C6d "02.-^ 
 
BRIEF OUTLINE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LIFE OF MENKY CLAY. 
 
 BY OIiIVER OI.DSCHOOX.. 
 
 [The first of a series of Tracts for general circulation, now bein^ published at the office of the Whig 
 Standard, Washington, D. C. — Price, for the Life of Henry Clay, 16 extra large octavo pages* 
 for 100 copies, $2 ; for 500, p ; for 1,000, $16 ; for 5,000, $10. The successive numbers of the 
 series will comprise eight pages each, and vi'ill be sold at one-half the above prices. Orders en- 
 closing the cash, or from a known responsible source, will be attended to. 
 
 Address JOHN T. TOWERS, 
 
 Washington, D. C.J 
 
 Mr. Clay^s name intertCQven iciih. the annals of his country. 
 It is given to but few men to interweave their own actions and principles wkh 
 the transactions of their country, to exercise such a controlling influence upon 
 public men and public measures, as to make their own a part of the history of 
 their country. Fortunate, indeed, is the nation, if her master spirits are actuated 
 by that noble ambition which seeks to promote her happiness and prosperity; 
 which strives to perpetuate freedom and the blessings that flow from a government 
 of laws administered with wisdom and integrity ; and which has its highest re- 
 ward in the contemplation of a people united, prosperous, and contented ; and 
 in the verdict of " well done, good and faithful servant." 
 
 Excepting Mr. Adams, who has been longer upon the stage of life, no man of 
 the present age has taken a more active and prominent part in the public afl^aira 
 of this country, than Heniiy Clay. For more than thirty years he has stood 
 before the nation as an orator, unrivalled ; as a statesman of extraordinary sao^- 
 city, forecast, and energy ; as a man of eminent talents, generous, high-souled 
 sentiments, the strictest honor and integrity, and the chivalrous friend of univer- 
 sal freedom. His name has become familiar to the lips of the American people 
 " as household words," his policy identified with the prosperity, and his fame the 
 property of the nation. 
 
 His birthplace and Parentage, 
 
 Hanover county, Virginia, has the honor of being the place of his nativity. 
 He was born on the 12th of April, 1777. By the death of his father, a Baptist 
 clergyman, in 1781, he was left an orphan-boy; poverty his only inheritance 
 Providence his protector and guide. lie was, however, blessed with a mother 
 who combined a sound understanding with kind and amiable feelings. " J fcxiew 
 her well," said a distinguished gendeman, now in the Senate of the United States * 
 " I knew her well, when a boy, and used to love to go to her house ; she was an 
 excellent woman : so kind, so indulgent, and always took such a motherly inter- 
 est in the lads qf her acquaintance ; nothing she had was too good for us and 
 there was no stint in her measurement." — Much as we admire Henry Clay the 
 Orator, the Statesman, the distinguished Speaker of the House of Rep resenta - 
 lives, the Minister Plenipotentiary, the Secretary of State, the grave and able 
 
Senator, the favorite of the people, yet do we love far more to dwell upon " the 
 orphan-boy" following the plough in the slashes of Hanover, and occfisionally 
 trudging his way to a distant mill, to provide bread for a widowed mother and 
 younger brothers and sisters. 
 
 It is an evidence of the goodness of his heart that, in the privacy of the domestic 
 circle, surrounded by those to whom he can unbosom himself, nothing so delights 
 him as to recur to the scenes, the labors, the incidents, and the enjoyments of his 
 boyhood; anecdotes of which he often relates with infinite humor and zest. 
 This feeling gushes forth in his speech at Hanover, on the lOih of July, 1840, 
 •which he then visited for the first time after some forty-three years' absence. On 
 that interesting occasion, surrounded by nearly the whole population of the coun- 
 ty, who had assembled to welcome one of whom they had heard so much, and 
 was so proud as a native of their county, Mr. Clay said : — " I have come here to 
 the county of my nativity, in the spirit of a pilgrim, to meet, perhaps for the last 
 time, the companions and the descendants of the companions of my youth. — 
 Wherever we roam, in whatever climate or land we are cast by the accidents of 
 human life, beyond the mountains or beyond the occean, in the legislative halls 
 of the country, or in the retieats and shades of private life, our hearts turn with 
 an irresistible instinct to the cherished spot which ushered us into existence. And 
 we dwell with delightful associations on the recollection of the streams in which, 
 during our boyish days, we bathed,* and the fountains at which we drank; the 
 pine fields, the hills and the valleys where we sported, and the friends who shared 
 the enjoyments with us. — Alas! too many of these friends of mine have gone 
 whither we must all shortly go, and the presence here of the small remnant left 
 behind attests both our loss and our early attachment. I would greatly prefer, 
 my friends, to employ the time which this visit affords in friendly and familiar 
 conversation on the virtues of our departed companions, and on the scenes and 
 adventures of our younger days ; but the expectation which prevails, and the 
 state of our beloved country, impose on me the obligation of touching on topics 
 less congenial with the feelings of my heart, but possessing higher public interest." 
 The farm which had belonged to his father was small, and its cultivation, which 
 was continued by his mother, with young Harry's assistance, for several years, af- 
 forded the family a scanty subsistence. But the labor performed on that piece of 
 land, sterile as it was, undoubtedly laid the foundation of that strong and vigo- 
 rous constitution which has enabled Mr. Clay to perform such extraordinary labor 
 through a long life of professional and public service, and to preserve unimpaired^ 
 his mental and physical vigor. It also gave him a knowledge of farming and a 
 taste for rural occupations, which have grown with his growth and strengthened 
 with his years. " There is not," said a gentleman to me, who for many years 
 has been his neighbor and friend, " there is not a better farmer in the western 
 country than Mr. Clay; and there is no better judge of cattle, horses, and stock 
 gener«illy : nor one who manages his farm to better advantage." 
 
 He becomesa Clerk in the office of the Court of Chancery. 
 
 Mrs. Clay married again in 1792, and removed with her husband to Kentucky^ 
 leaving Henry, " a boy of fifteen years of age, in the office of the High Court ot 
 
 • Mr. Clay often relates to hia intimate friends the circumstances of his ploughing, when a lad, 
 and how, when he unhame,ssod the horses at noon to feed them and got his dinner, he used, in warm 
 weather, to go to the creek hard by, water the horses, and, while they were teeding, cool himself by , 
 bathing. "1 then thought the creelc," said he, " a monstrous stream, and indulged not a little com-i 
 nlacency that I dared plunge into it, and stem its rapid current. But what was my surprise and dis- 1 
 appointment, when I visited it, to find it nothing more than a small branch ! It was one of the largesJ 
 streams I had then ever seen." Mr. Clay remembered a hickory tree which stood by and fhaded the 
 spring from which he used to drink, and was anxious to sec the tree and get rsome nuts once more froa 
 it, as well as to drink again at the spring, but was disappointed on finding the tree had decayed, and i 
 like many of his early friends and compantoF.s, had fallen. The fountain, however, still bubblei i 
 orth its coo. and delicious vraters. 
 
^hauiceiy in the city of Richmond, without a guardian, tlestjtiite of pecaniaiy 
 tieans of support, to steer his course as he might or could." The education of 
 he poor has never been attended to in Virginia and other SoHthern State*, m Ihe 
 nanner its importance demands; but in those days there were less lacihties of 
 icquirinrr a common school education, than at the present day. Cncumstanceti 
 IS youno- Harry was. he had few opportunities of improvmg his mmd by meaflS 
 )f instruction : for him the " schoolmaster" was rarely " abroad." Usually ibe 
 •hildren of the wealthy were instructed by private teachers brought mto the iaiiJi- 
 V; hence the poor, unable thus to acquire an education, were scanti y supphed 
 iven with the common rudiments of learning. While in the High Court of 
 Chancery he felt die want of that education of which poverty had deprived hm^y 
 ind availed himself of the opportunity to supply, as far as it was in his power lo 
 
 io so, his deficiency. . , , • i , j v , 
 
 But if he owed litUe to the schoolmaster, he was deeply indebted lo a boniil©- 
 jus Providence for an understanding clear and powerful ; a disposition SDCjal,. 
 lively, and winning; and a deportment easy, manly, and impressive. It n:>Jgbl 
 Bk'itli truth be said, 
 
 " The elements 
 So mix'd in him, that Nature might stand up 
 And say to all the world, ' This is a man.'' " 
 
 Dbscure, oppressed by poverty, unknown, with no friend to whom he could look 
 [or counsel or assistaiice, there must have been moments when the orphan feilaB 
 .he loneliness of his situation ; and, with those inward longings and aspii-ardons 
 ivhich a powerful mind could not but have occasionally prompted, he must hay^- 
 sometimes exclaimed, in bitterness of spirit, 
 
 - - " Ah ! who can tell how hard it is to climb 
 
 The steep where Fame's proud temple shines afar ; 
 
 # '^« » * « * * 
 
 Check'd by the scoff of Pride, by Envy's frown, 
 And Poverty's unconquerable bar!" 
 
