^^^^^H 1 1 ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^I^^^^^^^HHi: 1 ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^BifP ■ ^^H|^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^mjv«^^ 9 ^^^^^^H ,+1h ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^Hpi^ i ijnSnSQnCraSHfiKISKfKS wvyg WvW^^^^^^^^'^^^i^^^^^*^^^^ ^-"^^2^1^^^:^ ^^JV,^^^^^ wWggv'g 'gvovc/S'i'ii i 1 „■ ^^VOv'^i\^' fLIBRARY OF CONGRESS, f I ^ # Wuwyg\, V ^ — — ffl J UNITED STATES OP AMERICA. J VvWVW wwwV ^,^vSM^\.,Ki:/v, yup^VPMJw^W^Uw iUWW\-,W';'V,i5^^ 'MU-QDr/^ria UyvVyfijW'gywv vjuVu: JVWvVW^W^^^^'vvwvvvo^-. ,mis^j)%^:-mm^^. p5*#i*tf^Wt'vvy\jytf.'^; 'gcWnlWW wggvg«gm..»j4»| ;;^Wg^w^yg^^ "LIBERTY." THE IMAGE AND SUPERSCRIPTION ON EVERY COIN ISSUUD BY THE UNITED STATES OF AJIERICA. PROCLAIM LIBERTY THROUGHOUT ALL THE LAND UNTO ALL THE INHABITANTS THEREOF. TUK INSCRIPTION ON THE BELL IN THE OLD PHILADELPHIA STATKHOUSa« 'WHICH WAS RUNG JULY 4, 1776, AT THE SIGNING OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPKNDENCK 1839. ■'% w U.S.A. . T' /^ / "LIBERTY." THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- ness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their powers from the just consent of the governed, &c. [See the whole declaration, signed by the delegates of all the original states, and adopted as the basis of all the Stale Constitu- tions.] THE UNITED STATES' CONSTITUTION. Amendment. 1. Congress shall make no law respecting an es- tablishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for a redress of grievances. VIRGINIA. The freedom of the press is one of the great bulwarks of liberty, and can never be restrained but by despotic governments. M4)ttO ALWAYS TO TYRANTS,' 4 N. Y. CONSTITUTION INDIANA G. WASHINGTON. NEW YORK CONSTITUTION. Every citizen may freely speak, write, and publish his sentiments on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that right ; and no law shall be passed to restrain or abridge the liberty of speech, or of the press. INDIANA. There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in this state, othewise than for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted. Nor shall any indenture of any negro or mulatto, hereafter made and executed out of the bounds of this state, be of any vaUdity within this state. — [Ohio and IlUnois are similar.] THE SLAVE-TRADE DECLARED TO BE PIRACY BY THE LAW OF THE UNITED STATES, 1820. If any citizen of the United States, being of the crew or ship's com- pany of any foreign ship or vessel engaged in the slave-trade, or any person whatever, being of the crew or ship's company of any ship or vessel owned in the whole or part, or navigated for, or in behali of, any citizen or citizens of the United States, shall land, from any such ship or vessel, and on any foreign shore seize any negro or mulatto, not held to service or labor by the laws of either of the states or terri- tories of the United States, with intent to make such negro or mulatto a slave, or shall decoy, or forcibly bring or carry, or shall receive such negro or mulatto on board any such ship or vessel, with intent as aforesaid, such citizen or person shall be adjudged a PIRATE, and on conviction thereof, before the circuit court of the United States, for the district wherein he may be brought or found, shall suffer DEATH. GEORGE WASHINGTON. The benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, is so conspicuous on all occasions, that I never wonder at fresh proofs of it ; but your late purchase of an estate in the colony of Cayenne, with a view of emancipating the slaves, is a generous and noble proof of your hu- manity. Would to God, a like spirit might diffuse itself generally into the minds of the people of this country ! But I despair of seeing it. Some petitions were presented to the Assembly at its last session, for the abolition of slavery ; but they could scarcely obtain a hearing. — Letter to Lafayette. I hope it will not be conceived from these observations, that it is my wish to hold the unhappy people who are the subject of this letter, in slavery. I can only say, that there is not a man hving, who wishes more sincerely than I do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it ; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is, by the legislative authority ; and this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall not be wanting. — Letter to Robert Morris. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 5 1 never mean, unless some particular circumstance should compel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase ; it being among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by ic/iich davery in this coiinlry may be abolished by law. — Letter to John F. Mercer. Because there are, in Pennsylvania, laws for the gradual abolition of slavery, which neither Maryland nor Virginia have at present ; but which nothing is more certain than that they must have, and at a period not remote. — [Reasons for depreciation of southern lands in a letter to Sir John Sinclair.] Cambridge, February 28, 1776. Miss Phillis, — Your favor of the 26th ol October, did not reach my hands till the middle of December. Time enough, you will say, to have given an answer ere this. Granted. But a variety of impor- tant occurrences, continually interposing to distract the mind and with- draw the attention, I hope will apologize for the delay, and plead my excuse for the seeming, but not real neglect. I thank you most sin- cerely for your polite notice of me, in the elegant lines you enclosed ; and however undeserving I may be of such encomium and panegyric, the style and manner exhibit a striking proof of your poetical talents ; in honor of which, and as a tribute justly due to you, I would have pubhshed the poem, had I not been apprehensive, that, while I only meant to give the world this new instance of your genius, I might have incurred the imputation of vanity. This, and nothing else, deterniined me not to give it place in the public prints. If you should ever come to Cambridge, or near head-quarters, I shall be happy to see a person so favored by the Muses, and to whom nature has been so liberal and beneficent in her dispensations. I am, with great respect, your obedient humble servant.— Le/ter to Phillis Wheatley. [.An Jijrican.] Observe good faith and justice towards all nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morahty enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices ? — Farewell Address. Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all my slaves, which I hold in my own right, shall receive their freedom. To emancipate them during her life, would, though earnestly wished, be attended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of their inter- mixture by marriages with the dower negroes, as to create the most fearful sensation, if not disagreeable consequences from the latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor; it 6 JOHN ADAMS LAFAYETTE. not being in my power, under the tenure by which the dower negroes are held to inaiuimit theni. And, whereas, among those who will receive their freedom according to tliis clause, there may be some, who, from old age, or bodily infirmities, and others, who, on account of their infancy, will be unable to support themselves, it is my will and desire that all who coane under the first and second descriptions, shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while Uiey live ; and that such of the latter description as have no parents living, or if living, are unable or unwilling to provide for them, shall be bound by the Court until they shall arrive at the age of twenty-five years: and in case where no record can be produced whereby their ages can be ascertained, the judgment of the Court upon its own view of the subject, shall be adequate and final. The negroes thus bound, are by their masters and mistresses to be taught to read and write, and to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeably to the laws of the commonwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of orphans and other poor children. And 1 do hereby expressly forbid the sale or transportation out of the said commonwealth, of any slave I may die possessed of, u.jder any pretence whatever. And I do, moreover, most pointedly and most solemnly enjoin it upon my executors, hereafter named, or the survivor of them, to see that this clause respecting slaves, and every part thereof be religiously fufilled, at the epoch at which it is directed to take place, without evasion, neglect, or delay, after the crops which may then be on the ground are harvested. Particularly as it respects the aged and infirm, seeing that a regular and permanent fund be established for their support, as long as there are subjects requiring it, not trusting to the uncertain provisions to be made by individuals. — Washingtmi's Will. JOHN ADAMS. The day is passed — the 4th of July, 1776, will be a memorable epocha in the history of America. It ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance by solemn acts of devotion to Almighty God. It ought to be solemnized with pomp, shows, &c., from one end of the continent to the other, from this time forward for ever ! You will think me transported with enthusiasm ; but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure that it will cost to maintain this Decla- ration, and support and defend these states ; yet through all the gloom, I can see the rays of light and glory. — I can see that the end is worth more than all the means ; and that posterity will triumph although you and I may rue, wliich 1 liope we shall not — Letter, Philadelphia, July 5th, 1776. Great is Truth — great is Liberty — great is Humanity; and they must and will prevail. — Letter to a friend. LAFAYETTE. While I am indulging in my views of American prospects, and American liberty, it is mortifying to be told that in that very country, a large portion of the people are slaves ! It is a dark sy.ot on the face of the nation. Such a state of things cannot always exist. THOMAS JEFFERSON. 7 I see in the papers, that there is a plan of gradual abolition of slavery in the district of Columbia. I would be doubly happy of it, for the measure in itself, and because a sense of American pride makes me recoil at the observations of the diplomatists, and other foreigners, who gladly improve the unfortunate existing circumstances into a general objection to our republican, and (saving that deplorable evil) our matchless system. THOMAS JEFFERSON. The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions ; the most unremitting despo- tism on the one part and degrading submissions on the other. Our children see this and learn to imitate it; for man is an imitative animal. This quality is the germ of all education in him. From his cradle to his grave he is learning to do what he sees others do. If a parent could find no motive either in his philanthropy or his self-love, for restraining the intemperance of passion towards his slave, it should always be a sufficient one that his cliild is present. But generally it is not sufficient. The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to his worst passions, and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances. And with what execration should the statesman be loaded, who permitting one half the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms those into despots, and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part, and the amor patriae of the other. For if the slave can have a country in this world, it must be any other in preference to that in which he is born to live and labor for another : in which he must lock up the faculties of his nature, contribute as far as depends on his indi- vidual endeavors to the evanishment of the human race, or entail his own miserable condition on the endless generations proceeding from him. With the morals of the people, their industry also is destroyed. For in a warm climate no man will labor for himself who can make another labor for him. This is so true, that of the proprietors of slaves, a very small proportion indeed are ever seen to labor. And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are of the gift of God? That they are not to be violated but with his wrath ? Indeed, I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep forever; that considering numbers, nature, and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation, is among possible events : that it may become probable by supernatural interference ! The Almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest. What an incomprehensible machine is man ! Who can endure toil, famine, stripes, imprisonment, and death itself, in vindication of his own liberty, and the next moment be deaf to all those motives whose 8 THOMAS JErFERSON. power supported him through his trial, and inflict on his fellow men a bondage, one hour of which is fraught with more misery than ages of that which he rose in rebellion to oppose. But we must wait with patience the workings of an overruling Providence, and hope that that is preparing the dehverence of these our suffering brethren. When tlie measure of their tears shall be full — when their tears shall have involved heaven itself in darkness — doubtless a God of justice will awaken to their distress, and by diffusing a light and liberality among their oppressors, or at length by his exterminating thunder manifest his attention to things of this world, and that they are not left to the guidance of blind fatality. — Aoies o?i Virginia. I am very sensible of the honor you propose to me, of becoming a member of the society for the abolition of the slave-trade. You know that nobody v.ishes more ardently to see an abolition, not only of the trade but of the condition of slavery ; and certainly nobody will be more willing to encounter every sacrifice for that object. But the influence and information of the friends to this proposition in France will be far above the need of my association. — Letter to JSI. Warville, Paris, February, 1788. Dear Sir, — Your favor of July 31st was duly received, and was read with peculiar pleasure. The sentiments breathed through the whole, do honor to both the head and heart of the writer. Mine, on the subject of the slavery of negroes, have long since been in possession of the public, and time has only served to give them stronger root. The love of justice and the love of country plead equally the cause of these people; and it is a moral reproach to us that they should have pleaded it so long in vain, and should have produced not a single effort, — nay, I fear, not much serious willingness to relieve them and ourselves from our present condition of moral and political reprobation. It is an encouraging observation, that no good measure was ever proposed which, if duly pursued, failed to prevail in the end. We have proof of this in the history of the endeavors in the British Parlia- ment to suppress that very trade which brought this evil on us. And you will be supported by the religious precept, " be not weary in well doing." That your success may be as speedy and complete, as it will be honorable and immortal consolation to yourself, I shall as fervently and sincerely pray as I assure you of my great friendship and respect. — Letter to Edward Cole, Esq., *^ugust 25, 1814. PREAMBLE TO THE PENNSYLVANIA ACT, 1780. We conceive that it is our duty, and we rejoice that it is in our power, to extend a portion of that freedom to others wliich has been extended to us, and rtheve from that state of thraldom, to which we ourselves were tyrannically doomed, and from which we have now every prospect of bcin«j delivered. It is not for us to inquire why, in in the creation of mankmd, the inhabitants of the diflerent parts of the earth were distinguished by a difference of features and complexion. It is sufticient to know, that all are the work of an Almighty hand. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 9 We find in the distribution of the human species, that the most fertile, as well as the most barren parts of the earth are inhabited by men of different complexions from ours, and from each other ; from whence, we may reasonably, as well as religiously infer, that He, who placed them in their various situations, haih extended equally his care and protection to all, and that it becometh not us to counteract his mercies. We esteem it a peculiar blessing, granted to us, that we are this day enabled to add one more step to universal civilization, by removing, as much as possible, the sorrows of those who have lived in undeserved bondage, and from which, by the assumed authority of the kings of Great Britain, no effectual legal relief could be obtained. Weaned by ^ long course of experience from those narrow prejudices and partiali- ties we had imbibed, we find our hearts enlarged with kindness and ber^evolence towards men of all conditions and nations ; and we con- ceive ourselves, at this particular period, extraordinarily called upon by the blessing which we have received, to manifest the sincerity of our professions, and to give a substantial proof of our gratitude. And whereas, the condition of those persons who have heretofore been denominated negro and mulatto slaves, has been attended with circumstances which not only deprived them of the common blessing they were by nature entitled to, but has cast them into the deepest afflictions, by an unnatural separation and sale of husband and wife from each other, and from their children ; an injury, the greatness of which, can only be conceived by supposing that we were in the same unhappy case. In justice, therefore, to persons so unhappily circum- stanced, and who, having no prospect before them, wherein they may rest their sorrows and their hopes, have no reasonable inducement to render the service to society which they otherwise might, and also, in grateful commemoration of our own happy deliverance from that state of unconditional submission, to which we were doomed by the tyranny of Britain. Be it enacted, That no child hereafter born shall be a slave, &c. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. Ubi Libertas, ibi Patria WTiere Liberty dwells, thei e is my country. Two other societies were also established in Philadelphia about this period, founded on the principles of the most refined humanity; one '^'^for alleviating the miseries of public prisons,^'' and the other, "/o? promoting the abolition of slavery, the relief of free negroes xinlaufulli held in bondage, and the improvement of the condition of the African race.'''' — Of each of these. Dr. Franklin was president. He had as early as the year 1772, strongly expressed his abhorrence of the traffic in slaves, as appears by his letter of the 2-2d August, in that year, to Mr. Anthony Benezet, inserted in the first part of his Private Correspondence. According to Stuber''s account. Dr. Franklin's name, as president of the Abolition Society, was signed to the memorial presented to the House of Representatives of the United States, on the 12th of Feb- ruary, 1789, praying them to exert the full extent of power vested in 10 BENJAMIX RUSH ANTHONY BENEZET. them by the Constitution, in discouraging the traffic of the human species. This was his last pubhc act — Memoirs by Wnu TempU Franklin. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States : From a persuasion that equal hberty was originally the portion, and is still the birthright of all men, and influenced by the strong ties of humanity and the principles of their institution, your memoriahsts con- ceive themselves bound to use all justifiable endeavors to loosen the bands of slavery, and promote a general enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. Under these impressions, they earnestly entreat your serious attention to the subject of slavery ; that you will be pleased to counte- nance the restoration of liberty to those unhappy men, who alone in this land of freedom, are degraded into perpetual bondage, and who amidst the general joy of surrounding freemen, are groaning in servile subjection — that you will devise means for removing this inconsistency from the character of the American people — that you will promote mercy and justice toward tliis distressed race — and that you will step to the very verge of the power vested in you for discouraging every species of traffic in the persons of our fellow men. