Class _X_2j_3_ 
 Book_ ^ V^ 
 
 Copyright N°, 
 
 COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT. 
 
Social Solidarity and Race 
 Inequalities in the South 
 
 BY 
 
 E. FRANKLIN LEE, MA. 
 
 SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE 
 
 REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF 
 
 DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 
 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 
 
 New York 
 1911 
 
hZ/S 
 ■ L4-2 
 
 Copyright 1911, 
 
 BY 
 
 E. Franklin Lee. 
 
 ©CI. A 8006 01 
 
PREFATORY 
 
 The subject of this study was suggested to the mind of 
 the author by one of Professor Giddings' lectures, the topic of 
 which was the mixed character of the population of Greece. A 
 somewhat similar treatment of conditions in the southern states 
 of this country seemed possible. Moreover, the composition and 
 character of the southern population in relation to social devel- 
 opment through the period of slavery is in itself an inviting 
 field for research and investigation. The field is interesting for 
 a number of reasons, but particularly as affording an oppor- 
 tunity to the investigator to ascertain the relative degree of like- 
 mindedness and social like-response among a white, homo- 
 geneous population, among whom there was but one dominant, 
 absorbing industry, which had its main dependence in the insti- 
 tution of slavery ; interesting also for the opportunity given for 
 the application of the quantitative and comparative methods to 
 data which are indicative of resemblances and differences in 
 social and industrial development. By segregating and con- 
 trasting the data found in the states and their divisions, we 
 reasoned we should have more definite knowledge of re- 
 semblances and differences described as static or dynamic; 
 more exact ideas of life on the frontier borders in contrast to 
 life on the alluvial bottoms, and better knowledge with which 
 to approach still further inquiry into that vast domain of 
 southern fallow country lying as yet inadequately explored by 
 scientist or historian. 
 
 This investigation concerns itself chiefly, though not alto- 
 gether, with the period from 1790 to 1860. The term race 
 consciousness is used in place of race prejudice as being less 
 misleading. By social solidarity is meant the reactions of the 
 aggregate population in social like-response to the totality of 
 things which awaken common interests and unite the populace 
 for the continuance and defense of those interests. By race 
 
inequalities is meant the native differences of the negro and 
 white race, differences in density per square mile, and differ- 
 ences in their economic and social conditions and their oppor- 
 tunities. 
 
 For numerous letters and reports I desire to express my 
 appreciation to various Superintendents of public instruction 
 in the southern states, to Road Commissioners, and Commis- 
 sioners of Agriculture ; Heads of Departments of Labor and 
 Printing, to the Department of Commerce and Labor at Wash- 
 ington, D. C. ; to Hon. B. F. Grady, ex-Member of Congress 
 from N. C, and to Prof. W. L. Fleming of the State Uni- 
 versity of Louisiana. I desire to express my especial 
 appreciation of the very great kindness of Mr. Erb and Miss 
 Erb of the Columbia University Library ; to thank Mr. W. F. 
 Ogburn for assistance in reading the proof texts, and for 
 valued suggestions made by him. I desire to acknowledge 
 my indebtedness to Prof. H. L. Moore for most val- 
 uable suggestions and help in dealing with statistical data ; and 
 to express my increasing gratitude to Prof. Franklin H. 
 Giddings for the mental stimulation and quickening his lectures 
 and thought have given me through the years of student-work 
 under him. 
 
 Most of all to my wife I am indebted for her constant in- 
 terest and her invaluable assistance in collecting and prepar- 
 ing materials for this work. 
 
 St. Albans, L. L, N. Y. 
 June 28, IQIL 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 The Plantation, the Foundation of the Social 
 
 System ........ 1 
 
 CHAPTER n 
 
 Social Solidarity and Class Distinctions ... 5 
 
 CHAPTER HI 
 
 The Social System Attacked . . . . .19 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 The Defense of the Social System . . . .31 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 The Distribution and Growth of the Population by 
 
 States ........ 46 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 The Distribution and Growth of the Population by 
 
 State-Divisions . . . . . .61 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 The Role of the Negro in Slavery and in Freedom 82 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 The Persistence of the Social Forces . . .91 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 Conclusion . . • . . • • 105 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 THE PLANTATION, THE FOUNDATION OF THE SOCIAL SYSTEM 
 
 In the early settlements of the English colonists in the 
 New World, among the first impressions received by them 
 must have been those of the climate and of the soil in the 
 respective regions which were to play so large a part in the 
 future of the nation. To the pilgrim-fathers landing at Ply- 
 mouth Rock it was soon apparent that their life had to be 
 sustained by a rigorous expenditure of manual labor, where 
 only the rugged of limb and stout of heart were a match 
 for chilling winds and a rocky, withholding soil. 
 
 Quite otherwise was it with the colonists who took up land 
 and a new home in Virginia and in the other southern colonies. 
 It was their good fortune to come into a region for the most 
 part salubrious of climate, fertile of soil and abounding in a 
 variety of choice natural resources, all made easy of utiliza- 
 tion by the lavish hand of nature. 
 
 The combination of physical features found thus favor- 
 able to agricultural pursuits, the natural adaptation of the 
 South, especially to the cultivation of cotton, tobacco, rice 
 and sugarcane, coupled with the abundance of land and slave 
 labor as the most profitable means of agriculture, at once rend- 
 ered this region attractive to the prospective planter. 
 
 How well adapted to the life and health of the negro the 
 South has been in its agricultural development can be easily 
 shown from the records at different intervals of her history. 
 In his Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth 
 Century, P. A. Bruce says: "It is an interesting fact that 
 of the twenty negroes who were imported in 1619, the first 
 who had arrived in the Colony, not one had died previous to 
 1624, an indication of the ease with which they stood the dele- 
 terious influences of the climate. There was at this time no 
 parallel instance in the history of the white servants."^ Tn his 
 monograph in the Johns Hopkins University Studies in Politi- 
 cal Science, on Slavery and Servitude in North Carolina. Pro- 
 fessor J. S. Bassett shows that as between the system of labor 
 by white servants and that of slavery, the latter proved itself 
 
 1 Vol. II. p. 107. 
 
2 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 the survival of the fittest. He says : "The negroes were fitter 
 to be slaves than the whites and they remained masters of the 
 field."i 
 
 With such propitious prospects of an easy life, the old 
 English manor readily suggested itself as the fittest model for 
 the life of the planter. The southern plantation with its 
 nucleus of houses, the lordly mansion of the planter occupy- 
 ing the most commanding position, with abundance of fertile 
 soil and an ever-increasing number of slaves for its tillage, 
 formed the background and foundation of the social system 
 of that period. 
 
 The manner in which the events of early colonial history 
 shaped themselves was by no means accidental. English custom 
 and tradition were from the first destined to play their great 
 role in America and especially in southern history. There was, 
 however, not so much an imitation of English life in the 
 southern planter, as a transplanting and engrafting of English 
 life upon new soil. And even in the nineteenth century, the 
 period we are particularly concerned with, the same was true, 
 only to a much greater extent, for in this later time the induce- 
 ments to such a life were vastly increased. 
 
 Along with the persistence of English blood and cus- 
 tom, there likewise persisted the phenomenon of an un- 
 diversified industry. With the plantation as the unit of in- 
 dustry and unskilled slave labor as the main dependence of 
 the economic system, there could be but little possibility of 
 modifying the established order in favor of diversity, even 
 had there been a desire for such change. 
 
 Uniformity of plantation life was a necessity plainly laid 
 upon the planter, a necessity at once agreeable and welcomed. 
 In discussing the policy of town-building proposed by the Eng- 
 lish Crown in colonial Virginia, Bruce makes the following 
 significant comment : "This plan of life was not possible in a 
 country where the estates, owing to their extent, were remote 
 from a common centre. Such a physical obstacle would have 
 been insurmountable even if the natural leaning of the people of 
 the Colony had been towards urban life. But this was not their 
 inclination, and all the influences of tobacco culture tended to 
 confirm their disposition in the opposite direction." Speaking 
 further the same author says : "It is a significant commentary 
 
 1 Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, vol. XIV, p. 15. 
 
The Foundation of the Social System 3 
 
 on the effect of the numerous laws which had been passed with 
 a view to enlarging Jamestown, that Berkeley was especially 
 directed to begin at this place the new attempt at town-build- 
 ing in Virginia. Such was the recommendation which was 
 necessary after all the carefully considered undertakings of 
 fifty years. "^ 
 
 With an undiversified industry, no division of labor, with 
 large plantations, and with still greater tracts uncultivated, it 
 was inevitable that there should be a sparseness of population, 
 and that life on the plantation should be marked by its own 
 peculiar isolation. Sparseness of population, poor transpor- i 
 tation facilities, with not many railroads and perhaps fewer { 
 good country roads, — all combined, meant scant communica-,' 
 tion with the outside world.' The early period was clearly 
 a time during which newspapers and periodicals did not flourish 
 as now, especially in the southern part of the country. By a 
 simple calculation, using the data as given in the U. S. census, 
 one may readily obtain the following comparison in respect 
 to differences between different states. The average number 
 of persons per square mile in 1850 for the States of 
 Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New 
 Jersey, and Pennsylvania taken as a group was 82.25 ; for the 
 year 1860 for the same group, 102.48 ; for the year 1870, 124.19. 
 For the particular group of States we have undertaken to 
 study, viz., Maryland, South Carolina, Kentucky, Virginia, 
 Louisiana, Tennessee, Mississippi, North Carolina, Alabama, 
 Arkansas, Georgia, and Missouri, for the year 1850, the aver- 
 age number of persons to the square mile was 21.15 ; for 1860, 
 25.77 ; for 1870, 28.97. Also for the latter group, the number 
 of newspapers, periodicals, and magazines of all classes, from 
 the dailies, tri-weeklies. etc., to the annuals, for the year 1850, 
 was 650; for 1860, 1040; for 1870, 1238. For the same years. 
 New York, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts together had 947; 
 1131 ; 1634." Thus it appears that the northern group of states 
 sustained an average number of persons to the square mile 
 for this period of twenty years, more than four times that in 
 the southern group, and that the States of New York, Penn- 
 sylvania, and Massachusetts, with an area less than one-fifth 
 that included in the twelve southern states, led by a very large 
 
 1 Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century, vol. II. pp. 
 
 537 538 
 
 2 Cf. Ninth Census U. S., Population and Social Statistics, p. 482. 
 
4 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 majority in the number of newspapers, periodicals, etc., pub- 
 lished. All of these indices make clear some significent points 
 of difference between what was on the one hand purely an 
 agricultural region with a pronounced uniformity in occupa- 
 tion and industry, and sparseness of population ; and what was 
 on the other hand a region whose life depended on division 
 of labor, diversity and variety of pursuits, and a corresponding 
 density of population. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 SOCIAL SOLIDARITY AND CLASS DISTINCTIONS 
 
 In a region where the basis of wealth was ownership of 
 land and slaves, in proportion as the various units of the popu- 
 lation succeeded in the acquisition of these two forms of wealth, 
 was their social importance and prestige increased. Under such 
 a scheme the great landed class, the aristocracy, set the stand- 
 ard and the type in matters of wealth and social preferment. 
 
 First of all therefore among the distinct classes, as class 
 formation was recognized and rated among southern people 
 before emancipation, stood the wealthy planter whose land in 
 acres reached into the hundreds and in many instances into 
 the thousands, and whose slaves in number ranged from around 
 fifty upwards to several hundreds, and occasionally to a thous- 
 and and more. 
 
 Says Professor Hart : "The great names in southern public 
 life, such as the Butlers, Barnwells, Haynes, Brookses, Pinck- 
 neys, Rutledges, and Hamptons of South Carolina; the Lees, 
 Masons, Harrisons, Tylers, and Wises of Virginia : the 
 Polks, Breckenridges, and Claibornes, of the west, were borne 
 by members of families holding from fifty slaves up." The same 
 author testifying of the peculiar charms belonging to these 
 families of the first rank remarks further : "The Drayton man- 
 sion, near Charleston, the fine old houses of Athens, Georgia, 
 and such stately abodes as the Johnson-Iredell house at Eden- 
 ton, still bear witness to a bygone generous life and profuse 
 hospitality which impressed the visitor with the wealth and 
 breeding of the south."' 
 
 Professor Hart draws the further conclusion from certain 
 statistical data, that in the year 1860 not more than five hun- 
 dred thousand persons out of a total of nine million white 
 persons in the South realized an appreciable income from 
 slavery and that even within that privileged number a body 
 of about ten thousand families was the ruling South in eco- 
 nomics, social and political life.^ 
 
 1 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 68; cf. Smedes, Southern Planter, p. 34. 
 
 2 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 68. 
 
6 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 However, in an attempt to differentiate the uppermost class 
 from all others in southern society it would not suffice to take 
 account only of their superior rating in the number of slaves 
 and abundance of land which they owned. In the social-mark- 
 ing system theirs was a distinction far other and far rarer. 
 The great and proud families of Virginia, the Carolinas, Ten- 
 nessee, Kentucky, and the other southern States were sprung 
 of forebears whose ancestral line had been distinguished in 
 America and Europe generations before their time. The power 
 and influence in all directions of such an aristocracy were 
 fitting survivals from so great a line of antecedents. In order 
 therefore to have a just and, withal, a correct estimation of 
 the essential character and importance of the genuine aris- 
 tocracy of the South in the days of slavery, it is necessary 
 to reckon with the elemental factor of heredity. 
 
 Next in order among the layers in the social strata, is that 
 class of planters who held fewer slaves and less land. The 
 great majority of this class owned probably from fifteen to 
 forty slaves each and a few hundred acres of land. From 
 descriptions of the leading families given by some authors it 
 is evident that the two classes have been confused in the minds 
 of many. Col. F. L. Olmsted in his books in which he de- 
 scribes his journeys through the "Seaboard Slave States," and 
 his "Journey through a Back Country," etc., although proving 
 himself a close observer of the people among whom he traveled, 
 has, nevertheless, failed to make adequate distinction be- 
 tween the true aristocracy which set the standard and the type 
 for the southern family, and the next lower rank in the planter- 
 class. Among these there seems to have been a palpable lack 
 of refinement in manners and tastes, and quite frequently a 
 scant and niggardly measure of hospitality dealt out to the 
 stranger within their gates. Professor Hart, however, recog- 
 nizes the distinction in these words: "These great planters, 
 everywhere accepted as the characteristic men of the south, 
 were seconded by a far greater class of small, unprosperous. 
 and unprogressive slave-holders. No writer saw so much of 
 them as Olmsted, who gives us an unpleasant account of their 
 poor houses, unwholesome food, and lack of comfort, thrift 
 and refinement." ^ 
 
 1 Slavery and Abolition, p. 69. 
 
Social Solidarity and Class Distinctions 7 
 
 Professor W. P. Trent in his introduction to Mr. Olmsted's 
 "Seaboard Slave States," has made the following significant 
 criticism : "The particular exception that it seems fair to make to 
 Mr. Olmsted's general picture of the ante-bellum South, or 
 rather to the limpressions it appears likely to produce, is based 
 on the comparative absence from his pages of materials from 
 which one can reconstruct the simple, pleasant, ingenuous, and 
 rather dignified life led in both country and town by the older 
 families of well-established social standing. In more than one 
 place in his books Mr. Olmsted admitted freely the attractive 
 qualities of this small but influential element of the population 
 of the South, and it is very clear that he had direct knowledge 
 of its ways ; yet it is equally evident that in the main, as was 
 natural with such a traveler, his contact with small farmers, 
 inn-keepers, tradesmen, and passengers in public conveyances 
 made his book valuable as a picture of the Southern masses 
 rather than of the Southern classes." ^ Again the same writer 
 remarks : "But although the reader of 1856 lost little through 
 the fact that he was not introduced to the more attractive side 
 of Southern life, the reader of 1904 will suffer the disadvantage 
 of being misled unless he remembers that side by side with the 
 unlovely sights witnessed by our traveler flourished many of 
 those social graces and virtues without the existence of which 
 no such characters as George Washington and Robert E. Lee 
 could have brightened the pages of American history." - Con- 
 tinuing, the author says : "It should be remembered also that 
 the thrifty and beautiful Valley of Virginia is not described in 
 this book, that Charleston with its Old World charm receives 
 but slight attention, and that there are evidences of Southern 
 enterprise in spite of slavery which were inaccessible to Mr. 
 Olmsted and are only now being slowly gathered by students 
 of Southern history." ^ 
 
 These criticisms of Mr. Olmsted by Professors Trent and 
 Hart are but indicative of other facts that would serve our 
 purpose of showing the distinction between the two classes of 
 landed slave-owners. 
 
 Among masters of slaves are to be numbered also the pro- 
 fessional class, notably ministers and lawyers. It appears that 
 
 1 Introduction Seaboard Slave States, p. XXXin, 1904 edition. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. XXXIV. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. XXXVII. 
 
8 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 there was one Bishop Polk of Louisiana, who owned in the 
 neighborhood of four hundred slaves and that he made for 
 them a "notably good master." ^ That there were ministers 
 who were irrevocably opposed to slavery is almost too patent 
 a fact for mention ; and yet as a class, it is seriously doubtful 
 if they were any less slave-owning than the farmers ; not that 
 they owned so many, but in proportion to their need of servants, 
 they appear to have relied on the same means that the well-to- 
 do members of their parish employed. It was a reversed case 
 of "like priests like people." "Clergy, lawyers, physicians, col- 
 lege professors, and the few scientific men were, for the most 
 part, members of slave-holding families, and were completely 
 identified with the great slave-holders in maintaining the insti- 
 tution."" 
 
 In various parts of the South, notably in the frontier 
 regions were the free-hold farmers, who owned very few or 
 no slaves, but who, with the aid of their own families and occa- 
 sional hired help, tilled their own land and raised what was 
 necessary for their families' consumption. From this class 
 sprang Henry Clay and numerous other lesser lights who 
 sooner or later came into prominence through sheer power 
 of application and the force and might of their personal ambi- 
 tions, as well as through the charm of many other of their 
 personal characteristics. 
 
 In addition to these foregoing classes there was still an- 
 other class of whites who owned neither land nor slaves. 
 Among these large numbers were squatters who from time to 
 time moved from place to place and settled on the unclaimed 
 public domain. Like roving bands of gypsies or half-nomadic 
 people they moved to those regions where the pastures 
 abounded and where wild game fell an easy prey to the skillful 
 huntsman of the frontier ranges.^ 
 
 The discussion of class distinction in southern society is 
 not ended, however, so long as the negro is left out of ac- 
 count. In the negro race during the period of slavery there 
 were two well-defined classes, the slaves and the free-negroes. 
 P. A. Bruce, for example, shows that the African-born negro 
 imported into the United States and the American-born negro 
 
 1 Of. Hart. Slavery and Abolition, pp. 70, 71. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 71. 
 
 3 Of. Ibid., pp. 75, 76. 
 
Social Solidarity and Class Distinctions 9 
 
 were of different grades ; and that they were commonly recog- 
 nized as such in the earher as well as in the latter days of colo- 
 nial slavery. He says : "In the inventory of the property of John 
 Carter, of Lancaster, one of the largest slave-holders in the 
 Colony, great care was taken to distinguish the negroes of 
 Virginian birth from those who had been imported, and there 
 was a marked difference in their respective appraisements in 
 favor of the former." ^ Miss Hobson in her book, "In Old 
 Alabama," makes her principal character give expression to 
 the same kind of distinction : "Come out here from Old Vir- 
 ginia to Alabama, mixin' with these common niggers." To 
 judge from numerous data, we see that it is not improbable 
 that the difference in the treatment of the slaves in the older, 
 seaboard states of the South and the lower group of states 
 may have been due in part at least to an inherent, inbred differ- 
 ence in the slaves of the respective regions. There seems to 
 have been a kind of natural selection at work in respect to 
 the negroes just as there was in respect to the whites. There 
 was a greater number of native born negroes in the older states, 
 and in this region where many of the slaves were sold off, it 
 was but natural that the masters should be loth to part with 
 their most tractable chattel ; and in the event of a sale, that the 
 more stubborn and less desirable negroes would be taken by 
 the anxious speculator to that farther southern country whence 
 few returned. 
 
 There was still another distinction made among the slaves. 
 There were on the one hand the field hands, and on the other 
 the domestic servants, of whom the latter class not infrequently 
 proved themselves such invaluable assets to the master's house- 
 hold that attachments between these servants and the master's 
 family endured through life. So real was the slave's devotion 
 to his master in numerous instances indeed, that in it one can 
 see how happy an inferior and subject race could be when 
 under the command of kind and feeling masters. 
 
 There is much evidence of a similar nature which shows 
 that the slaves themselves were in sympathy with the social 
 life and economic conditions of that period. Mrs. Smedes' 
 rehearsal of the old black mammy Harriet's contented condition 
 is extremely interesting and withal fairly typical of the great 
 number of the slaves who were happy in their freedom from 
 
 1 Economic History of Virginia, vol. II, pp. 87,88. 
 
10 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 responsibility. She represents the old colored mammy as 
 saying : — 
 
 "When we came to Raymond marster say, 'This is the last 
 town. If you want to buy anything, go in an' buy.' 
 
 "So wee all 'eluded dat, seein' 'twas de las' town, we would 
 go in an' buy. I went in an' buy cups an' saucers an' plates 
 an' coffee-pot an' things. Den when we got to de Burleigh 
 land we was all right I was jes' as well satisfied as eber I 
 was in ole Figinny jes' as soon as I got settled."^ 
 
 From 1830 to 1860 there was a growing apprehension in the 
 minds of the masters concerning the irreconcilable conditions 
 of freedom and bondage produced among like members of the 
 same race. Long years before he voiced it in pregnant phrase, 
 slave-owners truly had had premonitions and forebodings of 
 the truth of Mr. Lincoln's dictum that a country cannot long 
 endure half-free and half-slave, and soon took measures to 
 discourage freeing the slaves and to eject free persons of color 
 already among them. 
 
 Legislation enacted in most of the southern states almost a 
 generation before the Civil War is interesting as revealing the 
 attitude of the South toward the free-negro. For example, in 
 1831 Maryland enacted a bill "providing a board of managers, 
 fund, etc., for the removal of free people of color to Liberia, 
 in connection with the State Colonization Society."- Ala- 
 bama in 1834 passed the following: "County courts may au- 
 thorize owners for meritorious cause to emancipate, provided 
 that the emancipated shall remove out of the State never more 
 to return, etc.^ Mississippi by an act of 1831 required "all 
 free negroes between sixteen and fifteen years of age to quit the 
 State, or be sold for five years." ^ Louisiana in 1830 passed 
 an act requiring "free negroes and mulattoes arrived since 
 Jan., 1825, to depart within sixty days." The penalty was 
 one year's imprisonment for non-compliance, and hard labor 
 for life for the second offense.^ Every state in the South 
 about this time or somewhat later felt impelled to deal with 
 the double role which the negro had played, and was still play- 
 ing either as free or as slave ; and, because the menace of the 
 
 1 Smedes. A Southern Planter, p. 16. 
 
 2 J. C. Hurrl. The Law of Freedom and Bondage, vol. II. p. 21. 
 
 3 Code Section 2044-204S, and Hurd, vol. II, p. 151. 
 
 4 Ibid., vol. IL p. 147. 
 «Ibid., vol. II. p. IBl. 
 
Social Solidarity and Class Distinctions 11 
 
 free negro was palpably augmented by abolition sentiment 
 from the North, now reverberating through the land and oc- 
 casionally venting its rage, the legislators of the South, with 
 marked unanimity, took steps to head off what might result 
 in undermining their entire economic and social system. 
 
 Thus far some account has been taken of the various classes 
 and class distinctions which prevailed in the southen country 
 prior to the emancipation proclamation. These distinctions 
 have been emphasized with no intention of allowing them too 
 much importance in the bearing which a frank and just estima- 
 tion of them would admit them to have had on the general 
 character and complexion of society. Judging from the some- 
 what abundant and varied sources which have been consulted, 
 the writer is inclined to think that any classification of the 
 elements composing southern society during the period investi- 
 gated, which insists on very rigid demarcations, is inadequate 
 for purposes of scientific study. Most Southerners were aHke 
 in their attitude toward the slaves and in their general opinions 
 on social questions : there was solidarity of opinion but the 
 wealthy classes were leaders, and others followed them with 
 more or less intensity of feeling in accordance with conditions 
 in their own localities. In a private letter the Hon. B. F. 
 Grady, ex-Congressman from North Carohna, says : 'T think 
 it worth while to remind you that in all the days up to 'carpet 
 bag' rule magistrates in Virginia and North Carolina, and I 
 suppose in other southern States, were appointed for life, or 
 good behavior, by the legislatures ; that these ofificials were 
 allowed no fees ; that the most honorable and financially-able 
 men filled these offices ; that litigants paid no costs ; that when 
 neighbors had a dispute, they usually went to these men, in- 
 stead of lawyers, for advice ; that lawsuits were rare ; and that 
 this system did much to perpetuate peace and good order in 
 these States, and to keep alive the good will of all classes for 
 what Northern traducers called 'Slavocrats.' Jefferson served 
 as a justice of the peace ; so did William B. Giles and John 
 Taylor of Carolina, after they had retired from the U. S. 
 Senate ; and every prominent man that I knew in mv voung 
 days had served or was serving, as a magistrate." This shows 
 the likeness of feeling to which reference has just been made. 
 The class distinctions which existed appear to have been 
 flexible and void of class antagonism and class friction, such 
 
12 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 as might have existed but for certain psychological and social 
 causes. In any attempt at analyzing the social forces which 
 operated in the creation and maintenance of this social soli- 
 darity among the people, notwithstanding traditional local dis- 
 tinctions, one must get back to the elemental fact of the homo- 
 geneity of the population among the whites as a primary and 
 potent factor in the organization and stability of the social 
 order. The entire State of North Carolina in 1860 contained 
 only 3289 residents of foreign birth and although she had 
 fewer perhaps than any other Southern state, she, nevertheless, 
 was only representative of the South as a whole in its un- 
 favorable attitude to immigration.^ 
 
 Not only did the fact of homogeneity aid in uniting the 
 people but the peculiar character of the organization of social 
 life was likewise useful in fostering friendly relations among 
 the people. The assimilative character particularly is meant. 
 Professor Hart speaking of the poor whites says: ''Some of 
 them bought negroes, enlarged their plantations, and eventually 
 rose to the class of prosperous slaveholders. * * * * " ' 
 Mr. Olmsted in a number of places refers to the overseers 
 on the large plantations as having saved up enough money to 
 buy them land and a few negroes. Mrs. Kemble in her book on 
 a Georgia plantation, gives an interesting account of the slave 
 her husband sold to the overseer who was about to leave. The 
 slave was so distressed and Mrs. Kemble too, that her husband 
 bought the slave back.-"^ Says Mr. Cairnes, writing in 1863 : 
 "Slavery has not merely determined the general form and 
 character of the social and political economy of the South- 
 ern States, it has entered into the soul of the people, and has 
 generated a code of ethics and a type of Christianity adapted 
 to its peculiar requirements."'* The same author speaking 
 further says : "But slavery in the South is something more 
 chan a moral and political principle : it has become a fashionable 
 taste, a social passion." 
 
 This peculiar social system which so long held sway in 
 that great region was not characterized, however, by that ex- 
 
 1 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, pp. 71, 72. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 74. ^ . ^, , ,■ 
 
 3 F. A. Kemble, cf. Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation, 
 
 pp. 99-106. 
 
