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An Open Word 
 
 TO ALL 
 
 British and German Ladies and Gentlemen 
 
 and to their friends, belligerent 
 or neutral 
 
 GIVING NEW IDEAS FOR 
 THE SETTLEMENT OF THE 
 EUROPEAN CONFLICT 
 
 By a Swiss Officer 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR 
 
 Chicago, U. S. A., February, 1916 
 
 English Edition 1,000.000 copies 
 
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 Copyright, 1916 
 By Hans Oberhansli 
 Chicago, 111., U. S. A. 
 
 All rights reserved for all countries 
 
 
 
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Respectful Appeal to His Royal Majesty 
 King George V. of Great Britain and Ireland 
 
 Your Royal Majesty: 
 
 Your great nation joined anno 1914 in true chivalrous manner the 
 contest in Europe in which her friends on the continent probably have 
 felt themselves at odds in strength. A relatively small body of the 
 brave British Tommies ran to the assistance of France and Belgium 
 and managed to hold the intended Teutonic thrust off the sacred soil 
 of England ; a brilliant page in the book of history of Your nation. 
 Eighteen months have passed by since ; no Teutonic foot has touched 
 the shore of England ; and more than this, Your mighty navy has put 
 her war cry in positive effect, she rules the waves from shore to shore. 
 
 Quite recently Your Royal Government proclaimed to the world 
 the actual aims of Your great nation, and her allies, and the press of 
 England, of Great Britain and of the Dominions abroad is doing her 
 very best to arouse the fighting spirit of the British nation still more 
 than ever. The severe censorship on all the borders of the fighting 
 nations having the natural effect, that the appeals of the neutral press 
 cannot reach the ears of Your nation, the stirred fighting spirit of the 
 British has a clear way before itself. But will Your Royal Majesty 
 permit to put respectfully the question : Would Great Britain be 
 willing to tend a forgiving, friendly hand to her opponent if the principal 
 aims of her war: abolishment of militarism; surrender of Belgium to 
 her valiant king and people; surrender of the occupied provinces of 
 France to the Grande Nation ; war debt liquidated in a way that would 
 not reduce the wealth of the British nation, were found? Would Great 
 Britain be willing to abandon all other aims if the aforesaid aims find a 
 satisfactory solution? From the time when I enjoyed the hospitality 
 of England the impression has never left me, that England is a country 
 full of free ideas, of progress, and of happiness. England and Great Britain 
 hold today the future peace in the palms of their mighty hands; they 
 can free themselves in true gentlemanly manner from the stifling pres- 
 sure of militarism to which the war has forced them. England and 
 Great Britain can bring peace, freedom, and happiness to all those 
 European countries which suffer terribly in consequence of the personal 
 contest between the two champions. 
 
 My travels all over Europe, especially the impressions received 
 by crossing all France and all Germany, anno 1915, having aroused in 
 
me the wish to disclose my neutral opinion abou-t the true cause and 
 significance of the present war, and to give at the same time several 
 ideas which I see in logic sequence of the known facts of today, I wrote 
 this book, of which I beg to present Your Royal Majesty a copy with 
 my humble respects. My respects for Your Royal Majesty withhold 
 me from such farreaching expectation that my book will merit Your 
 study; but justice demands that Your great nation have the opportunity 
 to read and scrutinize the ideas about the settlement of the present con- 
 test and about future lasting peace, which ideas I wish to propagate as 
 a small seed for the barren ground of Europe. So I implore Your Royal 
 Majesty and Your Royal Government to permit my book access to the 
 British reader; such permission will indebt very greatly not only myself, 
 also all other adherents of a happy, lasting future peace. 
 
 Great Britain, ready to sacrifice the precious blood of her sons, and 
 the wealth of her nation, for the attainment of the high goal she has 
 painted on her golden escutcheon, may she be as ready to open her judi- 
 cious heart to my warm appeal ; may she condescend to receive and 
 scrutinize the seed I wish to plant on British ground ! The seed will 
 find cultivation, and whether it turn into a small tree, or into a sweet- 
 scented flower, it is of no concern when the cultivation brings the goal 
 at which your great nation is aiming through the present war: 
 
 Happy, lasting peace. 
 
 Your Royal Majesty's very respectful servant, 
 
 Hans Oberhangli, 
 Premier-Lieutenant in the Swiss Army. 
 
 Chicago, U. S. A, February, 1916. 
 
Respectful Appeal to His Imperial Majesty 
 Kaiser Wilhelm II. of Germany 
 
 Your Imperial Majesty: 
 
 True to the glorious history of the Royal House of the Hohenzollern, 
 you have upheld Your Imperial word of friendship to Your Imperial 
 confederate, to His Apostolic Majesty Kaiser Franz Joseph von Oester- 
 reich, Koenig von Ungarn. Your valiant armies have fought shoulder 
 to shoulder with the brave Austrian troops and have freed the soil of 
 Germany and Austria from the invaders. In the west, too. Your valiant 
 troops, together with the worthy confederates, have overrun the enemy 
 and have repulsed the battleline far beyond Your own border. Great 
 Germany is safe, has heroically withstood the severe test of commercial 
 isolation, has proved the great organizing nation in financial matters: 
 Germany stands stronger than ever amongst the nations of all the world ! 
 
 Your Imperial Majesty, as the true Father of the great German 
 nation of today, gave Your Imperial word to Great Britain and to Your 
 nation that the war is not waged as a war of conquest; the war has 
 been forced upon You, and in assuming Your constitutional rights of 
 supreme command over all the German forces, You have victoriously 
 fulfilled Your sacred trust as soldier: the national defense. 
 
 By leading Your numerous armies like a great Caesar through the 
 fields of Europe, Your Imperial Majesty has had the opportunity of 
 judging by Your own eye what sacrifices, what misery and misfortune 
 the war brings to the poor peoples who have the malchance of living 
 on the road of advancing and attacking armies. Your heart as Prince 
 of Peace, Your Christian spirit, must have suffered much when the 
 reverse side of the glorious medal of war was so openly disclosed to 
 Your observing eye. 
 
 As a native of Zurich, the city that gave Your Imperial Majesty a 
 reception so sincere and warm that no monarchial nation could surpass 
 it, I beg Your permission to direct Your kind attention to my dear 
 country, and to all the other neutral countries of Europe. Your Imperial 
 Majesty will no doubt be aware, what the neutrality in arms means 
 to my little country. Switzerland has never wavered in doing the duty 
 assigned to her by her political position between the two great con- 
 testing parties ; her army has preserved Your great Empire from unex- 
 pected attacks on the Rhine, all the way from Basel to Friedrichshafen. 
 But Switzerland is so small a country that such a strain as ,she has 
 
stood during the long -time from August, 1914, until now, cannot be 
 continued by her without risk of complete physical and financial 
 exhaustion. 
 
 This fact, and many deep impressions obtained during my extensive 
 travels anno 1915, after having been released from my duty as Officer, 
 have set me working on the idea of future peace. The summary of 
 my neutral opinion on the true cause and significance of the present war, 
 and on the question as to how the principal points in contest might be 
 settled in a satisfactory way, being of worldwide interest, I ventured 
 to bring same to public notice in this book, of which I beg to respect- 
 fully present You a copy. My sincere wish, that the mighty German 
 nation may have an opportunity to learn my neutral opinion, to scru- 
 tinize that opinion and the suggestions, which I give as natural 
 sequences of the facts deployed in eighteen months of European war, 
 engage me to implore Your Imperial Majesty and Your Imperial Gov- 
 ernment to give my book, which I will issue in the German language, 
 free access to the great German Empire. And if in consequence of my 
 humble suggestions the well-known German organizing spirit finds a 
 good, practicable way to the settlement of the questions in contest. 
 Your Imperial Majesty and Your Imperial Government will then have 
 the honorable road open to approach Your opponent with a forgiving 
 hand, holding happy, lasting future peace in the open palm. Not only 
 Your own great nation will applaud You as a true "Prince of Peace," 
 all the other countries of Europe and the world will join in a hearty 
 cheer to the grand Champion, the iron Champion of the field who 
 rejected further glories of arms, to the benefit of the then relieved 
 nations of the twentieth century. 
 
 Your Imperial Majesty's very respectful servant, 
 
 Hans Oberhansli, 
 Premier-Lieutenant in the Swiss Army. 
 
 Chicago, U. S. A., February, 1916 
 
Sincere et Cordial Appel a la Grande Nation Frangaise. 
 
 Et Aux Camarades 
 
 Sous Le Glorieux Drapeau Frangais. 
 
 Adresse par un Officier Suisse. 
 
 (Translation of the appeal to the French nation and the French army.) 
 Messieurs et Mesdames 
 Camarades Frangais: 
 
 As Officer in the army of Switzerland, the country recognized by 
 all of you as a neighbor worthy of your patronage and your friendship; 
 as a son of the small Swiss nation that has faithfully stood to her 
 assigned task of armed neutrality, I venture to address myself with due 
 respect to your Grande Nation, to appeal to her inmost heart in the 
 sacred cause of future peace. 
 
 When in April and May, 1915, on my way from Geneva to your 
 beautiful Mediterranean Sea, I enjoyed your hospitality and the pleas- 
 ant company of patriotic comrades of the glorious French armies, I 
 felt the presence of your greatness, of your high spirit; I felt the breath 
 of the Grande Nation. The happy days of my stay at Paris, your capital 
 of the light, came back to my memory, the grand revue de Longchamps, 
 the joyful displays of royal Versailles, and with them the lively picture 
 of the French patriotism, burning in all your hearts, blazing in all your 
 dark eyes. 
 
 For the last eighteen months all the world has beheld the unheard-of 
 courage, the hardest of hardships with which you, French comrades, 
 have striven to shield your Grande Nation, your luminous capital from 
 the heavy pressure and the iron thrusts of the Teutonic invaders. The 
 doubts that have slowly made their way into many anxious hearts in 
 consequence of all the warning and reproaching words that thrilled your 
 illustrious Parliament and your Press before the war, have entirely van- 
 ished ; the heroic French armies have proved their full value, have 
 stunned the world, friend and foe. French patriot, French comrade, T 
 can attest upon my word of honor that all the numerous Teutonic sol- 
 diers, even the most disabled heroes from the battlefields of the Cham- 
 pagne, of the Aisne, and of the forests, as well as the whole of the Ger- 
 man nation, home and abroad, have without exception been full of high 
 praise of your valor, of your courage, and of your endurance. They all 
 expressed their fervent wish to me, that after this war the Grande 
 Nation with her heroic soldiers, might turn into true friends to Ger- 
 many. 
 
 However, in your hearts and on your lips, I have but too distinctly 
 read to what extent you are averse to your valiant opponent. French 
 comrade, allow me, a Swiss officer, to put to your judicious heart and 
 conscience the following questions : Can you grudge your opponent 
 that he, called to arms to do his duty to his fatherland, strives as much 
 as you to fulfill that sacred duty as befits a hero? Can you grudge him 
 
when he will paint his history in as vivid colors as your history presents 
 from the early days of your King Henry de Valois up to the present 
 time? When you, French comrade, pass in review the history of the 
 present great war, from the beginning up to now, do justice to your 
 opponent by acknowledging that he was worthy to cross swords with 
 you. And when you scrutinize his deeds of 1914, then do justice to 
 your, high .spirit as gentlemen of the Grande Nation, and consider on 
 what terrible challenge he is in the field. The challenge of your party 
 did not mean only a chivalrous measurement of the strength in strategy 
 and the skill of swords ; it meant more, it meant utter destruction, utter 
 starvation of a great nation that God the Almighty has placed in our 
 world with equal rights for a happy living under the common sky and 
 sun ! When the unusual challenge drove the blood to the temples of 
 the stunned and stirred German patriot, when the new war-cry pierced 
 and hurt the heart of the whole of the German nation, did not your own 
 judicious heart warn you that the German .soldier's wrath might be 
 liable to exceed all bounds? This is the friendly word of a Swiss 
 officer who feels friendship to all the neighbors that surround his small, 
 dear country. God the Almighty has preserved your Grande Nation 
 from the error of adding to your, brilliant book of history that one dark 
 page which would have spotted the splendid escutcheon of French 
 bravery. 
 
 My appeal to you, French patriot and French comrade, culminates 
 in the fervent desire to see you readjust your opinion of your valiant 
 opponent. No doubt, your judicious spirit will comprehend when I dis- 
 close to you that I have addressed as warm an appeal to His Royal 
 Majesty King George V of Great Britain and Ireland, and to his Royal 
 Government and nation, your loyal friends. My appeal, seconded with 
 the expression of my neutral opinion as to the true cause of the present 
 war, and enlarged with some neutral ideas for the settlement of the 
 principal points in contest, shall be admitted only as a small seed for 
 the barren ground of Europe; and I leave it fully to the great nations 
 of Europe to cultivate that small seed according to their own wishes. 
 For France I have outlined a way that seems to me agreeable and accept- 
 able as well to you as to your opponent; I appeal to the great German 
 Champion to release his heavy grip on your principal northeastern prov- 
 inces, to surrender Belgium to her valiant King Albert and nation, to 
 surrender to you beautiful Lorraine, and to tender his mighty iron hand 
 for a low universal standard for the armies of the future. But since no 
 victor has ever released his conquest without some compensation, I sug- 
 gest a war indemnity which does not even reach the value of the dear 
 provinces that he is considered to surrender to you, not to speak of all 
 the thankful hearts that you will receive back for your Grande Nation ; 
 they are not payable with any money, they are only payable with the 
 friendship that you will bring, in exchange, to your valiant opponent. 
 And when I disclose that the price for the release of the iron grip will 
 not in any way reduce your national wealth, then your judicious heart 
 
will surely be open to the warm word of a Swiss officer who wishes to 
 his dear country the peace that you, too, are longing for. 
 
 My duty requires to ask your forgiveness when in the book, for 
 which I humbly ask admittance to France, you will not always find your- 
 self arrayed on the same high level with your British friends. My book 
 is written for the general public and for the workingman in particular, 
 and for the ,sake of his good understanding I had to reduce parties to the 
 two Champions; so have mercy on me. Whereas my suggestions are 
 fully personal, the fervent wish for an early peace, an honorable peace 
 for all the parties involved is a national Swiss one. I appeal to you, 
 Grande Nation Frangaise, to improve your greatness still more by read- 
 justing your erroneous opinion of your opponent; by contenting your- 
 selves with the achievements of the years 1914-15; by bringing happy 
 peace to Europe, and true friendship to the German heart which was 
 ready for it for many years past. Consider how my dear, small country, 
 and all the other neutral nations are suffering by your contest; con- 
 sider that Switzerland will be more thankful to you then ever when you- 
 reopen your borders again for peaceful exchange of friendship. Receive 
 and accept this hearty appeal as coming from a comrade, and from the 
 nation that has proved her great friendship to you by nursing your 
 wounded and disabled heroes as if they were sons of her Alps, the 
 nation that called all her boys to array in faithful armed neutrality, ready 
 to spill their sacred blood to protect your frontier from Basel to Savoy. 
 
 My God help me to bring this warm appeal to your judicious hearts. 
 
 Very respectfully, your friend and comrade, 
 
 Hans Oberhansli, 
 Premier-Lieutenant in the Swiss Army. 
 
 Chicago, U. S. A., February, 1916. 
 
PREFACE: VERY IMPORTANT. 
 
 These lines contain a friendly talk addressed to all those 
 ladies and gentleman who are willing to withhold for a mo- 
 ment their own opinion on the present war, in order to learn 
 with a free heart what a neutral Swiss Officer has to say on 
 the two all-important points : 
 
 The true cause of the war. 
 
 Ways and means of meeting the highest desires of the 
 contesting parties. 
 
 10 
 
INTRODUCTORY ADDRESS. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 Plenty, more than enough, has been written about the great Euro- 
 pean war. But still all the world is asking: 
 
 Why, what for all this killing, all this misery, all this waste of money 
 and all the heavy taxation? 
 
 And is it possible that the high-running aims of all the belligerent 
 countries can ever, and will ever be reached? 
 
 And may we expect lasting peace, a happy easy future, the sun- 
 shine after the heavy storm? 
 
 In frank, absolutely neutral words you will find in this book a new, 
 highly interesting explanation of the true cause of the war, based all 
 through on the facts that the world has seen during the war, and pre- 
 vious to it. However, the principal aim of my book is to ofifer and 
 explain my ideas for the future peace, and merely to lead up to these 
 ideas, the origin of the war must be reviewed. We must first see what 
 we have to mend, and when we know this, then we must see how we can 
 mend it. Accordingly the book is divided into two parts, as follows : 
 
 PART ONE: 
 
 1. Why have we the European war? 
 
 2. Why did the Teutons march to Belgium? 
 
 3. Why did England join the contest? 
 
 4. Who is the winner at the end of 1915? 
 
 PART TWO : 
 
 5. How can war be waged more effectively, without the use of 
 arms? 
 
 , 6. How can Militarism and Navalism be suppressed? 
 
 7. How can the map of Europe be readjusted? 
 
 8. How can the gigantic war loans and a war indemnity be met 
 without drawing on any man's purse? 
 
 Many serious attempts have been made especially from United 
 States of America to pave a way to future peace, but today peace seems 
 still as far away as ever. I believe the best way to induce parties to 
 "shake hands" will be found by adjusting in both camps the erroneous 
 views about the opponent ; by soothing the vexed and stubborn hearts 
 of the irritated nations; by bringing respectfully, with due justice to 
 all the parties concerned, some practicable suggestions as to how the 
 sacred aims of each party might be fulfilled without further bloodshed. 
 
 My book fully discloses to you that new way to future peace. I 
 see an absolutely practicable way to relieve all the nations of the world 
 of the stifling and expensive pressure of Militarism and Navalism. Bet- 
 ter than this; I see a way absolutely clear in every point, to sweep the 
 huge war debts in a couple of years, without increasing the present 
 
 11 
 
taxations nor adding new personal burdens. A -way so easy that no 
 Ruler, no Government, no Parliament, no Nation, no capitalist, nor any 
 workingman will oppose, because it does not hurt anybody, and because 
 it brings great riches over night. 
 