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, President. Philadelphia, Feb. 3, 1790. [Federal Gazette, 1790.] BENJAMIN RUSH. The [cruel] master's wealth cannot make him happy. — The suffer- ings of a single hour in the world of misery, for which he is preparing himself will over balance all the pleasures he ever enjoyed in this life — and for every act of unnecessary severity he inflicts on his slaves, he shall suffer tenfold in the world to come. His unkind behaviour is upon record against him. The gentle spirits in heaven, whose happiness consists in expressions of gratitude and love, will have no fellowship with him. His soul must be melted with pity, or he can never escape the punishment which awaits the hard-hearted, equally with the impenitent, in the regions of misery. — Paradise of J^egro Slaves. About the year 1775, I read a short essay with which I was much pleased, in one of Bradford's papers, against the slavery of the Africans m our country, and which, I was informed, was written by Thomas Paine. This excited my curiosity to be better acquainted with him. We met soon afterwards at Mr. Aitkens' bookstore, where I did homage to his principles and his pen on the subject of the enslaved Africans. He told me it was the first piece he had ever published here. — I possess one of his letters written to me from France upon the subject of the aboliton of the slave-trade. — Letter to Cheetham, July 17, 1809. ANTHONY BENEZET. I can with truth and sincerity declare, that I have found amongst the negroes as great variety of talents, as among a like number of whites ; and I am bold to assert, that the notion entertained by some PATRICK HENRY. 11 that the blacks are inferior in their capacities, is a vulgar prejudice founded on the pride or ignorance of their lordly masters, who have kept their slaves at such a distance as to be unable to form a right judgment of them. PATRICK HENRY. Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery ? Forbid it, Almighty God ! — I know not, what course others may take ; but as for me, give me hberty, or give me death ! Hanover, January 18, 1773. Dear Sir, — I take this opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of Anthony Benezet's book against the slave-trade : I thank you for it. It is not a little surprising, that the professors of Christianity, whose chief excellence consists in softening the human heart ; in cherishing and improving its finer feelings, should encourage a practice so totally repugnant to the first impressions of right and wrong. What adds to the wonder is, that this abominable practice has been introduced in the most enlightened ages. Times, that seem to have pretensions to boast of high improvements in the arts and sciences, and refined morality, have brought into general use, and guarded by many laws, a species of violence and tyranny, which our more rude and barbar- ous, but more honest ancestors, detested. Is it not amazing, that at a time, when the rights of humanity are defined and understood with precision, in a country, above all others, fond of liberty, that in such an age, and in such a country, we find men professing a religion the most humane, mild, gentle and generous, adopting a principle as re- pugnant to humanity, as it is inconsistent with the Bible, and destruc- tive to liberty? Every thinking, honest man rejects it in speculation how few in practice from conscientious motives ! Would any one believe that I am master of slaves, of my own pur- chase ! I am drawn along by the general inconvenience of living here without them. I will not, I cannot justify it. However culpable my conduct, I will so far pay my devoir to virtue, as to own the excel- lence and rectitude of her precepts, and lament my want of conformity to them. / believe a time will come, token anopporkmity will he offered to abolish, this lamentable evil. Every thing we can do is to improve it, if it happens in our day ; if not, let us transmit to our descendants, together with our slaves, a pity for their unhappy lot, and our abhor- rence for slavery. If we cannot reduce this wished for reformation to practice, let us treat the unhappy victims with lenity. It is the furthermost advance we can make towards justice, it is a debt we ov.e to the purity of our religion, to show that it is at variance with that law, which warrants slavery. I know not where to stop. I could say many things on the subject: a serious view of which gives a gloomy pers|)ective to future times! — Letter to Robert Pleasants. I repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul that every one 12 JAMES MONROE JOHN JAY JOEL BARLOW. of my fellow beings was emancipated. As we ought with gratitude to admire that decree of heaven, which has numbered us among the free, we ought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow men m bondage. — Debate in Virginia Convention. JAMES MONROE. We have found that this evil has preyed upon the very vitals of the Union ; and has been prejudicial to all the states in which it haa existed. — Speech in the Virginia Convention. JOHN JAY. The state of New York is rarely out of my mind or heart, and I am often disposed to write much respecting its affairs ; but I have so little information as to its present political objects and operations, that I am afraid to attempt it. — An excellent law might be made out of the Pennsylvania one, for the gradual abolition of slavery. Till America comes into this measure, her prayers to heaven will be impious. This is a strong expression but it is just. Were I in your legislature, I would present a bill for the purpose with great care, and I would never cease moving it till it became a law, or I ceased to be a member. I believe God governs the world, and I believe it to be a maxim in his as in our court, that those who ask for equity ought to do it. — Letter from Spain, 1780. Our society has been favored with your letter of the first of May last, and we are happy that efforts so honorable to your nation are making in your country to promote the cause of justice and humanity relative to the Africans. That they who know the value of liberty, and are blessed with the enjoyment of it, ought not to subject others to slavery, is hke most other moral precepts, more generally admitted in theory than observed in practice. This will continue to be too much the case while men are impelled to action by their passions rather than by their reason, and while they are more solicitous to acquire wealth" than to do as they would be done by. Hence it is that India and Africa experience unmerited oppression from nations who have been long distinguished by their attachment to their civil and religious liberties, but who have expended not much less blood and treasure in violating the rights of others than in defending their own. The United States are far from being irreproachable in this respect. It undoubt- edly is very inconsistent with their declarations on the subject of human rights, to permit a single slave to be found within their juris- diction ; and we confess the justice of your strictures on that head. — Letter to an English Abolition Society from the Maiiumision Society of J^ew York. JOEL BARLOW. Nor shall I strain The powers of pathos in a task so vain. As Afric's wrongs to sing, for what avails To harp foi you these known familiar tales ; To tongue mute misery, and re-rack the soul With rnmes oft copied from tha* bloody scroll, SAMUEL ADAMS KOSCIUSKO. IS Where slavery pens her woes, tho' 'tis but there We learn the weight that mortal life can bear. The tale might startle still the accustoni'd ear, Still shake the nerve that pumps the pearly tear Melt every heart and tluough the nation gain Full many a voice to break the barbarous chain. But why to sympathy for guidance fly, (Her aid 's uncertain and of scant supply,) When your own self-excited sense affords A guide more siire, and every sense accords? Where strong self-interest join'd with duty lies, Where doing rig:ht demands no sacrifice, Where profit, pleasure, life expanding fame League their allurements to support the claim. 'Tis safest there the impleaded cause to trust, Men well instructed will be always just. Tyrants are never free, and small and great, All masters must be tyrants soon or late ; So Nature works, and oft the lordling knave Turns out at once a tyrant and a slave. Struts, cringes, bullies, begs, as courtiers must, Makes one a God, another treads in dust, Fears all alike, and filches whom he can. But knows no equal, finds no friend in man. Ah, would you not be slaves with lords and kings? Then be not masters, there the danger springs. Equality of rigiit is Nature's plan, And following nature is the march of man. — Enslave her tribes ! What, half mankind emban, Then read, expound, enforce the rights of man ! Prove plain and clear, how Nature's hand of old, Cas't all men equal in her human mould ! Their fibres, feelings, reasoning powers the same. Like wants await them, like desires inflame ; Write, speak, avenge, for ancient sufferings feel, Impale each tyrant on their pens of steel, Declare how freemen can a world create, And slaves and masters ruin every state. — The ColumUad. SAMUEL ADAMS. "His principles on the subjeet of human rights, carried him far beyond the narrow hmits which many loud asserters of their oion liberty have prescribed to themselves, to the recognition of this right in every human being. One day the wife of Mr. Adams returning home, informed her husband that a friend had made her a present of a female slave. Mr. Adams repHed in a firm decided manner, ' She may come but not as a slave, for a slave cannot live in iny hoKse ; if she comes, she, must come free? She came, and took up \\ev free abode with the family of this great champion of American liberty, and there she ccmtinued free and there she died free." — Rev. Mr. Mien, Uxbridge, Mass. KOSCIUSKO. General KosciusJco, by his will, placed in the hands of Mr. Jefferson a sum exceeding twenty thousand dollars, to be laid out in the purchase of young female slaves, who were to be educated and emancipated. The laws of Virginia prevented the will of Kosciusko from being carriod into effect — Jiurorcu 1S20. 14 HORATIO GATES ^VII.LlAM PINKNEY. HORATIO GATES. A few days ago, passed through this town, the Hon. General Gates and lady, on their way to take possession of their new and elegant seat on the banks of the East river. The general, previous to leaving Virginia, summoned his numerous family and slaves about him, and amidst their tears of affection and gratitude, gave them their freedom ; and what is still better, made provision that their liberty should be a blessing to them. — Baltimore paper, Sept. 8, 1 790. WILLIAM PINKNEY. Sir, — Iniquitous, and most dishonorable to Maryland, is that dreary system of partial bondage, which her laws have hitherto supported with a solicitude worthy of a better object, and her citizens by their practice countenanced. Founded in a disgraceful traffic, to which the parent country lent her fostering aid, from motives of interest, but which even she would have disdained to encourage, had England been the destined mart of such inhuman merchandise. Us continuance is as shameful as its origin. Wherefore should we confine the edge of censure to our ancestors, or those from whom they purchased? Are not we equally guilty l They strewed around the seeds of slavery — ice cherish and sustain the growth. They introduced the system — ive enlarge, invigorate, and confirm it. That the dangerous consequences of this system of bondage have not as yet been felt, does not prove they never will be. At least the experiment has not been sufficiently made to preclude speculation and conjecture. To me, sir, nothing for which I have not the evidence of my senses is more clear, than that it will one day destroy that rever- ence for libertv, which is the vital principle of a republic. While a majority of your citizens are accustomed to rule with the authority of despots, within particular limits ; while your youth are reared in the habit of thinking that the great rights of human nature are not so sacred but they may with innocence be trampled on, can it be expected that the public mind should glow with that generous ardor in the cause of freedom, which can alone save a governmeut like ours from the lurking demon of usurpation? Do you not dread the con- tamination of princijjle? The example of Rome shows that slaves are the proper, natural implements of usurpation, and therefore a serious and alarming evil in every free comnumity. With much to hope for by a change, and nothing to lose, they have no fears of consequences. Despoiled of their rights by the acts of government and its citizens, they have no checks of pity, or of conscience, but are stimulated by the desire of revenge, to spread wide the horrors of desolation, and to subvert the foundation of that liberty of which they have nev( r participated, and which they have only been pennitttd to envy in others. But where slaves are manumitted by government, or in consequence of its provisions, the same motives which have attached them to tyrants, WARNER MIFFLIN WILLIAM EATON. 16 when the act of emancipation has flowed from them, would then attach them to government. They are then no longer the creatures of despo- tism. They are bound by gratitude, as well as by interest, to seek the welfare of that country from which they have derived the restoration of their plundered rights, and with whose prosperity their own is in- separably involved. All apostacy from these principles, which form the good citizen, would, under such circiuiistances, be next to impossible. — Speech in the Maryland House of Delegates, 1789. WARNER :MIFFLIN. In a pamphlet, entitled " Observations on the American Revolution," published by order of Congress, in 1779, the following sentiments are declared to the world, viz : "The great principle (of government) is and ever will remain in force, that men are by nature free; as accountable to him that made them, they must be so; and so long as we have any idea of divine justice, we must associate that of human freedom. Whether men can part with their liberty, is among the questions which have exercised the ablest writers ; but it is concluded on all hands, that the right to be free can never be alienated — still less is it practicable for one generation to mortgage the privileges of another." Humane petitions have been presented to excite in congress benevo- lent feelings for the sufferings of our fellow-citizens under cruel bondage to the Turks and Algerines, and that the national power and inil-ience might be exerted for their relief; with tliis virtuous apphcation 1 unite, but lament that any of my countrymen, who are distinguished a 3 men eminently qualined for public stations, should be so enslaved by illiberal prejudice as to treat with contempt a like solicitude for another class of men still more grievously oppressed. I profess freely and am willing my profession was known over the world, that I feel the calls of humanity as strong towards an African in America, as an American in Algiers, both being my brethren ; especially as I am informed the Algerine treats his slave with more humanity ; and I believe the sin of oppression on the part of the American is greatest in the sight of the Father of the family of mankind. WARNER MIFFLIN. Kent County, Delaware, 2d of 1st mo. 1793. WILLIAM EATON. [The Tunisians had captured nine hundred and twenty Sardinian slaves, of whom General Eaton thus makes mention:] "Many have died of grief, and the others linger out a life less tolerable than death. Alas — remorse seizes my whole soul when I reflect, that this is indeed hut a copy of the very barbarity which my eyes liave seen in my own native country. And yet we boast of liberty and national justice. How frequently in the southern stc^ces of my own country, have I seen weeping mothers leading the guiltless infant to the sales with as deep anguisli as if they led them to the slaughter ; 16 WILLIAM RAY RILEY DE WITT CLINTON. and yet felt my bosom tranquil in the view of these a^jgressions on dffenceless humanity. But when I see the same enormities practised upon beings whose complexions and blood claim kindred with my own, I curse the perpetrators, and weep over the wretched victims of their rapacity. Indeed, truth and justice demand from me the confession, that the Christian slaves among the barbarians of Africa, are treated with more humanity than the African slaves aniong professing Chris- tians of civilized America ; and yet here sensibility bleeds at every pore for the wretches whom fate has doomed to slavery." — Letter to his tcift' WILLIAM RAY. Are you republicans 1 — away ! 'Tis blasphemy tlie word to say. You talk of frtedoru ? Out for shame! Your lips conlaniinate the name. How dare you prtle of public good, Your hands besniear'd with human blood ? How dare you lift those hands to heav'n And ask or hope to be forgiven 7 How dare you breathe the wounded air, That wafts to heaven the negro's prayer! How dare you tread the conscious earth, That gave mankind an equal birth ? And while you thus inflict the rod, How dare you say there is a God That will, in justice, from the skies, Hear and avenge his creature's cries? '• Slaves to be sold," hark, what a sound T Ye give America a wound, A scar, a stigma of disgrace. Which you nor time can e'er efface , And prove, of nations yet unborn, The curse, the hatred, and the scorn ! The Horrors of Slavery, or Tars of THpoli CAPTAIN RILEY. Strange as it may seem to the philanthropist, my free and proud- spirited countrymen still hold a million and a half of human beings in the most ci uel bonds of slavery ; who are kept at hard labor, and smarting unner the lash of inhuman mercenary drivers; in many instances enduring the miseries of hunger, thirst, imprisonment, cold, nakedness, and even tortures. This is no picture of the imagination. Foi the honor of human nature, I wish likenesses were no where to be found! I myself have witnessed such scenes in different parts ot my own country ; and the bare recollection of them now chills my blood with horror. — RUey''s J^arrative. DE WITT CLINTON. During the period of his legislative career 0797,) a latere portion of his attention was bestowed on the prot, ctiou of the public health, the promotion of agriculture, manufactures, and the arts, the gradual abolition of slavery, &c The record of the proceedings of the senate of New York for tho DANIEL D. TOMKINS — ANDREW JACKSON. 17 sessions of 1809, 1810, and 1811, exhibits proofs of Mr. Clinton's great usefulness. Under his auspices, the New York Historical Society was uicorporated — the Orphan Asylum and Free School So- cieties were fostered and encouraged. He introduced laws to prevent kidnapping, or the further introduction of slaves, and to punish those who should treat tliem inhumanly. — De Witt Clintmi's Life in Dela- j)laine''s Repository. DANIEL D. TOMKINS. To devise the means for the gradual and ultimate extermination from amongst us of slavery, that reproach of a free people, is a work worthy the representatives of a {)oi:?hed and enlightened nation. Allow me here to observe, that ihc law which authorizes the trans- portation of slaves convicted of otienccs, is very generally considered mipolitic and unjust. Impolitic, because it cherishes inducements in the master, to whom alone these unfortunate creatures can look for friendship and protection, to aggravate, to tempt, or to entrap the slave into an error — to operate upon his ignorance or his fears, to confess a charge, or to withhold from him the means of employing counsel for defence, or of establishing a reputation which is frequently the only shield against a criminal allegation. This inducement will l)e pecu- liarly strong, where the slave is of that description, the sale of which is prohibited ; for a conviction will enable the master to evade that restriction, and to make a lucrative disposition of what might other- wise be a burthen to him. It is unjust, because transportation is added to the full sentence which may be pronounced upon others. To inflict less punishment for the crimes of those who have always breathed the air of freedom, vAio have been benefited by polished society, and by literary, moral, and religious instruction and example, than to the pas- sions and frailities of the poor, untutored, unrefined, and unfortunate victiTus of slavery, is a palpable inversion of a precept of our blessed Redeemer. The sen^ant "that knew not, and did commit things worhty of stripes, shall be beaten with few stripes ; for unto whom- soever much is given, of him shall be much required." — Speech to JVeiw York Legislature, Jan. 8, 1812, ANDREW JACKSON. [On December, 18, 1814, Genral Jackson issued in the French language the folloxoing.] Address to the Free People of Color. Soldiers ! When on the banks of the Mobile, I called you to take up arms, inviting you to partake the perils and glory of your white fellow-citizens, I expected much from you ; for I was not ignorant that you possessed qualities most formidable to an invading enemy. I knew with what fortitude you could endure hunger and thirst, and all the fatigues of a campaign. I knew well how you loved your native country, and that you had, as well as ourselves, to defend what man holds most dear — his parents, relations, wife, childreo, and 2* 18 JOSEPH STORY DANIEL WEBSTER. property. You have done more than I expected. In addition to the previous qualities I before knew you to possess, I found, moreover, among you a noble enthusiasm, which leads to the performance of great things. Soldiers ! The President of the United States shall hear how praiseworthy was your conduct in the hour of danger, and the Repre- sentatives of the American people will, I doubt not, give you the praise your exploits entitle you to. Your general anticipates them in applauding your noble ardor. The enemy approaches; his vessels cover our lakes; our brave citizens are united, and all contention has ceased among them. Their only dispute is who shall win the prize of valor or who the most glory, its noblest reward. By Order. THOMAS BUTLER, Aid-de-camp. JOSEPH STORY. The President of the United States, is also authorized to employ our armed vessels and revenue cutters to cruise on the seas for the purpose of arresting all vessels and persons engaged in this traffic in violation of our laws ; and bounties as well as a moiety of the cap>- tured property are given to the captors to stimulate them in the dis- charge of their duty. Under these circumstances, it might well be supposed that the slave- trade would in practice, be extinguished — that virtuous men would by their abhorrence, stay its polluted march, and wicked men would be overawed by its potent punishment. But unfortunately the case is far otherwise. We have but too many melancholy proofs from unques- tionable sources, that it is still carried on with all the implacable fero- city and insatiable rapacity of former times. Avarice has grown more subtle in its evasion ; and watches and seizes its prey with an appetite quickened, rather tlian suppressed, by its guilty vigils. American citizens are steeped up to their very mouths (I scarcely use too bold a figure) in this stream of iniquity. They throng the coast of Alricct under the stained flags of Spain and Portugal, sometimes selling abroad " their cargoes of despair," and sometimes bringing them into Bome of our southern ports, and there under the forms of the law de- feating the purposes of the law itself, and legalizins their inhuman but profitable adventures. I wish I could say that New England and New England men were free from this deep pollution. But there is some reason, to believe, that they who drive a loathsome traffic, "and buy the muscles and the bones of njen," are to be found here also. It is to be hoped the number is small ; but our cheeks may well burn witli shame while a solitary case is permitted to go unpunished. — From Jud'^e Stonfs Chtrge to the Grand Jury of the U. S. Circuit Court, in Portsmouth, .V. //., May Term, 1820. DANIEL WEBSTER. If there be, within the extent of our knowledge and influence, any participation in tlus traffic in slaves, let us pledge ourselves upon thio N. Y. LEGISLATURE W. WIRT J. R.VNDOLPH. 