 4 J. E. Cairnes, The Slave Power, p. 88. 
 
Social Solidarity and Class Distinctions 13 
 
 clusiveness which has so often erroneously been ascribed to it. 
 It was not the unadapted, unwieldy, artificial society often de- 
 scribed. And this is said in no spirit of apology for the social 
 system. It is but recognizing the truth of the underlying 
 assimilative character of the system, which was so essential to 
 its being held in favor among the people. That the son of 
 the hitherto wealthy planter should become the owner of a 
 large estate and of a goodly number of blacks was to be 
 expected, and would have been in perfect accord with an 
 exclusive caste-system. But that individuals from the lower , 
 strata of society could by dint of their own ambition and per- 
 severance be counted eventually among the slave-owning class, ■ 
 was, in itself, a powerful incentive to a great many among the 
 landless whites, and, at the same time, a mighty defense for 
 safeguarding the peculiar character of the social system. 
 
 Professor Hart seems to find difficulty in realizing the 
 reasons for this unanimity of feeling though he recognizes its 
 existence plainly enough. He says, for example : "One of 
 the perplexing things in human history is that these people, 
 who owned no slaves, who received nothing of the profits of 
 slave labor, and who were put out of the pale of slave-holding 
 society, should have accepted with so little question the leader- 
 ship of the slave-holders, and should have demanded so little 
 for themselves and their children out of the surplus produced 
 by slavery. Helper's burning appeal to the poor whites for 
 'No co-operation with Slave-holders in Politics — No Fellow- 
 ship with them in Religion — No Affiliation with them in Socie- 
 ty," met with no response." ^ Instead of this relation being so 
 perplexing it seems that much of the perplexity is removed 
 by the facts of homogeneity and the liberal opportunity afforded 
 the landless whites of being eventually merged with the well- 
 to-do. There was manifestly a "consciousness of kind" weld- 
 ing the whites together, growing out of these facts of like- 
 response to the same stimulus. 
 
 And is not a sufficient reason for the leadership in church 
 and state of the ten thousand families to be found in their 
 superior knowledge, culture and refinement? The situation 
 was analagous to that described by Tarde in his Laws of 
 Imitation, in the following passage: "Louis XIV did not 
 recognize the fact that his subjects had any claims whatsoever 
 
 1 Slavery and Abolition, p. 76. 
 
14 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 upon him, and his subjects shared his delusion ; nevertheless, 
 he was socially related to them, because both he and they were 
 products of the same classical and Christian education, because 
 everyone from the Court at Paris to the heart of Brittany and 
 Provence looked up to him as a model, and because he himself 
 was unconsciously reacted upon by the influence of his court- 
 iers, a kind of diffused imitation experienced by him in return 
 for that radiating from him." ^ Similarly the best of the best 
 were models for the planter-class in southern society ; models 
 in a number of ways ; models in the number of acres owned, 
 in social customs and polite manners, models in political prin- 
 ciples as well. 
 
 It is an item important psychologically at this point to 
 recall what was a patent fact, namely, the lack of diversity in 
 industry and pursuits and the corollary of this fact, the few- 
 ness of interests, whether industrial or other, that engaged the 
 thought of the people. The concentration of mind upon these 
 few interests was much more pronounced than was the case 
 with Northerners whose lives were lived in the midst of multi- 
 tudinous interests and activities. Both the general social sol- 
 idarity of the South and the relative diversity of feeling in the 
 North were natural. 
 
 When the question of emancipation first arose, therefore, 
 the Southerners were more of a unit on the subject than were 
 the Northerners. With many of the latter the subject of 
 abolition was a propaganda, and agitation of the question was 
 often more a foray or sporadic invasion into the enemy's coun- 
 try by a few rather than a coherent, well thought-out convic- 
 tion of the entire section. In truth, may it not be said, that it 
 was because the trumpet gave so many uncertain sounds in 
 the North, that it took a generation for the people to prepare 
 themselves for battle? Whereas in the South, there was in 
 the main, but one voice and one sound, and so unanimous the 
 sentiment, that men from every quarter were more like "minute 
 men" than almost anything else to which they may be com- 
 pared. 
 
 This same concert and unanimity in social response is in 
 evidence in other questions of public policy which, without this 
 unanimity of sentiment, might have created discord. Say? Mr. 
 Cairnes : "The slave-breeding States of Virginia and Ken- 
 
 1 English translation by E. C. Pansons, p. 64. 
 
Social Solidarity and Class Distinctions 15 
 
 tucky had a very distinct and palpable advantage in 
 opening new ground for slave cultivation across the Mississippi. 
 They thereby created a new market for their slaves, and 
 directly enhanced the value of their principal property. But 
 the slave-working States of Alabama and Mississippi, which 
 were buyers, not sellers, of slaves, which were producers, not 
 consumers, of cotton, had a precisely opposite interest as 
 regards this enterprise. The effect of the policy of territorial 
 extension in relation to them, was to raise the price of slaves — 
 the productive instrument which they employed ; and, on the 
 other hand, to reduce the price of cotton — the commodity in 
 which they dealt. — Yet this did not prevent the whole body of 
 slave states from working steadily together in promoting the 
 policy which the maintenance of the Slave Power, as a political 
 system, demanded." ^ 
 
 Not the least interesting and significant among the facts 
 attesting the solidarity in social feeling among southern people 
 was the attitude of numerous non-slaveholding farmers who had 
 at one time been numbered among slave-holders, but who had 
 come to believe that it was morally wrong to hold them longer, 
 and who, in carrying out their conviction, had begun to culti- 
 vate their land with free labor. Mr. Olmsted writes of one such 
 in the following terms : "This gentleman, notwithstanding his 
 anti-slavery sentiments by no means favors the running away of 
 slaves, and thinks the Abolitionists have done immense harm to 
 the cause they have at heart. He wishes Northerners would 
 mind their business, and leave Slavery alone, say but little 
 about it — nothing in the present condition of affairs at the 
 South, and never speak of it but in a kind and calm man- 
 ner."- Parallel with this was the evident favor in which 
 slavery was regarded by numerous slaves who preferred slavery 
 to freedom, who considered the lot of the free negro as abject 
 and undesirable : "Ol' free nigger, nobody to take care of him." 
 Something like the following also illustrates the slaves' protest 
 against negro rule and responsibility: "A nigger!" "Yes — 
 dat's it, yer see. Wouldn't care if't warnt for dat. Nothin' but 
 a dirty nigger! orderin' round, jes' as if he was a wite man !"^ 
 It could not be said of the negroes that "a day, or an hour of 
 
 1 The Slave Power, pp. 144, 145. 
 
 2 Seaboard Slave States, p. 107. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 114. 
 
16 Social Solidarity and R-^ce Inequalities 
 
 virtuous liberty was worth a whole eternity in bondage," for 
 to many among them to be a slave was "very heaven." This 
 feeling on the part of the negroes naturally re-enforced the 
 general attitude of the whole population toward slavery. 
 
 There was also a general custom among some of 
 the negroes in the South of "cousining" the well-to-do white 
 folks. They flattered themselves that they were of the aris- 
 tocracy, and were the object of respectful attention and favor 
 from the best class of whites. This sentiment is illustrated 
 by the following true story. A white man of the first rank 
 in the community in which he lived, one day accosted an old 
 ex-slave, saying to him, "Ben, when was the last time you 
 went a chicken stealing?" With ready repartee the old negro 
 replied: "I han't bin since dat last night when you and me 
 went, cousin Josh." 
 
 The fact that there was so little friction among the whites 
 of every class was due largely to the social codes and mores 
 which were so paramount in relation to the whites and blacks 
 as such. Class distinction as between members of the white 
 race withered, and race distinction and race discrimination 
 were accentuated more and more. 
 
 It is in this connection particularly that one can see most 
 clearly the points of agreement among all the whites ; points 
 which focused on whatever accentuated diflferences between 
 the white man and the negro ; notably the superiority of the 
 one, the inferiority of the other ; points biological and anthropo- 
 logical ; differences which inhered in the very lineaments of 
 face and texture of skin of the respective races. With these 
 and allied considerations we have the social codes and mores, 
 which, taken collectively, doubtless did more than all other 
 influences combined in making social solidarity among south- 
 ern people an accomplished fact. Any serious menace to the 
 established social order, such as emancipation, was thought to 
 mean not only a radical change in the life of the negro, but one 
 just as radical in the life of the white man, and especially the 
 white man of small means. The mode and manner of his life, 
 built upon the institution, it was thought, would disappear, the 
 ideals and aspirations of a people, the basis and solidarity alike 
 of their social fabric would be gone. 
 
 These facts account for the peculiar conditions which lead 
 Professor Hart to say : "The abnormal thing was that a region 
 
Social Solidarity and Class Distinctions 17 
 
 of great resources and intelligent leaders like the south should 
 have remained for half a century outside the modern economic 
 system, still retaining the provincial conditions of a scattered 
 population, little diversified agriculture, and slave labor ; while 
 the north had land, ships, mills, forges, mines, rich cities, and 
 a remarkably productive population." ^ It is seriously 
 doubted, however, by some historians whether the South was, 
 as a matter of fact, as antiquated in its economic system as the 
 above picture would lead one to infer. Professor J. S. Bassett 
 of Smith College, Mass., takes a more favorable view of the 
 situation and thinks there was nothing unnatural about the 
 economic system, and that the farmers generally were more 
 prosperous than is often supposed. For our own part, we can 
 admit that the economic system had many faults, that it was 
 half a century behind the times, and still find in this fact noth- 
 ing to change our view that solidarity of opinion regarding 
 the negro would have existed in any case. 
 
 Thus it appears from the facts presented in this and the 
 foregoing chapter that the solidarity of opinion in the South 
 resulted primarily from the inherent social differences between 
 the races, which outweighed all other facts in welding the 
 whites into common unity. The plantation was the great social 
 and economic basis about which the thought and mores of the 
 times were inextricably woven. The different classes in the 
 community accepted both the plantation system and the in- 
 stitution of slavery which was inseparable from it. Class dis- 
 tinction did not counteract the overwhelming unity of thought 
 and fe'eling resulting from the presence of the negro. Never- 
 theless, as has been indicated, these class distinctions created 
 differences in the intensity of feeling toward the negro. 
 
 In subsequent chapters we shall contrast, first, in chapter 
 III, the diversity of feeling and opinion in the North with re- 
 spect to slavery, with the solidarity of opinion on this subject 
 in the South. We shall then consider in chapter IV the effect 
 which the growth of the abolition movement had on the South 
 as a whole and on sections that presented diverse population 
 conditions, and we shall attempt to show how the movement 
 both intensified the social solidarity of the South and yet 
 elicited varying response in variously constituted sections. In 
 
 1 Slavery and Abolition, p. 55. 
 
18 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 chapter V we shall present the statistics of the population 
 changes in the South for 12 states from 1790 to 1860, and in 
 chapter VI we shall present these changes for 24 divisions of 
 the above states for the same period. 
 
 In chapter VII we shall consider reasons why the differ- 
 ences in the proportion of negroes to whites in various sections 
 of the South greatly affected the relative progresss of the sec- 
 tions. In chapter VIII we shall consider how both solidarity of 
 thought and feeling persisted and inequality of conditions and 
 opportunities betwen the races also continued. Finally, in chap- 
 ter IX we shall state our own view of the problem that is 
 peculiar to the inter-relation of the races in southern social 
 development. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 THE SOCIAL SYSTEM ATTACKED 
 
 In an approach to a discussion of the leading issues at 
 stake in the attempted overthrow of a system as ancient and 
 renowned as slavery, we recognize how becoming, and, withal, 
 imperative is the attitude of diffidence and caution, not for 
 reasons of offense in speech so much, as of a liability of mis- 
 statement, overstatement, and understatement, and therefore 
 of inaccuracy and untrustworthiness. 
 
 One of the first things to be noted in reference to the 
 attack made upon the prevailing social system of the South 
 was, that it was a growth, a process. First of all, in the com- 
 pact between the states of the American Union, entered into 
 in the drafting of the federal constitution, we have in written 
 and succinct form the principles of liberty and equality for 
 which the American Revolution was fought. But notwith- 
 standing the successful wresting of these principles from the 
 mother country, their embodiment in written declaration and 
 compact appears to have had special and direct purpose in 
 defining and safeguarding the status and interests of the white 
 inhabitants of the colonies rather than in making clear and 
 consistent the rights and privileges of the negro. The Revo- 
 lution appears to have been fought and its results declared 
 chiefly in the interest of the white man ; the war between the 
 states in the nineteenth century, more tragic and bitter, was 
 waged for the black man. And this seems the natural order 
 of evolution. The French Revolution at the close of the 
 eighteenth century struck a blow which was successful for 
 the proletariat class of Europe, and which, in the light of sub- 
 sequent history, seems to have been not without influence in 
 provoking agitation which was favorable to the emancipation 
 of the negro slave. Liberty, fraternity and equality were in 
 the air. In a number of the French and Spanish dependencies 
 of South America which had hitherto tolerated slavery, and 
 in Hayti under the English Crown, slavery was abolished. The 
 Revolution of France made converts in all lands, particularly 
 in those having proclivities to a republican government. 
 
20 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 From about 1800 to 1820 the American Colonization So- 
 ciety flourished and gradual emancipation was also held in 
 favor among many. Ijut with the rising importance of cot- 
 ton in the southern states there was a corresponding abate- 
 ment of interest in colonization ; the numerous slaves in the 
 northern states, because unprofitable as laborers, were either 
 freed or sold to the southern planter. The slave codes that 
 had been prohibitive of the further importation of slaves in 
 the southern states in 1810 to 1830 were repealed and laws 
 enacted encouraging the slave trade. ^ From 1820 to 1830 
 the increasing economic difiterentiation between the North and 
 the South had begun to show results and it became a fore- 
 gone conclusion that one-half the Union was to be slave and 
 the other half free. This fact heightened the hitherto forma- 
 tive abolition sentiment in the North and men like Benjamin 
 Lundy and William Lloyd Garrison made full proof of their 
 calling and had not a little success in indoctrinating men and 
 women in the abolition faith. But these men were by no means 
 representative of the great body of anti-slavery agitators that 
 were gradually rising in the free states. So far as large 
 numbers of the thinking, conservative persons were concerned. 
 they were made only the more conservative and cautious in 
 their attack upon slavery, by the too ready and profuse de- 
 nunciation and invective indulged in by Garrison and men of 
 his type. They were instantly repelled by such methods and 
 by the extreme radicalism exhibited. 
 
 In the announcement of his position in the Liberatcr, dated 
 Boston, Jan. 1, 1831, Mr. Garrison gave no uncertain evidence 
 as to the course he meant to pursue : 'T am in earnest — I will 
 not equivocate — I will not excuse — I will not retreat a single 
 inch — ajid I will be Jicard." ^ 
 
 The whole North was tending to become humane and 
 philanthropic in sentiment and enterprise. Mrs. F. A. Kemble, 
 a northern lady of English birth, about 1837, married a south- 
 ern planter, and went to live with him on his large rice planta- 
 tion at Darien, Georgia, and soon found herself in relentless 
 opposition to slavery as she witnessed the system in full sway 
 in 1838-39. In correspondence with an intimate acquaint- 
 ance she depicted slavery as a hideous monster. Miss Harriet 
 
 1 Hurd, The Law of Freedom and Bondag-e. vol. II. pp. 161. 162. 
 
 2 Hart, American History told by Contemporaries, vol. Ill, pp. 595. 596. 
 
The Social System Attacked 21 
 
 Martineau, an English writer, visited America in 1835 and 
 traveled through the South making a study of the conditions 
 peculiar to slavery, and in her book, published in 1837, "So- 
 ciety in America," she gives full account of what she saw and 
 the impressions she received. Under the "Advertisement" in 
 "A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States," the following 
 description is given of Mr. F. L. Olmsted by the publisher: "In 
 the year 1853, the author of this work made a journey through 
 the Seaboard Slave States, and gave an account of his obser- 
 vations in the New York Daily Times, under the signature of 
 'Yeoman.' Those letters excited some attention, and their 
 publication in a book was announced ; but before preparing 
 them for the press, the author had occasion to make a second 
 and longer visit to the South." ^ Wave after wave of effort 
 on the part of numerous writers and reformers was put forth 
 to bring slavery into opprobrium and disrepute, and from 1830 
 to 1860 slavery had a checkered and troubled existence in the 
 South. 
 
 Public opinion in the northern free states was for a full 
 generation in a seething, fermenting, chaotic state. Freedom 
 for the slave was resting its case largely in the hands of 
 propagandists, most of whom meant well no doubt, but among 
 them there was every variety of theory and solution of 
 slavery, but no unanimity of sentiment, and no focusing with 
 unanimity of action on some one main course of procedure. 
 
 In a word, the one outstanding characteristic of northern 
 public sentiment on the question and solution of slavery was 
 its lack of unanimity. Men, not a few there were, who did 
 not feel kindly disposed toward slavery, but among them there 
 was pronounced lack of concurrent action. And notwithstand- 
 ing the increasing agitation brought about by the organiza- 
 tion of the anti-slavery party, the diversity of view in dealing 
 with slavery persisted, in some cases with increasing complexity 
 down to the Civil War, and even into it. There was with 
 many much of the spirit of compromise, a deep-felt tendency 
 to a recasting and readjusting of half-formed opinions on 
 slavery, anti-slavery, or abolitionism. On the part of many 
 there was a transference of allegiance and support from an 
 attitude of mild anti-slavery sentiment to one less conciliatory 
 in method and tone, or vice versa. It was a day in the North 
 
 1 F. L. Olmsted, Seaboard Slave States, p. iii, 1904 edition. 
 
22 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 of conversion from one faith to another. The anti-slavery 
 agitators, the most uncompromising abohtionists, and the pro- 
 slavery leaders, tried every man's faith of what sort it was.^ 
 "Prison reformers, prohibitionists, and Mormons argued, pub- 
 lished, and declaimed ; why not abolitionists ? But as soon as 
 they attracted the attention of the south, they found enemies 
 at home : the community was shocked by what they thought 
 the antics of the abolitionists, their loud and violent speeches, 
 the association of women, the exaltation of the negroes, who 
 were the most despised element in the northern as well as the 
 southern states." ^ 
 
 Well-known public men like John Quincy Adams, Abbott 
 Lawrence, Rufus Choate, and frontier leaders like Lewis Cass, 
 Salmon P. Chase and Abraham Lincoln although anti-slavery 
 in sentiment remained outside the pale of abolitionism of the 
 Garrisonian type and professed themselves as opposed to the 
 methods and radicalism of the abolition leaders.^ 
 
 "In New England and outside arose anti-slavery men like 
 Adams, who never acted with him, and plenty of abolitionists 
 who never accepted allegiance to him ; while many of his 
 earlier followers cast ofif his leadership and pursued ends of 
 which he disapproved. Three groups of non-Garrisonian 
 abolitionists may be distinguished — the New England, the mid- 
 dle state, and the western. In New England one of the great 
 moral forces was Dr. William Ellery Channing, Unitarian 
 minister in Boston and Newport. His sympathy was naturally 
 with the movement, but he disliked Garrison's severity of tone 
 and method, and was unmoved by a personal appeal from Gar- 
 rison in January, 1834."'* 
 
 Not only was there discord between Garrison and the 
 middle state and western groups, but wide breaches among 
 the abolitionists in New England. "That Garrison made no 
 effort to build up a following in the middle and western states 
 was partly due to a series of conflicts within the eastern 
 abolitionists, which led, after five or six years of strife, to 
 a weakening split. The main grounds of difference between 
 the Garrisonians and other abolitionists were five — personal 
 
 1 Cf. The Slave Power, p. 31. 
 
 2 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, pp. 242, 243. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 243. 
 t Ibid., p. 188. 
 
The Social System Attacked 23 
 
 disagreements, the status of women, the Bible, non-resistance, 
 and poHtics." ^ 
 
 Grounds of opposition and disaffection portending the 
 waning influence and power of Garrison were fast coming to 
 a head, and in 1840 at a meeting of the aboUtionists a vote of 
 450 in opposition to his leadership out of a total of 1,010 votes 
 cast, proved the signal for the organization of a new society 
 called the "American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society." - 
 
 "The effect of the split was shown by the treasurer's report 
 of the original American society, the annual income dropping 
 immediately from $47,000 to $7,000, and for fifteen years it 
 did not rise above $12,000. The number of local societies 
 and of members also at once diminished and was never recov- 
 ered. The new society never had any such galaxy of journal- 
 ists and speakers, and was unable to concentrate the western 
 societies, which by this time, were changing into political 
 organizations; and, after 1840, abolition as a national force 
 was giving way to the anti-slavery movement stirred by the 
 efforts to annex Texas." ^ 
 
 After 1840 arguments among the northern anti-slavery 
 leaders were concentrated more and more about a few 
 leading principles and ideas. First of all may be mentioned 
 the cruelty and inhumanity of slavery as a system. Mrs. 
 Kemble's "A Residence on a Georgian Plantation," and Mr. 
 Olmsted's accounts of his journeys through the South are 
 ample in depiction of the cruelty of many of the overseers 
 to the slaves, of the neglected and uncared for among them, 
 especially the female slaves in child-bearing. 
 
 The slave-market is described by Martineau and other 
 travelers as a place where much cruelty was tolerated, and 
 the occasion of auctioneering slaves described as parallel in 
 manner and method with that employed in a common stock 
 market. The treatment of the slaves as if they were horses 
 or cattle, the custom of ascertaining the soundness of their 
 limbs and various physical organs, of examining their teeth 
 and inspecting them for scars as evidence of an intractable 
 character, in order to bid intelligently for them when auctioned 
 off — all this proved shocking indeed to the men and women 
 
 1 Ibid., p. 197. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 201. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 201. 
 
24 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 not accustomed to the sight of it. Said the Rev. Nehemiah 
 Adams in 1854: "There are some men to whom a negro is 
 merely an ox or an ass. They buy, sell, work, treat, talk about, 
 their 'niggers' as about cattle — hard, sharp, vulgar men. * ''" " '^ 
 
 The following account of a slave auction in Savannah, 
 Georgia, appeared in the Nczc^ York Tribune in 1859: "The 
 slaves remained at the race-course, son'ic of them for more 
 than a week and all of them for four d:iys before sale. They 
 were brought in thus early that buyers who desired to inspect 
 them might enjoy that privilege, although none of them were 
 sold at private sale. For these preliminary days their shed was 
 constantly visited by speculators. The negroes were examined 
 with as little consideration as if they had been brutes indeed; 
 the buyers pulling their mouths open to see their teeth, pinching 
 their limbs to find how muscular they were, walking them up 
 and down to detect any signs of lameness, making them stoop 
 and bend in different ways that they might be certain there 
 was no concealed rupture or wound ; and in addition to all this 
 treatment, asking them scores of questions relative to their 
 qualifications and accomplishments. * * * "Look at me, 
 Mas'r; am prime rice planter; sho' you won' find a better man 
 den me ; no better on de whole plantation : not a bit old yet ; 
 do mo' work den ever ; do carpenter work, too, little ; better 
 buy me, Mas'r ; I'se be good sarvant, Mas'r. Molly, too, my 
 wife, Sa, fus rate rice hand ; mos' as good as me. Stan' out 
 yer, Molly, and let the gen'lm'n see." - 
 
 The pressure of the system of slavery as it was exerted on 
 the slave in the more remunerative areas was stoutly attacked. 
 "It is in Cuba, at this day, whose revenues are reckoned by 
 millions, and whose planters are princes, that we see, in the 
 servile class, the coarsest fare, the most exhausting and unre- 
 mitting toil, and even the absolute destruction of a portion of 
 its numbers every year, by the slow torture of overwork and 
 msufficient sleep and rest. In our own country, is it in Mary- 
 land and Virginia that slaves fare the worst, or is it in the sugar 
 regions of Louisiana and Texas, where the scale of profits sug- 
 gests the calculation of using them up in a given number of 
 years as a matter of economy?"^ 
 
 1 Hart, American History told by Contemporaries, vol. IV, p. 66. 
 
 2 Ibid., vol. IV. pp. 76, 77. 
 
 :; Weston, Progress of Slavery in the United States; pp. 132, 133; cf. The 
 Slave Power, p. 73. 
 
The Social System Attacked 25 
 
 One of the most insistent arguments which the opponents 
 of slavery urged against the southern regime was on behalf 
 of the "poor whites." The economic system so essentially 
 linked with the social structure was seriously and sorely called 
 in question. The agitators in the free states and in foreign 
 countries argued that the landless whites had been made the 
 scape-goats of a system solely in the interest of their more 
 wealthy neighbors, and that their prospects of betterment 
 and jDrogress were continually menaced by the prevailing 
 social and economic system. Says Mr. Cairnes : "The mean 
 whites, as has been shown, are the natural growth of the 
 slave system ; their existence and character flowing necessarily 
 from two facts — the slaves, which render the capitalist inde- 
 pendent of their services, and the wilderness, the constant 
 feature of slave countries, which enables them to exist without 
 engaging in regular work." ^ 
 
 A lady teacher from New Hampshire who taught school 
 in Georgia between 1840 and 1850, writing of the conditions 
 of slavery, says of the poor whites : "If they should ever cherish 
 a desire for any other life than such as the brutes might lead, 
 it would be all in vain, for the present institutions and state 
 of society at the South are calculated to paralyze every energy 
 of both body and mind. They are not treated with half the 
 respect by the rich people that the slaves are, and even the 
 slaves themselves look upon them as their inferiors. I have 
 seen the servants when one of these poor women came into the 
 planter's house, dressed in her homespun frock, bonnet and 
 shawl, collect together in an adjoining room or on the piazza 
 and indulge in a fit of laughter and ridicule about her 'cracker 
 gown and bonnet,' as they would call them." ^ 
 
 Says Mr. Cairnes in further indictment of the slave power : 
 "How are railways to be made profitable in a population of 
 fifteen persons to the square mile? * * * * In South Carolina 
 a train has been known to travel a hundred miles with a single 
 passenger. The mean whites seem thus, under an inexorable 
 law, to be bound to their present fate by the same chain which 
 holds the slave to his. Slavery produces distaste for industry. 
 Distaste for industry, co-existing with a wilderness which is 
 also the fruit of slavery, disperses population over vast areas 
 
 llbid., 78, 79. 
 
 2 Hart, American History told by Contemporaries, vol. IV, p. 60. 
 
26 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 as the one condition of its increase. Among such a people 
 the requisites of progress do not exist ; the very elements of 
 civilization are wanting." ^ 
 
 Sentiment in the North gradually grew with perceptible 
 increase in momentum in opposition to the southern social 
 and economic system for numerous reasons other than the in- 
 humanity to the slave and the economic injustice to the poor 
 white. Pressure from the anti-slavery and abolition leaders 
 made serious the charge that the slave codes, in contrast to the 
 mildness embodied in the laws in respect to the white man, 
 were of unmitigated severity. Equality had not been allowed 
 the slaves and free-negroes in strictly social affairs nor was 
 it possible that they should be regarded as equals before the 
 tribunals of justice. The double codes which seemed an in- 
 evitable evolution to the slave-master were an occasion among 
 the abolitionists of offence, and served further to unite them 
 in their arraignment of the southern social system. "A great 
 number of crimes not capital when committed by whites were 
 punishable by death if committed by a slave, including arson, 
 rape, conspiracy to rebel, striking a master or any member of 
 the master's family, resisting legal arrest or punishment, and 
 burglary." ^ 
 
 Throughout the period of slavery in the United States 
 the arguments which were marshalled for its downfall were 
 based mainly upon the idea and spirit of a republican govern- 
 ment guaranteed in the federal constitution ; upon rights 
 that were assumed as natural and not acquired; upon the 
 spirit of Christianity as described in the New Testament in 
 numerous and copious passages.^ The bad and injurious 
 aspects generally of the existence of slavery upon all classes, 
 and especially upon the slave and the poor white, were as- 
 sailed.^ Philemon 1:16 ff.. made use of by the abolitionists, 
 was one of their chief Scriptural weapons, because it showed 
 the great interest the apostle Paul took in a runaway slave and 
 the very humane and kindly feeling which the apostle cherished 
 for him as exhibited in the entreaty and charge sent to the 
 master, Philemon, on returning the slave, "no longer as a ser- 
 
 1 The Slave Power, p. 83. 
 
 2 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 115. 
 3Cf. Mk. 16:15; Rom. 12:10; Phil'm. 1.16 ff. 
 4 Cf. Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 166. 
 