 If you disbelieve that such a way can be found, then please follow 
 my simple solutions, all the thrilling facts I array before your eye and 
 mind in highly interesting review, to the very end ; you will then con- 
 vince yourself by your own valuable judgment and turn your thoughts 
 to the happy future I see in logic sequence of this war, ; the bright sun- 
 shine for which you were looking in vain. And I cordially solicit a free 
 exchange of opinion in the honorable Press, as well as in private circles 
 amongst yourselves, Ladies and Gentlemen, upon all the interesting 
 points which are submitted to your wise and impartial judgment in this 
 work. 
 
 Respectfully submitted by the author, 
 
 Hans Oberhansli, 
 
 Premier-Lieutenant in the Swiss Army. 
 
 Chicago, U. S. A., February, 1916. 
 
 12 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 Why Have We European War? • 
 
 ALL the numerous German ladies and gentlemen, girdled or plain- 
 clothed, who discussed this question with me, were sure on one 
 point : Germany is not responsible for the war ! Exactly the 
 same opinion I met all through France and Canada with respect to the 
 Allies! Who is right, then? 
 
 For years past some presentiment prevailed in Europe that a great 
 war, a heavy clash would come ; parliaments, newspapers, financiers and 
 many farsighted heads among the general public spoke lispingly thereof. 
 Why? The rivalry in "preparedness" amongst the great European 
 powers was too marked, too hot; becoming too dangerous to last. 
 
 Still it is true that friendly visits were exchanged between the mighty 
 rulers of Europe : the Kaiser was more than once cheered in London ; 
 King- Edward paid friendly visits to Berlin; then the Kronprinz and the 
 Kronprincess paid their respects to England's ruler, to the great city of 
 London and to India; King George and Czar Nicholas II attended the 
 wedding of the Kaiser's daughter in jubilant Berlin; the Kaiser went 
 to greet his friend Czar Nicholas in the Baltic sea, not long ago. And 
 on the eve of war, a fine body of an English squadron of men-of-war 
 enjoyed the hospitality of the Germans at Kiel, June, 1914, warmly wel- 
 comed by the Kaiser and his bluejackets. 
 
 But these friendly acts were counteracted by events of a very seri- 
 ous aspect : 
 
 Germany, the secretly dreaded Central-Empire of Europe, received 
 anno 1913, from parliament and the nation, the stupendous gift of 1055 
 millions extra pocket money for the improvement of the already heavy 
 iron coat of "national defense." 
 
 Austria, whose military and naval leader, Kronprinz Franz Ferdi- 
 nand, was in close contact with the German General Stafif, was doingf 
 her best to follow the confederate in the upward movement of the ex- 
 penditure for "national defense." 
 
 Italy, third member of the "Dreibund" (which I will call simply 
 D. B. henceforth), did not follow her confederates on account of the 
 heavy burden which ,she had Still to drag in consequence of the Tripolis 
 campaign. 
 
 France, failing to receive such liberal gift as the German nation had 
 turned out, helped herself by adopting three years service for the men 
 on duty. 
 
 Russia, the other neighbor of Germany, began her "essay-mobiliza- 
 tions," kept troops moving for the "protection" of the German and Aus- 
 trian frontier. Asiatic troops were given a chance to study the Polish 
 language. Everything seemed "unsettled" in the Russian great machine 
 of "national defense." 
 
 13 
 
Great Britain, the only power free of couscription, was not to be 
 moved out of her military quietness. But she laid so much more stress 
 on the acceleration of the construction of the super-dreadnaughts, her 
 "naval national defense." 
 
 Is that not true, all through? 
 
 We all have more or less the opinion that the present war is a con- 
 sequence of the system of standing armies, of the national defense, of 
 the "preparedness." I cannot fully share this opinion ; not the prepared- 
 ness should be blamed, but the overstraining of the preparedness ; the 
 number of standing troops is the true cause of the present contest. This 
 overstrain gives the "national defense" the aspect of threat and aggres- 
 sion, takes ofif the defensive character. I deal this point here because it 
 shows to you why I come to put the questions of chapters No. 5 and 6 
 hereafter. As long as the care for "national defense" is foremost in 
 the national codex, and as long as this care is in the hands of the gen- 
 eral staffs, and as long as the general staffs have no other effective way 
 to do their duty then by means of strong armies and navies, prepared- 
 ness is a "matter of course." So we see whereto we have to look, if 
 such a disaster as we live it now, is to be prevented in the future. I am 
 not going to preach abolishment of war, no ; no such nonsense. War 
 has been necessary all through the history of this wicked world up to 
 the present day, war will again be necessary in the future ; I come back 
 to this subject in Chapter No. 5, hereafter. 
 
 Europe had anno 1913 to me the appearance of a big tenement house 
 ringing with a dozen different tongues ; the numerous doors of this house 
 were no more considered sufficiently secured by ordinary bolts and keys 
 to keep the poor inhabitants fairly safe. The parlors behind the doors 
 were reinforced by rifles, shells, bayonets and dynamite. Was that not 
 so, I ask you? In such a fearful house, wherein everyone lived in armed 
 jealousy, a clash must come. 
 
 This gives you a true portrait of the value of the civilization of this 
 day. In former centuries it was mostly the ruler who was in feud with 
 his neighbor ruler; and the poor people had to give their blood and 
 wealth to "clear the lord's worried forehead." People cried for consti- 
 tutionalism, decried absolutism, and the "despots" were moved and com- 
 plied to their people's wish ; hence we have our constitutions. And what 
 a progress today : The rulers live in best friendship to each other, but 
 the "constitutional" nations have run themselves in such fearful "pre- 
 paredness," that they must go to war to absorb the excess. We see the 
 boys who cannot hold sticks in their hands without swinging same on 
 the heads of the beloved comrades next hand. 
 
 When the storm swept over Europe anno 1914, the papers were full 
 of the talk about Serajewo and the Austrian expedition to Servia. I 
 have found many people on my travels in 1915, who see in the murder 
 of Serajewo an attempt upon the crowned head, instead of upon the 
 leader of the military system of the Austrian general stafT, upon the 
 strong hand of the Austrian "national defense." 
 
 The powder barrel had been lurking ever since the Franco-German 
 
 . 14 
 
war of 1870-71. It is my opinion as a neutral Swiss, that we ought to 
 be as grateful to Kaiser Wilhelm as to all other illustrious rulers of the 
 European powers, if that barrel kept safe so long! This is my reply to 
 all those misled ladies and gentlemen, who see in Kaiser Wilhelm the 
 slaughterer of Europe. Do you remember this same Kaiser has ousted 
 Bismarck, the iron chancellor, the idol of all Pangermanists ; Bismarck, 
 the forger of the German empire; the Bismarck who had still higher 
 ambitions for "his emperor." I remember well from the time when I 
 was a lad, how we feared Bismarck in Switzerland! 
 
 A ruler who ousted the forger of his own empire, and who lost 
 almost all his people's love and devotion for this act; a ruler who has 
 put it in his head to rule after his own style, wishing to hold the palm 
 as champion of the peace in his iron hand, does not appear to me as 
 an ambitious warlord. 
 
 I know you will reply that the Kaiser struck the fire by declaring 
 war. 
 
 I fully agree with you on that point. He did it because it is his right 
 based on the German constitution, and because the German general stafif 
 urged him to do so. He acted not as Kaiser, but as commander-in-chief 
 of all the German forces on land and sea, as spokesman of the German 
 nation which, through her general stafT, found herself attacked in her 
 safety. Why so? Because Russia, at the end of July, 1914, had mobil- 
 ized all her forces on land and sea, had lifted her iron fist of "national 
 defense." And why had Russia lifted the hardy fist? Remember that 
 Austria had opened war upon Servia as a punishment, not for conquest ; 
 she had absolutely guaranteed that she had no aspirations on Servian 
 territory; Kaiser Wilhelm, so far as I remember, pledged his mighty 
 word for it, too. But Russia continued to object against the military 
 expedition to Servia, attesting that she could not allow little Servia to 
 be crushed by Austria. Is that not true? 
 
 Well, this shows us where we have to find the original, real cause 
 of the great war: The Russian general staff, burdened with the heavy 
 duty of caring for the Russian national defense, had the military strength 
 of Servia in his account of national defense, and probably feared that 
 the crushing of Servia would bring the balance of military strength too 
 much to Austria's side ; Austria found herself relieved at the Servian 
 corner. 
 
 But we may go farther in our study and say: this alteration in the 
 power of military defense only concerned Austria and Russia, not all the 
 rest of the great powers : Germany, France and Great Britain. Russia 
 might have mobilized only a number of troops for a threat on Austria, 
 and leave the German border quiet. You know that she went to the full 
 strength, altogether. And why? There we come now to the whole sig- 
 nificance of the European war : It is not a war from country to country ; 
 it is not a guerre de revanche either; it is not a war of conquest; no. It 
 is nothing short of a contest between the Triple Entente (T. E.), com- 
 prising Russia, France and Great Britain, against the Dreibund (D. B.), 
 comprising Germany, Austria and Italy. Three to three, and the ques- 
 
 15 
 
tion was : Who is going to remain the stronger after the contest, D. B. 
 or T. E,? 
 
 All points which I have to take into consideration by following this 
 study point to the fact, that from the very first Russia considered the 
 question as to being one of T. E. against D. B., and not merely a national 
 one. 
 
 I look at it as a war between the general staffs and the headquarters 
 of the European powers. To my eye, neither the Czar, who lifted the 
 Russian iron fist simply as commander-in-chief of the Russian forces on 
 account of advice received from the Russian general staff, the managers ; 
 nor Kaiser Wilhelm, who did the very same on account of advice 
 received from the German staff, are to be made responsible for the con- 
 test; they did what the nations through their general staffs considered 
 a hard necessity. Now, why do I say "a necessity"? 
 
 No reasonable man who has had any inkling of the forces of Europe, 
 will deny that Germany had the strongest coat in all Europe; even mighty 
 Albion was always and ever pointing to this fact. And the general staffs, 
 whose business it is to follow their neighbors' strength very closely and 
 match it after every move, did they not .share and surpass our own 
 opinion? Can you understand and feel with the general staffs that they 
 could not continue to bear the heavy responsibility when they became 
 aware that they were outdistanced by their opponents? And so it was 
 anno 1914, and would have been still more if Servia were to be crushed 
 by Austria. The very situation on the actual field of contest in Europe 
 gives you full proof that the staff.s of the T. E. were right when they 
 considered themselves fully outdistanced by the staffs of the D. B. And 
 so it came that the T. E. refused to go on quietly looking on how D. B. 
 would grow bigger and fatter ; they accepted the risk- of putting the 
 test on the bloody field of battle, and it does matter very little who 
 struck the first blow. 
 
 I will give you positive proof that T. E. was fully outdistanced by 
 D. B.; let the facts speak for themselves. 
 
 Anno 1914 the parties stood like this: Three partners in the D. B., 
 and three in the T. E., equal in numbers. And we may even say : 
 Russia with her immense field of resources in men and material, with 
 the powerful Grandduc Nicolai Nicolajewitch at the head of the national 
 defense, was ,she no match for Germany, inferior by far in number and 
 square milage? 
 
 France, heroic, rich France, was she not a match for Austria? 
 
 Great Britain, with her immense field of resources in all the domin- 
 ions and colonies, with her mighty "imperial defense" of Lord Kitch- 
 ener's trademark, was she not fully a match for Italy? 
 
 But what do we see today after 'eighteen months of bloody contest? 
 
 D. B., deserted by the third compagnon, Italy, who joined the 
 very opponent to dash at her former confederates, holds all military 
 forces of the T. E. on land in check. The two central empires, Germany 
 and Austria, managed to overrun all Belgium, a new additional force 
 for the T. E. ; they managed to throw the huge Russian forces back 
 far beyond the Russian frontier; they managed to enter France and 
 
 16 
 
to withstand all the courageous, fiery attacks of the hardy French and 
 British troops; they managed to overrun Servia, and to withstand 
 the iron blows of Italy along the Isonzo. Does this not fully prove 
 that the staffs of the T. E. were right when they refused to stand the 
 strain longer, when they refused to go on in such an inferiority of 
 strength? And you must bear in mind that Russia and France were 
 at the maximum of their strength, whereas Germany at least, had 
 greater means in store to grow stronger yet, such as prolonging the 
 service from two to three years, like France had done. Are you con- 
 vinced now that war was necessary? 
 
 Some pacifists, such as Mr. Henry Ford of Detroit, would reply, 
 even when the D. B. was stronger than the T. E., this does not abso- 
 lutely imply the "necessity" of wasting the excess of strength by means 
 of such a slaughter. Very well, I am quite of your opinion ! Germany 
 had been the stronger ever since 1871, and had lived 45 years without 
 using this strength against the neighbor as a naughty boy, to which I 
 referred before. I wish to point out this to all those French and Cana- 
 dian ladies and gentlemen who reproach the Kaiser and Germany bit- 
 terly. There is many a giant living beside a weak tenant and both go on 
 together in friendly spirit. Germany might as well have continued for 
 years to come, to be the stronger and strongest in Europe, and it seemed 
 to me that the Kaiser himself was the best guarantee that there would 
 be no unnecessary swinging of the stick. You must remember that the 
 Socialist party in the Reichstag has grown very strong of late, and 
 nothing proves that this party, with some other anti-militarist members 
 of the Reichstag, might not have reached some day the majority and 
 dealt with the "Prussian militarism." And Germany, too, like France, 
 is in the best way of reducing the birthrate of the nation. But then, 
 why was the war a necessity? Because the T. E. was aware that 
 beside the question of "militarism" there wa.s the great question of 
 "navalism." Germany and Austria were growing children of the sea, 
 and so was Italy. Was it good, advisable to let the giant of the field 
 grow on from a baby, of navalism to a strong rjval? Here we have 
 not only the question of strength, but that of the oversea possessions. 
 And if D. B. was trying her best to grow into mighty naval powers 
 as well, it was not simply for the trouble of having big battleships 
 ready for the people's amusement, but for a very hardy task: to look 
 for new customers, new markets abroad. And so you see the T. E., the 
 holder of the colonial world, afraid of losing her markets, bv and by. 
 Since the world itself cannot expand to ofifer a greater surface, the 
 T. E. feared that the expansion of German trade meant loss to her, 
 as a natural consequence. Is that not your opinion, too? And there T 
 see again whv the T. E. wished to settle matters on the battlefield, to 
 give the world a new face, if possible. 
 
 Next chapter gives you a new proof that the war started as a con- 
 test between T. E. and D. B., and so does Chapter No. 3. Do you 
 believe with me that now we have the true cause, the true significance 
 of the present war? Let us see. 
 
 17 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 Why Did the Teutons March to Belgium? 
 
 ON THE DAY of the declaration of war between the central 
 empires and France, Russia, parties were fairly equal in num- 
 bers : two against two, not counting little Servia. 
 
 For the attacks of the Teutons on mighty Russia, there was a 
 stretch of territorial connection long enough for the development of 
 millions of men ; but not so on the side of Germany — France, and 
 France was first to be dealt with, according to the plan of the German 
 staff. 
 
 Let us have a look at the map of Europe of July, 1914 : Germany 
 had two ways to reach France, the one through Switzerland, the other 
 through Belgium. 
 
 Switzerland? Particularly the stretch between Germany and 
 France, eastern Switzerland, I have seen almost all over from horse- 
 back, so rely on what I tell you : A line of German armies taking foot 
 from Basel to Konstanz in the rear of the Rhine, could swing round 
 through Thurgau, Zurich, Aargau and climb the Jura to meet the French 
 on the western border of Switzerland. It is no military secret of any 
 importance that before the war all this stretch of country was not 
 strongly fortified ; a few prepared trenches around the Hauenstein, etc., 
 do not count much against an army that was able to reduce such mighty 
 strongholds as Luttich, Namur, Maubeuge, etc. Switzerland offered 
 very good roads, rails; is just there not interjected with rocky Alps and 
 gorges, and the communication to Germany was a very large one, 
 extending from Basel to Friedrichshafen. Bear further in mind that 
 Austria and Italy were confederates, that they, too, border Switzerland 
 on two sides, and that they might have tackled the Swiss frontier east 
 and south to draw and split the small Swiss forces. You will readily 
 believe me, British and French, that the Swiss army would not have 
 looked quietly on all this pageant. I know I can attest this from my 
 inmost heart, although the Swiss holds the visit of the Kaiser and of 
 General-Oberst v. Moltke, the head of the German staff, well in mind, 
 and have due respect for the German iron coat. Anyhow we would 
 have stood to our trust, no matter how great the odds were against us. 
 But I say : Switzerland ought to be very thankful to the Kaiser and 
 his chief of staff that they did not make the mistake of choosing their 
 way through Switzerland, which had cheered them a few years ago, to 
 come again ! I have for a long time longed for a substantial proof that 
 the Kaiser, the great war lord of the German empire, and his second 
 hand in military business General-Oberst v. Moltke, really consider 
 
 18 
 
the Swiss a good soldier; it is a pride for the man in girdle and spurs 
 to be qualified fit for his task. Can we accept the German move to 
 Belgium as a proof of this? Not absolutely: 1 am not so proud as to 
 say that the Kaiser and his chief of staff "feared" to go through Switzer- 
 land; they did not go there because it would have been a mistake, and 
 the German staff will not make mistakes if they can help it. 
 
 When I free-heartedly attest that the German troops would proba- 
 bly have managed, at the beginning of the war in the first week of 
 August, 1914, to cross Switzerland, as they have overrun stronger Bel- 
 gium, then I feel it my duty toward my comrades in arms in Switzer- 
 land, to state that this assertion has force only for the beginning of the 
 war. Switzerland being a country which had an army for defensive 
 work only — Switzerland could not afford to keep her territories so much 
 fortified as a European war all around would naturally require. The 
 fortifications were put merely where they could be made impregnable ; 
 that is in the high Alps, all the rest of the country had to be entrusted 
 to the care of the soldier of the field, and that is why eastern Switzer- 
 land was bare of fortifications. And when I say that my assertion has 
 only force for the beginning of the war, then I mean by this to warn 
 anyone, that in the year of 1915 things looked quite different. The 
 Swiss army was not called to arms simply to expect in the barracks 
 some friend who might cross swords and exchange swift bullets with 
 her; the Swiss army had to work as hard as any army in the field, to 
 throw up fortifications and trenches all over the country, and get in 
 the best of trim for what might come. I state this also to the relief 
 of all those anxious friends in the neighborhood of small Switzerland 
 who might perhaps go so far as to expect right now an invasion of 
 the opponent in consequence of my open-hearted disclosures. 
 