 But poverty in vain opposed to hiin her " bar." In the Chancery office h» 
 tiad occasionally to transact business with some of the most distinguished m&n 
 ;hen at the Virginia bar, and on her bench. Henry Clay was not made to pass^ 
 ;hiough the world unnoticed : place him in a crowd of thousands, and, thoogb- 
 jnlirely unknown, his commanding manner and marked features would scoa al- 
 Lract attention and inspire respect. He was no mere designed by Provideiace^ 
 
 " In life's low vales remote to pine alone, 
 
 Then drop into the grave unpitied and unknown," 
 
 ihan a Caesar, a Napoleon, or a Chatham. Such master spirits do not sit down 
 .^nd pine, nor'give way to despondency. They are as conscious of power to ris* 
 ■pon the' strength of their own wing, and by their own unaided energies, as ibe 
 f-agle that soars aloft in the blue vault of heaven. 
 Attracts the notice of Chancellor WytJie and Governor Brooke.— Reads htm. 
 
 It was his good fortune to attract the notice and win the friendship of Oban* 
 •ellgr Wythe and Goj'ernor Brooke, by whose persuasion, at the age of nioeieeo,- 
 fie commeuced the study of law, and read chiefly in the office of the latter, then 
 A.ttorney General of the State, and under the auspices of the former, for whom 
 tie acted as private secretary. The friendship of these men of eminent wmth 
 ^nd abilities, he retained to the latest day of their lives,— no slight evidence that 
 tie possessed a spirit and principles congenial with their own, and that they fouud 
 in hiin that which great and good men can admire. 
 
 Js licensed to practice by tJie Judges of the Court of Appeah. 
 
 Young Clay, for we must no longer call him " the orphan boy," was IicefJ5©?<.| 
 
;^te rfs^tUce law by the Judfres of ihe Court of Appeals, in Virginia, 1797, 
 'i-ise w.'M but twenty years of age. — He bad now to select a place to locate hi 
 
 " The world was all before him, -where to choose, 
 And Providence his guide." 
 
 Removes to Lexiri^ton^ Kentucky 
 
 ' ISiscriiy surviving parent bad been five years setiled near Lexington, Ken 
 
 ■Wi<i. fe k probable ibat filial affection had no little influence in directing If 
 
 •I* jiv« West. That Slate was then new, and he doubtless saw a field wIj, 
 
 aaai^ |3i5t in .liis plough and sickle, and gather a harvest. But, if he cab! 
 
 oiKft i^!^i«g a .!)m- destitute of able lawyers and eloquent advocates, he waisj 
 
 ■ ■yxitkvutd ; for, new as the country was, the bar at Lexington, where he ;| 
 
 ^*7,aiR ,?** ihat tini* distinguished for the eminent ability of its members, ^j 
 
 "sarjitbos were at liiis time, however, extremely moderate, for he has hiinsij 
 
 ■'&ffi& !*« remambered how comfortable he thought he should be if he could 
 
 ,J?|'^, Virginia money, ($333) a year ; and with what delight he receivJ 
 
 ./.,fe{. iiteen shilliKg fee ! I 
 
 He is cherisJicd as a son. 
 
 Bkit Mr. Clay had no sooner appeared in one or tv.'o cases, than business' 
 
 ia upon him so rapi-dly, that in less than a year from jiis entrance into thi 
 
 Swe 'had, an extensive and lucrative practice. The people of Kentucky, 
 
 Msliy warm hearted, generous, and susceptible of strong emotions, love th( 
 
 ,|»5fis>£ps the same qualities. Mr. Clay was a man after their own hearts; 
 
 «8&o-» thiy took him to their bosoms, and cherished him with as fond a reg: 
 
 lis osvaJt^rable an attachment, as if he had been " to the manor born." H 
 
 i^l^^e State fatherless, penniless, and, with the exception of the few he 1 
 
 i^^kkfed lijm, friendless. She proved to him a parent, friend, and benefact 
 
 iJ^esaM repaid her with more than filial attachment? 
 
 His early career at the Bar. 
 
 'iSis career at the bar was brilliant and successful. Possessing an i 
 ■' .feg»(Sita,3edge of jnen, and master of tlic human passioj^s'; with a voice, at 
 ^;&?g3W'eet as the silver-toned lute, or loud and po\mful as the trumpet t 
 i!te«Ktiv«ly indulging in wit, irony, pleasantry, pathos, and indignation, — ; 
 ^BCT^^S*elicart was in his hands a pipe he could sound from the lowest not 
 .fi5«i«!S.f its compass, and that his influence over juries was unprecedented li 
 -mS^A^t. But we have little to do with Henry Clay the lawyer and tt': 
 ' iBClte: k k in a higher sphere of life we must now view him.* 
 
 *g8..9s but just to Mr. Clay to state, that his being a lawyer did not render it necessary, i» 
 
 ■•Jrast,Tfe.a& ft« sliould advocate, indiscriminately, right and wrong. So far from this, as no | 
 ■ 3?MK^:>:aJi.a« or reward could induce him to engage in an unjust cause, so no fear of offend 
 ■'■hts'Jt^xa^ Ihe influential prevented him from advocating the cause of \.\\e.poor but injured \ 
 .tfesdiTJiiison of this highly honorable trait in his professional character is to be found m the )| 
 
 ttessc: the time that 3Ir. Clay commenced the practice of law in Kentucky, there was depen i 
 
 j(;fc'J:»e'.»urts of his circuit an action of slander, brought by some po^and humble citizen ^p ? 
 
 • ■■■««P<lfe>5' .«»d influential individual, who was so notorious for the intrepidity and violence of hih h i 
 
 ^■is (yi'^ plaintiff found it difllcult to engage counsel to plead his cause. " The court came on ai • 
 
 .-Hi3i**'>^J^'d, and young Clay was in attendance from his residence at Lexington. He wasthtj 
 
 '!l:(B*««»f- The poor plaintiff appealed to him, an<l ,he at once undertook his case, with his charact * 
 
 aims awl boldness. This was soon understood among all the parties interested about the suit ; and i A 
 
 .' jJBt^iiXvSiiiVii was heard to make threats, and even ventured a forimdahle intimation to the young law I 
 
 - ■awjwV'J iu\\<.\ him rcsjionsihle fo'- any olTcncc he might give i:i the argument of the case! J 
 
 !!*« vtm! ranip on. and the angry and formidable defendant seated himself close by the young I: j 
 
 ;jg8fccB» awd lovveiing looks. But Clay was not to be awed. Provoked by the attempt to intimidate % 
 
 M«rfeatJiaiice of his profcfsioiial duties, he pleaded the cause of his injured client with all tiis yoi fi 
 
 53ȣ^in A spirit of defiance, poured out a flood of indignant eloquence and denunciation upon the d 
 
 <i».'i!jrsKiia!kt. Tlie deleiidant was bold and reckless, but he felt that he had met a man as fearless j 
 
 »i:siE>*>t'Lh involtmtJiry iidinirution of the audacious eloquence of the young advocate, he went i fl 
 
 *M»ii a« L'.e had closed his s^MMsch, offered him his hand, said he never wished him again to appear i il 
 
 ^:;jiisS-«a:»2luded by retaining him in all liis future suits. They were friends ever after. ] 
 