The Social System Attacked 27 
 
 vant. but more than a servant, a brother beloved, specially to 
 me, but how much rather to thee, both in the liesh and in the 
 Lord." 
 
 The increasing decision and earnestness of the northern 
 people in their attack upon slavery are recognized more in 
 their methods than in their arguments, just as was true of the 
 southern people in their resistance. Perhaps as typical a 
 picture of the methods employed in opposition to the South as 
 one would be likely to find is that of the Editor of The 
 Charleston Mercury, R. B. Rhett, in 1860, in which he enters 
 vigorous protest against those methods. He says: "Have we 
 not, as a section, been insulted and oppressed, not only at home, 
 but in every Foreign Court in Christendom, by abolition fanat- 
 ics, who should, as citizens of the same Government, regard 
 us as brothers ? The leaders and oracles of the most powerful 
 party in the United States have denounced us as tyrants and 
 unprincipled heathens, through the whole civilized world. 
 They have preached it from their pulpits. They have de- 
 clared it in the halls of Congress and in their newspapers. 
 In their school-houses they have taught their children (who 
 are to rule this Government in the next generation) to look 
 upon the slaveholder as the especial disciple of the devil 
 himself. They have published books and pamphlets in which 
 the institution of slavery is held up to the world as a blot 
 and a stain upon the escutcheon of America's honor as a 
 nation. They have established Abolition Societies among them 
 for the purpose of raising funds — first to send troops to Kan- 
 sas to cut the throats of all the slaveholders there, and now 
 to send emissaries among us to incite our slaves to rebellion 
 against the authority of their masters, and thereby endanger 
 the lives of our people and the destruction of our property. 
 They have brought forth an open and avowed enemy to the 
 most cherished and important institution of the South, as 
 candidate for election to the Chief Magistracy of this Govern- 
 ment — the very basis of whose political principles is an un- 
 compromising hostility to the institution of slaver}^ under all 
 circumstances. They have virtually repealed the Fugitive 
 Slave Law, and declare their determination not to abide by 
 the decision of the Supreme Court, guaranteeing to us the right 
 to claim our property wherever found in the United States. 
 And, in every conceivable way, the whole Northern people. 
 
28 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 as a mass, have shown a most implacable hostility to us and 
 our most sacred rights ; and this, too, without the slightest 
 provocation on the part of the South." ^ 
 
 Agitation by every available means thus came at last in 
 the North to be employed in arousing and uniting public 
 sentiment into a determined, concurrent action in opposition 
 to the institution of slavery. By 1860 the line between North 
 and South had been quite unmistakably drawn, and because so 
 much of sectional feeling entered into the nature and char- 
 acter of the issue making war between the two, the marked 
 diversity of sentiment present in 1830 to 1845 among North- 
 erners had become much less marked. 
 
 Nevertheless, there were numerous ministers in the free 
 states down to 1860 and later, that were staunch defenders of 
 slavery. The day had not wholly passed when attitude, agitation 
 and sentiment among freemen of the North represented some- 
 thing of diversity of view, from the most radical and outspoken 
 denunciation of the southern regime to the warmest, most con- 
 vincing apologetic for the slave-master. The Rev. Dr. Henry 
 J. Van Dyke of Brooklyn was thoroughly pro-slavery in his 
 views and in his pulpit in 1860 delivered a strong pro-slavery 
 sermon.^ There was pressure and counter-pressure therefore 
 between types like Beecher and Van Dyke, both notable in 
 rendering ministerial service in the same great city in the 
 same epoch-making period of the nineteenth century. 
 
 The various methods and means of agitating the question 
 of slavery and abolition employed by the North were success- 
 ful only in part. This fact assists us in forming a judgment of 
 the importance which attaches to the sociological principle 
 of social pressure in the achievement of its purpose, even under 
 the most forbidding circumstances. The fight between the 
 North and the South was for a generation and more pressure 
 against pressure. In accordance with a distinction made by 
 Professor Giddings, however, there were primary and second- 
 ary pressures exhibited, of which account must be taken. 
 Primary social pressure, according to Professor Giddings, re- 
 fers to the organized forms and media in which and through 
 which concerted opinion and will, express themselves by con- 
 
 1 Hart, American History told by Contemporaries, vol. IV, p. 160. 
 
 2 Of. H. J. Van Dyke, The Character and Influence of Abolitionism, 
 
 Sermon. 
 
The Social System Attacked 29 
 
 current social action, including standards and types ; and sec- 
 ondary social pressure refers to the measure of the effective- 
 ness or success of the primary social pressure. For example, 
 legislation is primary social pressure ; the measure of its 
 enforcement, secondary social pressure.^ With respect to 
 the early period of the abolition movement it may be held 
 that it created considerable primary social pressure ; means 
 and methods, and societies for the propagation of the abolition 
 doctrines were multitudinous, but all this early attempted inter- 
 ference with slavery was generally ineffective, failing, as has 
 been shown, in the accomplishment of its purpose. Secondary 
 social pressure was practically at zero. Immediately after 
 1840, however, the method of primary social pressure among 
 anti-slavery men was changed, there being a pronounced tend- 
 ency to organize opposition to slavery into a political party. 
 This being done eventually, there was apparently less provoca- 
 tion and inclination to a multiplicity of method, and the way 
 was paved through concurrent, concerted primary social pres- 
 sure to the sure and inevitable overthrow of the Old South. 
 The completeness of the suppression and overturning of the 
 southern social and economic structure is the adequate measure 
 of secondary social pressure as it was exerted by the northern 
 states. The effectual nullification by northern states of the 
 Dred Scott decision handed down by the Supreme Court is one 
 of the most interesting, and, to southern men, was one of the 
 most grievous specimens of secondary social pressure ever 
 exerted against the slave-master. This pressure was embodied 
 and carried out under acts known as the "personal liberty laws" 
 of the northern states, notably New York and Massachusetts. 
 
 A sample of the severity of these personal liberty acts is 
 given in ''A Personal-Liberty Act" passed by Massachusetts 
 in 1855. Section 15 reads: "Any sheriff, deputy sheriff, jailer, 
 coroner, constable or other officer of this Commonwealth, or 
 the police of any city or town, or any district, county, city 
 or town officer, or any officer or other member of the volun- 
 teer militia of this Commonwealth, who shall hereafter arrest, 
 imprison, detain or return, or aid in arresting, imprisoning, 
 detaining or returning, any person for the reason that he is 
 claimed or adjudged to be a fugitive from service or labor, shall 
 
 1 Cf. Social Self-Control. Political Science Quarterly, vol. XXTV, pp. 581. 582. 
 
30 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 be punished by fine * * * and by imprisonment. * * * " ^ 
 Referring to this measure Professor Hart says : "This statute 
 is a fair sample of those passed by nine other states in the 
 north. They were not caused by the Fugitive-Slave Law itself 
 so much as by the Kansas-Nebraska Act, but they approxi- 
 mated a nullification of the former law and helped to make it 
 a dead letter. The personal-liberty laws were the most serious 
 grievance of the south in 1861."^ The spirit and temper of 
 the northern people, by agitation and legislative enactment, by 
 widespread diffusion of literature, by voice and by pen, and 
 by every conceivable method, were fast coming to focus in the 
 "irrepressible conflict" between hostile and belligerent States 
 of a well-nigh severed and dismembered Union. 
 
 1 Hart, AmeiMcan History told by Contemporaries, vol. IV, p. 96. 
 
 2 Ibid., Introductory note. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE DEFENSE OF THE SOCIAL SYSTEM 
 
 The conditions and circumstances under which the pre- 
 vailing social order of the South was defended were in es- 
 sential and various respects different from the circumstances 
 of its impeachment in the northern states. In the first place 
 the North was not under the necessity of maintaining a large 
 patrol system in the management and control of a servile 
 race ; the negroes in the free states, for the reason that they 
 comprised so small a fraction of the population, were not the 
 occasion of menace and alarm that they were in the South. 
 Whatever of opposition a denunciation of slavery in the North 
 might occasion, the conflict between anti-slavery and pro- 
 slavery sentiment was between members of the white race, 
 who for the most part retained their sense of responsibility 
 and self-control. Apprehension and solicitation for the public 
 safety were not involved. A different state of affairs existed 
 in the South, where large numbers of negroes swelled the 
 population, many of them fresh from Africa and scarce re- 
 moved from the instinctive habits of savage life. The in- 
 surrection by Nat Turner, a negro preacher, in Southampton 
 county, Virginia, in 1831, created widespread apprehension; 
 and, occurring as it did, simultaneously with the rising tide of 
 Garrisonian abolition in New England, it had decisive effect in 
 uniting the people in defense of their common interest and 
 safety. Says Professor Hart : "In the discussion the south 
 had a technical advantage in that not a single southern public 
 man of large reputation and influence failed to stand by slavery ; 
 while from the northern ranks some, like Webster, stifled their 
 natural objections ; others, like Cass, 'Northern men with 
 Southern principles,' ranged themselves alongside their south- 
 ern brothers in an open defence of slavery" ^ 
 
 The southern states in thus demonstrating a pronounced 
 unanimity of sentiment and action present a marked unlike- 
 ness to the free states in their equivocal, vacillating, and in- 
 coherent condition. 
 
 1 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, pp. 137, 138. 
 
t 
 
 32 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 The divided North for several years made all the more 
 formidable the pro-slavery sentiment in the South ; and in the 
 North men and women too were not unseldom disconcerted 
 in their frenzy and determination to preach a crusade of aboli- 
 tion. "In June, 1831, when an attempt was made to plant a 
 kind of manual-training school in New Haven, a public meet- 
 ing declared that 'the founding of colleges for educating 
 colored people is an unwarrantable and dangerous interference 
 with the internal concerns of other states, and ought to be 
 discouraged.' The school had to be given up, as did a similar 
 attempt at Canaan, New Hampshire, where three hundred 
 men appeared with a hundred yoke of oxen and pulled the 
 school-house into a neighboring swamp." ^ In a letter from 
 an Elder in an Old School Presbyterian Church to his son at 
 College, dated New York, April 22, 1863, a strong pro- 
 slavery position is taken, as follows: "In a recent letter 
 you remark, 'Wayland is down on Slavery, and tries to 
 prove that it is wrong from the Bible.' You know that I re- 
 gard Anti-Slavery as a false god, which, forewarned as you 
 have been, you will not surely worship. As the views I 
 entertain on this subject are the result of at least twenty 
 years of careful thought and study, and form a part of my 
 religious faith, you can imagine the importance I attach to 
 them. In full view of my accountability to my Maker, I shall 
 proceed to give you my conclusions upon this subject, with 
 some reasons therefor ; and I demand of you, as you shall 
 answer at the great day, that you give the profoundest con- 
 sideration to what I shall write, and determine its truth or 
 falsity by a comparison with Scripture alone. The fashionable 
 way is to interpret the Bible so as to conform to the accepted 
 theories of the age. I would have you bring them all to the 
 Bible, and accept them only wherein they conform to its teach- 
 ings."- On Sunday evening, December 9, 1860, the Reverend 
 Henry J. Van Dyke preached in his church, the First Presby- 
 terian, of Brooklyn, N. Y., a sermon on "The Character and 
 Influence of Abolitionism." He arranged his discourse under 
 the four following headings: "1. Abolitionism has no founda- 
 tion in Scripture. II. The Principles of Abolition have been 
 
 1 Ibid., pp. 244, 245. 
 
 i A Letter from an Elder in an Old School Presbyterian Church to his 
 Son at College, p. 3. 
 
The Defense of the Social System 33 
 
 propagated chiefly by misrepresentation and abuse. III. Abo- 
 lition leads, in multitudes of cases, and by a logical process, to 
 utter infidelity. IV. Abolitionism is the chief cause of the 
 strife that agitates and the danger that threatens our country." ^ 
 If one is desirous of understanding the reaction of the slave- 
 holder to the doctrines of the abolitionists, Dr. Van Dyke's 
 ideas in regard to abolitionism are interesting. "This is the . 
 fundamental, the characteristic, the essential principle of Abo- V 
 litionism — that slaveholding is sin — that holding men in in- 
 voluntary servitude is an infringement upon the rights of man, 
 a heinous crime in the sight of God, * * * It is by this 
 doctrine that it lays hold upon the hearts and consciences of 
 men, that it comes as a disturbing force into our ecclesiastical 
 and civil institutions, and by exciting religious animosity, 
 (which all history proves to be the strongest of human pas- 
 sions), imparts a peculiar intensity to every contest into which 
 it enters."- It was but natural therefore that men of the 
 South should come to regard the teaching and agitation 
 of the abolition doctrines as a violation and infringement of 
 good faith among brothers in the compact of federated states. 
 It was considered nothing less than impeachment of personal 
 character and integrity, and the southern white man felt he 
 was in honor bound to defend the rights, customs and tradi- 
 tions upon which his life had been based and out of which it 
 had grown. 
 
 One of the principal apologies offered in the defense of 
 slavery was that it was a positive good for the negro. It was 
 a boon fraught with great blessing that the slave could 
 have the protection of a white master who should be responsi- 
 ble for his food and clothes, and take some interest in his 
 moral advancement. This was far better than that the negro 
 should remain in an unenlightened, semi-savage condition in 
 the jungles of Africa. Stringfellow for example says : "We 
 assert that negro-slavery, as it exists in the United States, is 
 neither a moral nor a political evil, but on the contrary, is a 
 blessing to the white race and to the negro. * * * " "Slav- 
 ery is no evil to the negro. If we look at the condition 
 of the negro in Africa, the land of his nativity, we find the 
 
 1 The Character and Influence of Abolitionism, a Sermon, pp. 10, 22, 
 
 29, 31. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 8. 
 
34 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 most pitiable victim of a cruel master, the most wretched 
 slave in America, when contrasted with a prince of his tribe 
 in the deserts of Africa, is as a man contrasted with a beast!" -^ 
 
 Slavery, it was argued, was also beneficial to both the 
 master and the non-slaveholding white man. The greater 
 freedom of the master afforded him opportunity for interest 
 in the more leisurely and less exacting affairs of life, for the 
 more refined and ennobling avocations comporting with his 
 station as gentleman. It was commented on and served as an 
 apology that southerners were received in England with 
 greater respect than was accorded the northern man. 
 
 As showing the reasons for the united effort of all white 
 persons outside the chief slaveholding class, Mr. De Bow, the 
 well-known editor of De Boiv's Rcz'iczv, advanced arguments 
 so convincing that we give them in full, as follows : "The poor 
 men of the South are the holders of one to five slaves, and it 
 woidd be equally consistent with truth and justice to say that 
 they represent, in reality, its slaveholding interest. * * * " 
 
 "(1) The non-slaveholder of the South is assured that the 
 remuneration afforded by his labor, over and above the ex- 
 pense of living, is larger than that which is afforded by the 
 same labor in the free States. To be convinced of this, he has 
 only to compare the value of labor in the Southern cities with 
 those of the North, and to take note annually of the large 
 number of laborers who are represented to be out of employ- 
 ment there, and who migrate to our shores, as well as to 
 other sections. No white laborer, in return, has been forced 
 to leave our midst, or remain without employment. * * * " 
 
 "(2) The non-slcrveholders, as a class, are not reduced by 
 the necessity of our condition, as is the case in the free States, 
 to find employment in crowded cities, arid come into competi- 
 tion in close and sickly workshops and factories, with remorse- 
 less and untiring machinery. * * * " 
 
 "(3) The non-slaveholder is not subjected to that compe- 
 tition with foreign pauper labor which has degraded the free 
 labor of the North, and demoralized it to an extent zvhich 
 perhaps can never be estimated. * * * " 
 
 "(4) The non-slaveholder of the South preserves the status 
 
 1 B. F. Stringfellow, Slavery a Positive Good. (1S54) in Hart, American 
 History told by Contemporaries, vol. IV, p. 68. 
 
The Defense of the Social System 35 
 
 of the white m^n, and is not regarded as an inferior or a 
 dependent. * * * " 
 
 "(5) The non-slaveholder knows that as soon as his sav- 
 ings zuill admit, he can become a slaveholder, and thus relieve 
 his wife from the necessities of the kitchen and the laundry, 
 and his children frctn the labors of the f.cld. This, with ordi- 
 nary frugality, can in general be accomplished in a few years, 
 and is a process continually going on. * * * "' 
 
 "(6) The large slaveholders and proprietors of the South 
 begin life in great part as non-slaveholders. =*•**" 
 
 "(7) But, should such fortune not be in reserve for the 
 ncm-slaveholder, he will understand that by honesty and in- 
 dustry it may be realised to his children. More than one gen- 
 eration of poverty in a family is scarcely to be expected at the 
 South, and is against the general experience. * * * " 
 
 '"(8) The sons of the non-slaveholder are and have always 
 been among the leading and ruling spirits of the South, in in- 
 dustry as well as in politics. Every man's experience in his 
 own neighborhood will evince this. He has but to task his 
 memory. In this class are the McDuffies, Langdon Cheeves, 
 Andrew Jacksons, Henry Clays, and Rusks, of the past ; the 
 Hammonds, Yanceys, Orrs, Memmingers, Benjamins, Stephens, 
 Soules, Browns of Mississippi, Simms, Porters, Magraths, 
 Aikens, Maunsel Whites, and an innumerable host of the 
 present, and what is to be noted, these men have not been 
 made demagogues for that reason, as in other quarters, but 
 are among the most conservative among us. Nowhere else 
 have intelligence and virtue, disconnected from ancestral 
 estates, the same opportunities for advancement, and nowhere 
 else is their triumph more speedy and signal. * * * " 
 
 "(9) Without the institution of slavery the great staple 
 products of the South zvould cease to be gronm, and the im- 
 mense annual results tvhich are distributed among every class 
 of the community, and tvhich give life to every branch of indus- 
 try, would cease. * * * " 
 
 "(10) // emancipation be brought about, as zvill, undoubt- 
 edly be the case, unless the encroachments of the fanatical 
 majc<rities of the North are resisted nozv, the slaveholders in 
 the main, anil escape the degrading equality which must residt, 
 by emigration, for which they have the means, by disposing of 
 
36 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 their personal cliattels, zvhile the non-slaveholders, without 
 these resources, would be compelled to remain and endure the 
 degradation. * * " ^ 
 
 The beneficent influence upon the womanhood of the 
 South was one of the chief apologies offered for slavery. Mr. 
 Stringfellow of Missouri discussing "Slavery a Positive Good,'' 
 has this to say of its relation to woman: "Not only does negro 
 slavery thus elevate the character of the white man, it en- 
 nobles woman. Relieved by the slave from the abject toil, the 
 servile condition to which the white woman is so often sub- 
 jected by necessity where negro slavery does not exist, and 
 which strips her of woman's greatest charm, modesty ; which 
 makes of her the rude, drudging, despised servant of a harsh 
 master ; the white woman becomes, as she is fitted to be, not 
 the slave, but the queen of her household, fit mate for a sover- 
 eign." ^ 
 
 If the abolitionists urged the cruelty of slave-masters and 
 overseers as an argument for emancipation, the defend- 
 ers of the system on the other hand could cite instance after 
 instance of the exceeding humanity and kindness of the slave- 
 master. Men like Col. Thomas Dabney of Mississippi could 
 be cited whose influence as a good and kind master extended 
 beyond the bounds of his own State.^ It was also submitted 
 that the most cruel masters were northern men who had mar- 
 ried southern heiresses. 
 
 The system of slavery was guaranteed in the federal Con- 
 stitution and representation in Congress had been based from 
 the foundation of the government upon the unequal status 
 of the slave to the white man in the ratio of three to five, 
 the latter number in slaves being requisite to a count of three 
 whites in estimating the representation the states were en- 
 titled to in Congress. Moreover, precedent was on the side 
 of the slave-holder. Had not the Jewish nation to whom had 
 been committed the oracles of Jehovah from patriarchal times 
 recognized the divine appointment of slavery, and prospered, 
 too, with it as one of its chief institutions? "Hagar was a 
 slave, 'and the angel of the Lord said unto her. Return to thy 
 
 1 De Bow's Review, vol. XXX. p. 68 ff. 
 
 S Hart, American History told by Contemporaries, vol. IV, p. 69. 
 
 » Cf Smedes. A SotUhern Planter. 
 
The Defense of the Social System 37 
 
 mistress, and submit thyself under her hands.' " ^ Says 
 Professor Hart : "Another Scriptural argument, a thou- 
 sand times repeated, goes back to the unseemly behavior 
 of Ham, youngest son of Noah and father of Canaan ; when 
 the old patriarch 'drank of the wine, and was drunken.' 
 And he said. 'Cursed be Canaan ; a servant of servants shall 
 he be unto his brethren. * * * ' " 2 Besides, slavery was 
 a flourishing and cherished institution in the days when 
 Greece and Rome were at the zenith of their power. Aris- 
 totle had recognized and approved it ; and at a later time 
 the greatest of all moral teachers, the Christ, had not con- 
 demned it ; and still later the greatest of the Apostles, not 
 only in numerous epistles recognized the validity and compe- 
 tency of ownership of slaves as property, but, in returning 
 Onesimus to his master Philemon, set a precedent utilized later 
 to buttress the Fugitive Slave Law. ^ So the social ideal of 
 the southern people, it was held, was justified not only by the 
 authority of precedent among the Christian and the leading 
 non-Christian nations for thousands of years, but what was 
 more than all, it had the sanction of Scripture. 
 
 What was a great advantage to the South in uniting all 
 elements in concurrent action was its pronounced sense of 
 religious harmony. "A Mississippian," writing on "Our 
 Country — Its Hopes and Fears," says : "In religious sentiment 
 the South stands a unit. Its pure doctrines are linked in- 
 separably, though not by legal constraint, with the laws of the 
 land. Religious persecution and intolerance are unknown 
 among us. No 'isms and schisms rankle in our hearts. * * * 
 Mormonism, freeloveism, and higherlawism, with their teach- 
 ings so sensual in morals and so dangerous in politics, disturb 
 not our harmony. What human tongue can tell the effect of 
 such moral unity! * * * With this view of things eternal, let 
 us turn to matters temporal." * 
 
 Energetic suppression of attacks upon slavery was as 
 stoutly championed in some parts of New England between 
 1830 and 1840 as in the South. "The announcement that George 
 
 1 Cf. Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 13S: cf. also Gen. XVI. 9; Ex. XXI. 
 
 20. 21. 
 
 2 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 140. 
 
 3 Philemon 1:12-14. 
 
 4 De Bow"s Review, vol. XXIX, p. 84. 
 
38 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 Thompson was to speak at a meeting of the Female Anti- 
 Slavery Society, in 1835, brought out a handbill as follows: 
 'Thompson — the obolitionist. That infamous foreign scoundrel 
 Thompson will hold forth this afternoon at the Liberator of- 
 fice, No. 48 Washington Street. The present is a fair oppor- 
 tunity for the friends of the Union to snake Thompson out!'" ^ 
 This same notice announces $100 as a reward to 
 the individual who should first lay violent hands upon Thomp- 
 son so that he might be brought to the tar-kettle before dark. 
 Thompson did not arrive, but Garrison did, and vio- 
 lent hands were put upon him. A rope was put 
 around his body and he was dragged through the 
 streets, a plight from which he was eventually rescued 
 only by the intervention of the mayor of the city. This oc- 
 curred in Boston and not in Charleston, but notwithstanding, 
 it is fairly representative of the temper and method which 
 were in evidence on the lower side of the Potomac. By a 
 statute of Georgia, December 26, 1831, "five thousand dollars 
 was appropriated 'to be paid to any person or persons who 
 shall arrest, bring to trial and prosecute to conviction, under 
 the laws of this state, the editor or publisher of a certain 
 paper called the Liberator.' " "" "An Alabama minister wrote : 
 'Let your emissaries dare to cross the Potomac, and I cannot 
 promise you that your fate will be less than Haman's' " ^ It 
 appears that in Petersburg, Virginia, in 1832, a bookseller 
 named Robinson, for saying that the slaves ought to be emanci- 
 pated, was whipped and driven from the town ; and that John 
 Lamb was tarred and feathered and badly burned and whipped 
 for taking the Liberator. * "Amos Dresser, a student of Lane 
 Seminary and of Oberlin, in 1835, while on a colporteur trip to 
 the south * * * was found in possession of an anti-slavery paper 
 * * * for which he was severely whipped and expelled from the 
 south." ^ Describing the circumstances, Miss Martineau says : 
 "He was brought to trial by the Committee of Vigilance ; seven 
 elders of the Presbyterian church at Nashville being among 
 his judges. After much debate as to whether he should be 
 hanged, or flogged with more or fewer lashes, he was con- 
 
 1 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, pp. 246, 247. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 289. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 235. 
 
 4 Of. Ibid., p. 236. 
 
 5 Ibid., p. 236. 
 
The Defense of the Social System 39 
 
 demned to receive twenty lashes, with a cow-hide, in the mar- 
 ket-place of Nashville." ^ 
 
 Pressure in Congress and throughout the nation 
 was strongly felt from 1830 to the opening of the 
 Civil War. Miss Martineau, writing of her visit to the United 
 States in 1835-36, says : "When I entered the United States, 
 there was an absolute and most ominous silence in Con- 
 gress about Slavery. Almost every leading man there told me 
 in conversation that it was the grand question of all ; that 
 nearly all other questions were much affected, or wholly deter- 
 mined by it ; yet no one even alluded to it in public. Before I 
 left, it had found its way into both houses." ^ 
 
 One of the strongest defenses made and one that served 
 effectually to unite the South in resistance to the abolitionists 
 was that made in opposition to amalgamation of the white and 
 black races. Mr. W. W. Wright of New Orleans, writing in 
 1860 on the subject of amalgamation, says: "Shall the white 
 and black races in America abandon all distinctions of color, 
 and unite, socially and politically as one people? Shall the 
 warp of Anglo-Saxon civilization, now thrown across the great 
 North American continent, be crossed by the woof of Ethiopian 
 barbarism? * * * " 
 
 "We attach more importance to the opinions of Dr. Nott 
 on this subject, than to those of almost any other writer who 
 has examined it, because we know of no one who has paid 
 much attention to it whose experience has been so large as 
 that of this gentleman." The following are the propositions 
 maintained by this physician : '1. That mulattoes are the short- 
 est lived of any class of the hutnan race. 2. That mulattoes 
 are intermediate in intelligence between the blacks and the 
 whites. 3. That they are less capable of undergoing fatigue 
 and hardships, than either the blacks or the whites. 4. That 
 the mulatto women are peculiarly delicate, and subject to a 
 variety of chronic diseases. They are bad breeders, bad nurses, 
 liable to abortions, and their children generally die young. 
 5. That when mulattoes intermarry, they are less prolific than 
 when crossed on the parent stocks.' Twelve years 
 later, in 1854, Dr. Nott writes as follows : 'Almost fifty years 
 
 1 Society in America, vol. I, p. 372. 
 
 2 Ibid., vol. I, p. 44. 
 
40 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 of residence among the white and black races, spread in nearly 
 equal proportions through South Carolina and Alabama, and 
 twenty-five years' incessant professional intercourse with both, 
 have satisfied me of the absolute truth of the preceding de- 
 ductions.' " ^ Referring to Howison, the historian of \'irginia, 
 Mr. Wright remarks: "The free negroes and mulattoes are 
 unquestionably, says this historian, the most zicious and cor- 
 rupting of the varied materials composing our social system."^ 
 "This aversion to hybridity, then, is the safeguard of the 
 people — the pledge to future generations, yet unborn, that they 
 shall be brought into the tvorld zvith noble instincts, and 
 healthy bodies, instead of imth vicious proclivities and dis- 
 eaised organi::ations."^ Completing this argument the 
 writer on this important subject remarks : "It is curious that 
 the Mosaic law forbids, even in material things, anything 
 approaching amalgamation : 'Thou shalt not sow thy vineyard 
 with divers seeds. Thou shalt not plough with an ox and an 
 ass together. Thou shalt not wear a garment of divers sorts, 
 as of woollen and linen, together. * * * ' " ^ 
 
 In matters and methods of legislation the various southern 
 states were active in adopting long and threatening reports in 
 respect to the encouragement of abolition meetings in the 
 northern states, and in making peremptory demands on the 
 northern states in regard to their virtual annulment of the 
 fugitive slave law by passing personal liberty acts. "Thus 
 the legislature of South Carolina, in 1835, 'announces her 
 confident expectation and she earnestly requests, that the 
 government of these [non-slave-holding] States will promptly 
 and effectually suppress all those associations within their re- 
 spective limits purporting to be abolition societies * * *.'"^ 
 It is a well-known fact that the majority of the Supreme 
 Court Justices through the period of slavery were favorable 
 to the institution. Better evidence of this leaning and bias 
 the abolitionists did not need than the famous Dred Scott 
 Decision handed down in 1857 by Chief Justice Taney. In 
 this decision the chief justice said that negroes, 'had been 
 
 1 De Bow's Review, vol. XXIX. p. 1 ff; of. Types of Mankind, cliap. 12. 
 
 2 De Bow's Review, vol. XXIX, p. 9. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 14. 
 
 4 Ibid., p. 20; cf. Deut. XXII, 9, 10. 11. 
 
 5 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, pp. 236, 237. 
 