 Why did I call it a mistake to take the way through Switzerland? 
 I will explain this: 
 
 The fact in itself that the Swiss neutrality was attacked, broken, 
 disregarded by Germany would have brought Belgium into the field, 
 too. And why? Considering that the Swiss Army, although doing her 
 best, would not have been able to withstand and prevent the sudden 
 rush of the huge German avalanche on France through the Jura, we 
 see that the German forces would have swept the roads to Paris, Calais 
 and Boulogne, as the march on that side would probably have taken 
 less time than that through Luttich, Brussels, Antwerp. I will not over- 
 rate the German force, but we are bound to look at things the straight 
 way if we want to be neutral. 
 
 Now, figure it out for yours^f what it would have meant to Bel- 
 gium to have the German armies all around her from the Dutch frontier 
 to Dunquerque and John Bull about to throw his teeth at the iron 
 Michel by any means possible. Could Belgium have remained out of 
 the contest? I say no. So the German staff did not only take Great 
 Britain right away in his account, but Belgium too, and you have the 
 proof in his first move that he did. - 
 
 He knew very well, too, that the case is different with regard to 
 neutrality when Belgium is attacked instead of Switzerland. Belgium, 
 
 19 
 
attacked and overrun, did not in the least change the strategical position 
 of Switzerland. All around Switzerland the frontier remained the same, 
 whether Belgium was attacked or not, and whether England joined 
 the contest or not. So Switzerland did the best that she could : To 
 keep quiet and remain within her task of neutrality, no matter whether 
 the German staff wished so or not. So, you see, what a treaty for neu- 
 trality is worth, no matter how nicely it is pasted up, signed, witnessed 
 and sealed. When your neighbor wishes to fight you, the paper is but 
 very soft stuff to receive and to ward off the blow ; you simply have got 
 to fight, too. And it is an honorable page in the history of Belgium 
 that King and army stood to their duty. Belgium had but two ways to 
 go when the German staff asked in the ultimatum : "Give us free pass- 
 age. We will not hurt you in the least." Belgium stood to her task. 
 She defended her neutrality with her blood, and so would Switzerland 
 have done, too, no matter which side was to receive the blow. We 
 Swiss fully recognize it that the hardy Belgian would have come, shoul- 
 der to shoulder, with the French to help us in the clearing of the Swiss 
 soil, and it may well be said that the Swiss, although probably thrown 
 back to the big St. Gothardt stronghold, would have striven and fought 
 his way to help his friends in arms in the sacred task. No German 
 shall grudge us about this. 
 
 Do you approve of what I said in this chapter? Then let us go to 
 the next point. 
 
 20 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 Why Did England Join the War? 
 
 WHEN you have carefully read the first and second chapters of 
 my book, the reply to question No. 3 seems alrnost a matter 
 of course. 
 
 X ermit me, anyhow, to give some more hints on the matter, par- 
 ticularly to Germany, who in August, 1915, when I left for America and 
 Canada, was still in the belief that Great Britain might well have 
 remained out of the war. To all these German people I should have 
 liked to reply : Ask the German staif why they marched to Belgium 
 and not to Switzerland. But the reply would probably not have been 
 understood in its meaning". These lines were not yet written at that 
 time. 
 
 We have seen in Chapters 1 and 2 that the war is a contest between 
 T. E., and the Central Empires, remains of old D. B. Still, we must 
 further analyze whether it was so much of necessity for England, and 
 at the back of her. Great Britain, to help and second her allies. 
 
 The fact in itself that Albion came to the help of Russia, France, 
 Belgium and Servia, proves that she considered the quartet not strong 
 enough to deal thoroughly with the two antagonists. This again covers 
 my opinion stated in the first chapter about strength of D. B. — Albion 
 has ever, in all history, been wise and cautious not to put her hand into 
 a fire when others can do it as well for her. You may well be proud 
 about that, you British ! 
 
 So if you see today Albion's hand in the fire, there must have been 
 some all-important instigation. Sir Edward Grey has wavered from 
 the 1st to the 4th of August, 1914, whether he shall risk his Nation's 
 blood or not, whereas the German staft' took Great Britain into account 
 from the very first moment. This should be an inducement for you 
 Germans to rid yourself from the idea that England has instigated the 
 war, and you will do so much more freely when you take in account 
 the points at which I hinted in the foregoing chapters. 
 
 Great Britain informed Germany in her declaration of war, or was 
 it in the Parliament ( ?) that she was forced to the step, in consequence 
 of Germany's attack on Belgian neutrality. That is a good, gentlemanly 
 argument, showing the world a friend who does riot desert a friend 
 in time of distress. But we go farther and say that England was 
 bound to enter the war, even when Belgium, Switzerland or Hol- 
 land had not been attacked in their neutrality. For the simple 
 reason because the war did not start as a war from country to country, 
 
 21 
 
from Nation to Nation. No; -it was the contest between T. 1£. and 
 D. B. What does it matter to two champions like John Bull and the 
 iron Michel, the two fighters on the stage, when the railings go to 
 splinters? And, behold, Holland, Belgium and Switzerland were the 
 railings around the great stage where the contest between Germany 
 against France and Great Britain was to be fought! Belgium was 
 nearest the fighters. Belgium was doomed from the very first moment 
 when the champions prepared the match. 
 
 I refer to what I said in the first chapter about the pacifists' objec- 
 tion that Great Britain might still have remained quiet, awaiting the 
 development of the situation. I beg you to remember that not only 
 did Austria pledge her word to Russia that she would not annex a foot 
 of Servian soil ; Germany made the same pledge to England with regard 
 ■ to France. 
 
 Now, tell me, could Great Britain resp. Albion admit that the 
 Germans come to Antwerp, Calais, Boulogne, in immediate neighbor- 
 hood acxoss the Channel? Yes, she could, when she was willing to 
 accept this neighborhood as that of a peaceful friend. But we all know 
 too well to what extent Albion coveted the friendship of the Michel 
 with the heavy iron coat; no visit of the Kaiser, nor that of the Kron- 
 prinz and his lovely wife could change the true feeling of the British 
 to any remarkable extent — much to our regret, we must say. This leads 
 me to the objection you are going to make : That Albion knew from 
 the pledge of the Kaiser that Germany would not take the French coast 
 for her own, and I am fully persuaded that the Germans would have 
 evacuated all the conquered territories all along the French coast and 
 Belgium too, as soon as Germany had secured and cashed a substantial 
 war indemnity from France. Germany, with all her great strength, 
 would not have been able to keep the conquests in France unless she 
 wished to have the war going on for ages and keep there a standing army 
 of many millions. 
 
 Returning now to Albion, and taking leave of entering Sir Edward 
 Grey's oflfice on the 4th of August, 1914, we would probably have found 
 him busy over the following question : 
 
 Shall Great Britain throw in her lot with her friends? Shall Albion 
 lose the . . . million pounds outstanding over the Channel and in 
 Russia, in consequence of the inevitable downfall of France and Russia, 
 in consequence of the German-Austrian attacks? Or is it not altogether 
 better becoming to the British to go to the help of the two friends, 
 since it is a war, a contest of T. E. against D. B.? It is true that the 
 T. E. was not an alliance of fixed character. We have heard from the 
 lips of the British Premier only a few weeks before the war that Albion 
 was not bound to anything, in any way. But Sir Edward Grey made up 
 his mind that the British should stick fast to their friends ; he resolved, 
 and his colleagues approved probably of his decision, to throw the lot 
 of Tommies into the contest, to help the friends with his fat pocket- 
 book, and to sweep the sea clear of all German craft, in order to settle 
 the question of "navalism" once and forever. Sir Edward Grey, by 
 adopting this step, spared the British Nation the humiliation of being 
 
 22 
 
marked in the history of the great war as the strong man who had not 
 succored his friends, lie spared Albion the dreaded neighborhood of 
 the Germans across the Channel, and so he had not to await the pleas- 
 ure of the Germans to withdraw from that neighborhood at their leisure. 
 Was he wrong in taking this step? From the point of view of the 
 strategist, he had not failed. We see that the Germans were stopped 
 just before the gate of the Channel by a hardy, small gang of Tommies, 
 when the rest of England was still asleep, and did not grasp the mean- 
 ing of what was going on on the Continent. And today you see that, 
 whereas on the military side Albion could only gain the stopping of 
 the Germans at the gates of the Channel, but did not yet succeed in her 
 endeavors of clearing French soil from German invasion, she, on the 
 other side, scores a full success with her navy, which rules the waves 
 more than ever. 
 
 And if among you Germans there are still any who are' not of the 
 same- opinion, that Albion was bound to help her allies, let me point 
 out to you the most important instigation I see in the whole matter? 
 
 Germans, your own chivalrous . Kaiser gave the gentlemen on the 
 other side of the Channel the example of what a friend is to a friend. 
 When Russia clenched her fist as a consequence of the war between 
 Austria and Servia, this fist was directed only to Austria and nobody 
 else. But the Austrian Empire is governed by the pious, silver-haired 
 Kaiser Franz Joseph, and Kaiser Wilhelm is his friend. And only when 
 Kaiser Wilhelm had firmly, as a friend and true to his nature as gentle- 
 man, backed up Kaiser Franz Joseph against Russia, did this latter 
 country turn on Germany, too. In the same chivalrous spirit did Albion 
 behave when the test came to her, and no one in Germany or outside 
 should grudge Albion of having herself proved worthy of past history. 
 On the one side you see Austria challenged by Russia, backed up b}' 
 the champion of the field, Germany. On the other side you see France, 
 challenged by Germany, backed up by the champion of the sea. Great 
 Britain. Is that not fair, altogether? So please readjust your opinion 
 with regard to Albion. 
 
 We will see now which of the champions is the winner, as both of 
 them are responsible for what is to be done anno 1916. 
 
 23 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 Who Was Winner at the End of 1915? 
 
 LET me tell you .straight : Both Champions ! 
 We will deal this chapter with a gloved hand, because when 
 ^ou wish to have a truly neutral view, I must deal also the bad 
 side uf the affair. 
 
 First. The side of T. E. with Great Britain as Champion. 
 
 Great Britain, the Champion of the sea, has won on all the line 
 where her immediate interest is foremost. 
 
 Great Britain sweeps the sea, her navy has cleared the sea from -all 
 German craft, smashed the German trade on all sides ; 
 
 Great Britain won the former confederate of the D. B., Italy, to 
 her side and has all the assistance of the Italian army and navy; 
 
 Great Britain has managed, by throwing a handful of her Tommies 
 over to the French shore, to stop the German advance to Dunquerque, 
 Calais, Boulogne. So far, nothing but victories. 
 
 But let us see the reverse of the golden medal : 
 
 When you put your lot in anno 1914 with your friends, Russia and 
 France and Belgium : 
 
 A. — You speculated that a small, hardy gang of a few hundred 
 thousand Tommies would be enough to bring your friends' endeavor 
 to crush mighty Germany to a victorious end ; 
 
 B. — You speculated that your pocketbook would prove fat enough 
 to fight the war to any length. 
 
 C. — You speculated that the gigantic Russian armies would at least 
 prove strong enough to guard the Russian frontier against invasion, and 
 to keep thus a huge German force in the East; 
 
 D. — You speculated that your blockade on Germany would have 
 an increasing effect, would bring starvation, shortage of ammunition 
 and of all raw materials, would cause riots and dissension amongst the 
 German nation. 
 
 E. — You speculated on a short duration of the war. 
 
 Now, British, make your mind up to follow through the line of 
 these speculations as through the line of victories. 
 
 A. — Your small, hardy gang has grown into millions, and still not 
 enough. You are on the verge of adopting conscription, the very devil 
 you cursed most as a product of militarism. 
 
 B. — Your pocketbook looks somewhat troubled. Your Premier 
 Asquith announced in Parliament that you are financing your friends 
 with a daily advance as high as $7,500,000, which sum represents about 
 
 24 
 
one-third of your daily war expenditure, it means a daily outgoing of an 
 extra $33,0U0,0UU, not to say a word of what you spend in ordinary 
 budget. And your Premier Asquith was open-minded enough to warn 
 you that with the new armies raised by Lord Derby, the daily expendi- 
 ture for war would still more increase by leaps and bounds. Some of your 
 clear-headed financiers, bankers, are getting nervous over the question 
 as to how Great Britain will ever receive the advances back that she is 
 so lavishly pouring to her friends. And how shall the huge war bonds 
 of Great Britain find a settlement, which are three times as much as 
 the advances; and the interest, running as long as the sinking is not 
 efifected? And are the loans which you seek and accept in U. S. A. 
 a proof that your pocketbook is still so fat as you wish to have it? And 
 what about the wealth of your country? Is it in the upward move 
 when you take the best of your youngsters out of the oiifices, shops, 
 factories and yards to spill their precious blood on the battlefields, or 
 welcoming them back as sick, crippled poor fellows? 
 
 C. — The gigantic Russian armies hold a place far behind the natural 
 line. 
 
 D. — The German blockade? The effect of this must interest you 
 most, as you probably have not had the chance of feeling it on your 
 own body. Permit me to tell you that I have felt it at the very hardest 
 of time, in winter, 1914-1915, when I passed a time in Germany to wind 
 up some old dealings. I have live'd the German blockade with my eyes, 
 nose, lips, tongue and stomach. 
 
 Your blockade had a great effect anno 1914, but not so anno 1915.. 
 In winter 1914, when the effect began to sting the German nation, things 
 looked pretty tight for some articles, for many others not in the least. 
 Bread and flour were not exhausted, but on the very verge of scarcity, 
 and so were many stuff's of need on the grocer's bill of fare. Petrol 
 and benzine were a valuable liquid. But for your better information, 
 I must tell you straight away, that the very stuffs which were most 
 affected by the blockade, were in blockaded Germany still cheaper than 
 in "free-trading" Switzerland. This is a fact. So, after all, Germany 
 was not so badly off, despite all your serious blockade. 
 
 This is sure; if it had not been Germany, with her great organ- 
 ization power, and her sense for discipline, for obedience to all and 
 every law of necessity, things would have turned out very bad probably. 
 
 And when I crossed Germany again in 1915, looking around all 
 over the great stretch of Basel-Frankfurt-Hamburg-Bremen-Holland, 
 believe me that all the German population looked pretty well fed, in 
 best of humor, and full of fighting spirit, although it is true that many 
 a companion in the trains or in the restaurant wished to know from 
 me how long this war were to continue yet. It was not hard to find 
 out that the German people are ready for peace if same is obtainable 
 under honorable conditions and terms. What is bad for you to hear 
 about Germany is this: That all the great Empire looked to me as if 
 it were bonded with soldiers. Whereas, in France and Canada many a 
 lady and gentleman is in the belief that Germany must have the last 
 man in the vast field that she is ploughing with her bloody sword. 
 
 25 
 
E. — Short duration of war? I, too, I acknowledge, I was of opinion 
 that the war could not be of any great duration. We are mistaken ; 
 so, at least, we must believe when the Premiers of all the T. E. allies 
 announce that they are willing and decided to go to the very end of the 
 contest. 
 
 Now, we turn to the Teutons — Germany, Champion of the field. 
 All the world acknowledges, I have heard as much in France and in 
 Canada, that you have achieved great deeds; that in the company of 
 the confederates your marshals and troops have made a history of the 
 great war such as has never been before. We see it with our own eyes 
 that all the big armies of the T, E. reinforced by the hardy men of Bel- 
 gium, Italy, Servia, and Montenegro, were no match to the Teutons, 
 however their valor and courage were uppermost. I see in this fact a 
 contest of which you must be aware, too. The superior number of 
 some of the allied armies was matched by the superior talent of Teu- 
 tonic marshals. I see an important superiority of the Teutons and of 
 the French over the British armies in the different fields : That they 
 have managed their war all this 18 months almost without any impor- 
 tant changes in the higher commands. 
 
 You Germans have not only proved your great skill on the field 
 of strategy, but also on that of organization at home, to finance the 
 huge war and to counteract the British blockade; there I see another 
 great victory. What would have become of all your valiant marshals 
 and soldiers if the stomach had had to give in? And if your pocketbook 
 had failed? You have a great advantage over the British inasmuch 
 as the blockade helped your government to keep the money at home. 
 Your Schmitz is giving his money to the government, and Schultz is 
 receiving it for the ammunition, etc. And when you again want money, 
 Schultz turns it out as many times as you will, as it is fully in his 
 personal interest that the war is fought to a victorious end, to make 
 his bonds a safe investment. Such a Nation cannot be crushed, nor 
 can the militarism be crushed in the field, because the very exertion 
 itself makes militarism so much more expert in the bloody trade. Do 
 you admit this, British? 
 
 But the Germans have their weak points, too: 
 
 Are you aware, Germans, that the very strength which leads you 
 over all the roads of Europe, as far as Constantinople and the Suez 
 Channel, is finally your weakness? 
 
 You check in the East the Russians ; 
 
 You have a strong military guard all along the northern coast from 
 Riga down to Antwerp ; 
 
 You hold all Belgium in your iron grip; 
 
 You oppose the heavy pressure of the British and French armies 
 in the west; 
 
 You are about to march to Saloniki and Kairo. 
 
 All the world must wonder how you manage the communication, 
 the supply of ammunition and food, etc., for all these widespread armies, 
 not to say a word of the strategical work of your staff. But you will 
 admit that there is a point beyond which even a German staff, the 
 
 26 
 
German organization and power can overreach and overrate itself. And 
 I believe, with many others of your own blood, that you have reached 
 this point. Your Chancellor H. v. Bethman-Hollweg and your Treas- 
 urer H. V. Helfferich were right when they announced to the world 
 that the responsibility of all further bloodshed will fall on those who 
 still run on, looking for a vague twilight of final, complete victory. I 
 beg to ask you, Germans, whether you would consider your own warn- 
 ing and discontinue your advance to all the four arms of the weather- 
 vane, as soon as a proper way is found to come to honorable under- 
 standing with your opponents? Your judicious spirit should induce 
 you to do such a beneficent step ! 
 