19 Rock of Plymouth, to extirpate and destroy it. It id not fit that the land of the pilgrims should bear the shame longer. Let that spot be purified, or let it be set aside from the Christian world ; let it be put out of the circle of human sympatliies and human regards; and let civilized men henceforth have no communion with it. I invoke those who fill the seats of justice, and all M'ho minister at her altar, that they exercise the wholesome and necessary severity of the law. I invoke the ministers of our religion, that they proclaim its denunciation of those crimes, and add its solemn sanction to the authority of human laws. If the pulpit be silent, whenever or wher- ever there iriay be a sinner, bloody with this guilt, witliin the hearing of its voice, the pulpit is false to its trust. NEW YORK LEGISLATURE. On the 20th day of January, 1820, the following preamble and re- solutions were taken up in the senate (having passed the house) of the New- York Legislature, and unanimously passed. [Mr. Van Buren, who was then in the senate of that state, voted in favor of them.] Whereas, the inhibiting the further extension of slavery in the United States, is a subject of deep concern to the people of this state : and whereas, we consider slavery as an evil much to be deplored, and that every constitutional barrier should be interposed to prevent its- further extension ; and the constitution of the United States clearly gives congress the right to require new^ states, not comprised w^ithin the original boundary of the United States, to make the prohibition of slavery a condition of their admission into the Union : Therefore, Resolved, (if the honorable senate concur therein) That our senators be instructed, and our n^embers of congress be requested, to oppose the admission as a state into the Union, of aiiy territory not comprised as aforesaid, ^vithout making the prohibition of slavery therein au in- dispensable condition of admission. WILLIAM WIRT. Slavery was contrary to the laws of nature and of nations and that the law of South Carolina, concerning seizing colored seamen, M-as unconstitutional. + + * ■■■.■ Last and lowest, a /ecitZu??i of beings calle' overseers — the most abject, degraded, unprincipled race — always cap in hand to the dons who employ them, and furnishing materials for their pride, insolence, and love of dominion. — Life of Patrick Henry. JOHN RANDOLPH. Dissipation, as well as poicer or prosperity hardens the heart, but avarice deadens it to every feeling, but the thirst for riches. Avarice alone could have produced the slave-trade. Avarice alone can drive, as it do.'S drive, this infernal traffic, and the wretched victims, like so many posthorses, whipped to death in a mail coach. Ambition has its cover-sluts, in the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war; but where are the tiophie^ of avance ? The handcuff, the Kianacl^ 20 THOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH. and the blood-stained cowhide ! What man is worse received i7i society for being a hard master ? Who denies the hand of a sister or daughter to s}(ch monsters? — nay, they have even appeared in "the abused shape of the vilest of women." I say nothing of India or Amboyna — of Cortez, or Pizarro. — Southern Literary Messenger. [In March, 1816, John Randolph submitted the following resolution to the House of Representatives:] "Resolved, That a committee be appointed, to inquire into the existence of an inhuman and illegal traffic of slaves, carried on in and through the District of Columbia, and to report whether any, and M'hat measures are necessary for put- ting a stop to the same." " Virginia is so impoverished by the system of slavery, that the tables will sooner or later be turned, and the slaves will advertise for runaway masters." " Sir, I neither envy the head nor the heart of that man from the North, who rises here to defend slavery upon principle." — Rebuke of Edward Everett, in Congress, 1820. " 3. I have upwards of two thousand pounds sterlincr in the handa of Baring, Brothers & Co., of London^ and upwards of one thousand founds of like money in the hands of Gowan and Marx ; this money leave to my executor, Wm. Leigh, as a fund for carrying into execu- tion my will respecting my slaves." " I give to my slaves their freedom, to which my conscience tells me they a;-e justly entitled. It has a long time been a matter of the deepest regret to me, that the circumstances under which I inherited them, and the obstacles thrown in the way by the laws of the land, have prevented my emancipating them in my lifetime, which it is my full intention to do in case I can accomplish it" The codicil goes on to make provision for his servants John and wife, and for Juba and his wife, and another woman : — "And I hereby request (says he) the General Assembly (the only request that I ever preterred to them,) to let the above named and such other of my old and faithful slaves as desire it, to remain in Virginia ; recommend- ing them each and all to the care of my said executor, who I know is too wise, just and humane to send them to Liberia, or any other place in Africa or the West Indies."— Cod. Jan. 1826. THOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH. I agree with gentlemen m the necessity of arming the state for internal defence. I will unite with them in any eflfort to restore con- fidence to the public mrnd, and to conduce to the sense of the safety of our wives, and our children. Yet sir, I must ask, upon whom is to fall the burden of this defence? not upon the lordly masters of their hundred slaves, who will never turn out except to retire with their families when danger threatens. No, sir; it is to fall upon the less wealthy class of our citizens ; chiefly upon the yion-slavelwltUr. I liave known patrols turned out where there was not a slariholder among them, and this is the practice o^ the coimtry. I have slept in times of alarm quietly in bed, withov.t having a thought of care, while these indi- GOVERNOR RANDOLPH. <2l viduals, owning none of this property themselves, were patrolling under a compulsory process, for a pittance of seventy-five cents per twelve hours, the very curtilage of my house, and guarding that pro- perty, which was alike dangerous to them and myself. After all, this IS b'jt an expedient. As this population becomes more numerous, it becomes less productive. Your guard must be increased, until finally its profits will not pay for the expense of its subjection. Slavery has the effect of lessening the free population o^'a country. The gentlemen has spoken of the increase of the female slaves being a part of the profit ; it is admitted ; but no great evil can be averted, no good attained, without some inconvenience. It may be questioned, how far it is desirable to foster and encourage this branch of profit. It 's a practice, and an increasing practice in parts of Vir- ginia, to rear slaves for market. How can an honorable mind, a patriot, and a lover of his country, bear to see this ancient dominion, rendered illustrious by the noble devotion and patriotism of her sons in the cauc . of liberty, converted in one grand menagerie, where men are to be reared for the market, like oxen for the shambles. Is it better, is it not worse, than the slave-trade ; that trade which enhsted the labor of the good and wise of every creed, and every clime, to abolish it ? The trader receives the slave, a stranger in language, aspect and man- ner, from the me:-chant who has brought '^•im from the interior. The ties of father, mother, husband and child', have all been rent in twain ; before he receives him, his soul has become callous. But here, sir, individuals, whom the master has known from infancy, whom he has seen sporting in the innocent gambols of childhood, who have been accustomed to look to him for protection, he tears from the mother's arms, and sells into a strange country, among strange people, subject to cruel taskmasters. He has attempted to justify slavery here, because it exists in Africa, and has stated that it exists all over the world. Upon the same prin- ciple, he could justify Mahometism, with its plurality of wives, petty wars for plunder, robbery and murder, or any other of the abominations and enormities of savage tribes. Does slavery exist in any part of civilized Europe ? No sir, in no part of it. — Speech in the Virginia Legislature, GOVERNOR RANDOLPH. The deplorable error of our ancestors in copying a civil institution from savage Africa, has affixed upon their posterity a depressing bur- den, which nothing but the extraordinary benefits conferred by our happy climate, could have enabled us to support. We have been far outstripped by states, to whom nature has been far less bountiful. It is painful to consider what might have b'^en, under other circumstances, the amount of general wealth in Virginia, or the whole sum of com- fortable subsistence and happiness possessed by all her inhabitants.— Addr^s to the Legislature of Virginia^ in 1820. 22 HENRY CLAY JOHN q,. ADAMS. HENRY CLAY. As a mere laborer, the slave fetls that he toils for his master, and not for himself; that the laws do not recognise his capacity to acquire and hold property, which depends altogether upon the pleasure of his proprietor, and that all the fruits of his exertions are reaped by others. He knows that, whfther sick or well, in times of scarcity or abun- dance, his master is bound to provide for him by the all-powerful influ- ence of selfinterest. He is generally, therefore, indifl^'rent to the adverse or prosperous fortunes of his master, being contented if he can escape his displeasure or chastisement, by a careless and slovenly performance of his duties. That labor is best, in which the laborer knows that he will derive the profits of his industry, and his employment depends upon his dili- gence, and his reward upon his assiduity. He then has every motive to excite him to exertion, and to animate him in perseverance. He knows that if he is treated badly, he can exchange his employer for one who will better estimate his service ; and that whatever he earns is his, to be distributed by himself as he pleases, among his wife and children, and friends, or enjoyed by himself. In a word, he feels that he is a free agent, with rights, and privileges, and sensibilities. Wherever the option exists to employ, at an equal hire, free or slave labor, the former will be decidedly preferred, for the reasons already assigned. It is more capable, more diligent, more faithful, and in every respect more worthy of confidence. It is believed that nowhere in the farming portion of the United States would slave labor be generally employed, if the proprietor were not tempted to raise slaves by the high price of the southern market, which keeps it up in his own. [Speaking of an attempt more than thirty-five years ago, to adopt gradual emancipation in Kentucky, Mr. Clay says :] We were overpowered by numbers, and submitted to the decision of the majority with the ^race which the minority, in a republic, should ever yield to such a decision. I have nevertheless never ceased, and never shall cease, to regret a decision, the effects of which have been, to place us in the rear of our neighbors, who are exempt from slavery, i-n the state of agriculture, the progress of manufactures, the advance of improvement, and the general prosperity of society. — Address before the Colonization Society. JOHN aUINCY ADAMS. Not three days since, Mr. Clayton, of Georgia, called that species of population (viz. slaves) the machinery of the Soutii. Now that machinery had twenty odd representatives* in that hall, — not elected by the machinery, but by those who owned it. And if he slic.uld go back to the history of this government from its foundation, it would bo easy to prove that its decisions had been aflectcd, in general by less [♦ There are now twer.ty-five odd representatives— that is^iepresentative* of slaves] DUFF GREEN JOSEPH RITNEH. 23 majorities than that. Nay, he might go further, and insist that that very representation had ever been, in fact, the ruling power of this government. The history of the Union has afforded a continual proof that this representation of property, which they enjoy, as well in the election of President and Vice President of the tJnited States, as upon the floor of the House of Representatives, has secured to the slaveholding states the entire control of the national policy, and, almost without exception, the possession of the highest executive office of the Union. Always united in the purpose of regulating the affairs of the whole Union by the standard of the slaveholding interest, their disproportion- ate numbers in the electoral colleges have enabled them, in ten out of twelve quadriennial elections, to confer the Chief Magistracy upon one of their own citizens. Their suffrages at every election, without ex- ception, have been almost exclusively confined to a candidate of their own caste. — Speech in Congress, Feb. 4, 1833. GENERAL DUFF GREEN. We are of those who believe the South has nothing to fear from a servile war. We do not believe that the abolitionists intend, nor could they, if they would, excite the slaves to insurrection. The dan- ger of this is remote. We believe that we have most to fear from the organized action upon the consciences and fears of slaveholders themselves ; from the insinuations of their dangerous heresies into our schools, our pulpits, and our domestic circles. It is only by alarming the consciences of the weak and feeble, and diffusing among our own people a morbid sensibility on the question of slavery, that the aboli- tionists can accomplish their object. Preparatory to this, they are now laboring to saturate the non-slaveholding states with the belief that slavery is a sin against God; that the " national compact" involves the non-slaveholders in that sin ; and that it is their duty to toil and suffer, that our country may be delivered from what they term its blackest stain, its foulest reproach, its deadliest curse. — Southern Revieio. JOSEPH RITNER. Last, but worst of all, came the base bowing of the knee to the dark spirit of slavery. For the preservation of this last and most cherished article of our national political creed, the sacrifice of which has not yet been com- pleted, it is our duty to make all possible effort. To ascertain what have been, nay, what are the doctrines of the people, of this state, on the subject of domestic slavery, reference need only be made to the statute book and journals of the legislature. They will be found imprinted in letters of light upon almost every pase. In 1, Smith's Laws, 493, is ibund an "act for the gradual abolition of slavery in Pennsylvania," with a preamble which should be printed in letters of gold. This is the first act of the kind passed in any part of the Union, and was nobly put forth to the world, in the year 1780, 24 JOSEPH RITNER. in the midst of tho struggle for national freedom. This just doctrine was, through a long course of years, adhered to and perfected, till slavery ceased in our state. And finally, m 1827, the followinj; open avowil of the state doctrine, was prefaced to the act " to prevent cer- tain abuses of the laws relative to fugitives from labor." " The traffic in slaves, now abhorred by all the civilized world, ought not in the slightest degree to be tolerated in the state of Pennsylvania." — Parri' pfilet Lairs, page 485. Not only has Pennsylvania thus expelled the evil from her own bor- ders, b)it she has on all proper occasions, endeavored to suard her younger sisters from the pollution. On ttie 19th of December, 1819, the following lansuase was unanimously made use of by the legisla- ture, and approved of by the governor, on the question of admitting new states into the Union, with the right of holding slaves. " That the senators and representatives of this state, in the congress of the United States, be, and they are hereby requested to vote against the admission of any territory as a state into the Union, unless the further introduction of slavery or involimtary ser\'itude, except for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly con- victed, shall be prohibited, and all children born within the said terri- tory after its admission into the Union as a state, shall be fiee, but may be held to service until the age of twenty-five years." The preamble to this resolution, too long to be cited at large, is worthy ofall consideration at the present juncture. On the much discussed question of slavery in the District of Colum- bia, there never has been any thing like hesitation. On the 23d of January, 1819, the legislature passed a resolution instructing our representatives in congress to advocate the passage of a law tor its abolition ; and the voice of public opinion, as expressed through the press, at meetings, and in petitions, has been unchanging on the subject. These tenets, then, viz : opposition to slavery at home, which, by the blessing of Providence, has been rendered ef!('ctual ; opposition to the admission into the Uni-on of new slaveholding states ; and opposition to slavery in the District of Columbia, the very hearth and domestic abode of the national honor — have ever been, and are the cherished doctrines of our state. Let us fellow-citizens, stand by and maintain them unshrinkinsly and fearlessly. While we admit and scrupulously respect the constitutional rights of other states, on this momentous subject, let us not, either by f(\iror interest, be driven from aught of that s[)itit of independence and veneration for freedom, which has ever charaeterized our commonwealth. Above all, let us never yield up the risht of free discussion of any evil which may arise in the land or any part of it ; convinced that the moment we do so, the bond of union is broken. For the union being a voluntary compact to continue toeether for certain specified purposes, the instant one portion of it succeeds in imposing terms and dictating conditions upon another, not found in the contract, the relation between them chajiges, and that \vhich was union becomes subjection.— %/V/m- TEXAS AND MEXICO. 