The Defense of the Social System 41 
 
 regarded as unfit to associate with the white race, either in 
 social or political relations, and so far inferior that they had 
 no rights which the white man was bound to respect, and 
 that the negro might justly and lazufully he reduced to slavery 
 for his benefit; that this opinion zvas, at that time, fixed and 
 universal in the civili::cd portion of the zvhite race, and was 
 regarded as an axiom in mC'rals as well as politics, zvhich no 
 one thought of disputing, or supposed to be open to dispute." ^ 
 
 Speaking further of the development of political influence 
 by the slave power, Cairnes says : "With such success had the 
 process been carried on, that in 1855, although the North had 
 always furnished by far the greatest share of legal talent and 
 learning to the bar of the Union, out of the nine judges who 
 constituted the Supreme Court of the United States, five were 
 Southern men and slaveholders, and the rest, though not 
 natives of the South, were known to be in their sympathies 
 strongly Southern." - 
 
 To the same effect Professor Hart says : "In the national 
 government the influence of the great slave-holders was para- 
 mount during the whole period from 1815 to 1860. Of the five 
 northern presidents — John Ouincy Adams, Van Buren, Fill- 
 more, Pierce, and Buchanan — not one stood against the pro- 
 slavery men while in office." ^ 
 
 Writing of the almost hysterical condition to which the 
 southern people had been brought in 1835 by the circulation 
 of abolition literature, Postmaster-General Kendall, says: "So 
 aggravated is the character of those papers that the people of 
 the southern states with an unanimity never witnessed except 
 in cases of extreme danger, have evinced, in public meetings 
 and by other demonstrations, a determination to seek defence 
 and safety in putting an end to their circulation by any means, 
 and at any hazard. Lawless power is to be resisted ; but 
 power which is exerted in palpable self-defense, is not law- 
 less." 4 
 
 Another measure and policy which public southern men 
 immediately prior to the Civil War had begun to advocate 
 
 1 Cairnes, The Slave Power, p. 126. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 126. 
 
 3 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 168. 
 
 4 Hart, American History told by Contemporaries, vol. Ill, p. 620; also 
 
 cf. Martineau, Society in America, vol. I, p. 45. 
 
42 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 with considerable force, was the boycott of northern manufac- 
 tures and everything else northern as far as possible — the 
 principle and policy of non-intercourse. Under an article en- 
 titled, "What are we to do?," J. A. Turner of Georgia in 1860 
 wrote: "How many of us are guilty of the gross inconsistency 
 of professing to be ultra Southern Rights men and still in- 
 variably employing northern teachers and mechanics, in pref- 
 erence to Southerners ! * * * It is now pretty generally 
 conceded at the South, that strict non-intercourse is the only 
 thing which will bring the northern people to their senses. We 
 cannot convince them that it is right for us to hold slaves, but 
 we can cease to furnish them with the means of making war 
 upon us and our institutions. We can touch their pocket-nerves, 
 and send a thrill like an electric shock through the whole of 
 their money-loving systems."-^ As showing the unanimity of 
 sentiment and action in various southern States in the deter- 
 mination to suppress all incitement of their slaves to discon- 
 tent and rebellion, the following extracts from various laws 
 are examples. 
 
 LAWS RELATING TO SEDITIOUS WRITINGS 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 "1836, c. 66. An act to suppress the circulation of in- 
 cendiary publications, and for other purposes," suppresses 
 "certain incendiary books, pamphlets, or other writings of an 
 inflammatory and mischievous character and tendency." - 
 
 Maryland. 
 
 "1835-6, c. 325. "Makes the printing of papers calculated 
 to excite and create discontent among the people of color a 
 felony, and 'high offence against the supremacy of this 
 State.' " ' 
 
 North Carolina. 
 
 "1830, * * * c. 5. An act to prevent the circulation 
 of seditious publications, etc., makes it a felony to incite in- 
 surrection among slaves, or circulate writings having that 
 tendency."^ 
 
 1 De Bow's Review, vol. xxix, pp. 73, 74. 
 
 2 J. C. Hurd, The Law of Freedom and Bondage, vol. II, pp. 9, 10; 3 Ibid., 
 
 p. 22; 4 Ibid., p. 86. 
 
The Defense of the Social System 43 
 
 Tennessee. 
 
 1835, * * * c. 44. Declares it a felony punishable with 
 imprisonment to excite slaves to insurrection, etc., by words or 
 gestures, or to incite others so to do. M. & C. §§ 2682-2684. — , 
 c. 58. Declares it a felony punishable by imprisonment to 
 persuade slaves to leave their masters with design of carry- 
 ing them from the State, or, the harboring them for that end, 
 M. & C. § 2660." 1 
 
 South Carolina. 
 
 "1844. — An act to provide for the punishment of persons 
 disturbing the peace of this State in relation to slai'cs and 
 free persons of color." ^ 
 
 Georgia. 
 
 "1829. — An act to amend the Quarantine Laws and 'to 
 prevent the circulation of written or printed papers within 
 this State calculated to excite disaffection among the colored 
 people of this State, and to prevent said people from being 
 taught to read or write, * * * ' " ^ 
 
 Alabama. 
 
 "1832, * * * 10. Prohibits, under fine, the attempt to 
 teach any slave or free person of color to spell, read, or 
 write. 10-24. Penalties for negroes writing passes ; free 
 blacks forbidden to associate or trade with slaves ; more than 
 five male slaves make an unlawful assembly; slaves may 
 attend worship conducted by whites ; slaves or free negroes 
 may not preach, etc., to slaves, etc., unless before five respect- 
 able slaveholders, and the negroes so preaching, etc., to be 
 licensed by some neighboring religious society. Clay's Al. D. 
 p. 389. Code, §§ 1035, 1036, 1044."* 
 
 Louisiana. 
 
 "1830, * * * An act to punish, etc. 'That whosoever 
 shall write, print, publish, or distribute anything having a tend- 
 ency to produce discontent among the free colored population 
 of the State or insubordination among the slaves therein, shall 
 be punished by imprisonment at hard labor for life, or suflfer 
 death. 2. 'Whosoever shall make use of language in any pub- 
 
 1 J. C. Hurd, The Law of Freedom and Bondage, vol. II, p. 93; 
 2 ibid., p. 99; 3 ibid., p. 105; 4 ibid., p. 151. 
 
44 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 lie discourse, from the bar, the bench, the stage, the pulpit, or 
 in any place whatsoever ; or whosoever shall make use of lan- 
 guage in private discourses or conversations, or shall make use 
 of signs or actions tending, etc., as above, shall be punished in 
 like manner (R. S. §§27-30). 3. 'That all persons who shall 
 teach, or permit or cause to be taught, any slave in this State 
 to read or write,' shall be imprisoned not less than one nor more 
 than twelve months." ^ 
 
 Missouri. 
 
 "1837. — An act to prohibit the publication, circulation, and 
 prC'mulgation of the abolition doctrines. An. Laws, p. 3, in one 
 section : providing punishment by fine and imprisonment." ^ 
 
 Arkansas. 
 
 "1850, Nov. 22. An act to prohibit the publication, cir- 
 culation, or promulgation of the abolition doctrines. Ann., L^ 
 p. 22 Sec. 1. 'That if a free person by speaking or writing 
 maintain that owners have not a right of property in their 
 slaves, he shall be confined in jail not more than one year and 
 fined not exceeding one hundred dollars. 2. That if any free 
 person write, print, or cause to be written or printed any book 
 or other writing with intent to advise or incite negroes in this 
 State to rebel or make insurrection or inculcating resistance to 
 the right of property of masters in their slaves, or if he shall 
 with intent to aid the purpose of any such book or writing 
 knowingly circulate the same, he shall be confined in the 
 penitentiary not less than one nor more than five years.' Rev. 
 St., pp. 344, 345.2 
 
 Mississippi. 
 
 1830. — An act to prevent the circulation of seditious pam- 
 phlets. Sec. 1. White persons, for this offence, punishable with 
 fine and imprisonment. 2. Colored persons, for the same, with 
 death. 3. No colored person to be employed in printing of- 
 fices. 4. Not lawful for slaves or person of color to keep 
 house of entertainment. 5. Justices and constables, dut\ to 
 search into, etc. (Hutch. D. 949.)" * 
 
 1 J. C. Hurd, The Law of Freedom an Bondage, vol. II, pp. 161, 162; 
 2 Ibid., p. 170; 3 Ibid., p. 173: 4 Ibid., p. 147. 
 
The Defense of the Social System 45 
 
 Primary social pressure expressed in legislation, in the or- 
 ganization of vigilance committees, public opinion in favor of in- 
 spection of mail-bags, policies and principles generally favored 
 by pulpit and press, — seems to have been generally carried 
 out in practice. Secondary social pressure, the measure of 
 the efficient enforcement of primary social pressure, was a 
 mighty principle which did summary team-work on both sides 
 the line in the struggle between the states. The South, though 
 her policy failed in the conflict, showed, nevertheless, a deter- 
 mined people completely united in the continuance and defense 
 of their honor and their social ideals. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 THE DISTRIBUTION AND GROWTH OF THE POPULATION BY STATES 
 
 The purpose of this chapter is to present the basic facts 
 of the composition of the population of the South. First, will 
 be presented general and special tables dealing with the vari- 
 ous classes of the population, white, slave, and free-colored, 
 for each decade from 1790 to 1860 by states. The 
 tables are presented with comparatively little analysis further 
 than to show how they are constructed and to indicate 
 the uses to which they can be put. A reader familiar with 
 local conditions in the South may possibly find in the tables 
 many reasons for peculiar conditions that might otherwise be 
 unexplained. It has been possible to indicate only a few of 
 the great number of possible inferences that may be drawn 
 from the tables. Throughout the tables, however, one is con- 
 tinually reminded of the numerical disproportions between 
 whites and negroes at various periods in a given locality or 
 among different localities at any given time. 
 
 Instead of taking one or two states as representative and 
 studying them intensely, we have chosen to present the popula- 
 tion figures for twelve states, namely, Missouri, Georgia, Ala- 
 bama, Mississippi, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, North Caro- 
 lina, Tennessee, South Carolina, Louisiana, and Arkansas. The 
 entire area has been treated primarily with reference to the 
 period 1790-1860. Certain of the tables, however, deal with 
 the period 1840-1860 in such a way as to bring out certain 
 changes that occurred in the composition of the population 
 in that period as contrasted with the longer period from 
 1790 to 1860. In a subsequent chapter, entitled The Persist- 
 ence of the Social Forces, statistics for 1900 are considered 
 by themselves. 
 
 Table I gives the white, slave, and free-colored popula- 
 tion of the twelve states by decades for the period 1790-1860, 
 distributed by states. 
 
 Table II shows the percentage of increase or loss in white, 
 slave, and free-colored from decade to decade by states from 
 1790 to 1860. It is necessary to point out that the absolute 
 figures on which the percentages of this table are based (see 
 
Population by States 
 
 47 
 
 TABLE I 
 
 Population distributed as White, Slave, and Free-colored in 
 12 States by Decades, 1790-1860 
 
 1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 1850. 1860. 
 
 State 
 
 White 
 
 Missouri.. Slave 
 
 Free-Colored 
 
 Georgia. 
 
 Alabama . 
 
 W. 
 .. S. 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 .. S. 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Mississippi. S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 Maryland 
 
 W. 
 .. S. 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Virginia S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Kentucky . . . S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 N. Carolina.. S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Tennessee.. S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 S. Carolina . . S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Louisiana... S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 Arkansas, 
 
 W. 
 .. S. 
 F.-C. 
 
 52,886 
 
 29,264 
 
 398 
 
 208,649 
 
 103,036 
 
 8,043 
 
 391,524 
 
 287,959 
 
 12,254 
 
 61,133 
 
 12,430 
 
 114 
 
 288,204 
 
 100.572 
 
 4,975 
 
 31,913 
 
 3,417 
 
 361 
 
 140,178 
 
 107,094 
 
 1,801 
 
 102,261 
 
 59,406 
 
 1,019 
 
 4,446 
 
 2,995 
 
 159 
 
 216,326 
 
 105,635 
 
 19,587 
 
 443,386 
 
 338,624 
 
 19,598 
 
 179,873 
 
 40,343 
 
 739 
 
 337,764 
 
 133,296 
 
 7,043 
 
 91,709 
 
 13,584 
 
 309 
 
 196,255 
 
 146,151 
 
 3,185 
 
 16,3031 55,988 
 
 2,875| 10,222 
 
 605| 347 
 
 145,4141189,566 
 
 105,218|149,656 
 
 1,8011 1,763 
 
 16,602 
 
 14,523 
 
 181 
 
 235,117 
 
 111,502 
 
 33,927 
 
 458,159 
 
 381,680 
 
 29,292 
 
 324,237 
 
 80,561 
 
 1,713 
 
 376,410 
 
 168,824 
 
 10,266 
 
 215,875 
 
 44,535 
 
 1,317 
 
 214,196 
 196,365 
 
 4,554 
 
 34,311 
 34,660 
 
 7,585 
 
 85,451 
 
 41,879 
 
 571 
 
 42,176 
 
 32,814 
 
 458 
 
 260,223 
 
 107,397 
 
 39,730 
 
 482,849 
 
 410,029 
 
 35,470 
 
 434,644 
 
 126,732 
 
 2,759 
 
 419,200 
 
 204,917 
 
 14,712 
 
 339,927 
 
 80,107 
 
 2,737 
 
 237,440 
 
 258,475 
 6,826 
 
 73,383 
 69,064 
 10,476 
 
 12,579 
 
 1,617 
 
 59 
 
 114,795 
 
 25,091 
 
 569 
 
 323,888|592,004 
 
 58,240| 87,422 
 
 1,5741 2,618 
 
 296,806 407,695|521,572 
 
 217,531|280,944|381,682 
 
 2,486| 2,753| 2,931 
 
 190,406 
 117,549 
 
 1,572| 
 
 70,443 
 
 65,659 
 
 519 
 
 291,108 
 
 102,994 
 
 52,938 
 
 537,216 
 
 452,084 
 
 45,181 
 
 517,787 
 
 165,213 
 
 4,917 
 
 472,843 
 
 245,601 
 
 19,543 
 
 535,746 
 141,603 
 
 4,555 
 
 257,863 
 
 315,401 
 
 7,921 
 
 89,231 
 
 109,588 
 
 16,710 
 
 25,671 
 
 4,576 
 
 141 
 
 335,185|426,514 526,271 
 
 253,532|342,844 435,080 
 
 2,039| 2,259 2,690 
 
 1,063,489 
 
 114,931 
 
 3,572 
 
 591,550 
 
 462,198 
 
 3,500 
 
 179,074 
 
 195,211 
 
 1,366 
 
 318,204 
 
 89,737 
 62,078 
 
 537,952 
 
 430,499 
 
 46,809 
 
 590,253 
 
 182,258 
 7,317 
 
 484,870 
 
 245,817 
 
 22,732 
 
 640,627 
 
 183,059 
 
 5,524 
 
 259,084 
 
 327,038 
 
 8,276 
 
 158,457 
 
 168,452 
 
 25,502 
 
 77,174 
 
 19,935 
 
 465 
 
 295,718 353,899 
 
 309,878 436,631 
 
 930 773 
 
 417,943 
 90,368 
 
 74,723 
 
 616,069 
 
 452,028 
 
 51,251 
 
 761,413 
 
 210,981 
 
 10,011 
 
 553,028 
 
 288,548 
 
 27,463 
 
 756,836 
 
 239,459 
 
 6,422 
 
 274,563 
 
 384,984 
 
 8,960 
 
 255,491 
 
 244,809 
 
 17,462 
 
 162,189 
 
 47,100 
 
 608 
 
 515,918 
 87,189 
 83,942 
 
 691,773 
 
 472,494 
 
 55,269 
 
 919,484 
 
 225,483 
 
 10,684 
 
 629,942 
 
 331,059 
 
 30,463 
 
 826,722 
 
 275,719 
 
 7,300 
 
 291,300 
 
 402,406 
 
 9,914 
 
 357,456 
 
 331,726 
 
 18,647 
 
 324,143 
 
 111,115 
 
 144 
 
 Attention is called to a very slight mistake in the census figvires for the free- 
 colored of Alabama in 1850. The number reported in the census is 2265, but careful 
 addition of the county figures shows that 2259 is the correct number. 
 
48 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 table I), must be kept in mind. For some states in the early 
 periods, especially from 1790 to 1800. the absolute figures were 
 comparatively small and in consequence the percentages of 
 increase though sometimes very great do not necessarily show 
 a sudden and great change in population conditions. For 
 example, the 548.24 per cent, increase in free-colored from 
 1790 to 1800 in Kentucky does not have any special signifi- 
 cance, because (cf. table I) the absolute figures for the two 
 decades were 114 and 739. For the later periods, however, 
 the absolute figures have become sufficiently large to render 
 percentages of increase somewhat more reliable and thus to 
 render them indicative of significant social changes. In com- 
 parison of rates, it must be remembered, reference should be 
 made to table I in order to avoid invalid inferences. 
 
 The percentages of increase were obtained from table I 
 in the usual way. For example, the increase of 79.64 per cent, 
 in whites in Missouri from 1850 to 1860 was obtained by sub- 
 tracting the white population of Missouri for 1850 from that 
 of 1860 and dividing the difiference by the white population of 
 Missouri for 1850. 
 
 In this table it is interesting to note that the figures for 
 Missouri, Alabama. Mississippi, and Arkansas show that the 
 population of these States increased at a phenomenal rate. 
 The table also shows the striking fact of extreme variations 
 in the rates of increase from decade to decade in these States. 
 Mississippi and Arkansas are the best examples of the sud- 
 den extreme rising and falling in the rates of increase. The 
 white population of Mississippi from 1830 to 1840 increased 
 122.52 per cent, over what it was in 1830. But from 1840 to 
 1850 the increase was only 65.13 per cent, over what it was in 
 1840. and a very decided fall likewise occurred in the rate of 
 increase from 1850 to 1860. The slave and free-colored popu- 
 lation are shown to have acted in similar ways. It is worthy 
 of note that the rates of increase for the free-colored, although 
 they show variation from decade to decade, nevertheless, for 
 most of the states they show very little change in the abso- 
 lute numbers of the free-colored, (see table I), because their 
 absolute numbers were so small. This difiference is seen in 
 still bolder fashion if one examines the rates of increase of 
 the free-colored from 1840 to 1860 for almost everv state and 
 
Population by States 
 TABLE II 
 
 49 
 
 Rate Per Cent, of Increase or Loss in Population of each 
 State, distributed as White, Slave, and Free-colored 
 by Decades, 1790-1860 
 
 State 
 
 1790-1800 1800-1810 1810-1820 1820-1830 1830-1840 1840-18501850-1860 
 
 White 
 
 Missouri ..Slave 
 
 Free-Colored 
 
 Georgia 
 
 W. 
 . ..S. 
 P.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Alabama S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Mississippi .. .S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 Maryland 
 
 W. 
 . ..S. 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Virginia S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Kentucky S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 N. Carolina S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Tennessee S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 S. Carolina S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Louisiana . . . .S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Arkansas S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 * Loss 
 
 93.36 
 103.00 
 156.03 
 
 42.18 
 77.11 
 76.74 
 
 3.67 
 2.52 
 143.52 
 
 13.24 
 17.59 
 59.93 
 
 194.23 
 224.56 
 548.24 
 
 17.19 
 32.53 
 41.56 
 
 187.37 
 297.54 
 
 243.42 
 255 . 54 
 *42.64 
 
 30.36 
 
 42.23 
 
 * 2.10 
 
 105.03182.14 
 
 145.46132.11 
 
 63.97176.62 
 
 56.57i 37.36 
 45.35| 29.15 
 41.00 10.74 
 
 122.82 76.03 
 180.68115.68 
 175.30 29.70 
 
 273.41154.04 67.02 
 
 384.90125.94100.09 
 
 13.83153.03 13.31 
 
 8.67 
 
 5.55 
 
 73.21 
 
 3.33 
 12.71 
 44.36 
 
 80.25 
 
 99.69 
 
 131.79 
 
 11.44 
 
 26.65 
 45.76 
 
 135.39 
 
 227.84 
 *14. 40 326.21 
 
 10.67 11.86 
 ' 3.68* 4.09 
 17.14 33.24 
 
 5.38 11.25 
 
 7.42 10.25 
 
 21.09 27.37 
 
 40.03 
 35.53 
 
 76.84 
 
 9.14 
 34.35 
 
 42.98 
 
 34.05 
 57.31 
 61.06 
 
 11.36 
 21.37 
 43.30 
 
 57.46 
 
 79.87 
 107. 
 
 10.85 
 31.62 
 49.89 
 
 113.87 
 99.26 
 38.11 
 
 19.12 
 30.36 
 
 78.21 
 
 12.79 
 19.85 
 32.83 
 
 57.65 
 76.76 
 66.41 
 
 8.60 
 22.02 
 16.04 
 
 21.59 
 
 58.67 
 59.50 
 
 104.07 
 182.37 
 
 138.98 229.78 
 
 122.52 
 197.31 
 163.19 
 
 9.30 
 
 *12.87 
 
 17.26 
 
 .13 
 
 * 4.77 
 3! 63 
 
 13.99 
 10.31 
 
 48.81 
 
 2.54 
 
 .08 
 
 16.31 
 
 19.57 
 
 29.27 
 21.27 
 
 .47 
 
 3.68 
 4.48 
 
 77.58 
 53.71 
 52.61 
 
 200.62 
 335.64 
 
 82.78 
 50.16 
 66.20 
 
 27.93 
 
 35.86 
 
 6.46 
 
 27.21 
 35.22 
 11.83 
 
 65.13 
 
 58.74 
 *31.91 
 
 31.34 
 
 .70 
 
 20.36 
 
 14.52 
 
 ^5.00 
 
 9.48 
 
 28.99 
 15.15 
 36.81 
 
 14.05 
 17.38 
 20.81 
 
 18.13 
 25.34 
 16.07 
 
 "6.36 
 17.71 
 
 "8.26 
 
 61.23 
 45.32 
 '31.52 
 
 101.60 
 136.26 
 
 79.64 
 31.45 
 36.43 
 
 13.41 
 21.09 
 18.41 
 
 23.38 
 26.90 
 19.07 
 
 19.60 
 40.90 
 
 *16.88 
 
 23.44 
 ' 3.51 
 12.33 
 
 12.28 
 4.52 
 
 7.83 
 
 20.76 
 
 6.87 
 6.72 
 
 13.90 
 14.73 
 10.92 
 
 9.23 
 15.14 
 13.67 
 
 6.09 
 
 4.52 
 
 10.64 
 
 39.90 
 35.50 
 
 6.78 
 
 99.23 
 135.91 
 
 30.751*76.31 
 
50 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 compares these rates with the corresponding absolute numbers 
 in table I. The predominant fact is a decrease in the rate of 
 growth of the free-colored population in the later decades. 
 The figures in this table reveal the extreme irreconcilableness, 
 after 1840, of the co-existence of slavery and freedom among 
 the blacks in these states. They are in accord with the known 
 fact that discipline of the free-colored became more and more 
 strict as the War approached. 
 
 We now proceed to a consideration of several tables (for 
 convenience printed together as table III and diagrams A, B, 
 C, and D), which show (a) the ranking of the states in the 
 area of each state expressed as a percentage of the total area 
 of the twelve states combined and (b) the ranking of each 
 state in the average of its white, slave, and free-colored popu- 
 lation for the censuses 1840-1860, expressed as a percentage 
 of the average population for corresponding classes in the 
 total area under consideration for the same censuses. 
 
Population by States 
 
 51 
 
 TABLE III 
 
 Ranking of the States (a) in area of each State expressed 
 as a percentage of the total area of the 12 States (b) 
 in the average population of each State for the censuses 
 1840-1860, expressed as a percentage of the average 
 population of the 12 States for the same censuses 
 
 
 
 
 — 5; -c 
 
 c 
 
 n of each 
 360. ex- 
 
 erage of 
 2 States 
 
 £ 
 
 3 
 
 of each 
 360, ex- 
 average 
 ates fur 
 
 a 
 
 lation of 
 
 40-1860, 
 
 average 
 
 f the 12 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 Stat 
 ed a 
 latlo 
 suses 
 
 « 
 
 latio 
 40-1 
 le a 
 he 1 
 
 a 
 
 
 |XI^ 
 
 c 
 
 
 popu 
 
 E8 If 
 
 f the 
 Ion 
 es 
 
 a 
 2 
 
 
 
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 •S" qS 
 
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 c» 
 
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 at 
 
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 State 
 
 a 
 
 
 on of ea 
 60. expre 
 verage po 
 e same c 
 
 c 
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 White po 
 censuses 
 centage 0: 
 lation of 
 n suses 
 
 c 
 
 Slave pop 
 censuses 
 rcentage 
 1 of the 
 es 
 
 a 
 
 ree-colort 
 the cens 
 ercentage 
 red popul 
 ame cens 
 
 
 
 e4 
 
 Si2 
 
 pulat 
 
 he a 
 or th 
 
 1 
 
 the 
 
 the 
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 popu 
 
 ne Cf 
 
 5 
 
 the 
 the 
 
 a pe 
 latioi 
 ensus 
 
 1 
 
 the F 
 
 for 
 sac 
 -colo 
 the 8 
 
 1 
 
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 "0 
 
 ^""^; M 
 
 a3„ 
 
 
 
 I. 2 q" 
 ° « ® 
 
 
 *-S * i t. 
 
 
 
 o 
 a 
 
 03 
 
 « 
 -0 S 
 
 Average 
 censuses 
 centage 
 12 Stat 
 
 
 Average 
 State f 
 pressed 
 the Wl 
 for tlie 
 
 MS 
 
 a 3 
 
 Average 
 State f 
 pressed 
 Slave p 
 the saru 
 
 c 3 
 
 k1 
 
 Average 
 each St 
 expresse 
 of the ] 
 States 
 
 
 
 X 
 
 II 
 
 III 
 
 iv 
 
 V 
 
 VI 
 
 VII 
 
 VIII 
 
 IX 
 
 X 
 
 Maryland . . . 
 
