morning discovered itself, I withdrew from the front line Snelling's, Posey's (under lieutenant Albright) and Scott's, and from the rear line, Wilson's companies, and drew them up upon the left flank, and at the same time I ordered Cook's and Baen's companies, the former from the rear and the latter from the front line, to reinforce the right flank ; foreseeing that at these points the enemy would make their last efforts. Major Wells, who com- manded on the left flank, not knowing my intentions precisely, had taken the com- mand of these companies, and charged the enemy before I had formed the body of dragoons with which I meant to support the infantry ; a small detachment of these were however ready and proved amply sufficient for the purpose. The Indians were driven by the infantry at the point of the bayonet, and the dragoons pursued and forced them into a marsh, where they could noi be followed. Captain Cook and lieutenant Larebee had, agreeably to my order, inarched their companies to the rigb* flank, had formed them under the fire of the enemy, and being then joined by the riflemen of that flank, had charged the Indians, killed a number, and put the rest to a precipitate flight. A favorable opportunity was here oiiered to pursue the enemy 2 16 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. with dragoons, but being engaged at that time on the other flank, I did not observe it until it was too late. I have thus, sir, given you the particulars of an action which was cert linly main- tained with the greatest obstinacy and perseverance by both parties. The Indians manifested a ferocity uncommon even with them — to their savage fury our troops opposed that cool and deliberate valor which is characteristic of the christian soldier. The most pleasing part of my duty (that of naming to you the corps and indivi- duals who particularly distinguished themselves) is yet to be performed. There is, however, considerable difficulty in it — where merit was so common it is almost im- possible to discriminate. The whole of the infantry formed a small brigade under the immediate orders of colonel Boyd. The colonel throughout the action manifested equal zeal and bravery in carrying into execution my orders, in keeping the men to their posts and exhorting them to fight with valor. His brigade-major Clark, and his aid-de-camp George Croghan, Esq. were also very serviceably employed. Colonel Joseph Bartholomew, a very valuable officer, commanded under colonel Boyd the militia infantry ; he was wounded early in the action, and his services lost to me. Major G. R. C. Floyd, the senior of the fourth United States regiment, commanded immediately the battalion of that regiment, which was in the front line ; his conduct during the action was entirely to my satisfaction. Lieutenant-colonel Decker, who commanded the battalion of militia on the right of the rear line, preserved his command in good order ; he was, however, but partially attacked. I have before mentioned to you that major-general Wells, of the fourth division of Kentucky militia, acted under my command as a major at the head of two companies of mounted volunteers ; the general maintained the fame which he had already acquired in almost every campaign and in almost every battle which has been fought with the Indians since the settlement of Kentucky. Of the several corps, the fourth United States regiment and two small companies at- tached to it, were certainly the most conspicuous for undaunted valor. The compa- nies commanded by captains Cook, Snelling and Barton, lieutenants Larebee, Peters, and Hawkins, were placed in situations where they could render most service and en- counter most danger, and those officers eminently distinguished themselves. Captains Prescott and Brown performed their duty also entirely to my satisfaction, as did Posey's company of the seventh regiment, headed by lieutenant Albright. In short, sir, they supported the fame of American regulars, and I have never heard that a sin- gle individual was found out of the line of his duty. Several of the militia compa- nies were in nowise inferior to the regulars. Spencer's, Geiger's, and Warwick's maintained their posts amidst a monstrous carnage, as indeed did Robb's after it was posted on the left flank ; its loss of men (seventeen killed and wounded) and keeping its ground is sufficient proof of its firmness. Wilson's and Scott's companies charged with the regular troops and proved themselves worthy of doing so. Norris's company also behaved well ; Hargrove's and Wilkin's companies were placed in a situation where they had no opportunity of distinguishing themselves, or I am satisfied they would have done it. This was the case with the squadron of dragoons also. After major Daveiss had received his wound, knowing it to be mortal, I promoted captain Parke to the majority, than whom there is no better officer. My two aids-de-camp, majors Hurst and Taylor, with lieutenant Adams of the fourth regiment, the adjutant of the troops, aflbrded me the most essential aid, as well in the action as throughout the campaign. The arrangements of captain Pratt in the quartermaster's department were highly judicious, and his exertions on all occasions, particularly in bringing off the wounderturiity to fight for the Americans. We cannot recollect the precise remarks that were made by the chiefs who spoke, out Tar/if, (the Crane,) who is the principal of the Wyandots, and the oldest Indian in the Western Wilds, appeared to represent the whole assembly, and professed in tb» name of the friendly tribes, the most indissoluble attachment for the American go- vernment, and a determination to adhere to the treaty of Greenville. THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 31 The general has promised to let the several tribes know when he should want their services; and further cautioned them, that all who went with him must conform to A/j mode of warfare; not to kill or injure old men, women, children, nor prisoners. That, by this means, we should be able to ascertain whether the British tell the truth when they say, that they are not able to prevent Indians from such horrid cruelty ; for if the Indians under him (general Harrison) would obey his commands and re- frain from acts of barbarism, it would be very evident that the hostile Indians could be easily restrained by their commanders. The general then informed the chiefs of the agreement made by Proctor, to deliver him to Tecumseh in case the British succeed- ed in taking Fort Meigs ; and promised them that if he should be successful, he would deliver Proctor into their hands ; un condition that they should do him no other harm than to put a petticoat on him — ' for,' said he, ' none but a coiuard or a squaw would kill a prisoner.' The council broke up in the afternoon ; and the Indians departed the next day for their respective towns." We append the following noble and modest reply to Proctor's insolent demand to surrender Fort Meigs. It is recorded in Niles, vol. iv, p. 260. " We are authorized to state, (says a Cincinnati paper,) by an officer of general Harrison's staff, that the paragraph which appeared in the late Chilicothe Fredonian, relatively to the answer which was given by the general to the demand of his surrender to general Proctor, is not correct. The answer there attributed to the general, was made by a soldier of our army, who being upon the bank of the river with some others, a British soldier called to them and observed, that they ' had better hang out the white flag and surrender.' The American answered, 'general Hull has not yet arrived ; until he comes you may save yourselves the trouble of asking for a surren- der.' The conversation which took place between general Harrison and major Cham- bers, of the British army, who was sent by general Proctor to demand the surrender, was as nearly as can be recollected, as follows : Major Chambers — General Proctor has directed me to demand the surrender of this post. He wishes to spare the effusion of blood. General Harrison — The demand, under present circumstances, is a most extraordi- nary one. As general Proctor did not send me a summons to surrender on his first arrival, I had supposed that he believed me determined to do my duty. His present message indicates an opinion of me that I am at a loss to account for. Major Chambers — General Proctor could never thinkof saying any thing to wound your feelings, sir. The character of general Harrison, as an officer, is well known. General Proctor's force is very respectable, and there is with him a larger body of Indians than have ever before been embodied. General Harrison — I believe I have a very correct idea of general Proctor's force, it is not such as to create the least apprehension for the result of the contest, whatever shape he may be pleased hereafter to give to it. Assure the general, however, that he will never have this post surrendered to him upon any terms. Should it fall into his hands, it will be in a manner calculated to do him more honor, and to give him larger claims upon the gratitude of his government, than any capitulation could possibly do." The following is the official account of the circumstances cunnected with the in- vestment of Lower Sandusky, which general Harrison's enemies have endeavored to pervert to his disadvantage ; but from the letter of the gallant colonel Croghan, and the certificates of general Cass, (formerly secretary of war and now minister to France,) it will be seen that his conduct on that occasion was dictated by military wisdom and a due regard to the circumstances and situation of the enemy. Copy of a letter from general Harrison to the Secretary of War, inserted in Niles, vol. iv. p. 388. " Head- Quarters, Seneca Town, Aug. 4, 1813. Sin — In my letter of the 1st inst. I did myself the honor to inform you that one of my scouting parlies had just returned from the lake shore, and had discovered, the day before, the enemy in force near the mouth of the Sandusky bay. The party had not 32 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. passed Lower Sandusky two hours before the advance, consisting of Indians, appeared before the fori, afld in half an hour after a large detachment of Eritis-h troops ; and in the course of the niglit they commenced a cannonading against the fort with three six- pounders and two howitzers; the latter from gun-boats. The firing was partially an- swered by major Croghan, having a six-pounder, the only piece of artillery. The fire of the enemy was continued at intervals, during the 2d inst., until about half after 5 P. M. when finding that their cannon made little impression upon the works, and having discovered my position here, and apprehending an attack, an attempt was made to carry the place by storm. Their troops were formed in two columns, lieutenant-colonel Short headed the principal one, composed of the light and battalion companies of the 41st regiment. This gallant officer conducted his men to the brink of the ditch, under the most galling and destructive fire from tlie garrison, and leaping into it was followed by a considerable part of his own and the light com- pany ; at this moment a masked porthole was suddenly opened, and a six-pounder, with an half load of powder and a double charge of leaden slugs, at the distance of thirty feet, poured destruction upon them, and killed or wounded nearly every man who had entered the ditch. In vain did the British officers exert thems<^!ves to lead on the balance of the column ; it retired in disorder under a shower of shot from the fort, and sought safety in the adjoining woods. The other column, headed by the gre- nadiers had also retired, after having suffered from the muskets of our men, to an adjacent ravine. In the course of the night, the enemy, with the aid of their Indians, drew off the greater part of the wounded and dead, and embarking them in boats descended the river with the utmost precipitation. In the course of the 2d inst having heard the cannonading, I made several attempts to ascertain the force and situation of the enemy ; our scouts were unable to get near the fort, from the Indians which surrounded it. Finding, however, that the enemy had only light artillery, and being well convinced that it could make little impression upon the works, and that any at- tempt to storm it would be resisted with effect, I waited for the arrival of two hundred and fifty mounted volunteers, which on the evening before had left Upper Sandusky. But as soon as I was informed the enemy were retreating, I set out with the dragoons to endeavor to overtake them, leaving generals M'Arthur and Cass to follow with all the infantry (about seven hundred) that could be spared from the protection of the stores and sick of this place. I found it impossible to come up with them. Upon my arrival at Sandusky, I was informed by the prisoners that the enemy's forces consisted of four hundred and ninety regular troops, and five hundred of Dixon's Indians, com- manded by general Proctor in person, and that Tecumseh. with about two thousand warriors, was somewhere in the swamps, between this and Fort Meigs, expecting my advancing, or that of a convoy of provisions. As there was no prospect of doing any thing in front, and being apprehensive that Tecumseh might destroy the stores and small detachments in my rear, I sent orders to general Ca-ss, who commanded the reserve, to fall back to this place, and to general M'Arthur with the front line to follow and support him. I remained at Sandusky until the parties that were sent out in every direction returned — not an enemy was to be seen. I am sorry that I cannot transmit you major Croghan's official report. He was to have sent it to me this morning, but I have just heard that he was so much ex- hausted by thirty-six hours of continued exertion as to be unable to make it. It will not be amongst the least of general Proctor's mortifications to find that he has been baffled by a youth who has just passed his twenty-first year. lie is, however, a hero worthy of his gallant uncle, general George R. Clark. {'aptain Hunter, of the 17th regiment, the second in command, conducted himself with great propriety ; and never were a set of finer young fellows than the subalterns, viz. lieutenants Johnson and Bayler of the 17th, Anthony of the Slth, Meeks of the 7th, and ensigns Shipp and Duncan of the 17th. The fc)lli)wing account of the unworthy artifice and conduct of the enemy will excite your indignation. Major Chambers was sent by general I'roctor, acroni))anied by colonel Elliott, to demand the surrender of the fort. — They were met by ensign Shipp. The major observed, that general Proctor had a number of cannon, a large body of regular troops, and so many Indians whom it was impossible to control ; and if the furt was taken, as it must be, the whole of the garrison would be massacreiL Mr. Shipp aiiswercd, that it was llie determination of major Croghan, bis olncers THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 33 and men, to defend the garrison, or he buried in it : and that they mi^ht do the>ir best Colonel Elliott then addressed Mr. Shipp, and said, 'You are a fine young man; I pity your situation; for God's sake surrender, and prevent the dreadful slaughter that must follow resistance. Shipp turned from him with indignation, and was imme- diatel}' taken hold of by an Indian, who attempted to wrest his sword from him. Elliott pretended to exert himself to release him, and expressed great anxiety to get him safe in the fort. I have the honor to enclose you a copy of the first note received from major Crog- han. It was written before day : and it has since been ascertained, that of the enemy there remained in the ditch, one lieutenant-colonel, one lieutenant and twenty-five privates : the number of prisoners, one sergeant and twenty-five privates ; fourteen of them badly wounded : every care has been taken of the latter, and the oHicers buried with the honors due to their rank and their bravery. All the dead that were not in the ditch, were taken off in the night by the Indians. It is impossible, from the cir- cumstances of the attack, that they should have lost less than one hundred. Some of the prisoners think that it amounted to two hunilred. A young gentleman, a private in the Petersburg volunteers, of the name of Brown, assisted by fiv^ or six of that company and of the Pittsburgh Blue?, who were accidentally in the fort, managed the six-pounder which produced such destruction in the ranks of the enemy. I have the honor to be, &c. Wm. Hf.nut Hariiison. N. B. Of our few wounded men, there is but one that will not be well in less than six days." Extract of a letter from colonel Croghan, to his friend at Seneca Town, published in supplement to Niles, vol. viii. p. 183. " Ltiwer SandusJii/, August 27, 1813. "I have with much regret seen in some of the public prints, such misrepresent'5- tions respecting my refusal to evacuate this post, as are calculated not only to injure me in the estimation of military men, but also to excite unfavorable impressions as ti> the propriety of general Harrison's conduct relative to this affair. His character as a military man, is too well established to need my approbation or support. But his public services entitle him at least to common justice — this atfair does not furnish causes of reproach. If public opinion has been hastily misled respecting his late conduct, it will require but a moment's cool, dispassionate reflection, to convince them of its propriety. The measures recently adopted by him, so far from deserving censure, are the clearest proofs of his keen penetration, and able generalship. It is true, that I did not proceed immediately to execute his order to evacuate this post ; but this disobedience was not (as some would wish to believe) the result of a fixed determination to maintain the post contrary to his most positive orders, as will appear from the following detail, which is given to explain my con- duct. About ten o'clock on the morning of the 30lh ult. a letter from the adjutant-gene- ral's office, (dated Seneca Town, July 29th 1813,) was handed me by Mr. Conner, ordering me to abandon this post, burn it, and retreat that night to head-quarters. On the reception of the order, I called a council of officers, in which it was deter- mined not to abandon the place, (at least until the further pleasure of the general should be known,) as it was thought an attempt to retreat in open day, in the face of a superior force of the enemy, would be more hazardous than to remain in the fort, under all its disadvantages. I therefore wrote a letier to tlie general couched in such terms as I thought were calculated to deceive the enemy, should it fall into his hands, which I thought more than probable — as well as to inform the general, should it be so fortunate as to reach him, that I would wait to hear from him, before I should proceed to execute his order. This letter, contrary to my expectations, was received by the general, who (not knowing what reasons urged me to write in a tone so decisive) concluded very rationally, that the manner of it was demonstrative of a most positive determination to disobey his orders under any circumstances. I was therefore sus- pended from the command of the fort, and ordered to head-quarters; but on explain- ing to the general my reasons for not executing his order, and my object in using the «tyle I had done, he was so perfectly satisfied with the explanation, that I was i.mme- diately reinstated m the command. 5 34 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. It will be recollected, that the order above alluded to, was written on the night pre- vious to my receiving it ; had it been delivered to me (as was intended) that night, I should have obeyed it without hesitation ; its not reaching me in time, was the only reason which induced me to consult my officers on the propriety of waiting the gene- ral's further order. It has been staled also, that ' upon my representations of my ability to maintain this post, the general altered his determination to abandon it.' This is incorrect. No such representation was ever made. And the last order I received from the gene- ral, was precisely the same as that first given, viz. : ' Tliat if I discovered the ap- proach of a large British force by water, (presuming they would bring heavy artillery) time enough to eflcct a retreat, I was to do so ; but if I could not retreat with safety, to defend the post to the last extremity.' A day or two before the enemy appeared before Fort Meigs, the general had recon- noitred the surrounding ground ; and being informed that the hill on the opposite side of Sandusky completely commanded the fort, I offered to undertake, with the troops under my command, to remove it to that side. The general, upon reflection, thought it best not to attempt it, as he believed that if the enemy again appeared on this side the lake, it would be before the work could be finished. It is useless to disguise the fact, that this fort is commanded by the points of high ground around it ; a single stroke of the eye made this clear to me the first time I had occasion to examine the neighborhood, with the view of discovering the relative strength and weakness of the place. It would be insincere to say that I am not flattered by the many handsome things which have been said about the defence which was made by the troops under my command : but I desire no plaudits which are bestowed upon me at the expense of general Harrison. I have at all times enjoyed his confidence so far as my rank in the army entitled me to it, and on 'proper occasions received his marked attention. I have felt the warmest altachment for him as a man, and my confidence in him as an able com- mander remains unshaken. I feel every assurance, that he will at all times do me ample justice ; and nothing could give me more pain than to see his enemies seize tipon this occasion to deal out their unfriendly feelings and acrimonious dislike — and BO long as he continues (as in my humble opinion he has done) to make the wisest arrangements and most judicious disposition which the forces under his command will justify, I shall not hesitate to unite with the army in bestowing upon him that confidence which he so richly merits, and which has on no occasion been withheld. Your friend, Georgk Cuoghax, Major seventeenth infantry, commanding Lower Sandusky." " Lower Sfncca Town, Aiis;ust 26, 1813. The undersigned, being the general field and staff officers, with that portion of the north-western army under the immediate command of general Harrison, have ob- served with regret and surprise that charges, as improper in the form as in the sub- stance, have been made against the conduct of general Harrison during the recent investment of Lower Sandusky. At another time, and under ordinary circumstances, we should deem it improper and unmilitary thus publicly to give any opinion respect- ing the movements of the army. But public confidence in the commanding general is essential to the success of the campaign, and causelessly to withdraw or to with- hold that confidence is more than individual injustice ; it becomes a serious injury to the service. A part of the force, of which this portion of the American army con- sists, will derive its greatest strength and efficacy from a confidence in the command- ing general, and from those moral causes which accompany and give energy to pub- lic opinion. A very erroneous idea respecting the number of the troops then at the disposal of the general, has doubtless been the primary cause of these unfartunate and unfounded impressions. A sense of duty forbids us from giving a detailed view of our strength at that time. In that respect, we have fortunately experienced a verj favorable change. But we refer the public to the general's official report to the secre- tary of war of major Croghan's successful defence of Lower Sandusky. In that will be found a statement of our whole disposalile force, and he who believes that with liucn a force, under the circumstances which llien occurred, general Harrison oughj- THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 35 to have advanced upon the enemy, must be left to correct his opinion in the school of experience. On a review of the course then adopted, we are decidedly of the opinion, that it was such as was dictated by mihtary wisdom and by a due regard to our own circumstances and to the situation of the enemy. The reasons for this opinion it is evidently improper now to give, but we hold ourselves ready, at a future period, and when other circumstances shall have intervened, to satisfy every man of its correctness who is anxious to investigate and willing to receive the truth. And with a ready acquiescence, beyond the mere claims of military duty, we are prepared to obey a general, whose measures meet our most deliberate approbation, and merit that of his country. Lewis Cass, Brig. Gen. U. S. A. Samuel Wells, Col. 17 R. U. S. I. Th. D. wings. Col. 28 R. U. S. I. Geo. Paul, Col. 27 R. U. S. I. J. C. BAnxLETT, Col. and Q. M. G. Jas. V. Ball, Lieut. Col. Robert Morrison, Lieut. Col. Geo. Tod, Maj. 19 R. U. S. L Wm. Trigg, Maj. 28 R. U. S. I. James Smiley, Maj. 28 R. U. S. L Rd. Graham, Maj. 17 R. U. S. I. Geo. Choohan, Maj. 17 R. U. S. L L. HuKiLL, Maj. and Ass. In. Gen. ^ L. D. Wood, Maj. Engineers." The following reply to a letter from general Proctor, relative to the sick and wounded prisoners at the battle of Lower Sandusky, is eminently characteristic of his humanity. See Niles, vol. iv. p. 419. " Head-quarters, Eighth Military District of the United States, August 10, 1813. SiK — Your letter addressed to the officer commanding at Lower Sandusky, was forwarded from thence to me, and received this moment. Upon my arrival at Fort Sandusky on the morning of the 3d instant, I found that major Croghan, conformably to those principles which are held sacred in the American army, had caused all the care to be taken of the wounded prisoners that his situation would permit. Having with me my hospital surgeon, he was particularly charged to attend to them, and I am warranted in the belief that every aid that surgical skill could give was afforded. They have been literally furnished too with every article necessary in their situation which our hospital stores could supply. Having referred to my government for orders respecting the disposition of the prisoners, I cannot with propriety comply with your request for an immediate exchange. But I assure you, sir, that as far as it depends upon me, the course of treatment which has been commenced towards them, whilst in my possession, will be con- tinued. I have the honor to be, sir, your humble servant, Wm. H. Harrison, Major-general commanding Eighth United States Military District. » The next achievement in the career of general Harrison was the capture of Mai- den, September 23, 1813. General Harrison's own letters give the best account of the capture. The following are recorded in Niles, vol. v, p. 117. "Extract of a letter from major-general Harrison to the secretary of war, dated head- quarters, Bass Island, 22d Sept. 1813. The greater part of the troops are here with me, and the whole will, I believe, be up by 12 o'clock. I shall procet^d as far as the Middle Sister, in the course of to-night and to-morrow, and in the following night get so near the enemy's coast as to land two or three miles below Maiden by eight o'clock in the morning. These pr>ispects may, however, be retarded by adverse winds. Commodore Perrj gives me every ssistance in nia power. 36 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. Copy of a letter from major-general Harrison to the war department. Hcud-quarlers, Am hers, f burg, Sept. 23, 1813. Sin — I have the honor to inform you that I landed the army under my command about three miles below this place at three o'clock this evening, without opposition, and took possession of the town in an hour after. General Proctor has retreated to Sandwich with his regular troops and Indians, having previously burned the fort, naNy-yard, barracks, and public store-houses; the two latter were very extensive, covering several acres of ground. I v\ ill pursue the enemy to-morrow, although there is no probability of my overtaking him, as he has upwards of one thousand horses, and wc have not one in the army. I shall think myself fortunate to be able to collect a sufficiency to mount the general officers. It is suppos 3d here that general Proctor intends to establish himself upon the river French, forty miles from Maiden. I have the honor to be, &c. Wm. H. Hahkisos. Copy of a letter from commodore Peny to the secretary of tlie navy. U. S. schooner Ariel, Maiden Harbor, '22d Sept. 1813, .5 P.M. Sin — I have the honor to acquaint you that the army under major-general Harrison have this moment marched it. to Maiden without opposition, and that the squadron are now at anchor oft' the town. I have the honor to be, &c. O. H. Pekkt. Extract of a letter from colonel Smith, of the rifle regiment, to colonel A. Y. Ni- choll, inspector-general, dated Lower Sandtifl-y, Octnher 2d, 1813. I have already collected 520 of my regiment. — The last accounts from the general state that he was in pursuit of Proctor, who had evacuated Maiden a few hours before he landed. I fear he will make his escape. I leave here immediately for Portage, and probably head-quarters, to procure transport for my detachment. Copy of a letter from major-general Harrison to governor Meigs, dated Head-qiiar/ers, Amhersthu.rg, 27th of Sept e ruber, 1813, 10 o clock, P.M. Dear Sik — The enemy have given up this important place without opposition ; having destroyed the fort and all the public buildings, which were immensely exten- sive and valuable, particularly the navy-yard. Proctor was yesterday at Sandwich, with his regulars and Indians. It is supposed he is bending his course to the river French, there to fortify and make a stand. I shall follow him as soon as I collect a few horses to mount the general officers and some of the staff. A miserable French pony, upon which the venerable and patriotic governor of Ken- tucky was mounted, is the only one in the army. We landed three miles below the town. I wish your troops to remain at one of the Sanduskys for orders. Your friend, Wm. H. HAniiisos." A short time after the surrender of Maiden, general Harrison took possession of Detroit, which event was succeeded by the glorious Battle of the Thames, which took place on the .5th of October, 1813. The details of this ever memorable battle, and the previous movements of the army, an,« ontained in the following letters to the secretary of war, inserted in Niles, vol. v. pp. 129 — 130. " Extract of a letter from genera! Harrison to the department of war. Hedd-qnarters, Smuhvich, U. C. 30fh Sept. 1813. Sir — General Proctor has with him four hundred and seventy-live regidars of the forty-lirst and Newfoundland regin\ents ; sixty of the tenth regiment of veterans ; forlV-iive dragoons ; and from six hundred to one thousand Indians. Some deserters who left him the night before last, give tlie latter as the number. The citizens of Detroit suppose the former to be correct. The Oltawas and Ghippewas have withdrawn from the British, and have sent in three of their warriors to beg for peace, proniising to agree to any l(-rnis that I shall ])rescribe. I have agreed to receive them upon condition of their giving hostages for their fidelity, and immediately joining us with all their warriors. The Wyandots, Miamies, and the band of Delawares, which had joined the enemy, are also desirous to be received upon the same terms. 