 We must have a way that appeals to both opponents. We on one 
 side see the Champion of the field holding all Europe in check. He has 
 a right to ask for something", if he is wanted to release his heavy grip 
 on Russia, Belgium, France and, what is very near, on the Suez Chan- 
 nel. But this Champion is overreached on the ,sea by the Champion of 
 the waves, Albion, who holds all the seas in her power, and who has 
 yet the immense field of the "Imperial defense" to draw for further 
 assistance. Are you aware of this, Germans? 
 
 Would it not be very advisable for both Champions to let history 
 book the great achievements of the war up to this date and shake hands 
 for a better 1916? I am fully convinced that Kaiser Wilhelm, the first 
 gentleman of the field as much as King George, the first gentle- 
 man of the sea, would gladly bless their countries with immediate 
 peace if a way could be found that were acceptable to both gentlemen 
 and to their governments and Nations. To my belief, the only way they 
 can march means: Abolishment of militarism and of navalism; read- 
 justment of the map of Europe, and uppermost of all, a way that sweeps 
 the heavy war loans and the war indemnity ofif the troubled mind of 
 the chancellors of exchequer without drawing on the Nations' wealth, 
 nor on any man's purse. When I say I believe to have found such a 
 way, are you willing to follow now the next five chapters? Please do so. 
 
 27 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 How Can War Be Waged More Effectively Without the Use of Arms? 
 
 WE DEPLORE and detest war, not because of its significance, 
 which I see in the disputation and the punishment that we 
 wish to apply to the opponent who has provoked our wrath ; 
 but we deplore and detest war because of the bloodshed, the destruction 
 of property through shell and arson, the loss of national wealth, and 
 above all, because of the great misery that war brings to all the families 
 which have given fathers and sons to fight for the country's sacred 
 cause, and to perish thereby on the altar of the Fatherland. 
 
 War is a natural sequence of the fact that our small rolling planet 
 is peopled with so many dififerent nationalities, dift'erent religions, differ- 
 ent languages; war is a consequence particularly of the very different 
 interests that all the powers have all over the globe. There is no matri- 
 mony in this world, in my opinion, which has not .some casual house- 
 hold-war; no business without some casual friction with the customers. 
 And so it is the case amongst the nations. 
 
 We all believed, Christians as we meant to be, that if a world's 
 war was not inevitable, it would.be a short affair anyhow. And we 
 all were wrong. I look at this disappointment in the light that you will 
 find in the wording at the head of this Chapter: "If the world's war 
 with all its visible horror is not yet at an end after eighteen months of 
 bloodshed, we must surmise that the weapons used today for the dis- 
 putation and punishment are not sufficient effective." Do you not agree 
 to this suggested surmise? 
 
 What do we see in all the belligerent countries beside the misery 
 and tears of the poor widows and orphans, of the destitute and exiled? 
 I have seen the counterface of the war's medal all the way from the 
 Mediterranean through France, Switzerland, Germany, Holland and 
 Canada, and it looked like this, rely on it: that every father, every 
 mother, every brother and sister, all dazzled in their eyes when they 
 could announce to a neutral that they had someone in the field of honor. 
 I was pleased to hear of this patriotic spirit all the way along, and it 
 proved to me that chivalry is still living in our business-age. 
 
 It is a pride in the belligerent countries to have lost a son, a boy on 
 the altar of the Fatherland. The wounded and crippled who are coming 
 in from the bloody, field of contest are manyfold more consoled, cheered 
 up and presented with friendly tokens, than the rest of the "ordinary 
 sick" of the hospital, although these poor fellows deserve as much cheer- 
 ing up and suffer perhaps more than the hero from the field. 
 
 28 
 
But now, let us see the more effective side of the present war, the 
 side which gave me the inspiration of what we should do in future. 
 
 On all the long stretch of travel mentioned before, something over 
 25,000 miles in belligerent and neutral countries, I have not heard or 
 met one person who was attesting: "I am so glad that I have lost a 
 lot of money through the lovely war!" Do you believe me? And if not, 
 then please send me name and address of the lucky fellow who enjoys 
 the loss of value through war; and out of pure pleasure for him we will 
 relieve him of still more of his coins until all his pleasure is fully 
 exhausted. Is that not a fair proposal ? 
 
 As a substitute for the murderous and disastrous war of nowadays, 
 I beg to suggest the war waged by the great soldier and strategist, 
 Napoleon I, as an ultimo ratio means, to subdue England a hundred 
 years ago; and which is again being effected by England against the 
 Teutonic Empires — namely. 
 
 Commercial War. 
 
 having as a consequence the complete commercial and diplomatic isola- 
 tion of the country to be punished by the whole world. 
 
 Such a war is more effective, altogether, to every member of the 
 nation under punishment. Let us see how this would be done. 
 
 In order not to hurt any foreigner by this book, I should like to pro- 
 duce dear Switzerland, my own country, as an example for future com- 
 mercial war; my country would probably not grudge me for this. But 
 you all would object that this is but a poor example. So I will go to 
 the very opposite, by producing great, rich, almighty Germany as an 
 example, and beg the Germans to forgive me. 
 
 Germany borders on land and sea, big and small neighbors; what 
 would become of Germany in case of international embargo? Of com- 
 plete commercial isolation? 
 
 Germany would find the frontier tightly closed on Denmark, Russia, 
 Austria, Switzerland, France, Belgium, Holland; all around a mighty 
 bolt. The sea would be closed likewise, inasmuch as no foreign craft 
 would steer to German ports, and no German craft would be admitted 
 to foreign ports. The German shipping would be reduced to an 
 exchange from German port to German port. 
 
 And this complete isolation would have the immediate effect: that 
 no train could cross the frontier, in or out ; all travelers of German 
 blood would be refused admittance to the neighboring country, and 
 only the foreign traveler would be permitted to cross the border; no 
 goods could pass the border, in or out ; no mail, no wire, no phone 
 message would be transmitted to or from Germany; all payments to 
 Germany would be stopped. 
 
 Great.,rich and mightv Germany would see in her interior: sudden 
 and complete stopping of all export and import ; sijdden and complete 
 overthow of all manufacturing in shops and factories and yards ; panic 
 at the bourse ; downfall of all value of German bonds, stocks and shares 
 of German comoanies ; great loss on the international exchange; impend- 
 
 29 
 
ing scarcity of raw material and foodstuffs; lurking famine all through 
 the German Empire. 
 
 Are there any among you who are not feeling the thrill to the 
 very heart when you have full conscience of what such punishment 
 would mean to the hardy German Nation? 
 
 What would it mean to the rest of the world? 
 
 Very little, indeed. It would simply mean stopping of export to 
 Germany ; only to Germany ; with all the rest of the world around 
 things would not change in the least. 
 
 I should say in addition, that all goods which could not be exported 
 to Germany during the existence of the embargo would simply be 
 directed to the other countries. All the loss to be anticipated by the 
 punishing countries would be : momentary absence of the money that 
 -was expected from Germany for bills due ; temporary falling off in the 
 value of the German bonds, stocks and shares owned abroad ; temporary 
 stopping of the supply of those goods that were coming from Germany ; 
 which are very few. 
 
 So we see that international isolation of Germany could be con- 
 tinued by the world for any length of time ; there would be no need 
 of great strategical plans ; no need of huge armies and navies ; no need 
 of loss of blood and shelling of property; no need of war-loans; no 
 great loss of national wealth ; and no shortage of employees in the 
 offices, .shops, factories and yards. And what is much more beneficial, 
 there would be no widows, no orphans, no destitute, nor exiled in con- 
 sequence of such new method of war. 
 
 And do you believe me, that this kind of war would bring Germany 
 to her knees? Could Germany stand such a fight very long? I don't 
 think so — and why? 
 
 When there is no more glory of the battlefield, no more thrill to 
 the patriotic heart produced by the marching and singing troops, no 
 more sound of trumpet and rattling drums and waving colors announc- 
 ing the approach of the dear boys of the barracks; the quiet, serious 
 people of the cities and hamlets Avill feel this commercial isolation 
 to the very bottom of their heart. The capitalist who makes big profits 
 by today's method of war, as .supplier to the big armies, would have no 
 more sale of war materials ; and even worse than this, the same capi- 
 talist would suffer very much from the complete stoppage of orders 
 from abroad ; from the quick shortage and increased price of all raw 
 materials ; from the falling off of the orders from inland customers 
 in consequence of general consternation. The ordinary tradesman would 
 see his turn-over shorten, profits cut, raw material increasing in price 
 the more it approaches exhaustion ; he would face complete final ruin. 
 The workingman by and by would lose his job, in consequence of the 
 shutting up of the shops and factories ; orders failing and raw material 
 failing, the workingman would not be able, physically, to look on the 
 new mess for any great length of time, whereas today many working- 
 men are sticking to war because it brings them bigger wages and a 
 sure income. Dissension, riots, and even revolution must awake in all 
 quarters, rich or poor, against a government that would prove too 
 obstinate. 
 
 30 
 
And the government of the punished country would sustain the 
 greatest loss in commercial war. The treasury would suddenly lose all 
 the income from the customhouse, as there would be no more traffic 
 over the border ; would lose from postal-traffic, from rail-tralfic, and 
 sea-trafific ; from taxes and duties on goods monopolized or taxed ; and 
 would lose on all the securities held by the government for foreign 
 accounts, payment of interest being prohibited. 
 
 The Swiss spirit tells me that any government who would continue 
 such a mess for twenty-four hours longer than the people were willing 
 to endure, such government would be swept clear off the table in less 
 time than it takes to say it. Do you believe me? 
 
 Is that not more effective than the war of today? 
 
 Well, some of you will probably object, saying: "How will you 
 force a strong country to obedience, such as Germany which you 
 advanced as an example, the champion of the field?" You are right, a 
 commercial war would be an impossible Utopia as long as large armies 
 and navies would continue to exist. So you see that the war-cries of 
 the contesting parties, aiming on the one side at the complete routing of 
 the opponents' militarism ; and on the other side, aiming at the shackling 
 by all possible means of the mighty navy, which holds the supremacy 
 of the sea, the contesting parties themselves effectively favor my own 
 wishes with respect to future peace! 
 
 Before turning to the next chapter which gives you my simple idea 
 as to how militarism and navalism could be minimized to a very low 
 standard, permit me to submit my suggestion for a way by which 
 international commercial war might be planned and effected: 
 
 Czar Nicolaus II of great Russia is the illustrious originator of 
 the court of arbitration at The Hague, Netherlands. The American 
 philanthropist, Mr. Andrew Carnegie, is the worthy donor of the Palace 
 of Peace at The Hague. All the nations of the world have made gifts 
 to adorn this fine new building of twentieth century fame. Meetings 
 of world-wide interest have already been held within its walls, and the 
 delegates behaved very well when they were together. 
 
 Would it fail common sense to propose this Court of arbitration to 
 l)e enlarged in a way to be a Court for future commercial war, a jury for 
 international matters of dispute? 
 
 This illustrious body, composed of the finest and wisest, cool-headed 
 gentlemen of the diplomatic corps and of statesmanship, were to take 
 permanent domicile at The Hague. This body should be empowered 
 to receive complaints from all the nations of the world, the complaints 
 of international character only, of course ; should be empowered to 
 study these complaints coolly and impartially; and to investigate the 
 matter thoroughly. And if found guilty, should invite the nation at 
 fault to proflFer a satisfactory excuse or reparation to the offended. And 
 if this is refused, the Court of arbiration should then fix a limited time 
 for compliance to its verdict, and if after expiration the country at fault 
 is still obstinate to the Court's verdict, then officially declare in an 
 announcement to all the world commercial war and complete isolation 
 as explained in this chapter. 
 
 31 
 
This would be a great advantage over the present way the wars 
 begin ; no suddenness, no war-lord who has the power in his hand to 
 send armies of millions to bloody work within twenty-four hours of 
 the fixing of the decision in secret conference with the Chief of Staff. 
 And the punished country isolated by commercial war is no more sub- 
 jected to the imperious will of the Champion-winner, to his mercy and 
 terms. The country will simply inform the Court at The Hague that 
 the nation is ready to submit to the verdict, to profifer the required 
 excuses or the reparation. The country offended will immediately 
 inform the Court that excuses or reparations have been received; and 
 the Court at The Hague, through international official announcement, 
 will cancel the commercial war. 
 
 Everything will turn quietly in the old channel the next day, as by 
 magic. Would that not work marvelously, and more effectively than 
 all the wars we had up to this day? Further, may we not expect from 
 the statesmen of today that they will be able to find the right way to 
 such an universal understanding and properly work out the scheme? 
 
 32 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 How Can Militarism and Navalism Be Suppressed? 
 
 THE foregoing chapter gave you a striking proof that war in con- 
 nection with abolishment of militarism and navalism will be a 
 war of much more effect, although this seems at first .sight a 
 very funny paradox. The very question itself, at the head of this chap- 
 ter, is of such an importance, of such great consequence, that I feel and 
 see the unbelieving smile which is hovering over your lips. But I hope 
 this smile will turn into a pleasant one when you have heard my simple 
 suggestions, which have nothing supernatural in themselves. 
 
 All the world, girdled or plain cloth, is today anti-militarist to the 
 inmost of the heart because of the present war, except, perhaps, the 
 officers and the functionaries who live under the sign of bloody Mars. 
 But they will pardon me as soon as I have had the time to explain 
 myself. I am not advocating such nonsense as suggesting complete 
 abolishment of all armies and navies. No; my suggestion will move 
 within the acceptable limit and deal only with excess of force when 
 there is the question of abolishment. 
 
 We find a body of police, of "cops" in every city, in every hamlet, 
 no matter whether it be peopled only with the soft-heartedest and most 
 obedient of citizens. That is the very thing I beg to suggest for the 
 great hamlet of our rolling planet, with the nations as citizens. 
 
 First Hobby, Militarism. 
 
 On Land every European country has always had a force of police 
 strong enough to maintain peace and order in the interior. Every 
 country has had another force at the frontier, the custom house force, 
 which takes your nickels when y6u come home over the border, and 
 who chases the smuggler because he will not pay his nickel, too. These 
 two forces must remain in future, although they have, too, the smell 
 of militarism hanging around them. 
 
 Then we have the third military force, the army and navy, for the 
 "national defense," the weapons in the hand of the General-Staffs. And 
 if we can manage to reduce these weapons to a standard of interna- 
 tional police, bloody war will likely be a thing of the past, and national 
 defense be upheld for the future. 
 
 I am sure we must maintain an army in every country. Why? 
 What for, since we have country police in the interior; have custom 
 house police at the frontier; and have commercial war for external pro- 
 tection and punishment? 
 
 33 
 
This army is considered a supplementary force to the police of the 
 interior. It ought to work in case of serious riots, revolution (we have 
 countries which enjoy revolutions !). It ought to work in case of inunda- 
 tion, of great landslips, great arson and all other such catastrophal 
 disasters. 
 
 But this army shall always remain within a certain reduced limit 
 of international standard, in order to take away all threatening and 
 aggressive aspect that the armies of 1914 had. I beg to suggest that 
 the number of the men in such a force be footed on a certain reduced 
 percentage of the adult male population or on the female population 
 as soon as the ladies get the handle of military force in hand. It will 
 be a jolly time, by Jove ! 
 
 Could any country reproach the neighbor with Militarism? What 
 does Militarism mean, after all? Does the meaning lie in the big number 
 of troops, or in the fact that standing armies are kept? Switzerland gives 
 you the best example, the best reply to this question. When on the 
 1st of August, 1914, the Swiss army was alarmed and run in the field 
 in complete strength, the number of Swiss troops was higher in per- 
 centage to the Swiss population than the number of German troops in 
 percentage to the German population. And despite this fact, nobody 
 decries Switzerland as a country of "Militarism." So we see that the 
 meaning of Militarism lies in the fact of standing armies, especially when 
 these armies have grown to such figures that they are a threat and 
 menace to the neighbor. I see Militarism, too, in the fact that in Ger- 
 many and in other European countries everything is fitted in military 
 style; all great receptions have a military character; the rulers are 
 received between bayonets and are wanted to say something nice about 
 the men put up as honorary guard before they have had time to see a 
 soul in plain cloth. Is that not so? England, the anti-militarist country, 
 is in this respect not different from any other of the powers. I have seen 
 it with my own eyes. 
 
 If you admit my opinion that all the world is today anti-militarist 
 in consequence of the great war, then you will probably share the 
 sequence I draw from it : That when at the coming meeting of all the 
 countries of the globe, for the conclusion of a world-wide peace, the 
 question of Militarism could be settled in a way by giving satisfaction 
 to the great powers, such a way as I have shown you simply as an 
 example, would any of the Nations object? I don't think so. But it is 
 possible that some of the general staffs would object. They are used 
 to look at things with other eyes than we. Eor them it is business. 
 For us it is criticism. But let us see. It is but too true that the general 
 staffs, the managers of the Nations' safety, have grown very strong. 
 When any staff said something, it was almost a command for the Nation 
 to accept their opinion. Had ever any German member of the Reichstag 
 been able to run against the general staff? T cannot remember of anv 
 such great success. The staffs have, in fact, grown almighty, so big that 
 they were at last bigger than the "boss," the Nation. But this will finish 
 with the present war. When all the Nations agree to reduce the military 
 force to a standard of national police, the staffs will be disciplined 
 
 34 
 
enough to accept the new job and work it on the footing of international 
 agreement. 
 
 Can this new national military force still be a danger for the neigh- 
 bor? Should any such reduced army ever venture to fall on its neighbor, 
 what would happen ? 
 