 12 
 
 1.84 
 
 6.50 
 
 10 
 
 7.34 
 
 8 
 
 2.93 
 
 10 
 
 35.66 
 
 1 
 
 S. Carolina. . 
 
 11 
 
 5.62 
 
 7.34 
 
 8 
 
 4.84 
 
 10 
 
 12.24 
 
 3 
 
 4.38 
 
 6 
 
 Kentucky, . . 
 
 10 
 
 7.48 
 
 10.90 
 
 3 
 
 13.33 
 
 1 
 
 6.79 
 
 9 
 
 4.52 
 
 5 
 
 Virginia. . . . 
 
 9 
 
 7.50 
 
 12.53 
 
 1 
 
 10.83 
 
 4 
 
 14.88 
 
 1 
 
 24.77 
 
 2 
 
 Tennessee. . . 
 
 8 
 
 7.81 
 
 10.99 
 
 2 
 
 13.05 
 
 2 
 
 7.67 
 
 8 
 
 3.10 
 
 7 
 
 Louisiana. . . 
 
 7 
 
 8.49 
 
 5.89 
 
 11 
 
 4.52 
 
 11 
 
 8.18 
 
 7 
 
 9.95 
 
 4 
 
 Mississippi . . 
 
 6 
 
 8.66 
 
 6.62 
 
 9 
 
 4.86 
 
 9 
 
 10.34 
 
 4 
 
 .49 
 
 11 
 
 N. Carolina. 
 
 5 
 
 9.08 
 
 9.76 
 
 5 
 
 9.78 
 
 5 
 
 9.50 
 
 6 
 
 13.03 
 
 3 
 
 Alabama. . . . 
 
 4 
 
 9.64 
 
 8.32 
 
 7 
 
 7.55 
 
 7 
 
 10.23 
 
 5 
 
 1.12 
 
 10 
 
 Arkansas . . . 
 
 3 
 
 9.92 
 
 2.77 
 
 12 
 
 3.30 
 
 12 
 
 1.95 
 
 12 
 
 .19 
 
 12 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Missouri .... 
 
 2 
 
 11.03 
 
 9.92 
 
 4 
 
 8.92 
 
 6 
 
 12.35 
 
 2 
 
 1.48 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 12.85 
 
 8.40 
 
 6 
 
 11.61 
 
 3 
 
 2.86 
 
 11 
 
 1.25 
 
 9 
 
 
 Cf 
 
 . all Dla- 
 
 Cf. Dlae 
 
 Tarn 
 
 i 
 
 Cf. Dla«nuD 
 
 Cf. DIagrmm 
 
 Cf. Dlasrsm 
 
 
 
 graniB 
 
 A 
 
 
 B 
 
 c 
 
 D 
 
0^ 
 
 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 DIAGRAM A- 
 
 Ranking of States (a) in area of each State expressed as 
 a percentage of the total area of the 12 States and (b) in the 
 average population of each State for the censuses 1840-1860, 
 expressed as a percentage of the average population of the 12 
 States for the same censuses. (Compare table III, columns 
 II and III.) 
 
 tH 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 \- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 V 
 
 
 "f 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 / 
 
 \ 
 
 K 
 
 r 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 / 
 
 
 \ 
 
 r 
 
 
 
 \i^ 
 
 
 
 \*- 
 
 ^ 
 
 -- 
 
 -^1 
 
 
 \ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 tV 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 area percentages 
 
 /^% 
 
 1 Md. 
 
 2 
 
 s. C. 
 
 3 
 
 Ky. 
 
 4 
 
 Va. 
 
 5 
 
 Tenn 
 
 6 
 
 La. 
 
 7 
 
 Miss. 
 
 8 
 
 N. C. 
 
 9 
 
 Ala. 
 
 10 
 
 Ark. 
 
 11 
 
 Ga. 
 
 12 
 
 Mo. 
 
 Each space in all diagrams denotes 154%- 
 
Population by States 
 
 53 
 
 DIAGRAM B 
 
 Ranking of States (a) in percentages of area as in preced- 
 ing diagram and (b) in the average of tlie white population 
 of each State for the censuses 1840-1860, expressed as a per- 
 centage of the average of the white population of the 12 States 
 for the same censuses. (Compare table III, columns II andV.) 
 
 'i% 
 
 '% 
 
 Si» 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 'f 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 h 
 
 
 
 
 /a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ] 
 
 
 
 / 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 / 
 
 
 K 
 
 "/ 
 
 / 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 j 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 / 
 
 
 
 
 
 'S 
 
 N, 
 
 
 / 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 •s 
 
 \ 
 
 / 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^t 
 
 
 t\ 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 /« 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 "?. 
 
 
 
 li 
 
 1 Md. 
 
 2 S. C. 
 
 3 Ky. 
 
 4 Va. 
 
 5 Tenn. 
 f. La. 
 
 7 Miss. 
 
 8 N. C. 
 
 9 Ala 
 
 10 Ark. 
 
 11 Ga. 
 
 12 Mo. 
 
 ^a> 
 
 AREA PERCENTAGES 
 
54 
 
 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 DIAGRAM G 
 
 Ranking of States (a) in percentages of area as in pre- 
 ceding diagrams and (b) in the average of the slave popula- 
 tion of each State for the censuses 1840-1860, expressed as 
 a percentage of the average of the slave population of the 12 
 States for the same censuses. (Compare table III, columns II 
 and VII.) 
 
 AREA PERCENTAGES 
 
 Arkansas should show 1.95 per cent, and Georgia 12.35 per 
 cent, of the population on the above diagram. 
 
Population by States 
 DIAGRAM D 
 
 55 
 
 Ranking of States (a) in percentages of area as in preced- 
 ing diagrams and (b) in the average of the free-colored popu- 
 lation of each State for the censuses 1840-1860, expressed as 
 a percentage of the average free-colored population of the 12 
 States for the same censuses. (Compare table III, columns II 
 and IX.) 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ar^a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 -W' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^Ofi 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 Md. 
 
 "^fo 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 '^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 S. C. 
 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 Ky. 
 
 ir. 
 
 w 
 o 
 < 
 
 H 
 
 u 
 w 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 Va. 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 Tenn. 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 La. 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 Miss. 
 
 < 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 N. C. 
 
 D "7 
 
 O 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 Ala. 
 
 Ci 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 tS 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 Ark. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 t. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 11 ua. 
 
 /o^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 Mo. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 3 
 
 
 j 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 , 
 
 II 
 
 , 
 
 la. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 J — 
 
 
 •; 
 
 1 ID 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 AREA PERCENTAGES 
 
 »rf* 
 
56 
 
 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 Many special tables could of course be calculated from the 
 census figures. It is because of the fact that changes in the 
 numbers and proportions of the free-colored constitute a pecu- 
 liarly important index of the pressure of opinion and feel- 
 ing, that we have chosen the following table IV as one of 
 peculiar interest. 
 
 TABLE IV 
 
 Ratio in Per Cents, of Free-colored to Slave in each 
 State by Decades, 1790-1860 
 
 State 
 
 1790 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 
 
 Missouri. . . 
 Georgia. . . . 
 Alabama. . . 
 Mississippi. 
 Maryland. . 
 Virginia . . . 
 Kentucky. . 
 N. Carolina, 
 Tennessee. . 
 S. Carolina. 
 Louisiana. . 
 Arkansas. . 
 
 i.;56 
 
 7.80 
 4.60 
 .91 
 4.94 
 10.56 
 1.68 
 
 1.71 
 
 5.30 
 18.54 
 5.78 
 1.83 
 5.28 
 2.27 
 2.17 
 
 21.04 
 1.71 
 
 1.24 
 30.42 
 7.67 
 2.12 
 6.08 
 2.95 
 2.31 
 21.88 
 
 3.39 
 1.17 
 1.36 
 1.39 
 
 36.99 
 8.65 
 2.17 
 7.03 
 3.41 
 2.64 
 
 15.16 
 3.03 
 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 
 51 
 9, 
 2, 
 7, 
 3, 
 2, 
 
 15, 
 3, 
 
 ,70 2 
 
 ,97 
 ,80 
 ,69 
 ,1781 
 
 3.10 
 
 .75 
 
 .61 
 
 .17 
 
 96.27 
 
 11.60 
 
 4.29 
 
 9.20 
 
 2.64 
 
 2.46 
 
 5.62 
 
 .12 
 
 This table, unlike the last diagram discussed, does not per- 
 mit one to compare differences in density of free-colored, one 
 state with another, but shows the proportion of free-colored to 
 slave by states for the decades from 1790 to 1860. Here also, 
 as in diagram D, Maryland is the striking State. In 1790 
 there were less than 8 free-colored to every 100 slaves but 
 the proportion steadily increased until in 1860 there were 
 over 96 free-colored to 100 slaves. In Alabama and Miss- 
 issippi the contrary tendency was marked, the proportions 
 
PoPUi,ATiON BY States 57 
 
 from 1800 to 1860 falling from 4.65 and 5.30 free-colored to 
 every 100 slaves, to .61 and .17 free-colored to 100 slaves, re- 
 spectively. The large percentage of free-colored in Mary- 
 land, however, must not be construed as due to relatively 
 little sentiment against the freeing of slaves. Social pressure in 
 Maryland simply did not have the economic features behind it 
 that were present in other states. Furthermore, the proximity 
 of Maryland to the North made it more difficult to exert 
 pressure even though the desire was present. The spirit of 
 Maryland's laws shows that she was in unequivocal agreement 
 with the South on this question. A discussion of the tables 
 and diagrams together will perhaps render an understanding 
 of their connection clearer. For definiteness of information 
 the tables may be utilized to advantage apart from the dia- 
 grams, but the latter serve the additional purpose of making 
 graphic the area and population rankings of the states and 
 enable us quickly to make comparisons of the detailed data 
 contained in the tables. In the tables the states are named 
 in order of area and the exact figures of rank according to 
 area appear in column II. In column III is given the ranking 
 according to average population for the censuses 1840-1860. 
 Diagram A is based on these two columns of figures and 
 brings out the order of rank in both respects with greater 
 clearness. The area-rank is plotted on the abscissa and the 
 population-rank on the ordinates in accordance with the scales 
 indicated on the left margin and the base of the diagram. The 
 dots and figures represent the twelve states as follows : 
 1, Maryland; 2, South Carolina; 3, Kentucky; 4, Virginia; 
 5, Tennessee ; 6, Louisiana ; 7, Mississippi ; 8, North Carolina ; 
 9, Alabama; 10, Arkansas; 11, Georgia; 12, Missouri. 
 
 The relation of any state to any of the others is instantly 
 perceived. For example (diagram A) Louisiana (6), is dis- 
 covered not merely to be sixth in area, but to possess nearly 
 9 per cent, of the total area of the twelve states, and to have 
 had but 6 per cent, of the average population, 1840-1860. 
 It also appears that Arkansas had the smallest proportion of 
 the average population. Similarly the position of any other 
 state is clearly and instantly perceived. By comparing in this 
 way the area-rank with the population-rank of each state one 
 is enabled the better to appreciate the changes in relative 
 
58 Social Solidarity and IL\ce Inequalities 
 
 population density for each of the states. This is done in the 
 table and in the various diagrams for the period 1840-1860 
 for the several classes of the population, average of the three 
 classes combined, and the average of each treated separately. 
 
 Inasmuch as the area-ranking remains constant, one can 
 of course readily find the changes in the relative average 
 density of the population for the different classes from decade 
 to decade in the various states, by noting their variation in 
 population-ranking. If the figures themselves are desired one 
 can obtain from column III of table III the exact proportion 
 of population percentages for any combination of states 
 selected with reference to area. For example, by adding to- 
 gether the figures of the area percentages of the first five 
 states in area, namely, Maryland, South Carolina, Kentucky, 
 Virginia, and Tennessee, and obtaining the sum of their re- 
 spective proportions of the total area thus distributed, it is 
 found that they contained 30.25 per cent, of the total area and 
 48.26 per cent, of the population of the 12 states for the cen- 
 suses 1840-1860 taken together. If the last three States, 
 Missouri, Georgia, and Arkansas be taken, it will appear that 
 they together possessed 33.80 per cent, of the area, but only 
 21.09 per cent, of the population. Arkansas had the smallest 
 proportion of the population (2.77 per cent.), but had 9.92 
 per cent, of the total area. Diagram B reflects columns II 
 and V of table III. Here the white population alone is con- 
 sidered and is represented on the diagram in connection with 
 area-rank as before. One of the things this diagram readily 
 shows, is the marked difference in the white population- 
 ranking of the several states. By keeping in mind the scale 
 of measurement for area and for population, we see instantly 
 that the average white population density of Maryland, Ken- 
 tvicky, Virginia, and Tennessee was much greater than that 
 of any of the other states. 
 
 Considering now columns VII and VIII of table III — the 
 figures of which were obtained by the same methods used for 
 column V — and referring to diagram C, which is based on 
 column VII, we arrive at some interesting facts concerning 
 the slave population during the period 1840-1860. Our atten- 
 tion is at once drawn to the disproportionate per cent, of 
 slaves in Virginia and South Carolina, the former of these 
 
Population by States 59 
 
 States representing the ninth place in area and the first in 
 the number of slaves, and the latter, the eleventh place in 
 area and the second in number of slaves. It is noticeable that 
 Georgia had a large per cent, of slave population, but in rela- 
 tive average density she was much behind the above-named 
 States, occupying as she did fourth place in the average popu- 
 lation but second place in area. By far the greater disparity 
 in the comparative density of white and slave population is 
 seen if we compare 2.86 per cent, in column VII of the slave 
 and 11.61 per cent, in column V of the white for the State of 
 Missouri. For the period 1840-1860 diagram B shows a 
 marked tendency toward evenness in the distribution of the 
 white population, and the population-rankings of diagram C 
 when compared with the census figures of the slave popula- 
 tion prior to 1840, reveal a similar tendency in the slave popu- 
 lation. In slave population the States of Virginia, South 
 Carolina, North CaroHna, and Maryland, sustained heavy 
 losses. Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, realized 
 the greatest gains. 
 
 Perhaps as interesting a comparison of data as is made 
 in any part of this investigation is presented in columns II 
 and IX of table III and in the corresponding diagram D. In 
 accordance with the methods used for the other classes, this 
 column presents results for the free-colored population con- 
 sidered separately. The pre-eminent rank of Maryland is 
 noticeable. When, moreover, it is considered that Maryland 
 ranked lowest in area, this ranking in free-colored, is still 
 more interesting. If now the relative average density (per 
 square mile) in free-colored of the two States, Maryland and 
 Missouri, is obtained, the results are striking. Dividing the 
 percentage for the free-colored population-rank of Maryland 
 from 1840 to 1860, namely, 35.66 by the percentage for area- 
 rank, 1.84, and, similarly for Missouri, dividing 1.25 by 12.85, 
 we obtain 19.38 and .097 as indices of the very great difference 
 in the average density of the free-colored in Maryland and 
 Missouri for those censuses. Now if we divide 19.38 by .097. 
 we obtain 199.79, which means that for the period 1840-1860, 
 Maryland had an average of 199.79 times as many free- 
 colored as Missouri per square mile. In like manner the com- 
 parative average density for any class of the population or 
 
60 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 for tlie three classes combined may be obtained for other 
 states. If we wish to know the ratio of the absolute numbers 
 of the population as a whole or by classes of any state to 
 those of any other state for the censuses 1840-1860, we can 
 readily obtain the same by comparing the population percent- 
 ages of those states. For example, it is instantly perceived 
 that Maryland's free-colored population was much greater 
 than that of any other state. By dividing 35.66 per cent, for 
 Maryland by 1.25 per cent, for Missouri, it is seen that, in 
 absolute numbers, Maryland had for those censuses an average 
 of more than 28 times as many free-colored as Missouri. If 
 we wish to make a comparison of the relative average density 
 of the population with the actual density by decades, we can 
 do so by finding the relative average densities, using the data 
 of table III, and comparing the results with the actual densities 
 by decades given in the U. S. census. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE DISTRIBUTION AND GROWTH OF THE POPULATION BY STATE- 
 DIVISIONS 
 
 As one of our chief purposes was to discover the local color- 
 ing peculiar to various parts of the states, we have found it 
 necessary to consider areas smaller than states. To have used 
 counties alone, would have made it impossible to show the 
 significant differences among divisions that geographically or 
 ethnically belong together. The method adopted — that of a 
 somewhat arbitrary division of each state into two approxi- 
 mately equal areas — suffices to bring out these significant dif- 
 ferences in some detail, because it so happens that the areas 
 so created could be made to correspond roughly with the sig- 
 nificant geographic, ethnic, and industrial differences to which 
 reference has been made. ^ 
 
 No particular advantage even with respect to local color 
 was to be gained by any attempt to run the divisional lines 
 in accordance with any other principle of division unless a 
 larger number of divisions could have been created. This, 
 however, would have rendered the calciilations too onerous. 
 Some of the states are divided by a line running north and 
 south and others by a line running east and west. The 
 decision as to the direction of the division line was in all 
 cases except one based on the principle of the rela- 
 tive geographic and ethnic homogeneity of the areas which 
 were to be marked off by the line.^ No attempt was 
 made to have the two sections into which the states were 
 divided absolutely equal, but that approximate equality 
 was obtained is shown by the fact that in no case was the 
 proportion of the areas greater than 60 to 40. In most 
 cases the proportion was 55 to 45 or still nearer equality. As, 
 in respect to each subject investigated, the figures for each 
 division into which the several states were divided, were ob- 
 tained by the addition of the figures for counties given in the 
 return of eight separate censuses, and as the sum of the totals 
 
 1 Cf. Map opposite p. 63. 
 
 2 Boundary line for east and west Kentucky, the same as that given in 
 
 map of the Biennial Report of Superintendent of Public Instruction 
 of Kentucky for 1908-1909, p. 364. 
 
62 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 of the two divisions in each state were found to tally exactly 
 with the census totals for each state taken as a whole, it is 
 not too much to claim substantial accuracy for the calculations 
 involved, even though the mere transcription of the individual 
 county figures for Table V. alone required more than twenty 
 thousand operations. There were 888 counties in 1860 in 
 the twelve states with which we have dealt, and each county 
 forms a separate unit in the investigation for each of the 
 three classes of the population. In 1900 the number of coun- 
 ties had increased somewhat, but it was possible to locate all 
 new comities by careful examination of the large state maps by 
 Rand, McNally & Co., for 1900. This is what was done, and 
 every county not included in the original 888 was considered in 
 accordance with the method applied for the preceding period. 
 For purposes of verification of all the data contained in all 
 tables, we give here a list of boundary counties for each of 
 the twelve States as follows : 
 
 East Maryland: Baltimore, Anne Arundel, Calvert. 
 
 East South Carolina: Lancaster, Fairfield, Richland, 
 Orangeburg, Colleton, Beaufort. 
 
 West Kentucky : Jefferson, Spencer, Nelson, Washing- 
 ton, Marion, Casey, Russell, Cumberland. 
 
 East Virginia: Loudon, Fauqier. Culpeper, Orange, 
 Louisa, Goochland, Cumberland, Prince Edward, Lunenburg, 
 Mecklenburg. 
 
 West Tennessee : Sumner, Davidson, Williamson, Mar- 
 shall, Bedford, Moore, Lincoln. 
 
 West Louisiana : Union, Lincoln, Jackson, Winn, Grant, 
 Rapides, Calcasieu, Acadia, Vermillion. 
 
 South Mississippi : Issaquena, Sharkey, Warren, Hinds, 
 Madison, Leake, Neshoba, Kemper. 
 
 East North Carolina : Person, Durham, Chatham, Har- 
 nett, Cumberland, Scotland, Richmond. 
 
 South Alabama: Sumter, Marengo, Hale, Perry, Dallas, 
 Autauga, Elmore, Macon, Lee. 
 
 East Arkansas: Fulton, Izard, Stone, Cleburne, Faulk- 
 ner, Pulaski, Jefferson, Grant, Cleveland, Calhoun, Bradley, 
 Ashley. 
 
MAP OF 
 THE TWELVE STATES 
 
 THE SLIGHTLY HEAVIER LINES SHOW NORTH 
 AND SOUTH. EAST AND WEST DIVISIONS 
 
 CF TABLE VII. 
 
Population by State-Divisions 63 
 
 South Georgia : Harris, Talbot, Upson, Crawford, Hous- 
 ton, Twiggs, Wilkinson, Johnson, Emanuel, Bulloch, Effing- 
 ham. 
 
 South Missouri : Bates, Henry, Benton, Morgan, Moni- 
 teau, Cole, Osage, Gasconade, Franklin, St. Louis. 
 
 The divisions appear definitely on the accompanying map. 
 
 The first two tables based on divisions of states (tables V 
 and VI) are similar to the first two (I and 11) based on 
 states, which have already been considered in chapter \'. Table 
 V gives the white, slave, and free-colored population of the 24 
 divisions by decades for the period 1790-1860 distributed by 
 divisions. 
 
 This table of absolute numbers was obtained by combining 
 the census figures for the several classes of the population by 
 counties, in accordance with the state divisions created. For 
 example, all the counties in eastern North Carolina were 
 arranged in an array by themselves, and all the western 
 counties, by themselves, and the census figures for white, slave, 
 and free-colored for each county were tabulated for each of 
 the eight censuses from 1790 to 1860, and the sum of the 
 census figures for each class for all the counties in the eastern 
 part of the State were added to the sum of the census figures 
 for the same class in the western part of the State, and this 
 grand sum was compared with the total number given in the 
 U. S. census for each separate decade, and the two numbers 
 were found to be exactly the same. This method was used 
 for each of the 24 divisions of the 12 States for each class of 
 the population, for the entire period covered. An addition of 
 the numbers for the complementary divisions of this table will 
 give a total identical with the number for the 12 States, found 
 in table I of chapter V. 
 
 Table VI shows the percentage of increase or loss in white, 
 slave, and free-colored from decade to decade, 1830-1860, by 
 state-divisions. As with tables I and II, it is necessary here 
 to remember that the percentage of change must be consid- 
 ered in connection with the absolute figures on which they are 
 based (table I). 
 
 In table VI very decided variations occur in the rates of 
 increase and loss in the several classes of the population for 
 the different sections. Some of these figures do not mean as 
 
64 
 
 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 TABLE V 
 
 Population distributed as White, Slave, and Free-colored in 
 Divisions of the 12 States by Decades, 1790-1860 
 
 state 
 
 1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 1850. 1860. 
 
 NORTH 
 
 White 
 
 Missouri.. Slave 
 
 Free-Colored 
 
 Georgia. 
 
 Alabama. 
 
 W. 
 . . S. 
 F. C. 
 
 W. 
 . . S. 
 F. C. 
 
 w. 
 
 Mississippi. S. 
 F. C. 
 
 EAST 
 
 W. 
 
 Maryland. . . S. 
 F. C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Virginia. ... S. 
 
 F. C. 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 W. 
 .. S. 
 F. C. 
 
 N. 
 
 W 
 
 Carolina. . S. 
 
 F. C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Tennessee . . S. 
 
 F. C. 
 
 W. 
 
 S. Carolina. .S. 
 
 F. C. 
 
 Louisiana, 
 
 Arkansas , 
 
 W. 
 . . S. 
 F. C. 
 
 W. 
 . . S. 
 F.-C. 
 
 47,039| 88,487 
 16,0031 38,999 
 
 240 725 
 
 111,014 
 
 53,445 
 
 5,745 
 
 232,482 
 
 233,072 
 
 10,598 
 
 47,244 
 
 10,279 
 
 74 
 
 185,508 
 
 86,141 
 
 4,582 
 
 26,100 
 
 2,256 
 
 293 
 
 66,183 
 
 94,164 
 
 1,527 
 
 124,432 
 54,168 
 14,735 
 
 240,501 
 
 260,558 
 
 16,177 
 
 129,341 
 
 30,498 
 
 525 
 
 201,160 
 
 111,410 
 
 6,151 
 
 73,850 
 6,836 
 
 288 
 
 84,184 
 
 122,573 
 
 2,610 
 
 3,221 
 
 271 
 
 13 
 
 27,938 
 
 4,852 
 
 48 
 
 121,728|146,024 
 
 74,739 109,902 
 
 941 773 
 
 143,170 
 55,666 
 23,358 
 
 239,100 
 
 276,179 
 
 23,820 
 
 213,921 
 
 55,317 
 
 1,146 
 
 54,664 
 
 21,888 
 
 251 
 
 2,192 
 522 
 
 7 
 
 158,269 
 53,368 
 30,270 
 
 247.891 
 
 286,787 
 
 28,828 
 
 269,891 
 
 78,133 
 
 1,973 
 
 214,690 236,218 
 
 135,687 159,410 
 
 9,2061 12,908 
 
 141,903 
 
 18,879 
 
 978 
 
 85,623 
 
 150,757 
 
 3,757 
 
 32,202 
 
 32,103 
 
 7,281 
 
 207,432 
 
 32,123 
 
 1,960 
 
 98,267 
 
 192,038 
 
 5,735 
 
 66,147 
 
 63,249 
 
 9,976 
 
 8,939 
 984 
 
 47 
 
 65,703 
 
 15,881 
 
 139 
 
 224,768 
 
 160,668 
 
 1,674 
 
 115,236 
 
 60,817 
 
 599 
 
 9,871 
 
 5,661 
 
 28 
 
 177,011 
 48,206 
 40,344 
 
 256,188 
 
 302,647 
 
 36,222 
 
 314,826 
 
 101,679 
 
 3,499 
 
 251,380 
 
 182,636 
 
 16,422 
 
 279,567 
 
 44,870 
 
 2,861 
 
 106,521 
 
 220,876 
 
 6,379 
 
 81,757 
 
 100,473 
 
 16,055 
 
 14,026 
 
 2,4421 
 
 116 
 
 172,6871290,676 505,011 
 
 40,115| 62,361[ 85,990 
 
 374 6851 999 
 
 280,181 
 
 180,799 
 
 1,528 
 
 362,794|401,757 
 
 237,899|269,610 
 
 1,6791 2,042 
 
 195,619 253,6791304,248 
 
 102,472|135,114'158,412 
 
 641| 7161 811 
 
 91,7241178,3621202,241 
 
 81,8761160,368239,593 
 
 4391 1891 129 
 
 181,310 
 40,037 
 46,712 
 
 243,752 
 
 276,631 
 
 36,427 
 
 318,159 
 
 100,685 
 
 4,678 
 
 270,633 345,104 
 
 39,367] 
 58,152| 
 
 36,766 
 63,673 
 
 264,1041298,836 
 
 281,717 293,731 
 
 40,104| 43,053 
 
 404,516 472,764 
 
 110,234|108,262 
 
 5,6841 6,019 
 
 250,469 264,092[296,369 
 
 182,5981207,0731240,449 
 
 19,0861 22,115| 24,184 
 
 323,532 
 
 47,906 
 
 3,269 
 
 104,937 
 
 218,058 
 
 6,261 
 
 139,288 
 
 145,113 
 
 24,166 
 
 30,959 
 
 9,761 
 
 214 
 
 376,547|413,913 
 
 69,382| 67,982 
 3,9181 4,536 
 
 I 
 
 120,0891134,683 
 
 244,5821247,784 
 
 6,910| 7,243 
 
 I 
 
 210,1491284,632 
 
 198,2831256,744 
 
 16,055| 16,854 
 
 I 
 62,492|134,484 
 21,7561 66,221 
 2071 51 
 
 It will be observed that for 1800 and ISIO no figures are given for northern 
 MississipDi but that figures are given for the southern part of the State. The 
 reason is that, although there were a few persons reported for northern Mississippi 
 for those dates, they were reported for counties that were at the time of the census 
 enumeration not included In the State. In considering census figures by counties 
 
Population by State-Divisions 
 
 65 
 
 TABLE V— Continued 
 
 Population distributed as White, Slave, and Free-colored in 
 Divisions of the 12 States by Decades, 1790-1860 
 
 state 
 
 1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 1850. 1860. 
 