'J'he celebrated chief Main I'ock is at the head of the hostile band on the Detroit THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 37 side of the strait. Tecumseh heads that which remains with the British. The inlia- bitants of Detroit, who were in daily communication with them, make the former from one thousand to twelve hundred. Their object in dividing their force was to make a night attack upon the part of the army which crossed over to Detroit, or that which remained on this side, by a junction of their force some miles above. A detachment of the army, and some of the vessels of war, will set out for the reduction of Mackinac and St. Josephs, in a few days. I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. John Armstrong, secretary of war. Wm. H, HAanisoisr. Extract of a letter from general M'Arthur to the secretary of war. Detroit, Oct. eth, 1813. You have no doubt been advised by the commanding general, that Maiden and this place were abandoned by the enemy previous to the arrival of our army, and that all the public buildings, &c., were destroyed. On our arrival at Sandwich, my brigade was ordered across the river to disperse some Indians, who were pillaging the town, and to take possession of this place. Information was received that several thousand Indians had retired a small distance into the woods, with instructions to attack general Harrison's army on its passage, for the purpose of retarding its progress ; consequently my brigade was left to garrison this place. Since general Harrison's departure, five nations of Indians, viz. the Ottaways, Chip- peways, Pattawatamies, Miamies, and Kickapoos, who were but a few miles back, have come in for peace, and I have agreed that hostilities should cease for the present, on the following conditions : ' They have agreed to take hold of the same tomahawk with us, and to strike all who are or may be enemies to the United States, whether British or Indians.' They are to bring in a number of their women and children, and leave them as hostages whilst they accompany us to war. Some of them have already brought in their women, and are drawing rations. I have just received a note from general Harrison, advising that he had last evening overtaken general Proctor's force, and had gained a complete victory ; that all the principal officers, general Proctor excepted, were in his possession, which no doubt ends the war in this quarter. I have the honor, &c. Duncan M'Arthur, Brig. Gen. U. S. Army. Copy of a letter from general Harrison to the department of war. Head-quarters, near Moravian Town, on the River Thames; 80 miles from Detroit, bth October, 1813. Sir — I have the honor to inform you, that, by the blessing of Providence, the army under my command has this evening obtained a complete victory over the combined Indian and British forces under the command of general Proctor. I believe that nearly the whole of the enemy's regulars are taken or killed. Amongst the former are all the superior officers excepting general Proctor. My mounted men are now in pursuit of him. Our loss is very trifling. The brave colonel R. M. Johnson is the only officer whom I have heard of that is wounded ; he badly, but I hope not dangerously. I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your obedient, humble servant, Wsi. H. Hahkison. The hon. John Armstrong, Secretary at War. Copy of a letter from major-general Harrison to the secretary of war. Head-quarters, Detroit, 'dth Oct. 1813. Sir — In my letter from Sandwich of the 30th ultimo, I did myself the honor to inform you that I was preparing to pursue the enemy the following day. From various causes, however, I was unable to put the troops in motion until the morning of the 2d inst., and then to take with me only about one hundred and forty of the regular troops, Johnson's mounted regiment, and such of governor Shelby's volunteers as were fit for a rapid march, the wholo amounting to about three thousand five hundred men. To general M'Arthur (with about seven hundred effectives) the protecting of this place and the sick was committed. General Cass's brigade and the corps of heutenant- colonel Ball were left at Sandwich, with orders to follow me as soon as the men received their knapsacks and blankets, which had been left on an island in lake Erie. The unavoidable delay at Sandwich was attended witti no disadvantage to us, D 38 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. General Proctor had posted himself at Dalson's, on the right bank of the Thames, (or Trench,) fifty-six miles from this place, where I was informed he intended lo fortify and wait to receive me. He must have believed, however, that I had no disposition to follow him, or that he had secured my continuance here, by the reports that were circulated that the Indians would attack and destroy this place upon the advance of the army ; as he neglected to commence the breaking up the bridges until the night of the 2d inst. On that night our army reached the river, which is twenty-five miles from Sandwich, and is one of four streams crossing our route, over all of which are bridges, and, being deep and muddy, are unfordable for a considerable distance into the country ; the bridge here was found entire, and in the morning I proceeded with Johnson's regiment to save, if possible, the others. At the second bridge, over a branch of the river Thames, we were fortunate enough to capture a lieutenant of dragoons and eleven privates, who had been sent by general Proctor to destroy them. From the prisoners I learned that the third bridge was broken up, and that the enemy had no certain information of our advance. The bridge having been imperfectly destroyed, was soon repaired, and the army encamped at Drake's farm, four miles below Dalson's. The river Thames, along the banks of which our route lay, is a fine deep stream, navigable for vessels of considerable burden, after the passage of the bar at its mouth, over which there is six and a half feet water. The baggage of the army was brought from Detroit in boats protected by three gun-boats, which com. Perry had furnished for the purpose, as well as to cover the passage of the army over the Thames itself, or the mouths of its tributary streams ; the banks being low and the country generally open (prairies) as high as Dalson's, these vessels were well calculated for that purpose. Above Dalson's, however, the character of the river and adjacent country is considerably changed. The former, though still deep, is very narrow, and its banks high and woody. The commodore and myself therefore agreed upon the propriety of leaving the boats under a guard of one hundred and fifty infantry, and I determined to trust to fortune and the bravery of my troops to effect the passage of the river. Below a place called Chatham, and four miles above Dalton's, is the third unfordable branch of the Thames ; the bridge over its mouth had been taken up by the Indians, as well as that at M'Gregor's Mills, one mile above. Several hundred of the Indians remained to dispute our passage, and upon the arrival of the advanced guard, commenced a heavy fire from the opposite bank of the creek as well as that of the river. Believing that the whole force of the enemy was there, I halted the army, formed in order of battle, and brought up our two six-pounders to cover the party that were ordered to repair the bridge — a few shot from those pieces soon drove off the Indians, and enabled us, in two hours, to repair the bridge and cross the troops. Colonel Johnson's mounted regiment being upon the right of the army, had seized the remains of the bridge at the mills under a heavy fire from the Indians. Our loss upon this occasion, was two killed and three or four wounded, that of the enemy was ascertained to be considerably greater. A house near the bridge, containing a considerable number of muskets, had been set on fire — bst it was extinguished by our troops and the arms saved. At the first farlii above the bridge, we found one of the enemy's vessels on fire, loaded with arms and ordnance stores, and learned that they were a few miles ahead of us, still on the right bank of the river with the great body of the Indians. At Bowles' farm, four miles from tlie bridge, we halted for the night, found two other vessels and a large distillery filled with ordnance and other valuable stores to an immense amount in flames — it was impos- sible to put out the fire — two twenty-four pounders with their carriages were taken, and a large quantity of balls and shells of various sizes. The army was put in mo- tion early in the morning of tne 5th. I pushed on in advance with the mounted regi- ment, and requested governor Shelby to follow as expeditiously as possible with the infantry : the governor's zeal and that of his men enabled him to keep up with the cavalry, and by nine o'clock we were at Arnold's Mills, having taken in the course of the morning two gun-boats and several batteaux loaded with provisions and ammu- nition. A rapid at the river at Arnold's Mills affords the only fording to be met with for a considerable distance, but, upon examination, it was found too deep for the infantry. Having, however, fortunately taken two or three boats and some Indian canoes on the spot, and obliging the horsemen to take a footman behind each, the whole were n on7 give up the skip. Tammany Hall next claimed the attention of the thousands of admiring spec- tators Over the principal entrance of this building was exhibited a well executed emblematic transparency, painted by Mr. Holland, representing the Indian chiefs surrendering to general Harrison, soliciting peace, and delivering their women and children as hostages, with a view of the battle of Lake Erie, and commodore Perry leaving his ship for the Niagara. , * ■ , The Theatre presented a transparent painting, exhibitmg the American eagle spreading over a considerable portion of the globe, and pointing with its beak to the motto from Perry's immortal despatch, ' We have met the enemy, and they are ours: The front of this massy edifice was ornamented with variegated lamps. The Naval Pa^iorama, next adjoining, exhibited a mechanical transparency, representing, in continual and rapid motion, a Harriet striking a I'eacock m its breast, with other figures and suitable devices and inscriptions. At the Debtor's Prison, in letters of fire, appeared, ' We have met the enemy, S(C. Go ye and do likewise.'' . , m, . i, t j Washington and IWechanics' Halls were illuminated. The custom-house also, and the different hotels, public houses, and markets, joined in the brilliant and gratifying '^From the battery were seen two of commodore Lewis's gun-boats, superbly deco- rated with lamps of various colors. The commodore's barge was ornamented with patriotic transparencies, and in the course of the evening, a discharge of rockets from liis boat enlivened the scene. — Columbian. At Richmond.— The illumination took place by recommendatioa of the mayor a* follows : — Fellow Citizens— Again, 'BY blessing of puotibence, we ahe tictoriols. The complete victory obtained over the combined Indian and British forces, under the command of general Proctor, who has himself doubtless ere this graced the tnunr.ph of our most gallant general Harrison, will give us entire possession of the Lanadas: and operate more powerfully to the restoration of peace, than the mediation of any power on earth. Give vent to your feelings ; think of Perry who paved tlie way, of Harrison, whose intrepid valor has thus so nobly achieved the victory. Let an illumination generally take place throughout our city on the evening ot to-morrow, under this restriction only ; that by ten of the evening, they be all extinguished— the safety of our city requires that I should urge this precaution— when it is most ardently wished, that every citizen will retire with grateful hearts to their respective abodes. . ■ .u- Doubtless every patriotic sentiment will lead our citizens to concur in this recom mendation. But let the houses of absentees, of orphans, &c., which may noi be lighted on this memorable occasion, be respected. Mayors office, Su7iday evening, 10 P. M. Robert Gkf.enhow, Mayor." The following account of the Richmond illumination is from the " Virginia Pa "- The iUuminatim, in this city, on Monday evenuig last, was by far the most splen. 4 44 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. did we have ever witnessed, and in every respect suited to the occasion. Before the sable clouds of nisht had enveloped the city in darkness, the illumination commenced, and the names of ' Perry, Harrison, and Chauncey,' soon shone with distinguished lustre in every quarter. Every thing like base, sordid avarice, yielded to the finer feelings of patriotism ; and with few exceptions, a just sensibility pervaded every bosom. Many transparent and appropriate paintings presented themselves to the view; but it would be invidious to notice the exertions of any particul;u individual, where all performed their duty. To crown the climax, and give a zest to joy, the ladies of Kichmond were seen descending in lovely groups from Shockos Hill to the main street, there to ornament and embellish the scene. The most perfect harmony and good order prevailed ; and the ladies roamed about in full security, free and undis- turbed. In short, but one sentiment seemed to exist: the sunshine of joy and exul- tation illuminated every countenance, and none was found 'So lost to virtue, lost to manly thought,' as to dare interrupt this delightful banquet of the mind, by the least improper conduct. To be sure, the civil authority, much to their credit, took every necessary step to prevent disorderly behavior ; but we rejoice to say, sensual pleasures were forgotten, while the names of ' Perry, Harrison, and Chauncey,' dwelt on every tongue. At nine, the streets were generally clear of the crowd, and at ten o'clock, agreeably to the mayor's request, every light was extinguished." The following paragraphs appeared in the Democratic Press and Richmond In- quirer. See Niles, vol. v, p. 149. "General Harrison (says the Democratic Press) has added a new manoeuvre to the science of military tactics — the charging bayonet on horseback ; which may afford some ingenious Englishman an opportunity of discovering a method of counteracting it, just as captain Manby has explained to the enlightened John Bull the American secret of conquering at sea. General Harrison's detailed letter (says the Richnond Inquirer) tells us every thing that we wish to know about the officers except himself. He does justice to every one, but to Harrison— and the world must, therefore, do justice to the man who was too modest to be just to himself. We ask what heart is there that does not bow with gratitude to the gallantry of Shelby, who has shone in two wars, and of Perry, who conquers on both elements 1" In the same volume, p. 132, we find the general orders of general Harrison, detail- ing the plan for the debarkation of his troops into Canada. It is too long for in- sertion here, but is another evidence that he can " do his own Jii^hfing as well as his ovm writing.'" The following order, however, issued on the day of the debarkation of his troops, is highly honorable to his humanity. Niles, vol. v. p. 149. "OEIfERAL OnUER. The general entreats his brave troops to remember that they are the sons of sires whose fame is immortal : that they are to fight for the rights of their insulted coun- try, whilst their opponents combat for the unjust pretensions of a master. ^ "Kextuckians — remember the river Raisin ; but remember it only whilst the vic- tory is suspended. The revenge of a soldier cannot be gratified upon a fallen enemy. By command, Robert Butler, assistant adjutant-general." On the 29th day of September, 1813, he issued his proclamation reinstating the civil authorities at Michigan. Niles, vol. v. p. 173. " By William Henry Harrison, major-general in the army of the United States, and commander-in-chief of the Eighth Military District, A PROCLAMATION. The enemy having been driven from the territory of Michigan, and a part of the army under my conunand having taken possession of it, it becomes necessary that the Mvil government of the territory should be re-established, and the former officers re- new the exercise of their authority ; I have therefore thought proper to proclaim, that all appointments and commissiojis which have been derived from Brhish officers, aro THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. ' 45 at an end ; that the citizens of the territory are restored to all the rights and privileges which thej' enjoyed previously to the capitulation made by general Hull on the 15tli of August, 1812. Under the present circumstances, and until the will of the go- vernment be known, I have thought proper to direct that all persons having civil offices in the territory of Michigan, at the period of the capitulation of Detroit, re- sume the exercise of the powers appertaining to their othces respectively. la the present dispersed state of its population, many officers are. doubtless, absent. In all cases thus situated, the last incumbent who resigned the office, will resume the exer- cise of its duties. The laws in force at the period above mentioned, will be re-es- tablished and continue in force until repealed by the proper authority. Given at Head-quarters, the 2Uth day of September, 1813. Wm, H. Harrison. Ha^^^g, in conjunction with the gallant Perry, (whose victory* on Lake Erie on the ever memorable 10th of September, 181.3, struck terror to the foe, and forever destroyed her boasted claims to supremacy on the ocean,) taken quiet possession of Upper Canada, they issued the following proclamation. Pviles, vol. v. p. 215. " By William Henry Harrison, major-general in the service of the United States, commander-in-chief of the north-western army, and Oliver Hazard Perry, captain ia the navy, and commanding the fleet of the United States, on Lake Erie, A PROCLAMATION. Whereas, by the combined operations of the land and naval forces under our com- mand, those of the enemy within the upper district of Upper Canada have been cap- tured or destroyed, and the said district is now in the quiet possession of our troops: it becomes necessary to provide for its government : — Therefore, we do hereby pro- claim and make known, that the rights and privileges of the inhabitants, and the laws and customs of the country, as they existed or were in force at the period of our arri- val, shall continue to prevail. All magistrates and other civil officers are to resume the exercise of their functions ; previously taking an oath to be fi\ithful to the go- vernment of the United States, as long as they shall be in possession of the country. The authority of all militia commissions is suspended in said district, and the officers required to give their parole, in such way as the officer, who may be appointed by the commanding general to administer the government, shall direct. The inhabitants of said district are promised protection to their persons and pro- perty, with the exception of those cases embraced by the proclamation of general Proctor, of the ult. which is declared to be in force, and the powers therein as- sumed transferred to the officer appointed to administer the government. Given under our hands and seals, at Sandwich, this 17th of October, 181.3. (Signed) Wm. H. Harrison. Oj-iver H. Pkrut." On the 28th of October, 1813, general Harrison arrived at New York, having left his army in winter quarters at Sacket's Harbor, where commodore Chauncey, having brought it from Fort George, was about to lay up his fleet for the season. On the 1st of December, 1813, the citizens of New York entertained him at Tammany Hall, by a public dmner, which was got up in the most splendid style. His toast was; " ' The Freedom of the Seas, and the adoption by our government of that Roman maxim, which secured to the citizen his inviolabihty.' Which was responded to by twelve clieers .'" Niles, vol. v. p. 251. On the 9lh of December, 1813, (Niles, vol. v. p. 263,) general Harrison partook of a public entertainment at Philadelphia. His suit was also invited. The regular toasts being drunk, the general rose, and "with much expressiveness of manner," said — * The following is a copy of Perry's letter to General Harrison announcing llie event. United States Brig magara, off the Western Sister, September 10, 1813, 4 P. M. Dear general— We have met tlie enemy and they are ours— two ships, two brigs, ona Eciiooner, and a sloop. Yours with great respect and esteem, GtNEBAL \V. U. Harrison. Oliveu Hazard Perrv. 46 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. « Gentlemen— Permit me to offer you a volunteer toast, and verj- briefly to state the motive which prompts me to take one of the regular toasts of the day as a mean of communicating n.v opinion. Believing, as I do, that a sentiment is gaming ground unfri-ndiy to republicanism and injurious to the nation, and knowmg from ray own experience, that the sentiment is not well founded, I will give you The militia of the United States— they possess the lioman s[.irit, and when our government shall think proper to give them that organization and disciplme of which they are susceptible, they will perform deeds that will emulate those of the legions ledby Marcellus, and Scipio." He also stopped a short time in Baltimore, and was waited upon, and congratulated by the citizens. «It would seem," says Niles, vol. v. p. 264, "as if general Harrison, and commo- dore Perry had agreed to praise each other ; for while the former speaks of the commodore, his officers and men with rapture, the latter is no less eloquent in praise of the general, and the brave men under him." "In the signal victory," said the Boston Chronicle, (Niles, vol. v. p. 263,) "gamed over Barclay's fleet, and Proctor's army, it is impossible to separate the brave and victorious commanders, Perry and Harrison. The circumstances are mdeed very striking. Harrison sent reinforcements to assist Perry, and the action terminated m the capture of the whole British fleet. In return commodore Perry, volunteered with Harrison, and assisted him in the capture of the British army. In the followmg letter Perry does justice to the zeal of Harrison and his gallant United States schooner Ariel, September 15, 1813. SiH— The very great assistance, in the action of the 10th inst., derived from those men you were pleased to send on board the stiuadron, render it a duty to return you my sincere thanks for so timely a reinforcement. In fact, sir, I may say, without those men the victory could not have been achieved; and equally I assure you, that those officers and men behaved as became good soldiers and seamen. Those who were under my immediate observation, evinced great ardor and bravery. Captain Brevort, of the second regiment of infantry, serving on board the Niagara, I beg leave to recommend particularly to your notice : he is a brave and gallant officer, and as far as I am capable of judging an excellent one. I am convinced you will present the merit of this officer to the view of the honorable secretary of war, as I shall to the honorable secretary of the navy. Very respectfully, I am, sir, your obedient servant, (Signed) Olivek H. Pehkt. Major-general W. H. Harrison, commander-in-chief of the N. W. Army. Commodore Perry, also, while at Albany, spoke in the highest terms of eulogium of the Kentucky volunteers, and in strains of admiration of the veteran Shelby. He represented them as ' brave even to imprudence,' as < liberal, generous, and humane, almost to a fault.' " Governor Snyder of Pennsylvania, in his annual message to the legislature of that state, December 10, 1813, (see Niles, vol. v. p. 257,) speaking of the recent glorious victories on water and land, said — _ v • . •<■ "As a prelude we refer with pride to the glorious victory on Lake Erie, which if ever equalled, was, in naval warfare never excelled. A victory not less brilliant in its achievement than important in its effects ; not less honorable to the nation, than to the highly distinguished Perry who commanded, and to the brave officers and men whx) composed that heroic force. Already is the brow of the young warrior Croghan en- circled with laurels, and the blessings of thousands of women and children KESCUED FKOM THK SCALPISTe KSIFE OF THE BUTHLESS SAVAGE OF TUB WIL- DERNESS AND FROM THE STILL MORE SAVAGE PrOCTOR REST ON HaRRISOS AND HIS GALLANT ARMY. Chauuccy, though not equally successful with the renowned hero of Lake Erie, has sought and deserves to be so. On that element claimed by Britain as her exclusive domain, tlie American flag waoed triumphant in every equal conflict." THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 47 James Maclison, president of the United States, in his annual message, dated December 7, 1813, (Niles, vol. v. p. 346,) said — " The success on Lake Erie having opened a passage to the territory of the cnemv, the officer commanding the north-western army transferred the war thither ; and rapidly pursuing the hostile troops fleeing with their savage associates, forced a general action, which quickly terminated in the capture of the British, and dispersion of the savage force. This result is signally honorable to major-general Harrison, by whose military talents it was prepared; to colonel Johnson and his mounted volunteers, whose impe- tuous onset gave a decisive blow to the ranks of the enemy ; and to the spirit of the volunteer militia, equally brave and patriotic, who bore an interesting part in the scene ; more especially to the chief magistrate of Kentucky at the head of them, whose heroism, signalised in the war which established the independence of his country, sought, at an advanced age, a share in hardships and battles for maintaining its rights and its safety. The eflect of these successes has been to rescue the inhabitants of Michigan from their oppressions, aggravated by gross infractions of the capitulation which subjected them to a foreign power; to allienate the savages of numerous tribes from the enemy, by whom they were disappointed and abandoned ; and to relieve an extensive region of country from a merciless warfare which desolated its frontiers, and imposed on its citizens the most harrasing services." CHAPTER Vn. GENERAL HARUISON TAKES COMMAND OF THE EIGHTH MILITARZ DISTRICT BESIGNS HIS COMMISSION, AND RETURNS TO HIS FARX AT NORTH BF.ND APPOINTED A COMMISSIONER TO TREAT WITH THE INDIANS ELECTED A MEMBER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES HIS SERVICES IN CONGRESS RESOLUTION AND SPEECH IN FAVOR OF ERECTING A MONUMENT TO THE MEMORY OF KOSCIUSKO DEMANDS AN I N-yESTIGATIOX OF HIS ACCOUNTS WHILST IN COMMAND OF THE EIGHTH MILITARY DISTRICT GOLD MEDAL, AND THE THANKS OF CONGRESS VOTED TO HiM. In January, 1814, general Harrison resumed at Cincinnati, the command of the eighth military district, but on the 8th of May ensuing, resigned his commission in the army. The reasons which induced him to take this step, are so fully and satis- factorily stated in a most valuable pamphlet, recently published in Cincinnati, entitled, "Skelches of the Civil and Military Services of William Henri/ Harrisan. By Charles S. Tudd, late an inspector-general in the United States army, and Ben- jamin Drake, author of the life of Black Hawk, S(c." that the compiler takes the liberty of inserting them here. "The course of public opinion during the winter," say the authors of the pamphlet, " indicated very decidedly that general Harrison ought to be invested with the chief command in the next campaign. Commodore Perry, who had witnessed the exertions, the skill and bravery of general Harrison, addressed to him about this period, a letter, in which he says, ' You know what has been my opinion as to the future commander-in-chief of the army. I pride myself not a little, I assure you, on seeing my predictions so near being verified ; yes, my dear friend, I expect to hail you as the chief who is to redeem the honor of our arms in the north.' The veteran general McArthur, another eye-witness to the career of general Harrison, wrote io him early in 1814, from Albany, New York, from which the following is an extract: ' You, sir, stand the highest with the militia of this state of any general in the service, and I am confident, that no man can fight them to so great an advantage ; and I think their extreme solicitude may be the means of calling you to this frontier.' But from causes, which it is difficult at this time to explain, general Armstrong's feelings and opinions in relation to general Harrison, had undergone a material change. His letter of the 14th May, 1814, enciosiiig the plan of the campaign, as submitted 48 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. to the president on the 30th of April, fully authorizes the inference that general Har- rison would not be assigned any command in the active operations of the approaching campaign. All of the troops in the eighth military district, excepting garrisons for Detroit and Maiden, were to be held in readiness to move down the lake to Buffalo, and general McArthur was designated for the command of those corps, including the seventeenth, nineteenth, twenty-fourth, and twenty-eighth regiments of regulars. This arrangement of all the disposable force in the north-west, while it left general Harrison to remain in the eighth military district, was made after the receipt at the war office of his letter of the 13th of February, 1814, in which he expresses his views and feelings arising from the interference of the secretary in withdrawing general Howard from his command. That letter concludes with the following de- claration : ' Apart from the considerations of my duty to my country, I have no in- ducement to remain in the army, and if the prerogatives of my rank and station as the commander of a district, be taken from me, being fully convinced that I can render Ko important service, I should much rather be permitted to retire to private life.'