 First of all, we must bear in mind that the force will probably not 
 be kept all the time in one body, but will be spread over the whole 
 country. So, if any force were to attack the neighbor, it must first be 
 assembled. And there are idle people enough standing in the streets 
 who would notice such an assemblage. And after this the body must 
 receive ammunition, must be fitted "warlike." Have you ever seen an 
 army in Europe, in ordinary times, fitted warlike and promenading the 
 streets? I can say that I have seen troops of all European countries 
 at work, on barrack grounds or in the field, and never was a body fully 
 outfitted for war. And this will be so in future, or may be fixed so. If 
 any such body would march in war-fitting, people must become aware 
 of it. Any Belgian wandering about Stuttgart f. i. would immediately 
 inform his Consul, or any Consul next in friendship, of what he noticed 
 going on, and the Consul might then get some information at head- 
 cjuarters. And even in case such a force would reach the frontier safely 
 without being foreshadowed, it would be but a small affair, perhaps a 
 clash, some advance into the neighboring country. Meanwhile the force 
 of the attacked country is rushed in by trains, a small and quick matter 
 for a small army, and might show the way home to the invaders. And 
 the consequence would be that in punishment of such an unfriendly 
 act all the countries around would at once enter in commercial war, 
 in complete isolation of the attacking nation. That would work imme- 
 diately, even without the official announcement of the Court at The 
 Hague. This body, of course, would take the matter up and enlarge 
 the isolation over all the world until satisfaction is given for the hardy 
 attack. 
 
 The reduction of the military forces of the Powers to an interna- 
 tional .standard of a so-called "national police and guard," footed on a 
 system similar to that of Switzerland, for instance, or some other system 
 which does not necessitate the enormous outlay of standing armies, will 
 bring the future expenditure down to a very low figure, although each 
 country will enjoy as much national safety as Switzerland had enjoyed 
 up to this great war with her reduced but still efficient army. At any 
 time of the year the Swiss soldier, clad as peaceful citizen, and running 
 about his business at home or abroad, was as ready for a call to arms as 
 any other European soldier who is compelled to dress himself all the 
 year in the distinguishing attire of the fighter and warrior. The 31st 
 of July, 1914, gave a striking proof of the readiness of an army com- 
 posed of business men of all trades, holding commands as high as a 
 commander of a brigade, or what we see in the standing armies in the 
 charge of a general. And when this National Guard is no more wanted 
 to do the bloody business of real warfare and to smash the army of the 
 neighboring country, a drill of the future soldier for national service 
 will be readily accepted by the young men all over the world as a fine 
 
 35 
 
sport, an honorable sport which will make him a 'full man, ht for 
 national service." An altogether patriotic task, such as the Swiss soldier 
 feels in his breast when his time, comes round for military service. The 
 future soldier will not lose his business job; he will not have to learn 
 again his trade; he will no more be detained for months and years to get 
 in good shape for receiving the neighbor's ruler between the bayonets. 
 We may, therefore, expect that such an army will not work for the 
 money of a soldier's roll, but for patriotic purpose, and be willing to do 
 this at a very moderate pay : In this light 1 propose the future national 
 police and guard, and 1 am rating accordingly the saving on the military 
 and naval budget of the time before the present war. 
 
 Second Hobby, Navalism 
 
 On the broad sea, things look different. Excuse a Swiss officer 
 talking about the sea. But since 1 am going to suggest that the famous 
 Alpine Navy of Switzerland should sweep down the Ticino and get 
 harbored in Triest, questions of the high sea will interest the Swiss, too. 
 And it is for the sake of completeness of my plans for future peace 
 that I attack the hardy question about Navalism, too. 
 
 The sea, the high sea, wants a police force as well as the big hamlet 
 of our planet. I say that the police for the sea is even more needed 
 than the other one, because the sea is broader, unsteadier, and much 
 lonelier. If we would suppress the navies, or what I mean the police of 
 the sea, piracy would soon ensue. And what a hardy gang of sailors 
 with a few guns and a small craft can do is known to us by the 
 example given by the famous "S. M. S. Ayesha" with the German 
 flag and Commander von Muecke on the bridge. 
 
 What, then, if I were to suggest as an idea about sea police : 
 
 That the big British Navy and all the rest of the fine men-of-war 
 of Europe be united in one big continental navy, stopping once and 
 forever rivalry in Navalism? 
 
 That this international navy shall have the double task of .shielding 
 and protecting the shores of Europe, and to control the high sea; to 
 patrol along the shipping routes ; to combat the danger of icebergs ; 
 to succor the lonely islands and faraway shores in case of volcanic erup- 
 tion, of floods, and other disasters; to run to the help of ships in dis- 
 tress and save the poor passengers ; to help the exploration of the deep 
 sea and of the arctic regions? Would that not be a much finer, higher 
 task for the blue jackets, than practice firing- and shelling in expectation 
 of battle and bloodshed? And there would be no more need of any 
 controversy about standards of strength, about tonnage of the super- 
 dreadnaughts, about increase of the calibre of the heavy guns, about 
 submarine and torpedo destroyers. Of course, the present men-of-war 
 will have to be used up, and they would do for half a century at least, 
 as there would be no more question of keeping the navy in the highest 
 of fighting trim and "up-to-date." For later times we would have but 
 to adopt a standard of good patrolling vessels and improve the standard 
 to fit the task in every way. 
 
 And in order to insure absolutely "impartial" use of the Inter- 
 
 36 
 
national Navy, i beg to enlarge my suggestion so far as to say that an 
 international Board of Admiralty should be created, with the best sea- 
 dogs of all the seafaring countries in the board. 
 
 This board, supreme in command, to be .stationed in a port of 
 Scandinavia, or Denmark, or Holland, just in the midst of the European 
 seas. Every continent is to have its own board, its own Continental 
 Navy, footed on an international understanding and standard. 
 
 The European waters to be patrolled by strong fleets, each shore 
 a squadron, making the round of the sea. F. i. Albion 2-3 squadrons 
 with neutral commanders, second officer in command British ; half crew 
 neutral, half British. And so with every other country. Is there a war 
 likely in this way? Is there an invasion, an attack of English shore 
 likely by such a squadron? The second officer and half the crew, the 
 British men, would look to it that the other half, the neutral, is not 
 losing its head in a foolish enterprise. And there is the International 
 Board of Admiralty in supreme command; the affairs of each country 
 directed by two or more directors, half neutral, half native. Would that 
 not make everything sure? The navies of Europe, with one exception, 
 have always proved to be a well-disciplined body, a body of obedience to 
 the letter and to death. So we may dismiss the possibility of any 
 squadron going to play nonsense on the watch. 
 
 And the cost of this continental naval police might be canvassed 
 very well in such a way that each port pro tonnage and pro number 
 of outgoing crafts pay a certain royalty to the international treasury of 
 the navy. England would be most relieved, and this induces me to 
 believe that England, the foremost power in Navalism, might perhaps 
 see her way to take my suggestion seriously for the benefit of future 
 peace in Europe and on the high sea. 
 
 Is there not some common sense in all this program of abolishment 
 of Militarism and Navalism? If the nations of the world really long for 
 peace, they must clean the sheet before everything else of all excess 
 in military and naval strength. Only then will the coming peace have 
 a real value. And when you consider the huge savings that every 
 country will enjoy in consequence of such a good beneficial international 
 understanding, a saving counting every year by hundreds of millions 
 of dollars, then we should really expect from our famous statesmen that 
 they will find the wav to understanding. I will show you the savings in 
 the financial chapter 8. 
 
 37 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 How can the map of Europe be readjusted? 
 
 THE WAR which we have seen beginning as a contest between 
 T. E. and D. B. looks to me today nothing short of an internal 
 contest of the two Champions: 
 
 Great Britain, the Champion of the .sea, against Germany, Champion 
 of the field. They hold the future peace in the palm of their hands! 
 With all due respect to the illustrious rulers of the allied countries on 
 both sides, to all their governments and nations, to their victorious, 
 valiant armies, and with due recognition to all the deeds achieved by the 
 allied troops, we cannot master the secret feeling that is making its way 
 to conscience : That if the Champions would drop their contest and 
 shake hands, all their allied forces would be at a loss to continue the 
 contest at their own risk and account. Is that not a fact? It is fully 
 in favor of speedy future peace that things have developed this way. We 
 are more likely to have early peace if peace can be obtained from two 
 Champions. 
 
 On the side of the iron Champion, Germany, we see: 
 
 Austria with the pious, silver-haired Kaiser Franz Josef, a ruler 
 who has been much grieved in his life by misfortunes. There cannot be 
 a man in the world who would doubt that this venerable Kaiser Franz, 
 and behind him his great Empire ringing with half a dozen different 
 tongues, were not ready for lasting peace when the proper way is found. 
 Austria did not begin the war as a war of conquest, and Austria does 
 not wish to finish it with conquest. The aim which brought the Austrian 
 Empire into the war is fulfilled. Servia is punished, more than Austria 
 could wish for. We all know that Austria, together with her valiant 
 confederate, Germany, was ready to cede all Italian aspirations to Italy, 
 so far as the Italian tongue was reaching. This sacrifice was ofifered in 
 order to secure Italian neutrality from the confederate, but was refused. 
 We will see why, under heading Italy. For Austria there is only the 
 question about the war loans, for which the money must come from 
 somewhere, since Austria is with the victor on land and not with the 
 loser. 
 
 There is Turkey with the ghazi — Sultan Mohammed V — a ruler 
 who eagerly wishes to see his Empire back in peaceful channels after the 
 severe test that has been put to Turkey in two recent consecutive wars, 
 the Tripoli's campaign and the Balkan war. Or do you mean to ,say that 
 the young Turk party is ambitious? What would Turkey look like today 
 if she had not been seconded by mighty Germany and by strong Bul- 
 garia? What if Roumania or Greece would turn on her, if they sus- 
 
 38 • 
 
pected her as ambitious? The young Turk party is managed by cautious 
 heads, such as Enver Pasha, and considers probably the present time 
 not propitious for dreams of a great Byzantine Empire of the East. 
 Would they risk a fight with the Champion of the sea, Great Britain, in 
 ihe front, and great Russia in the rear? We know that Turkey has 
 some grudge against Great Britain, because of the sweep that was made 
 with the sovereignty of the mighty Sultan and Caliph in Egypt. But 
 Turkey must probably rid herself of that grudge if she wants to grow up 
 in peace. 
 
 There is Bulgaria with the dashing Czar Ferdinand. He had ambi- 
 tions, sure; and it is again in favor of my plan that his ambitions are 
 realized. So we may expect him to shake hands for peace. You know 
 what his ambitions were. He has shown you by his dashing advance 
 where his ambitions lie. Can Czar Ferdinand have all the other ambi- 
 tions which are attributed to him? Can he dream of entering Constan- 
 tinople as Emperor of Byzanz, as long as Sultan Mohammed and Kaiser 
 Wilhelm are friends, and sinoe these two friends proved true comrades 
 in arms? And would not Great Britain and Russia, too, strongly object 
 to such high running ambitions? So we will dismiss them right away. 
 
 On the side of T. E., has : 
 
 Great Britain had territorial ambitions on the continent? We will 
 dismiss this, too. Albion, fully averse to conscription, cannot have ambi- 
 tions on the continent, because these would go to the expense of her 
 friends, France, Belgium, or Holland. And such ambitions would bring 
 her nearer to the German Empire, for the "hold olT" of which she has 
 shed the blood of her best Tommies in the fields of Flanders. 
 
 Was France ambitious? Yes, she wished heartily for the return of 
 lost Alsace-Lorraine. France had not opened war on Germany for 44 
 years to retake Alsace-Lorraine, but anyhow she wished to retake the 
 precious provinces at earliest convenience. But this time she has not yet 
 succeeded, and must likely bury all hopes to conquer them back out of 
 the iron grip of Germany. It is again in favor of my plan that this is 
 so, because this will help to square the bill of the cost of the war. You 
 will see later. 
 
 Was Russia ambitious? It is hard to* guess. There is that gigantic 
 Empire from the Vistula to the shore of Sachalyn, governed by a soft- 
 hearted ruler. Czar Nicolas II. But there was the Russian Bismarck 
 beside the ruler. Grand Due Nicolai Nicolajewitch, with supreme com- 
 mand over all the Russian forces. It was the belief of many attentive 
 followers of present history that Russia had ambitions on Galicia, on 
 Constantinople, on Persia and on India. Well, we all have realized the 
 fact that Czar Nicolas, on urgent invitation of his victorious Bismarck, 
 entered officially Lemberg and Perscemizl and annexed Galicia officially. 
 .So if that ambition has existed, it has been fulfilled to the letter. Is 
 Russia of today still ambitious on Galicia? I do not think so. Constan- 
 tinople? As long as the Champion of the field, Kaiser Wilhelm, is in 
 close friendship with Ghazi-Sultan Mohammed and with Czar Ferdinand 
 there is no likelihood that Sultan Mohammed will be deprived of his 
 throne. And it seems neither to be the wish of the British and French 
 
 39 
 
allies, as their withdrawal from Gallipoli does not look very encouraging 
 for Russian ambitions on the City at the Golden Horn. Can Russia win 
 it over alone? Probably not. She did her best in company of her pres- 
 ent allies, but did not succeed, so she must probably dismiss the ambition 
 as "not timely." 
 
 Persia and India? That is not a matter between T. E. and D. B., 
 but rather one between Albion and Russia. So since Albion and not 
 Russia is holding the palm of strength in the T. E. concern, this ambi- 
 tion, too, must be put off for a future time. 
 
 Was Italy ambitious? We should say so; she longed for the realiza- 
 tion of her national dream, of seeing all Italian-speaking provinces united 
 under the Italian tiag. I wonder that there was never the question 
 during this war of entering Ticino, the Italian part of Switzerland, as in 
 former days this part was as much coveted by Italy as all the Austrian 
 territories of Italian language. Switzerland is grateful to Italy that she 
 spared her the fighting. I believe the Italians would not have received 
 the brotherly reception in Ticino of whith they might have dreamed 
 some day. I doubt it in consequence of the patriotic mood which I 
 observed amongst the Ticino soldiers when I did service in 1914 in the 
 staff of Colonel Kindler. And the same impression I had received some 
 years ago when I was attached to the staff of Colonel v. Tscharner, 
 doing service at the .southern front of the great St. Gothardt stronghold, 
 above Airolo, Ticino. Whether the other Italian brethren in Austria are 
 more inclined to friendly reception orf the Italians, this remains to be 
 seen. So far the valiant Italian armies have not won much of the 
 desired .strip of country they are so hardly striving for. 
 
 You will say : Why did Italy not accept when all the square mile- 
 age wished for was presented to her by Austria? Italy might have saved 
 the blood and misery of the hundred thousand and more of her sons if 
 she had remained neutral, and had accepted. I believe, as neutral Swiss, 
 that she could not, or she would surely have accepted. Why could she 
 not? What was the good, I ask you, to receive the few cities and rocky 
 fields in the north, and have all the Italian ports and seashore cities 
 shelled and burned by the British and French? And remember that the 
 Italian colony of Tripoli, for which Italy had paid a heavy, bloody prize, 
 was fully surrounded by French and British possessions. Italy would 
 probably have faithfully stood to her confederates, Germany and Austria, 
 if these had been able, by supremacy of the ,sea, to shield the Italian 
 coast from the dreaded bombarding and invasion. Here Great Britain 
 scored her victory. 
 
 Now, I beg to lead you to the question concerning Germany, the 
 Champion of the field, who began the war in the meaning of the defens- 
 ive, but holds today as conqueror hundreds of thousands of square miles 
 of foreign territory. She openly declared that she holds the conquered 
 territories not as conquest; I believe in this, and you will .see by 
 following my chapter why I believe in this. 
 
 Germany holds actually in her iron grip : The whole of the King- 
 dom of Belgium ; some rich provinces of France ; a great part of Poland 
 and of Kurland, Russian territories. x'Vnd she holds still in her possession 
 
 40 
 
Alsace-Lorraine, which provinces, no doubt, France eagerly wished to 
 regain when the ,storm swept into the center of Europe. 
 
 I will develop before your eye one question after the other, con- 
 cerning the actual conquests of Germany. 
 
 Belgium: Most surprising to me, on my travels anno 1915, was the 
 fact that everybody who touched the question about Belgium put the 
 query in this form; Will Germany keep Belgium? In my opinion, we 
 should rather say: Can Germany keep Belgium? 1 believe there will be 
 some patriotic German lady or gentleman among you who will protest, 
 pointing out to me the fact known through all history that a great con- 
 queror, with a strong nation at his back, has never had to consider 
 whether he can keep his conquest. Such a mighty conqueror is used 
 to say what his wishes and terms are, and they are likely to be fulhlled 
 to the letter. Well and good for the past, but not for today ! I have but 
 to draw your attention to the following facts : 
 
 1. That Kaiser Wilhelm pledged his mighty imperial word to his 
 nation that the war is not a war of conquest. 
 
 2. That Great Britain cannot think of considering any approach- 
 ment toward peace if Germany insists on keeping Belgium in her grip. 
 
 3. That Great Britain is the Champion of the sea and holds as such 
 the all-important power supreme on the sea in her hand; so Germany 
 is compelled to regain the free trade oversea in some way or other; 
 
 •1. That the question of the coming peace is closely connected with 
 the aim of the T. E. to abolish German militarism, from which fact we 
 must deduce that Germany cannot remain Champion of the field from 
 the very moment when peace is coming into force; 
 
 5. That all the friends of Belgium have pledged their word to her 
 not to desert her as long as heroic King Albert has not his kingdom 
 back as it was in July of 1914. 
 