 SOUTH 
 
 White 
 
 Missouri. .Slave 
 
 Free-Colored 
 
 W. 
 
 Georgia S. 
 
 F. C. 
 
 Alabama. 
 
 W. 
 . . S. 
 F. C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Mississippi. S. 
 
 F. C. 
 
 WEST 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Virginia . 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 W. 
 .. S. 
 F. C. 
 
 W. 
 . . S. 
 F. C. 
 
 W. 
 
 .. s. 
 
 F. C. 
 
 N. 
 
 W. 
 
 Carolina.. S. 
 
 F. C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Tennessee. . S. 
 
 F. C. 
 
 W. 
 
 S. Carolina . . S. 
 
 F. C. 
 
 Louisiana, 
 
 W. 
 
 . . s. 
 
 F. C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Arkansas. . . S. 
 
 F. C. 
 
 5,847 
 
 13,261 
 
 158 
 
 97,635 
 
 49,591 
 
 2,298 
 
 159,042 
 
 54,887 
 
 1,656 
 
 13,889 
 
 2,151 
 
 40 
 
 102,696 
 
 14,431 
 
 393 
 
 5,813 
 
 1,161 
 
 68 
 
 73,995 
 
 12,930 
 
 274 
 
 13,774 
 
 20,407 
 294 
 
 4,446 
 
 2,995 
 
 159 
 
 91,894 
 
 51,467 
 
 4,852 
 
 202,885 
 
 78,066 
 
 3,421 
 
 50,532 
 
 9,845 
 
 214 
 
 136,604 
 
 21,886 
 
 892 
 
 17,859 
 
 6,748 
 
 21 
 
 112,071 
 
 23,578 
 
 575 
 
 13,082 
 
 2,604 
 
 592 
 
 23,686 
 
 30,479 
 
 860 
 
 16,602 
 
 14,523 
 
 181 
 
 91,947 
 55,836 
 10,569 
 
 219,059 
 
 105,501 
 
 5,472 
 
 110,316 
 
 25,244 
 567 
 
 161,720 
 
 33,137 
 
 1,060 
 
 73,972 
 
 25,656 
 
 339 
 
 128,573 
 
 45,608 
 
 797 
 
 2,109 
 
 2,557 
 
 304 
 
 28,050 
 
 5,370 
 
 299 
 
 43,542 
 
 39,754 
 
 990 
 
 49,092 
 
 9,210 
 
 430 
 
 72,038 
 
 56,863 
 
 812 
 
 30,787 75,170 
 
 19,991 56,732 
 
 320, 973 
 
 39,984 60,572 
 
 32,292 59,998 
 
 4511 491 
 
 I 
 
 101,954 114,097 
 
 54,029, 54,788 
 
 9,460, 12,594 
 
 234,958' 281,028 
 
 123,242 149,437 
 
 6,642; 8,959 
 
 164,753 202,961 
 
 48,599i 63,534 
 
 786 1,418 
 
 182,982 221,463 
 
 45,507i 62,965 
 
 l,804j 3,121 
 
 132,495 256,179 
 
 47,984 96,733 
 
 777 1,694, 
 
 139,173' 151,342 
 
 66,433, 94,525 
 
 1,091 1,542 
 
 7,236 
 
 5,815 
 
 500 
 
 7,474 
 
 9,115 
 
 655 
 
 3,640 11,645 
 
 633 2,135 
 
 12 25 
 
 151,201 
 
 18,125 
 
 1,200 
 
 127,514 
 
 100,145 
 
 1,225 
 
 139,566 
 
 151,060 
 
 1,398 
 
 87,350 
 
 113,335 
 
 927 
 
 126,894 
 49,788 
 15,366 
 
 294,200 
 
 153,868 
 
 10,382 
 
 272,094 
 
 81,573 
 
 2,639 
 
 234,401 
 
 63,219 
 
 3,646 
 
 317,095 
 
 135,153 
 
 2,255 
 
 154,147 
 
 108,980 
 
 2,015 
 
 19,169 
 
 23,339 
 
 1,336 
 
 46,215 
 
 10,174 
 
 251 
 
 301,3281558,478 
 
 25,061 
 1,933 
 
 158,778 
 
 143,783 
 
 1,252 
 
 172,835 
 
 207,730 
 
 1,543 
 
 28,941 
 2,573 
 
 189,793 
 
 192,588 
 
 1,458 
 
 222,02j: 
 
 276,668 
 
 1,879 
 
 117,356|151,658 
 149,510 197,038 
 741 644 
 
 147,310 
 51,001 
 16,571 
 
 351,965 
 
 170,311 
 
 11,147 
 
 356,897 
 
 100,747 
 
 4,327 
 
 288,936 
 
 81,475 
 
 5,348 
 
 380,289 
 
 170,077 
 
 2,504 
 
 154,474 
 
 140,402 
 
 2,050 
 
 45,342 
 
 46,526 
 
 1,407 
 
 99,697 
 
 25,344 
 
 401 
 
 170,814 
 50,423 
 20,269 
 
 392,937 
 
 178,763 
 
 12,216 
 
 446,720 
 
 117,221 
 
 4,665 
 
 333,573 
 
 90,610 
 
 6,279 
 
 412,809 
 
 207,737 
 
 2,764 
 
 156,617 
 
 154,622 
 
 2,671 
 
 72,824 
 
 74,982 
 
 1,793 
 
 189,659 
 
 44,894 
 
 93 
 
 only for the period for which the county areas have been parts of the States, all 
 figures by counties prior to that period are omitted from this table and necessarily 
 from all the following derived tables. The figures referred to are indicated in the 
 U. S. census by a parenthesis thus, "(a)." They are, for all comparative purposes, 
 Infinitesimal. 
 
66 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 much as at first sight we should suppose, but some of them 
 mean much more. The increase of the white population in 
 northern Mississippi from 1830 to 1840 was 829.22 per cent., 
 but the total white population in northern Mississippi in 1830 
 was less than 10,000. The per cent, for the free-colored in 
 the same area in the same decade was 1467.85, but this very 
 great percentage of increase is not of special significance, be- 
 cause the free-colored in northern Mississippi in 1830 were 
 so few, there being only 28 in all. Data in a table of this 
 kind must therefore be employed with the utmost discrimina- 
 tion. This can be done only by constant reference to the 
 table of absolute numbers upon which the derived table is 
 based. A small percentage of increase or loss may be de- 
 cidedly more significant in various instances in this and many 
 of the other tables than a very large percentage. The slave pop- 
 ulation of eastern Maryland, for example, from 1830 to 1840 
 decreased 16.94 per cent. The fact of any decrease at all is 
 interesting, but it would not be half as significant if in 1830 
 in eastern Maryland there had been only 1,000 slaves instead 
 of the number 48,206, for in that case there would have been 
 a loss of fewer than 170 slaves for the decade. As it was, 
 there was a loss of more than 8,000. These examples are 
 sufficient to illustrate the significance of such a table. Making 
 comparisons of figures in this cautious way, one can make an 
 almost endless number of useful comparisons in re- 
 spect to the growth of the population in the states, comparisons 
 of growth between the states and also between the sections 
 within any one of the states. If we compare the rate of in- 
 crease in the white population of eastern Maryland with that 
 of western Maryland from 1840 to 1850 we shall note that in 
 the east the increase was 41.46 per cent., in the west only 16.08. 
 This, in accordance with what has been previously stated, is 
 the more significant when we compare the absolute numbers 
 for the whites for the sections in 1840, the east then having 
 roughly 50,000 more whites than the west. The rate of 
 the growth of the white, slave, and free-colored population 
 in the various sections may be usefully associated with the 
 character of the occupations and industries of the people. With 
 slight exception, the area of the twelve southern states during 
 the period covered by these tables was devoted to agriculture. 
 
Population by State-Divisions 
 TABLE VI 
 
 67 
 
 Rate Per Cent, of Increase or Loss of Population of each State- 
 division, distributed as White, Slave, and Free-colored 
 by Decades, 1830-1860 
 
 state 
 
 1830-40 1840-50 1850-60 
 
 State 
 
 1830-40 1840-50 1850-60 
 
 NORTH 
 
 White 
 
 Missouri. .Slave 
 
 Free-Colored 
 
 W. 
 
 Georgia S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 Alabama. 
 
 W. 
 
 . . s. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 Mississippi. S. 
 F.-C. 
 EAST 
 
 W. 
 
 Maryland . . . S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Virginia.... S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Kentucky. . . S, 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 N. Carolina.. S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Tennessee. . S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 S. Carolina. .S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Louisiana... S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Arkansas . . . S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 162.82 
 
 152.59 
 169.06 
 
 20,23 
 12.52 
 
 *8.72 
 
 69.75 
 
 68.49 
 
 7.01 
 
 829.22 
 146.31 
 
 1467.85 
 
 8.07 
 
 *16.94 
 
 15.79 
 
 *4.85 
 
 *8.59 
 
 .56 
 
 1.05 
 
 *.97 
 
 33.69 
 
 *.36 
 
 *.02 
 16.22 
 
 15.72 
 
 6.76 
 
 14.26 
 
 *1.48 
 
 *1.27 
 
 1.84 
 
 70.36 
 44.42 
 50.52 
 
 120.72 
 
 299.71 
 
 84.48 
 
 68.32 
 
 55.45 
 83.15 
 
 29.48 
 
 31.58 
 
 9.88 
 
 29.67 
 31.85 
 11.70 
 
 94.45 
 
 95.86 
 
 *56.94 
 
 41.46 
 *1.67 
 24.49 
 
 8.34 
 
 1.83 
 
 10.09 
 
 27.14 
 
 9.47 
 
 21.50 
 
 5.43 
 13.40 
 15.87 
 
 16.38 
 44.82 
 19.85 
 
 14.43 
 10.84 
 10.36 
 
 50.87 
 
 36.64 
 
 *33.56 
 
 73.73 
 
 37.89 
 45.83 
 
 10.73 
 13.32 
 21.62 
 
 19.90 
 17.24 
 13.26 
 
 13.38 
 
 49.40 
 
 *31.74 
 
 27.81 
 
 *6.60 
 
 9.49 
 
 13.15 
 4.26 
 7.35 
 
 16.87 
 
 *1.78 
 
 5.89 
 
 12.22 
 
 16.11 
 
 9.35 
 
 9.92 
 
 2.01 
 
 15.77 
 
 12.15 
 1.30 
 4.82 
 
 35.44 
 
 29.48 
 
 4.97 
 
 50.45 [115.20 
 123.91 1204.38 
 *33.26 1*75.36 
 
 SOUTH 
 
 White 
 
 Missouri. .Slave 
 Free-Colored 
 
 Georgia. 
 
 Alabama. 
 
 W. 
 .. S. 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 . . S. 
 F.-C. 
 
 W, 
 Mississippi. S. 
 F.-C. 
 WEST 
 
 W. 
 
 Maryland . . . S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Virginia.... S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Kentucky. . . S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 N, Carolina.. S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Tennessee.. S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 S. Carolina. .S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Louisiana. . . S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 W. 
 
 Arkansas... S. 
 
 F.-C. 
 
 207.99 
 
 96.79 
 
 179.06 
 
 77.00 
 76.11 
 50.86 
 
 85.66 
 
 166.26 
 
 43.67 
 
 44.20 
 88.89 
 88.79 
 
 11.21 
 
 *9.28 
 22.01 
 
 4.68 
 
 2.96 
 
 15.88 
 
 34.00 
 28.39 
 86.10 
 
 5.84 
 
 .40 
 
 16.82 
 
 23.78 
 39.71 
 33.11 
 
 1.85 
 15.29 
 30.67 
 
 99.28 I 85.33 
 43.78 I 15.48 
 61.08 33.10 
 
 24.51 1 19.53 
 
 43.57 I 33.94 
 
 2.20 I 16.45 
 
 23.83 I 28.45 
 37.51 I 33.18 
 10.37 I 21.77 
 
 34.35 I 29.22 
 
 31.91 I 31.78 
 
 *20.06 •13.09 
 
 16.08 
 2.61 
 7.84 
 
 19.63 
 
 10.68 
 
 7.36 
 
 31.16 
 
 23.50 
 63.96 
 
 23.26 
 
 28.87 
 46.65 
 
 19.92 
 25.83 
 11.04 
 
 .21 
 
 28.83 
 
 2.23 
 
 156.47 |136.53 
 156.00 I 99.34 
 103.09 I 5.31 
 
 296.86 |115.72 
 371.85 1149.10 
 904.00 I 59.70 
 
 15.45 
 
 1.13 
 
 22.31 
 
 11.64 
 4.96 
 9.59 
 
 25.16 
 
 16.35 
 
 7.81 
 
 15.44 
 11.21 
 17.40 
 
 8.55 
 22.14 
 10.38 
 
 1.38 
 10.12 
 30.29 
 
 60.61 
 61.10 
 27.43 
 
 90.23 
 77.13 
 '=76.80 
 
 • Loss. 
 
68 
 
 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 In the older seaboard states it is a conspicuous fact that the 
 white population increased at a much slower rate than did that 
 of the states of the frontier and southwest. The opportunities 
 were greater and large numbers emigrated to those parts. A 
 table like this, therefore, is helpful in readily suggesting dif- 
 ferences in the local coloring of the states and their divisions, 
 and serves to differentiate the static from the dynamic areas. 
 
 TABLE VII 
 
 Ranking of divisions of the 12 States (a) in area of 
 each division expressed as a percentage of the total 
 area of the State and (b) in the average slave popu- 
 lation of each division 1840 to 1860, expressed as a 
 percentage of the average of the slave population 
 of the 24 divisions for the same period. 
 
 State 
 
 Maryland 
 
 S. Carolina. . . . 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Virginia 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Mississippi .... 
 N. Carolina . . . . 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Missouri 
 
 * Cf. Diagram E 
 
 Area of each State- 
 division expressed as 
 a percentage of the 
 total area of each 
 State. 
 
 W45.32 
 W44.12 
 W50.06 
 W59.08 
 W49.37 
 W49.40 
 N 51.42 
 W47.99 
 N48.74 
 W51.56 
 N 45.07 
 N41.25 
 
 II 
 E54.68 
 £55.88 
 £49.94 
 £40.97 
 £50.68 
 £50 . 60 
 S48.57 
 £52.01 
 S51.26 
 £48.44 
 S54.9;3 
 S58.75 
 
 Total Slave popula- 
 tion in each State- 
 division for the cen- 
 suses 1840-1860, ex- 
 pressed as a percent- 
 age of the total Slave 
 population of the 24 
 Divisions for the same 
 censuses. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Wl. 66 
 W4.44 
 W3.29 
 W5.52 
 N5.63 
 W1.59 
 W5.29 
 N2.58 
 W3.25 
 W .88 
 W7.33 
 N2.07 
 
 IV 
 
 £1.27 
 £7.80 
 £3.50 
 £9.36 
 £2.04 
 £6.59 
 S5.05 
 £6.92 
 S6.98 
 £1.07 
 S5.02 
 S .79 
 
Population by State-Divisions 
 
 69 
 
 DIAGRAM E* 
 
 Ranking of divisions of the 12 States (a) in area of each 
 pair of divisions expressed as a percentage of the total area 
 of the 12 States and (b) in the average of the slave popula- 
 tion of each division for the censuses 1840-1860, expressed as 
 a percentage of the average of the slave population of the 24 
 divisions for the same censuses. Larger percentages are de- 
 noted by dots on broken lines, smaller by dots on solid lines. 
 The small duplicate figures represent the corresponding divi- 
 sions of states in table VII, upon which the diagram is based. 
 
 AREA PERCENTAGES 
 
 * 1. Spaces in this diagram represent 1 per cent. 2. The slight variation 
 of divisions from 50 per cent, in area are ignored in this diagram. 
 
70 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 Table VII and the corresponding diagram E represent the 
 result of applying somewhat similar methods to those used for 
 table III to the twenty-four areas into which the twelve states 
 were divided. The features considered are area (columns I 
 and II) and the slave population (columns III and IV). 
 It is to be noted particularly that here the dots on the 
 lines represent the percentage which the sum of the figures 
 for any division by censuses 1840-1860 bears to the sum 
 of the total census figures for the same period for the 12 
 states. Wherever the percentage of one division of a given 
 state is less than the other division of the same state, the 
 lower percentage is indicated by a dot on the solid line, 
 and whenever the contrary is the case, on the broken 
 line. ^ Thus the differences between divisions of states with 
 respect to the slave population are brought into relation with 
 the area-ranks of divisions. In the diagram the slight varia- 
 tions in the size of the area-divisions of any given state are 
 ignored. The diagram like the table brings out prominently 
 the fact that there was marked variation among the states as 
 to evenness of distribution of the slave population between 
 divisions. The states that show the greatest unevenness are 
 Virginia, Alabama, and Tennessee ; those where the distribu- 
 tion between divisions was most nearly equal were Maryland, 
 Kentucky, Mississippi and Missouri. 
 
 Table VIII shows the changes from decade to decade in 
 the percentage of the total population of each state found in 
 the two sections into which each state has been divided. These 
 changes have been marked in many instances. For example, 
 in 1790 the western section of Tennessee contained less than 
 20 per cent, of the population of the State ; in 1820, 42.87 
 per cent., but by 1860 considerably more than half, namely, 
 56.16 per cent. It is interesting to note that by 1860 the 
 majority of the states had reached an approximate equality in 
 the number of persons in their respective divisions, and that 
 the others were fast approaching that condition. Maryland 
 is the most important exception. 
 
 1 The only instance in which the broken line crosses the continuous 
 line is the State of Kentucky, and the reason for arranging the diagram 
 thus was that, although western Kentucky shows a slightly smaller per 
 cent, of slaves than does the eastern part, the former was increasing in 
 its slave population much faster from 1840 to 1860. (Eastern South Care. 
 Una should show 7.8 per cent, in diagram.) 
 
Population by State-Divisions 
 
 71 
 
 CD 
 
 
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72 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 Table IX shows the changes from decade to decade in the 
 percentage of the white population of each state found in the 
 two sections into which each state has been divided. It reflects 
 for the white population the same general tendency which was 
 found for the population as a whole, namely, that from 1790 to 
 1860 there was some tendency toward equalization 
 in the number of whites in the two divisions of each state. 
 This tendency was not as marked, however, in the case of the 
 whites considered separately as in the case of the whole popu- 
 lation. 
 
 Table X shows the changes for the negro population con- 
 sidered by itself according to the same statistical method used 
 in table VIII for the whole population of each state and its 
 sections, and in table IX for the white population of each 
 state and its sections. A different state of affairs from that 
 found for the whites (in table IX) is apparent. There seems 
 to have been comparatively little tendency during the period 
 1790-1860 to approach an equality in the numbers of negroes 
 in the two divisions of each state. Tennessee, for example, by 
 1860 had reached a condition where only 25.62 negroes out of 
 every 100 were in the eastern section. 
 
 Table XI employs the method used for tables VIII, IX, X, 
 but with respect to the free-colored. It shows the proportion 
 of free-colored in any given division of a state to the total free- 
 colored in that state by decades. It shows that the free-colored 
 within each of the states examined were not at all evenly 
 distributed between the two divisions of the various states. 
 For example, east Virginia until 1840 had over 80 per cent, 
 of the free-colored in the state. 
 
 Table XII shows for each separate division of each state 
 taken as a unit the proportion of negroes to the total popula- 
 tion within these divisions by decades from 1790 to 1860. It is 
 well-known that the negroes were not evenly distributed within 
 
 I Cf. Ninth Census, Population and Social Statistics of the United 
 States, for verification of statistical tables, in connection with boundary 
 counties above, and in order to verify the absolute numbers of table V. 
 Cf. also Map of U. S. bv Rand, McNally & Co., for 1904 as a basis for 
 map. Cf. also Lippincott's Gazette of the World for 1900 for number of 
 square miles by counties. To verify the figures for any one class of the 
 three classes of the population, it is necessary to ascertain which are all 
 the eastern or western, northern or southern counties in any one of the 
 12 States, and to get the census figures for those counties for any one 
 or all the 8 decades 1790-1860, and then to compare them with figures 
 presented here in table V. 
 
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 71 
 
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74 
 
 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
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Population by State-Divisions 
 
 75 
 
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 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
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78 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 the states of the South or even within each state. The "black 
 belt" is proverbial. The exact proportions of negroes to whites 
 in different sections of the states, however, are not so well- 
 known. This table supplies the need for these details. For 
 example, these figures bring out the fact that of the total 
 population in the eastern half of Tennessee for the entire 
 period 1790-1860 by decades, the total negro population com- 
 posed less than 15 per cent, except for 1850, and then it was 
 but slightly more, being 16.29. Western Tennessee also is 
 shown to have had relatively few negroes. On the other hand, 
 if one examines the table he readily perceives that conditions 
 were strikingly different in eastern South Carolina, where 
 for the same period of seventy years the negro population 
 composed from 59.11 to as high as 68.12 per cent, of the 
 total population. 
 
 In table XIII we have the detailed figures by decades to 
 show the relation of the number of blacks to the number of 
 whites by divisions of states — each division taken as a unit. 
 It is, of course, well-known that for many decades the ratio 
 of blacks to whites in eastern South Carolina when compared 
 with the ratio in any other division of equal size in the South 
 has been large. This table, however, not only shows such a 
 well-known relationship as this, but also that there was con- 
 siderable change in the ratio from 1790 to 1860. In fact, the 
 proportion at the later date had almost doubled (i. e., 144 in 
 1790; 213 in 1830). 
 
 In table XIV is presented the number of whites, slaves, 
 and free-colored in each square mile of territory by state- 
 divisions for the decades from 1790 to 1860. 
 
 This table requires very little explanation. What was done 
 to obtain the figures of this table was to divide the total 
 number of whites in any state-division by the total number of 
 square miles of that division, and the same was also done for 
 the slaves, and free-colored. There is no density table given 
 for the slaves or the free-colored in the U. S. census separate 
 from the whites. The density figures for each of these classes 
 by states have not been worked out. as the density by divisions 
 is of more importance for our purpose. A very close approxi- 
 mation to the state density can be obtained, however, from 
 our division density, not only for the total population, but for 
 whites, slaves, and free-colored separately. For example, if 
 
Population by State-Divisions 79 
 
 we add the density figures of this table for Kentucky in 1860 
 in east and west for the three classes we shall obtain 57.73, 
 the number which represents twice the actual density, because 
 the State has been divided into two very nearly equal areas, 
 and the density per square mile in both sections added. Divid- 
 ing by 2 we get 28.86>4, the actual density for the entire State, 
 Now if we like, we can compare this result with the density 
 for the total population in 1860 as given in the U. S. census, 
 and if we do, we shall find it is 28.9, almost identical with our 
 measure. The more nearly equal the areas in the comple- 
 mentary sections of the same state, the slighter will be the 
 variation from the density figures obtained from the U. S. 
 census. In the same way the white density alone may be 
 found for an entire state by adding the figures for both sec- 
 tions and dividing by 2. In the same way the slave, or the 
 free-colored ; or the total negro density, by combining the 
 slave and free-colored for the two sections and dividing by 2. 
 To obtain the actual density of the total population for any 
 state-division,, add the white, slave and free-colored densities 
 for that division. 
 
 In this table we see reflected the same facts brought out 
 in table VI, in that the frontier and southwestern states in- 
 creased in density much faster than the seaboard slave states. 
 The northern divisions of Missouri, Georgia, Alabama and 
 Mississippi, are good examples of this fact. There is one im- 
 portant fact made prominent in this table, however, which 
 does not appear with equal significance in any other table, 
 namely, the striking difference in actual density in the different 
 states and their divisions. One notes that eastern Maryland 
 in 1860 had almost 60 white inhabitants per square mile, 
 whereas South Carolina, also one of the old seaboard states, 
 had only 7.98. Missouri, notwithstanding its rapid density 
 increase, had only 17.81. 
 
 The chief value of this table, therefore, is the definiteness 
 with which it brings out the local coloring of the states and 
 their divisions, the ready means it supplies of obtaining at a 
 glance an impression of the population in its totality, and 
 thereby of aiding one in relating historical data of diverse 
 kinds to the historic movement and settlement of the popula- 
 tion during the period from 1790 to 1860. 
 
80 
 
 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 XI 
 
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Population by State-Divisions 
 
 81 
 
 
 
 
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CHAPTER VII 
 
 THB ROLE OF THE NEGRO IN SLAVERY AND IN FREEDOM 
 
 The distribution and growth of the population as rep- 
 resented in the diagrams and tables of the preceding chapter 
 give evidence of the great extent to which slave labor was 
 employed and what states and sections found it most profit- 
 able. Moreover, it can be discovered from the above data 
 that the negroes in their relation to the white population were 
 sufficiently distributed and dense to furnish a basis for social 
 like-response among the whites because of their contact with 
 the negroes. This, with the historical background of racial an- 
 tecedents and race consciousness, went a long way in uniting 
 the South so unanimously in its social feeling on questions of 
 slavery and the negro. A knowledge of the nergo at first hand 
 made inevitable a solidarity of opinion among the whites con- 
 cerning him. And the writer is inclined to think the South was 
 more a unit in its adherence to and insistence on a definite 
 social policy and platform in respect to the negro than it was 
 as to the economic value of the slave ; or even as to its re- 
 striction of the ballot to the white man either before or since 
 the Civil War. Says Mr. G. T. Stephenson : "Several states 
 which at first allowed Negro freemen to vote later withdrew 
 the privilege. Until the Revolution, they were allowed to vote 
 in every state except Georgia and South Carolina. Between 
 1792 and 1834 Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky 
 denied the suffrage to Negroes. As has been seen. North 
 Carolina permitted a restricted Negro suffrage until 1835. 
 New Jersey took the suffrage from the Negro in 1807, Con- 
 necticut in 1814, and Pennsylvania in 1838; and Tennessee, 
 in 1834, limited the right to those negroes who were com- 
 petent as witnesses against white persons." ^ 
 
 In matters that were primarily and chiefly social, a multi- 
 plicity of data lends itself to the proposition that the conscious- 
 ness of the white population was not only alike in general, 
 but almost everywhere alike in many minor matters. That 
 is to say, the codes and mores governing the relations between 
 the races were more nearly the same for all the sections of 
 
 1 G. T. Stephenson, Race Distinctions in American Law, p. 284. 
 
The Negro in Slavery and in Freedom 83 
 
 the South, than one might infer who was famiUar chiefly with 
 the divergence in economic opportunity, presented even within 
 the bounds of the same state. There could be and was eco- 
 nomic differentiation in process, while social solidarity per- 
 sisted in principle and reality. And it is this phase of slavery 
 as an economic system working itself out, following its own 
 peculiar adaptations, and finding its own place by inevitable 
 natural selection that, in the main, has made it seem worth 
 while to differentiate the southern states into two divisions 
 each, as has been done. By this method the numerical inequali- 
 ties and disproportions of the races in the different sections 
 are made to stand out and a vantage point is gained from which 
 to view not only contemporaneous growth and achievement, 
 but also departures and differentiations, of a pronounced type, 
 from the economic and, to some extent, the social order long 
 dominant in the South. 
 