* This was the condition of things, when the secretary persevered in interfering with his prerogatives, as the commander of the district, by despatching to major Holmes, a subordinate officer at Detroit, an order to take two hundred men from that post, and proceed on board commodore Sinclair's fleet, destined to Macinaw, This proceeding, on the part of the secretary, was a gross invasion of military propriety ; and whatever may have been the design, it authorized general Harrison to suppose it was not the intention of the secretary to respect his rank as commander of the district. The order not only passed hy the general, but was derogatory to the rank of colonel Croghan, the immediate commander of the post. That gallant young officer spoke of this course without reserve ; and in a letter to general Harrison, made the following appropriate remarks : ' Major Holmes has been notified by the war department, that he is chosen to command the land troops which are intended to co-operate with the fleet against the enemy's force on the upper lakes. So soon as I may be directed by you to order major Holmes on that command, and to furnish him with the necessary troops, I shall do so ; but not till then shall he, or any other part of my force, leave the sod.'f In another letter to general Harrison, he remarks : ' I know not how to account for the secretary of war's assuming to himself the right of designating major Holmes for this command to Macinaw. My ideas on the subject may not be correct ; yet for the sake of the principle, were I a general commanding a district, I would be very far from suffering the secretary of war, or any other authority to interfere with my internal police.'* This order to major Holmes would authorize the inference that the secretary may have had other correspondence with him or other inferior olficers of the district. It was evidently a course of conduct indicating a very diiierent state of feeling towards the only successful general of the previous campaigns, from that implied by the unlimited powers confided to him in 1812-'13. Of the impolicy and great indelicacy, of a secretary at war interfering in the internal arrangements of the district confided to a commanding general, abundant evidence is allbrded in the un- mililary order given to colonel Johnson in June, 1813, to march to St. Louis. Colonel Johnson and his regiment were anxious to participate in the contemjilated movements into Canada, and were exceedingly mortified with this order, interfering as well viith their wishes as with the internal police of the commanding general. It was on this trying occasion ihat colonel Johnson, on the 4lh of July, appealed to general Plarrison, to countermand the order ; but the general regarded it as so impera- tive that he would not disobey it. In the colonel's letter, he expressed the wish, 'to serve under a general who was brave, skilful, and prudent ;' but general Harri- son would only so far modify the order, as to permit colonel Johnson and his regiment to take Kentucky in the route to St. Louis, in the hope that the horses might be re- cruited, and additional volunteers obtained. In the history of the late war in the west, it is stated, that ' he had scarcely reached Kentucky, before general Harrison had been authorized to recall him, by a letter from the war department, in which the secretary expressed his regret ihat the order for his march had ever reached general Harrison, and that the latter, knowing the impropriety of the order, had not on that grouna delayed its execution. "§ » DawBon, 435. t McAITee, 117. J McAfTee, 418. } McAifee, 337. THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 49 Immediately upon the receipt, by general Harrison, of the notification of the order to maior Holmes, he sent to the war department a resignation ot his commission in the army; accompanied by a letter of the same date, to the president of the United States. The felicity of style, and nobleness of sentiment which characterize that letter, warrant its introduction into tliese sketches : Head-quarters, Cincinnati, May 11, 1814. Df.ati Sir— I have this day forwarded to the secretary of war my resignation of the commission I hold in the army. This measure has not been determined on, without a reference to all the reasons which should influence a citizen, who is sincerely attached to the honor and interests of his country ; who believes that the war in which we are engaged is just and ne- cessary • and that the crisis requires the sacrifice of every private consideration, which could st'and in opposition to the public good. But after giving the subject the most mature consideration, I am perfectly convinced, that my retiring from the army is as compatible with the claims of patriotism, as it is with those of my family, and a pro- per regard for my own feelings and honor. I have no other motives in writing this letter than to assure you, that my resigna- tion was not produced by any diminution of the interest I have always taken ni the success of your administration, or of respect and attachment for your person. The former can only take place, when I forget the repubhcan principles in which I have been educated ; and the latter, when I shall cease to regard those ieelings, which must actuate every honest man, who is conscious of favors that it is out of his power to repay. ^1'°^ "^^' '^'=- ^ -^ HAnRisoiy. James Madison, Esq., President United States. As soon as governor Shelby understood that general Harrison had forwarded his resignation, he addressed a letter lo the president, urging him to decline an acceptance. The president was on a visit to Virginia, to which place the letters from general Harrison and governor Shelby were forwarded, and that of the latter was not re- ceived, until after Armsirong,ivithout the previous consent of the president, had taken upon himself the high prerogative of accepting the resignation. The president ex- pressed his great regret that the letter of governor Shelby had not been received at an earlier date, as in that case the valuable services of general Harrison would have been preserved to the nation in the ensuing campaigns. As that letter was written by a veteran soldier who had served under general Har- rison, and also under Gates, Greene, and Marion, of the revolutionary war, by which he was enabled to judge of their comparative merits, we insert it, that the present generation may form some idea of the loss sustained by the nation, in the resignation of general Harrison, produced by the course of general Armstrong in the war office, Frankfort, May 15, 1814. Deah SiTi— The interest I feel for the prosperity of our beloved country, at all times, but especially in the common cause in which she is at present engaged, will, I flatter myself, be a sufficient apology for addressing you this letter. The motives which impel me, arise from considerations of public good, and are unknown to the gentleman who is the subject of the letter. It is not my intention to eulogize general Harrison ; he is not in need of that aid, his merits are too conspicuous not to be observed ; but it is my intention to ex- press to you with candor, my opinion of the general, founded on personal observation. A rumor has reached this state, which, from the public prints, appears to be be- lieved, that the commanding general of the northern army may be removed from that command. The circumstance has induced me to reflect on the subject, and give the decided preference to major-general Harrison, as a successor. Having served a campaign with general Harrison, by which I have been enabled to form some opi- nion of his military talents, and capacity to command, I feel no hesitation to declare to you, that I believe him to be one of the first military characters I ever knew ; and, m addition to this, he is capable of making greater personal exertions than any olficer with whom I have ever served. I doubt not but it will hereafter be found, that the command of the north-western army, and the various duties attached to it, has been 7 E 50 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. one of the most arduous and dilTicuIt tasks ever assigned to any officer in the United States ; yet he surmounted all. Impressed with the conviction, that general Harrison is fully adequate to the com- mand of the northern army, should a change take place in that division, I have ven- tured thus freely to state my opinion of him, that he is a consummate general, and would fill that station with ability and honor ; and that if, on the other hand, any arrangement should take place in the war department, which may produce the resig- nation of general Harrison, it will be a misfortune which our country will have cause to lament. His appointment to the command of the northern army would be highly gratifying to the wishes of the western people, except some who may, per- haps, be governed by sinister views. I confess the first impressions upon my mind, when informed of the defeat of colonel Dudley's regiment, on the 5th of May last, were unfavorable to general Harri- son's plans ; but on correct information, and a knowledge of his whole plans, I have no doubt but they were well concerted, and might, with certainty, have beeti executed had his orders been strictly obeyed. I mention this subject, because Mr. H. Clay informed me that he had shown you my letter, stating the impressions which that affair had first made upon my mind, on information that was not correct. Hoping that my opinion of this meritorious officer will not be unacceptable to you, I have candidly expressed it, and hoping the apology stated in the preceding part of this letter, will justify the liberty taken of intruding opinions unsolicited. I have the honor to be, most respectfully, your obedient servant, Isaac Suelbt. His Excellency, James Madison, President United States." Having resigned his commission, he retired to his farm at " North Bend," fifteen miles below Cincinnati; and in the summer of that year he was, with governor Shelby and general Cass, appointed to treat with some of the tribes of north-western Indians. Governor Shelby declined the appointment, in consequence of his official duties, says the pamphlet referred to, and general Adair was selected in his place. I'he result of this commission was a treaty with the Indians at Greenville. In 1815 he was appointed the head of another commission to treat with the Indians relative to the territory held by them previous to the war ; and in the council which was held at Detroit, he succeeded in making satisfactory treaties with nine important tribes. At the congressional election of 1816, general Harrison was elected a member of the hjuse of representatives of the United States, for the state of Ohio, by a majority of more than one thousand votes over the aggregate number given to six competitors, and took his seat on the 2d of December. On the 6th of that month he ofiered the following, which was agreed to without a division. " Resolved, That the military committee be instructed to inquire into the expediency of providing by law for the relief of such of the officers and soldiers, who, having faithfully served in the armies of the United States, are now in distressed circuin stances, and who, not having received wounds or disal)ilities, whilst in actual service, are excluded from the benefits of the pension laws, and that the said committee report by bill or otherwise." On the 30th of January, on his motion, the military committee was instructed to inquire into the expediency of granting a bounty of one hundred and sixty acres of land to all non-commissioned officers and soldiers of the army, who, having been enlist- ed previous to the 24th of December, 1811, are not entitled to said bounty, but who, having served faithfully through said war, have obtained an honorable discharge. These propositions laid the foundation for the measures which so materially benefit- ed the widows and orphans of the brave soldiers of the late war, who were objects of general Harrison's special care. During the session of 1817 — 18, a bill was before the house to increase the com- pensation of members of congress from six dollars per day to nine dollars per day, and a motion being made (January G, 1818) to strike out "nine" and insert "six" dollars as the daily compensation, general Harrison said that '• in explaming what would otherwise appear an inconsistency in the vote he was THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 51 about to give, he was aware that in order to preserve in congress talents of a proper grade, and to enable men of moderate property to come to congress without loss, a higher compensation was necessary than had heretofore been allowed to members of congress. But," said he, "holding, as we do, the key of the treasury, we ought not to do ourselves even justice, before we do it to others whose claims are stronger, and of longer standing. Whenever justice shall be done to the sufferers in the war of the revolution, and not till then, I shall be prepared to do justice to ourselves." [The revolutionary pension bill had not then become a law, though it did pass before the close of that session.] On the day following, (.January 7,) the same bill being on its third reading, general Harrison said, " he was persuaded that the members of the house who had voted for a compensation beyond the ancient allowance of six dollars, had voted under great embarrassment, pressed as they were on the one hand by a sense of duty and justice, and on the other by that delicacy which must be felt when they were acting as judges in their own cause. He thought, however, that there was a mode by which their feelings might be saved, and which, if adopted, would be as highly acceptable to the people as it would be honorable to their representatives. It would evince a disinte- restedness and magnanimity whicii could not fail to produce the most happy effects, and finally fix the compensation at the sum which their disinterested judgments should deem right. Being satisfied that it was a question to be determined rather by feeling than argument, he would say no more, but submit a resolution to recommit the bill, witli instructions to amend it so far as to fix the compensation for the pre- sent cortgress at six dollars, and for the ensuing congresses at eight dollars." The motion to recommit, &c., was lost, however, by a large majority, and the bill passed as it stood, (applying to the existing congress,) by yeas 109, nays 16 ; general Harrison voted in the negative. (See Niles, vol. xiii, p. 328.) On the 20th of January, 1818, he introduced the following resolution, and advo- cated it in the eloquent speech inserted below. See Niles, vol. xiii. pp. 357, 384. "Resolved, That a committee be appointed jointly with such committee as may be appointed by the senate, to consider and report what measures it may be proper to adopt, to manifest the public respect for the memory of general Thaddeus Kosciusko, formerly an officer in the service of the United States, and the uniform and distin- guished friend of liberty and the rights of man. The public papers have announced an event which is well calculated to excite the sympathy of every American bosom. Kosciusko, the martyr of liberty, is no more ! We are informed that he died at Soleure, in France, some time in October last. In tracing the events of this great man's life, we find in him that consistency of conduct which is the more to be admired as it is so rarely to be met with. He was not at one time the friend of mankind, and at another the instrument of their op- pression, but he preserved throughout his whole career those noble principles which distinguished him in its commencement — which influenced him at an early period of his life to leave his country and his friends, and in another hemisphere to fight for the rights of humanity. Kosciusko was born and educated in Poland, of a noble and distinguished family — a country where the distinctions in society are perhaps carried to greater lengths than in any other. His Creator had, however, endowed him with a soul capable of rising above the narrow prejudices of a cast, and of breaking the shackles which a vicious education had imposed on his mind. When very young, he was informed, by the voice of Fame, that the standard of liberty had been erected in America ; that an insulted and oppressed people had deter- mined to be free, or perish in the attempt. His ardent and generous mind caught with enthusiasm the holy flame, and from that moment he became the devoted soldier of liberty. His rank in the American army afforded him no opportunity greatly to distinguish himself. But he was remarked throughout his service, for all the qualities which adorn the human character. His heroic conduct in the field, could only be equalled by his moderation and aflability in the v^falks of private life. He was idolized by the soldiers for his bravery, and beloved and respected by the officers for the goodness of his heart, and the great qualities of his mind. 52 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. , Contributing greatly, by his exertions, to the establishment of the independence of America, he might have remained, and shared the blessings it dispensed, under the protection of a chief who loved and honoured him, and in the bosom of a grateful and affectionate people. Kosciusko had, however, other views. It is not known that, until the period I am speaking of, he had formed any distinct idea of what could, or indeed what ought, to be done for his own. But in the revolutionary war he drank deeply of the principles which produced it. In his conversations with the intelligent men of our country, he acquired new views of the science of government and the rights of man. He had seen too that to be free it was only necessary that a nation should will it, and to be happy it was only necessary that a nation should be free. And was it not possible to procure these blessings for Poland] For Poland, the covmtry of his birth, which had a claim to all his efforts, to all his services'! That unhappy nation groaned under a complication of evils which has scarcely a parallel in history. The mass of the people were the abject slaves of the nobles — the nobles, torn into factions, were alternately the instruments and the victims of their powerful and amliitious neigh- bours. By intrigue, corruption, and force, some of its fairest provinces had been se- parated from the republic, and the people, like beasts, transferred to foreign despots, who were again watching for a favorable moment for a second dismemberment. To regenerate a people thus debased — to obtain for a country thus circumstanced, the blessings of liberty and independence, was a work of as much difficulty as danger. But to a mind like Kosciusko's the difficulty and danger of an enterprise served as stimulants to undertake it. The annals of these times give us no detailed account of the progress of Kosci- usko in accomplishing his great work, from the period of his return from America to the adoption of the new constitution of Poland, in 1791. This interval, however, of apparent inaction, was most usefully employed to illumine the mental darkness which enveloped his countrymen. To stimulate the ignorant and bigoted peasantry with the hope of future emancipation — to teach a proud but gallant nobility that true glory is only to be found in the paths of duty and patriotism — interests the most opposed, prejudices the most stubborn, and habits the most inveterate, were reconciled, dissi- pated, and broken, by the ascendancy of his virtues and example. The storm which he had foreseen, and for which he had been preparing, at length burst upon Poland. A feeble and unpopular government bent before its fury, and submitted itself to the Russian yoke of the invader. But the nation disdained to follow its example ; in their extremity every eye was turned on the hero who had already fought their battles — the sage who had enlightened them, and the patriot who had set the example of personal sacrifices to accomplish the emancipation of the people. Kosciusko was unanimously appointed generalissimo of Poland, with unlimited powers, until the enemy should be driven from the country. On Ids virtue the nation reposed with the utmost confidence ; and it is some consolation to reflect, amidst the general depravity of mankind, that two instances, in the same age, have occurred, where powers of this kind were employed solely for the purposes for which they were given. It is not my intention, sir, to follow the Polish chief throughout the career of vic- tory, which, for a considerable time crowned his efforts. Guided by his talents, and led by his valor, his undisciplined, illy armed militia charged with effect the veteran Russian and Prussian : the mailed cuirassiers of the great Frederic, for the first time, broke and fled before the lighter and appropriate cavalry of Poland. Hope filled the breasts of the patriots. After a long night, the dawn of an apparently glorious day broke upon Poland. But to the discerning eye of Kosciusko, the light which it shed was of that sickly and portentous appearance, indicating a storm more dreadful than that which he had resisted. He prepared to meet it with firmness, but with means entirely inadequate. To the advantages of numi)ers, of tactics, of discipline, and inexhaustible resources, the combined despots had secured a faction in the heart of Poland. And if that country can boast of having produced its Washington, it is disgraced also by giving birth to a second Arnold. The day at length came which was to decide the fate of a nation and a hero. Heaven, for wise purposes, determined that it should be the last of Polish liberty. It was decided, indeed, before the battle commenced. The traitoi THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 53 Poniski, who covered with a detachment the advance of the Polish army, abandoned his position to the enemy, and retreated. Kosciusko was astonished, but not dismayed. The disposition of his army would have done honor to Hannibal. The succeeding conflict was terrible. When the talents of the general could no longer direct the mingled mass of combatants, the arm of the warrior was brought to the aid of his soldiers. He performed prodigies of valor. The fabled prowess of Ajax, in defending the Grecian ships, was realized by the Polish hero. Nor was he badly seconded by his troops. As long as his voice could guide, or his example fire their valor, they were irresistible. In this unequal contest, Kosciusko was long seen, and finally lost to their view. 'Hope for a season bade the world farewell, And freedom shriek'd when Kosciusko fell.' He fell covered with wounds, but still survived. A Cossack would have pierced his breast, when an officer interposed. ' Suffer him to execute his purpose,' said the bleeding hero, ' I am the devoted soldier of my country, and will not survive its liber- ties.' The name of Kosciusko struck to the heart of the Tartar, like that of Marius upon the Cimbrian warrior. The uplifted weapon dropped from his hand. Kosciusko was conveyed to the dungeons of Petersburgh — and, to the eternal disgrace of the empress Catharine, she made him the object of her vengeance, when he could no longer be the object of her fears. Her more generous son restored hira to liberty. The remainder of his life has been spent in virtuous retirement. Whilst in this situation in France, an anecdote is related of him which strongly illustrates the command which his virtues and his services had obtained over the minds of his countrymen. In the late invasion of France, some Polish regiments, in the service of Russia, passed through the village in which he lived. Some pillaging of the inhabitants brought Kosciusko from his cottage. ' When I was a Polish soldier,' said he, address- ing the plunderers, 'the property of the peaceful citizen was respected.' 