1/e dwelt lljus upon the early part of Mr. Clay's life, because, thougis/ I'ssffi: 
 s' and less known thaii his public career, for one, I feel a stronojer j^jsiJBgt*:* 
 1 1 love for " the orphan boy," in the russet garb of poverty, fallowsrjig'S'i*- 
 I, or struggling, unaided and alone, at the age of fifteen, for a scanty s.i&ii^- 
 ! as an humble clerk, than I do for the Statesman and Legislator. Ek>ii * 
 public character the people wish to know hirn. The youth may be- i-sst jk^ 
 .0 individuals, but the nation is osly concerned in the man, bis capssc^StSis?, . 
 )rs, his principles, and his influence upon public measures. 
 takes an active part in favor of the gradual emancipation cf slav2X 
 arly as 1797, Mr. Clay took an active, and for so young a man, a jrceffii-i*- 
 irt in the questions which then agitated the people. One of these v?:2!»t&s - 
 ly of providing, by the Constitution then about to be formed, for the ^ss£^ 
 ancipaiion of the slaves, and the abolition of slavery in that State. fe-?l*g-- 
 rersy his pen ami his voice were enlisted in behalf of liberty. He {©<?»i«d:' 
 lavery as an evil entailed upon the people, of which some measure <s:m^i.^'. 
 dopled gradually to relieve the country. This advocacy of the enoas^rspii*^ 
 the blacks, by a process intended to accomplish it in a manner iw$ issj*-*- 
 I unjust to those who held that species of property, rendered him for «;!) !,»£>■ 
 ular; the owners of slaves considering him inimical to thei-r inl^^esife- - 
 ;h his exertions in this philanthropic cause proved unavailing, yet Sie-fesr- 
 ihered to the principles he then avowed, and endeavored to carry theoisewf'. 
 h the means of the Colonization Society, of which he was one of thsf^aa*' 
 )unders, and has been, since the death of the venerable Chief Justice M.£a* 
 ., President. His desire was, and has ever been, to do justice to the MsesIji-j: 
 ,»t injustice to the whites. 
 
 \He opposes the Alien and Sedition Laws, and becomes pro7nine7it. 
 I next important question, in the discussion of which he bore a proiBW"3il "^ 
 /as one relating to the politics of the day, and, u[<on which, he range<l Majt* 
 ith the Republican party. He took decided ground against the Al5>t3>aaJ;: 
 jn laws, and in favor of popular rights. He considered these ia\»^3«i«i;3 
 measures of the elder Adams's administration as an infringement of ^^et ll»- 
 i of the people and the press, and he entered into the opposition t®>f&««si^ 
 m energy so indomitable, a zeal so ardent, an eloquence so persuaeivev-a^ias* 
 lily so unlocked for, that, notwithstanding his youth, he became the HgjasJae:^ 
 Df the Repubhcan party of Kentucky. 
 
 Is elected to the Lcgislatia-e. 
 1803, while absent, Mr. Clay was taken up by the citizens of Fayette c«»;«ss:^ 
 ihout the least intimation of their intention having been communicsta^V:i»; > 
 md elected to the Legislature, where he at once took rank with the firsa3ss«*K - 
 
 Slate, not one of whom was his equal in talents, energy of characters, iiuv. 
 
 of eloquence. 
 
 Is elected to the Senate of the United States. 
 1806 he was elected to the Senate of the United States for the tmzsipxTQi;. 
 one year, of General Adair, who had resigned his seat. Being the ju-iscKJg;- 
 njitfor, and a new member, he had, of course, little oppi^rtunity of ^lm^- 
 [yg himself. Nevertheless the people of the District of Columbia, bs:M m^^ 
 ndria especially, have occasion to remember him even then, for a very tiM'^- 
 1 he made in favor of the erection of a bridge over the Potomac, €«.??!«'' 
 ndria road, and carrying. the question for the friends of this intei-dzcd'^^-i.^- 
 rnent. 
 
 agaiji elected to the Legislature, and renders important services^ ^•t-''-^' 
 
 ^ JuHsprudence of the State. 
 
 Clay was now again elected to the Legislature of his own State, ai2«i. ir^a. - 
 
tittguii^i-ed himself by a powerful speech ng-ainst a resolution which had been in- 
 tixMuc^d (o prohibit the reading of any British decision or elementary work on 
 law in the courts of Kentucky. This resolution was the offspring of a narrow 
 tatnd, and appealed to the prejudices of the ignorant; against which he had to 
 cotitend. But the subject was worthy of his great powers, and called forth fron] 
 him a masterly speech. Perhaps none but the bench and the bar can truly ap- 
 |irv<sate the magnitude and importance of the question, and the incalculable ser- 
 vitv he rendered the jurisprudence of the State, by defeating the resolution. Hac 
 'i\t' KHighi popularity rather than the welfare of the State, he would, on this oc 
 <"^^^•:«)n, have thrown himself into tjie current of prejudices which he so success- 
 fully and nobly resisted, and floated on its fallacious surface. But then, as eveni 
 afitr, ho stopped not to ask what course was popular, but what was 7"ight. 
 Is a second time elected to the Senate of the United States. 
 In 1809 he was again elected to the Senate of the United States for the re j 
 .mainder of Mr. Thruston's time, two years. It was then that he may properly b« 
 ;Said to have commenced his brilliant career on that high stage of action, upor 
 which, he so long stood conspicuous before the imtion, and from which he volun 
 tanly r-etired on the Slst of March last. 
 
 At tlie time Mr. Clay, for the second time, entered the Senate of the Unitet 
 Slates, the European powers were prosecuting bloody wars against each other | 
 Jeaiotss of the peaceful condition of the United States, and her growing pro^erij 
 ty, aiid perhaps piqued that they could not enlist her in their quarrels, the belli 
 ;;gefent powers seemed to vie with each other in committing depredations upon ou; 
 <ca«:imerce, and in perpetrating the most flagrant violations of our neutral rights i 
 Each did this, under pretence that we were aiding the other belligerent power b} 
 trading with her; but (he pretence was as flimsy as their conduct was insolent ancij 
 ttnjtistifiable. ' 
 
 His first speech in favor of encouraging American Manufactures. 
 There was a disposition at this time in the American Congress to make prepa, 
 ration to repel these aggressions by force, and with this view a bill was brough 
 fora'ard appropriating a sum of money for the purchase of munitions of war, in 
 <:tu:ding cordage and sail cloth. To this Mr. Clay moved an amendment, requir 
 m^ (he Government to give a preference to articles of American growth and man 
 4jfacture : and on this proposition addressed the Senate in favor of encouraging 
 <hfiwstic 7na?nfactures, then first taking ground in favor of, and warmly advoca 
 ting, the great principle of the protective policy, to which he has, from thail 
 <iay (o the present, firmly and undeviaiingly adhered. 
 
 Opposes the re-charter of the first U. S. Bank. 
 Two other important questions came before the Senate while Mr. Clay was rl 
 member, and in which he bore a prominent part, namely: the claim of the Uni j 
 t^A States to West Florida as far as the Perdido river, which he supported; ancj 
 Che retharler of the first Bank of the United States, which he opposed. j 
 
 He is elected to the House nf Represefitatives and Speaker of that body. 
 Upon the close of Mr. Clay's Senatorial term, he was, in the summer of IS^ 1 
 <*tected to the House of Representatives of the United Slates, and on the first da) 
 of the session, and the first of his appearance in that body, was appointed Speaker 
 3. circumstance unparalleled in the history of legislation. While he continued tci 
 ■^c^^tipv the Speaker's chair, which he did till 1S14, questions of the highest mo^ 
 tnent agitated Congress and the nation, and taxed the powers of the leading mer " 
 ef both political parties. 
 
 Advocates the war with England. 
 The government had exhausted every means, short of a resort to arms, to pro 
 vtact the property of its citizens, and preserve its own rights ; but in vain. Tiie 
 
only alternative left was a declaration of war, or a ebameful submission to inju- 
 ries heaped upon injuries. 'Mr. Clay's voice was for war. He felt indignant at 
 the insulis and injuries we had received from England, and thundered forth his 
 indignation in tones that reverberated along every hill and through every valley in 
 the United States. " It is asked," said he, " what new cause of war we hare? 
 In reply, I will ask, what old cause of war is avenged? Has Great Britain ab- 
 stained from impressing our seamen, and depredating upon our property ? I have 
 in my hands an account of a recent capture of the ship Hannibal, worth, with 
 the cargo, §;300,()00. near our own coast, on a voyage to France. I have no doubt 
 that the late Indian hostilities on the Wabash were excited by the British. Is not 
 this a cause of war?" Such appeals, frequently made as they were, roused the 
 spirit of the nation ; the fire of patriotism burned intensely in his bosom, and 
 from its strong heat the flame was lighted up throughout the wide extent of the 
 land, but more especially west of the Alleghanies, and among our gallant naval 
 tars. The declaration of war, which was made on the 18th June, 1812, found 
 these prepared and burning for the contest, in which, ere long, they won imperish- 
 able glory. 
 