25 TEXAS AND MEXICO. But the prime cause, and the real ohject of this war, '-e not dis- tinctly understood by a large portion of the hone«t, disinterested, and well-meaning citizens of the Uni*ed States. I'htir means of obtain- ing coriect information upon the subject have been necessarily limited; and many of them have been deceived and misled by the misrepresen- tations of those concerned in it, and especially by hireling writers of the newspaper press. Tht-y have been induced to believe that the in- habitants of Texas were engaged in a legitimate contest for the mainte- nance of the sacred principles of liberty, and ihe natural, inalienable rights of man : — whereas, the motives of its instigators, and their chief incentives to action, have been, from the commencement, of a directly opposite character and tendency. It is susceptible of the clearest demon/- stration, that the immediate cause, and the leading object of this contest^ originated in a settled design, among the slaveholders of this coxintry, {with land speculators and slave-traders,) to lorest the '-arge and valuable territory of Texas from the Mexican Republic, in order to re-establish the SYsTEvl OF SLAVERY; to open a vast and profitable SLAVE MARKET therein; and ultimately to annex it to the United States. And further, it is evident — nay, it is very generally acknowledged — that the insurrectionists are principally citizens oi" ihe United States, who have proceeded thither for the purpose of revolutionizing the country ; and that they are dependant upon this nation, for both the physiral and pecuniary means, tocarry the design into efH'ct. Whether the national legislature will lend its aid to this nio^t unwarrantable, agjiressive attempt, will depend on tl e VOICE OF THE PEOPLE, expressed in tiieir primary assemb..es, by their petitions and through the ballot boxes. The land speculations, aforesaid, have extended to most of the cities and villacres of the United States, the British colonies in America, and the settlements of foreigners in all the eastern parts of Mexico. All concerned in them are aware that a change in the government of the country must take place, if their claims should ever be legalized. The advocates of slavery, in onr southern states and elsewhere, want more land on this continent suitable for the culture of sugar and cotton : and if Texas, with the adjoining portions of Tamauiipas, Coahuila, Chihuahua, and Santa Fe, east of the Rio Bravo del Norte, can be wrested from the Mexican government, room will be afforded for the redundant slave population in the United States, even to a remote period of time. Such are the motives for action — such the combination of interests — such the organization, sources of influence, and foundation of authority, upon which the present Texas Insurrection rests. The resi- dent colonists compose but a small fraction of the party concerned in ft. The standard of revolt was raised as soon as it was clearly ascer- tained that slavery could not be perpetuated, nor the illegal specula tionsin land continued, under the g-\ hich there must have been landed upwards of fifteen thousand negroes. "In the spring of last year an American agent from Texas pur- chased in the Havana two hundred and fifty newly imported Africans, at two hundred and seventy dollars a head, and carried them away with him to that district of Mexico — having first procured from the American Consul here certificates of their freedom. This, perhaps, would have been scarcely worth mentioning to your lordship, had wc not learned, that within the last six weeks, considerable sums of money have been deposited by the American citizens in certain mer- cantile houses here, tor the purpose of making additional purchases of bozal netrroes tor Texas. According to the laws of Mexico, we believe such Africans are t>ee, whether they have certificates of freedom or not ; but we doubt much whether this freedom will be more than nominal under their American masters, or whetlier the whole system may not be founded on some plan of smuggling them across the frontier of the slave states of the Union. However this may be. a great impulse is thus given to this illicit traffic of the Havana ; and it is not easy for us to point out to government what remonstrances ouo:ht to be made on ttie subject since the American settlers in Ttxas are almost as independent of American authority as they are of Mexico. These lawless people will doubtless, moreover assert, that they buy negroes in the lirvrna with a view to th*^ir ultimate emancipation. Wc thought, the first experiment to be of little eonsequenci^ — but now that wc perceive IVesh commissions arriving in the Havana for the purchase of Africans, wc cannot refrain from calling your lordship's attention to the fact, as being another cause of the increase of the slave-trade in the Havana." The foregoing throws light on the following recent article in the Albany Argus : — tj:xa.s anj> slavlrv. 41 " The fate of [lenry Bartow, late of the Commercial Bank of this eily, has heeii at ieugth deliuitcly ascf-rtained. The a;/eiit sent out by the hank has returned, and states that Bartow died at Marianne, near Columhia, in Texa^-;, on the 30th of June last, of the fever of the country, after an ihness of ahout four weeks. iJe had purchased a farm on the Brasso.s, and, in company with a native of the country, had commenced au extensive plantation, and sent ji 10,000 to Cuba for the purchase of slaves. We grant that Texas would present us an immense territory of rich soil, and would he another brilliant star in our standard. On the other hand she would give us her quarrel with Mexicfj — add to our unwieldly slave incumbrance — and give the balance of power to the southern and southwestern states. We much question whether the United States should ever add more states to the confederacy. Already we are rent by the fiercest internal dissension. The North and South, the East and West, have their local feeUngs — which are becoming more stron;^ and definite every day. As it is, w^e are in constant and hourly danger of splitting, The time must come ulti- mately, and when it does it will be with terrible power. Why then should we burthen ourselves with still another local interest that must tend rapidly to hasten this result ? But another strong reason against such an annexation is the fact that it is a slaveholding country. The northern people differ relative to the ex/jet/ie/icj/ of interfering with this subject; ijut they a/Z admit that it is an evil, dangerous to our safety as a nation. It is univer- sally acknowledged that the slave population may ultimately become unmanageable by rapid increase ; and when it does we may expect to see re-enacted the fearful, blood-curdlini^ scenes of the West Indies. It is obvious, therefore, it would be highly impolitic to add such a slave market as Texas to the Union. — Detroit Spectator, Were any further proof wanting to convince; those at all conversant with the subject, that Texas will speedily become a great slave mart, the following article from the Liberia Herald, will furnish it. We have proved, lime and again, by the most indubitable testimony, (and the fact should be kept constantly before the people,) that the great cause which led to the rupture between the inhabitants of Texas and the mother country, was a determination on their part to traffic in slaves, which is strictly forbidden by the constitution of Mexico. How northern men, therefore, who profess to be opposed to slavery, can with any degree of consistency lend their influence in behalf of Texas, is more than can be accounted for. The fact is, they are not opposed to slavery; and W'e unhesitatinijly declare, that every one who has teiken the pains to inform himself of the first causes of the Texian in- surrection, is at heart a slaveholder, if he is in any manner aiding the cause of the insurgents. By "defending Texas," he is "upholding" and virtually justifying the enslavement of his brother, and his cry of liberty, is the very quintessence of hypocrisy. Shall Texas be admitted into the Union ? That is the question 4* 42 DANIEL WEBSTER, now. Her independence has already been recognized by our govern- ment • but it is yet to be decided whether this nation is to be cursed with an extension of its slave territory. What say you, freemen of the >i'ortli ? Shall Texas h^ admitted into the Union? Will you willinijly hug a viper to your own bosoms? There is but one alter- native"^ left you— inundate Congress, at its next session, with remon- strances against the admission of Texas, or you sign at once the death warrant of American freedom. Kflforts arc already being made for the admission of Florida as a slaveholding state. Should these efforts prove successful — but rriay heaven forbid it ! — siiould Texas also be adniitted, the slaveholding states would outnumber the free states — there being already thirteen slave to thirteen free states. And Texas alone is sufficiently large for, and probably will ultimately be divided into, some six or eight states. The liberty of the free states would exist only in name, were they to be outnumbered by the slave states. In such an event, a daiker cloud would hang over the United States than ever did before : and wo to that "fanatic" who might then talk of the abolition of slavery, even in the District of Columbia ! We might then expect to see all' the liorrors of slavery — horrors to which those of the French revolution bear but a feeble comparison — visited upon the heads of all who might dare to raise their voice in behalf of their down-trodden colored brethren ! Shall Texas be admitted into the Union ? We again ask. Free- men, will you willingly submit to the manacles of slavery ? If you would not, arouse from your slumbers, and thunder in the ears of the tyrants who are already forging chains for you and your children, your determination still to be free. — From the ISmerican Citizen. Slave Trade. — We have learned that great calculations are already making by slavers on the coast, on the increased demand and ad- vanced price of slaves which it is confidently anticipated will take place on the erection of Texas into an independent government. It has been rumored that offers have been made by a commercial house in New Orleans, to a slaver on the coast, for a certain number of slaves, to be delivered in a specified period ; and the only circumstance which nrcvented the consummation of the bargain was, that the slaver refusecl to be responsible for the slaves after they should be put on board. These facts, we think are important to be knoMn, as the christian and philanlliropic world may learn from them what they are upholding when they are defending Texas. — Liberia Herald. DANIEL WEBSTER. But when we come to speak of admitting new states, tlie subject assumes an entirely different aspect. Our rights and our duties are then both diffrent. The free states, and all the states, are then at liberty to accept, or to reject. When it is proposed to bring new members into this politi- cal partnership, the old members have a right to say on what terms WILLIAM JAY. 43 such new members are to come in, and what they are to bring along \nth them. In my opinion, the people of the United States will not consent to bring a new, vastly extensive, a slaveholding country, large enough for half a dozen or a dozen states, into the Union. In my opinion they ought not to consent to it. Indeed I am altogether at a Loss to. conceive, w'hat possible benefits any part of this country can expect to derive from such annexation. All benefit, to any part is at least doubtful and uncertain ; the objections obvious, plain, and strong. On the general question of slavery, a great portion of the comnmnity is already strongly excited. The subject has not only at- tracted attention as a question of pohtics, but it has struck a far deeper toned chord. It has arrested the religious feelings of the country ; it has taken strong hold on the consciences of men. He is a rash man, indeed, httle conversant with human nature, and especially has he a very erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this country, who supposes that a feeling of this kind is to be trifled with, or despised. It will assuredly cause itself to be respected. It may be reasoned with, it may be made willing, I believe it is entirely willing to fulfil all existing engagements, and all existing duties, to uphold and defend the con- stitution, as it is established, with whatever regrets about some provi- sions, which it does actually contain. But to coerce it into silence, — to endeavor to restrain its free expression, to seek to compress and confine it, warm as ir. is and more heated as such endeavors would inevitably render it, — should all this be attempted, I know nothing even in the consfitution, or in the Union itself, which would not be endangered by the explosion which might follow. I see, therefore, no political necessity for the annexation of Texas to the Union ; no advantages to be derived from it ; and objections to it, of a strong, and in my judgment, decisive character. — Mdressin J^iblo''s Garden, 1S37. WILLIAM JAY. Fellow citizens, a crisis has arrived in which we must maintain our rights, or surrender them for ever. I speak not to abolitionists alone, but to all who value the liberty of our fathers achieved. Do you ask whatj\'e have to do with slavery ? — Let our muzzled presses answer — let the mobs excited against us by merchants and politicians answer — let the gag laws threatened by our governors and legislatures answer, let the conduct of the National Government answer. In 1826, Mexico and Columbia being at war with Spain, proposed carrying their armies into Cuba, a Spanish colony. These repubhcs had abohshed slavery within their own limits, and it was feared that if they conquered Cuba they would give liberty to the thousands there enchained. And what did our liberty-loving government do? Why they sent on special messengers to Panama to threaten our sister republics with WAR if they dared to invade Cuba. Nor was this all ; a minister was sent to Spain, and ordered to urge upon the Spanish monarch the policy of making peace with his revolted colonies, lest if the war con- tinued, nearly a million of human beings should recover and enjoy the 44 THE BRITISH PARLlAaMLNT TEXAS. nghts of man. What have we to do witli slavery ? Is it nothing that nineteen Senators were found to vote for a bill establishing in every post town a censorship of the press, and that a citizen of JN'ew York favc a casting vote in favor of the abomination, and has received as is reward, the office of President of the United States ? Is it nothing that oar own representatives have spurned our petitions at thcman- date of slaveholders ? What have we to do with slavery ? Look at the loathsome community, just sprung into being on our southern border, the progeny of treason and robbery, a vile republic, organized for the express purpose of re-establishing slavery on a soil I'rom which it had been lately expelled ; and providing lor its perpetual continu- ance by constitutional provisions, and daring to insult us, with the offer of a monopoly of its trade in human Hesh. — Yet northern specu- lators and politicians in conjunction with slaveholders, are now plotting to compel us to receive this den of scorpions into our bosom, to admit Texas into our confederacy, with a territory capable of furnishing eight or nine more slave states, and by thus giving to the enemies of human rights, an overwhelmning majority in congress, to subject this northern country to the dominion of the South ; and perhaps before long, to cause the crack of the whip and the clank of chains to re-echo on our hills, and our fields to be polluted with the blood and tears of slaves. To effect a speedy union with Texas, endeavors are now making to involve us in a war with Mexico, and when the unholy alliance shall have been consummated, then farewell to republican freedom, to christian morals, to happiness at home, or to respect abroad. This fair land, once the glory of all lands, will become a bye word, a re- proach, and a hissing to all people, and we and our children will be taught bv bitter ex|)eriencc, what the North had to do with slavery. — Jlddrcss,' July 4, 1837. THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT. Texas. Mr. Barlow Hot rose to call the attention of the House to the pre- sent state of affliirs in the Texas. — The importance of that territory was well known to all who were acquainted with its geographical position. Mr. Pluskisson, aware that the United States would be desirous to annex the Texas to their territory, laid it down as a rnaxim, that Great Britain should on no a('COunt allow America to extend her boundary in the direction of Mexico. — It was notofious that an enor- mous importation of slaves took place into the Texas, and if this system were allowed to continue, all the sums which we had expended in endeavoring to suppress the traffic in slaves would have been thrown away. If we did not co-operate with Mexico in endeavouring to presei-ve the Texas for Mexico, and thus to prevent the importation of slaves into the Mexican territory, we had better at once withdraw our fleet from the coast of Africa, and abandon Sierra Leone. The United States, appeared to be acting a faithless part ; they kept the boundaiy question open both with respect to Mexico and Great Britain. If they had not some sinister motive for keeping the question RELIGIOUS AND MORAL TESTIMONY. 45 open, it ought to have been settled long since, as it would have been, if the United States had accepted the mediation of the King of Holland. It was not the standard of hberty and independence which was raised in the Texas, but the pirate's flao;, under cover of which the slave-trade was carried on. We had interfered in the affairs of Holland and Belgium, Portugal and Spain ; why, then, should we not remonstrate in a friendly minner with the United States upon the conduct which they were pursuing with regard to the Texas ? Mr. O'CoNNEL thought that humanity was indebted to the Hon. Member for bringing this question before the House. It was only by the expression of public opinion that we could hope to check the pro- gress of one of tlie most horrible evils the human mind could contem- plate — viz. the formation of eight or nine additional slaveholding states. The revolt of Texas was founded on nothing else but the abolition of slavery by the Mexican government. In 1824, the Mexican govern- ment had pronounced that no person after that period should be born a slave. In 1829 they went further, and abolished slavery, and immediately followed the revolt of the landholders, who had settled themselves in Texas. Who could contemplate without horror the calculation, as in the case of stocking a farm, what was the necessary complement of men and women, and when they would be ready and ripe for the market ? It was a blot which no other country but America had ever yet suffered to stain its history — no nation on the face of the earth had ever been degraded by such crimes, except the high-spirited North American Republic. Talk of the progn^s of democratic principle ! No man admired it more than he did. AVhat became of it when its principal advocates could not be persuaded to abstain from such species of traffic as this ? Texas had speculated on it. Colonel Thompson asked whether it was not the fact that all the inhabitants of this province were Americans, and not Mexicans? It had been said in former times, iibi Romane vincis, ibi habitas; and with equal truth it might now be said, that where an American con- quered there he carried slavery as a necessary of life. — March 9th, 1837. RELIGIOUS AND MORAL TESTIMONY. PRESBYTERIAN SYJVOZ) o/ JVeio York and Philadelphia, 1787. The Synod of New York and Philadelphia, (1787,) do highly approve of the general principles in favor of universal liberty that pre- vail in America, and the interest which many of the states have taken in promoting the abolition of slavery. They earnestly recommend it to all the members belonging to their communion, to give those per- sons who are at present held in servitude, such good education as to prepare them for the better enjoyment of freedom. And they more- over recommend that masters, whenever they find servants disposed to make a just improvement of the privilege, would give them a pccii- lium, or grant them sufficient time, and sufficient moans of procuring their own libeity at a moderate rate ; that thereby they may be brought into society with those habits of industry that may render them useful 46 llLLlGlOUtJ A^D MORAL TKSiTlMONV. citizens. And finally, they recommend it to iill their people to use the most prudent measures, consistent with the interests and the state of civil society in the countries where they live, to procure eventually the final abohtion of slavery in America. Advice given by the Assembly, in relation to Slavery, in 1815. "The General Assembly have repeatedly declared their cordial approbation of those principles of civil liberty which appear to be recognized by the Federal and State governments, in these United States. They have expressed their regret that the slavery of the Africans and of their descendants still continues in so many places, and even among those within tlie pale of the Church ; and have urged the Presbyteries under their care, to adopt such measures as will secure at least to the rising generation of slaves, within the bounds of the Church, a religious education ; that they may be prepared for the exercise and enjoyment of liberty, when God, in his providence may open a door for their emancipation. "A full expression of the Assembly's views of Slavery, in 1818. "We consider the voluntary enslaving of one part of the human race by another, as a gross violation of the most precious and sacred rights of