'And who art thou,' said an officer, 'who addresses us with this tone of authority 1' 'I am Kosciusko.' — There was magic in the word. It ran from corps to corps. The march was suspended. They gathered round him. and gazed, with astonishment a;id awe, upon the mighty ruin he presented. ' Could it indeed be their hero,' whose fame- was identified with that of their country 1 A thousand interesting reflections burst upon their minds ; they remembered his patriotism, his devotion to liberty, his tri- umphs, and his glorious fall. Their iron hearts were softened, and the tear of sensi- bility trickled down their weather-beaten faces. We can easily conceive, sir, what would be the feelings of the hero himself in such a scene. His great heart must have heaved with emotion, to find himself once more surrounded by the companions of his glory ; and that he would have been upon the point of saying to them : — 'Behold your general, come once more To lead you on to laurel'd victory. To fame, to freedom.' The delusion could have lasted but for a moment. He was himself, alas! a miserable cripple ; and, for them ! they were no longer the soldiers of liberty, but the instruments of ambition and tyranny. Overwhelmed with grief at the reflection, he would retire to his cottage, to mourn afresh over the miseries of his country. Such was the man, sir, for whose memory I ask from an American congress, a slight tribute of respect. Not. sir, to perpetuate his fame — but our gratitude. His fame will last as long as liberty remains upon the earth ; as long as a votary offers incense upon her altar, the name of Kosciusko will be invoked. And if, by the common consent of the world, a temple shall be erected to those who have rendered most service to mankind, if the statue of our great countryman shall occupy the place of the 'most worthy,' that of Kosciusko will be found by his side, and the v/reath of laurel will be entwined with the palm of virtue to adorn his brow." In the House of Representatives, January "2, Mr. Harrison, of Ohio, offered the following resolution. Resolved, That this house, entertain the highest respect for the memory of genera] 54 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. Kosciusko, his services, &c. the members thereof will testify the same by wearing crape on the left arm for one month. After some debate, Mr. Harrison withdrew his resolution altogether." On the above the National Intelligencer remarks : — " The short debate on this question is reserved, but shall certainly be given at a future Jay, in justice to the subject. It is enough now to state, that the merits of Kosciusko, the advocate of freedom, and the friend of man, were fully admitted ; but, it was shown, that no such respect as was now proposed had been paid to any of the departed worthies native or foreign, who had aided in the achievement of our independence, except in the single case of general Washington, which was admitted to be an exception to all general rulers. Having, as recently as 1810, refused a like tribute to the memory of colonel William Washington, on his decease, it was too late now, it was deemed, to commence a new system in this respect." The above are but a few evidences of general Harrison's zeal, ability, and usefulness in the house of representatives, and of his great desire to promote individual happiness, and the national honor and vi-elfare. He was ready and eloquent in debate ; and in the minor details of duty his conduct was marked by the most exemplary punctuality and attention, especially to the interests of his immediate constituents. On the nth of March, 1816, the speaker of the house of representatives of the United States laid before that body the following letter from General Harrison, solicit- ing an inquiry into the expenditure of public money in the eighth military district, while under his command ; which was read and referred to the committee on public expenditure. See Niles, vol. x. pp. 46 and 88. "North Bend, Ohio, Dec. 20, 1815. "Sir — I should apologize for this intrusion upon the time of the house of represent- atives, if I considered the subject upon which I address them exclusively of a private and personal nature. Although the investigation I solicit is of the utmost importance to myself, it will, I conceive, be readily admitted, that both the national honor and interest are deeply concerned in the result. My object is to obtain an inquiry into the expenditure of public money within the eighth military district, whilst under my com- mand, and particularly whatever relates to the supplies of provision by the speciij commissaries of the United States, and under the contract of Messrs. Orr and Greely. My reasons for making this application, and the particular claim I conceive myself to have upon the indulgence of the house of representatives, are most respectfully sub- mitted to them, through you, sir, in the following statement : — Shortly after the adjournment of congress in 1814, I was informed that the honor- able Mr. Fisk, the chairman of a committee which had been appointed to inquire into some complaints of the army contractors, had declared to one of the western delega- tion, that documents had been submitted to that committee which were deeply injurious to my public character, I immediately addressed a letter to Mr. Fisk of Vermont, demanding an explanation of this declaration. From the answer of this gentleman I learned that I had mistaken him for another of the same name, a representative from the state of New York, and who was the chairman of the committee alluded to. To the latter, at the commencement of the last session of congress, a similar letter was sent. In his answer he denied having used the expressions concerning me, which had been made to the committee supported by authentic documents, chiefly my own letters, all showing a wonderful inconsistency in the orders given to the contractors for sup- plying the army with provisions. Being perfectly convinced that these documents were very artful mutil;itions of my letters to the contractors and the secretary of war, I transmitted to Mr. Fisk, through the honorable Mr. Hawkins of Kentucky, all the original letters and papers in my possession relating to the subject of the supplies I had demanded of Orr and Greely. These papers were accompanied l.y an explanatory statement from me, and a request to Mr. Hawkins to bring the alfair before congress, should he deem it necessary to the vindication of my character. It was not until very late in the session that Mr. Fisk could spare a moment from his public duties to devote to mj- affair. In the answer, however, with which he honored me, he was pleased to «!xprcss much satisfaction at the information contained in my memoir, and to add, that 'i{ the documents (which accompanied it) had been exhibited to the committee of THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. S5 investigation, they would, he was persuaded, have made an impression upon the minds of that committee diflerent from that produced by the imperfect information which was received.' That a committee should have thought proper to investigate the con- duct of a general oflicer commanding an army, without his knowing it, and to suffer their minds to receive unfavorable impressions concerning him, upon the imperfect information furnished by his enemies, is, I am persuaded, a novel procedure with the representatives of the people, who are the guardians of their rights and privileges, I am confident, however, that the committee acted from no previous hostility to me ; and I attribute their conduct to inadvertency, produced by the pressure of important business at the momentous period of our aflairs. It is nevertheless certain, that these impressions of the committee have been communicated to others, and malice and hatred have given them currency in a considerable portion of the union. To resist this tor- rent of calumny, I have no alternative but to solicit an investigation. If the granting of this favor is beyond the merits of an officer who has spent the greatest portion of his life in the service of the public, it will be accorded to the claims of the nation, and to the vindication of the lionor and character of the countiy. The annals of the late war will not record the treachery of a second Arnold, but they will give to posterity an instance of military crime scarcely less detestable than that foul blot in our revolu- tionary history. If any other officer of high rank and trust can be truly charged with a crime so disgraceful as that of speculating upon the funds of his army, it will, in the estimation of the world, detract largely from the blaze of renown with which the achievements of Brown and Jackson have encircled the nation ; and I humbly conceive, that no pains should be spared to ascertain the guilt or innocence of the late war, for the diversion of the public funds to individual purjioses would have been equally fatal with treason, and merits punishment as severe. For myself, I was well aware that the treasury could scarcely answer the weighty demands which were made upon it by the military department ; and knowing, as I well did, the heroic valor of our countrymen, in common with every patriot — I believed that America had no cause of alarm but for the inadequacy of her fiscal arrangements. To some it may appear idle to speak of punishing a man for a miUtary crime who no longer holds a military commission. The right of the government to do this, however, is in my opinion incontrovertible. The principle being as well settled as any other in relation to the proceedings and jurisdiction of courts martial, which are derived from the ' custom of war.' It was the practice of all the ancient republics, and in England, from whence we derive our military as well as our civil common law ; the precedent was established in the case of lord George Sackville, who for alleged misconduct at the battle of Minden, was brought before a military tribunal and cashiered long after his resignation had been accepted. If in the inquiry I solicit, any thing should ap- pear to create a doubt as to the purity of my conduct in the command of the army 'that was entrusted to me, let a court martial decide my fate. I promise most solemnly to admit its jurisdiction and abide its decision. I make this application to the house of representatives with the fullest confidence that it will not be rejected : It is the only reward I claim for a long course of laborious and faithful service. The greater the latitude which is given to the inquiry, the better shall I like it : and I most respectfully request tliat it may embrace the follow- ing points : Whether any supplies were ever demanded by me of the contractors, Orr and Greely, which were not called for by the state of the array, and warranted by the conditions of their contract : Whether any injustice was done to the said Orr and Cfteely, by any order given by me to the purchasing or special commissaries of the army : Whether there is reason to believe that any sentiment of hostility existed in my mind towards the said contractors, and which operated injuriously to their inter- ests, either by forcing them to do what was unnecessary, or withholding from them any thing that they had a right to claim : Whether there is any reason to believe that any connection (other than that which the relations of our commissions necessarily produced) existed between myself and any of the stalT officers of the army ; and generally whatever relates to the expenditure of public money for the support of the north-western army, as far as I may have been concerned. These points will embrace every thing that any but a military tribunal is competent to decide. The inquiry will, I trust, produce a perfect conviction that the measures* 56 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. which were adopted, were those alone by which the subsistence of the army could have been maintained. I have forwarded to the representatives of the district in which I live, a number of original documents with an explanatory statement, these, together with the testimony of colonel Morrison, late quartcr-master-general, and Mr. Piatt, late purchasing commis- sarv, both of whom will be at the seat of government, will furnish every information necessary to my vindication. With the highest consideration, I have the honor to be, sir, your humble servant, Wm. Hknut IlAnnisoTT, Late major general in the United States army. The honorable the speaker of the house of representatives. On the 29th of April the whole subject was referred to the secretary of war, with directions to report thereon at the next session. At the next session, the secretary of war made a report, which was referred to a select committee, at the head of which was colonel Richard M. Johnson, the present vice-president of the United States. On the 22d of January, 1817, the committee made the following report. See Niles, vol. xi. p. 396. '' The select committee of the house of representatives, to whom \\d.s referred the letter and documents from the acting secretary of war, on the subject of general Harrison's letter, ask leave to Report — That they have investigated the facts involved in this inquiry-, by the examination of documents, and a great number of most re- spectable witnesses, personally acquainted with the transactions from which the inquiry originated. And the committee are unanimously of opinion, that general Harrison stands above suspicion, as to his having any pecuniary or improper connec- tion v.'ith the officers of the commissariat for the supply of the army ; that he did not wantonly or improperly interfere with the rights of the contractors, and that he was, in his measures, governed by the proper zeal and devotion to the public interest The committee beg leave to be discharged from the further consideration of the subject ; and as the papers refer in part to the conduct and transactions of the con- tractors of the north-western army, where accounts are unsettled, and only incident- ally involved in this inquiry, that the papers be transmitted to the department of war. After the report was read, Mr. Hulbkiit said, that having the honor to be one of the committee who made the report which was tlien before the house, he felt it his duty to make a few remarks upon it. The committee, he said, considered the subject an important one. It was in- teresting to the public, and highly and especially so to general Harrison. The cha- racter of that gentleman had been impeached. They, therefore, determined to make the investigation as full and thorough as should be in their power. With such views and sentiments they entered upon the inquiry. They had notified a gentleman who bad made charges in writing against the general, and requested his attendance upon the committee, and he had more than once attended. They had read and considered all the documents and papers which they could obtain, and which they thought calcu- lated to throw light on the inquirv, and had examined many respectable witnesses, and the investigation had resulted in a tirm belief, and a unanimous oi)inion of the committee, that the insinuations and complaints which had been made against general Harrison, and wliich were the fomidation of his application to congress, were unmerit- ed, groundless, and unjust. Mr. Hulbert said it gave him pleasure to make these declarations. He considered him- self doing an act of justice to an injured individual. He said he must acknowledge, that he had entertained impressions very unfavorable to the general. The complaints, which had been made against him, had spread far and wide. The banc and antidote had not gone together. He. rejoiced that this inquiry had been made, and he had ni> he-itation in saying, that, so far as the report of the committee should defend, befora the public, the conduct and character of general Harrison, it would promote tlio causft of truth and justice. Mr. Hulbert said, that the general had been charged with unjust and oppressdvo conduct, in relation to the contractors in the army under his command. He said he was entirely satisfied that the geaeial had interfered only in those cases, where he THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 57 thought his duty to the public imperiously required it. In saying this, he meant to cast no imputation upon the contractors ; he spoke only of what he beUeved to be the motives of general Harrison. The most serious accusation against the general was, that, while he was command- er-in-chief in the west, regardless of his country's good, he was in the habit of man- aging the public concerns with a view to his own private interest and emolument. — Mr. Hulbert said he could not refrain from pronouncing this a false and cruel accusa- tion. He was confident that directly the reverse was true. There luas the. most satis- factory evidence, that the general, in the exercise of his official duties, in his devotion to the public interest, had neglected his private concerns, to his material deiriment and injury. In a word, said Mr. Hulbert, I feel myself authorized to say, that every member of the committee is fully satisfied, that the conduct of general Harrison, in relation to the subject matter of this inquiry, has been that of a brave, honest, and honorable man ; that, instead of deserving censure, he merits tlie thanks and applause of his country." Tiie committee was discharged from the further consideration of the subject, and the papers transmitted to the war department. The enemies of general Harrison's fame have endeavoured to pervert the proceed- ings in the senate in 1816, in relation to the proposition to present him with a gold medal and the thanks of congress, and thus to create an impression that he was deemed unworthy of such a distinguished honor. The following is a faithful account of the proceedings. In Niles, vol. x. p. 125, will be found the following among the proceedings of the senate, on the 13th of April, 1816. "The senate resumed the consideration of the joint resolution directing medals to he struck, and, together with the thanks of congress, presented to major-general Harrison and governor Shelby, and for other purposes. After some discussion on the expediency of adopting such a resolution at this time, and of coupling the name of general Harrison and governor Shelby — Mr. LACOCK moved to amend the resolution by striking therefrom 'major-general William Henry Harrison.' This motion was determined in the affirmative by the following vote : Yeas — Messrs. Dana, Gaillard, Gore, Hunter, King, LACOCK, Mason, N. H. Ro- berts, Tait, Thompson, Tichenor, Turner, Varnum — 1.3. Nays — Barbour, Barry, Condict, Horsey, Macon, Morrow, Ruggles, Talbot, Wells, Williams— 11. The further consideration of the subject was then postponed to a day in next week, on motion of Mr. Roberts." On the 20th of the same month, Niles, vol. x. p. 151, " The senate resumed the consideration of the resolution for presenting medals and the thanks of congress to major-general Harrison and governor Shelby. On the question to concur in the previous decision to strike out the name of major-general William Henry Harrison, it was decided in the negative, as follows : YetM— Messrs. Campbell, Daggett, Gaillard, Gore, King, LACOCK, Mason, N. H. Mason, Va. Roberts, Tait, Tichenor, Turner, Varnum — 13. Nays — Messrs. Barbour, Barry, Chace, Condict, Harper, Horsey, Macon, Morrow, Ruggles, Sanford, Talbot, Wells, Williams, Wilson — 14. The resolution was then, on motion of Mr. Horsey, recommitted to the military committee." ^ When governor Shelby heard of the effort in the senate to strike out general Harrison's name, he wrote to his old commantler, under date of May 16th, 1816, as follows ; " Don't let the conduct of the senate disturb your mind. I hope their resolu- tion has been laid over as to both of us. The moment I heard of the course it was Uke to take, I wrote instantly to Mr. Clay, and expressed my regret that it had been introduced, and how mortified I should feel to be noticed, if you were not included, who had render^ ten times more service to the nation than I had." 58 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. The military committee did not report on the subject at that session; but at the next session,, on the 34th of March, 1818, (Niles, vol. xiv. p. 185,) Mr. Dickerson, of the United Slates senate, formerly governor of New Jersey, and recently secretary of the navy, a man of the purest patriotism, and the most honorable character, agreeably to notice given on the previous day, asked leave to introduce a resolution oflering the thanks of congress to major-general Wm. Henry Harrison and Isaac Shelby, late governor of Kentucky, for their distinguished bravery and good conduct in cap- turing the British army, under the command of major-general Proctor, at the battle of the Thames, in Upper Canada, on the 5th of October, 1813. I should not, said, Mr. Dickerson, at this late day, highly as I think of the merits of those officers who, in co-operation with the hero of Lake Erie, turned the tide of war in our favor, bring forward the present resolution, if no similar attempt had heretofore been made in their favor, but would leave their fame to rest upon the testi- mony of impartial history, which has already done ample justice to their characters. Two years ago, a resolution like the present, was reported to this house by the chairman of the committee on military affairs, by direction of that committee. This resolution was opposed on two grounds, applying solely to general Harrison, as I have been informed (for I had not then the honor of being a member of this body) — the first, that an inquiry was at that time depending before the house of representa- tives, into the official conduct of general Harrison, as commander-in-chief of the north-western army, upon charges which, if well founded, were calculated essenti- ally to injure his character; the second, that a rumor prevailed, that general Harrison had discovered some reluctance in pursuing Proctor and his army, after Perry's victory on Lake Erie, and that he had been forced to the pursuit by the remonstrances of go- vernor Shelby, and that this information had beeji derived from the declarations of governor Shelby. These charges, utterly unfounded, as they turned out to be, were deemed a sufficient reason for postponing a decision of the report of the committee, until the result of the inquiry before the house of representatives should at least be known. The resolution, after some discussion, was referred to the committee who reported it, further to consider and report thereon. As the session was near to its close, no further report was made, and indeed no further report could with propriety have been made, until the investigation before the house of representatives should be brought to a termination. This did not happen till the 23d of January, 1817, a little more than u month before the termination of a very important session, when the public business of the most pressing kind required the entire attention of congress, so that this subject could not with propriety have been renewed until the present session. As the friends of general Harrison have in their power completely to obviate every obiection heretofore made to the passage of this resolution, it is their duty to bring this subject again before congress, more especially as the journals of this house, if left unexplained, imply a censure upon the conduct of general Harrison, which cer- tainly was never intended. I will confess, for one, from a perusal of the journals of this iiouse, the military reputation of general Harrison, sunk in my estimation : and I believe this confession might be made by three-fourths of the citizens of the United States, who read the proceedings of congress, and who had not an intimate know- ledge of the character and conduct of general Harrison. I should reproach myself for having suffered such an impression to be made upon my mind if the means of correcting it had also been found upon our journals ; those journals did not then afford the means of correct information upon this subject, nor do they till this day. As to the first objection, that an investigation was depending in the house of repre- Lsentatives, into the official conduct of general Harrison, the result of that investigation was in the highest degree honorable to his character. The committee to whom the (subject was referred, were unanimously of opinion that general Harrison stood above suspicion of being implicated in the charges exhibited against him, and that in his whole conduct as commander-in-chief of the north-western army, he was governed by a laudable zeal for, and devotion to, the public service and interest. The second objection made to the passage of the resolution, if well founded, was calculated to give to governor Shelby the entire and exclusive merit of having urged the pursuit of Proctor and his army. But Shelby, generous as he is brave, disclaims this exclusive merit, in a letter which I will beg leave to read, denies La the most posi- THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 59 live terms having used the language ascribed to him, and he gives to general Harrison the highest praise for his promptitude and vigilance in pursuing Proctor; for the skill with which he arranged his troops for meeting the enemy, and for his distingui*ed bravery during the battle. He states that the duties of general Harrison, as command- er-m-chief of the north-western army, were in the highest degree arduous ; but thaU Irom the zeal and fidelity with which they were performed, they could not have been committed to better hands. Of these particulars no one could know better, no one could judge better, than governor Shelby. I have many other documents and papers to show that governor Shelby was not mistaken in the statements which lie ha-s made, which I will read if any doubt shall be expressed upon this subject I trust however, that no such doubt will be entertained, and am confident that honorable gentlemen will now, upon a full knowledge of the facts, feel a pleasure in awardin- to general Harrison that testimony of applause which a sense of duty induced them for- merly to withhold. I shall not pronounce any encomiums upon the gallantry of the venerable patriot, the intrepiu hero, governor Shelby. His distinguished services during the late war, as well as those of the revolution, will be remembered to the latest posterity— of him and the brave officers and men who, under the command of general Harrison, achieved the glorious victory at the battle of the Thames, one sentiment pervades the union that they merit every mark of distinction which congress, and a grateful country can Mr. Dickerson then oflTered the following resolution : Resolved, by the senate and house of representatives of the United States of America, m congress assembled. That the thanks of congress be, and they are herebv presented to major-general William Henry Harrison, and Isaac Shelby, late governor ol Kentucky, and through them to the officers and men under their command for their gallantry and good conduct in defeating the combined British and Indian forces under major-general Proctor, on the Thames, in Upper Canada, on the fifth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and thirteen, capturing the entire British army vvith their baggage, camp equipage, and artillery ; and that the president of the United States be requested to cause two gold medals to be struck, emblematical of this triumph, and presented to general Harrison, and Isaac Shelby, late governor of Ken- The resolution was modified, by striking out the word « entire," in the seventh line ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, and was subsequently passed by the unani- mous vote of the senate. On the 30th of March, this joint resolution was sent to the house of representatives, (Niles, vol. XI v. p. 103,) read three times, and passed, " with one dissenting voice ■"' and on the 4th of April, it received the approval of the president. It is inserted in IN lies, vol. XIV. p. 208, signed according to law. The medal is about two inches in diameter ; on the face is a bust of general Har- rison, encircled with the words '^Major-General William H. Harrison:' On the reverse, a female figure, with a spear in her right hand, is in the act of placing with her eft, a laurel crown upon some military trophies, from which is suspended a scroll, bearing the words, " Fort Meigs, Battle of the Thames." It is beautifully executed, and the material is of the finest gold. CHAPTER VIII. OENEHAI, HAERISON DECLIITES A HE-ELECTION TO C0NGHE9S ELECTED TO THE STATE SEKATE OF OHIO FALSE CHAHGE AGAINST HIM ABOUT "SELLIIfG DEBTORS JxV CEHTAIjr cases" APPOINTED IWIIflSTER TO COLOMBIA RECALLED HT GENE- RAL JACKSON HIS LETTER TO BOLIVAR. General Harrison declined a re-election to congress; but yielding to the solicitations ot his friends, he consented to become a candidate for a seat in the state senate of Ohio, to which he was elected in the fall of 1819. In that body he rendered import- 60 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. ant services to the state; but his conduct as a state senator gave rise to one absurd charge, which cannot be better explained and refuted, than by nisert.ng the following Sfrom him in reply to the editor of the •'Hamilton, (Butler co. Ohio) IntelU- eencer," in which paper it first appeared. , „„, r. i looi S ' << North Bend, Zid December, IS'21. Sir— In your paper of the 15th instant, I observed a most violent attack upon eleven other members of the late senate and myself, for a supposed vote given at the last session for the passage of a law to ' sell debtors in certam cases. If such had been our conduct, I acknowledge that we should not only deserve the censure which the writer has bestowed on us, but the execration of every honest man in socie y. An act of this kind is not only opposed to the principles of justice and humanity, but would be a palpable violation of the constitution of the state, which every legis- lator is sworn to support; and sanctioned by a house of representatives and twelve senators, it would indicate a state of depravity which would lill every patriotic bosom with the most alarming anticipations. But the fact is, that no such proposition was ever made in the legislature or even thought of. The act to which the water alludes, has no more relation to the collection of ' debts,' than it has to the discovery of longitude. It was an act for the punishment of offences against the slate and that nart of it which has so deeply wounded the feelings of your corresponden , was passed by the house of representatives, and voted for by the twelve senators, under the Lpression that it was the most mild and humane mode of dealing with the offenders for whose cases it was intended. It was adopted by the house of representatives as a part of the general system of criminal law, which was then undergoing a coniplete revision and amendment; the necessity of this is evinced by the following facts, for several years past, it had become apparent that the Penitentiary system was becom- ing more and more burdensome at every session ; a large appropriation was called tor to meet the excess of expenditure, above the receipts of the establishment. In he com- mencement of the session of 1820, the deficit amounted to near twenty thousand dollars. This growing evil required the immediate interposition of some vigorous legislaUve measure; two were recommended as being likely to produce the effect; first, placing the institution under belter management ; and secondly, lessening the number ot con- victs who were sentenced for short periods, and whose labour was found of course to be most unproductive. In pursuance of the latter principle, thefts to the aaiount ot fifty dollars, or upwards, were subjected to punishment in the Penitentiary, i»stead ot ten dollars, which was the former minimum sum; this was easily done. But the crreat difliculty remained to determine what should be the punishment of those nu- merous larcenies belo^y the sum of fifty dollars. By some, whipping was proposed by others, punishment by hard labor in the county jails, and by others, it was thought best to make them work oa the highways. , . • To all these there appeared insuperable objections: fine and imprisonment was adopted by the house of representatives, as the only alternative ; and as it was well known that these vexatious pilferings were generally perpetrated by the most worthless vagabonds in society, it was added that when they could not pay the fines and costs, which are always part of the sentence and punishment, their services should be sold out to any person who would pay their fines and costs for them. This was the clause which was passed, as I believe, by a unanimous vote of the house and stricken out in the senate, in opposition to the twelve who have been denominated. A little further trouble in examining the journals, would have shown your correspondent that this was considered as a substitute for whipping, which was lost in the senate, and in the house by a small majority, after being once passed. I think, Mr. Editor, I have said enough to show that this obnoxious law would not have applied to 'unfortunate debtors of sixty-four years,' but to infomous oftenders, who depredate upon the property of their fellow-citizens, and who, by the constituUon of the state, as well as the principle of existing laws, were subject to involuntary ser- vitude. I must confess I had no very sanguine expectations of beneficial effects from this measure, as it would apply to convicts who had attained the age of maturity But I had supposed that a woman or a youth, who was convicted of an oftence, and remained in jail for the payment of th. fine and costs imposed, might with great advantage be transferred to the residence of some decent, virtuous private family, whose preceot and example would greatly lead them back to the paths of virtue, i THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 61 would appeal to the candor of your correspondent to say whelher if there were an individual confined under the circumstances I have mentioned, for whose fat? he was interested, he would not gladly see him transferred, from the iilthv enclosure of a jail, and the still more filthy inhabitants, to the comfortable mansion of some virtuous citizen, whose admonition would check his vicious propensities, and whose authority over him, would be no more than is exercised over thousands of apprentices in our country, and those bound servants, which are tolerated in our, as well as in every other state in the Union. Far from advocating the abominable principles attributed to me by your correspondent, I think that imprisonment for debt, under any circum- stances but those where fraud is alleged, is at war with the best principles of our constitution, and ought to be abolished. I am, sir, your humble servant, i^'^Sned) Wm. Henry Harrison." "In the autumn of 1822, general Harrison, being a candidate for congress, publish- ed a short address to the voters of his district, in which he sums up his political prin- ciples. We subjoin a portion of it,* breathing the pure spirit of sound republicanism. ' I believe, that upon the preservation of the union of the states depends the exist- ence of our civil and religious liberties ; and that the cement which binds it together is not a parcel of words, written upon paper or parchments, but the brotherly love and regard which the citizens of the several states possess for each other. Destroy this, and the beautiful fabric which was reared and embellished by our ancestors crumbles into ruins. From its disjointed parts no temple of liberty will again be reared. Discord and wars will succeed to peace and harmony— barbarism will again overspread the land; or, what is scarcely better^ some kindly tyrant will promulgate the decrees of his will, from the seat where a Washington and a Jefferson dispensed the blessings of a free and equal government. 