 Do you now still protest, patriotic German, that the conqueror of 
 today can'do with Belgium just what his own pleasure leads him to do? 
 Belgium has already paid some heavy ransom to her conqueror in coin 
 and in products of nature, especially in Antwerp. Belgium had to spend 
 great quantities of war supplies and turned a conquered enemy country 
 into one which did its best to feed the conqueror's armies. From the fact 
 that already in October, 1914, or thereabout, fast trains were running 
 from the north seashore of Germany right through into Belgium proved 
 to me that Belgium found herself very soon in ordinary business under 
 German military government. But is it thinkable that Belgium can 
 remain in German hands; that she be turned into a German Kingdom? 
 I very much doubt it; Belgium has a population through and through 
 Frenchf and as ,soon as the mighty German armies are returning home, 
 troubles will arise without fail with the German administration. Ger- 
 many is a nation as full of free ideas of progress as any other great nation 
 on this globe; Germany cannot consent, a great Kingdom like Belgium 
 to be subjected to a foreign regimen, that would bring trouble, and still 
 more trouble. Kingdoms in Europe cannot be forcibly subjected to a 
 new rule, to a new regimen, like the tribes of Africa. And besides these 
 ethical reasons, there are others, still more important ones. Albion 
 
 41 
 
would never open the sea to Germany as long as Belgium is not sur- 
 rendered. So we come to the question : Shall Germany keep Belgium, 
 with much trouble in view, and reject an offer from Great Britain open- 
 ing the free trade of the sea in exchange for the surrender of Belgium? 
 Germans, I leave it fully to you to give this question the best answer. 
 All of us know what your answer will be, no doubt. 
 
 France: If we expect the Germans to prove themselves the great 
 friends of humanity and reject therefor the idea of a German Kingdom 
 of Belgium, it is but a matter of natural sequence that France will be 
 relieved from the German grip, too. It is to me a matter of course that 
 Germany holds the rich northeastern provinces of France as a trust for 
 a ransom, for an indemnity of war. And France, not likely to be able to 
 clear her soil from German invasion, will probably find a cheaper bill in 
 paying the ransom, rather than losing more of her precious blood. On 
 this surmise is based my financial chapter concerning France hereafter. 
 
 Poland: Years ago I had the opportunity to cross Poland, and I 
 had gained at that time the impression by contemplating the quiet, 
 self-contented people, that they are not particularly concerned about 
 Polish politics. It seemed to me that they were people who like to live 
 their life in peace, and who dread foreign administration as much as 
 the Russian. Germany has proclaimed that she will give Poland freedom 
 by creating a sovereign Polish kingdom. Since neither Russia nor Ger- 
 many, nor Austria have waged the present war about Poland, and con- 
 sidering that it will be a task too bloody, too sacrificial for Russia to 
 regain the Polish provinces, I believe that the mighty Czar Nicholas II 
 will not continue the war simply on the question of Poland, as little as 
 he had continued the Russo-Japanese war for the aim of regaining rich 
 Manchuria from the hands of the "Prussians" of the Orient, to whom he 
 is now tightly bound in terms of friendship. So I surmise that Germany 
 will redeem her promise to the Poiish nation and give her a happy future, 
 but I surmise, 'at the same time, that the new Kingdom of Poland will 
 have to repay the Germans their price of conquest and for the beneficial 
 work that the German armies are now doing in conquered Poland. I 
 believe that the ransom taken into account of Germany, in chapter 8, is 
 the very minimum that Germany has a right to expect. 
 
 Kurland: This is a question I do not like to deal with, fearing 
 to discredit myself in the eyes of the Russian patriot. So I beg his 
 pardon if I am failing in my surmise about the future of Kurland. Kur- 
 land is a rich province with German and Russian language and from 
 my conversation with some people of Kurland, in Southern Russia, I 
 believe I gathered the impression that they are not disinclined toward 
 Germany. The question can turn only on two points: Whether Russia 
 will be able to free Kurland from German invasion, or whether Russia 
 will pay a ransom to free Kurland in this unbloody way. When I take 
 into account what we have seen at the end of the Russo-Japanese war, 
 and when I consider that the great ruler of Russia, Czar Nicholas II, 
 is an acknowledged friend of peace, I believe that the question regarding 
 Kurland will find an easy, unbloody settlement as soon as the two Cham- 
 pions have found a way to themselves agree on the principal points in 
 
 42 
 
contest. In consequence, I do not take into account any retaking of 
 Kurland by force, and do not count either that Czar Nicholas will bur- 
 den his soft-hearted nation with the great ransom that would probably 
 be asked by Germany. 
 
 Alsace-Lorraine (A./L.) : For 45 consecutive years A./L. has been 
 in the possession of the great German Empire ; for 44 years France has 
 lived this fact and has not reopened war on Germany for the idea of 
 "revanche." I may even go further in this statement and disclose to you 
 some interesting observations that I have made during the war in France 
 and in Germany. When I enjoyed the company of true, patriotic French 
 soldiers on all the long stretch from Geneva, Lyons, Marseille, Nice, 
 Monte Carlo, Menton, anno 1915, I heard some very hard words spoken 
 about the German invaders, but it is a fact that not one of the hot- 
 blooded soldiers mentioned a word about A./L. It seems to me that they, 
 have found themselves into the fact that Germany owns A./L. And I 
 deduce from this the idea that A./L. was dealt and redealt by the 
 French press and by some prominent politicians simply with the object 
 of keeping the French nation awake and anxious for the greatness of her 
 army in view of coming revenge. When the French soldier was not 
 very friendly in his terms for the "Prussians," I do not believe that this 
 is due to the question of A./L., but rather to the history of Belgium and 
 France of August-October, 1914, and I could feel and sympathize with 
 him. And when I tell you about my experiences madj on the French 
 Riviera, that my tourist attire had almost brought me into jail because 
 it looked somewhat "German-like," then you will have an idea of how 
 the French spirit is aroused. I got out of all troubles all right. I wish 
 to state this in favor of the generous French spirit toward the Swiss 
 nation. 
 
 Now, with regard to the German spirit toward France : I attest to it 
 with full conscience that it is the very opposite of what I have seen in 
 France toward Germany. All the German soldiers, even the worst 
 wounded, were full of sympathy with the French, were deeply deploring 
 that they were called upon to march agaiast the French, instead of with 
 the French. I have heard this from all the lips, from fighters in position 
 before Toul, Verdun, Arras and in the Vosges. It is a fact. 
 
 And the German civic population, too, I have found full of sympathy 
 toward the heroic French nation. I have not read one newspaper of 
 good standing that was befiending or slandering France. It is true that 
 at the beginning of the war many a hard word fell in respect to France, 
 because France had entered the war not on challenge, but simply as 
 friendly second and ally to Russia. As soon as the first shot of hot 
 blood had cooled down in the German heads they began to readjust their 
 minds about heroic France and turned into warm sympathizers of the 
 French cause. No dead matter fact of French and German armies fight- 
 ing each other as hard as possible can dissipate the fact of this warm 
 feeling of the German nation toward France. The armies in the field 
 must do their duty, the soldier on the French side must kill his opponent, 
 even if he be in face of his brother, who joined the adversary. And so 
 think the German soldiers. 
 
 43 
 
What may we now conclude from these disclosures? I conclude that 
 something should be done to soothe the French spirit toward the Ger- 
 man, and to make the German a friend of the French. Then, and only 
 then, will Europe see a happy future, from Mediterranean to the North 
 Sea Shore. 
 
 And to obtain this, I freely suggest that the great apple of worries, 
 A./L., be liquidated once and forever in a way satisfactory to both 
 parties. I know from experience in traveling through Alsace that the 
 French language is still much in vogue. Whether these were people of 
 Alsace or of Lorraine, I cannot say, but there are Germans in Germany 
 and abroad who admit that A./L. is yet much peopled with French adher- 
 ents. How, then, if Alsace, that part feeling preponderously German, 
 remain in the possession of the German ; and that Lorraine, which bor- 
 ders Luxumberg, go back to the grande nation, against an indemnity 
 that does honor to the rich province of Lorraine? Would this not bring 
 the friendship of the French to Germany as a reward for the surrender, 
 for the fulfillment of a sacred aim of the French chauvinists without 
 further loss of blood, an aim which France must else abandon forever ? 
 France and England have fought each other a hundred years ago; they 
 are the most loyal friends today. Germany and Austria have fought 
 each other some fifty years ago; they are the most loyal friends today. 
 And the same we see between Russia and Japan, who were antagonists 
 some ten years ago. Why should not a way be found to bring the 
 French heart to the German heart, which is ready to receive him? 
 
 I take this eventuality into account when I deal with the question 
 of war indemnity in the German tabulary. 
 
 I have yet withheld from you my opinion about the Italian aspira- 
 tions. They require special attention, because the case is quite excep- 
 tional. 
 
 Italy was taxed in May, 1915, when the question was at the height 
 of interest, with full-size aspirations on Trentino, Triest, Tyrol, Dal- 
 matia and Albania. We will see how her wishes might be complied with : 
 
 Trentino? I tax the blood of the valiant Italians who have spilled 
 it along the Izonzo line higher than the value of what they have gained 
 by it. So you will not be angry, Austrians and Germans, when I sug- 
 gest that Italy ought to receive something from Albion for the task she 
 fulfilled in the latter's interest — drawing off a huge force to the southern 
 field of war. Trentino would probably be a worthy prize. I will come 
 back to this point. 
 
 Triest, Tyrol? They are not yet conquered by the Italians, so there 
 is no cause to take them off the senile hand of Kaiser Franz Josef. 
 
 Dalmatia, Albania? They are part of the Balkan question, which I 
 dismiss from this study. The Balkan question is .second-hand in interest 
 when there are such questions like T. E'. contra D. B. The Champions 
 will surely find a way to meet on this point when they have found the 
 way of meeting on the more important points of Central Europe. 
 
 Italy with her mighty organization called "Irredentia" has announced 
 so many ambitions at the opening of the war — her war^ — that we must 
 look closer at the subject. Italy pretends that all people of Italian 
 
 44 
 
tongue are "longing" to be joined to their true Fatherland, Italy. All 
 that sounds reasonable, very nice, but I cannot help saying: Is Italy 
 sure that her brethren in tongue, outside Italy, are really in earnest long- 
 ing to desert pious Kaiser Franz? I have told you, as a complement to 
 this very question, that I have not the impression that the Swiss breth- 
 ren of Italian tongue are .seriously longing to turn from republicans of 
 Switzerland into royal subjects of Italy. It may be different with the 
 "Imperial Austrian Brethren." 
 
 When we, in Switzerland, do not know what the majority of the 
 people are thinking concerning a certain question, that certain question 
 is printed on a slip and the people have to say what they think of it. 
 So we learn the people's wishes — not individual ones. Italian wishes for 
 Triest and Tyrol are individual ones, but as soon as the people living 
 in the country in question are saying, too, that they share the wish of 
 the Irredentist-Italian, then we have the people's wish. 
 
 What, then, if all the people who are wanted to change colors were 
 to be asked for their own opinion, Trentino, Triest, Tyrol, and Dal- 
 matia? If the question were put like this: Will you desert your Kaiser 
 Franz and pay obedience to King Victor Emanuel? it would once and 
 forever relieve the world of the great query: Ought these countries to 
 be Italian or Austrian? And if they decide by majority to turn over 
 to King Victor Emanuel, still Austria is not bound to release them 
 without some compensation. And there I see a way to help the Aus- 
 trians to sweep their bill of the war. If the people really wish to get 
 a better position under the colors of Italy, let them have their wish, for 
 the sake of future peace, and let them pay the price for the improvement 
 in their welfare. Is that not fair? 
 
 But if neither Austria, nor Italy, nor the people in question can 
 come to a satisfactory conclusion on account, perhaps, of the opinion of 
 the three parties being too much in divergence, I see a way for this 
 case, too. Let us see: 
 
 Trentino, together with Triest, as well as Tyrol are neighbors of 
 dear Switzerland. I hope no one among you, foreigners, will deny that 
 Switzerland is well governed ; and I mean well in the full extent of the 
 word ; and so every reasonable Swiss will tell you. What then if I were 
 to suggest that if neither Austria, nor Italy, nor the people in question 
 can make up their minds, the Italian people of the territory in question 
 were to join the Swiss brethren of Italian tongue, the Ticinesi ; and the 
 German speaking part, lofty Tyrol, were to join the mountaineers of St. 
 Gall, Appenzell and Grison? Would they not be a fine lot together? And 
 in this way they would .bring the Italian and German neighbors of 
 Trentino-Triest-Tyrol under the benefaction of well-governed Switzer- 
 land, of a Bundesrat who has no ambitions whatever except the one to 
 satisfy his Swiss people. Trentino, Triest and Tyrol would retain their 
 "cantonal sovereignty." Switzerland would get an access to the sea. 
 Switzerland would be a safe barrier between Austria and Italy where 
 both of them were never glad of joining each other closely. And would 
 the people object to being called Swiss henceforth? That is for them 
 
 45 
 
to reply, not for me. — Would Austria object? Would Italy object? Let 
 us see when the meeting of the peace is at hand ! 
 
 Are you satisfied with the "menu" I offered for the European 
 Kitchenpot? Is it reasonable, sensible, and practicable. 
 
 46 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 How Can the Gigantic War Loans, and a Substantial War Indemnity 
 Be Met Without Drawing On Any Man's Purse? 
 
 IN TRYING to find our way to a happy future peace we^have deal! 
 with one point after another which seemed paramount in the 
 present war; ,so the readjustment of the European map, asked par- 
 ticularly by the T. E. with regard to Belgium and Alsace-Lorraine ; 
 abolishment of Militarism, asked by the T. E., and the abolishment of 
 Navalism, asked by the D. B.; in consequence of this abolishment we 
 have looked for a way to maintain an efifective means of war, as the 
 world can not do without some quarrel between the nations. All these 
 points reviewed, there remains the very foremost question for a truce : 
 Who is going- to pay the co,st of the present contest? 
 
 In fact I think the Central Powers and the T. E. are actually fighting 
 and continue the fighting on account of this point as much as on all 
 the other four points put together, because no Prime Minister nor any 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer of the parties in the contest will take the 
 risk and the blame on his shoulder of leaving his country in charge of the 
 heavy burden. I have heard on my travels through France, Germany 
 and Canada so many anxious words as to "How are the heavy debts, 
 war loans, ever to be paid, unless the poor people of the contesting 
 countries will be drawn to the very blood for a whole century to come"? 
 And when you look at the figures which I will serve with respect to the 
 war loans of the present war you will find difficulty even to realize how 
 the interest on the war bonds shall be paid. And then a war indemnity 
 is sure to be asked, unless the fighting parties manage to arrive at the 
 same point of square mileage for each country at which they started on 
 the first of August, 1914. The soldiers are no more speaking now of 
 fighting for the capitalist, because everyone of them knows well enough 
 that the workingman will have to suflfer as much as the capitalist when 
 the final bill of the contest is presented for settlement. Never have na- 
 tions fought so ostentatiously about a money question as now, and it is 
 not hard to understand that all of them will do their very best to shift the 
 burden to the opponent. But is there a likelihood that anything good 
 will ensue from the continuation of the struggle? Can the T. E., which 
 is actually in the disadvantage on the field, hope to win the match and 
 make the Central Powers pay for the struggle? I should say, no, it is 
 too late. And can the Central Powers expect a final decisive victory so 
 as to be able to make the terms at their full leisure? T should again 
 «;ay no, it is too late, too. The Central Powers may continue their vie- 
 
torious march in the field to any length of time and miles, it will not in 
 the least change the fact that on the sea they are utterly outdistanced 
 by the T. E., especially by Great Britain; and no skilled soldiers on land 
 will ever be able to destroy the enemy's fleet and regain the lost colonies 
 oversea. For what the Central Powers want is a navy still stronger 
 than the British, not to speak a word of the naval forces of France, 
 Italy and Russia and Japan, and of all the other naval forces at the dis- 
 position of the T. E. These naval forces are such a mighty lot that the 
 Central Empires do the best they can to keep their ships safely out of 
 range. But that does not bring a full final victory, and it is speaking 
 in favor of an early peace that things stand so, because it will bring the 
 Champions to realize the uselessness of further struggle and induce them 
 to shake hands. 
 
 Through all the year of 1915 and on all the long stretch of travel 
 I have never had the chance of hearing anyone dealing seriously with 
 the question as to how the war bonds will be paid after the war; people 
 seemed to me to be simply awaiting the future to bring what there is in 
 store, and to see then how it will, and how it can be done. Very good, 
 while people do not worry themselves about future big burdens. But 
 I have found no one smiling when he touched this particular question ; 
 I am not far from the truth, probably, when I surmise that everyone at 
 that moment will wish that he be dead when the big question about the 
 .pocketbook turns up. Are you dififerent in opinion? 
 
 It is said all through the world that there is a medicine for every 
 evil ; the question is whether the medicine works well or bad. That' is 
 what I wish to say about the suggestions which I have disclosed in this 
 book, and about the suggestions I am going to submit to your judgment 
 about the settlement of the heavy war loans, about the payment of the 
 interest thereon, and about the war indemnity which I believe will be 
 necessary if peace, lasting peace, is to come on battered Europe. I feel 
 that my book would be worthless if this particular question about the 
 financial settlement had not found its place too; I am glad that I hit 
 on an idea, and am expecting your judgment with utmost interest. My 
 suggestions regarding the financial settlement of the war's bill are far 
 from perfect, but they may be accepted as a hint as to how a way may 
 be worked out. 
 
 The question of the cost of the war is based by me on the surmise 
 
 That the war will come to an armistice, about April/A^ay of this 
 year ; 
 
 That an armistice is footed on the pledge of Germany to render 
 Belgium to her King and nation against Great Britain's pledge to render 
 Germany all the lost Colonies, and give her a free trade on the seas ; 
 
 That the armistice is footed on the further pledge of Germany to 
 surrender Lorraine to France, and the a<:tual part of France that is in 
 the German grip, against a substantial war indemnity of $5,000,000,000 
 free of interest ; 
 
 ♦ That Russia decline to pay a war indemnity and abandon in conse- 
 
 48 
 
quence Poland to her own fate, and Kurland, so far as in the hands of 
 Germany, to that Power, free of charge; 
 
 That Militarism and Navalism be abolished in a way similar to that 
 suggested in Chapter No. 6 of my book; I mean particularly the savings 
 which will be realized in following the suggested way ; 
 
 That France and Russia repay at once the war advances that they 
 have received so lavishly from Albion; so Great Britain is not compelled 
 to continue the war for the sake of getting England's advances out of a 
 final victory over the Central Powers. I guess these advances at the 
 high sum of $1,800,000,000; $900,000,000 for each, France and Russia; 
 
 -That Russia will have to repay to France the 16 Milliards of Frs. or 
 $3,000,000,000, which France had advanced to Russia during the alliance, 
 for Russian enterprises, such as strategical railways and industrial 
 investments, and for which France, so far as I believe to know, has 
 pledged her guarantee to all the French investors. 
 