human nature ; as utterly inconsistent with the law of God V. hich requires us to love our neighbor as ourselves ; and as totally i. ."concilable with the spirit and principles of the gospel of Christ, \. ;ch enjoin that 'all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to vou, do ye even so to them.' Slavery creates a paradox in the nioial system — it exhibits rational, accountable, and immortal beings in such circumstances as scarcely to leave them the power of moral action. It exhibits them as dependant on the will of others, whether they shall receive religious instruction ; whether they shall know and worship the true God ; whether they shall enjoy the ordinances of the gospel ; whether they shall perform the duties and cherish the endear- ments of husbands and wives, parents and children, neighbors and friends ; whether they shall preserve their chastity and purity, or regard the dictates of justice and humanity. Such are some of the consequences of slavery ; consequences not imaginary, but which con- nect thfMnselves with its very existence. The evils to which the slave is always exposed, often take place in their very worst degree and form ; and wlu're all of them do not take place, still tlie slave is deprived of his natural rights, degraded as a human being, and exposed to the danger of passing into the hand of a master who may intlict upon him all the hardshij)6 and injuries which inhumanity and avarice may suggest. '* We enjoin it on all Church Sessions and Presbyteries to discoun- tenance, and as far as possible to prevent all cruelty, of whatever kind, in the treatment of slaves ; esperiaily the cruelty of separating husband and wife, parents and children ; and that which consists in selling slaves to tiiose who will either themselves deprive those unhappy people of the bleesings of the gospel, or who will transport them to .tIETHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH S. HOPKINS, D. D. 47 places where the gospel is not proclaimed, or where it is forbidden to slaves to attend upon its institutions. The manifest violation or dis- regard of this injunction, ought to be considered as just ground lor the discipline and censures of the Church. And if it shall ever happen that a Christian professor in our conniiunion shall sell a slave who is also in communion with our Church, contrary to his or her will and inclination, it ought immediately to claim the particular attention of the proper Church judicature ; and unless there be such peculiar circum- stances attending the case as can but seldom happen, it ought to be followed without delay, by a suspension of the otfender from all the privileges of the Church, till he repent and make all the reparation in his power to the injured party." — Digest of the General Assembly, page 341. METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH. There is only one condition previously required of those who desire admission into these societies, a desire to flee from the wrath to come, and to be saved from their sins. But wherever this is really fixed in the soul, it will be shown by its fruits. It is therefore expected of all who continue therein, that they should continue to evidence their desire of salvation, by doing no harm, by avoiding evil of every kind, especially that which is most generally practised, such as — 'Hhe buying and selling of men, icomen, or children, xoith an intention to enslave them.'''' Of slavery, — (Question. — What shall be done for the extirpation of the evil of slavery ? Answer 1. — We declare that we are as much as ever convinced of the great evil of slavery ; therefore, no slaveholder shall be eligible to any ofHcial station in our Church hereafter ; where the laws of the state in which he lives will admit of emancipation, and permit the liberated slave to enjoy freedom. Answer 2. — When any travelling preacher becomes an owner of a slave or slaves, by any means he shall forfeit his ministerial character in our Church, unless he execute, if it be practicable, a legal emanci- pation of such slaves, conformably to the laws of the state in which he lives. — Doctrine and Discipline. SAMUEL HOPKINS, D. D. Are you sure your slaves have a sufficiency of good food, in season ; and that they never want for comfoi table clothing and bedding? Do you take great care to deal as well by them in these things, as you would wish others would treat your own cliiklren, were they slaves in a strange land ? If your servants complain, are you ready to attend to them ? Or do you in such cases frown upon them, or do something worse, so as to discourage their ever applying to you, whatever they may suffer, liaving learned tliat this would only be making bad worse? Do you never fly into a passion, and deal with them in great anger, deciding matters respecting them, and threatening them, and giving sentence concerning them, from which they have no appeal, and perhaps proceed to correct them, when to a calm bystander you appear more fit to he confined in a bedlam, than to have ihe sovereign, r.ncoa- 48 JONATHAN EDWARDS. trollable dominion over your brethren, as the sole lawgiver, judge, and executioner ? Do not even your children domineer over your slaves ? Must they not often be at the beck of an ungoverncd, peevish child in the family ; and if they do not run at his or her call, and are not all submission and obedience, must they not expect the frowns of their masters, if not the whip? If none of these things, my good sir, take place in your family, have we not reason to think you a most singular instance ? How common are things of this kind, or worse, taking place between masters and their slaves ? In how few instances, if in any, are slaves treated, as the mast' rs would wish to have their own children treated, in like cir- cumstan« cs ? How few arc tit to be masters ? To have the sovereign dominion over a number of their fellow nif^n, being his property, and wholly at his disposal ; who must abide his sentence and orders, how- ever unreasonable, M'ithout any possibility of relief / But are we at the same time making slaves of many thousands of our brethren, who have as good a right to liberty as ourselves, and to whom it is as sweet as it is to us, and the contrary as dreadful ! Are we holding them in the mo:! abject, miserable state of slavery, without the least compassionate feehng towards them or their posterity , utterly refusing to take off the oppressive galling yoke! Oh, the shocking, the intolerable inconsistency ! And this gross, barefaced inconsistency is an open, practical condemnation of holding these our brethren in slavery ; and in these circumstances the crime of persisting in it becomes unspeakably greater and more provoking in God's sight ; so that all the former unrighteousness and cruelty exercised in this practice, is innocence, compared with the awful guilt that is now contracted. And in allusion to the words of our Saviour, it may with great truth and propriety be said, "If he had not thus come in his Providence, and spoken unto us, (comparatively speaking,) \vc had not had sin, in making bond-slaves of our brethren ; but now, we have no cloak for our sin." — Dialogue on African Slavery, 1776, republished 1785, by tht ^. Y. Mamiinission Society, xohose president loas John Jay. JONATHAN EDWARDS. The eradication, or even the diminution of compassion, tenderness, and humanity, is certainly a great depravity of heart, and must be followed with correspondent depravity of manners. And measures which lead to such depravity of heart and manners, cannot but be extremely hurtful to the state, and consequently are extremely impolitic. African slavery is cxceedinoly impolitic, as it discourages industry. Nothing is more essential to the political prosperity of any state, than industry in the citizens. But in proportion as slaves ace multiplied, every kind of labor becomes ignominious ; and in fact, in those of the United States, in which slaves are the most numerous, gentlemen and ladies of any fashion disdain to employ themselves in business, which in other states is consistent with the dignity of the first families and first odices. In a country filled with negro slaves, labor belongs to them only, and a white man is despised in proportion as he applies to ELIAS HICKS JESSE TORREY, JR. 49 it. Now how destructive to industry in all of the lowest and middle classes of citizens, such a situation, and the prevalence of such ideas will be, you can easily conceive. The consequence is, that some will nearly starve, others will betake themselves to the most dishonest practices, to obtain the means of living. As slavery produces indolence in the white people, so it produces all those vices which are naturally connected with it ; such as intem- perance, lewdness, and prodigality. These vices enfeeble both the body and the mind, and unfit men for any vigorous exertions and em- ployments, either external or mental ; and those who are unfit for such exertions, are alieady a very degenerate race; degenerate, not only in a moral, but a natural sense. They are contemptible too, and will soon be despised even by their negroes themselves. Slavery has a most direct tendency to haughtiness also, and a domi- neermg spirit and conduct in the proprietois of the slaves, in their children, and in all who have the control of them. A man who has been bred up in domineering over negroes, can scarcely avoid con- tractmg such a habit of haughtiness and domination, as will express itself in his general treatment of mankind, whether in his private capacity, or in any office, civil or military, with which he may be ves'Dd. Despotism in economics naturally leads to despot:«sm in polices, and domestic slavery in a free government is a perfect solecism in numan affairs. — The Injustice and Impolicy of the slave-trade and of the slavery of the Jlfncans — a Sermon in JSTe-w Haven, Sept. 15, 1791. ELIAS HICKS. We, in an enlightened age, have greatly surpassed, in brutality and injustice, the most ignorant and barbarous ages ; and while we are pretendmg to the finest feelings of humanity, are exercising unpre- cedented cruelty. We have planted slavery in the rank soil of sordid avarice; and the product has been misery in the extreme. The slavedealer, the slaveholder, and the slavedriver are virtually the agents of the coiisumer. Whatever we do by another, we do ourselves. JESSE TORREY, Jr. To enumerate all the horrid and aggravating instances of man- stealing, which are known to have occurred in the state of Delaware, within the recollection of many of the citizens of that state would require a volume. In many cases, whole families of free colored people have been attacked in the nisht, beaten nearly to deatli with clubs, gagged and bound, and dragged into distant and hopeless captivity ; leaving no traces behind, except the blood from their wounds. During the last winter, the house of a free black family was broken open, and its defenceless inhabitants treated in the manner just men- tioned, except that the mother escaped from their merciless grasp, while tJn their way to the state of Maryland. The plunderers, of whom there were nearly half a dozen, conveyed their prey upon horses ; and the woman being placed on one of the horses, behind, improved an 5 60 JOHN KENRICK. opportunity, as they were passinc^ a house, and sprang off. Xot daring to pursue her, they proceeded on, leaving her youngest child a little further along, hy the side of the road, in expectation, it is supposed, that its cries would attract the mother ; but she prudently waited until jiiorning, and recovered it again in safety. From the best information that I have had opportunities to collect, in travelling my various routes through the states of Delaware and Maryland, I am fully convinced that there are, at this time, within the jurisdiction of the United States, several thousands of legally free people of color, toiling under the yoke of involuntary sen'itude, and transmitting the same fate to their posterity! — Domestic Slavery and Kidnapping. JOHN KENRICK. " The Horrors of Slaverrj.^^ — To invite attention to this melancholy subject, and to excite sympathy for the suffering, is the object of this publication. Th^-' compiler firmly believes that his countrymen stand exposed to the righteous rebukes of Providence for this glaring incon- sistency and inhumanity; that whether they shall be tried at the bar of reason, the bar of conscience, or the bar of God, thev may justly be condemned out of their own mouths ; and that all their arguments, and all their fightings for liberty, may be produced as evidence, that as a people, they do unto others as they would not that others should do unto them. The sulfjring and degraded sons of Africa are groaning under bondage in a land of boasted freedom, — nav, groaning under oppression from the hands of men who would probably involve a whole nation in war and bloodshed — or even set the xcorld on fire, rather than submit to a fiftieth part of the violation of natural rights which they inflict on the African race. Whenever the government of the United States shall come to the righteous and consistent determination, that all the inhabitants shall be free, it is believed that no insurmountable obstacles will be found in the way of its accomplishment. Whether it would be just, and equal, and eligible, to take money from the public treasury to redeem Afncan slaves, may possibly become a question for the consideration of con- gress. It may not, however, be amiss for the people to inquire whether it would be more just and equitable to continue to withhold from more than a million (now two millions) of our ft^Uow beings those essential blessings, without which we ourselvesshould consider life insupportable. If it should 1)0 pli'aded that the powers of the general government are too limited to ensure the personal, civil, and religious liberties of all ; can a doubt be entertained of the readiness of the people, when they fairly understand the subject, to enlarge those powers to any extent necessary for the attainment of an object of such transcendant importance ? To say " they would not," would be to utter a most shameful libel against a majority of the freemen of the United States. — The Horrors nf Slavery. THE SLAVE-TRADE EDINBURGH REVIEW. 61 THE SLAVE-TRADE. We now come to our own country, the United States. And what shall we say ? What must we say ? AVhat does the truth compel us to say ? Why, that of all the countries appealed to by §reat Britain and France on this momentous subject, the United States is the only one which has returned a decided negative. Wc neither do any thing our- selves to put down the accursed traffic, nor afford any facilities to enable others to put it down. Nay, rather, we stand between the slave and his deliverer. We are a drawback — a dead weight on the cause of bleeding humanity. How long shall this sliameiul apathy continue? How long shall we, who call ourselves the champions of freedom, close our ears to the groans, and our eyes to the tears and blood, and our hearts to the untold anguish of thousands and tens of thousands who are every year torn from home and friends and bosom companions, and sold into hopeless bondage, or perish amid the hor- rors of the " middle passage?" From the shores of bleeding Africa, and from the channels of the deep, from Brazil and from Cuba, Echo answers, "How long?" — JV*. F. Journal of Commerce, Sept. 1835. EDINBURGH REVIEW. We have, however, to record one instance of positive refusal to our request of accession to these conventions, and that, we grieve to say, comes from the United States of America — the first nation that, by its statute law, branded the slave-trade with the name of piracy. The conduct, moreover, of the President, does not appear to have been perfectly candid and ingenuous. There appears to have been delay in returning any answer, and when returned, it seems to have been of an evasive character. In the month of August, 1833, the English and French ministers jointly sent in copies of the recent conventions, and requested the accession of the United States. At the end of March following, seven months afterwards, an answer is returned, which, though certainly not of a favorable character in other respects, yet brings so prominently into view, as the insuperable objection, that the mutual right of search of suspected vessels was to be extended to the shores of the United States, (though we permitted it to American cruisers off the coast of our West Indian colonies,) that Lord Palmer- ston was naturally led to suppose that the other objections v/ere su- perable. He, therefore, though aware how much the whole efficiency of the agreement will be impaired, consents to waive that part of it, in accordance with the wishes of the President, and in the earnest hope that he will, in return, make some concessions of feeling or opinion to the wishes of England and France, and to the necessities of a great and holy cause. The final answer, however, is, that under no condi- tion, in no form, and with no restrictions, will the United States enter into any convention or treaty, or make combined efforts of any sort or kind, with other nations, fiir the suppression of the trade. Wc much mistake the state of public opinion in the United States, if its govern- ment will not find itself under the necessity of changing this resolution. The siave-trade will henceforth, we have little doubt, be carried on 62 ELIZABETH MARGARET CHANDLER. under the flag of freedom ; but as in no country, after our own, have such persevering efforts for its suppression been made, by rnen the most distinguished for goodness, wisdom, and eloquence, as in the United States, we cannot believe that their flag will long be pros- tituted to such vile purposes ; and either they must combine wiih other nations, or they must increase the number and efficiency of their naval forces on the coast of Africa and elsewhere, and do their work single- handed. We say this the more, because the motives which have actuated the government of the United States in this refusal, clearly have reference to the words, " right of search." They will not choose to see fliat this is a mutual restricted right, effected by convention, strictly guarded by stipulations for one dennite object, and confined in its operations within narrow geographical limits ; a right, moreover, which t^ngUmd and France have accorded to each other without dero- gating f.o:n the national honour of either. If we are right m our con- jecture of the motive, and there is evidence to support us, we must consider that the President and his ministers have been in this instance, actuated by a narrow provincial jealousy, and totally unworthy of a great and independent nation. ELIZABETH MARGARET CHANDLER. The Domeatic Slave-trade. — This is the most indefensible, as well as the most detestible feature in the system of slavery. It will not admit of even an attempt at justification. There are many who piofess to deplore the existence of slavery, who yet consider its abolition im- practicable, or unjust to the owners of slaves, or dangerous to the community. Others ngain, will descant largely on the blessings and advantages of slavery to those who are favored with the enjoyment of its benefits, ending with a declaration that their situation, if restored to freedom, would be infinitely more deplorable. But none of these rea- sons can bo urged iii behalf ot' this shameful trafijc. It is a guilt and an infamy for which our country has no excuse. If her slave population was entailed upon her against her will, and cannot now be got rid of, she is at least, under no compulsion to permit herself to be disgraced by this infamous traffic. Slave Produce. — One would suppose that the bare knowledge of the terrible price at which those cherislied comforts have been procured, would cause a woman to turn shud«lering and loathingly away, as thouih they were infected with a taint of blood. And the curse of blood is upon them I Though the dark red stain may not be there visibly, yet the blood of all the many thousands of the slain, who have died amid the horrors and loathsomeness of the slave-ship — been hurled by rapacious cruelty to the yawning wave, or sprang to its bosom in the madness of their proud despair — of those who have pined away to death beneath the slow tortures of a broken heart, who have poiished beneath the tortures of inventive tyranny, or on the ignominious gibbet — all this lies with a fearful weight upon this most foul and unnatural system, and that insatiable thirst for luxury and wealth in which it first originated, and by which it is still perpetuated. PRUDENCE CRANDALL. 