 Economic opportunity in the South has been the potent 
 factor in segregating the negro whether slave or free and 
 making his pursuit essentially that of the field ; and at the same 
 time, in promoting increasingly the white man to industrial 
 and professional pursuits more sharply differentiated in char- 
 acter and responsibility. The natural outcome of this process 
 has been an increase in the complexity and diversity of the 
 white man's labor, thus furnishing the opportunity as well as 
 necessity for him to acquire technical knowledge and skill, 
 where the former undiversified industry of agriculture pre- 
 vented such development. 
 
 The data presented in Table XIII, giving the ratios 
 and proportions of the colored population to the white, reveal 
 the white as significantly more numerous proportionately to 
 the whole population in those sections least favorable to agri- 
 culture, and the colored more numerous in the agricultural 
 areas. Natural selection resulting from the economic oppor- 
 tunity offered by the different sections has determined a cer- 
 tain line of procedure and progress for the section where the 
 whites constitute from 60 to 75 per cent, of the population, 
 just as it has done in the section where the greater per cent, 
 of the population has been of the opposite color. 
 
 Something of the rigidity of this selective economic princi- 
 ple may be the more appreciated if we look for a moment at 
 the census figures as given by the U. S. census for the year 
 
84 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 1900 and notice the proportions of the whites and colored to 
 each other in respect to these divisional areas. The figures 
 convincingly demonstrate the truth of the persistence of the 
 white and colored population respectively with reference to 
 J y/ their adaptations. Where whites predominated in 1860, in 
 — ^ the main they predominate to-day, and this is also true of the 
 colored race. 
 
 But that is not all. Given the same or practically the same 
 population numerically in each section of the same state, and 
 a homogeneous white population and an undifferentiated col- 
 ored race, the only significant disparity being that of numbers 
 in respect to each race, how comes it that the march of prog- 
 ress is with that section which contains a predominant number 
 of whites rather than with the other section having a pre- 
 dominance of the colored race? The writer hastens to assure 
 any doubtful mind that the query proposed is not one of 
 dogma to which he is unalterably committed ; not as any 
 dogma at all. It is proposed for the purpose rather of ex- 
 ploring the bounds within which, from a reasonable and di'^- 
 passionate point of view, one may be helped to reduce the negm 
 problem to somewhat more definite and primary terms and 
 to eliminate as much of the undifferentiated character of 
 the problem as possible, and thus to present it with a maximum 
 of its own peculiar character. To do this it is requisite in the 
 first place to deal with objective facts. How better can this 
 be done than by comparison ? 
 
 The factors of race-heredity are constant, applying alike 
 to the whites of the sections and also to the negroes. Dififer- 
 ences in economic opportunity, however, brought the whites and 
 the colored together in the sections on the basis of the char- 
 acter of occupations. What has caused a difiference in the 
 rate at which the sections have advanced? Has it been that 
 the hum of the spindle and the ceaseless clank of the loom 
 in the cotton mill have accelerated the movements of the 
 white operative ; and, by the very swifter and more disciplinary 
 character of the industrial order in the upland, have accentu- 
 ated the tardiness and unprogressiveness of the negro follow- 
 ing a different occupation? or is the difference due more to 
 native differences in the races? It would be idle to suppose 
 the colored population could have been employed in the mills 
 to do the same work the whites have been doing, for they are 
 
The Negro in Slavery and in Freedom 85 
 
 not yet prepared for such work, and the majority of them 
 apparently do not possess sufficient aptitude for such occupa- 
 tion. On the other hand, the question is a reminder of at 
 least a cultural, if not native, difference in the races. How- 
 ever these questions shall be decided, we are confronted first of 
 all with incontrovertible data demonstrating that differences 
 exist, which reasonably call for candid analysis in the effort to 
 arrive at a correct view of the significance of relative differ- 
 ences in the development and growth of the southern popula- 
 tion. 
 
 What of the suggestion that important among the factors 
 is that of the persisting influence of the regime of slavery in 
 those regions most slave, which are the same regions where 
 the negro population is most dense to-day? It is a patent 
 fact that in the day of slavery manual labor and menial serv- 
 ice were discredited most where slavery most abounded. In 
 a speech delivered in the City Hall, Glasgow, Oct., 13, 1863, 
 referring to the South, Henry Ward Beecher said: "Through- 
 out the South there is the most marked public disesteem of 
 honest homely industry. It is true that in the mountainous 
 portions of the South-west, North Carolina, northern Georgia, 
 eastern Tennessee, and western Virginia, where slaves are 
 few, and where a hardy people for the most part perform 
 their own agricultural labors, there is less discredit attached 
 to homely toil than in the rich alluvial districts where sugar and 
 cotton culture demand exclusive slave labor. But even in 
 the most favored portion of the South, manual labor is 
 but barely redeemed from the taint of being a slave's business, 
 and nowhere is it honored as it is in the great and free North." 
 
 To judge from all the available data and testimony, 
 it is but affirming a commonplace truth to say that 
 what were the most fertile areas in the South, those 
 occupied by master and slave, where proud, aristocratic 
 families flourished, are those regions for the most part, in 
 which have persisted a negro population and an unchanged, 
 undiversified industry. It is also a matter of fact that the 
 southwest districts, cited above by Mr. Beecher, were the 
 least developed, and were settled generally by white fami- 
 
 1 Speech of Henry Ward Beecher on the American Rebellion, delivered in 
 Great Britain, in 1863, pp. 63, 64. 
 
86 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 lies of small means, among whom were large numbers of the 
 poor whites, who semed to prefer the frontier life. 
 
 With these facts in mind, it cannot be said that the whites 
 of the frontier were superior, in point of blood or otherwise. 
 As has been shown, the whites in most of the states went 
 back lineally to the same original stock. But in point of re- 
 finement, of cultivation of mind and manners, and wealth as 
 well, the slave-owner of the higher type certainly shows up to 
 much greater advantage. But the old order of superior wealth 
 and development has changed, and the advantages of 
 rapid progress seem to be with those regions which have 
 been predominantly white, which are undergoing more and 
 more differentiation in occupation and pursuit ; in which manu- 
 facturing industries, thriving towns and cities have sup- 
 planted the conditions of a scattered population that had only a 
 precarious livelihood for a bare subsistence. 
 
 To any one familiar with conditions in the South it must 
 be apparent that the question of the negro presents itself as 
 compounded of multiple and varying factors, many of which 
 are of so elusive a character as to defy any ready and easy 
 solution. And it is because of such factors inhering in the 
 social structure into which the negro has entered, that an 
 attempt has been made to seize upon some of the constant ele- 
 ments in order to gain more light. We therefore present here 
 what seems on the whole the most plausible ground of explana- 
 tion, and, withal, the one that seems most consistent with 
 scientific sociological theory. 
 
 First of all are to be recognized the native differences of 
 the white and negro races. Especially do the anthropological 
 demarcations between white and black seem of paramount sig- 
 nification for our problem. Natural selection in the produc- 
 tion of the two races has evolved two distinct and separate 
 types of man. If it be granted that the native differences in 
 the races are of very great significance, it follows logically 
 that a very great difference in the relative proportions of 
 their numbers will likewise be an added factor in the prob- 
 lem. Having then this striking disparity in race and numbers, 
 we are prepared to take account of what is not the least im- 
 portant nor interesting side of the inter-relation of the races, 
 namely, the psychological. 
 
The Negro in Slavery and in Freedom 87 
 
 Social theory, when it seeks admittance into the laboratory 
 of psyschological interactions and inter-stimulations between 
 the negro and white races, must take with it Professor Frank- 
 lin H. Giddings' key called "like response to the same stimu- 
 lus." Illustrations of this psychological principle will serve our 
 purpose better than definition. For instance, the white work- 
 ing man farmed and worked side by side with the slave or 
 acted as overseer. Since emancipation the whites in the ter- 
 ritory which had most slaves have been constantly thrown into 
 close proximity to the negro population in the daily rounds 
 and labors of the fields. The external forces that have im- 
 pinged on the nervous organism of the black man, have had 
 full sway over the white man. The excitement attending the 
 work of laborers having common tasks, the coming into 
 close contact for common cause on occasions of corn-huskings 
 and log-rollings, of house-movings, hog-killings and numerous 
 other occasions of team-work, when the rule was to keep 
 passing "that demijohn" or "that quart tickler" along, until 
 the numerous neighbors and darkies had regaled themselves 
 prodigally of their contents ; the sports at the huskings, when 
 the good man of the house was seized, hoisted and borne aloft 
 on the shoulders of two burly, buck negroes, with the crowd 
 of negroes and whites following in the procession, all of them 
 shouting meantime the "holler" suited to the occasion, — these 
 are a few examples of the sociological principle of "like re- 
 sponse to the same stimulus." And because the most exclu- 
 sively agricultural districts furnished principally but one occu- 
 pation to the inhabitants, industrially the larger per cent, of 
 the population was compelled of necessity to attend to the 
 same thing. In attending to the same thing they tended in 
 considerable measure to respond in like ways to that same 
 thing. Like-response of this sort refers not alone to the direc- 
 tion and aim of the exerted volition, but to the manner and 
 movement, acceleration and retardation of it as well. 
 
 The white man working side by side with several negroes, 
 if only a day laborer in the same capacity as they, would be 
 as likely to be influenced by the general character and manner 
 of their movements in the performance of their tasks, as they 
 by his. The leaning and lounging on helve of shovel and 
 hoe early discovered as a luxury among the slaves, like the 
 appetizing flavor of Charles Lamb's celebrated classic "Roast 
 
88 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 Pig," has had characteristic effectiveness and persistence for 
 spreading ; so much so that many a white laborer has indulged 
 himself in the same agreeable fashion. 
 
 Still another instance of the effective operation of the 
 principle of "like response to the same stimulus" was seen in 
 the development of special types of response among the slaves 
 when, for example, they were in the presence of whites, just as 
 there is to-day among the regrettably few surviving ex-slaves. 
 This attractiveness of manners possessed by the old darkey is 
 a pleasing evidence of the good training the slave-master in- 
 stilled in "his people." The common run of negroes in the 
 South even to-day display a palpable inferiority and deteriora- 
 tion in manners when judged by those of an ex-slave- The 
 negro of the rising generation has more of democracy and 
 more of the education of the schools, but much less of gen- 
 uine social cultivation. 
 
 But what of the inter-relation of white and colored in those 
 parts of the states where negroes have formed but a small 
 per cent, of the aggregate population? Here there has not 
 been as much industrial co-operation between the races, both 
 because of the greater disproportion in their numbers and 
 because of the greater diversity in occupation. Moreover, the 
 principle of economic selection favorable to the white man has 
 operated greatly to reduce the colored man's industrial oppor- 
 tunity. For example, in the great cotton-milling and other 
 large manufacturing enterprises, negro labor is practically 
 non-existent. If economic pressure is not great enough 
 to keep the negroes out of the factories, recourse 
 is had to the social feeling among the white operatives. In 
 an ever-increasing number, the whites in the sections that are 
 most white are learning to operate fast-running machines and 
 the speed of their industrial labors is inevitably accelerated. 
 This increased acceleration of movement in the industrial order 
 of half of a large State like North Carolina, or South Caro- 
 lina, Georgia or Alabama, makes a tremendous difference in 
 important directions in the course of a generation. 
 
 Even the colored man when adequate incitement is pre- 
 sented, or necessity is laid on him, can show amazing resource 
 for turning out the finished product of labor ; and particularly 
 so when he thoroughly understands his work. Among the 
 
The Negro in Slavery and in Freedom 89 
 
 fastest and liveliest fodder hands and cotton pickers to be 
 found are the colored people. It must be admitted, however, 
 that negroes are much faster and livelier when under the 
 stimulus of a race for a prize, though the prize be of the most 
 trivial importance. Under such circumstances, however, the 
 youngest even of their race display a plentiful aptitude for 
 careless and inefficient work. The picaninny early learns : 
 "before I'll be beaten and then be cheaten I'll leave five fingers 
 in the boll." 
 
 This is, it is believed, a fair picture of the general run of the 
 field hand among the colored population as the writer has 
 known him and observed him for a number of years. That 
 there are notaible exceptions no one will deny. It is indeed a 
 pleasure to recall such an exception in a famous negro horse- 
 shoer who happily combined speed and thoroughness in his 
 work. How much of this was native, how much acquired, it is 
 not possible to say, but some significance may perhaps be at- 
 tached to the fact that the colored man was for many years in 
 the employ of a white man who was himself an exceptionally 
 efficient blacksmith. 
 
 If it is to the credit of those areas least populated by the 
 negro that they have progressed more rapidly than the other 
 areas, it is not necessarily to the discredit of the white popula- 
 tion in the areas where the colored man has been most in 
 evidence, that progress appears on the whole to have been most 
 retarded. The innate as well as acquired antipathy to the negro 
 on the part of the white man, has there had greatest encourage- 
 ment and provocation, both from the standpoint of numbers 
 and inevitable industrial familiarity and association. 
 
 Such questions as the better improvement of towns and 
 cities, voting local taxation for increasing school terms and 
 the employment of more efficient teachers, would often have 
 been accomplished facts where they have been long deferred, 
 had it not been for the feeling that the negro population would 
 be benefited thereby, because under the State Constitutions 
 such benefits must accrue to the whole population irrespective 
 of race. 
 
 Moreover, it should not be forgotten that relative to the 
 whole population in the state, the area containing the larger 
 negro population would presumably have to have more school- 
 
^/ 
 
 90 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 houses in order to accommodate the children of both races 
 in separate schools. This in itself would make a difference in 
 the benefits conferred, as the building of such houses would 
 have to be borne largely by the county school fund. Where 
 one section would have more buildings in proportion to its 
 population, the other would have fewer buildings, with longer 
 school terms, or better buildings and more efficient teachers, 
 or both. And this same kind of difference is observable in 
 varying degrees in respect to religious, social, and numerous 
 other categories of civic betterment. Look at it from any 
 angle one may choose, therefore, the situation of the white 
 man's development and progress in the areas densely popu- 
 lated by the negro has been more persistently complex and 
 difficult than where he has lived most without the negro, 
 whether as slave or free. In full appreciation of this fact, Mr. 
 W. G. Brown says : "The old ruling class, though shorn of 
 its wealth, and though its ascendency in national politics was 
 
 4 gone forever, was just as strongly intrenched in power at 
 home as it was in 1860. Moreover, its power was as clearly 
 bottomed on the freedman as it had ever been bottomed on 
 the slave." ^ The same author says : "When due account is 
 taken of all the blunders we have made in dealing with the 
 negro * * * * it remains true that not they, but he himself, by 
 his mere presence here, is the main source of our present day 
 perplexities. The political isolation of the South, like its 
 separateness in other respects, is due to the negro, and to the 
 inevitable effects on white men of living among negroes. It 
 is thirty-five years since the slaves were freed, but the shadow 
 of Africa still rests on the land." ^ 
 
 The native differences in the races, which is the foundation 
 of race consciousness, the disparity in the numbers of each 
 in respect to the sections and also between the races in 
 the same section, together with different economic selection 
 as to the sections, and the psychological inter-stimulations and 
 responses in the trend and development of the South, as pre- 
 sented here, seem to us the most reasonable grounds of ex- 
 planation of the social and industrial disparity among the dif- 
 ferent states and different sections of the same state. 
 
 1 W. G. Brown, The Lower South in American History, p. 255. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 266. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE PERSISTENCE OF THE SOCIAL FORCES 
 
 The persisting homogeneity of the white population and 
 the presence of the negro in large numbers are facts that still 
 confront the South. Educational advance there has been and 
 progress in other ways has been made, but the social conditions 
 of the past still exert their influence. The power of the landed 
 aristocracy as it flourished in the days of slavery, however, has 
 been shattered. A small minority in all probability will never 
 again wield so large an influence and prestige in matters of 
 church and state as in the days of slavery. Tlie respon- 
 sibilities of leadership and power are more widely dis- 
 tributed among men of every class. The South in respect to 
 the white race at least has accepted in thorough-going fashion 
 the beneficence of the democratic spirit and principle. Says 
 Mr. E. G. iMurphy: "The historian of institutions must per- 
 ceive that the real struggle of the South from the date of 
 Lee's surrender — through all the accidents of political and 
 industrial revolution — was simply a struggle toward the cre- 
 ation of democratic conditions. The real thing in the unfold- 
 ing of the latter development is. in its essence, but an ap- 
 proach to democracy, not merely as a theory of administra- 
 tion, but as an expression of society itself." ^ What Mr. Mur- 
 phy means by this is suggested by his further statement: 
 "Democracy in its essence has arrived when the rich man and 
 the poor man, the man of the professions and the man of 
 trade, the privileged and the unprivileged, unite to build the 
 common school for the children of the state." ^ 
 
 One of the most potent causes of this movement toward 
 democracy has been the fact that the new South is fast devel- 
 oping manufacturing industries. For example, under the head 
 of miscellaneous factories in the report of the North Carolina 
 Department of Labor and Printing for 1910, the number re- 
 ported was 561, which had an aggregate capital of $50,835,399. 
 Upon 416 of these factories it is estimated that there were 
 66,209 persons dependent for a livelihood. ^ 
 
 1 The Present South, p. 12. 
 
 2 Ibid., pp. 16. 18. 
 
 3 Report, p. 53. 
 
92 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 In addition to the miscellaneous mills mentioned above, the 
 number of cotton, woolen and silk mills reported was 325, of 
 which 300 show an authorized capital of $53,097,454. There 
 were reported 3,348,022 spindles and 56,516 looms, which re- 
 quired the services of 52,440 employes, on whom were de- 
 pendent 138,810 persons for a livelihood.^ 
 
 But this development is not uniform throughout the State. 
 Careful examination of both the North Carolina report and 
 "The Blue Book" for 1910, published in the interest of the 
 textile industries in the United States and Canada, shows that 
 the miscellaneous factories and the cotton, woolen and silk 
 mills are nearly all in the western division of the State. To say 
 that 75 to 80 per cent, of the mills of the State are in the 
 west would be a conservative statement. 
 
 Similar statements can be made of western South Carolina, 
 of northern Georgia, and northern and eastern Alabama. 
 North Carolina has a greater number of cotton mills than has 
 any other State in the Union ; the number of South Carolina's 
 spindles is second only to Massachusetts' total. Georgia is 
 next to North Carolina in number of mills and Alabama is also 
 an important textile State and is fast investing in cotton manu- 
 facture. The fact of economic differentiation and segregation 
 of the population within the same State is still more appreci- 
 able if studied in connection with figures for divisions of 
 States.^ It is for the purpose of more sharply dis- 
 tinguishing the sections in respect to their industrial growth 
 and the distribution and character of their population, that we 
 now go further into the study of the population numbers. 
 Here the idea is to get at the distribution and growth of the 
 population for 1900 for the same sections that were studied 
 from 1790 to 1860. Again the county is the unit of investiga- 
 tion and the boundary lines used for the tables of state-divi- 
 sions presented in chapter VI have been retained. Missouri 
 in 1900 shows a decided relative increase in her white popula- 
 tion in the southern half of the State as compared with that 
 of the northern division. \\^here, in 1860. 52.40 per cent, of 
 the total white population was in the south-, in 1900. the south 
 had 57.66 per cent., the north sustaining a corresponding reia- 
 
 1 Tbid., pp. 157-58. 
 
 2 .State Reports, and The Textile Map of the Southern States in The Blue 
 
 Book, p. 1027. for 1910. 
 
Persistence of the Social Forces 93 
 
 tive decrease. There was a slight relative increase in the south 
 also of the total colored population. In the north, in 186U, 
 the colored was 14.69 per cent, of the total population ; 
 in 1900 it had dropped to 6.70. In the south in 1860 it was 
 5.34 of the total population, and in 1900, 4.05, which shows a 
 diminution in the proportion of the colored to the whites in 
 the State. The per cent, of the total population of the State 
 for the south was slightly more than in 1860. 
 
 In the case of Georgia the white population remained prac- 
 tically the same that it was in 1860 as regards relative dis- 
 tribution, the north containing 65.15 per cent, of the total 
 white population. The two most noticeable facts in the dis- 
 tribution of Georgia's population are, first, the decided gains 
 the colored people had made relatively to the whites. This is 
 more true for the south than for the north. In 1860, 50.55 
 per cent, of the total population in the south was negro ; in 1900, 
 54.06. The second fact is that there is also some tendency in 
 Georgia toward evenness in the distribution of the total popu- 
 lation between north and south. In 1860, 63.69 per cent, of 
 the total population was in the north ; in 1900 it had fallen 
 to 59.56. 
 
 Alabama, in 1900, presents some interes'ting facts in contrast 
 to data in 1860. In the shifting of the white population, as 
 against 57.81 per cent, in the north in 1860, the figures for 
 1900 for the same area give 64.54 per cent, of the total white 
 population of the State in the north, with a corresponding 
 relative fall in the south. The shifting of the colored popula- 
 tion is in the opposite direction, with the tendency more and 
 more for the southern part of the State to be black and the 
 north, white. In the north, for 1900, the ratio of white to col- 
 ored was more than two to one ; in the south the ratio of col- 
 ored to the white was almost two to one. The distribution of 
 the total population for the two divisions is just about half 
 and half. ' 
 
 Mississippi shows a great relative increase in the total i 
 white population in the south, and a very pronounced relative \/ 
 increase in the colored population in the north. The whole 
 of the State is predominantly colored, the northern population 
 being composed of 62.50 per cent, colored and the southern of 
 54.00 per cent. It likewise shows a tendency toward equality 
 in the distribution of its total population. 
 
94 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 Maryland shows a loss in the proportion of negroes to its 
 total population in both divisions and a corresponding increase 
 in the proportion of the white population. Unlike most of 
 the other states, as in 1860 (cf. table VIII), so also in 1900, 
 Maryland shows a tendency away from equality in the dis- 
 tribution of its total population, the tendency being more ac- 
 centuated at the later date. 
 
 Virginia shows its white population fast moving into the 
 west. With less than 60 per cent, of the area, the west con- 
 tained in 1900, 72.42 per cent, of the total white population. 
 In the east there was practically one white to one negro ; in the 
 west practically two whites to one negro, very much the same 
 as in 1860. There was a tendency away from equality in 
 the distribution of the total population. 
 
 Kentucky's white population was very evenly divided be- 
 tween east and west, but her negro population was nearly all in 
 the west, following out the tendency of increase in 1860. 
 In 1900, 67.57 per cent, of the total colored population was in 
 the western end of the state. Relative to the total population, 
 the proportion of colored for 1900 shows a very great loss. In 
 1860, 19.46 per cent, of the total population was colored in the 
 east and 21.43 in the west. In 1900, only 8.92 per cent, in 
 the east and 17.28 in the west was colored, the greater loss 
 being in the east. The State, notwithstanding, showed marked 
 evenness in the distribution of its total population. 
 
 North Carolina's white population relatively had de- 
 creased in the east and increased in the west, with a corre- 
 sponding relative increase and decrease of the negroes in east 
 and west. The ratio of white to coloerd in the east in 1900 
 was somewhat less than one to one and in the west it was almost 
 four to one. The tendency is toward an evenness in the dis- 
 tribution of the total population. 
 
 Louisiana, like Mississippi and eastern South Carolina, had 
 a predominance of colored in its population. The ratio of 
 white to colored was practically the same in one section that 
 it was in the other. With respect to the total population, how- 
 ever, there were more than two persons in the east to one in 
 the west, but the tendency was toward equality. 
 
 Tennessee, like Kentucky, showed a relative loss in its 
 colored population in both east and west. The ratio of white 
 
Persistence of the Social Forces 95 
 
 to colored in the east was about seven and one-half to one ; 
 in the west two to one. The white population was some- 
 what more numerous in the east than in the west, but the 
 tendency toward even distribution in the total population was 
 evident. 
 
 With respect to proportions of the total white population, 
 South Carolina showed a relative loss in the east and a cor- 
 responding gain in the west. It also showed a ratio of almost 
 two colored to one white in the east and somewhat more than 
 one colored in the west to one of the white population. The 
 west is growing faster than the east in white population, but 
 in total population the tendency is toward evenness in distribu- 
 tion. 
 
 The State of Arkansas has considerably more of its white 
 population in the west than in the east, and by far more of 
 its colored in the east than in the west. There is a tendency, 
 however, toward equal distribution in the total population. 
 
 It seems singular that a State like Mississippi, one of the 
 greatest cotton producing States, should have so few mills, 
 and that Louisiana should be almost outside the list of the 
 textile industries. There is one indisputable fact as regards 
 the development of the textile industry in the South. And 
 that is, where the negro population has most abounded, the cot- 
 ton mills do least abound. Those areas in the states most 
 distinctly white are now and are tending more and more to 
 become manufacturing centres. The colored man, as in the 
 days of slavery, seems for the most part limited to the sugar- 
 cane and cotton belts. This is not to say the negro has not 
 made progress. He has. but it has been mostly in the direc- 
 tion of farming and field work. 
 
 In view of the persistence of the disproportion in the num- 
 bers of whites and negroes between the sections in several 
 of the states, the question of a relative difiference in the 
 social development and general character of the sections within 
 each of these States is suggested. For example, northern 
 Alabama in 1904, in the number of roads surfaced with gravel, 
 shows that, of the total number of miles surfaced throughout 
 the State, over 88 per cent, was in the north, which is repre- 
 sented by somewhat less than one-half of the total area of the 
 State. The number of miles of road surfaced with stone was 
 
96 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 392.5. all of which was in the north. ^ Mississippi shows under 
 the head of improved roads only 109 miles surfaced with 
 gravel. The rate of road levy in this State is low and quite 
 uniform, most of the counties raising 10 cents per $100 prop- 
 erty valuation in the north and south, respectively. In this 
 connection it is perhaps of some significance to note again 
 that the proportion of negroes here as in southern Alabama 
 was heavy. The number of miles of improved roads in 
 Louisiana is: surfaced with gravel, 26; surfaced with shells. 
 8. The number of days required for working the road per 
 annum is from 3 to 12, the latter being the number for most 
 of the counties. Again the proportion of negroes is found to 
 have been heavy. 
 
 Almost all the other States show greater interest in their 
 , roads, either in number of miles improved, or rate of levy, 
 / or both, and Arkansas shows a very high levy, almost every 
 county raising 30 cents to the $100 property valuation. In 
 { those states and sections where the whites greatly pre- 
 
 dominated there were more good roads built than in the states 
 or divisions where the negroes greatly predominated. This at 
 least seems to be the rule according to the report. ^ 
 
 Perhaps one of the best indices of the relative progress 
 made in the various states of the South would be an adequate 
 presentation of the interest recently taken in the public schools. 
 But it is the relative progress made in the schools in the re- 
 spective divisions of the states with which we are primarily 
 concerned. By actual count Missouri's report for schools 
 for 1909 shows the north to have had 4,894 levy districts and 
 the south 4,890, thus showing a striking tendency toward uni- 
 formity in development along that line. Western South Caro- 
 lina, on the other hand, with somewhat less than one-half the 
 area of the State, had 456 local tax districts, while the east, 
 with more than half the area, had only 379. The average 
 number of weeks taught in the east for the whites was 25.1 ; 
 for the colored in the east 15.55. It is interesting to note that 
 of the total number of districts increasing special taxes during 
 the year, 127 were in the western, and 87 in the eastern part of 
 the State. The inequalities are more noticeable in a State 
 
 1 Washington Report Public Roads for 1904, Bulletin No. 32, pp. 43, 44. 
 
 2 Cf. Tbid., pp. 43-96. 
 
Persistence of the Social Forces 97 
 
 like South Carolina where there are great disproportions in 
 the numbers of whites to blacks for the respective sections.^ ^ 
 
 In eastern North Carolina, according to the report of the 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction, for the year 1910, there 
 were 41 counties which had local school tax districts. In 
 these districts there were 5,542 days of school for the whites 
 and only 2,615 days for the colored. As regards the local 
 tax districts alone, therefore, the negro pupil received 47.18 
 per cent, as many days during which instruction was given 
 as the white pupil, or less than one day for the negro, for every 
 two days for the white child. In western North Carolina in 
 local tax districts the white child received three days for every 
 day received by the negro pupil. ^ 
 
 According to the biennial report of the Superintendent of 
 Public Instruction of Virginia for the years 1907-'08 and 
 1908-'09, in the 50 eastern counties, there was a total of 225 
 school districts. Of this number 97 were reported to have 
 had a school levy which was inadequate to meet the require- 
 ments of the schools, according to the estimates of the county 
 school boards. * Expressed as a percentage, the districts whose 
 levy was insufficient composed 43.11 of the total number. In 
 the 50 western counties of Virginia there were 267 districts 
 all told, and of this number only 70, or 26.21 per cent., had 
 a levy below the estimates of the county boards. ^ For the 
 year 1908-'09 there were 10 out of the 50 eastern counties, 
 and only 3 out of the 50 western counties, whose levies were 
 lower than the estimates of the boards. ^ In the light of these 
 differences between the east and west it is maintained that the 
 inequality in the distribution of the races was in all probability 
 a factor which partially accounted for the inequality in the tax 
 levy. Suffice it to say that of the total school population in 
 eastern Virginia in 1907-1908, there were 97,098 whites and 
 119,112 colored, somewhat more than one and one-fifth col- 
 ored to every one white child. In western Virginia, on the 
 
 1 Cf. Report of the State Superintendent of Education of South Carolina 
 
 (1910), pp. 275-306. 
 