 The declaration of war had been violently opposed in CJongress, by some of 
 the ablest men in the nation, with whom Mr. Clay triumphantly grappled. The 
 war itself was opposed by a portion of the people, and this opposition greatly em- 
 barrassed and weakened the Government. Owing, perhaps, in some measure \o 
 this circumstance, the American armies met with many reverses. But during the 
 darkest hour of gloom, when the Government was almost without means or cre- 
 dit, and the troops had been disheartened by privation, sufiering, and defeat, the 
 voice of Mr. Clay reverberated from the Capitol, trumpet-tongued, roused the 
 drooping spirits of the nation, nerved tiie arm of the soldier, and inspired all with 
 new hope, and energy, and patriotic ardor ; and he soon had the satifaction to see 
 victory, which had long made the decks of our gallant little navy her favorite 
 resting place, spread her wings over our arni)^, and perch upon its standard. 
 He is appointed one of the Americuyi Commissioners to negotiate peace. 
 
 In 1814, Mr. Clay was appointed by Mr. Madison one of the comnussionerslo 
 negotiate a treaty with England. His colleagues were John Quincy Adams, 
 James A. Bayard, Albert Gallatin, and Jonathan Russel. They met the British 
 commissioners. Lord Gambier, Henry Goulburn, and William Adams, at Ghent, 
 where the treaty which bears that name was concluded. On completing this im- 
 portant negotiation, and in so happ\^ a manner, he proceeded to London, where, 
 in conjunction with two of his colleagues, Messrs. Adams and Gallatin, he en- 
 tered on anoihev of great importance, which resulted in a commercial convention, 
 since made the basis of our commercial arrangements with many foreign powers. 
 Returns to the United States ; is received nnth distinction ; and again elected 
 to the House of Representatices, and Speaker. 
 
 On his return to the United States, he was received with distinguished marks 
 of respect wherever he went; but in no part of the country with more affection- 
 ate regard than in his own Kentucky, whose people were not less proud of their 
 adopted son, than they were devotedly attached to him. He was re-elected to 
 the House of Representatives, and again, almost unanimously, appointed Speaker, 
 continuing to be reelected and to fill the Speaker's chair until March, 1825, when 
 he accepted the ofllce of Secretary of State tendered him by Mr. Adams. 
 
 His course upon great public measures — the Tariff — National Bank^ 4*c. 
 
 During this period of his public services, questions of great moment came be- 
 fore Congress, and agitated the nation. The war had left the country burdened 
 with a heavy debt : the currency was deranged, and in a sad condition. The bills 
 of non specie-paying banks, and the small bills issued by irresponsible corpora- 
 tions and individuals, constituted the whole circulating medium south and west of 
 
s 
 
 Kew England. The manufaclnres wliich had sprung up daring the war, were 
 now to be protected or suffered to fa\[ under European competition, capital, and 
 skill. The payment of the public debt was to be provided for; the currency re- 
 stored ; confidence in the national faith re-established ; and, in short, order was to 
 be brought out of chaos, arid prosperity out of the utmost depression. The two 
 great and leading measures to bring about this were the establishment of a National 
 Bank, and the passage of such a Tariff bill as should answer the two-fold pur- 
 pose of raising revenue and giving protection to our infant, but rapidly growing, 
 manufactures. Both these measures were sustained with all the energy and re- 
 sources of his genius ; and both were accomplished. He had opposed the re- 
 charter of the Uniied Slates Bank in ISll; his prejudices had been enlisted 
 against ii, the party to which he belonged opposed it as a party measure, and he 
 deemed it unnecessary. But time and experience had convinced him of the ne- 
 cessity of such an institution, and his magnanimity would not permit him to ad- 
 here to an error of judgment merely through pride of opinion or apparent con- 
 sistc?7ci/, as if he were not consistent who frankly acknowledges his error, atul does 
 'iall in his power to retrieve it. 
 
 Mr. Clay, in advocating the establishment of the United States Bank at this 
 time, but followed in the footsteps of Mr. Madison, Mr. Gallatin, Mr. Crawford, 
 Mr. Calhoun, and other distinguished Republican leaders, and acted with the De- 
 mocratic party. It was a party measure, and those who now condemn hhn for 
 the course he pursued, must also condemn all those distinguished men whom 1 
 have named, as well as the whole Republican party. 
 
 He advocates the recognition of the Independence of the South American 
 
 Republics. 
 Among the most honorable and praiseworthy acts of Mr. Clay's life, and which 
 » exhibits him in the high and enviable character of the friend of liberty and the 
 rights of man, is the part he took in urging the Government of the United States 
 to recognise the independence of the Republics of South America, which had 
 thrown off the yoke of Spain, and mainlained their independence with such gal- 
 lant bravery. His various speeches in behalf of these Republics, and in support 
 of the policy proposed, were among the most eloquent and spirit stirring he ever 
 delivered: every sentence was replete with the burning sentiments of patriotism^ 
 and that generous enthusiasm which the struggles of an oppressed people, deler- 
 niined«to shake off the yoke of tyranny, and resolved to be free, cannot tail to in- 
 spire every lover of civil liberty. So inspiring was the eloquence of Mr. Clay, in 
 advocating the lecognition of Souili American Independence, that liis speeches 
 were translated into Spanish, read at the head of the patriot armies, and drew some 
 years after a letter from Bolivar, expressing his admiration for his brilliant talents 
 and ardent love of liberty. " All America, Columbia, and myself," said Bolivar, 
 " owe your excellency our purest gratitude for the incomparable services you have 
 rendered to us, by sustaining our course with a sublime enthusiasm." 
 
 His course in reference to Internal Improvements. 
 
 In 1818 canie up the question of internal improvements by national means, 
 which was supported by Mr. Clay wilh his accustomed energy and ability. To 
 his unwearied efforts and unceasing eloquence, the continuation of the Cumber- 
 land or national road over the Alleghany mountains, through Oliio, &c., was 
 mainly owing, and his labors in favor of this valuable improvement are commem- 
 orated by a sione monument erected on the road, surmounted by the genius of li- 
 berty, and inscribed with the name of " HENRY CLAY." He was in favor of 
 a general system of internal improvements by means of roads and canals ; but the 
 South arrayed itself against the principle, and t!je States having undertaken these 
 works, each within its own limits, it was finally abandoned, or at least not pressed. 
 
21\c Missouri Question. 
 During the winter of 1S18-19, was agitated in Congress the celebrated Mis- 
 souri question, and was, for many weeks, debated wiih great heat and acrimony 
 of feeling on both sides : at one lime it seemed to tlireaten ilie most disastrous 
 consequences. On this occasion Mr. Clay stepped in, wlien all hope of compro- 
 mise seemed to be gone, and, by his judicious mediation, inducing the two parties 
 to adopt a middle course, averted the terrible catastrophe which all had reason fo 
 fear would follow, and brought the matter to a peaceful termination. It was on 
 this occasion that he won the proud title of " the great pacificator." 
 
 Discussion of the Tariff in 1819-20. 
 The Taritif of 1816 not giving adequate protection to our infant manufactures 
 to enable them to maintain themselves against the competition of Europe, a new 
 bill was brought forward in the House in 1819-20, whicli wae supported by all 
 the strength of Mr. Clay's great powers, and upon which he delivered a speech 
 replete with principles of the soundest political philosophy, and sentiments of the 
 most ardent patriotism. A single sentence embodies the great maxim of his whole 
 public course in reference tothis vastly important subject. "Mr. Chaiiinan,-'said 
 he, " I frankly own I feel great solicitude for the success of this bill. [The Ta- 
 riff bill then under consideration in committee of the whole.] THK ENTIRE 
 INDEPENDENCE OF MY COUNTRY ON vVLL FOREIGN STATES, 
 AS IT RESPECTS A SUPPLY OF OUR ESSENTIAL VYANTS, HAS 
 EVER BEEN WITH ME A FAVORITE OBJECT. The war of our Re^ 
 volution effected our political emancipation. The last war contributed greatly 
 towards accomplishing our commercial freedom. But our complete independence 
 will only be consummated after the policy of this bill shall be recognised and 
 adopted." The bill passed the House of Representatives, but failed in the Senate. 
 
 'The Tariff Act of 1824. 
 