5'6 Think of our country's glory, All dimm'd with Afric's tears — Her broad flag stain'd and gory With the hoarded guilt of years ! Tliink of the frantic mother, Lamenting for iier child, Till falUng lashes smother Her cries of anguish wild ' Think of the prayers ascending • Yet shnek'd, alas I in vain, When heart from heart is rending Ne'er to be joined again. Shall we behold, unheeding. Life's hohest feeUngs crusii'd ? When woman's heart is bleeding, Shall w^oman's voice be hush'dl Oh, no ! by every blessing That Heaven to thee may lend — Remember their oppression. Forget not, sister, friend. E. M. Chandler's Works. TO PRUDENCE CRANDALL. Heaven bless thee noble lady. In thy purpose, good and liigh ! Give knowledge to the thirsting mind, Light to tiie asking eye ; Unseal the intellectual page. For those from whom dark pride, With tyrant and unholy hands, Would fain its treasures hide. Still bear thou up unyielding, 'Gainst persecution's shock, Gentle as woman's self yet firm And moveless as a rock ; A thousand spirits yield to thee Their gushing sympathies, The blessing of a thousand hearts Around thy pathway hes. E. M. C. PRUDENCE CRANDALL. This enterprising and philanthropic young lady has been tried and convicted by a court in the state of Connecticut, after all the usual formalities of examining witnesses, hearing counsel, and the delivery of a charge from his honor the judge, of— readers what do you suppose? not of stealing nor breaking the peace and dignity of the state — but of teaching young women to read and write. Truly this is a very enlight- ened age! and Connecticut, so far-famed for her colleges, and seminaries of learning, has taken the lead in causing her light to shine! ! A jury of that enlighten'^d state, has convicted one of her daughters of endeavoring to impart literary instruction to females ! Truly, " where the light that is in us becomes darkness, how great is tliat darkness ! !" 64 N. p. WILLIS J. G. WHITTIER L. H. SIGOURNEY. The greater the 'jpiavity winch can produce such palpable violat the te b: L. N. P. WILLIS. X ne greater me opportunities we possess of knowing what is ri^ht, the greater the depravity which can produce such palpably violations of the decencies of civilized society, as have been exhibited in the persecutions to which this virtuous young woman has been subjected. R. L. And we are free— but is there not One blot upon our name ? Is our proud record written fair Upon the scioll of fame ' Our banner floateth by the shore, Our flag upon the sea — But when the fetter'd slave is loos'd, We shall be truly free. JOHN G. WHITTIER. What ! shall we henceforth humbly ask as favors. Rights all our own ? In madness shall we barter, For treach'rous peace the Freedom nature gave us God and our charter? From each and all, if God hath not forsaken Our land and left us to an evil choice, Loud as the summer thunder-bolt shall waken A people's voice ! Oh, let that voice go forth ! tlie bondman, sighing By Santee's wave, in Missisippi's cane, Shall feel the hope within his bosom, dying, Kevive again. Let it go forth ! The millions who are gaziny Sadly upon us from afar shall smile. And, unto God devout thanksgiving raising, Bless us the while. Oh. for your ancient freedom, pure and holy. For the deliv'rance of a groaning earth, For the wronged captive, bleeding, crushed and lowl Let it go forth ! LYDIA H. SIGOURNEY. Oh I if to Afric's sable race A fearful debt we justly owe. If heaven's dread book record the trace Of every deed and thought below — And if for them the christian prayer Impluies of God to guide and save, Then let these helpless suppliants share From mercy's store the mite thty crave. Touch deep for them the pitying breast, Bid bounty's stream llow warm and Irco For who ciiii toll atiioti;; the blest, Kow iivnMi u\o\x Aax^! J ui p.-ccu :aay bo 7 W B. TAPPAN JOHN PIERPONT L. M. CHILD. 55 WILLIAM B. TAPPAN. Could your griefs, wretched slaves ! could your injuries speak, Oh, God ! what a tale to unfold ; Blush, blush, guilty Europe I shroud, manhood, thy cheek, Weep, weep for the passion of gold. Yet that here, where our symbol the wild eagle flies Oh, shame ! writhes the African's soul — That on fields bought by freedom, an outcast he dies, Time ! veil it— 'twill darken thy scroll. My covith civilized men, and be treated with more reverence than the kindred barbarians of Ashantee. Bad as is the state of the slaves in the more northern states, they uniformly regard the South with more honor than our thieves at home do the hulksf The loss by death alone to the Louisiana planters, in bnnging slaves from the North, is estimated at twenty-five per cent. The°sugar factories and rice swamps, the slaves know to be rapid and rough highroads to the grave. And they are well acquainted with the stories of'the greater rigor of the southern drivers. It is true that the more respectable Virginian proprietors decline selling their negroes so long as they conduct themselves to their satisfaction, and even make this rule in some degree a point of honor. Mr. Abdy's book reads a moral lesson to the American people which cannot be too much insisted on. It is the right of the civilized world to combine in placing them in quarantine till they are less dis- creditable to their ancestors. Will any Englishman sit at meat with a nation that sell one another by loeight ? It is by no means certain, that civilization did not come to Egjjpt out of Etiiiopia ; and it is quite certain that tlie Indians, who pass for " black follows" in the vocabulary of these white philosophers, were a civilized and learned race, when our progenitors were paintmg their skins and roasting one another alive. 106 FOREIGN REVIEWS LON. EVANGELICAL MAGAZINE. EDINBURGH REVIEW. Every American who loves his country, should dedicate his whole life, and every faculty of his soul, to efface the foul blot of slavery from its character. If nations rank, according to their wisdom and their virtue, what right has the American, a scourger and murderer of slaves, to compare himself with the least and lowest of the European nations, much more with this great and humane country, where the greatest lord dare not lay a finger on the meanest peasant? What is fi-eedom where all are not free ? where the greatest of God's blessings are limited, with impious caprice to the color of the body ? And these are men who taunt the English with their corrupt parliament, with their buying and selling votes. Let the world judge which is the most liable to censure — we, who in the midst of rottenness, have torn the manacles off slaves all over the world ; or they who, with their idle purity and useless perfection, have remained mute and careless while groans echoed and whips cracked round the very walls of their spotless con- gress. We wish well to America — we rejoice in her prosperity — and are delighted to resist the absurd impertinence with which the character of her people is often treated in this country. But the existence of slavery in America is an atrocious crime, with which no measures can be kept — for which her situation affords no sort of apology — which makes liberty itself disgusted, and the boast of it disgusting. — No. LXI. Art. Travel- lers in America. THE FOREIGN aUARTERLY REVIEW. It is notorious, that, notwithstanding all the treaties which have been concluded between England and other countries for the abolition of the slave-trade, it is still carried on to an enormous extent, because, even if the governments were really sincere in their wishes to suppress this trade, their subjects were wholly averse to a step which they denounced as utter ruin to all interested in the colonies. They have therefore persisted in spite of, perhaps with the connivance of their governments ; and in Brazil in particular, it has been officially de- clared to be out of the power of the legislature to put an end to the traffic. Let England call on the governments of Europe not to allow the im- portation of colonial produce from any counti-y where it can be proved that the slave-trade is still carried on, either icith the sanction or connivance of the government, or in spite of it ; such a measure would surely act as a check on tlic importation of slaves. Could that point be effectually attained, it might be hoped that the extinction of slavery itself would in due time succeed, as it has done in the British colonies. LONDON EVANGELICAL MAGAGINE. The United States of America present to the world one of the most extraodinary spectacles that can be conceived of by the mind of man. They are a hu£^e moral and political enigma. We behold part of the population priding themselves on the peculiar freedom of their institu- GEORGE FOX THE SOCIETY OF FRIENDS. 107 tions, and holding the other part in the shackles of slavery. — Alas, that a figure with so goodly a bust should terminate in the shmy folds of the serpent ! It is melancholy to behold such a monstrosity, a people judging their own rights with the incontrovertible declaration, " that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with cer- tain inalienable rights; that among these are life, libert}', and the pursuit of happiness ;" and at the same instant depriving their fellow- men perpetually of two of these " inalienable rights," and often directly or indirectly of the third. Most heartily do we concur with our America! brethren in the sentiment we here quote. We concur with them when they claim to be free from oppression, but we dissent from them when they claim also to be free to oppress. The national emblem of the American states requires alteration to make it truly emblematical of their present and past condition. The eagle, with liberty on his wings, should, to complete the resemblance, clutch in his talons the manacled and writhing form of the colored man. GEORGE FOX. In the West Indies, he exhorted those who attended his meetings, to be mwciful to their slaves, and to give them their freedom in due time. He considered these as belonging to their families, and that reUgious instruction was due to these as the branches of them, for whom, one day or other, they would be required to give a solemn account. Hapoy had it been if these Christian exhortations had been attended to, or if these families only, whom he thus seriously addressed, hud continued to be true Gluakers ; for they would have set an example, which would have proved to the rest of the islanders and the world at large, that the impolicy is not less than the wickedness of oppression. Thus was George Fox, probably the first person who publicly de- clared against this species of slavery. Nothing, in short, that could be deplored by humanity, seems to liave escaped his eye ; and his benevolence, when excited, appears to have suffered no interruption in its progress by the obstacles which bigotry would have thrown in the way ot^many, on account of the difference of a person's country, or of his color, or of his sect." — Portraiture of Quakerism. THE SOCIETY OF FRIENDS. " In the first place they have made it a rule that no person, ac- knowledcred to be in profession with them, shall have any concern in the slave-trade. "The Gluakers began to consider this subject, as a Christian body, so early as in the beginning of the last century. In the year 1727, they passed a public censure upon this trade. In the year 1758, and afterwards in the year 1761, they warned and exhorted all in profes- sion with them, 'to keep their hands clear of this unrighteous gain of oppression.' In the yearly meeting of 1763, they renewed their exhortation in the following words : " < We renew our exhortation, that Friends everywhere be eepe- 103 JAMES BEATTIE. cially careful to keep their hands clear of giving encouracrement in any shape to the slave-trade ; it being evidently destructive of the natural rights of mankind, who are all ransomed by one Saviour, and visited by one divine light, in order to salvation ; a traffic calculated to enrich and aggrandize some upon the miseries of others ; in its nature abhorrent to every just and tender sentiment, and contrary to the whole tenor of the gospel." "In tlie same manner from the year 1763, they have publicly manifested a tender concern for the happiness of the injured Africans, and they have not only been vigilant to see that none of their own members were conccrnd in this nefarious traffic, but they have lent their assistance wiih other Christians in promoting its discontinuance. — Thomas Clarkson''s Portaiture of Q^uakerism. JAMES BEATTIE. It is well observed by the wisest of poets (as Atheneus, quoting the passage, justly calls,) /fome?-, who lived when slavery was common, and whose knowledge of the human heart is unquestionable, that " When a man is made a slave, he loses from that day the half of his virtue." And Lo)iginus, quoUng the same passage, affirms, " Slavery, however mild, may still be called the poison of the soul, and a public dungeon." And Tacitus remarks, that " Even wild animals lose their spirit when deprived of their freedom." All history proves, and every rational philosopher admits, that as liberty promotes virtue and genius, slavery debases the understanding and corrupts the heart of both the slave and the master, and that in a greater or less degree, as it IS more or less srverc. So that in this plea of the slave-monger, we have an example of that diabolical casuistry, whereby the tempter and corrupter endeavors to vindicate or gratify himself, by accusing those whom he himself has tempted or corrupted. Slavery is inconsistent with the dearest and most essential rights of man's nature ; it is detrimental to virtue and to industry ; it hardens the heart to those tender sympathies which form the most lovely part of human character ; it involves the innocent in hopeless misery, in order to procure wealth and pleasure for the authors of that misery; it seeks to degrade into brutes beings whom the Lord of heaven and earth endowed with rational souls, and created for immortality; in short, it is utterly repugnant to every principle of reason, reljo-ion, humanity, and conscience. It is impossible for a considerate and un- prejudiced mind to think of slavery without horror. That a man, a rational and immortal being, should be treated on the same footing with a beast or piece of wood, and bought and sold, and entirely sub- jected to the will of another man, whose equal he is by nature, and whose superior he may be in virtue and- understanding, and all for no crime, but merely because he was born in a certain country, or of cer- tain parents, or because he differs from us in the shape of his nose, the color of his skin, or the size of his lips ; if this be ecjuitable, or excu- sable, or pardonable, it is vain to talk any longer ot the eternal dis- tinctions of ri^ht and wrong, truth and falsehood, good and evil, li has been said that negroes are animals of a nature inferior to mon. W. ROBERTSON, D. D WARBURTON DR. PRIMATT. 109 between whom and the brutes, they hold, as it were, the middle place. But though this were true, it would not follow that we have a right either to debase ourselves by a habit of cruelty, or to use them ill ; *for even beasts, if inoffensive, are entitled to gentle treatment, and we have reason to believe that they who are not merciful will not obtain mercy. The same sentiments are found in Pliny and Columella, who both impute the decay of husbandry, in their time, not to any deficiency in the soil, but to the unwise policy of Inaving to the management of slaves those fields, wliich, says Plmy, "had formerly rejoiced under the laurelled ploughshare and the triumphant ploughman," Rollin, with good reason, imputes to the same cause the present barrenness of Palestine, which in ancient times was called the land flowing with milk and honey. — Elements of Moral Science. WILLIAM ROBERTSON, D. D. In the ancient world .... the persons, tlie goods, the children of these slaves, were the property of their masters, disposed of at plea- sure, and transferred, like any other possession, from one hand to another. No inequality, no superioritv in newer, no pretext of con- sent can justify this ignomonious depression or T'ln^^n nature, cr can confer upon one man the n^nt o^ d.'^ ...en over another. Put not only doth reason condemn tii:s w^siitution as ur.ias*^ ■ '^s"''en8nce pnjved it to be pernicious both to masters anu isiaves. The elevation of tne former inspired them with pride, insolence, impatience, cruelty, and voluptuousness; the dependant and hopeless state of the latter de- jected the human mind, and extin^uibneti every generous and noble principle in the heart — Sermon. BISHOP WARBUST^N. " From the free savages I now come to the savages in bcriCiS. By these I mean the vast multitudes yearly stolen from the opposite con- tinent, and sacrificed by the colonists to their great idol the god of gain. But what, then, say these sincere worshippers of mammon / They are our own property which we offer up. Gracious God .' to talk, as of herds of cattle, of property in rational creatures, creat .es endued with all our faculties, possessing all our qualities but t,r.d of color, our brethren both by nature and grace, shocks all the ietlings of humanity, and the dictates of common sense! But, a'.jLo! what is there, in the infinite abuses of society, which does not s'lOck them ? Yet nothing is more certain in itself and apparent to ?li, uian that the infamous traffic for slaves directly infringes both r" vine and human law. Nature created man free, and grace invites him to assert nis freedom. — Sermon, 1776. DR. PRIMATT. It has pleased God to cover some men with white si' iis, and other n with black ; but as there is neither merit nor dem^i-it in comp's. on, the white roan, notwithstanding the barbarity of et>?tom and nrej.idic*. 10 110 DR. PECKARD JOHN WBSLET. can have no right by virtue of his color to enslave and tyrannize over the black man. For whether a man be white or black, such he is by God's appointment, and, abstractly considered, is neither a subject for pride, nor an object of contempt — Dissertation on the Duty oj Mercy^ and on the Sin of Cruelty to Brute Animals. DR. PECKARD. "Now, whether we consider the crime with respect to the indi- viduals concerned in this most barbarous and cruel traffic, or whether we consider it as patronised and encouraged by the laws of the land, it presents to our view an equal degree of enormity. A crime, founded on a dreadful pre-eminence in wickedness; a crime which being both of individuals and the nation, must some time draw down upon us the heaviest judgment of Almighty God, who made of one blood all the sons of men, and who gave to all equally a natural riglit to liberty ; and who, ruling all the kingdoms of the earth with equal providential justice, cari.iot suffer such deliberate, such monstrous iniquity, to pass long unpunished." — Sermon before the Cambridge University. 70HN WESLEY. That execrable sum of all villanies commonly called the slave-trade. I read of nothing like it in the heathen world, whether ancient or modern. It infinitely exceeds every instance of barbarity, whatever Christian slaves suffer in Mohammedan countries. — His ivorks, Vol. 3^ page 341. At Liverpool, many large ships are now laid up in the docks, which had been employed for many years in buying or stealing Africans, and selling them in America for slaves. The men-butchers have now nothing to do at this laudable occupation. Since the American war broke out, there is no demand for human cattle ; so the men of Africa, as well as Europe, mav enjoy their native liberty. — Journal of April, 1777. THOUGHTS ON SLAVERY. L Slavery imports an obligation of perpetual service ; an obligation which only the consent of the master can dissolve. It generally gives the master an arbitrary power of any correction not affecting life or limb. Sometitnes even those are exposed to his will, or protected only by a fine or some slight punishment, too inconsiderable to restrain a master of harsh temper. It creates an incapacity of acquiring any thing, except for the master's benefit. It allows the master to alienate the slave in the same manner as his cows and horses. Lastly, it de- scends in its full extent, from parent to child, even to the last generation. 