1 believe it, therefore, to be the duty of a representative to conciliate, by every possible means, the members of our great political family, and always to bear in mind that as the union was effected only by a spirit of mutual concession and forbearance, so only can it be preserved.' In the year 1824, the legislature of Ohio elected general Harrison to the senate of the United States, in which body, soon after taking his seat, he succeetied general Jackson as chairman of the committee on military alTairs. While a member of that body, among other measures, he strongly advocated a bill giving a preference, in the appointment of cadets to the military academy at West Point, to the sons of those who had fallen in battle, in their country's service. While in the senate, John Randolph, of Virginia, took occasion to renew an old charge against general Harrison, of his having been a black-cockade federalist of '98, and of having voted for the alien and sedition laws of that period. As soon as Mr! Randolph had taken his seat, general Harrison rose, and with remarkable coolness and temper, considering the virulent and unprovoked character of the attack, he observed : 'that the extraordinary manner in which his name had been brought before the senate, by the senator from Virginia, probably required some notice from him though he scarcely knew how to treat such a charge as had been advanced against him seriously. The gentleman had charged him with being a black-cockade federalist of 98, and with having voted for the standing army and the alien and sedition laws. Ho had not so fertile a memory as the gentleman from Virginia, nor could he at command call up all the transactions of nearly thirty years ago. He could say, however, that at the time alluded to, he was not a party man in the sense the senator from Virginia used. He was a delegate of a territory which was just then rising into importance, and having no vote on the general questions before congress, it was neither his duty nor the interest of those whom he represented to plunge into the turbulent sea of general politics which then agitated the nation. There were questions of great im- portance to the north-western territory before congress, questions upon the proper settlement of which, the future prosperity of that now important portion of the Union greatly depended. Standing as he did, the sole representative of that territory, his great- est ambition was to prove himself faithful to his trust, by cherishing its interests, and nothing could ha ve been more suicidal or pernicious to those he represented, than for * Sketches, &c. F 62 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-EOOK. him to exasperate either party by becoming a violent partisan, without the power of aiding either party, because he had no vote on any political question. This was his position, and although he had his political principles as firmly fixed as those of the gentleman from Virginia, it was no business of his to strike where he could not be felt, and where the blow must recoil upon himself and those whom he represented. He wore no cockade, black or tri-colored, at that day — and never wore one but when he was in the military service of his country. But he was seriously charged with the heinous offence of association with ftderal gentlemen. He plead guilty — he respected the revolutionary services of president Adams, and had paid him that cour- tesy which was due to him as a man and as chief magistrate. He also associated with such men as John Marshall and James A. Bayard — was the acknowledgment of such guilt to throw him out of the pale of political salvation ? On the other hand he was on intimate terms with Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Gallatin, and with the whole Virginia delegation, among whom he had many kinsmen and dear friends. They were his principal associates in Philadelphia, in whose mess he had often met the gentleman who was now his accuser, and with whom he had spent some of the happiest hours of his life. It was true, as the senator had alleged, he had been appointed governor of the north-western territory by John Adams — so had he been by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. He was not in congress when the standing army was created, and the alien and sedition laws were passed, and if he had been, he could not have voted for them, and would not if he could. It was not in his nature to be a violent or proscriptive partisan, but he had given a firm sufiport to the repub- lican administrations of Jefferson, Madison and Monroe. He hoped the senator from Virginia was answered — he was sure the senate must be wearied with this frivolous and unprofitable squabble.' " In the latter part of the year 1828, general Harrison was appointed minister plenipotentiary to the republic of Colombia, and sailed on his mission the 10th of November, from New York, in the United States ship Erie. He arrived at Bogota on the 5th of February, 1829, and presented his credentials on the 27th, and was received in the most flattering manner. Niles, vol. xxxv. p. 181, and vol. xxxvi. p. 121. The official government journal, at Bogota, (Niles, vol. xxxvi. p. 134,) on announcing his arrival, said : — " We congratulate Colombia on beholding the interest which is manifested by the government of the United States, to cultivate the friendly relations with this republic, by sending among us so distinguished a citizen as general Harrison. The government has full confidence that his permanent residence in this capital, will contribute generally to strengthen the harmony and good understanding which happily exist between the two nations." General Jackson was inaugurated president of the United States on the 4th of March, 1829, and on the 8th of that month, or thirty-one days after general Harrison reached Bogota, he was recalled; and Thomas P. Moore, of Kentucky, appointed his successor. The above facts are a sufficient refutation of the charge, that he was recalled in consequence of his interference in the political affairs of Colombia ; for the govern- ment of the United States could not have been officially informed of his arrival at Bogota at the time the appointment was conferred upon Mr. Moore : and it will, also, be seen that general Harrison's celebrated letter to Bolivar, inserted in subsequent pages, was written more than six months after Mr. Moore's appointment, and not delivered to Bolivar until general Harrison's official duties had terminated — for Mr. Moore arrived at Bogota in September, and was presented on the 26th of that month, on which day general Harrison had his audience of leave ; and on the next day, when general Harrison was a private citizen, the letter was written. Bolivar was absent when general Harrison took his leave ; but it is evident, from the follow- ing extract from the address of the council, that the most friendly relations existed between him and the government, at the time of his departure, and that it had no cause to complain of his private or official conduct. " In expressing to you, sir, the sentiments of this council towards your govern- ment, it is agreeable to me to declare, that the hopes formed by Colombia, when the appointment was announced of so distinguished a general, and one of the most emi- nent citizens of the oldest republic of America, had been realized by your residence THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 63 in this capital, as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary near tJds government ; and therefore it is highly satisfactory to me to show the high esteem Which your personal qualities have inspired." The following is his letter to Bolivar, which has commanded general admiration by the beauty and energy of its style, and the sound and patriotic admonitions which mark every sentence. It is, indeed, a most eloquent appeal to the best and most noble feel- ings of our nature, and alone should win for the author the respect and admiration of every lover of civil liberty. "Bogota, 27 th September, 1829. " Sin — If there is any thing in the style, the matter, or the object of this letter, which is calculated to give offence to your excellency, I am persuaded you will readily forgive it, when you reflect on the motives which induced me to write it. An old soldier could possess no feelings but those of the kindest character towards one who has shed 80 much lustre on the profession of arms ; nor can a citizen of the country of Wash- ington cease to wish that, in Bolivar, the world might behold another instance of the highest military attainments, united with the purest patriotism, and the greatest capa- city for civil government. Such, sir, have been the fond hopes, not only of the people of the United States, but of the friends of liberty throughout the world. I will not say that your excellency has formed projects to defeat these hopes. But there is no doubt that they have not only been formed, but are, at this moment, in progress to maturity, and openly avowed by those who possess your entire confidence. I will not attribute to these men impure motives ; but can they be disinterested advisers T Are they not the very persons who will gain most by the proposed change? — who will, indeed, gain all that is to be gained, without furnishing any part of the equivalent? That that, the price of their future wealth and honors, is to be furnished exclusively by yourself? And of what does it consist ? Your great character. Such a one, that, if a man were wise, and possessed of the empire of the Cassars, in its best days, he would give all to obtain. Are you prepared to make this sacrifice for such an object ? I am persuaded that those who advocate these measures have never dared to induce you to adopt them, by any argument founded on your personal interests ; and that, tn succeed, it would be necessary to convince you that no other course remained to save tlie country from the evils of anarchy. This is the question, then, to be examined. Does the history of this country, since the adoption of the constitution, really exhi- bit unequivocal evidence that the people are unfit to be free? Is the exploded opinion of a European philosopher, of the last age, that " in the new hemisphere man is a degraded being," to be renewed, and supported by the example of Colombia ? The proofs should, indeed, be strong, to induce an American to adopt an opinion so humiliating. Feeling always a deep interest in the success of the revolutions in the late Spanish America, I have never been an inattentive observer of events, pending and posterior to the achievement of its independence. In these events, I search in vain for a single fact to show that, in Colombia at least, the state of society is unsuited to the adoption of a free government. Will it be said that a free government did exist, but, being found inadequate to the objects for which it had been instituted, it has been superseded by one of a different character, with the concurrence of a majority of the people ? It is the most difficult thing in the world for me to believe that a people in the pos- session of their rights as freemen, would ever be willing to surrender them, and submit themselves to the will of a master. If any such instances are on record, the power thus transferred has been in a moment of extreme public danger, and then limited to a very short period. I do not think that it is by any means certain, that the majority of the French people favored the elevation of Napoleon to the throne of France. But, if it were so, how different were the circumstances of that country from those of Colombia, when the constitution of Cucuta was overthrown ! At the period of the elevation of Napoleon t(j the first consulate, all the powers of Europe were the open or secret enemies of France ; civil war raged within her borders ; the hereditary king possessed many partisans in every province ; the people, continually betrayed by the factions which murdered and succeeded each other, had imbibed a portion of their ferocity, and every town and village witnessed the indiscriminate slaughter of both inea and women, of all parties and principles. Does the history of Colombia, sinco 64 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. the expulsion of the Spaniards, present any parallel to these scenes? Her frontiers have been never seriously menaced ; no civil war raged ; not a partisan of the former government was to be found in the whole extent of her territory ; no factions contended with each other for the possession of power; the executive government remamed in the hands of those to whom it had been committed by the people, m a fan election. In fact no people ever passed from under the yoke of a despotic government, to the enioyment of entire freedom, with less disposition to abuse their newly-acquired power, than those of Colombia. They submitted, indeed, to a continuance of some of the most arbitrary and unjust features which distinguished the former government. It there was any disposition, on the part of the great mass of the people, to effect any change in the existing order of things; if the Colombians act from the same motives and upon the same principles which govern mankind elsewhere, and in all ages, they would have desired to take from the government a part of the power which, in their inexperience, they had confided to it. The monopoly of certain articles of agricultural produce and the oppressive duty of the Alcavala, might have been tolerated, until ttie last of their tyrants were driven from the country. But when peace was restored, when not one enemy remained within its borders, it might reasonably have been sup posed that the people would have desired to abolish these remains of arbitrary govern- ment, and substitute for them some tax more equal and accordant with republican ^"on^lhecontrary, it is pretended that they had become enamoured with these despotic measures, and so disgusted with the freedom they did enjoy, that they were more than willing to commit their destinies to the uncontrolled will of your excellency. Let me assure you, sir, that these assertions will gain no credit with the present generation, or with posterity. They will demand the facts which had induced a people, by no means deficient in intelligence, so soon to abandon the principles for which they had so gallantly fought, and tamely surrender that liberty which had been obtained at the expense of so much blood. And what facts can be produced 1 It cannot be said that life and property were not as well protected under the republican government as they have ever been ; nor that there existed any opposition to the constitution and laws, too strong for the ordinary powers of the government to put down. If the insurrection of general Paez, in Venezuela, is adduced, I would ask, by what means was he reduced to obedience 1 Your excellency, the legitimate head ot the repubUc, appeared, and, in a moment, all opposition ceased, and Venezuela was restored to the republic. But it is said that this was effected by your personal influence, or the dread of your military talents; and that, to keep general Paez, and other ambitious chiefs, from dismembering the republic, it was necessary to invest your excellency with the extraordinary powers you possess. There would be some reason m this it you had refused to act without these powers ; or, having acted as you did, you had been unable to accomplish any thing without them. But you succeeded completely, and there can be no possible reason assigned why you would not have succeeded, with the same means, against any future attempt of general Paez. or any other general. _ There appears, however, to be one sentiment in which all parties unite; that is, that, as matters now stand, you alone can save the country from ruin, at least, trom much calamity. They differ, however, very widely, as to the measures to be taKen to put your excellency in the way to render this iuiportant service I he lesser, and more interested party, is for placing the government in your hands for hie ; either witti your present title, or with one which, it must be confessed, better accords with the nature of the powers to be exercised. If they adopt the less offensive title, and if they weave into their system some apparent checks to your will, it is only for the purpose of masking, in some degree, their real object, which is nothing short of the establish- ment of a desiwtism. The plea of necessity, that eternal argument of all conspirators, ancient or modern, against the rights of mankind, will be resorted to, to induce you to accede to their measures; and the unsettled state of the country, which has been desiffncdly produced by them, will be adduced as evidence of that necessity. There is but one way for your excellency to escape from the snares which have been so artfully laid to entrap you, and that is, to slop short m the course which, unfortunately, has been already commenced. Every step you advance, under the irilluence of such counsels, will make retreat more dillicult, until it will become imprac- Ucabie. You will be told that the iiUeiuion is only to vest you with authority to THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. ^5 correct wliat is wrong in the administration, and to put down the factions, and that, when the country once enjoys tranquillity, the government may be restored to the people. Delusive will be the hopes of those who rely upon this declaration. The promised hour of tranquillity will never arrive. If events tended to produce it, they would be counteracted by the government itself. It was the strong remark of a former president of the United States, that, ' Sooner will the lover be contented with the first smiles of his mistress, than a government cease to endeavour to preserve and extend its powers.' With whatever reluctance your excellency may commence the career ; with whatever disposition to abandon it, when the objects for which it was commenced have been obtained ; when once fairly entered, you will be borne along by the irre- sistible force of pride, habit of command, and, indeed, of self-preservation, and it will be impossible to recede. But it is said that it is for the henefit of the people that the proposed change is to be made ; and that by your talents and influence aldne, aided by unlimited power, the ambitious chiefs in the different departments are to be restrained, and the integrity of the republic preserved. I have said, and I most sincerely believe, that, from the state into which the country has been brought, that you alone can preserve it from the horrors of anarchy. But I cannot conceive that any extraordinary powers are neces- sary. The authority to see that the laws are executed ; to call out the strength of the country to enforce their execution, is all that is required, and is what is possessed by the chief magistrate of the United States, and of every other republic ; and is what was confided to the executive, by the constitution of Cucuta. Would your talents or your energies be impaired in the council, or the field, or your influence lessened, when acting as the head of a republic ] I propose to examine, very briefly, the results which are likely to flow from the proposed change of government : First, in relation to the country ; and, secondly, to yourself, personally. Is the tranquillity of the country to be secured by it"? Is it "possible for your excellency to believe, that when the mask has been thrown off, and the people discover that a despotic government has been fixed upon them, that they will quietly submit to it 1 Will they forget the pass-word, which, like the cross of fire, was the signal for rallying to oppose their former tyrants ] Will the virgins, at your bidding, cease to chant the songs of liberty which so lately animated the youth to victory 1 Was the patriotic blood of Colombia all expended in the fields of Vargas, Bayaca, and Carebobo 1 The schools may cease to enforce upon their pupils the love of country, drawn from the examples of Cato and the Bruti, Harmodius and Aristogi- ton ; but the glorious example of patriotic devotion, exhibited in your own Hacienda, will supply their place. Depend on it, sir, that the moment which shall announce the continuance of arbitrary power in your hands, will be the commencement of com- motions which will require all your talents and energies to suppress. You may suc- ceed. The disciplined army, at your disposal, may be too powerful for an unarmed, undisciplined, and scattered population ; but one unsuccessful effort will not content them, and your feelings will be eternally racked by being obliged to make war upon those who have heen accustomed to call you their father, and to invoke blessings on your head, and for no cause but their adherence to principles which you yourself had taught them to regard more than their lives. If, by the strong government which the advocates for the proposed change so stre- nuously recommend, one without responsibility is intended, which may put men to death, and immure them in dungeons, without trial, and one where the army is every thing, and the people nothing, I must say, that, if the tranquillity of Colombia is to be preserved in this way, the wildest anarchy would be preferable. Out of that anarchy a better government might arise ; but the chains of military despotism once fastened upon a nation, ages might pass away before they could be shaken off. Bnt I contend that the strongest of all governments is that which is most free. We consider that of the United States as the strongest, precisely because it is the most free. It possesses the faculties equally to protect itself from foreign force or internal convulsion. In both it has been sufficiently tried. In no country upon earth would an armed opposition to the laws be sooner or more effectually put down. Not so much by the terrors of the guillotine and the gibbet, as from the aroused determination of the nation, exhibiting their strength, and convincing the factious that their caus^ was hopeless. No, sir, depend upon it, that the possession of arbitrary power, by 9 66 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. the government of Colombia, will not be the means of securing its tranqnillity ; nor will the danger of disturbances solely arise from the opposition of the people. The power, and the military force which it will be necessary to put in the hands of the governors of the distant provinces, added to the nature of the country, will continually present to those officers the temptation and the means of revolt. Will the proposed change restore prosperity to the country 1 With the best in- tentions to do so, will you be able to recall commerce to its shores and give new life to the drooping state of agriculture 1 The cause of the constant decline, in these great interests, cannot be mistaken. It arises from the fewness of those who labor, and the number of those who are to be supported by that labor. To support a swarm of luxurious and idle monks, and an army greatly disproportioned to the resources of the country, with a body of officers in a tenfold degree disproportioned to the army, every branch of industry is oppressed with burdens which deprive the ingenious man of the profits of his ingenuity, and the laborer of his reward. To satisfy the con- stant and pressing demands which are made upon it, the treasury seizes upon every thing within its grasp — destroying the very germ of future prosperity. Is there any prospect that these evils will cease with the proposed change ] Can the army be dispensed with 1 Will the influence of the monks be no longer necessary 1 Believe me, sir, that the support which the government derives from both these sources will be more than ever requisite. But the most important inquiry is, the effect which this strong government is to have upon the people themselves. Will it tend to improve and elevate their character, and fit them for the freedom which it is pretended is ultimately to be bestowed upon them 1 The question has been answered from the age of Homer. Man does not learn under oppression those noble quaUties and feelings which fit him for the enjoy- ment of liberty. Nor is despotism the proper school in which to acquire the know- ledge of the principles of republican government. A government whose revenues are derived from diverting the very sources of wealth from its subjects, will not find the means of improving the morals and enlightening the minds of the youth, by supporting systems of liberal education ; and, if it could, it would not. In relation to the effect which this investment of power is to have upon your happiness and your fame, will the pomp and glitter of a court, and the flattery of venal courtiers, reward you for the troubles and anxieties attendant upon the exercise of sovereignty, everywhere, and those which will flow from your pecuUar situation] Or power, supported by the bayonet, for that willing homage which you were wont to receive from your fellow-citizens 1 The groans of a dissatisfied and oppressed people will penetrate the inmost recesses of your palace, and you will be tortured by the reflection, that you no longer possess that place in their affections, which was once your pride and your boast, and which would have been your solace under every re- verse of fortune. Unsupported by the people, your authority can be maintained only by the terrors of the sword and the scaffold. And have these ever been successful under similar circumstances 1 Blood may smother, for a period, but can never extin- guish the fire of liberty, which you have contributed so much to kindle, in the bosom of every Colombian. I will not urge, as an argument, the personal dangers to which you will be exposed. But I will ask if you could enjoy life, which would be preserved by the constant execution of so many human beings — your countrymen, your former friends, and almost your worshippers. The pangs of such a situation will be made more acute, by reflecting on the hallowed motive of many of those who would aim their daggers at your bosom. That, like the last of the Romans, they would strike, not from hatred to the man, but love to the country. From a knowledge of your own disposition, and present feelings, your excellency will not be willing to believe that you could ever be brought to commit an act of tyranny, or even to execute justice with unnecessary rigor. But trust me, sir, that there is nothing more corrupting, nothing more destructive of the noblest and finest feelings of our nature, than the exercise of unlimited power. The man who, in the beginning of such a career, might shudder at the idea of taking away the life of a ff^llow being, might soon have his conscience so seared by the repetition of crime, iriat the agonies of his murdered victims might become music to his soul, and the THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 67 drippings of his scaffold afford ' blood enough to swim in.' History is full of such examples. From this disgusting picture, permit me to call the attention of your excellency to one of a different character. It exhibits you as the constitutional chief magistrate of a free people, giving to their representatives the influence of your great name and talents, to reform the abuses which, in a long leign of tyranny and misrule, have fastened upon every branch of the administration. The army, and its swarm of officers reduced within the limits of real usefulness, placed on the frontiers, and no longer permitted to control public opinion, and be the terror of the peaceful citizen. By the removal of this incubus from the treasury, and the establishment of order, responsibility, and economy, in the expenditures of the government, it would soon be enabled to dispense with the odious monopolies, and the duty of the alcavala, which have operated with so malign an effect upon commerce, and agriculture, and, indeed, upon the revenues which they were intended to augment. No longer op- pressed by these shackles, industry would everywhere revive : the farmer and the artisan, cheered by the prospect of ample reward for their labor, would redouble their exertions ; foreigners, with their capital and skill in the arts, would crowd hither, to enjoy the advantages which could scarcely, elsewhere, be found : and Colombia would soon exhibit the reality of the beautiful fiction of Fenelon — Salentum rising from misery and oppression, to prosperity and happiness, under the counsels and direction of the concealed goddess. What objections can be urged against this course 1 Can any one acquainted with these circumstances of the country, doubt its success, in restoring and maintaining tranquillity ? The people would certainly not revolt against themselves ; and none of the chiefs who are supposed to be factiously inclined, would think of opposing the strength of the nation, when directed by your talents and authority. But it is said, that the want of intelligence amongst the people unfits them for the government. Is it not right, however, that the experiment should be fairly tried 1 I have already said that this has not been done. For myself, I do not hesitate to declare my firm belief, that it will succeed. The people of Colombia possess many traits of character suitable for a republican government. A more orderly, forbearing, and well-disposed people are nowhere to be met with. Indeed, it may safely be asserted, that their faults and vices are attributable to the cursed government to which they have been so long subjected, and to the intolerant character of the religion, whilst their virtues are all their own. But, admitting their present want of intelligence, no one has ever doubted their capacity to acquire knowledge, and under the strong motives which exist, to obtain it, supported by the influence of your excellency, it would soon be obtained. To yourself, the advantage would be as great as to the country ; like acts of mercy, the blessings would be reciprocal ; your personal happiness secured, and your fame elevated to a height which would leave but a single competition in the estimation of posterity. In bestowing the palm of merit, the world has become wiser than formerly. The successful warrior is no longer regarded as entitled to the first place in the temple of fame. Talents of this kind have become too common, and too often used for mis- chievous purposes, to be regarded as they once were. In this enlightened age, the mere hero of the field, and the successful leader of armies, may, for the moment, attract attention. But it will be such as is bestowed upon the passing meteor, whose blaze is no longer remembered, when it is no longer seen. To be esteemed eminently great, it is necessary to be eminently good. The qualities of the hero and the general must be devoted to the advantage of mankind, before he will be permitted to assume the title of their benefactor ; and the station which he wiU hold in their regard and affections will depend, not upon the number and the splendor of his victories, but upon the results and the use he may make of the influence he acquires from them. If the fame of our Washington depended upon his military achievements, would the common consent of the world allow him the pre-eminence he possesses ? The victories at Trenton, Monmouth, and York, brilliant as they were, exhibiting, as they certainly did, the highest grade of military talents, are scarcely thought of. The source of the veneration and esteem which is entertained for his character, by every description of politicians — the monarchist and aristocrat, as well as the republican, is \o be fauiid in his undeviating and exclusive devotedncss to the interest of his coimUy. 