 The depressed state of the various branches of business, agricultural, commer- 
 cial, and manufacturing, continued unrelieved till 1824, when the Tariff questior* 
 was again agitated in Congress, and a remedy for the evils the country was suf- 
 fering, was sought in the enactment of a new Tariff law. The debate upon this 
 measure was conducted with exlraordinaiy ability on both sides. The friends of 
 the bill were led by Mr. Clay, who, in rising to deliver his masterly speech in sup- 
 port of it, appeared deeply sensible of the inunense responsibility that rested upon 
 him. Impressed with this feeling, he soleirinly invoked the aid of the MOST 
 HIGH, and " fervently implored His divine assistance; that He would be gra- 
 ciously pleased to shower on the country His richest blessings ; and that He would 
 sustain, on this interesting occasion, the individual who stood before Him, and 
 lend him the power, moral and physical, to perform the solemn duties which be- 
 longed to the public station." 
 
 His efforts, and those wiio acted with him, were now crowned with success, 
 and prosperity soon began to shed her invigorating beams upon the land, and to 
 warm the industry of the country once more into life and activity. Fiom the 
 passage of this bill to the removal of the deposites, in 1833, no country ever wit- 
 nessed more pahriy daj's, in all that concerned business and advancement in 
 wealth. 
 
 He advocates the cause of Grecian Liberty. 
 
 It was at this period that Greece, having thrown off the shackles of Turkish 
 slavery, was uiaintaining a noble, but apparently a hopeless, struggle for freedom 
 and independence. No one then old enough to take an interest in the affairs of 
 the world, can forget with what warm hearted sympathy the Americans viewed 
 this contest, nor what ardent prayers went up to the God of battles to nerve the 
 arm of thf Christian against the Moslem host, and to crown the efforts of Greece, 
 ancient, classic, Christian Greece, with vjctoiy. No one can forget with what 
 
10 
 
 nerous zeal even our fair countiywoiTien undertook the benevolent and philan- 
 ropic labor of collecting food and clothing for the starving and naked Greeks, 
 iven from their smouldering homes by their ruthless enemies, and compelled to 
 :e to the mountains and live in caves, and upon roots and berries. The tale of 
 e barbarities committed upon the women and children harrowed every bosom, 
 id drew tears from every eye; while the heroic deeds of a Marco Bozzaris, and 
 3 companions in arms, fired the American soul with unbounded admiration. 
 It was during the session of 1823-4, that Mr, Webster brought forward a pro- 
 isition to make provision to defray the expense of deputing a commissioner or 
 ent to Greece, whenever the President should deem it proper. In support of 
 3 proposition, Mr. Webster made a most eloquent and powerful appeal in favor 
 suffering humanity ; but the opposition was opposed by those who thought 
 ch an act on our part might be construed by the Grand Sultan as evincing an 
 ifriendly feeling towards the Sublime Porte, and involve us in trouble. Some 
 ^re understood to oppose the resolution on account of the source whence it ori- 
 tiated, Mr. Webster having been a federalist, Mr. Clay, ever above any such 
 igenerous feeling and unworthy motive, rebuked them in a dignified and elo- 
 ent manner. " I have long had the pleasure," said he, " of knowing the hon- 
 \ble genileman from Massachusetts, and sometimes that of acting with him ; 
 d I have much satisfaction in expressing my high admiration of his great ta- 
 ils. I5ut I would appeal to my republican friends, those faithful sentinels of 
 'il liberty with whom I have ever acted, shall we reject a proposition, consonant 
 our principles, favoring the good and great cause, on account of the political 
 aracter of its mover? Shall we not rather look to the intrinsic merits of the 
 jasure, and seek every fit occasion to strengthen and perpetuate liberal princi- 
 !s and noble sentiments? If it were possible for republicans to cease to be the 
 impious of human freedom, and if federalists became its only supporters, I 
 
 3ULD CEASE TO BE A REPUBLICAN ; I WOULf) BECOME A FEDERALIST. The 
 
 jservation of the public confidence can only be secured, or merited, by a faith- 
 adherence to the principles by which it has been acquired." 
 Mr. Clay becomes a candidate for President. 
 We come now to an epoch, perhaps the most important, thus far, in Mr. Clay's 
 blic life. It will be remembered that five candidates were in the field for the 
 ice of President, to succeed Mr. Monroe, whose term of service expired on the 
 day of March, 182,5; namely, Mr. Adams, Mr. Crawford, Gen. Jackson, Mr. 
 ay, and Mr. Calhoun; though the latter was withdrawn from the canvass for 
 5 Presidency, and was run by his friends as a candidate for Vice President 
 
 Other candidates. 
 The old federal party having already disbanded and dispersed, party organiza- 
 n no longer existed ; and as all the candidates were prominent Republicans, 
 d had been leaders of that party in iis most trying days, they had to depend 
 ely upon personal popularity, and the estimation in which the people held their 
 blic services, their experience, jjudgment, and capacity to discharge the duties 
 the station to which they aspired. The canvass was carried on generally with- 
 t bitterness or acrimony, except, perhaps, between the friends of Mr. Crawford 
 i Mr. Calhoun, between whom a personal rivalry and hostility had long exist- 
 though they were both, as well as Mr. Adams,member& of Mr. Monroe's cabi- 
 :. Some hostility was also apparent between the friends of Mr. Crawford and 
 n. Jackson ; the former not looking upon the General as a sound Republican, 
 1 pronouncing his election, in advance, as " a curse upon the country." Accord- 
 • to the constitution, if one person does not receive a majority of the whole 
 ctoral votes, and two or more are voted for, the House of Representatives is re- 
 red to elect a President from one of the three persons having the highest num- 
 of electoral voles. It was very probable that no one of the candidates would 
 
11 
 
 receive a majority of the electoral voles, and that the election vroukl be carric 
 the House of Representatives, of which Mr. Clay was a member ; in which (• 
 if not one of the three highest returned, the duty would devolve on him to 
 his vote to one or the other of his rivals. •; 
 
 The electio7i by the House of Representatives. — Mr. Clay^s course, i 
 
 This anticipated contingency occurred. Occupying a high position, and \} 
 known to possess great influence with his friends, especially the Kentucky^ 
 Ohio delegations, he was treated with distinguished consideration by the fri 
 of the various candidates, and seemed in his own language, addressed to a fil, 
 at the time, to be •' enjoying, whilst alive, the posthumous honor usually awai 
 to the venerated dead.'' But this was only the fattening of the ox for the slaug. 
 
 The election came on, and a most solemn and imposing scene, gentlemen^ 
 sent and partaking in it, describe it to have been. Mr. Clay and the Kentii 
 and Ohio delegation voted for Mr. Adams, who was unexpectedly elected ot 
 first ballot. Slander began at once to be busy with his name ; those who a ^ 
 time before courted, now vituperated him ; at first only in whispers, but at lei 
 openly. A member of Congress from Pennsylvania was made the mouth-] 
 of Mr. Clay's villifiers, who had not the courage to assume the responsibili 
 the vile imputations they induced their tool to father, against his wishes an( 
 better feelings. 
 
 The cry of " Bargain aiid corriiptmt'" raised. 
 
 The charge of " bargain and corruption" was uttered from an irrespon 
 quarter ; the cry was taken up by the presses in the interest of the candidates 
 had been defeated, and the changes were rung upon it with every possible v 
 tion, exaggeration, and expression of holy horror. It was in vain to den} 
 charge: it'had been made by no responsible person, and no one could then 
 be called to substantiate it. The country rang with this cry of " mad dog,'j 
 til a considerable portion of the American people fully, and doubtless hon^ 
 believed it. 
 
 Conscious of his own innocence, firm in the rectitude of his own course, 
 sustained by a clear and approving conscience, Mr. Clay bore the opprobriun 
 tempted to be cast upon him, with becoming fortitude and dignity, confident 
 the tinje would come when truth must again make her voice heard, and rel 
 on the people, in whose intelligence and honest intentions he had always j 
 confidence, to do him justice, whenever the exciteinent of the times had 
 away, the mists of prejudice been dispelled, and they should become convi 
 thatthey had brought in a verdict of guilty against one as innocent asthemse 
 
 Time has cleared away much of the mist tliat then blinded the eyes of a 
 lion of the people, and assuaged the prejudices then excited: they can now 
 back calmly to the subject, and weigh the evidence in the well-balanced and 
 partial scales of Justice ; and I beg of them to do so, and then to reconsider, 
 either to reverse or confirm their verdict, as their deliberate judgment shall die 
 
 • The first time the charge is made in a tangible form. — Carter Beverly U 
 
 The first tangible shape in which this charge of " bargain and corruption' 
 peared, was in a letter published in Fayetteville, N. C, and dated Nashvillei 
 March, 1827. It was subsequently ascertained that this was written by Mr. • 
 TER Beverly. In that letter he said, 
 
 " He (Gen. Jackson) told me this morning, &e/ore all bh company, in reply to a question I put ij 
 concerning the election of J. Q. Adams/or the presidency, that Mr. Clay's friends made a pr, 
 tion to his friends, that, if they would promise, /or Mm, not to put Mr. Adams in the seat of Sec 
 of State, Clay and his friends would, in an hour, make him, Jackson, president. He most indig' 
 rejected the proposition, and declared he would not compromit himself; and unless most open 
 fairly made the President by Congress, he would see the whole earth sink under him, before he 
 bargain or intrigue for it." 
 