2. TImj grand plea is, "They are authorized by law." But can law, human law, change the nature of things ? Can it turn darkness into light, or evil into good ? By no means. Notwithstanding ten thou- sand laws, right is right, and wrong is wrong. There must still re- mam an essential difference between justice and injustice, cruelty and mercy. So that I ask ; Who can reconcile this treatment of the slaves, JOHN WESLEY. Ill first and last, with either mercy or justice ; where is the justice of in- flicting the severest evils on those who have done us no wrong? Of depriving those who never injured us in word or deed, of every comfort of life ? Of tearing them (rom their native country, and depriving them of liberty itself; to which an Angolan has the same natural right as an American, and on which he set? as high a value? Where is the justice of taking away the lives of innocent, inofiensive men ? Mur- dermg thousands of them in their own land by the hands of their own countrymen ; and tens of thousands in that cruel slavery, to which they are so unjustly reduced? "When we have slaves, it is necessary to use them with severity." What, to xohip them for evei'y petty offence till they are in a gore of blood 7 To take thai opportunity of rubbing pepper and salt into their raw flesh ? To drop burni)ig sealing-ioaxupon their skins ? To castrate them ? To cut off half their foot with an axe ? To hang them on gibbets, that they may die by inches with heat, and hunger, and thirst ? To pin them doicn to the ground, and then burn them by degrees from the feet to the head 7 To roast them alive 7 When did a Turk or a heathen find it necessary to use a fellow-creature thus ? To what end is this usage necessary? " To prevent their running away, and to keep them constantly to their labor, that they may not idle away their time. So miserably stupid is this race of men, so stubborn and so wicked !" Allowing this, to whom is that stupidity owing? It lies altogether at the door of their inhuman masters, who gave them no means, no opportunity of improving their understanding ; and indeed leave them no motive, either from hope or fear to attempt any such thing. They were no way remarkable for stupidity while they remained in Africa. To some of the inhabitants of Europe they are greatly superior. Survey the natives of Benin, and of Lapland. Compare the Samoeids and the Angolans- The African is in no respect inferior to the European. Their stupidity in our colonies is not natural ; otherwise than it is the natural effect of their condition. Consequently it is not their fault, but yours: and you must answer for it before God and man. " But their stupidity is not the only reason of our treating them with severity ; for it is hard to say which is the greatest, this, or their stubbornness, and wickedness." But do not these, as well as the other, lie at yow door? Are not stubbornness, cunning, pilfering, and divers other vices, the natural necessary fruits of slavery, in every age and nation ? What means have you used to remove this stubbornness ? Have you tried what mildness and gentleness would do? What pains have you taken, what method have you used to reclaim them from their wickedness ? O thou God of love, thou who art loving to every man, and whose mercy is over all thy works ; thou who art the Father of the spirits of all flesh, and who art rich in mercy unto all ; thou who hast formed of one blood, all the nations upon the earth ; have compassion upon these outcasts of men, who are trodden down as dung upon the earth ! Arise, and help these that have no helper, whose blood is spdled upon the <^round like water! Are not these also the work of thme own hands, the purchase of thy Son's blood ? Stir them up to cry unto fthee in the land of their captivity ; and let their complaint come up 112 ADAM CLARKE. THOMAS SCOTT. before thee ; let it enter into thine ears ! Make even those that lead them captive to pity them and turn their captivity. O burst thou all their chains in sunder ; more especially the chains of their sins : thou Saviour of all, make them free, that they may be free indeed ! ADAM CLARKE. Isaiah Iviii, 6. — Let the oppressed go free. How can any nation pretend to fast, or worship God at all, or dare profess that they believe in the existence of such a Being, while they carry on what is called the slave-trade : and traffic in the souls, blood, and bodies of men ! O ye most flagitious of knaves and worst of hypocrites ! cast off' at once the mask of religion, and deepen not your endless perdition by profess- ing the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, while you continue in this traffic ! THOMAS SCOTT. Exodus xxi, 16. — " He that stealeth a man, and selleth him, or if he be found in his hands, he shall surely be put to death." Stealing a man in order to sell him for a slave, whether the thief had actually sold him, or whether he continued in his possession. He who stole any one of the human family, in order to make a slave of him, should be punish- ed with death. The crime would be aggravated by sending them away into foreign countries to be slaves to idolaters. Deuteronomy xxiv, 7. — "If a man be found stealing any of his brethren of the children of Israel, and maketh merchandise of him, or selleth him, then THAT THIEF SHALL DIE."— Every man is now our brother, whatever be his nation, complexion or creed. How then can the merchandise of men and women be carried on, without transgressing this commandment, or abetting those who do ? A man may steal, or purchase of those who do steal, hundreds of men and women, and not only escape with impunity, but grow great like a prince. According to the law of God, whoever stole cattle restored four or five fold ; lohoever stole one human being, though an infant or an idiot, must die. 1. Timothy i, 10. — " Men-stealers." — Men-stealers are inserted among those daring criminals against whom the law of God directed its awful curses. Persons who kidnapped men to sell them for slaves. This practice seems inseparable from the other iniquities and oppres- sions of slavery ; nor can a slave-dealer by any means keep free from that atrocious criminality, if the receiver be as bad as the thief. They who encourage that unchristian traffic by purchasing that, which is thus unjustly acquired, are partakers of their crimes. — Macknight. — That is the only species of theft xohich is pxmished with death by the laws of God. James ii, 12, 13. — "So speak ye, and so do, as they that shall be judged by the law of libertv. *' For he shall have judgment without mercy that hath showed no mercy, and mercy rejoiceth against judgment." On this verse Dr. Scott makes the following remarks — '* All who are not taught to show SAMUEL TAYLOR COLERIDGE. 113 mercy to others, must expect to be dealt with according to the severity of justice in respect to their eternal state. Wiiat then must be the doom of the cruel oppressors and iniquitous tyrants of the human spe- cies? But the hard-hearted, selfish, implacable, and oppressive pro- fessor of Christianity, has the greatest cause to tremble ; for if ' he shall have judgment without mercy, who hath shown no mercy,' the meanest slave that ever was whipt and worked to death, must he con- sidered as happy, compared with his haughty cruel tyrant, and this shall sullicieutly appear, ' when the earth shall disclose her blood, and shall no more cover her slain.'" Revelation xviii, 13. — '* Slaves and souls of men." — Not only slaves, but the souls of men are mentioned as articles of commerce, which is beyond comparison, the most infamous of all traffics that the demon of avarice ever devised ; almost infinitely more atrocious, than the accursed slave-trade. Alas! too often, injustice, oppression, fraud, avarice, or excessive indulgence are connected with extensive com- merce ; and to mimber the persons of men, with oxen, asses, sheep and horses, as the stock of a farm, or with bales of goods, as the cargo of a ship, is no doubt a most detestable and atiti- christian practice. — ScotVs Commentaries on the Bible. SAMUEL TAYLOR COLERIDGE, We have offended, Oh ! my countrymen ! We have offended very grievously, And been most tyrannous. From east to west A groan of accusation pierces Heaven ! The wretched plead against us ; nmltitudes Countless and vehement, the sons of God, Our brethren I Like a cloud that travels on, Steam'd up from Cairo's swamps of pestilence, Even so, my countrymen ! have we gone forth And borne to distant tribes slavery and pangs, And deadlier far our vices, whose deep taint With slow perdition murders the whole man. His body and his soul ! Sibylline Leaves. There are truths so self-evident, or so immediately and palpably deduced from those that are, or are acknowledged for such, thai they are at once intelligible to all men who possess the common advan- tages of the social litate ; although by sophistry, by evil habit, by the neglect, false persuasions and impostures of an Anti-Christian priest- hood joined in one conspiracy with the violence of tyrannical governors, the understandings of men have become so darkened and their con- sciences so lethargic, that there may arise a necessity for the republi- cation of these truths, and this too with a voice of loud alarm and im- passioned warning. Such were the doctrines proclaimed by the first christians to the pagan world ; such were the lightnings flashed by Wickliff, Huss, Luther, Calvin, Zuinglius, Latimer, &c., across the papal darkness, and such in our time Ihe truths with which Thomas Clark son, and his excellent confederates, the Quakers, fought and conquered the legalized banditti of men-stealers, the numerous and 114 JAMES STEPHEN, E8<1. powerful perpetrators and advocates of rapine and murder, and (of blacker guilt than either) slavery. Truths of this kind being indispen- sable to man, considered as a moral being, are above all expediency, all accidental consequences ; for as sure as God is holy, and man immortal, there can be no evil so great as the ignorance or disregard of them. It is the very madness of mock prudence to oppose the removal of a poisonous dish on account of the pleasant sauces or nutritious viands which would be lost with it ! The dish contains destruction to that, for which alone we wish the palate to be gratified or the body to be nourished. — The Friend, pages 49, 50. JAMES STEPHEN, Esq. Enough was known before ; more than enough was incontrovertibly {jroved ; nay, enough was always admitted or undenied, to make the egislative toleration of this slavery a disgrace to the British and Christian name. Iniquity, indeed, of every kind loses in human de- testation what it gains in mischief, by wide unreproved diffusion, and by age. We sin remorselessly, because our fathers sinned, and because multitudes of our own generation sin, in the same way without discredit. But if ever those most flagitious crimes of Europe, slave- trade and colonial slavery, shall cease to be tolerated by human laws, and live in history alone, men will look back upon them with the horror they deserve ; and wonder as much at the depravity of the age that could establish or maintain them, as we now do at the murderous rites of our pagan ancestors, or the ferocious cannibal manners of New Zealand. There is enough in the simplest conception of personal hereditary slavery, to revolt every just and liberal mind, independently of all aggravations to be found in its particular origin, or in abuses of the master's powers. But how much should sympathy and indignation be enhanced, when the cruel perpetual privation of freedom, and of almost every civil and human right, is the punishment of no crime, nor the harsh consequence of public hostility in v.ar, but imposed upon the innocent and helpless, by the hand of rapacious violence alone ; and maintained for no other object but the sordid one of the master's profit, by the excessive labor to which they are compelled ? Were our merchants to send agents to buy captives from the bandits in the forests of Italy, or from the pirates on the Barbary coast, and sell them here as slaves, to work for our farmers or manufacturers ; and were the purchasers to claim, in consequence, a right to hold these victims of rapine and avarice, with their children, in bondage for ever, and to take their work without wages ; what would it be but the same identical case we are contemplating, except that the captives were of a different complexion? Yet the bandits and pirates are hanged ; and their vendees, in the case supposed, would have less to apprehend from actions or indictments for false imprisonment, than from the vengeance of indignant multitudes. It certainly, at least, would not be necessary, for the purpose of their deliverance, to prove to the British parliament or people, that the poor captives were overworked. NUGENT LUSHINGTON THOMPSON ETC. 1 15 under fed, driven with whips to their work, punished in a brutal way for every real or imputed fault, and by such complicated oppressions brought in great numbers prematurely to their graves. LORD NUGENT. The slave-trade finds no one bold enough now to defend even its memory. And yet when we hear the slave-trade reprobated, and slavery defended by the same persons, I must own I think the slave- trade unfairly treated. The abuse of defunct slave-trade is a cheap price for the abettor of living slavery to pay by way of compromise. But we cannot allow the Colonial party on these terms to cry truce with us, by stigmatizing the slave-trade. There is not one general principle on which the slave-trade is to be stigmatized which does not impeach slavery itself. DR. LUSHINGTON. It has never been given by God to man to hold his fellow man in bondage. Every thing short of a total abolition of slavery he con- sidered as unsatisfactory, and ending only in disappointment and discontent. The supporters of the abolition of slavery took their stand upon the eternal principles of truth and justice, and it would be next to blasphemy to doubt their success. ANDREW THOMPSON. Slavery is the very Upas tree of the moral world, beneath whose pestiferous shade all intellect languishes, and all virtue dies. It must be cut down and eradicated ; it must be, root and branch of it, cast into the consuming fire, and its ashes scattered to the four winds of heaven. It is thus you must deal with slavery. You must annihilate it, — annihilate it now, and annihilate it for ever. ROWLAND HILL. Slavery is made up of every crime that treachery, cruelty, and murder can invent ; and men-stealers are the veiy worst of thieves. The most knavish tricks are practised by these dealers in human flesh ; and if slaves think of our general character, they must suppose that christians are devils, and that Christianity was forged in hell. GROTIUS. Those are men-stealers, who abduct, keep, sell, or buy slaves or freemen. To steal a man is the highest kind of thefl. POPE LEO, X. Not only the christian religion, but Nature herself cries out against a state of slavery. 116 THE HOLY BIBLE. THE HOLY BIBLE. Moses. — Chap. 7, ver. 27. So God created man in his oivn image : in the image of God cre- ated he him ; male and female created he them. — Genesis. [JVoi tyrants and slaves.] XXI, 16. And he that stealeth a man, and sellcth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death. XXIII, 9. Also thou shalt not oppress a stranger : for ye know the heart of a stranger, seeing ye were strangers m the land of Egypt. — Exodus. ^XIX, 13. Thou shalt not de- fraud thy neighbor, neither rob him : the wages of him that is hired shall not abide with thee all riight until the morning. J 8. Thou shalt love thy neigh- bor as thyself. .33. And if a stranger sojourn with thee m your land, ye shall not vex him. XXV, 10. And ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof; it shall be a jubilee unto you ; and ye shall return every man unto his possession, and ye shall return every man unto his family. — Leviticus. XV, 14. Thou shalt not op- press an hired servant that is poor and needy, whether he he of thy brethren, or of tliy strangers that are in thy land within thy gates. XXI 1 1, 15. THOU SHALT NOT DKLIVER UNTO HIS MASTER THE SERVANT WHICH IS ESC APRD FROM HIS MASTER UNTO THEE. — Deuteronomy Job. — Chap. IV, ver. 8. Even as I have seen, they that plow iniquity, and sow wickedness, reap the same. XV, 20. The wicked man travaileth with pain all his days, and the number of years is hidden to the oppressor. XX, J8. That which he labor- ed for shall he restore, and shall not swallow it down : accordincr to his substance shall the restitution be, and he shall not rcjoicethereu^. 19. Because he hath oppressed and hath forsaken the poor ; oe- cause he hath violently taken away an house which he builded not: David.— Ps. XVIII, ver, 25 With the merciful thou wilt shew thyself merciful ; with an upright man thou wilt shew thyself up- right ; 27. For thou wilt save the afflicted people ; but wilt bring down high looks. LXX11,4. He shall judge the poor of the people, he shall save the children of the needy, and shall break in pieces the oppres- sor. — Psalms. Solomon. — Chap. Ill, ver. 1. And Solomon made afiinity with Pharaoh, king of Egypt, and took Pharaoh's daughter, and brought herinto the city of David. 1 Kini^s. I, 24. Because I have called and ye refused ; I have stretched out my hand, and no man re- garded ; 25. But ye have set at nought all my counsel, and would none of my reproof: THE HOLY BIBLE. 117 26. I also will laugh at your calamity ; I will mock when your fear cometh ; — Praverbs. IV, 1. So I returned, and con- sidered all the oppressions that are done under the sun : and be- hold, the tears of such as were op- pressed, and they had no com- forter ; and on the side of their oppressors there ivas power; but they had no comforter. — Eccle- siastes. Isaiah.— Chap. V, ver. 20. Woe unto them that call evil good, and good evil ; that put darkness for light, and light for darkness ; that put bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter ! LVIIT, 6. Is not this the fast that I have chosen ? to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke? Jeremiah. — Chap. XXXIV, ver. 17. Therefore thus saith the Lord, "Ye have not hearkened unto me, in proclaiming liberty, every one to his brother, and every man to his neighbor : behold, I proclaim a liberty for you saith the Lord, to the sword, to the pestilence, and to the famine ; and I will make you to be removed into all the kingdoms of the earth. Jesus Christ. Chap. V, ver. 7. Blessed are the merciful : for they shall obtain mercy. VII, 2. For with what judg- ment ye judge, ye shall be judged : a--.i with what' measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you again. 12. Therefore all things what- soever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them : for this is the law and the pro- phets. IX, 13. But go ye and learn what that meaneth, I will have mercy, and not sacrifice.: for I am not come to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance. XXIII, 8. But be ye not called Rabbi: for one is your Master, even Christ ; and all ye are bre- thren. XXV, 45. Verily, I say unto you, inasmuch as ye did it not to one of the least of these, ye did it not to me. — St. Mattheio''s Gospel. IV, 8. To preach deliverance to the captives, and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty them that are bruised. — St. Luke. St. Peter. — Chap. X, ver. 34. IT Then Peter opened his mouth, and said. Of a truth I perceive that God is no respecter of persons : 35. But in every nation he that feareth him, and worketh right- eousness, is accepted with hi:i). — .ids. Ill, 8. Finally, be ye all of one mirwl, having compassion one of another ; love as brethren, be pitiful, be courteous; — 1st Epistle. St. Paul. — Chap. II, ver. 6. Who will render to ever man ac- cording to his deeds. II. For there is no respect of persons with God. — Epistle to the Romans. XVII, 26. And hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on the face of the earth, and hath determined the times be- fore appointed, and the bounds of their habitation. — ^Icts. III, 17. Now the Lord is that Spirit: and where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty. VIII, 14. But by an equality, that now at this time your abim- dance may be a supply for their want, tliat their abundance also 118 THE HOLY BIBLE. may be a supply for your want, that there may be equahty. — 2 Corinthians. V, 1. Stand fast therefore in the hberty wherewith Christ has made us free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage. 13. For, bretliren, ye have been called unto liberty ; only use not liberty for an occasion to the flesh, but by love serve one another. 14. For all the law is fulfilled in one word, even in tliis, Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. — Galatians. V, 9. And, ye masters, do the same things unto them, forbearing threatening : knowing that your Master also is in heaven ; neither is there respect of persons with him. — Ephesians. 111,25. But he that doeth wrong shall receive for the wrong which he hath done : and there is no respect of persons. IV, 1. Masters, give unto yotir Servants that which is just and equal ; knowing that ye also have a Master which is in heaven. — Colossians. XIII, 3. Remember them that are in bonds, as bound with them ; and them which suffer adversity, as being yourselves also in the body. — Hebrews. St. Jamrs. — Chap. II, ver. 6. But ye have despised the poor. Do r.^*.rich men oppress you, and draw you before the judgment- seats ? 8. If ye fulfil the royal law ac- cording to the scripture, Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyselfj ye do well : 9. But if ye have respect to persons, ye commit sin, and are convinced of the law as trans- gressors. St. John.— Chan. IV, ver. 20. If a man say, I love God and hateth his brother, he is a liar: for he that loveth not his brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God whom he hath not seen ? 21. And tliis commandment have we from him. That he who loveth God love his brother also. — 1st Epistle. XIII, 9. If any man have an ear, let him hear. 10. He that leadeth into cap- tivity, shall go into captivity : he that killeth with the sword, must be killed with the sword. 