68 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-EOOK. No selfish consideration was ever suffered to intrude itself into his mind. For his country he conquered; and the unrivalled and increasing prosperity of that country is constantly adding fresh glory to his name. General, the course which he pursued is open to you, and it depends upon yourself to attain the eminence which he has reached before you. To the eyes of military men, the laurels you won on the fields of Vargas, Bayaca and Carebobo, will be forever green ; but will that content you 1 Are you willing that your name should descend to posterity, amongst the mass of those whose fame has been derived from shedding human blood, without a single advantage to the hu- man race ! Or, shall it be united to that of Washington, as the founder and the father of a great and happy people ? The choice is before you. The friends of liberty throughout the world, and the people of the United States in particular, are waiting your decision with intense anxiety. Alexander toiled and conquered to attain the applause of the Athenians ; will you regard as nothing the opinions of a nation which has evinced its superiority over that celebrated people, in the science most useful to man, by having carried into actual practice a system of government, of which the wisest Athenians had but a glimpse in theory, and considered as a blessing never to be realized, however ardently to be desired 1 The place which you are to occupy in their esteem depends upon yourself. Farewell. W. H. Hahrison." General Harrison arrived at New York on the 16th of February, 1830, and pro- ceeded to his farm at " North Bend." A short time after his return, he partook of a public dinner tendered to him by the citizens of Cincinnati as a mark of their high respect for his private virtues and distinguished public services. " In June, 1831,* he was chosen to deliver the annual discourse before the Hamil- ton county Agricultural Society. In this address, he gave evidence of being a sound practical farmer, combining theory and practice, in regard to crops and herds, with the same ready success, that in other days he had applied military principles to the movement of armies, A single extract from this valuable discourse is all that our limits will permit : J 'The encouragement of agriculture, gentlemen, would be praiseworthy in any country : in our own it is peculiarly so. Not only to multiply the means and enjoy- ment of life, but as giving greater stability and security to our political institutions. In all ages and in all countries, it has been observed that the cultivators of the soil are those who are least willing to part with their rights, and submit themselves to the will of a master. I have no doubt also, that a taste for agricultural pursuits, is the best means of disciplining the ambition of those daring spirits, who occasionally spring up in the world, for good or for evil, to defend or to destroy the liberties of their fellow-men, as the principles received from education or circumstances may- tend. As long as the leaders of the Roman armies were talien from the plough, to the plough they were willing to return. Never, in the character of general, forgetting the duties of the citizen, and ever ready to exchange the sword and the triumphal purple, for the homely vestments of the husbandman. The history of this far-famed republic is full of instances of this kind ; but none more remarkable than our own age and country have produced. The fascinations of power and the trappings of command were as much despised, and the enjoyment of rural scenes, and rural employments as highly prized by our Washington, as by Cin- cinnatus or Regulus. At the close of his glorious military career, he says, ' I am pre- paring Ui return to that domestic retirement which it is well known I left with the deepest regret, and for which I have not ceased to sigh through a long and painful absence,' Your efforts, gentlemen, to diffuse a taste for agriculture amongst men of all de- scriptions and professions, may produce results more important even than increasing the means of subsistence, and the enjoyment of life. It may cause some future con- queror for his country, to end his career 'Guiltless of his country's blood.' • • • » • • » ♦ Sketches, &c. THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 69 To the heart-cheering prospect of flocks and herds feeding on unrivalled pastures , fields of grain, exhibiting the scriptural proof that the seed had been cast on good ground ^how often is the eye of the philanthropic traveller disgusted with the dark, unsightly manufactories of a certain poison — poison to the body and the soul. A modern '.Eneas or Ulysses might mistake them for entrances into the Infernal Regions ; nor would they greatly err. But unlike those passages which conducted the Grecian and Trojan heroes on their pious errands, the scenes to which these conduct the un- happy wretch who shall enter are those, exclusively, of misery and woe. No relief to the sad picture ; no Tartarus there, no Elysium here. It is all Tartarian darkness, and, not unfrequently, Tartarian crime. I speak more freely of the practice of con- verting the material of the ' staff of life' (and by which so many human beings yearly perish) into an article which is so destructive of health and happiness, because in that way I have sinned myself; hut in that way I shall sin no more.'* In 1831, pending an application in congress for the settlement of the accounts of J. Symmes Harrison, late receiver of public moneys at Vincennes, colonel Richard M, Johnson, now vice-president of the United States, in alluding to the father of the late receiver, spontaneously bore the following well merited tribute to his old com- mander : ' Who is general Harrison 7 The son of one of the signers of the declaration of independence, who spent the greater part of his large fortune in redeeming the pledge he then gave, of his ' fortune, life and sacred honor,' to secure the liberties of his country. Of the career of general Harrison I need not speak — the history of the west is his history. For forty years he has been identified with its interests, its perils, and its hopes. Universally beloved in the walks of peace, and distinguished by his ability ia the councils of his country, he has been yet more illustriously distinguished in the field. During the late war, he was longer in active service than any other general officer ; he was, perhaps, oftener in action than any one of them, and never sustained a de- feat.' In 1833, general Harrison delivered, by appointment, at Cheviot, Hamilton county, Ohio, an address in commemoration of the 4th of July, which was subsequently published by the committee of arrangements. It presents a summary of the causes which led to the revolutionary war, and a lucid exposition of the constitution of the United States. His interpretation of that instrument is in strict accordance with the celebrated resolutions of Virginia and Kentucky, of 1798. Being desirous of making a fair representation of the views of general Harrison, on all important public matters, we now introduce two documents touching his opi- nion on the subject of slavery. In the year 1 822, when he was a candidate for congress, his opponents, for the purpose of defeating his election, charged him with being a pro- slavery man— that he had owned slaves, and had been in favor of introducing slavery into Indiana. In refutation of this sweeping charge, general Harrison published an address, from which we take all of that portion relating to the subject of slavery. It is in these words : ' Being called suddenly home to attend my sick family, I have but a moment to answer a few of the calumnies which are in circulation concerning me. I am accused of being friendly to slavery. From my eariiest youth to the present moment, I have been the ardent friend of Human Liberty. At the age of eighteen, I hecunie a member of an Abolition Society established at Richmond, Virginia; the object of which was to ameliorate the condition of slaves and procure their freedom by every le^al 7ncans. My venerable friend, judge Gatch, of Clermont county, was also a member of this society, and has lately given me a certificate that I was one. The obligations ivhich I then came under I have faithfully performed. I have been * '■ SoniP ypars since, general Harrison established a distillery on his farm, to convert his sur- plus cnrii into whisky. .Soon perceiving the bad consequences of such a nianulactory, upon the siirroiiiulin^' popu'lation, he cheerfully eacounlcred pecuniary sacrifice by alwUshui|i hia manufactory of that baneful article." 70 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. the means of liberating many slaves, but never placed one in bondage. I deny that my vote in congress in relation to Missouri and Arkansas, are in the least incompati- ble with these principles. Congress had no more legal or constitutional right to emancipate the negroes in those sections of Louisiana without the consent of their owners, than they have to free those of Kentucky. These people were secured in their property by a solemn covenant with France when the country was purchased from that power. To prohibit the emigration of citizens of the southern states to the part of the country, the situation and climate of which was peculiarly suited to them, would have been highly unjust, as it had been purchased out of the common fund. Particularly, too, when it is recollected that all the immense territory to the north-west of the Ohio had been ceded by Virginia, and with an unexampled liber- ality, she had herself proposed, that by excluding slavery from it, to secure it for the emigration of those states which bad no slaves. Was it proper, then, when her re- served territory was in a great measure filled up, to exclude her citizens from every part of the territory purchased out of the common fund ] / loas the first person^ to introduce into congress the proposition that all the country above Missouri (which having no inhabitants was free from the objection made to Missouri and Arkansas) should never have slavery admitted into it. I repeat what I have before said, that as our union was only effected by mutual concession, so only can it be preserved. My vote against the restriction of Missouri in forming her constitution was not a conclusive one ; there would have been time enough, had I continued to be a member, before the question was decided, for my constituents to have instructed me, and I should have rejoiced in an opportunity of sacrificing my seat to my principles, if they had instructed me in opposition to my construction of the constitution. Like many other members from the non-slaveholding states, of whom I mention Shaw, Holmes, Mason of Massachusetts, Laman of Connecticut, and Baldwin of Pennsylvania, I could see nothing in the constitution which I had sworn to support, to warrant such an interference with the rights of the states, and which had never before been attempt- ed. And where is the crime in one set of men not being able to interpret the consti- tution as other men interpret it 1 As we had all sujorn to support it, the crime would have been in giving it a construction which our consciences would not sanc- tion. And let me ask, for what good is this question again brought up! It has been settled, as all our family differences have been settled, on the firm basis of mu- tual compromise. And patriotism, as well as prudence, devoted the effects of that awful discussioji to eternal oblivion. Is it not known, that from that cause the great fabric of our Union was shaken to its foundation 1 Is it not known that Missouri would not have submitted to the restriction, and that the other slave-holding states had determined to support herl But for this compromise, the probability is, that at this moment we might look upon the opposite shore of Ohio, not for an affectionate sister state, but on an armed and implacable rival. What patriotic man would not join the gallant Eaton in execrating the head and the hand that could devise and execute a scheme productive of a calamity so awful 1 Upon the whole, fellow-citizens, our path is a plain one ; it is that marked out as ■well by humanity as duty. We cannot emancipate the slaves of the other states without their consent, but by producing a convulsion which would undo us all. For this much to be desired event, we must wait the slow but certain progress of those good principles which are everywhere gaining ground, and which assuredly will ulti- mately prevail.' It is proper to remark, that this society, originally established by the Quakers, but not confined to them, was, according to the statement of judge Gatch, a ' Humane Society ;' and it seems to have been of a character to which no exceptions were taken in Virginia. A number of the citizens of Richmond were members, and its princi- ples were not understood to be at all in conflict with the rights guarantied to the owners of slaves, by the constitution and the laws of the land. Within a few months after his first connexion with this society, general Harrison, then but eighteen years of a"-c, removed from Virginia, since which tin;e he has never attended one of its meetings, nor been either directly or indirectly connected with any society touching the question of slavery. The other document upon this subject, is taken from a speech made by general THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 71 Harrison, at Vinccnnes, Indiaria, in May, 1835, on the occasion of a public dinner having been given to him by the citizens of that place. ' I have now, fellow-citizens, a few more words to say on another subject, and which is, in my opinion, of more importance than any other that is now in the course of discussion in any part of the Union. I allude to the societies which have been formed, and the movements of certain individuals in some of the states in relation to a portion of the population in others. The conduct of these persons is the more dangerous, because their object is masked under the garb of disinterestedness and be- nevolence ; and their course vindicated by arguments and propositions which, in the abstract, no one can deny. But however fascinating may be the dress with which their schemes are presented to their fellow-citizens, with whatever purity of intention they may have been formed and sustained, they will be found to carry in their train mischief to the whole Union, and horrors to a large portion of it, which, it is probable, some of the projectors and many of their supporters have never thought of; the latter, the first in the series of evils which are to spring from their source, are such as you have seen perpetrated on the fair plains of Italy and Gaul, by the Scythian hordes of Attila and Alaric ; and such as most of you apprehended upon that memora- ble night, when the tomahawks and war clubs of the followers of Tecumseh wero rattling in your suburbs. I regard not the disavowals of any such intention upon the part of the authors of these schemes, since, upon the examination of the publications which have been made, they will be found to contain the very facts, and very argu- ments which they would have used, if such had been their object. I am certam that there is not, in this assembly, one of these deluded men, and that there are few within the bounds of the state. If there are any, I would earnestly entreat them to forbear , to pause in their career, and deliberately consider the consequence of their conduct to the whole Union, to the states more immediately interested, and to those for whose benefit they profess to act. That the latter will be the victims of the weak, injudi- cious, presumptuous, and unconstitutional efforts to serve them, a thorough examina- tion of the subject must convince them. The struggle (and struggle there must be) may commence with horrors such as I have described, but it will end with more firmly riveting the chains, or in the utter extirpation of those whose cause they 3xlvOCSlt6 Am I wrong, fellow-citizens, in applying the terms weak, presumptuous, and un- constitutional, to the measures of the emancipators'? A slight examination will, I think, show that I am not. In a vindication of the objects of a convention which was lately held in one of the towns of Ohio, which I saw in a newspaper, it was said that nothing more was intended than to produce a state of public feeling which would lead to an amendment of the constitution, authorizing the abolition of slavery in the United States. Now can an amendment of the constitution be effected without the consent of the southern states 1 What then is the proposition to be submitted to them 1 It is this :— ' The present provisions of the constitution secure to you the right, (a right which you held before it was made, which you have never given up,) to°manage your domestic concerns in your own way ; but as we are convinced that you do not manage them properly, we want you to put in the hands of the general government, in the councils of which we have the majority, the control over these matters, the effect of which will be virtually to transfer the power from yours into our hands.' Again, in some of the states, and in sections of others, the black population far exceeds that of the white. Some of the emancipators propose immediate aboli- tion. What is the proposition then, as it regards the states and parts of states, but the alternatives of amalgamation with the blacks, or an exchange of situations with them 1 Is there any man of common sense who does not believe that the emanci- pated blacks, being a majority, will not insist upon a full participation of political rights with the whites ; and when possessed of these, they will not contend for a lull share of social rin-hts also ] What but the extremity of weakness and folly could induce any one to think, that such propositions as these could be listened to by a people so intelligent as the southern states 1 Further, the emancipators generally declare that it is their intention to effect their object (although their acts contradict their assertion; by no other means than by convincing the slave-holders that the emancipation of the slaves is called for, both by moral obligation and sound policy. An unfledged youth, at the moment of his leaving (indeed, in many instances, before he has leit it) tii* 72 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. theological seminary, undertakes to give lectures upon morals to the countrymen of Wythe, Tucker, Pendleton, and Lowndes, and lessons of political wisdom to states, whose affairs have so recently been directed by Jefferson and Madison, Macon and Crawford. Is it possible, that instances of greater vanity and presumption could be exhibited 1 But the course pursued by the emancipators is unconstitutional. I do not say that there are any words in the constitution which forbid the discussions they are engaged in ; I know that there are not. And citizens have the right to express and publish their opinions without restriction. But in the construction of the consti- tution, it is always necessary to refer to the circumstances under which it was framed, and to ascertain its meaning by a comparison of its provisions with each other, and with the previous situation of the several states who were parties to it. In a portion of these, slavery was recognised, and they took care to have the right secured to them • to follow and reclaim such of them as were fugitives to other states. The laws ot congress passed under this power, have provided punishment for any one who shall oppose or interrupt the exercise of this right. Now can any one believe, that the in- strument which contains a provision of this kind, which authorizes a master to pursue his slave into another state, take him back, and provides a punishment for any citizen or citizens of that state who should oppose him, should, at the same time, authorize the latter to assemble together, to pass resolutions and adopt addresses, not only to encourage the slaves to leave their masters, but to cut their throats before they do so 1 I insist, that if the citizens of the non-slaveholding states can avail themselves of the article of the constitution, which prohibits the restriction of speech or the press to publish any thing injurious to the rights of the slaveholding states, that they can go to the extreme that I have mentioned, and effect any thing further which writing or speaking could effect. But, fellow-citizens, these are not the principles of the consti- tution. Such a construction would defeat one of the great objects of its formation, which was that of securing the peace and harmony of the states which were parties to it. The hberty of speech and of the press, were given as the most effectual means to preserve to each and every citizen their own rights, and to the states the rights which appertained to them, at the time of their adoption. It could never have been expected that it would be used by the citizens of one portion of the states for the purpose of depriving those of another portion, of the rights which they had reserved at the adoption of the constitution, and in the exercise of which, none but themselves have any concern or interest. If slavery is an evil, the evil is with them. If therti is guilt in it, the guilt is theirs, not ours, since neither the states where it does not exist, nor the government of the United States can, without usurpation of power, and the violation of a solemn compact, do any thing to remove it without the consent of those who are immediately interested. But they will neither ask for aid nor consent to be aided, whilst the illegal, persecuting, and dangerous movements are in progress, of which I complain: the interest of all concerned requires that these should be stopped immediately. This can only be done by the force of public opinion, and that cannot too soon be brought into operation. Every movement which is made by the abolitionists in the non-slaveholding states, is viewed by our southern brethren as an attack upon their rights, and which, if persisted in, must in the end eradicate those feelings of attachment and affection between the citizens of all the states, which was produced by a community of interests and dangers in the war of the revolution, which was the foundation of our haj)py union, and by a continuance of which, it can alone be preserved. I entreat you, then, to frown upon the measures which are to produce results so much to be deprecated. The opinions which I have now given, I have omitted no opportunity for the last two years to lay before the people of my own state. I have taken the liberty to express them here, knowing that even if they should unfortunately not accord with yours, they would be kindly received.' The attempt has been made to show that these two documents are inconsistent with each other. A careful comparison of them, however, must bring the candid inquirer for trutb, to a different conclusion. On this, as well as upon all other questions upon which general Harrison has been called to act or express himself, there is an exhibi- tion of the same consistency of opinion and character which lias marked the whole of his eventful life." THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 73 To the above we append the following: ^^ ^^ ^ . From the Charlesion (S. C.) Courier. , „ . , Ofi^eral HiRRisoN.-We give below further evidence of general Harrison s soundness onThesuSct of abolition. No further confirmation is needed by us, s.nce our knowledge of hi! Vincennes speech, and his recent renewed avowal of it in an extract of a letter from him, published in our paper ; but it is right, slandered as he has been and sIm is on this subject, that the public should be put in possession of a tias been ana sim therefore not only publish the subjoined letter, but call Tpl th^ToLrable JohTlvi^ Bet^, of Ge^l, to make puilic the letter in his posseslil^n, referred to by general Harrison, as containing a more full exposition of hi. sentiments and views. From the New Orleans Bee. n TT.«T,Tsnv— Abolition.— The opinions of general Hamson,m respect to S.:™ Sr^u^h, atdXTowers of confess to interfere with the instituUons of slavery, have been so repeatedly expressed, and in so --J ^.^f ^.^j^ ^ ^JttJr" congress his public speeches and private correspondence, hat the following letters rrehar'di; needed to satisfy the skeptical of his entire soundness upon that absorbing Tpc The evinces heretofore laid before the public, were sufficient to convince In^y^neo en lo human testimony, that the slave ^^^'f had not a fos^^er fne^^^^^^^^ William Henry Harrison, or one who would more rigidly guard the rights ^ec^rea to them by our sL^ed Constitution. Lest there should be any l^ng"'"g,f ""^t "i the pubTic mind we lay before our readers the following document, which will set all cavil L restexcepT with those who would not believe, " though one should rise from the dead." ^^y ^^^^- "Cincinnati, 25th November, 1836. My hear sik-I answer the questions you proposed to me this morning, with ^'rlrt'TdTnot believe that congress can abolish slavery in the states, or m any ing TuestTons, similar to those made by you, and I answered them more at length than I have now done, but to the same import. ^ ^ Harrisoi.. In haste, yours truly, . •„„,;" To Thomas Sbo, jr., of New Orkans, now in Cincinnati. These were the sentiments of general Harrison less than four years ago The r Jfnrm to the views he has always expressed upon this question ; and, what is more TtL purp se, theTconform to elery let of his life, when called upon either - h capacity of legislator to vote, or, as l citizen of influence and weight of character, to address the people upon the subject. ■ „ ,u„ ,i„tp of the above General Harrison's opinions have undergone no change since the date ot the aDove letter His whl course concerning our domestic institutions has been decided, firm, and without change. , c /-. s /- From the Charleston (S. C.) Courier. GB..RA. Harrison and AROLixioK.