12 
 
 ter Beverly not bein<i,- known, many were disposed to doubt whether 
 ion ever made such an assertion as the above extract contains, and " 6e- 
 f company.-'' This induced Mr. Beverly to address a nole to General 
 "ho replied. His letter was dated Hermitage, June 5, 1827, and stated 
 d been " informed by the friends of Mr. Clay, that the friends of Mr. 
 J made overtures to them, sayini^^ jf Mr. Clay and his friends would 
 :1 of the election of Mr. Adams, xMr. Clay should be Secretary of State. 
 Viends of Mr. Adams were urging, as a reason to induce the friends of 
 
 accede to their proposition, that if I was elected President, Mr. Adams 
 continued Secretary of Slate, (inuendo, there would be no room for. 
 ) That the friends of Mr. Clay stated, the west did not wish to sepa- 
 he west; and if I would say, or permit any of my confidential friends 
 t, in case I was elected President, Mr. Adams should not be continued 
 )f Slate, by a complete union of Mr. Clay and his friends, (hey would 
 
 1 to (he Presidential contest in an hour. And he [the membarof Con- 
 called on Gen. Jackson] was of opinion it was right to fight such in- 
 th their own weapons." 
 
 I "prompthj repels the charge, and demands the name of the vritjicss. 
 len, for (he first time, was an assertion of the fact (hat there was an at- 
 ;as(, on the part of Mr. Clay or his friends, at " bargain and corruption," 
 . responsible and known person, — such an assertion as Mr. Clay could 
 id lie immediately came out with " a direct, unqualiiied, and indignant 
 id demanded ihe name of the member of Congress alluded (o by Gen, 
 his letter to Carter Beverly. 
 
 General Jackson gives th.e name of James Buchanan. 
 ng Mr. Clay's prompt, exphcit, and imqualified denial of (his charge, 
 mand for the name of the person alluded to. Gen. Jackson issued an 
 tlie public, dated Hermitage, July 18, 1S2T, in which he said, referring 
 !r of the .5(h of June to Carter Beverly : 
 
 closure was made to me by Mr. James Buchanan, a member of Congress from Pennsyl- 
 ;leman of the first respectability and intelligence. 
 
 •acter of Mr. Buchanan, with mc, forbids the idea that he was acting on his own respon- 
 lat, under any circumstances, he could have been induced to propose any arrangement, 
 sed of satisfactory assurances, that, if accepted, it would be carried fully into effect. A 
 v'ould seldom or ever be thus disposed to act, an intelligent one never." 
 
 lis it appears that it all was a matter of inference with General Jackson. 
 Ulan had a conversation with bim, and be inferred that he called upon 
 •. Clay's friend and by Mr. Clay's authority! But what does Mr. Bii- 
 mself .say — (he ordij witness called upon or named by Gen. Jackson, to 
 s charge — what does he say ! 
 
 iichanan denies ever having made any such proposition — his letter. 
 
 from Mr. Buchanan's letter to the Editor of the Lancaster Journal, da- 
 ugust, 1827*: 
 
 upon Gen. Jackson on the occasion which T have mentioned, sokhj as his friend, upon my 
 ml responsibility, and not as the agent of Mr. Clay or any other person. I never haveheen 
 • iend of Jilr. Clay, since he became a candidate for the otHce of President, as you very 
 Uuntil /saw General Jackson's letter to Mr. Beverly of ihe ."Sth ult., and at the same 
 brmcd by a letter from the editor of the United States Telegraph, that I was the person 
 alluded, the conceplion never once entered nuj mind, that he believed me to have been the 
 . Clay and his friends, or that I intended lo propose terms of amy kind for them ; or that he 
 supposed me capable of expressing an 'opinion that it was right to fight such intriguers 
 wn v/capons.' 
 
 (mlhoritij from Mr. Clay or his friends, to propose an'-i terms to Gen. Jackson in relation to their 
 I DID i'EVEIi MAKE ANY SUCH PROPOSITION; and I trust I would be as in- 
 ecouiing a messenger upon such au occasion, as it was known General Jackson would be 
 ich a message." 
 
 hen, is the whole (estimon}'^ of General Jackson's own witness — the only 
 I, or pretended to exist — to sustain (his often lepeated and heinous charge 
 
13 
 
 of *' bribery and connpllon." Let any man of candor point out the 
 the sentence, the word, the syllable, that sustains the charge ! Do not ( 
 and every sentence give a plain, explicit, downright denial of the chai 
 every circumstance of it? Most clearly, positively, and unequivocal 
 the possibility of a doubt. But will it be believed that the charge \a 
 and reiterated after this positive refutation of it? It was even so. It 
 to excite the prejudices of the people against Mr. Clay, and those who fi 
 it forward, finding that it answered their purpose, had no thought of re 
 even though they k/tevj it to be a falsehood of (he basest kind, am 
 proved to be so. It was the instrument of as foul, as base, as maligt 
 spiracy, as ever was formed for (he destruction of man. No man, wh 
 a hand in this nefarious attempt to blast the fiiir fame of Mr. Clay, c 
 found who is willing to acknowledge his agency in it, or that he ever bi 
 (here was the least truth in the charge, except Mr. Beverly himself, v 
 a letter addressed to Mr. Clay, candidly acknowledged (he wrong he di 
 made the most ample apology. Oihers, however, more guilty, want 1 
 nimity and grace to do him that poor justice, even at this late day. 
 Mr. Beverly^s letter of recontatioii. 
 The letter of recantation from Mr. Beverly to Mr. Clay, is dated Vit 
 dlesex County, Urbana, February 8, 1842. He says : 
 
 " It will be no doubt matter of some astonishment to you in receiving from me the pr 
 I -will not preface it with any kind of apology, because, in doing it, I justify my mind in 
 of an act of conscience and a duty that I feel the upmost pleasure in performing. 
 
 " Although the time is quite far gone since I became very innocently instrumental 
 throughout the country a very great attack on your character and v«irtue as a gentleman. 
 a very heavy one as a public man, I feel exceedingly desirous to relieve you, as far as I 
 slander; and my own feelings from the severe compunction that is within jne, on havin; 
 ©either directly or indirectly, your personal accuser, yet that I was drawn directly into 
 tation of an attack upon you. ******* 
 
 " I again say that I am most thorughly convinced that you were most untruthfully, i 
 unjustly treated ; for 1 have never seen any evidence to substantiate at all the charge. 
 