 2 All data describing differences between divisions of States in refer- 
 ence to their schools and roads were obtained by combining the data 
 for the individual counties for the respective sections, and should any 
 one desire to verify the data for comparisons made here, the same 
 method, of course, would have to be followed. 
 
 3 Cf Report State Superintendent of Public Instruction (1910), pp. 185-192. 
 
 4 Cf. Report, pp. 246-257. 
 
 5 Cf. Ibid., pp. 246-257. 
 
 6 Cf. Ibid., pp. 450, 451. 
 
98 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 other hand, there were 213,463 whites and 69,061 colored, or 
 somewhat more than 3 white children of school age to every 
 1 negro child of school age. ^ 
 
 In Missouri there were in 1909, 58 public schools running 
 4 months or more ; 929 from 4 to 6 months ; 4,263 from 6 to 8 
 months; and 4,751 running 8 months or longer.* 
 In the northern part of the State there were 4,894 districts 
 making levy, and in the southern part there were 4,890. Of 
 the 51 districts making no levy 22 were in the north and 29 in 
 the south. ^ The colored school population throughout the 
 State is very small, the proportions of colored to whites not 
 being more than 20 to 100, and not that much in many of the 
 counties. 
 
 The apparent uniformity in the response of all sections of 
 the State to local taxation for schools and the good showing 
 in the school terms, as well as many other signs of progress 
 in the report, are somewhat closely related, we think, to the 
 fact of the few negro children in the State. 
 
 An examination of the biennial report of the State Super- 
 intendent of Public Instruction of Tennessee, for the years 
 ending 1909 and 1910, reveals marked progress in educational 
 advancement in that State along many lines. What impresses 
 one most perhaps, as he reads the reports of the various cotmty 
 superintendents, is an emphasis throughout the State on the 
 increased necessity for state and county high schools, rural 
 libraries, local taxation, uniform grading in the schools, con- 
 solidation of schools, school improvement associations, teachers' 
 institutes, greater efficiency among teachers, and an especial 
 recognition of the value of the compulsory attendance school 
 law, by almost all the counties that have such a law. Of the 
 seventeen counties in the State which have a compulsory at- 
 tendance law, all except one are in the eastern half of the 
 State. " 
 
 On investigation we discovered that the negro school popu- 
 lation in 9 of these 17 counties was less than 5 per cent, of 
 the total school population ; that in 6 it was between 5 and 
 10 per cent, and that in 2 between 10 and 12.50 per cent, of 
 the total school population for the year 1910. Just Jww much 
 
 1 Cf. Ibid., pp. 128-150. 
 
 2 Cf Sixtieth Missouri Report of Public Schools for 1909, pp. 75, 76, 77. 
 
 3 Cf. Tbid., DP. 66, 67, 68. 
 
 4 Cf Report Superintendent of Public Instruction, for 1909-1910, pp. 371-548. 
 
Persistence of the Social Forces 99 
 
 significance is to be attached to the fact of the great predomi- 
 nance of the white school population, we are not attempting to 
 say. But taking the data as we find them for almost all the 
 southern states, we are strongly of the opinion that there is 
 some correlation between the character of the social develop- 
 ment in any one of the southern states or its divisions, and 
 the relative proportions between the density of the races 
 in the same area. In some areas where the proportions be- 
 tween the races are almost the same, the influence of numbers 
 is practically the same in any part of the state. For example, 
 on this theory, Mississippi would find it easier to follow out 
 some uniform policy, whether for schools or roads or other 
 improvements, than a State like North Carolina or Virginia. 
 Why ? Because the negro population is distributed with a much 
 nearer approach to evenness in jMississippi than in the other 
 States, and because the white population also is almost evenly 
 distributed throughout the State. But when we say that Mis- 
 sissippi might adopt and pursue uniform measures for the pub- 
 lic welfare, we do not claim that it will necessarily be more 
 progressive than some other state. It might be uniformly 
 unprogressive. There is need, therefore, of recognizing the 
 further fact of what the ratios between the numbers for the 
 different races are, and also of knowing the capabilities and 
 propensities of each race. If it is discovered that one race is 
 more capable, more progressive than the other, it will con- 
 serve progress to have that race in the ascendency numeri- 
 cally. If the foregoing hypotheses are verified, it will be pos- 
 sible to make much more intelligent comparisons of states 
 and divisions of states than could be done without such knowl- 
 edge. 
 
 The average school term for the entire State of Alabama 
 for the year 1910 for the whites was 131 days; for the colored 
 90 days. ^ It appears from the report that there were 4.082 
 schools for the whites continuing five months or more, and for 
 the colored, 1,134.^ Of the total white schools continuing for 
 this term, 2,270 were in the north and 1,812 in the south. Of 
 the total for the colored, 397 were in the north and 737 in 
 the south. The total white school population of Alabama 
 for 1910 was 390,062, and of this number 265,441 were in 
 
 1 Cf. Annual Reriort of Department of Education for 1910, pp. 132-135. 
 
 2 Of. Ibid., pp. 136-139. 
 
 w 
 
100 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 the north and 124,621 in the south. Of the 322,707 total 
 colored school population, 150,971 were in the north and 171-, 
 736 in the south. Comparing the number of whites in the 
 population of school age in the southern half of the State with 
 the number of colored of the same age in the same section, 
 we find that the ratio of white to colored children of school 
 age was 1 to 1.37 in 1910. On the other hand, if we compare 
 the number of schools for whites in the southern half of the 
 State, continuing five months or more, with the number of 
 schools for colored in the south continuing for the same length 
 of time, we discover an inverse ratio. With 1,812 schools for 
 the whites and 71)7 for the colored, the ratio stands 2.45 schools 
 of five months or more for the whites for every 1 for the col- 
 ored. In like manner, similar comparisons may be made of 
 the white and colored schools of the northern half of the 
 State. But this suffices to make clear the point of the ap- 
 parent relation between the relative proportions of whites and 
 colored, and the opportunities offered by the public schools 
 to the children of both races. 
 
 In Georgia there are a number of striking differences in 
 the advantages open to whites and colored. The number of 
 libraries in the county schools for whites is 917; the number 
 for the colored is only 35. Attention is also called to the fact 
 that of the above total number of libraries in the county 
 schools for the whites 634 were in northern Georgia, whereas 
 only 283 were in the southern part of the State ; and that of 
 the total number for the colored 16 were in the south and 19 
 in the north. ^ 
 
 Under the head of total receipts from taxation (direct or 
 municipal aid) the northern counties raised $165,890.19 for 
 the whites, and $10,092.19 for the colored. The southern coun- 
 ties aggregated $148,129.84 for the whites, and $11,809.55 for 
 the colored. The extreme variation between the amounts re- 
 ceived by the whites and the total receipts of the colored in 
 both sections still further accentuates the inequalities between 
 the races. ^ 
 
 The report also shows that of the 100 local tax districts 
 created in 1909 for lengthening the school term 54 were in 
 the south and 46 in the north of Georgia. These two figures 
 
 1 Cf. Annual Report of the Department of Education (1909), pp. 432-449. 
 
 2 Cf. Ibid., pp. 378-395. 
 
Persistence of the Social Forces 101 
 
 taken by themselves might have a tendency to mislead one, 
 because they might suggest that the greater interest in educa- 
 tion is to be found in the southern part of the State. In ac- 
 cordance with the prevailing conditions and tendencies in the 
 other States and their divisions, however, one should expect 
 northern Georgia to set the standard for the southern part in 
 educational development. By adding together the number of 
 local tax districts for the northern counties, and doing the 
 same for the southern counties, we find that the northern 
 division, while it created only 46 and the southern 54 local tax 
 districts in 1909, nevertheless, of the total number in the State, 
 the north had 288, whereas the south had only 176. This shows 
 that the section most predominantly white was the first to 
 create a large number of local tax districts for supplementing 
 the school terms. ^ 
 
 Important to be observed among the numerous condi- 
 tions and inequalities between the white and the colored 
 teachers, are the salaries which they receive per month. Geor- 
 gia for 1909 paid white male teachers an average monthly 
 salary of $58.34, female $37.48. To the colored male teachers 
 she paid $26.37, and to the female $19.55. The monthly cost 
 of tuition per pupil in the public schools for the whites was 
 $1.70, and for the colored ^73.- 
 
 In Kentucky it appears that the common schools in the 
 majority of cases were taught at least six months, and 536 
 of the white and 70 of the colored schools had a longer 
 term. ^ It is to be noted that there are comparatively few 
 negroes in Kentucky, and the State as a whole seems to be 
 making rapid progress in educational development. 
 
 In Louisiana the number of local tax districts in 1908 was 
 493, the counties in western Louisiana having 335 of them. 
 It is a noticeable fact that the western counties in which 
 the proportion of colored to white school population was 
 least, were the counties that first established a large number 
 of local tax districts for school purposes, and that the western 
 part of the State created 67 local school tax districts in 1908, 
 whereas the east created only 23, in spite of the approximate 
 
 1 Cf. Ibid., pp. 450-456. 
 
 2 Cf. Ibid., p. 507. 
 
 3 Cf. Biennial Report Superintendent of Public Instruction, 1908-1909, 
 
 Part IT, pp. 34, 35. 
 
102 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 equality of areas involved. ^ The average number of months 
 the schools for whites were open throughout the State was 
 7.8 ; the average for the colored was 4.6. ^ 
 
 In Mississippi no reports are made of the length of term 
 the public schools were run throughout the State, save only 
 in the urban districts. The extremely poor salaries paid the 
 teachers of both races are probably fair indices of the public 
 school status of the State. The great majority of the white 
 teachers are paid from $35 to $45 per month,; the great 
 majority of the colored teachers from $15 to $22. a very notice- 
 able per cent, of them receiving less than $20 per month. ^ 
 In contrast to almost every other one of the twelve states, 
 Mississippi appears palpably behind in her public school work. 
 The important items of consolidation of schools, school im- 
 provement associations, local taxation, state and county high 
 schools, compulsory attendance, interest in libraries, such as 
 were described above in reference to Tennessee's schools, 
 are at once conspicuous for their absence from the report, 
 except as some of these things are embodied in formal recom- 
 mendations prepared by the State Superintendent. He recom- 
 mends a number of advances : the erection throughout the 
 State of county agricultural high schools ; the consolidation 
 of schools by transportation ; the increase of the common 
 school fund ; an appropriation for the promotion of school 
 improvement work ; provision for library extension work ; 
 the appointment of a commission to revise the school laws ; 
 the increase of contingent expenses for the department of 
 education. * In the light of this information we wish to re- 
 iterate the statement of the relative proportions between the 
 whites and colored of Mississippi, and to point out that much 
 more than 50 per cent, of the total population was negro, ac- 
 cording to the 1900 census, and that the school report for 1909 
 indicates that this is still the case. 
 
 For Arkansas the biennial report of the Superintendent 
 of Public Education, like that of Mississippi, leaves unrecorded 
 rfome of the most essential facts that an investigator desires 
 to know. It has no statement of the number of months the 
 
 1 Cf. Biennial Report State Superintendent of Public Education for 
 
 190S-1909, pp. 372, 373, 388, 389. 
 
 2 Cf. Uiid., P. 389. 
 
 3 Cf. Biennial Report State Superintendent of Public Education for 
 
 1907-1908 and 1908-1909, pp. 96, 99. 
 
 4 Cf. Tbid., p. 4. 
 
Persistence of the Social Forces 103 
 
 schools were in session. Should we judge of the State of 
 Arkansas from what it does not report, we should have to class 
 it with Mississippi in regard to its methods and policies of pub- 
 lic education. Moreover, from the standpoint of the ethnical 
 composition of the population and the numerical proportions 
 which the races sustain to each other, Arkansas seems to re- 
 flect somewhat similar conditions. 
 
 In Maryland according to the annual report of the depart- 
 ment of education, the average length of the school term for 
 the whites for the year 1910 was 9.41 months, and only one 
 out of the 23 counties had less than 9 months, and 11 of them 
 had 10 months each. ^ On the other hand, the average length 
 of term in schools for the colored was 6.9 in 22 counties (one 
 county not reporting). As compared with the uniformity in 
 the term of the white schools, there is noticeable disproportion 
 in the length of the school terms for the colored. The follow- 
 ing will illustrate this disparity : in the total of 507 colored 
 public schools, 58 had a school term of A]/^ months, 113 of 
 5 months, 38 of 5^ months, 56 of 6 months, 14 of 6^4 
 months, 35 of 7 months, 102 of 7^ months, 18 of 8 months, 
 23 of 9 months, and 50 of 10 months. The variations of the 
 school terms for most of the schools of the several counties 
 from the average term for all the schools are so pronounced 
 that they seem to indicate some principle of causation. Now, 
 if one will take the further step of comparing the length of 
 the school term for the colored for each of the counties, with 
 the relative proportions between the white and negro school 
 population for 1910, he will be struck by the fact that in all 
 the counties where the school term is from 9 to 10 months, 
 the proportion of colored to white is extremely small ; and 
 that in those counties where the school term for the colored 
 is shortest, the proportion of colored to white is much greater 
 than in the counties where their schools continue much 
 longer. ^ We should like if we could to attribute the in- 
 equalities in school opportunities and the differences in eco- 
 nomic prosperity, that would appear by further analysis, to so 
 much of one kind of causation and to so much of another 
 kind. We should like, for example, to say 30 per cent, of 
 these inequalities is traceable to the indifference of the whites 
 
 1 Cf. Report Department of Education of Maryland for 1910, p. 20. 
 
 2 Ibid., pp. 21, 209-425. 
 
104 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 to the education of the negro ; that 30 per cent, is due to the 
 peculiar social character of the negro himself ; and that 40 
 per cent, is due to the economic conditions and limitations of 
 the negro. In respect to this, it is but proper to admit that, 
 in so far as we are able to judge, data have not yet been col- 
 lected from which an adequate analysis of causation can be 
 made for this purpose. If a fuller knowledge of the attitude 
 taken toward the improvement of the public roads in the 
 various parts of the South could be had, with the additional 
 knowledge of the differences in the numbers of negroes and 
 whites for the same areas, — such knowledge would, in all 
 probability, re-enforce the conclusions reached by the pre- 
 ceding analyses and comparisons relating to public education. 
 A study likewise of the prosperity and advancement of the 
 various sections along many lines, if made in accordance with 
 the preceding method, would, it is believed, show the exist- 
 ence of the same relations. 
 
 However, with the data presented in this essay, it is hoped 
 that at least a beginning has been made toward a correlation 
 of local ethnic composition with social effects that relate to the 
 welfare of both negroes and whites, and that by further anal- 
 ysis of the tables by the methods indicated in this thesis, and 
 by the collection of further data along the same lines, some- 
 thing may be done to further the solution of the negro prob- 
 lem. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 The temptation that confronts probably a large per cent, 
 of writers on social, economic, and other questions, is too 
 great a readiness at generalization. It is but pertinent on the 
 one hand that the person who has been sufficiently interested 
 to read all that an author has said on his subject down to the 
 concluding word, should, if still interested in the argument, 
 demand that also. On the other hand, it is not the least dif- 
 ficult thing for the author to refrain from predicating more 
 of his thesis than the data, howsoever abundant, will fully 
 warrant him in making. The chance in the case of most in- 
 vestigations usually is that other data will subsequently 
 appear, which may modify or reverse the conclusions. Gen- 
 eralizations must, therefore, be made, if at all, cautiously, 
 guardedly ; and be restricted to the limits of the particular in- 
 vestigation for which they are intended, with the possible ap- 
 plication to such other phenomena as are known to be similar 
 and similarly related. 
 
 It has been the purpose of the writer throughout this in- 
 vestigation to deal with facts and figures establishing the gen- 
 eral thesis of social solidarity and inequalities in race condi- 
 tions and opportunities in the South, particularly through the 
 period of slavery ; and also to present original data showing 
 the persistence, at the present time, of the social forces in the 
 ante-bellum South. 
 
 Although the nature of the subject and the period covered 
 have made it inevitable that we should deal much with apolo- 
 getic on the one hand, and polemic on the other, the writer 
 has desired to be unpartisan and impartial in the presentation 
 of the "warring" arguments. 
 
 In referring our study to the question of the white man 
 and the negro in the South, we think it can be maintained that 
 various phases of the negro problem, as has been true of 
 the liquor problem, must be dealt with locally, first and last ; 
 that in so far as whole states or all the states of the Union unite 
 on a common policy which shall be suited to smaller areas and 
 localities, all will be well. But if the social codes and mores 
 
106 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 of the white people in those communities which are thickly 
 settled by the negro population, prescribe policies and 
 methods for their local self-government and growth, which 
 shall be denied or disallowed by state or national govern- 
 ment, the denial will come to naught, the Fifteenth Amend- 
 ment to the Constitution to the contrary, notwithstanding. 
 From actual presence and contact with the negro race, the 
 white man evolves the expedient and immediate, and withal, 
 effectual, methods of dealing with that race. This at least 
 has been the history of the inter-relation of the races in the 
 southern states, and it has been as true in the regions pre- 
 dominantly negro as anywhere else. Lynchings have seldom 
 been thwarted by interference of state officials where frenzied 
 mobs of whites have been determined on their course of sum- 
 mary punishment; just as the elimination of the negro from 
 politics in the South has as yet met with no interference from 
 the federal government. It is not to be understood that we speak 
 approvingly of lynchings, as we are illustrating the point 
 only that the solution of the negro problem in the nature 
 of the case must depend essentially upon the conditions which 
 prevail in the local communities, and upon the social mind 
 of the white population in actual presence and contact with 
 the negro ; for only in such circumstances can the peculiar 
 character of inter-racial relations be adequately known to the 
 members of both races. 
 
 The failure of the carpet-bag rule in the South, and the 
 immediate, ill-timed enfranchisement of untutored, ignorant 
 freedmen have been convincing memorials of the futility and 
 great unadvisedness of resorting to premature, artificial 
 methods in the interest of adjusting the relations between the 
 negro and the white man in the southern states. Co-ercion 
 from the outside, in so far as it has been in the interest of some 
 device or scheme, however well-intentioned, if ill-suited to the 
 conditions peculiar to southern life, has missed the mark. 
 
 The question of better schools, local taxation, compulsory 
 education, of good roads, of self-improvement of every kind, 
 with the dominant tendency what it is, in the future as in the 
 past, must be left largely to the local authorities. The segre- 
 gation of the negro more and more into those areas where 
 he is adapted to the common life about him ; to the pur- 
 suits and occupations for which he has a greater fit- 
 
Conclusion 107 
 
 ness ; where numerically he is an important and perplexing 
 factor in the population, far outnumbering, as he does, the 
 white man in the same regions — these are some of the phases 
 of the white man's and the negro man's problem in which its 
 characteristic local coloring comes into the foreground. The 
 economic differentiation, likewise, which is rapidly going on 
 in the upland belts of the South, bringing the whites together 
 in ever-increasing disproportion numerically to the negro in 
 the same belts, is the counterpart of the segregation of the 
 negro, emphasizing alike the importance in the disparity of 
 population numbers, and the peculiar character and condi- 
 tions which inhere in the respective local communities. It is on 
 this principle that we can understand why a town or county 
 in the upland belt, where there are few negroes to the total 
 population, votes for local taxation to supplement school terms, 
 or experiments in compulsory education, while many another 
 town or county overwhelmingly negro in population lags be- 
 hind for years. 
 
 Here is another situation, therefore, where the importance' 
 of numbers is realized. The increasing interest in most of 
 the southern states in local taxation to support the schools 
 show's the gradual relinquishment by the southern white man 
 of his previous method — that where previously he would not 
 vote local taxation because the negro child would be an 
 equal sharer in the benefits accruing therefrom — he is to-day 
 fast voting a local tax. He has decided he cannot in justice 
 to his own child withhold the blessings of knowledge and bet- 
 ter equipment simply because, forsooth, increased taxation for 
 schools will likewise result in the better educational and moral 
 advancement of members of the black race. But he has come 
 to this conclusion not because socially he feels drawn to the 
 negro any more than formerly, not from motives of charity 
 and philanthropy to the negro race, verily. Social feeling 
 and potential race antipathy are still there, only they are 
 more in abeyance in some matters and aspects of social de- 
 velopment and progress than formerly. And this is a hope- 
 ful sign. It shows that progress by the negro race is more 
 tolerable indeed to the white man of the South than it 
 was some years ago. The southern white man can tolerate 
 the presence of the negro in the professions, in w^hich, many 
 years ago before that stage in the development of the negro 
 
108 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 was reached, he could not do so. But even to-day there is a 
 pretty definitely understood mode and code under which the 
 professional negro shall practise his trade. 
 
 It will be possible for the South to have a relatively large 
 number of things for the negro to do, a larger and larger num- 
 ber of industrial and professional callings in which he may be 
 enlisted, and unmolested perform his work, but the evidence so 
 far seems to support the belief that, as professional, he will 
 work, not in consultation and co-operation so much with white 
 men of the same profession. He will work mostly alone ; not 
 that the white man in a profession will not cheerfully advise and 
 counsel as he thinks for the best interest of both races. But 
 the idea of social equality or anything approaching it, is as 
 much tabooed as ever. ^ 
 
 We have shown that subsidiary to the plantation life and 
 development, were the important facts of a unified industry 
 and a homogeneous population. In addition there were 
 numerous other influences and causes, such as a common his- 
 tory and tradition among the whites, and the constant inter- 
 play of psychological reaction, all of which were confirmatory 
 knd promotive of social solidarity. Acting and living their 
 lives under a similar environment and having a common 
 physical background and occupation for the excitation and 
 stimulation of their bodily organisms, a oneness in ambition 
 and ideal of what their surroundings and achievements in 
 life should be, came more and more to be shared by all classes. 
 
 What of social solidarity in the South at the present time ? 
 Is the term used only in the restricted sense of social feeling 
 among the whites in respect to the negro? No. But it seems 
 that the social feeling in respect to the negro is much the same 
 throughout the South, and to that extent it might be main- 
 tained that social solidarity remains unbroken in the South. 
 In. recent years there has been increasing legislation in a ma- 
 jority of the southern states, moulded out of what was pre- 
 viously common law and practice ; much of which has tended 
 to discriminate against the negro. Every student of social 
 conditions in the South readily recognizes the persistence of 
 the race feeling, and perceives how on inevitable grounds it 
 is receiving increasing recognition not alone among legisla- 
 tors, but among social thinkers and students of every class. 
 
 1 Cf. G. T. Stephenson, Race Distinctions in American Law, pp. 124-159. 
 
Conclusion 109 
 
 The economic development in the South for the last few 
 decades, making signal departures from the former system 
 of land culture alone, to engagement in manufacturing indus- 
 tries on a large scale, is both significant and encouraging. The 
 change toward modification and diversity in industry where 
 the white man and the negro will be separated in their 
 work by the economic law of selection, has, without doubt, al- 
 ready done much to stimulate social thinking and to make 
 possible social and moral advancement hitherto unknown and 
 undreamed among an appreciable per cent, of the population of 
 the southern states. The increasing trend toward manufac- 
 ture is fast bringing together large numbers of the rural 
 poorer white population and rapidly building towns and cities 
 where before was only a hamlet or the uncleared forest ; is 
 building up commerce and trade, erecting attractive schools and 
 churches, providing hospitals and asylums, and is thus making 
 attractive homes for the thrifty, industrious white population 
 that hitherto were scattered necessarily over wide areas, 
 where for honest toil they were often requited with only a 
 scant subsistence. In their new environment, where a larger 
 and larger number and variety of wholesome interests 
 appeals to them and their children ; where frequent and ample 
 opportunity is afforded the population to organize themselves 
 into clubs and fraternities for the cultivation of fellow-feeling 
 and mutual respect ; where, when occasion calls for it, they 
 can by concerted action, afifect for good a whole community 
 or state, — under such conditions much of the history of the 
 new South is now being made. 
 
 Such it seems to us are some of the social and economic 
 forces now coming to the fore in southern development, which 
 stand in sharp contrast to the older order. At the present 
 time it is true ; and unless the signs change, in the future it will 
 be more true, that the social solidarity which has grown out 
 of or depended upon the more primitive and elementary facts 
 of nature, will be less and less possible. With economic dif- 
 ferentiation spreading rapidly over the South, and with 
 the economic principle of selection segregating the pop- 
 ulation, the white man and the negro are doing less 
 and less the same sort of labor, and in the further 
 and more complete difiFerentiation in economic develop- 
 ment, there is reason to believe that the white popu- 
 
110 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 
 
 lation, as has been true in the past, will supply the labor 
 for the skilled occupations, while the negro will remain in 
 the field ; or if in the town will continue to do menial service 
 for the whites ; or if in the professions, pursue his calling among 
 the people of his own race. But even with numerous new de- 
 velopments, the time of a happy solution is not yet. And let 
 not the philanthropist become weary in well-doing; for some 
 kinds of beneficence are wrought only by waiting, even when a 
 thousand years are as one day. 
 
 The increasing saneness and statesman-like attitude of the 
 northern man to the problems confronting the white and 
 negro races in their inter-social relations are among the most 
 hopeful signs of the times. There is increasing recognition 
 that in the matter of race affinities and antipathies it is the 
 part of wise men to let nature do her perfect work; to coun- 
 tenance as little as possible resort to artificial methods in deal- 
 ing with the problem between the races. Time itself shall be 
 the elixir, the surer and truer solvent for adjusting and right- 
 ing the relations ; time that shall aid in producing a better under- 
 standing between the races, in reducing the problem to some- 
 what more elementary terms ; time that shall ultimately make 
 the masses willing to look at the problem with unveiled faces, 
 and to trust to the man of science as well as of religion for 
 a reasonable hope of final satisfactory adjustment. 
 
VITA 
 
 The author of this dissertation was born in Newton 
 Grove, North CaroHna, March 28, 1879. He received the 
 degree of A.B. from Trinity College (N. C.) in 1905. From 
 1906 to 1909 he was a student in Union Theological Seminary 
 (N. Y.) and received a diploma of graduation in 1909. From 
 February, 1907, to June, 1911, he pursued courses in Columbia 
 University in Sociology, Economics and Statistics, under Pro- 
 fessors F. H. Giddings, J. B. Clark, H. L. Moore and Dr. A. A. 
 Tenney, and received in 1908 the degree of M. A. 
 
NOV it 1«^' 
 
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