 The foregoing chapter about Militarism gave you my idea with 
 regard to the future standard of the national armies ; the savings, derived 
 from the reduction of the present big standing armies to the future min- 
 imized standard, will be shown to you in my estimate hereafter. They, 
 are of great importance inasmuch as these savings will enable the gov- 
 ernments to cover therewith the huge sums of interest they have actu- 
 ally to pay in consequence of the big military chess-game they are 
 playing and which we hope, will be the last of that sort. 
 
 If we have thus found a very beneficial way to cover the interest on 
 the war bonds, well and good. But what is more important in my eye, 
 we must have a way to clear the bonds themselves in order to repay to 
 the European financers the money which they invested in the war; when 
 we find a way for this too, then no party, no power at war will find an 
 excuse in the financial world for the continuation of the contest. The 
 famous Iron Chancellor, Bismarck, has said, and it proved to be the 
 greatest truth that ever left the mind of a statesman, that the war means 
 money, more money, and still more money. Cut the supply of money 
 short, the war will drop of itself, and there I see a great chance for the 
 cessation of the greatest and most expensive war the world has ever 
 known. I can very well understand that Great Britain wishes to score 
 a final victory, when I look at this question not as a friend of peace, and 
 not as a soldier, but from the point of view of the "strong box holder"; 
 final victory is a condition sine qua non if Great Britain will shift the 
 burden of the war's bill over to her adversaries. But we must for a 
 long time postpone such far-reaching expectation, and help Great Britain 
 to cause herself to be paid by a more actual idea. I believe I have found 
 a way acceptable to the great Champion of the sea ; that way is very 
 simple; Great Britain has an open gate to it; it requires only the will 
 of Great Britain, particularly of Great Britain, to step to that path which 
 will bring riches over night not only to her, but to all the world all 
 around the globe. 
 
 Before disclosing my idea with regard to the suggested way, I 
 feel it as a duty to say, why I did not mention Russia in the scheme. 
 
 -19 
 
In fact, I believed to do wrong to Russia, if I were to name her in the 
 same breath. No British soldier, no French soldier, no Belgian .soldier 
 has touched the ground of Russia in this war: Russia, the immense 
 Empire of Czar Nicholas II, reserved for herself the right to fight her 
 cause with her own soldiers, to .settle her aflfairs in her own way. The 
 fact in itself that Czar Nicholas II, the originator of the famous court 
 of arbitration at The Hague, has taken supreme command over all his 
 great hardy armies, disclosed to me the fact that he, as father of his 
 soft-hearted people, wished to continue and to end the great war by 
 his own will, and to reject for the future, all those influences which, 
 to my belief, have probably been the instigators of the events of July, 
 1914. The present Czar of all Russia gave the world anno 1905 a most 
 convincing proof that the welfare and the happiness of his beloved peo- 
 ple were to him above everything. I have seen it in Southern Russia 
 with my own eyes, to what degree in October, 1905, the harrassed 
 Russian people, harrassed by the internal strained political condition, 
 harrassed by the worries of the Russo-Japanese war, were pouring their 
 thanks for their relief to "Vaterchen Czar"; with knees bent to the 
 stony streets, in the glare of burning blocks, with the venerate portrait 
 of "Vaterchen Czar" in their arms, they sent prayers of thanks to 
 heaven, imploring the blessing of the Almighty on their beloved ruler. 
 That is the true Russian heart, and it is but right that Czar Nicholas 
 has taken the destiny of Russia in his own blessed hand. So when 
 I deal hereafter the war's account for Russia, remember that I do it 
 fully in remembrance of what history has seen anno 1905-1906, when 
 the Czar brought peace to his people at a price which did not engross 
 the already heavy burden of the Russian nation. I have full faith in 
 the kind heart of Czar Nicholas II, that he too, will discontinue the 
 war, as soon as an honorable way for Russia, even at a sacrifice, is 
 open for a truce of arms. 
 
 No majoration of any existing tax can be of much avail to clear 
 the fat bundle of war bonds, with which Europe is filled up the people's 
 ears. Not even the turning over of all the savings books would help 
 much, as the government would have to give fresh bonds in exchange 
 for the war bond paid; the money would simply change hands from 
 public to government, and from government to public again and not 
 a cent of the debt would be paid ofif. We must have quite a new 
 value, a sort of new money which will not necessitate any new bonds 
 from the government ; which will not necessitate any increase of the 
 gold reserve in the national treasury; which will not endanger the 
 value of the currency we have now in hand. Is there a way to such a 
 world — blessed issue? Yes, there is: 
 
 Put a tax on gold, say 100 per cent on its present value ! 
 
 It is a daring enterprise to suggest such an "unheard-of" change 
 for the present world, which has seen enough changes without wishing 
 lor more. But I wish to be complete in my suggestions for future 
 
 50 
 
peace, and should like to hear the opinion of the competent financial 
 world about such an idea which I present in the following reasoning: 
 
 Does a tax on gold change the standard of currency? I should 
 say no, and will prove it. What is the meaning of the standard for 
 currency? It means simply that all the countries have agreed that 
 there must be a coin, which in its marketable metal value must cover 
 the full amount figured on the coin. With other words, when you hold 
 a coin of $10 in your hand, the coin represents the value of the same 
 weight of gold on the market, no matter whether coined or in ingot. 
 The U. S. ammunition dealers let themselves pay in gold because they 
 are wise business men who know pretty well that all the other money 
 on the market is worth almost nothing when all the European soldiers 
 are shot and killed with the U. S. bullets; but the gold will still repre- 
 sent full value, no matter whether there is a French, a British or an 
 American eflfigy coined on it. — That is called "business." 
 
 The gold coin of $10 of today's size is worth that money because 
 gold is not yet taxed. As soon as the market-value of gold is doubled 
 in consequence of a 100% tax, the gold coin of $10 can be reduced to 
 half size, and it will again represent full market metal-value ; so the 
 standard for currency remains undisturbed for all future. 
 
 How many of the people are aware when they take in a slip of 
 paper printed with the mighty word "one Dollar," called bank note, 
 that this slip has a currency value of only about 45 per cent, only 45 
 cents or thereabout, being covered at the U. S. Treasury? And how 
 many people know that the silver coin of one dollar is not worth more 
 than the paper slip, because the value of the silver contained in the 
 silver dollar is about 45 cents, or thereabouts? Has ever anyone been 
 afraid of taking the banknote, or the .silver coin at full value? Every 
 person in U. S. A. takes this money at full value in as big heaps as pos- 
 sible. I may even add that every person is bound to accept it at full 
 value; and there is no objection to this, never. Now, does anyone be- 
 lieve that the same people would refuse to accept a gold coin for $10 — 
 if that coin were in future only half the size of what it is now? When 
 it is a v^rorldwide agreement to reduce the size of all the gold coins 
 to half of what they are now, every government will readily follow 
 that agreement, because it is fully at the treasury's advantage. And 
 there would be no power on earth above the governments to object to 
 this new method of "shaping the gold coin." When you then buy 
 an overcoat for $50, the salesman will not ask from you 10 coins at 
 $10, because the shape is smaller; he will be glad enough to have the 
 five coins in his hand, and pay them over in the very same shape to 
 the building owner as rent, and so on. 
 
 Would this new currency overthrow the international exchange? 
 
 No, I do not think so ; and will explain this, too : 
 
 You will best understand my reasoning when I put a case of de- 
 
 51 . 
 
viation. When all the g-overnments of the world are to agree on this 
 universal scheme of taxing gold by a 100 per cent tax, then all the gold 
 that leaves the gold-producing countries will double in value hence- 
 forth. Not the gold mines are the winners, no; the customhouse, and 
 the inland revenue, are the winner of the 100 per cent tax. Now, if 
 we put the case that U. S. A. for instance would deviate from the 
 agreement and decide that she will levy 150 per cent tax? What 
 would then happen? A coin of the shape of the actual $10 coin, instead 
 of having the figure of $20 on the face, would figure at $25. The im- 
 mediate consequence would be that all the foreign countries would 
 refuse to accept this coin at the value of $25, would only recognize 
 $20 for it, as agreed upon by worldwide understanding. And the people 
 of U. S. A. in accepting at the postofBce the coin at $25, would find that 
 the banker would not take it, that he would exclude all gold coins and 
 ask silver coins, because he cannot use a coin which is not recognized 
 by the foreign countries. U. S. A. could not endure such a situation 
 for more than twenty-four hours; there you see again what business- 
 war means, in effect! 
 
 Taking now the opposite case : That U. S. A. would levy a tax 
 of 60 per cent only, instead of the 100 per cent. What then? 
 
 The coin of $10 of today would show the figure of $16, instead of 
 $20. No foreign country would object to this, I am sure. In contrary, 
 a great draft of tourists would flock into U. S. A., bring all the U. S. 
 A. money that Europe can produce in her vaults, over here; would 
 run the country to collect U. S. A. gold coins, and enjoy a good stay 
 at the expense of the U. S. Treasury. You must bear in mind that 
 gold coins do not pay duty when you cross from one country to the 
 other. That would have to be included in the new agreement, as the 
 tax of 100 per cent is considered to be levied by that particular country 
 which has coined the gold money. So all the governments of the world 
 must surmise that U. S. A. has a gold money with the 100 per cent tax, 
 and if the treasury at Washington finds pleasure in coining her gold 
 money at a cheaper price, it is only a concern of hers, and the foreign 
 governments have no right to levy the 40 per cent which Washington 
 is thought to have spared for the happy U. S. nation. But as a natural 
 consequence the foreign tourist would collect the gold coins, would 
 pay his bills in U. S. A. bank notes ; take the gold coins home with 
 him, bring them to his own treasury, and have then recoined, gaining 
 thereby the 40 per cent value, less cost of coinage. Is any financier 
 objecting to this reasoning? U. S. A. is too much of a "business-na- 
 tion," than to expect from her such a "mistake" as I have pointed out 
 here, only as illustrating example. Rely on that ! We have seen that 
 the gold mines would not gain anything by the new tax. But would 
 the banker gain, by accruing in his vaults a great heap of gold before 
 the tax enters in force? 
 
 As a matter of course, the governments would have to issue an 
 order to the effect that all the gold in the vaults has to be disclosed 
 at the treasury, so that from this gold too, the tax of 100 per cent 
 
 52 
 
can be levied. It is relatively easy to find out the gold treasures of 
 the banks. The gold coins hidden by the banker will not gain in the 
 least, because they will keep their old figure of value, and their old 
 shape and effigy. And as I suppose that the government would in- 
 form the public in the issue that old gold coins after a certain time 
 would lose so much in their value as the government finds fit, the 
 people will run to the assigned place for exchange and receive the 
 new coins in distribution. Again you see what business-war means; 
 much more than the greatest police force. From the gold ingots pro- 
 duced, instead of making the "poor" owner pay the heavy tax, it would 
 be simplified for him by assaying the average value of his gold ingots 
 and keep half of them back as duty paid in good gold; with the rest 
 of the gold, much "relieved," h'e could turn his step home again and 
 be glad that his pocketbook has not suft'ered in the least by this tax ! 
 If you think, however, that he has lost in property, by the reduction of 
 his gold stock, then let me point out to you that there you are mistaken. 
 Say the man had 10 lbs. of good gold when he was dragging his burden 
 to the Treasury, and returned home with 5 lbs. only. These 5 lbs. are 
 now worth exactly the same money as formerly the stock of 10 lbs., 
 because the 5 lbs. have gained 100% in market-value, through the now 
 effected taxation! Is that clear? Is that not wonderful? 
 
 I know but one man who would suffer. The goldsmith, because 
 he has to pay double for his "raw material." At the same time he 
 would gain inasmuch as his finished goods can be increased in prize 
 the very day the gold tax comes into force. I suppose that the gov- 
 ernment cannot levy the tax on gold bought and worked by the dealer 
 before the tax was declared. So we have a plaster for the heartache 
 of this poor tradesman who deals in gold, by letting him profit by 
 the increase of price without levying the tax on his goods momentarily 
 in stock. He could recover from his shock, and get ready for better 
 times when in consequence of the tying up of the war, the business 
 man is again indulging in the pleasure of wasting his wealth on gold 
 items. 
 
 I said, a few lines before, that Great Britain, and particularly Great 
 Britain, has it fully in her hand to walk the path which I see in my 
 idea. And I will prove this to you : 
 
 When we speak of taxing gold, then we are at once brought in 
 the presence of those countries which produce gold. And now let us 
 have a look at the map of the world which shows the gold-producing 
 countries : They are all on the side of the T. E., or are neutral ! Neither 
 Germany, nor Austria, nor Bulgaria, nor Turkey come into the ques- 
 tion when we look at the gold-producing countries. Do you agree to 
 this? And if yes, then you will share my opinion that Great Britain, 
 as Champion of her party, has it fully in her hand to step that way. 
 
 Could the Central Empires and their allied nations oppose such 
 step of the T. E? 
 
 I do not believe so, and will tell you why : 
 
 5.3 
 
The Teutonic powers are as much in need of the "new money" 
 as are the opponents, no doubt about that. And for the Central Em- 
 pires the hope of scoring a definite final victory is as far away as that 
 of the opponent. And then, bear in mind that the Central Empires 
 are blocked up in themselves against the outerworld, so they cannot 
 turn the rest of the world back to the old path if the world would 
 choose to step in the new one. Taking it now as granted that all the 
 world except the D. B. party would walk this new path and avail 
 themselves of the treasures pouring into their governmental pocketbook, 
 the Central Empires will simply find themselves compelled to follow 
 the same path, because they would find themselves in minority on the 
 financial market, and would lose their gold coins as I have pointed 
 out in the illustrating example of U. S. A. And what is still more of 
 importance : As a matter of course the Central Empires will be forced 
 to pay in gold for a while after peace has been concluded, until the 
 balance of trade is again in the horizontal equilibrium. For this neces- 
 sity alone, the Central Empires see themselves forced to look out for 
 gold coins which will be accepted in the opponents' camp, and we see 
 the marvelous fact that the Central Empires by receiving a war in- 
 demnity from the T. E., simply receive a money that has doubled in 
 value to the advantage of the debtor, and which is going again into 
 the hands of the debtor at that double value, in advantage of the Cen- 
 tral Empires. Is that not wonderful in itself? Would the Central Em- 
 pires oppose such a nice play? I do not think so, and that brings us 
 a big step nearer to future peace. 
 
 And when hereafter I handle the mathematical side of my sug- 
 gestion, then please bear in mind that I do not take into account all 
 the big gold treasures still hidden in the European bankers' vaults; 
 that when I make the account only with the status of the state banks, 
 there is still a big additional gain to be expected for the treasuries, 
 from all the gold coined and in ingots, which on the date of my status 
 was not yet brought to daylight. 
 
 Please let me conduct .you now into the dry field of mathematics ; 
 and I shall feel greatly indebted to any financier who will correct any 
 eventual blunder that he thinks he discovers in my tabularies. Don't 
 mind at all about correcting an officer, if this is to the benefit of the 
 interested public. I will deal all figures in full round shape; a hundred 
 million dollars don't matter for the "clean-up" of the world's cashbook ! 
 
 By levying the tax on gold of 100 per cent, the governments gain 
 in two directions: On the gold already in hand, and on the gold they 
 produce in their countries. 
 
 I will quote the four powers first in interest: Great Britain, France, 
 Russia, and Germany. 
 
 5i 
 
SAVINGS in the Treasuries, 100 per cent gold tax; 
 
 Status 
 England 
 France . 
 Russia . . 
 
 iState bank. 
 ..Dec. 9, '15 
 ..Dec. 2, '15 
 ..Dec. 4, '15 
 
 Germany ..Nov. 30, '15 
 
 Gold stock, rated per dollar. In dollars. 
 
 Lst. 50,500,000 @ Sh. 4/9..$ 240 Millions 
 
 Frs. 4,877,510,000 @ Fr. 5.40.. 900 Millions 
 
 Rou 1,608,100,000 @ Ro. 2.00.. 900 Millions 
 and 228,100,000 @ 
 
 Mk. 2,435,254,000 @ Mk. 5.00.. 480 Millions 
 
 Total gain through new coinage $2,520 Millions 
 
 Gains on gold exports, 100 per cent on the value of production : 
 
 Great Britain — 
 
 Canada, gold production, yearly approx $ 12 Millions 
 
 South Africa, gold production, yearly approx 210 Millions 
 
 Australia, gold production, yearly approx 50 Millions 
 
 India, gold production, yearly approx 13 Millions 
 
 Yearly gain for Great Britain and colonies $285 Millions 
 
 Of which we will reckon 50 per cent for the use of the sinking of the 
 war bonds of Great Britain, the rest going into the ordinary budget 
 of the respective colonies. 
 
 France and Colonies, gold production, yearly approx.. $ 7 Millions 
 Russia, gold production, yearly approx 22 Millions 
 
 France and Russia having full power over all their gold taxes, 
 we can take the respective amounts in full for the war debts. 
 
 Now we will make separate account for each of the four powers in 
 question, in round figures, taking every saving in account too. 
 
 Savings on the military and naval budget of the powers : 
 
 Expenditure 
 
 Mil. and Nav. 
 
 expend, before 
 
 the war: 
 
 Great Britain $250 Millions 
 
 France 320 Millions 
 
 Russia 440 Millions 
 
 Germany 240 Millions 
 
 for future 
 small army and 
 
 for pensions 
 
 resulting from 
 
 present war: 
 
 $100 Millions 
 
 100 Millions 
 
 130 Millions 
 
 130 Millions 
 
 Approximate 
 
 savings 
 pro year : 
 $150 Millions 
 220 Millions 
 310 Millions 
 110 Millions 
 
 I rate Germany for the future as high as Russia in consequence of 
 the high figure of pensions which that empire will have to pay to all 
 the invalid and widows and orphans, Germany being the Champion 
 of the field who has given the heaviest sacrifice of life on the altar 
 of the contest. 
 