 Signed, CARTER B 
 
 Is it necessary to add any thing further in refutation of this foul an 
 
 ed charge of " bargain and corruption ?" The great mass of the Am 
 
 pie are lovers of justice, and, when convinced that injustice has been 
 
 that generosity of spirit and kind feeling which prompts tliem to re 
 
 Prejudice will doubtless, however, induce some to close their eyes 
 
 light of truth, and their hearts against conviction. Into the minds of st 
 
 truth shone with the brightness of the sun at noonday, its rays couli 
 
 irate — all would be darkness. Still, however, it may not be useless 
 
 justice to Mr. Clay, to add the testimony — the solemn asseveration, c 
 
 vidual more. In replying to an address welconnng him to Maysville, 
 
 in which among other things Mr. Adams was thanked for his noble 
 
 the great statesman of the West, in his letter to the Whigs of New J 
 
 Adams said : 
 
 " 1 thank you, sir, for the opportunity you have given me of speaking of the great s 
 was associated with me in the administration of the General Government, at my earnest 
 who belongs not to Kentucky alone, but to the whole Union ; and is not only an bono 
 
 * The following extract of a letter from Mr. Adams to a committee of the citizens o 
 who had addressed him on his retirement from the Presidency, is the defence of Mr. CI; 
 
 "Upon him (Mr. Clay) the foulest slanders have been showered. Long known and a 
 successively a member of both Houses of your National Legislature, as the unrivalled 
 at the same time, most efficient leader of debates in one of them ; as an able and succes; 
 for your interests in war and in peace with foreign powers, and as a powerful candidate 
 of your trusts : — the Department of State itself was a station which, by its bestowal 
 neither profit nor honor upon him, but upon which he has shed unfading honor, by 
 which he has discharged its duties. Prejudice and passion have charged him with obt 
 fice by bargain and corruption. Before you, fellovo-citizmis, in the presence of our country 
 I PRONOUNCE THAT CH.^RGE TOTALLY UNFOUNDED. This tribute of justicc is duc from J 
 I 8eiz«, with pleasure, the opf>ortunitY afforded me, by your letter, of discharging the < 
 
 ■A 
 
14 
 
 is Nation, but to mankind. The charges to which you refer, I have, after my term of service 
 pired, and it was proper for me to speak, denied before the whole country ; and I here reiterate 
 tffirm that denial ; and as I expect shortly to appear before my God, to answer for the conduct 
 whole life, should those charges havefoutid their way to the Throne of Eternal Justice, I will, in the 
 ;cE OF Omnipotence, pronounce them false." 
 
 bat man is there in this country so base as now to repeat this foul, this nia- 
 
 s, this branded Hbel ? 
 
 etires lo private life, and is, for the third time, elected to the U. S. Senate. 
 
 the close of Mr. Adams's administration, on the 3d of March, 1829, Mr. Clay 
 
 d lo his own quiet Ashland, to cultivate his farm, and the enjoyments of 
 
 ;e life. From these, however, he was, in 1831,diawn by the Legislature of 
 
 ,vn State, which elected him for the third time to the Senate of the United 
 
 5. With his public course since he entered the Senate, where he continued 
 
 / eleven years, and with the various measures originated and adopted by 
 
 the public are probably more famihar than with his public acts previous. It 
 
 fortune of few men to fill so large a space in the public eye, or to accom- 
 so much for his country's welfare, during a whole life, as Mr. Clay has du- 
 his period of his senatorial service. The acknowledged leader of the party 
 lich he belonged, its chief measures have originated with him, and all bf 
 had his able co-operation ajid support. Having been, however, the greater 
 n of his time in a minority in the Senate, and the whole of the time up to 
 ;h of March, 1841, in a minority in Congress, neither he nor the party to 
 1 he belonged could carry any measure through to a final law. In the win- 
 
 1832, the TariflT question came up and vi'as discussed: on which occasion 
 lay delivered a speech in defence of the American System, in which the po- 
 f protection was most ably and clearly expounded, maintained, and defended. 
 A bill brought forward and passed to recharter the U. S. Bank. 
 other subject deeply agitated the public mind at this time, and was acted on 
 
 same session by Congress : this was the recharter of the United States Bank. 
 Jackson had brought the subject to (he view of the National Legislature, and 
 o the nation itself, in his first annual message in December, 1829 ; subse- 
 ly in 1830, and again in 1831. Mr. McLane, the Secretary of the Trea- 
 recommended the recharter of the bank, and stated his retisons at large at 
 immencement of the session of 1831-32. Mr. Dallas, then a member of 
 inate, brought forward the bill to recharter the bank, and it was passed by 
 lecided majorities in both Houses of Congress. 
 
 // is veteod by Gefi. Jackson — Mr. Clay's speech on the occasion. 
 bill was vetoed by Gen. Jackson, for a variety of reasons assigned by him in his memorable 
 jssage. On this message Mr. Clay addressed the Senate, and commented with freedom, bnt 
 ^ity and force, upon the novel doctrines advanced by the President, and especially upon that 
 leclares every public officer who lakes an oath to support the Constitution, is at liberty to sup- 
 as he understands it ; and that the President, in this respect, is independent of the Supreme 
 the tribunal established for the purpose of deciding upon, asd settling constitutional questions ; 
 ine fraught, as he declared, with universal nullification, destructive of all suboixiination, au- 
 
 and fixedness, and subversive of government. 
 
 isfriiutioji of the proceeds of the Pubtic Lands — Hoic Mr. Ctay came lo bring foncard his plan. 
 e same session of Congress (1831-32) Mr. Clay first brought forward his great measure of 
 tiug the proceeds of the sale of the public lands among the States, which has since found so 
 ivor with the people ol the United States, and become a cardinal principle of the Whig par- 
 one of vital importance to the country. Mr. Clay had been placed on the Committee of Man- 
 :s ; to this committee the subject of the Public Lands was referred by the Senate, a majority 
 m were his political opponents, notwithstanding there was a standing committee on the public 
 ppointed under long established rules! For what purpose a subject so incongruous as thepub- 
 s to those expected to occupy the minds of this committee, was referred to it, it is impossible 
 icture, unless it was intended thereby to embarrass Mr. Clay, and involve him in difficulty 
 e portion of the country, or another. The reference of this subject to that committee was 
 •e extraordinary, inasmuch as there was not a single member from the new States upon it, 
 one, Mr. Clay, from the Western States. He earnestly protested against the reference, and 
 npon its impropriety, but was overruled by a majority, including a majority from the new 
 
 The subject, however, being thus thrown upon him by those who sought to involve him iu 
 
15 
 
 difficulty, he brought to it all the powers of his understanding, and, after a thorough iriTestigati 
 matured the plan and bill, which he reported to the Senate. The attempt made by a majority of 
 Senate, composed of his political enemies, to embarrass him, now recoiled upon their own hes 
 But if the reference, in the first instance, of this subject to the Committee on Manufactures was 
 precedented, the disposition made of Mr. Clay's able report from that committee was still more s 
 
 This was hardly read in the Senate before it was violently denounced, and, without being conside 
 by the Senate, was referred to the Committee on Public Lands — the very committee to which ] 
 Clay had, in the first place, insisted the subject ought to be referred. After some days this comr 
 tee made a report, and recommended a reduction of the price of ti.e public lands immediately to 
 dollar per acre, and eventually to fifty cents per acre, and the grant to the new States of fifteen 
 c«nt. on the net proceeds of the sales, instead of ten per cent., as proposed by the Committee on M 
 ufactures, and nothing to the old States. 
 
 He thus exposes the attempts that had been made, and were making, to rob the old States of tl 
 interest in the public domain, and he came forward with a measure that meted out justice to all 
 the E^st and to the West ; to the North and to the South ; to the old States, and to the new. Spe 
 ing of the right of ihe whole to the public lands, said he : 
 
 " The right of the Union to the public lands is incontestable. It ought not to be considered dc 
 table. It never was questioned but by a few, whose montrous heresy, it was probably supposed, wc 
 escape animadversion from the enormity of the absurdity, and the utter impracticability of the j 
 cess of the claim. The right of the whole is sealed by the blood of the Revolution, founded u 
 solemn deeds of cession from sovereign Slates, deliberately executed in the face of the world 
 renting upon national treaties concluded with foreign powers, or ample equivalents contributed fi 
 the treasury of the people of the United States." 
 
 His plan of distribution was no sooner reported to the Senate, and made known to the coun 
 than it became triumphant. The bill passed the Senate at that session, but was not acted on in 
 House ; it was gaining favor with the countrj", however, and so great was its popularity, that it j 
 sed at the next session by more than two-thirds of both branches of Congress. It was then sen 
 the President, Gen. Jackson, for his signature ; but, instead of signing, or returning it with his i 
 sons for withholding his signature, he pocketed it ! Had it been returned, there cannot be a doubt 
 it would have become a law, and of this he was fully aware. 
 
 " It was a measure suggested by one who shared no part in the President's counsels or affectio 
 and although he had himself, in his annual message, recommended a similur measure, he did not h 
 tate to change his ground in order to thwart the views of its author." Personal hostility indu 
 him to resort to the novel mode of killing the bill by smothering it in his pocket ! Before anot 
 session of Congress commenced, the order went forth — the measure was denounced— the faitl 
 were required to surrender their own opinions, and sustain their ciiief; and lo! it was done! — Fi 
 that day to tlie present, those who claim to belong to the democratic sheep-fold have been requirei 
 eschew the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands among the people of the States, its rij 
 ful owners, as a ^^ federal measure." Is it possible for a nation to have the benefit of benign measu 
 when those which are calculated to promote the general good are defeated through mere perse 
 pique or prejudice towards the individual with whom they originate, and because their adoption wc 
 add a leaf to the chaplet that adorns his brew.' A wise people will not inquire icho originated a m 
 sure, but whether the measure itself is likely to prove beneficial or otherwise. 
 