-We give place, with pleasure to the M- lowinK letter from a distinguished Georgian, in answer to our recent call on mm addinl another to the already multiplied proofs of general Harrison b soundness ou the slave question. uSavannah, April 11,1 840. Gextlemex-You call upon me, in your paper of the 8th inst.. to make public « 10 G 74 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. letter, addressed to me by general Harrison, on the subject of abolition. I have already replied to a similar request, made by the editor of the Daily Telegraph, a paper published in this city: but as I know not if that paper (which has been recently established) is on your list of exchanges, and feel that the liberality of your conduct, towards a political opponent, gives you an undoubted claim to the respect and courtesy of his friends. I repeat the substance of that answer. The letter in question was written in 1836, in anticipation of a state of things which did not occur. It was, therefore, not made public, and I fear has not been pre- served. At least, after a diligent search among my papers, I have been unable to find it Its contents, however, are perfectly within my recollection, and I do all that is in my power to comply with your request, by stating them, as I have done to the editor of the Telegraph. The letter embraced three points. First: General Harrison denied the right of congress to abolish slavery in the states, or in the District of Columbia. Second: He expressed the opinion that the tariff compromise ought to remain undisturbed. Third : He repudiated the practice of making appointments to office the reward of partisan service. This was the purport of the letter. I did not ask general Harrison's opinion, because I doubted it. Having been in intimate intercourse with him for several years, I knew that his views on this subject were in accordance with my own. I am, very respectfully, gentlemen, your obedient servant, J. Macphersok Behhiex." "In 1835,* at the celebration of the forty-seventh anniversary of the settlement of Ohio, held in Cincinnati, general Harrison was among the invited guests; and in reply to some complimentary toast, offered by the committee of arrangement, referring to general Wayne and himself, general Harrison took occasion to speak of the claims of the subordinate officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates of the regular army in the west, under Harmer, St. Clair, and Wayne, who brought the war of the revolu- tion to a close, by the victory of the Miami of the Lake. In this address, the claims of these soldiers were presented in a strong, touching, and beautiful manner. From the many admirable sentiments contained in this speech, we cannot forbear quoting the following: 'No more fatal idea can be entertained, than that our republic is to be preserved either by the wealth of our citizens or the amount of the revenue of the government. The brightest eras of the republics which have existed, were those when honorable poverty prevailed, and when patriotism was best rewarded.' In the autumn of 1837, general Harrison delivered a discourse before the Philoso- phical and Historical Society of Ohio, on the aborigines of the Ohio, which has since been published in the first volume of the Transactions of that body. It embraces about fifty pages of the work, and is among the most valuable contributions which have yet been made to that society. This discourse, written with classic elegance, in pure Saxon, is ingenious and profound, presenting the results cf much close and accu- rate observation upon the ancient works and aborigines of the valley of the Ohio. Having space but for a single extract, we take the following, on the reproduction of the forest upon the banks of the Ohio, after it has once been destroyed. The subject is introduced by the author to prove the great antiquity of the ancient mounds and fortifications of this region. ' The process by which nature restores the forest to its original state, after being once cleared, is extremely slow. In our rich lands, it is, indeed, soon covered again with timber, but the character of the growth is entirely different, and continues so, through many generations of men. In several places on the Ohio, particularly upon the farm which I occupy, clearings were made in the first settlement, abandoned, and suffered to grow up. Some of them, now to be seen, of nearly fifty years' growth, have made BO little progress towards attaining the appearance of the immediately contiguous forest, as ti) induce any man of reflection, to determine, that at least ten times fifty years would be necessary before its complete assimilation could be effected. The sites of the ancient works on the Ohio, present precisely the same appearance as the cir- ♦ Sketches, &c. THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 75 cumjacent forest. You find on them, all that beautiful variety of trees, which gives such unrivalled richness to our forests. This is particularly ihe case on the fifteen acres included within the walls of the work at the mouth of the Great Miami, and the relative proportions of the different kinds of timber, are about the same. The first growth on the same kind of land, once cleared, and then abandoned to nature, on the contrary, is more homogeneous — often stinted to one, or two, or at most three kinds of timber. If the ground had been cultivated, yellow locust, in many places, will spring up as thick as garden peas. If it has not been cultivated, the black and vi'hite walnut will be the prevailing growth. The rapidity with which these trees grow for a time, smothers the attempt of other kinds to vegetate and grow in their shade. The more thrifty individuals soon overtop the weaker of their own kind, which sicken and die. In this way, there is soon only as many left as the earlh will well support to maturity. All this time the squirrels may plant the seed of those trees which serve them for food, and by neglect suffer them to remain, — it will be in vain ; the birds may drop the kernels, the external pulp of which have contributed to their nourishment, and divested of which they are in the best state for germinating, still it will be of no avail : the winds of heaven may waft the winged seeds of the syca- more, cotton-wood and maple, and a friendly shower may bury them to the necessary depth in the loose and fertile soil — but still without success. The roots below rob them of moisture, and the canopy of limbs and leaves above intercept the rays of the sun, and the dews of heaven : the young giants in possession, like another kind of aristocracy, absorb the whole means of subsistence, and leave the mass to perish at their feet. This state of things will not, however, always continue. If the process of nature is slow and circuitous, in putting down usurpation and establishing the equality which she loves, and which is the great characteristic of her principles, it is sure and effectual. The preference of the soil for the first growth, ceases with its maturity. It admits of no succession, upon the principles of legitimacy. The long undisputed masters of the forest may be thinned by the lightning, the tempest, or by diseases peculiar to themselves ; and whenever this is the case, one of the oft-rejected of another family, will find between its decaying roots, shelter, and appropriate food ; and, springing into vigorous growth, will soon push its green foliage to the skies, through the decayed and withering limbs of its blasted and dying adversary — the soil itself, yielding it a more liberal support than any scion from the former occupant. It will easily be conceived what a length of time it will require for a denuded tract of land, by a, process so slow, again to clothe itself with the amazing variety of foliage •which is the characteristic of the forests of this region. Of what immense age, then, must be those works, so often referred to, covered, as has been supposed by those who have the best opportunity of examining them, with the second growth cifier the ancient forest state had been regained ?' " CHAPTER LX. GENERAL HAnRISON NOMINATED AS A CANDIDATE TO THE OFFICE OF PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES LETTER TO THE OFFICERS OF THE MARYLAND CON- VENTION LETTER TO SHERRDD WILLIAMS LETTER TO JOHN H. PLEASANTS RELATIVE TO SELLING WHITE MEN LETTER RESPECTINB THE CHARGE THAT HE HAD BURNT A MORAVIAN TOWN IN CANADA NOMINATED BT THE NA- TIONAL DEMOCRATIC ANTI-MASONIC CONVENTION LETTER TO HARMER DENNT ' NOMINATED BY THE NATIONAL CONVENTION AT HARRISBURG HIS LETTER ACCEPTING THE NOMINATION, &C. In the spring of 1836, general Harrison was spontaneously nominated as a candi- date for the presidency of the United States by the people, and the nomination was confirmed by the state conventions opposed to the election of Mr, Van Buren, From his replies to the officers of the different conventions, directed to inform him of his nomination, we select the following to the officers of the Maryland convention, recorded in Niles, vol. I. p, 128, which is characterized by that mddest, yet manly, spirit which marks his communications. 6 76 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. "North Bend, 9th February, 1836, Gentlt-mex — Your letter, covering the proceedings of the convention by which I was nominated tiieir candidate for the presidency of the United States was received in the due course of the mail, and the resolutions they contained, are such as to create m my bosom feelings of gratitude towards the people of Maryland, which will be cherished to the last moment of my existence. These feelings were greatly increased from the reflection that, with a very few exceptions, I was personally unknown to the members of the convention, and, exclusively of some of her statesmen, with whom I have served in the national councils, but to a few others of her citizens. With thousands^ of those of some other states I have been associated in scenes, where the difficulties and dangers, to which we were in common exposed, have created a feeling of attachment and partiahty, which is often found to warp the judgments of good men, and induce them to bestow their confidence and suffrages on those possessing inferior qualifications. Having no advantages of this kind to boast of in relation to my fellow-citizens of Maryland, I am gratified with the reflection, considering the pre-emi- nent talents of several of those from whom their selections might have been made, that I am indebted for the distinction with which they have honored me, to the greater length of my public services, and the belief that in the discharge of the variou* and important trusts which have been committed to me, the confidence of my country has never been betrayed nor its interests sacrificed. This is precisely the ground which I wish to occupy. Conscious of many deficiencies and imperfections, I have endea- vored to supply the place of the qualities I wanted by unwearied zeal and undeviating fidelity. How delightful is the reflection that by an assembly so enlightened and free as that of the late Maryland convention, the character in which I so ardently desire to stand before my countrymen should be accorded to me. In relation to the freedom with which the choice was made, gentlemen, I venture to assure you, that should your eflforts to place me in the executive chair of this great nation, prove successful, that the influence and patronage of that oflice shall never be used to control or impair it, in any of your future deliberations. And that if in the year 1839 your own great emporium or any other place, should be the theatre for the exhibition of another na- tional convention, it shall be, as far as my efforts can effect it, what that of 1835 pur- ported to be, ' an assembly fresh from the people, the true representation of their un- biassed wishes, the faithful echo of their opinions.' This declaration is made with a perfect consciousness of the Httle confidence which is given to pledges of any kind, made by persons situated as I am. I know that they have been made and violated in every age and in every country, where men have de- pended for their advancement to the highest offices on the good opinion of their countrymen. But in almost every instance the deceiver has been found possessed of grasping and insatiable ambition, (of which the germs might have been discovered in his previous conduct,) and generally united with commanding genius and splendid talents. There is, I trust, nothing in my previous conduct to show that I possess the former character, and utterly ^lisclaiming the latter, my sole reliance, for preserving the good opinion of my countrymen, is the preservation of that character for fidelity to my engagements, which the convention, which you, gentlemen, represent, as well as others of my fellow-citizens have been pleased to allow to me. With high consideration, I am, gentlemen, your humble servant, Wm. H. HAiiuisosr. To Wm. Bradley Tyler, president, Robert W.Bowie, Henry V. Somermlle, Reuben Tall, Henry S. Stites, v. presidents, Joseph H. Nicholson, John Bozman Kerr, secretaries" • In April, 1836, the hon. Sherrod Williams, a member of congress from Kentucky, addressed the following letter to general Harrison, and his competitors for the office of president. The reply of general Harrison, inserted below, may be found in Niles, vol. li. pp. 23, 24. " Washington, April 7, 1836. Sin — I consider it the right of every citizen of the United States to ask and de- mand, and to be fully informed of the political principles and opinions of those who are candidates for the various offices in tlie gift of the people, and the imperious duty of THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 77 the candidate to frankly and fully avow and declare the opinions which he entertains. I, therefore, as a voter, a citizen, and an individual, feeling a deep and abiding interest in the welfare and prosperity of our common country, and an ardent desire to see the perpetuity of our free and happy form of government, take the liberty of asking you to give me your opinion and views on the following subjects : First : Will you (if elected president of the United States) sign and approve a bill distributing the surplus revenue of the United States, to each stale, according to the federal population of each, for internal improvements, education, and to such other objects as the legislatures of the several states may see fit to apply the same 1 Second : Will you sign and approve a bill distributing the proceeds of the sales of the public lands to each state, according to the federal population of each, for the purposes above specified ? Third : Will you sign and approve bills making appropriations to improve navigable streams above ports of entry 1 Fourth : Will you sign and approve (if it becomes necessary to secure and save from depreciation the revenue and finances of the nation, and to aflbrd a uniform sound currency to the people of the United States) a bill (with proper modifications and restrictions) chartering a bank of the United States 1 Fifth : What is your opinion as to the constitutional power of the senate or the house of representatives of the congress of the United States, to expunge or obliterate from the journals the records and proceedings of a previous session ] A frank, plain, and full answer to the foregoing inquiries is respectfully and earnestly solicited. Your answer is desired as soon as possible. I intend this and your answer for publication. I have the honor to be your humble and obedient servant, Sherrod Williams." "North Bend, May 1, 1836. Sin — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 7th ultimo, in which you request me to answer the following questions : First: ' Will you, if elected president of the United States, sign and approve a bill distributing the surplus revenue of the United States, to each state according to the federal population of each, for internal improvement, education, and to such other objects as the legislature of the several states may see fit to apply the same V Second : ' Will you sign and approve a bill distributing the proceeds of the sales of the public lands to each state, according to the federal population of each, for the purposes above specified !' Third : ' Will you sign and approve bills making appropriations to improve navi- gable streams above ports of entry !' Fourth : ' Will you sign and approve (if it becomes necessary to secure and save from depreciation the revenue and finances of the nation, and to alTord a uniform sound currency to the people of the United Slates) a bill, with proper modifications and restrictions, chartering a bank of the United States!' Fifth : ' What is your opinion as to the constitutional power of the senate or house of representatives of the congress of the United States, to expunge or obliterate from the journals, the records and proceedings of a previous session V From the manner in which the four first questions are stated, it appears that you do not ask my opinions as to the policy or propriety of the measures to which they respectively refer; but what would be my course, if they were presented to me (being in the presidential chair of the United Slates) in the shape of bills, that had been duly passed by the senate and house of representatives. From the opinions which I have formed of the intention of the constitution, as to cases in which tlie veto power should be exercised by the president, I would have con- tented myself with giving an affirmative answer to the four first questions ; but, from the deep interest which has been ano.jed, that an individual residing in the centre of an extensive country, can be as THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-EOOK. 81 well acquainted with the wants and wishes of a numerous people, as those who come immediately from amongst them — the partakers, for a portion of the year, in their various labors and employments ; and the witnesses of the effects of the laws in their more minute as well as general operations. As far, then, as it regards a knowledge of the wants and wishes of the people, wis- dom to discover remedies for existing evils, and devising schemes for increasing the public prosperity, it would seem that the legislative bodies did not require the aid of an executive magistrate. But there is a principle, recognised by all the American con^'ti- tutions, which was unknown to the ancient republics. They all acknowledge rights in the minority, which cannot rightfully be taken from them. Experience had shown that in large assemblies, these rights were not always respected. It would be in vain that they should be enumerated, and respect for them enjoined in the constitution, A pojiuiar assembly, under the influence of that spirit of party which is always dis- coverable in a greater or less degree in all republics, might and would, as it was believed, sometimes disregard them. To guard against this danger, and to secure the rights of each individual, the expedient of creating a department independent of the others, and amenable only to the laws, was adopted. Security was thus given against any palpable violation of the constitution, to the injury of individuals, or of a minority party. But it was still possible for a wilful and excited majority to enact laws of the greatest injustice and tyranny, without violating the letter of their charter. And this I take to be the origin of the veto power, as well in the state governments, as that of the United States. It appears to have been the intention to create an um- pire between the contending factions, which had existed, it was believed, and would continue to exist. If there was any propriety in adopting this principle in the go- vernment of a state, all the reasons in favor of it existed in a tenfold degree for incor- porating it in that of the United States. The operations of the latter, extending over an immense tract of country, embracing the products of almost every clime, and that country divided too into a number of separate governments, in many respects in- dependent of each other and of the common federal head, left but little hope that they could always be carried on in harmony. It could not be doubted that sectional inte- rests would at times predominate in the bosoms of the immediate representatives of the people and the states, and combinations formod destructive of the public good, or un- just and oppressive to a minority. Where could a power to check these local feelings, and to destroy the effects of unjust combinations, be better placed than in the hands of that department whose authority, being derived from the same common sovereign, is co-ordinate with the rest, and which enjoys the great distinction of being at once the immediate representative of the whole people, as well as of each particular state 1 In the former character, the interests of the whole community would be rigidly sup- ported, and, in the latter, the rights of each member steadfastly maintained. The re- presentation from the state authorities in the electoral colleges, I consider one of the most felicitous features in the constitution. It serves as an eternal memento to the chief magisti-ate that it is his duty to guard the interests of the weak against the unjust aggressions of the strong and powerful. From these premises, you will con- clude that I consider the qualified veto upon the acts of the legislature, conferred by the constitution upon the president, as a conservative power, intended only to be used to secure the instrument itself from violation, or, in times of high party excitement, to protect the rights of the minority, and the interests of the weaker members of the Union. Such, indeed, is my opinion, and such we must believe to be the opinion of nearly all the distinguished men who have filled the executive chair. If I were president of the United States, an act which did not involve either of the principles above enumerated, must have been passed under very peculiar crcumstances of pre- cipitancy or opposition to the known public will, to induce me to refuse to it my sanction. If the opinion I have given of the motives of the framers of the constitution, in giving the veto power to the president, is correct, it follows, that they never could have expected that he who was constituted the umpire between contending parties, should ever identify himself with the interests of one of them, and voluntarily raze himself from the p'roud eminence of leader of a nation to that of chief of a party I can easily conceive the existence of a state of things by which the chief magistrate of a state mav be forced to act upon party principles ; but sucli a course is entirely 11 82 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-EOOK. opposed to all the obligations which the constitution imposes on a president of the United Slates. The immense influence he possesses will always give to his party the preponderance, and the very circumstance of its being an executive party will be the cause of infusing more bitterness and vindictive feeling in these domestic con- tests. Under these circumstances, the quahfied veto given by the constitution may, if the president should think proper to change its character, become as absolute in practice as that possessed by the kings of England and France. From the great variety of local interests acting upon the members of the two houses of congress, and from the difficulty of keeping all the individuals of a large party under the control of party discipline, laws will often be passed by small majorities adverse to the inter- ests of the dominant party ; but if the president should think proper to use the veto power for the purpose of promoting the interests of his party, it will be in vain to expect that a majority so large as two-thirds in both houses would be found in oppo- sition to his wishes. In the hands of such a president, the qualified veto of the con- stitution would in practice become absolute. I have, upon another occasion, expressed my views upon the danger of a dominant executive party. It may, perhaps, be said, that the chief magistrate will find it impos- sible to avoid the influence of party spirit. Several of our chief magistrates, how- ever, have been able to escape its influence ; or, what is the same thing, to act as if they did not feel it. As one mode of avoiding it, it would be my aim to interfere with the legislation of congress as little as possible. The clause in the constitution which makes it the duty of the president to give congress information of the state of the Union, and to recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient, could never be intended to make him the source of legisla- tion. Information should always be frankly given, and recommendations upon such matters as come more immediately under his cognisance than theirs. But there it should end. If he should undertake to prepare the business of legislation for the action of congress, or to assume the character of code maker for the nation, the per- sonal interest which he will take in the success of his measures will necessarily con- vert him into a partisan, and will totally incapacitate him from performing the part of that impartial umpire, which is the character that I have supposed the constitution intends him to assume, when the acts passed by the legislature are submitted to his decision. I do not think it by any means necessary that he should take the lead as a reformer, even when reformation is, in his opinion necessary. Reformers will be never wanting when it is well understood that the power which wields the whole patronage of the nation will not oppose the reformation. I have the honor to be, with great consideration and respect, sir, your humble servant, W. H. Harrisojv-. To the honorable Sherrod Williams." In September, 1836, the following correspondence took place between general Har- rison and John H. Pleasants, esq., relative to the charge (see p. 60) of his enemies, that he was in favor of " selling white men." — Niles, vol. li. p. 94. "Richmond, September \5th, 1836, Dear Siu — Your political opponents in the state of Maryland have, for some time, been actively urging against you a new charge, that of selling white men, which probably had no inconsiderable effect in the recent elections in that state, and which is evidently much relied upon to influence the approaching elections throughout the United States. I enclose you a paper (the Baltimore Republican) containing the charge in full; and I beg of you, as an act of justice to yourself and your friends, to enable me to refute a charge against the uniform tenor of your life, which, I am well aware, has been replete with instances of distinguished private liberality and public sacritice. With the highest respect, I have the honor to be your fellow-citizen, General Wm. H. Harrison, John H. Pleasants. Richmond, September 15, 1836, Dear Sir — I acknowledge the receipt of your favor of this date. I have before heard the accusation to which it refers. On my way hither, I met yesterday with a THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-EOOK. 83 young gentleman of Maryland, who informed me that a vote of mine in fihe senate of Ohio had been published, in favor of a law to sell persons imprisoned under a judg- ment for debt for a term of years, if unable otherwise to discharge the execution. I did not for a moment hesitate to declare that I had never given any such vote, and that if a vote of that description had been published and ascribed to me, it was an infamous forgery. Such an act would have been repugnant to my feelings, and in direct conflict with my opinions, public and private, through the whole course of my life. No such proposition was ever submitted to the legislature of Ohio ; none such would for a moment have been entertained ; nor would any son of hers have dared to propose it. So far from being willing to sell men for debts which they are unable to discbarge, I am, and ever have been opposed to all imprisonment for debt. Fortunately, I have it in my power to show that such has been my established opinion, and that, in a public capacity, I avowed and acted upon it. Will those who have preferred the unfounded and malicious accusation refer to the journals of the senate of the United States, second session, nineteenth congress, page 325 — it will there be seen that I was one of a committee which reported a bill to abolish imprisonment for debt. When the bill was before the senate, I advocated its adoption, and on its passage voted in its favor. See senate journal, first session, twentieth congress, pages 101 and 102. It is not a little remarkable, that, if the efibrt I am accused of having made to subject men to sale for the non-payment of their debts had been successful, I might, from the state of my pecuniary circumstances at the time, have been the first victim. I repeat, the charge is a vile calumny. At no period of my life would I have consented to subject the poor and unfortunate to such a degradation ; nor have omitted to exert myself in their behalf, against such an attempt to oppress them. It is sought to support the charge by means of garbled extracts from the journals of the senate of Ohio. The section of the bill which is employed for that purpose, had no manner of reference to the relation of creditor and debtor, and could not by possi- bility subject the debtor to the control of his creditor. None know better than the authors of the calumny, that the alleged section is utterly at variance with the charge which it is attempted to found upon it, and that so far from a proposition to invest a creditor with power over the liberty of his debtor, it had respect only to the mode of punishing public offenders, who had been found guilty, by a jury of their fellow-citi- zens, of some crime against the laws of their state. That was exclusively the import and design of the section of the bill, upon the motion to strike out which, I voted in the negative. So you perceive that, in place of voting to enlarge the power of cre- ditors, the vote which I gave concerned alone the treatment of malefactors, convicted of crimes against the public. I would extend this letter to an inconvenient length to go fully into the reasons which led me at the time to an opinion in favor of the proposed treatment of that class of offenders who would have fallen within its operation, nor is such an expose called for. The measure was by no means a novelty in other parts of the country. In the state of Delaware there is an act in force, in similar words with the section of the bill before the Ohio senate, which has been made of late the pretext of such insi- dious invective. Laws, with somewhat similar provisions, may probably be found in many of the states. In practice the measure would have raehorated the condition of those who were under condemnation. As the law stood, they were liable under the sentence to confinement in the common jail, where offenders of various degrees of profligacy — of different ages, sex, and color — were crowded together. Under such circumstances, it is obvious that the bad must become worse, whilst reformation could hardly be expected in respect to any. The youthful offender, it might be hoped, would be reclaimed, under the operation of the proposed system ; but there was great reason to fear his still greater corruption amid the contagion of a common receptacle of vice. Besides, the proposed amendment of the law presupposed that the delinquent was in confinement for the non-payment of a fine and costs of prosecution, the pay- ment of which was a part of the sentence ; it seemed, therefore, humane, in respect to the offender, to relieve him from confinement which deprived him of the means of discharging the penalty, and to place him in a situation in which he might work out his deliverance, even at the loss, for a time, of his personal liberty. But I forbear to go further into the reasons wiiich led me, sixteen years ago, as a ^'^ THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. member of the Ohio senate, to entertain a favorable opinion of an alteration xvhich was proposed in the criminal police of the state. It is certain, that neither in respect 10 myself, nor those who concurred with me, was the opinion at the time considered as the result of unfriendly bias towards the poor or unfortunate. Nay, the least objection which I could have anticipated, even from the eager and reckless desires to assail me, was a charge of unfriendliness to the humble and poor of the communitv 1 am my dear sir, with great respect, your humble servant, J. H. Pleasants, esq- Wm. H. Haurisoi.. The following letter (see Niles, vol. H. p. 150) was addressed by general Harrison n rehZ r ^^ ''''"Tl "^ ^°'^'^'.