 For the understanding of my figures regarding expenditure for 
 future small armies I wish to mention, that Switzerland had a yearly 
 
expenditure of $8 Millions, and it is said that this expenditure was 
 enough to give Switzerland the army which has been praised in many 
 quarters, so, for instance, by Kaiser Wilhelm, who surely knows to 
 appreciate a soldier to his. true value. 
 
 For further guidance please recall Chapter 6 back to your mind. 
 
 The war loans of the four powers may be rated as follows : 
 
 Great Britain, $5,000 Millions, including U. S. A. Franco-British 
 bonds. 
 
 France, $3,000 Millions, plus $900 Millions advance from Great 
 Britain; plus $5,000 Millions war indemnity to Germany, including Lor- 
 raine. 
 
 Russia, $4,000 Millions, plus $900 Millions advance from Great 
 Britain ; plus $3,000 Millions old debt to France. 
 
 Germany, $6,000 Millions, less war indemnity from France. 
 
 For Great Britain, France and Germany I rate the interest on the 
 al par sum of the war loans at 5 per cent per annum ; for Russia at 6 
 per cent, except the old debt to France as to which I do not know 
 whether Russia will have to pay interest after this war. 
 
 I surmise that the surrender of the French territory and of Lor- 
 raine to France, and the surrender of Poland and Kurland to Germany 
 includes all the government assets of these territories going over to the 
 new owner of the country. 
 Great Britain — 
 
 War bonds $5,000 Millions 
 
 Less return from French Treasury 900* Millions 
 
 Less return from Russian Treasury 900* Millions 
 
 *Gain on new gold coinage. 
 
 Net $3,200 Millions 
 
 Less gain on new coinage in British Treasury 240 Millions 
 
 To pay off $2,960 Millions 
 
 To cover this debt, and for the interest thereon, Great Britain finds 
 at her disposal: 
 
 vSavings on the military and naval budget, per annum $150 Millions 
 
 Fifty per cent gold tax on the gold exported 143 Millions 
 
 Total $393 Millions 
 
 Five per cent interest on $2,960 Millions require 148 Millions 
 
 There remains for the paying ofif of war bonds per 
 annum $145 Millions 
 
 Considering that by paying off every year the huge sum of 145 
 Million Dollars, the interest will accordingly sink also, the paying off 
 of the whole debt will probably be finished in ca. 15 years. 
 
 56 
 
France — 
 
 War bonds $3,000 Millions 
 
 Plus war indemnity to Germany, including Lorraine. 5,000 Millions 
 
 Total, exclusive of advance from Great Britain. .$8,000 Millions 
 
 The gain in the Treasury, effected by the new^ coinage of the gold 
 coins, bringing the sum of $900 Millions net, is immediately turned 
 over to Great Britain in settlement of her advances for the war; this 
 in order to satisfy Great Britain, and to save interest on this sum. 
 This sum comes therefor not in account for France's debt, respecting 
 war bonds. 
 
 I will rate the yearly income of the governmental enterprises iii 
 Lorraine, less expenditure, at the sum of $40 Millions, including cus- 
 tomhouse taxes, railway earnings, forest and dominion profits. 
 
 For the sinking of the above debt and the interest thereon, France 
 can dispose of: 
 
 Savings on military and naval budget, per annum $220 Millions 
 
 Gain on gold tax on gold exported, per annum 7 Millions 
 
 Payments coming in from Russia, per annum 100 Millions 
 
 Profits and earnings in Lorraine, per annum 40 Millions 
 
 Total $367 Millions 
 
 Five per cent interest on $3,000 war bonds require per 
 annum 150 Millions 
 
 There remains for the paying ofif^of war bonds per 
 
 annum .' $217 Millions 
 
 Of which sum $200 Millions (Mk. 1,000 Millions) go every year to 
 Germany, for 25 years. The debt will be paid in ca. 30 years. 
 Russia — 
 
 War bonds $4,000 Millions 
 
 Plus debt due to France on old account 3,000 Millions 
 
 To pay ofif $7,000 Millions 
 
 Gain on new coinage in Treasury switched over to Great Britain in 
 settlement of war advances. 
 
 For the sinking of the above war debt, plus 6 per cent interest 
 thereon, Russia has at her disposal : 
 
 Savings on the military and naval budget, per annum. . . . $310 Millions 
 Gain on gold tax on gold exported and produced 22 Millions 
 
 Per year $332 Millions 
 
 Six per cent interest on war debt 
 
 $4,000 Alillions $340 Millions 
 
 Yearly payments to France, free of interest 100 Millions'^- 
 
 : $ 340 Millions 
 
 57 
 
So we sec that Russia cannot pay off her war debt out of the sav- 
 ings made on miHtary and naval budget and with her gold tax; but 
 supposing that Russia would continue to levy the war taxes that she 
 is levying now during the war, and which I rate at a minimum of $200 
 Millions per year (Roubles, 400 Millions), Russia would be able to 
 sweep off her war bonds in about 20 years. We must take in account 
 hereby that Russia is losing her income on governmental properties, 
 customhouse taxes, etc., of all the territories in Poland and Kurland 
 which she is supposed to surrender to Germany and Poland respec- 
 tively. 
 
 If Russia is bound to pay interest on the sum of $3,000 Millions 
 old debt to France, this interest will absorb another $180 Millions per 
 year; Russia will then want about 50 years to sweep her whole debt, 
 and France will shorten this period for her debt by ca. 14 years. 
 
 Germany — 
 
 War bonds $6,000 Millions 
 
 Less gain in Treasury on recoinage of gold 480 Millions 
 
 To pay off $5,520 Millions 
 
 Germany has at her disposal : 
 
 Savings on the military and naval budget per year $ 110 Millions 
 
 Payments coming in from France for 25 years 200 Millions 
 
 Yearly net income from Kurland from governmental 
 
 properties, customhouse, etc., min 20 Millions 
 
 Payments coming in from the new Kingdom of Poland 
 for propriety conquered by Germany, and receded to 
 the new Kingdom of Poland, per annum 40 Millions 
 
 Total disposable $ 370 Millions 
 
 Less 5 per cent interest on war bonds, net, per year, . . . 276 Millions 
 
 For the paying off there remains a surplus of . . . ,$ 94 Millions 
 
 per year; this surplus and the savings on interest on sums paid off will 
 permit Germany to sweep her war bonds in ca. 60-70 years. 
 
 I will not close this very important financial chapter without hav- 
 ing drawn your kind attention to the following interesting points in 
 the matter. 
 
 By rating the savings on the military and naval budgets I footed 
 on the ordinary budgets of the respective countries of the time before 
 the war. So the saving will be greatly superior when you foot youi 
 own evaluation of the savings on what is disbursed for military and 
 naval now for the purpose of the war; this does not yet include what 
 we term "war expenditure," as the war expenditure deals only the effec- 
 
 58 
 
tive expenditures of the armies in the field and of the reserve bodies 
 of the second line, which do service in the countries conquered and 
 garrisoned during the time of occupation. 
 
 The interest paid by France and Russia on the war bonds is some- 
 what superior to what I count in my suggestions; but we must con- 
 sider that I count the interest on the full amount of the war bonds, not 
 on the value at which they were sold to the public ; and we must further 
 consider that the war bonds can be exchanged after 5 resp. 10 years 
 by the governments against new bonds paying less interest in the fu- 
 ture. So for the average the 5 per cent, resp. 6 per cent for Russia, 
 will fairly cover the facts. 
 
 Interest saved on sums paid off to be applied to the sinking funds. 
 
 When the war bonds are cleared, fully paid off, savings on the mil- 
 itary and naval budget, and the gain on the gold exported, the gold tax, 
 will still continue to exist as a very appreciable income of the govern- 
 ments who enjoy the production of gold in their territory. The military 
 and naval expenditure being so much lower than in the time before 
 the war, the governments have two ways to profit by this: Either 
 they can apply that saving to social work, which is always appreciated 
 everywhere; or the governments will reduce the taxes on the most 
 necessary items of life for the sum saved from the iron moloch, and 
 maintain all the other items of the budget on the same figures as in 
 the time before the war. 
 
 So you see what it would mean to levy a tax on gold, a tax that 
 does not hurt anybody in his pocketbook, a tax that would bring over 
 night the great riches of $2,520 Millions minimum, to the four powers 
 mentioned, not to speak of the U. S. A. Treasury and all the other 
 treasuries all around the whole globe; a tax that will continue for all 
 the time gold is produced on this world. The workingman f. i. would 
 only then suffer when he is about to buy a golden wedding ring for 
 his bride; but I should say anyone who cannot afford to pay for the 
 gold, better leave off buying that stuff, or better leave off marrying if 
 he has not the money for the rings. If we can sweep the heavy war 
 debts by that simple and practical way of taxing gold, this would 
 surely find the approval of all the troubled peoples of the contesting 
 countries, and of the rest of the world. 
 
 59 
 
HEARTY APPEAL TO ALL FRIENDS OF PEACE. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen: ^ 
 
 One year and a half of world-wide war, of great deeds of arms 
 in all the camps hither and thither, of wonderful strategy in the field 
 and on the waves, of amazing sacrifice of precious blood, of health and 
 of wealth, have stunned the world as never before. With flaming let- 
 ters the. nations of Europe have written in the book of history that the 
 twentieth century is as full of greatness, strength and sacrifice as any 
 great time in all past history. Nobody would have dreamed anno 
 1913-14 of such feats, of such endurance; when the general public in 
 all the large and small cities of the European Continent was indulging 
 in luxury and well-living, in a sort of "dolce far niente," so much so 
 that many serious onlookers' were frightened and shocked. 
 
 Like a terrible shake-up, like a heavenly punishment such as old 
 luxurious Pompeii has seen, the great war .swept suddenly on merry 
 Europe, thrilling every heart, even that of the hardiest man, to the very 
 depth of conscience. Within a few hours, millions of fathers and sons 
 were torn from their safe, cozy homesteads, from the hearts of all the 
 wives, children and parents, to march behind playing bands and wav- 
 ing colors to an uncertain fate, towards the field where every life is a 
 mere nothing, compared with the great task that the hardy hero is 
 called to fulfill. At that time, many a hardened man who had never 
 seen a church from the inside for years of his life, never listened to 
 any preacher of the Word of God, felt himself suddenly in the presence 
 of the Almighty and sent, quite secretly, a warm prayer to heaven 
 imploring the protection which he knew he could not receive from any 
 human being. There I see the first good effect of the present war ! 
 
 The war began as a war of "national defense" in the meaning I 
 have disclo,sed to you in chapters 1-3 heretofore. But what do the 
 parties fight for at the end of 1915? 
 
 I simply quote the announcements made by the Prime Minister 
 and Parliaments of the two champions. Great Britain and Germany: 
 
 The principal aim of Great Britain and her valiant allies is nothing 
 short of — complete crushing of Teutonic Imperialism — and of German 
 Militarism ! 
 
 The principal aim of Germany with her confederates and friends in 
 .arms is directed at the great British Eastern Empire, and at the "Ruler 
 of the waves," allmighty supremacy of the sea! 
 
 In one all important point, the two parties meet in their almost 
 
 60 
 
overstrained endeavors ; the war's bill, wdiich each champion wishes to 
 shift completely on the shoulders of his opponent. 
 
 You champions of British and German blood, your valor, your 
 great deeds, your patriotic sacrifices are fully recognized by friend and 
 foe; you have made a history for your nations that surpasses that of 
 Xerxes, of Alexander, and of Napoleon I. But you should not over- 
 look what great sacrifices have been asked, and willingly responded to, 
 by all the rest of the world, by the great and small neutral countries, 
 especially by little Switzerland, which is in some way fully at your 
 mercy. So long as you were fighting for "national defense" in the 
 proper sense of the word, contained in your constitution, it was but 
 just that neutral countries contributed to your safety by remaining in 
 an armed neutrality, which means as much as holding ofif all treacherous 
 strokes in your rear. Switzerland is thereby in the first place amongst 
 the neutral countries, because Switzerland has to hold off the German 
 and Austrian armies from an eventful sidetrip to Pontalier-Belfort ; on 
 the other side, the Swiss army was called to act as "antechamber-guard" 
 to Germany and Austria, against unfriendly visits from France and 
 Italy. But can you still expect from the neutral European brother 
 nations, to remain a self-contented lot of paying, heavy-paying specta- 
 tors of the great match that you fight against each other about Teutonic 
 Imperialism, about British Imperialism, and about the money question of 
 your own make? I wish to appeal to your loyal conscience, and you 
 will give yourself the same reply which I, as a neutral Swiss, cannot 
 help but find in my heart. 
 
 Not only small Switzerland, all the other sufifering countries are as 
 much anxious to see the hardy contest come to a speedy end. When 
 anyone of you has shared, like me, the compartment in the train with 
 soldiers wearing the iron cross or the medal of the legion d'honneur; 
 with soldiers terribly disabled or paralyzed; with .soldiers aching to the 
 very bottom of their hearts in consequence of the misery and misfor- 
 tune they have found in th^ir homes ; with soldiers who for many times 
 have been taken to the hospital and have returned as many times to 
 the front, not knowing whether they will again have the chance of 
 "enjoying the favor of being wounded instead of dead," then you will 
 feel like me : that a way must be found to end this war. 
 
 61 
 
Friends of Peace 
 Your Field Is Ready for Your Seed ! ' 
 
 Do Not Feel Discouraged by Failure of Previous Attempts 
 
 My experience gathered in frank conversation in Europe, which I 
 crossed from the Mediterranean to the North seashore only a couple of 
 months ago, has disclosed to me a way in which the seed might be 
 brought to the hearts of the nations, and of the soldiers at war. 
 
 Peace must come from the hands of the Champions, and from their 
 friends in arms ; we neutral onlookers are but a sort of paying visitors 
 in the arena of the world, where we see the performance of the two 
 mightiest champions in a hardy, terrible match. But beware, when I 
 say, "the hands of the champion," I do not mean the great leaders and 
 heroic armies and navies ! As an officer I know too well that the ruler 
 in .supreme command, the field marshals, the generals, and admirals, 
 down to the last man in the rear, to the last blue jacket in" the yard, 
 have to do their duty in the sacred cause of their countries, until that 
 country recalls them from their honorable post! 
 
 Peace must come from the nations at war; from their governments 
 and parliaments. They represent the parties, and the armies and navies 
 are called to care for what the nations wish ; the protection of the sacred 
 soil! 
 
 The way I see to work for future peace is frankly disclosed to you 
 in my popular work. The seed is there before your eyes; cultivate it; 
 improve it; propagate it to all your friends in both camps. That is 
 the way to the hearts of the Champions, to prepare them for an honor- 
 able truce. 
 
 62 
 
Before concluding- my book, I wish to express a word more, for which 
 1, only I, shall be made responsible. 
 
 It is a word of serious nature, coming from my own heart and bemg 
 directed to nobody in particular; this I wish to state most emphatically. 
 I cannot withhold from you some grave misapprehensions with regard 
 to the Europe of 1916 if all endeavors for peace should continually 
 fail. It is my personal opinion, not suggested from any part whatever, 
 that the war cannot outlast the year without some still greater mis- 
 fortune for Europe. There will be the question whether the neutral 
 countries will be able, and will be willing, to continue to remain in armed 
 neutrality? History of the past has given striking examples that na- 
 tions, when too much strained by any war or warrior, gave vent to 
 their wrath in terrible ways. In Chapter four I have openly, in frank 
 neutral words, stated the situation of the two Champions in contest; 
 both of them are victorious alike ; for both, the time would be pro- 
 pitious to shake hands and throw the old worries in the wind. I have 
 given you very simple ideas as to how the points in contest might be 
 arraigned in honorable way for both parties, these ideas seem to me at 
 least worthy the attention of the general public. 
 
 No matter whether my ideas, or any other ideas are practiable, the 
 Champions themselves must find their way to terms and peace. I be- 
 lieve still in the Christianity of the European rulers, European govern- 
 ments and nations that they will find a way to peace when their will 
 is sincere. Should one party in the contest prove too obstinate, too 
 misregarding of the needs of Europe for peace ; should there be a party 
 who for selfish aspirations and overstrained ambitions would absolutely 
 continue the murderous struggle ; then we will probably see what I 
 suspect: that all the rest of the European countries, the neutrals, will 
 join their trimmed first-class soldiers to the Champion who has been 
 ready for peace, but who found haughty rejection by the opponent. 
 That opponent will then see what the united efforts of all the hardy 
 armies of Europe will bring in final settlement, it will be a terrible pun- 
 ishment, such a punishment as never has been seen before. Don't smile 
 when such a word comes from a Swiss Officer, whose country is the 
 smallest, the most exposed to the thrusts of the two big contesting 
 parties. Do not doubt the bravery and high value of the Spanish, Portu- 
 guese, Dutch, Scandinavian, Danish, Roumanian and Greek armies 
 and navies ! I beg to inform you that small Switzerland, too, has 
 trimmed her soldiers well for all eventualities. When I left my dear 
 country in July, 1915, the spirit of the whole Swiss population was more 
 patriotic, more willing to make great sacrifices for a happy future than 
 ever. This warm spirit all over the country, in the smallest hamlets, 
 assured me fully that there is still that blood in the veins of my com- 
 patriots which has been in old history so well recognized by foreign 
 powers ; I have but to mention the Swiss guard at the gates of the 
 Tuilleries in Paris, which guard protected King Louis of France with 
 their bodies, and the similar feat repeated at the Beresina, to cover the 
 retreat of the exhausted grande armee of Napoleon the first. 
 
 63 
 
May God the Almighty preserve unfortunate Europe from such a 
 terrible final settlement of the great war! 
 
 Friends of Peace, arouse; give your help! 
 
 The soldier in the field has done his duty, his hardy trust of pro- 
 tecting your country against the enemy, in a way that befits the heroes 
 of Europe of the twentieth century. Now is the time when YOU ought 
 to go to work, when YOU ought to prove yourself worthy of your 
 brothers in arms! 
 
 The Author: Pr-Lieut. Hans Oberhansli. 
 
 64 
 
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