 It was undoubtedly the truth, as Mr. Clay asserted, that for many years various pretensions 1 
 been put forth concerning the public lands, one of which was, that thsy belonged of right to the Stt 
 in -whose limits they were situated ; another, that they should be ceded to these States by the Uni 
 States ; another, that their price shoud be graduated down t^ almost nothing; and all had in vi 
 either their actual or virtual surrender by the General Government. Mr. Clay saw that if not 
 cured to the old States, tlieir interest in the public domain would soon be gone forever, and the p 
 of distribution which he brougbt forward was designed, not only to settle our policy in regard to 1 
 immense national interest, but to settle it upon the immutable principles of justice — even-ham 
 justice to all. No sooner, however, was there a prospect of his plan being adopted, than the v 
 men who had clamored for " the lion's share" of the public domain, who had sanctioned scheme 
 ter fceheme for wasting and squandering the lands, and had protested against their being considerec 
 a source of revenue, turned short around and became equally clamorous against the proceeds be 
 taken from the treasury ! Such is the consistency of mere demagogues ! In his speech on distribut 
 in the Senate, on the 28th January, 1841, Mr. Clay thus notices the contradictory and inconsist 
 •ourse of his opponents: 
 
 *' All at once these gentlemen seem to be deeply interested in the revenue derivable from the pul 
 lands. Listen to them now, and you would suppose that heretofore they had always been, and he 
 after would continue to be, decidedly and warmly in favor of carefully husbanding the public domi 
 and obtaining from it the greatest practicable amount of revenue, for the exclusive use of the Gene 
 Government. You would imagine that none of them had ever espoused or sanctioned any scheme 
 wasting or squandering the public lands ; that they regarded them as a sacred and inviolable fund 
 be preserved for the benefit of posterity, as well as this generation." 
 
 * * * "I proceed to the documentary proof. In his annual message of Decembei 
 1832, President Jackson says : ' It seems tome to be our true policy that the public lands shall cease, as s 
 as practicable, to be a source of revenue." 
 
 From the report of Mr. King, chairman of the Committee on Public Lands, to whom his (I 
 Clay's) report was referred in 1832, Mr. Clay read the following: 
 
 "This committee turn with confidence from the Land Offices to the Custom-houses, and say, I 
 are tl^e true sources of Federal rcveime ! Give the lands to the cultivator! and tell him to keep his i 
 ncy, and lav it out iu iliv-u' cultivation!" 
 
16 
 
 011 895 269 8' 
 
 *' Hear how President Jackson lays down the law in 1833 : 
 
 " On the whole. I adhere to the opinion expressed by me in my annual message of 1832. that it is 
 our true policy that the public lands shall cease, as soon as practicable, to be a ftource of revenue, 
 except for the payment of those general charges which grow out of the acquisition of the lands, thew 
 survey, and sale. 
 
 " It was but the other day we heard the Senator from Arkansas (Mr. Sevier) express some of 
 these sentiment-. What were we told by that Senator? ' We will have the public lands. We mufit 
 have them, and wc icill TAKE them in a few years.'' 
 
 [Mr. Sevier said, " So we will."] 
 
 " Hear him ! Hear hi|m ! He repeats it. Uiters it in the ears of the revenue-pleading Senator (Mr- 
 Wright) on my left. And yet he will vote against distribution." 
 
 South Carolina nullificalion — the Compromise >^ct. 
 
 The reiterated attacks upon the protective system by the advocates of the doctrine of free trade, 
 together with the fact of the extinguishment of the public debt and an overflowing Treasury, had, in 
 1833, greatly operated upon public opinion, and brought about a conviction that protective duties were 
 not so necessary as they had been considered, and were, perhaps, as the South declared them to be, 
 oppressive to them, and unjust in their operation South Carolina had also undertaken to nullify the 
 revenue laws of the United States, and threatened open resistance and rebellion, should the General 
 Government attempt to enforce them. Discontent had been sown among the people of the South, 
 who had been made to believe that they were oppressed, and that their wishes and interests had been 
 -disregarded by the national Government. These discontents had b:;en fomented, and the hopes of the 
 Southern people encouraged by the course of the Federal Administration, which, at the very mo- 
 ment that it threatened and recommended the use of the power of the whole Union, proclaimed 
 aloud the injustice of the system which it was about to enforce. In tlie language of Mr. Clay, " these 
 discontents were not limited to those who maintained the extravugant theory of nullification ; they 
 were not confined to one State; but were co-extensive with the entire South, and extended even t<» 
 the Northern States." A majority of the party then dominant, since defeated, was then,a3 now, op- 
 posed to the tariff policy. Under all these circumstances, Mr. Clay deemed that policy in imminent 
 danger : " It is," said he, " in the hands of the Philistines, who would strangle it ;" and he flew to it& 
 succor. The celebrated Compromise Bill was introduced, and, after much debate, finally passed. 
 
 Mr. Clay, with whom this great measure of concilliation originated, and to whose moderation, firm- 
 ness, patriotism, and abilities, its success was due, was, on this occasion, hailed by a very large por- 
 tion of the country, north, south, and M'est, as " the great pacificator and saviour of the country " 
 
 The compromise bill being accepted by the South as " a concession from the stronger to the weaker 
 party," it proved, as its author designed it should, a tranquillizing measure, and secured to the coutt- 
 iry. "and especially to those engaged in manufacturing, a stability of policy for a number of years, far 
 more i-jiportant to them than heavy duties with uncertainty and fluctuation. 
 
 Is nominated for Iht Presidency. 
 
 In 1832 Mr. Clay was nominated and supported by the Whigs, (then called National Republicans.) 
 General Jackson was then in the full tide of power, and a third candidate being in the field, (Mr- 
 Wirt, nominated by the Antimasons,) he was defeated. 
 
 Declined in 1836. 
 
 He declined being a candidate in 1836 ; but his nomination was pressed with honest zeal by a large 
 portion of the Whig party, in 1840, and confidently expected; but, for reasons into which it would 
 be out of place here to enter, the nomination (ell upon another distinguished patriot, and he not only 
 bowed with respectful submission and acquiescence to the expressed will of the convention, but at 
 •once bent all his energies to secure the election of his successful rival, exhibiting a magnanimity and 
 patriotic disinterestedness that challenged the admiration even of his opponents. A cause thns sus- 
 tained could not fail of success. The people came forth in their might, and vtctory crowned the 
 efforts of those who sought reform. 
 
 He retires from the Senate.. 
 
 On the 31st of March, 1842, Mr. Clay withdrew from the Senate of the United States, on which 
 occasion he took leave of his fellow-me'mbers in a speech fraught with noble sentiment and touching 
 pathos. Since that time he has devoted hijnself to agricultural and rural pursuits ; in these he take« 
 great delight, being one of the most practical, industrious, methodical, and successful farmers in (he 
 whole Western country. There is a purifying influence in tlie cultivation of the soil, that sa 
 seldom fails to reach the heart as it does to invigorate the frame of man ; and he v/ho delights to 
 till the o-round will find himself not less favored than the fabled Antajus, to whom was given new 
 'itreno-tlTand energy as often as he touched his mother earth. 
 
 In this brief and imperfect outline of the life of the great Statesman of the West, I have attempt- 
 ed no labored panegyric ; his works are his best praise. His name is interwoven with some of the 
 proudest records oi' American history. When these shall be blotted out by the hand of oblivion ; 
 when the events of the last warwitli Great Britain shall have been forgotten, and the noble struggles 
 to break the galling bonds of servitude, by the patriots of South .\menca and the heroes of Greece 
 shall no longer be remembered, then will ihe name of Henry Clay cease to rais^e a thrill of emotion 
 in the American bosom, and the recollection of his high-souied and self-sacrificing patriotism, and 
 constant devotion to his country, his manly and fervid eloquence, excite no throb of pride in the 
 hearts of his countrymen. But, till that day shall come, it will stand in letters of gold upon that 
 bright scroll inscribed with the names of all those statesmen, patriots, and sages, whose eminent ser- 
 vices are held in cherished remembrance by the American People, and whose enduring fame is the 
 brightest gem in their country's crown of glory. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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 Hollinger 
 
 pH8.5 
 
 Mill Run F3.1955