^"' '" ''^'^ '"^ ^ '^"^ ^^1-^-'^"^ information rn relation to a charge of his political opponents, that he had " wantonly burned a Moravian town in Canada, with all their provisions, and that but for the humanity of commodore Perry, in furnishing them with flour, they must have perished with r.„^ T . "York, October 8, 1836. txE^TLEMEN— In answer to your inquiry in relation to the burning of the town occupied by the Moravian Indians, near to the scene of the action of the river Thames, in die year 1813 I state, that it was not burned by my order, but by order of a major- general of the Kentucky m.htia, after I had left the army, on my return to DetroiL his gentleman has always been opposed to me in politics; but, although he was blamed by others, I thought he was perfectly justifiable in doing so, because the Indians to whom It belonged had fought against us in the action, and if the town had been left, it would have afforded a place of rendezvous for the hostile Indians durin- the winter, which would have enabled them g.eatly to annoy our outposts and the settlements of Detroit In war, nothing is more common than the destruction of the houses, even of our friends, where they can be used to advantage by the enemy, ihus genera Jackson very properly destroyed all the houses of American citizens in front of his hnes near New Orleans. No general who does not do so, where tlie necessity occurs, would deserve to have an army intrusted to him. I will add, that there were no provisions or stores of any kind in the town, as they had all been consumed by the British troops and Indians, nor was there a barrel of flour, belonging to our army, within fifty miles. The story, therefore, of the Morar vians being supplied by commodore Perry, is a wilful fabrication. I am, respectfully ^- Wji. H. Hariusok." It is now generally admitted, that the opponents of the administration failed to elect general Harrison in November, 1836, in consequence of their distrust of their own strength; for the returns clearly indicate that, with proper exertions, several states, and especially Pennsylvania, which cast their votes for Mr. Van Buren, could have been secured to hun. The result, however, incited the friends of general Harrison to renewed efforts m his support, and he was again nominated as a candidate by the people. •' In 1838, he was nominated by the National Democratic Anti-Masonic Convention, which assembled at Hamsburg, Pa. ; and in reply to the president, who communicated the official proceedings, he stated that the following were " among the principles to be adopted by any executive sincerely desirous to restore the administration to its original simplicity and purity, viz. : '' I. To confine his service to a single term. II. To disclaim all right of control over the public treasure, with the exception of such part of i as may be appropriated by law, to carry on the public services, and that to be applied precisely as the law may direct, and drawn from the treasury agree- ably to the long established fonns of that department. III. That he should never attempt to influence the elections, either by the people or the state legislatures, nor sufl'er the federal officers under his control to take any other part in them than by giving their own votes, when they possess the right of IV. That in the exercise of the veto power, he should limit his rejection of bills to.hrst: !MJch as are, in his opinion, unconstitutional; second: «uch as tend to en- croach on the righu of the states or individuals; third: Such as involving deep iiv- THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 85 tcrests, may, in his opinion, require more mature deliberation or reference to the will of the people, to be ascertained at the succeeding elections. V. That he should never suffer the influence of his office to be used for purposes of a purely party character. . VI. That in removals from office of those who hold their appomtments during the pleasure of the executive, the cause of such removal should be stated, if requested, to the senate, at the time the nomination of a successor is made. And last, but not least in importance, VII. That he should not suffer the executive department of the government to he- come the source of legislation : but leave the whole business of making laws for the Union to the department to which the constitution has exclusively assigned it, until thev have assumed that perfected shape, where and when alone the opinions of the • 1_U1 * * * * * executive may be heard. The question may perhaps be asked of me, what security I have m my power to offer, if the majority of the American people should select me for their chief magis- trate, that I would adopt the principles which I have herein laid down as those upon which my administration would be conducted ; I could only answer, by referring to my conduct, and the disposition manifested in the discharge of the duties of several important offices, which have heretofore been conferred upon me. If the power placed in my hands has, on even a single occasion, been used for any purpose other than that for which it was given, or retained longer than was necessary to accomplish the objects designated by those from whom the trusts were received, I will acknow- ledge that either will constitute a sufficient reason for discrediting any promise I may make, under the circumstances in which I am now placed." On the 7th day of December, 1839, GENERAL V^M. H. HARRISON, of Ohio was unanimously nominated as the candidate of the opponents of the administra- tion, for the office of president, and JOHN TYLER, of Va., their candidate for the office of vice-president of the United States, by the national convention which assembled at Harrisburgh, Pa., comprising delegates from the states of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New .Tersey, Penn- sylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Illinois, Alabama, and Michigan. The delegates were among the most respectable and intelligent citizens of their respective states, and the nominations were made after the most calm and deliberate consideration ; every individual being deeply impressed with the necessity of sacrificing mere per- sonal preferences, for the purpose of insuring unity of action and success in the con- test. The spirit which animated the convention governed the individuals who had been placed before it as candidates by the people ; and the noble and disinterested letter of Mr. Clay, gave that body the strongest assurance that the nominations would receive the cordial support of every man desirous " to bring about a salutary change in the government." That assurance has been realized ; and never were the friends of the honor and happiness of the nation more closely united in the struggle against the " spoilsmen." „ ^ ,, , WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, of Ohio, and JOHN TYLER, of Va., having been unanimously nominated, a committee, composed of one member from each of the twenty-two states represented in the convention, was appointed to communicate the fact to them, to which they returned the following replies : « North Bend, ^9th Dec. 1839. Gentiemen— I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter from Harrisburg of the 7th instant. . . However objectionable in the opinions of many of our fellow-citizens, may be the mode of selecting a candidate for the two highest offices of the government by a general convention, the peculiar circumstances in which the party opposed to the present administration were placed, seem to have left them no alternative to secure that unity of action so necessary to their success. The number of states represented, and the exalted characters of the delegates to whom the delicate task of nominating a candidate was committed, leaving no room to doubt that their decision was in accord- ance with the wishes of the majority of their constituents, I accept with gratitude \he. ^^ THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. nomination which, in obedience to a resolution of the convention, you have done me, gentlemen, the honor to communicate. But however high I may value this evidence of the attachment and confidence of BO large a portion of my fellow-citizens, I must beg you to believe, gentlemen, that no one IS more thoroughly convinced than I am, that in selecting a retired and un- pretcndmg individual to be their candidate, the convention were influenced by circum- stances often occurring in popular governments to set aside the higher claims of other citizens although founded upon the possession of the most distinguished talents, and the performance of the most eminent services to their country, united to efrery other quality necessary to the discharge of the duties of chief magistrate of this great republic. ° It may, perhaps, be expected that I should embrace this occasion to declare the prin- ciples upon which the administration will be conducted, if the efforts of my friends to place me in the presidential chair should prove successful. But having, in a letter to the honorable Harmer Denny, and in another to the honorable Sherrod Williams, both ot which have been made public, given my views at some length of the character and extent of the powers vested by the constitution in the president, I consider it unneces- sary to repeat them here. I deem it, however, gentlemen, proper at this time to renew the assurance here- tofore frequently made, that should I be elected to the presidency, I will under no circumstances consent to be a candidate for a second term. With the highest consideration, gentlemen, for yourselves and those you represent. I am, your fellow-citizen, w w w / ,, ^, W. U. HAnaisojf. lo the honorable John Owen, of North Carolina, 4-c." GOYERNOK TYLEr's REPLY. r. rr-L . . , . " ^Williamsburg, Va. Dec. 16, 1839. Gentlemen— The nomination which, as the organs of the late Harrisbur- con- vention, you have communicated to me, is accepted with a sensibihty greatly aug- mented by the fact, that whilst it is a result in no way contemplated by me, it was attended by the unanimous concurrence of that enlightened and patriotic body To have my name associated with that of the eminent patriot who is put in nomination for the first office, is oi itself regarded by me as no ordinary honor. His long and faithful services to the country, at the council board and in the field, have won for him a distinguished name in history, and furnish the surest guarantee that should he be elevated by the popular voice to the chief executive office, his administration of governmental affairs will be just, and prudent, and wise. With the constitution for his guide, and the good of his country his only aim, I doubt not but that his exertions would be exclusively directed to uphold the one, and to advance the other The friend and supporter of Jeflerson, of Madison, and Monroe, and the immediate descendant of a signer of the Declaration of Independence, can be none other than true to his early republican creed, and the devoted advocate of free principles and of popular rights. I have the honor to be, gentlemeh, your obedient servant, TohnOwen,esq. and others of the cow^mittee" ^^^ ^^^^' We also append Mr Clay's letter to governor Thomas Metcalfe, general Lcshe Combes, and the other delegates from Kentucky to the convention. n mu ,,. " Ashland, Nov. 2Q,\Q29. ^l^'r^ffi""". P^^''" T, ^H'*' ^^' ^'^''" '"^'^'^ «*" '"y "'^"le. i« connexion wi h the office of president of the United States, furnishes the motive, as I trust ,t will form he apology, for this note. I address it to you, because our common resi- dence in the same state appears to me to render you the most appropriate repository and organ of what I wish now to say. ' ^ The convention at Harrisburg to designate candidates of the opposition to the pre- ^n federal administration, for the offices of president ;aid vice-president of the United btates, has been recommended, and the propriety of it has been generally concurred in by al who agree as to the necessity of a change in the general administration. It appcare.1 to me to be tlie best, if not the only practicable method of reconciling and uniting those who, coinciding in the general principle, entertained different views as THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. 87 to the most suitable candiJates for those high offices, and I have accordingly fre- quently expressed, and now repeat the expression of my conviction of the expediency of an entire and cordial acquiescence in the recommendations of the convention. In the mean time, appeals, directly and indirectly, have been made to me by a highly respectable convention holden in Pennsylvania, and by private individuals, to decline giving my consent to the use of my name, upon the ground that a distin- guished citizen of the state of Ohio, is the first choice of the opposition jn Pennsyl- vania, and in the opinion of that convention wfould be more likely to conciliate general support than I should. I have been also addressed by various respectable and intelligent citizens of New York, directly and indirectly recommending me to decline the contest in behalf of another eminent citizen, who has been distinguished in both the military and civil service of the United States. Whilst I have been thus urgently but respectfully approached, numerous private citizens and public meetings and conventions in various parts of the United biates, (one of these conventions, indeed, in Pennsylvania itself,) have done me the honor Uy express their confidence in me, and to intimate their wishes that I might be the can- didate of the opposition for the office of chief magistrate. It is perfectly manifest that I cannot comply with all these conflicting opinions and wishes, nor, I apprehend, with any one of them, without disobliging the others. Under these embarrassing circumstances, I have thought it most ailvisable to leave to the convention at Harrisburg the free selection of candidates, as being the assembly to which, by common consent, that important duty has been referred. Representing, as it probably will, all parts of the United States, bringing together the feelings and views of all, and comparing and weighing the local information which it will derive from every portion, it will be most competent to make a nomination acceptable to the great majority of hs constituents. That it will be faithful to the high Uust confided to its judgment and patriotism, cannot be doubted ; and having a full view of the whole ground, it will be more likely to make a selection agreeable to the great body of the opposition than any separate convention could do, however enlightened and patriotic it may be. If the Peimsylvania convention, to which I have just alluded, be right in supposing that the distinguished citizen whom it prefers would be more likely to be successful than any other, he ought to be nominated, and undoubtedly, for that reason, will be nominated by the Harrisburg convention, should it entertain the same opinion. With a just and proper sense of the high honor of being voluntarily called to the office of president of the United States by a great, free, and enlightened people, and profoundly grateful to those of my fellow-citizens who are desirous t'> see me placed in that exalted and responsible station, I must, nevertheless, say, in entire truth and sincerity, that if the deliberations of the convention shall lead them to the choice of another as the candidate of the opposition, far from feeling any discontent, the nomi- nation will have my best wishes and receive my cordial support. And, gentlemen, I hope that you, my friends and neighbors, will excuse the liberty I take in expressing to you my anxious desire that, discarding all attachment or par- tialhy to me, and guided solely by the motive of rescuing our country from the dan- gers which now encompass it, you will heartily unite in the selection of that citizen, although it should not be me, who may appear to be most likely, by his election, to bring about a salutary change in the administration of the general government — a change without which we shall be mocked by the forms, and stript of the substantial benefits of free institutions. From the tenor of this note, I scarcely need observe that you are at perfect liberty to make such use of it as in your discretion may seem proper. I am, with high re- spect, your friend, Heniiy Clay. To governor Thomas Metcalfe, general Leslie Combes, and the other delegates from Kentucky to the Harrisburg convention." The compiler has now completed the official record of general HAKRISON'S ser- vices, and given the evidences of the impression they made upon the mind of a grateful people, at a period when party spirit did not dare to asperse the fame of our patriots to elfect its unhallowed purposes. He has, however, omitted many documents S8 THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. and facts which more fully illustrate his energy and valor in the field, his wisdom and love of country in council, and the generosity and magnanimity which have uni- formly marked his conduct when the welfare and happiness of his fellow-citizens were involved. Yet he beUeves the array of testimony presented, is sufficient to convince every honorable opponent of general Harrison's, that the charges of imbecility and cowardice are the mere ebulitions of malignant partisans, and that he has rendered more important services to the country than any man living, and possesses every qualification to enable him to administer the government upon the true constitutional pnnciples. To his friends it will indeed be gratifying : and the compiler believes it will stimulate them to persevere in the holy cause in which they are engaged. With his earnest prayers that then: efforts may be successful, he respectfully takes his leave. APPENDIX. The following anecdotes and incidents in the life of general Harrison, have been collected from various authentic sources. A curious anecdote is on record, illustrative of the cheerful temper and intrepidity of general Harrison's father, who was identified with every turn in the fortunes of his country ; at a period when that country was convulsed by a struggle in which all its rights and very existence were involved. Elbridge Gerry, a delegate from Mas- sachusetts, as slender and spare as Mr. Harrison was vigorous and portly, stood be- side Harrison, whilst signing the Declaration. Harrison turned round to him with a smile, as he raised his hand from the paper, and said, "When the hanging scene comes to be exhibited, I shall have all the advantage over you. It will be over ^with me in a minute, but you will be kicking in the air half an hour after I am gone." The following is a copy of the message of Tliomas Jefferson, nominating general Harrison sole commissioner to treat with the Indians. I nominate William Henry Harrison, of Indiana, to be a Commissioner to enter mto ANT treat!/ or treaties which may be necessary, with any Indian tribes, north- west of the Ohio, and within the territory of the United States, on the subject of the boundary, or lands. (Signed) Thomas Jeffehson-. The message containing these nominations was transmitted to the Senate of the United States, on the 3d day of February, 1803, read on the 4th, and on the 8th taken up for consideration, when the nomination of William Henry Harrison, above recited, received the unanimous sanction of that honorable body. In September, 1809, governor Harrison held a council at Fort Wayne, and nego- tiated a treaty with the Miamies, Delawares, Patawatamies, and Kickapoos, by which he succeeded in purchasing from those tribes an extensive tract of country on both sides of the Wabash, and extending up that river more than sixty miles above Vin- cennes. The tribes who owned these lands were paid for them by certain annuities which they considered a satisfactory equivalent. Tecumseh was absent when this treaty was made, and the Prophet, not feeling himself interested, had not opposed it ; but on the return of Tecumseh, some months after, both he and his brother expressed great dissatisfaction, and even threatened to put to death all those chiefs who had signed the treaty. Hearing this, and anxious too to ascertain their intentions from themselves if possible, governor Harrison de- spatched messengers to invite them both to Vincennes, and to assure them that any claims they might have to these lands were not affected by the treaty ; but that if they would come to Vincennes and exhibit their pretensions, and they should be found to be valid, the lands would be given up or an ample compensation made for them. Tecumseh came, without his brother — and though the governor, having no confidence in his good faith, had requested him not to bring with him more than thirty warriors, he came with four hundred, completely armed. The governor held a council on the 12th of August, 1810, at which Tecumseh and forty of these warriors were present The governor was attended by the judges of the supreme court, several officers of the army, Winnemack, a friendly chief, and a few unarmed citizens. A sergeant's guard of twelve men was likewise placed near him, but as the day was exceedingly sultry, and they were exposed to the sun, the governor, with his characteristic humanity, directed them to remove to a shaded spot at some distance. Tecumseh addressed this council with a speech, in which he openly avowed the designs of himself and his brother. He declared it to be their intentron to form a coalition of all the red men, to prevent the whites from extending their settlements 13 H 2 89 ^^ THE TIPPECANOE TEXT-BOOK. farther west— and to establish the principle that the Indian lands belonged in common to all the trihos, and could not be sold without their united consent. He again avow- ed their intention to put to death all the chiefs who had signed the treaty at Fort Wayne, yet, with singular inconsistency, he at the same time denied all intention to make war, and declared that all those who had given such information to the governor were liars. This was aimed particularly at Winnemack, from whom the governor had received a timely notice of the designs of Tecumseh and his brother Governor Harrison replied to Tecumseh in a mild and conciliatory tone, explaining the treaty at Fort Wayne, and clearly proving that all the chiefs whose tribes had any claims upon the land ceded at this time to the United States, were present at the treaty and had voluntarily signed it— and that they had sold these lands for an annuity which they considered a sufficient compensation. The interpreter to the Shawnees explained the governor's speech io the warriors of that tribe, but when the interpreter to the Patawatamies was about to begin. Tecumseh interrupted him in a rude and insulting manner, using the most vehement language and the most violent gesticula- tion and loudly declaring that all the governor had said was false, and that he and tae United States had cheated and imposed upon the Indians. As he uttered this, h:s warriors sprung to their feet, and began to brandish their tomahawks and war- cubs, their eyes all fiercely turned upon the governor. Harrison rose immedi- ately and drew his sword. The friendly chief Winnemack cocked a pistol with which he was armed, and some of the officers in attendance drew their weapons and stood on the defensive. During this critical moment not a word was spoken, until the guard came running up and were about to fire on the Indians, when the governor with singular coolness and presence of mind, restrained them. He then turned to Tecumseh, and calmly but authoritatively told him that " he was a bad man— that he would hold no further talk with him— and that he must' now return to his camp, and take his departure from the settlements without delay." The council was immediate- ly broken up, and Tecumseh and his warriors, awed by the coolness and intrepidity of the governor, withdrew in silence. The next morning Tecumseh, finding that he had to deal with a man of firmness and undaunted bravery, whom he could neither intimidate by his audacious violence nor disconcert by his cunning manoeuvres, solicited another interview with the gover- nor, and apologized for the improprieties he had committed at the council the day before. ^ Still anxious to conciliate this haughty savage, the governor afterwards paid him a visit to his own camp, with no other attendant than the interpreter. Tecumseh re- ceived him with courtesy and much attention ; his uniform kindness and inflexible firmness having won the respect of the rude warrior ; but he still persisted in rigidly adhering to the pohcy he had avowed at the council on the preceding day. ' The following is an extract from the official report of Gen. Wayne, of the 27th of August, 1794, giving an account of his celebrated battle of Maumee : " The bravery and conduct of every officer belonging to the army, from the gene- rals down to the ensigns, merit my highest approbation. There were, however, some whose rank and situation placed their conduct in a very conspicuous point of view, and which I observed with pleasure and the most lively gratitude : among whom I beg leave to mention brigadier-general Wilkinson, and colonel Hamtramack, the commandants of the right and left wings of the legion, whose brave example inspired the troops ; and to these I must add the names of my faithful and gallant aids-de- camp, captains De Butts and T. Lewis, and lieutenant Harrison, who, with the ad- jutant-general, Major Mills, rendered the moat essential service by comnumicutimr my orders m every direction, and by their conduct and bravery excitins the troops to press for victory." j a i- The conduct of governor Harrison, in administering the affairs of the Indiana ter- ritory, was repeatedly approved by the legislative council and house of representatives. Jn I8O0, tlie former, in reply to the message of the governor, say: "The confidence which our fellow-citizens have uniformly had in your adminis- tration, has been such that they have hitherto had no reason to be jealous of the un- limited power which you possess over our legislative proceedings. We, however, cannot help regretting that such powers have been lodged in the hands of any one/ f 46 * " ^ o r- -"^0* : ' I 1 ^v^-v ip--^. c-^" * ^ *o« ."^' • I N O '^oV^ .,,-• iO «J*^ * o w o " ° (* ^ ^ *-^ 0* * ^c v./ ^^ . '^^0^ /, 't^ s ^7 ^^*^°^o o '^c * .0 c