11. And the merchants of the earth shall weep and mourn over her ; for no man buyeth their merchandise any more : 13. Fine flour, and wheat, and beasts, and sheep, and horses, and chariots, and slaves and souls of men. XX, 13. And the sea gave up the dead which were in it ; and death and hell delivered up the dead which were in them : and they were judged every man ac- cordins: to their works. XXII, 12. And behold I come quickly ; and my reward is with me, to give every man according as his work shall be. — Revelation, INDEX Abdy, E. S. - Abolition in Great Britain, " in Mexico, - Accounts, Authentic, &c. Adams, Jolin ... " Jolm Q. - - - " Samuel - - - Addison, Joseph ... Address to the Public, African Character, - - - Anti-Slavery Convention, Ohio " S. Society, New England Austria, - - . . BaU, Charles Barlow, Joel, - Bartow, Henry - Beattie, James Benezet, Anthony Best, William - Bible, Extracts from the Birney, James G. Blackstone, VViUiam Bolivar, Simon Boyer, Jean Pierre Breckenridge, Robert J. Brissot, Jaques Pierre Brougham, Henry - Buffon, Bulwer, E. L. - Burke, Edmund - Bums, Robert - Buxton, Thomas Powell Campbell, Thomas - - - Chandler, E. iM. - Channing, William E. - • Child, David L. - " Lydia Maria - . - Citizen of the World, - - - Clarke, Adam - - - - Clarkson, Thomas Clay, Henry - - - - Clinton, De Witt Cole, Governor . . - Coleridge, S. T. - Constitution of the A. A. S. S. " of the United States, " Indiana, - " New York, - " Virginia, • page. 104 . 70 12 - 41 108 - 10 87 - 116 61 - 89 SO - 80 59 - 84 101 - 82 100 - 91 96 - 102 99 - 52 60 - 70 55 - 75 112 - 89 22 - 16 8 - 113 57 3 4 4 3 Constitution of Texas, - - 28 Courtenay, John ... 92 Cowper William - - - - 97 Crandall, Prudence ... 53 Cruelty, Cases of - - - 70 Curran, J. P. - - - . 85 Darwin, Erasmus - - - 99 Day, Thomas - - - . 97 Declaration of A. S. Convention, 50 " of Independence, - 3 Delevan, E. C. • - . -62 Dickey, James H. - - 64 Dickey, William .... 68 Eaton, William - - 15 Edgeworth, Maria - - - 85 Edinburgh Review, - . 51, 106 Edwards, Jonathan - - - 49 Erskine, Thomas ... 94 Evangelical Magazhie, London - 106 Everett, A. H. - - - - 74 Foreign Quarterly Review, Fox, Charles James " George . . . France, - - . - Francis, Philip - - . Franklin, Benjamin - Friends, Society of . - Gates, Horatio Godwin, Benjamin Grattan, Henry Green, General Duff - Gregoire, H. - - - Grenville, George Grimke, S. M. and A. E. - Grotius, . . . . Guerrero, Decree of Henry, Patrick Heyrick, Elizabeth Hicks, Elias - Historical Evidence, - Hill, Rowland - Hopkins, Samuel, D. D. Hoy, B. - - - - Huddlestone, Mr. Indiana, Constitution of - 106 92 107 61 93 9 107 14 104 85 23 83 95 56 115 27 II 103 49 77 115 47 44 93 120 INDEX. Jackson, Andrew . ■ T Rankin, John - . T» Jay, John 12 Ray, William - 16 Jay, William . - 43 Raynal, Abbe . 84 Jefferson, Thomas - 7 Reed, William B. - 35 Johnson, Samuel . - 95 Representatives, U. S. House of 90 Jones, Sir William - 100 Review, Edinburgh - 51 ,106 " Foreign Quarterly 106 Kenrick, John . . 50 " Westminster 105 Kosciusko, 13 Riley, Captain - - - 16 Ritner, Joseph ... 23 Lafayette, - . 6 Robertson. William, D. D. 109 Leggett, William - 63 Roscoe, William ... 98 Lewis, Evan . - 62 Rousseau, J. J. 82 Leo X, Pope - 115 Rush, Benjamin - 10 Liberty of the Press, . 4 Russia, .... 81 L'Ouverture, - 75 Lundy, Benjamin . - 25 Scott, Thomas - 112 Lushington, Dr. 115 Shakspeare, William 95 Sharp, Archbishop 75 Map, Moral of the U. S. 34 Sharp, Granville 89 Marselloise Hymn, - - 81 Sigourney, Mrs. L. H. 54 Martineau, Harriet - 103 Slave-Trade, 4, 40, 51 Methodist Episcopal Church, - 47 Smollett, Tobias 96 Mexico, Abolition in 26 Soutliey, Robert 99 " Coin of - - 33 Stephen, James, Esq. - 114 Mifflin, Warner 15 St. Domingo, . . - 79 Milton, Jolm - 96 Stewart, John 99 Monroe, James 12 Stor}-, Joseph - - - 18 Montesquieu, - 82 Swift, Jonathan . . - 84 Montgomery, James 98 Sun, New-York 37 Moore, Thomas - 86 More, Hannah - 98 Tappan, Letter to Mr. 69 " William B. 55 Neutrality, - - - - 38 Texas, Constitution of 28 New England A. S. Society, - 58 Thompson, Andrew 115 New-York, Constitution of 4 Tomkins, Daniel D. - 17 " Legislature, . 19 Torrey. Jesse Jr. 49 Nugent, Lord - - 115 Toussaint L'Ouverture, 75 O'Connell, Daniel . 45,86 United States, Constitution of 3 Ohfo Anti-Slavery Convention, 58 „ „ Map of - 34 Park, Mungo . - 72 Virginia, Constitution of - - 3 Parliament, British - . 44 Patriot, London - . - 35 Warburton, Bishop - 109 Peckard, Dr. - . 110 Washington, George - 4 Pennsylvania, Act of - Pierpont. Joiin - Pinkne' , William . 8 Wattles, A. - - 69 . 55 Wayland, Francis - 59 . - 14 Webster, Daniel - 18,42 Piracy of the Slave-Trade. 4 Wesley, John - 110 Pitt, William . - 91 Westminster Review, . 105 Pope, Alexander Postletwhaite, G. L. - . 96 Wjieatlv, Phillis 5,76 . - 36 Whithread, Samuel - - 94 Potter, Alonzo, . 60 Whitfield, George - 65 Pratt, S. J. - . - 97 W^iittier, J. G. - . 54 Preamble to Pennsylvania Act, 8 Wilbcrforce, William 90 Presbyterian Church, - . - 45 Wilkinson. General - - 39 Primatt, Dr. . 109 Willis, N. r. - 54 Wilson Edward J. . 36 Randolph, Governor - " John - 21 Wirt, William - 19 . 19 Woodbury, James T. - - 62 " Thomas J. - 20 Wordsworth, Wm - 76,90 APPEiNDIX. SLAVE LAWS. Extracted chiefly from Stroud's " Sketch of the Laws relating to Slavery in the United States of America." WHO MAY BE HELD AS SLAVES. The law of South Carolina, to which those of all the slave states are similar, is as follows : — "All negroes, Indians, (free Indians in amity with this government, and negroes, mulattoes and mestizoes, who are noto tree, excepted,) mulattoes or mestizoes, who now are or shall hereafter be in this pro- vince, and all their issue and offspring bom or to be born, shall be and they are hereby declared to be and remain for ever hereafter absolute slaves, and shall follow the condition of the mother.''^ tSct of 1740 2 Brevard's Digest, 229. Descendants of Indians, as well as of Africans are probably involved in the doom of slavery in all the slave states. In Virginia the enslave- ment of Indians was authorized by statute from 1679 to 1691. Those whose maternal ancestors have been reduced to slavery since the latter period, have been decided by the highest courts in that state to be free. So late as 1797, it was decided by the Supreme Court of Jfew Jersey, Chief Justice Kinsey, that Indians might be held as slaves. " They (Indians) have been so long recognized as slaves, in our law, that it would be as great a violation of the rights of property to establish a contrary doctrine at the present day, as it would in the case of Africans ; and as useless to investigate the manner in which they ORIGINALLY lost their freedom." The State vs. Waggoner, 1 Hd- stead's Reports, 374 to 376. Persons emancipated, but not in the prescribed form of law, are liable to be re-enslaved, thus in South Carolina, " In case any slave shall be emancipated or set free, otherwise than according to the act (of 1800) regulating emancipation, it shall be law- ful for any person xohosoever to seize and convert to his or her oxvn rise, and to keep as his or her property the said slave so illegally emancipated or set free." 2 Brevard's Digest, 256. And in Virginia, " If any emancipated slave (infants excepted) shall remain within the state more than twelve months after his or her right to freedom shalt have accrued, he or she shall forfeit all such nght, and may be apprehended and sold by the overseers of the poor, &c. for the benefit of the literary fund ! !" 1 Rev. Code, 436. 2 SLAVE LAWS. THE POWER GRANTED BT LAW TO THE MASTER. According to the law of Louisiana, " A slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs. The master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry and his labour ; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing but what must belong to his master." Civil Code, art, 35. Li South Carolina it is expressed in the following language : " Slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed and judged in law to be chattels personal in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators and assigns, to all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever." 2 Brevard's Digest, 229. In Louisiana, " Slaves though moveable by their nature," says the civil code, " are considered as immoveable by the operation of the law." »3rt. 461. And by act of Assembly of June 7, 1S06, "Slaves shall always be reputed and considered real estate ; shall be, as such, sub- ject to be mortgaged, according to the rules prescribed by law, and they shall be seized and sold as real estate." 1 J\Iartin''s Digest, 612. And in Kentucky, by the law of descents, they are considered real estate, 2 Litt. and Sici. Digest, 1155, and pass in consequence to heirs and not to executors. They are, however, liable as chattels to be sold by the master at his pleasure, and may be taken in execution in pay- ment of his debts. Ibid, and see 1247, RESTRICTIONS dF THE MASTER'S POWER. So fir as the law restricts the master's power at all, it only shows how shamefully and cruelly that power is abused — perhaps we should say used, for the very possession of it is an abuse. The very limitations leave the power of the master far beyond mercy. And so far as they go, they are but a mockery, by reason that the testimony of a colored man cannot be taken against a white one. In regard to the time OF LABOR, we find the following law in South Carolina : " Whereas many owners of slaves, and others who have the care, management and overseeing of slaves, do confine them so closely to hard labor, that they have not sxifficienl time for natural rest : Be it therefore enacted, That if any owner of slaves, or other person who shall have the care, management, or overseeing of v.ny slaves, shall work or put any such slave or slaves to labour more than fifteen hours in twenty- four hours, from the twenty-fifth day of March to the twenty-fifth day of September ; or more ihan fourteen hours in twenty-four hours, from the twenty-fifth day of September to the twenty-fifth day of March, every such persori shall forfeit any sum net exceeding twenty pounds, nor under five pounds, current money, for every time he, she or they shall offend herein, at the discretion of the justice before whom the complaint shall be made." 2 Brevard's Digest, 243. In Louisiana, the subjoined act was passed, July 7, 1806. " As for the hours of work and rest, which are to be assigned to slaves in sum- mer and winter, tt»e old usages of the territory shall be adhered to, to wit : The slaves shall be allowed half an hour for breakfast during the SLAVE LAWS. 8 whole year ; from the first day of May to the first day of November, they shall be allowed two hours for dinner ; and from the first day of November to the first day of May, one hour and a half for dinner: Provided, however, That the owners who will themselves take the trouble of causing to be prepared the meals of their slaves, be, and they are hereby authorized to abridge, by half an hour per day, the time fixed for their rest." 1 J\lartin''s Digest, 610 — 12. Judge Stroud quotes the statutes of five legislatures by which ten hours out of the twenty-four is the longest space for labor which caji be demanded of convicted felons, sentenced to hard labor. Some of the states oblige the master to furnish his slaves a certain amount of provision's. Thus in Louisiana, "Every owner shall be held to give to his slaves the quantity of provisions hereafter specified, to wit ; one barrel of In- dian corn, or the equivalent thereof in rice, beans or other grain, and a pint of salt, and to deliver the same to the said slaves in kind every month, and never in money, under a penalty of a fine often dollars for every offence." 1 J\Iartin''s Digest, 610, act of July 7, 1S06. In North Carolina, a much less quantity of the same kind of food is deemed suf- ficient, as is implied from the following cxtrious seclion of an act passed in 1753, and which is still in force . " In case any slave or slaves, who shall not appear to have been clothed and fed according to the intent and meaning of this act, that is to say, to have been sufficiently c! 'hed, and to have constantly received for the preceding year an allo'.ance not less than o quart if com ptr day, shall be convicted of steali;::: any corn, cattle, &(•. &c. from any person not the owner of such slave or slaves, such injured person shall and may maintain an action of tres- pass against the master, owner or possessor of such slave, &.c. and shall recover his or her damages, &c." Hayicood's .Manual, 524-5. The allowance of clothixg in Louisiana, seems to have been graduated bv the same standard by which the quantity of food was determined in North Carolina. "The slave who shall not have on the property of their owners a lot of ground to cultivate on their own ac- count, shall be entitled to receive from said owner one linen shirt and f)antaloons (une chemise et une cidotte de toile) for the summer, and a inen shirt and woollen great coat and pantaloons for the winter." 1 Martin's Digest, 610. The other states do not pretend to fix the kind and quantity of food and clothing which the slave shall receive, but some of them have enacted safeguards a£ainst the stinginess of the master which are not only perfectly nugatory, but seem to have been designed to be so. See Stroud, p, 32. THE POWER TO PCNMSH, Is thus restricted by the law of North Carolina: Section 3, of the act passed in 179S, runs thus: "Whereas by another act of the assembly, passed in the year 1774. the killing of a slave, however wanton, criiel and dehberate, is only punishable iix the 4 SLAVE LAWS. first instance by imprisonment and paying the value thereof to the owner, which dis'inction of criminality between the murder of a white person and one who is equally a human creature, but merely of a different complexion, is disgraceful to humanity, and degrading in the HIGHEST DEGREE TO THE LAWS AND PRINCIPLES OF A FREE, CHRISTIAN AND ENLIGHTENED COUNTRY, Be it CnaCtcd, &C. That if any person shall hereafter be guilty of wilfully and maliciously killing a slave, such offender shall, upon the first conviction thereof, be ad- judged guilty of murder, and shall suffer the same punishment as if he had killed a free man ; Provided always, this act shall not extend to the person killing a slave outlawed by virtue of any act of assembly of this state, or to any slave in the act of resistance to his lawful owner or master, OR TO ANY SLAVE DYING UNDER MODERATE CORRECTION." HayXCOod'S Manual. 530 ; and see Laws of Tennessee, act of Oct. 23, 1799, with a like proviso. The Constitution of Georgia has the following: Art. 4, § 12. " Any person who shall mahciously dismember or deprive a slave of life, shall suffer such punishment as would be inflicted in case the like offence had been committed on a free white person, and on the like proof, except in case of insurrection of such slave, and unless SUCH DEATH SHOULD HAPPEN BY ACCIDENT IN GIVING SUCH SLAVE MODERATE CORRECTION." Prince's Digest, 559. Judge Stroud remarks, " that a proclamation of outlawry against a sl.ive is authorized, whenever he runs away from his master, conceals hiniself in some obscure retreat, and, to sustain hfe, kills c hog, or some aiilnal of the cattle kind ! !" -See Hayxoood's Manual, 521 ; cc/ of 1741, ch. 24, § 45. In South Carolina by the Act of 1740 the "wilful murder" of a slave was punished by a fine of "seven hundred pounds, current money" and inability to hold office, but another description of murder, more likely to occur, was punished as follows : — " If any person shall, on a sudden heat or passion, or by undue cor- rection, kill his own slave, or the slave of any other person, he shall forfeit the sum of three hundred and fifty pounds, current money." Brevard's Digest, 241. By an act of 1821, the former provision was abolished but the latter was continued, diminishing the price to five hundred dollars, and authorizing an imprisonment of six months. James' Digest, 392. The following protection for the Umbs of the slave has been in force, in South Carolina from 1740 to the present time : "In case any person shall wilfully cut out the tongue, put out the eye, castrate, or cruelly scald, burn, or deprive any slave of any limb, or member, or shall inflict any other cruel punishment, other than by whip- ping or beating with a horsewhip, cowskin, switch or !=mall stick, or by pulling irons oti, or confining or imprisoning such slave, every such person shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of one hundred Dounds, current money." 2 Brevard's Digest^ 241. SLAVE LAWS. 9 But the legislatures do not occupy themselves altogether in protecting the slave and restraining the master. Louisiana imposes a heavier penalty for taking off irons than she does for the " cruel punishments,^^ specified above, as appears from this : " If any person or persons, &c. shall cut or break any iron chain or collar, which any master of slaves should have used in order to prevent the runnmg away or escape of any such slave or slaves, such person or persons ?o offending shall, on conviction, &c. be fined not less than two hundred dollars, nor exceeding one thousand dollars; and suffer imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years, nor less than six months." Act of Assembly, of March G, 1819— pamphlet, page 64. Now in the same state, the law before quoted from South Carolina is in force and the penalty is a fine of not more than five hundred dollars, nor less than txco hundred ! In Missouri, the master is assisted in punishing as follows: — " If any slave resist his or her master, mistress, overseer or employer, or refuse to obey his or her lawful commands, it shall be lawful for such master, &c. to commit such slave to the common gaol of the county, there to remain at the pleasure of the master, &c. ; and the sheriff shall receive such slave, and keep him, &.c. in confinement, at the expense of the person committing him or her." 1 Missouri Lawt 309. POWER OF THE MASTER EXERCISED BY OTHERS. According to the universal practice of the slave states, the master may delegate his tremendous power to any other person Wi-^jm he pleases. Louisiana has the following express law: "The condition of a slave being merely a passive one, his subordi- nation to his master, and to all who represent him, is not suscej v 87. 16 APPENDIX. tohickicas too much.'"* Soil seems he not only enriched the citizeni of the towns, but the laborers. The same author, unwittingly, furnishes the most convincing testi- mony in favor of the industry and economy of the emancipated people under the regime of Toussaint, when he makes the following recom- mendation for the future regulation of the colony : — " It is for the commercial interest of the Mother Country, and that of St Domingo itself, that the laborers should be paid for their share of the products of the soil, only in articles manufactured in France. The negroes already icilhdrnxo from circulation too much money by the sale of the productions of their industry, such as vegetables, fowls, eggs, fresh pork, <^-c."— p. 195. Such is the statement of an enemy to abolition, — a planter who owned an estate in St. Domingo while it was governed as a free laboi' colony by the black. Governor Toussaint Louverture, and who must have had the best means of knowing the things whereof he affirms. So far, then, were the freedmen of St. Domingo from sinking into idle- ness and want, that it was deemed necessary to provide against a diminution of the currency by their getting possession of it and hoard- ing it up, or paying it away for foreign manufactures ! ! DANIEL O'CONNELL. From his Speech before the Meeting in Exeter Hall, London, Jfov. 23d, 1837. " It is not the slave alone who snfiTers, but the man who supports and abets the system. There may be physical degradation to the slave, but there is moral degradation, burnt in with iritn into the soul of the planter. (Cheers.) He ceases to be a man wlien he claims to be the master of liis fellow-man. I care not in what chme or country thif inhumanity exists. I hate it in all countries — in the serfr of Rus- sia, in the Poles, under the dominion of a ruthless miscreant tyrant — (Ci.eers) — and in the slavery of ihe unfortunate men of color, under the pretended friends of liberty in the United States. (Cheers.) Behold those pretended sons of freedom, those who declared that all per- sons were equal in the presence of God, that every man had an in- alk nable right to liberty — and proclaiming it, too, in the name of God — behold them asseverating it in the name of honor, their paltry honor. (Loud cheers.) They are at this moment organizing new slave states. Remember that another country has been committed to slaveholders. Thry have seized upon the territory of Texas, taking it from the Mexi- cans, the Mexicans having abolished slavery without apprentice- ship. (Loud cheers.) Remember that they have stolen, cheated, swindled, robbed a country, for the horrible purpose of continuing it in slavery. (Hear, hear, and cries of 'shame.') Remember that there is a treaty now on foot, in contemplation, at least, and only postponed between the President of the United States and these cruel ruffians, till this robbery of Texas from Mexico can be completed. Oh ! raise the voice of humanity against repubhcans who have sentiments of pride anrl feelings of self-exaltation. (Cheers.) Let us tell these re- publicans, that instead of standing the highest in the scale of luimanity, they are tlie basest of tlie base, and the vilest of the vile." * D$ Lattre, p. 197. THE PROGRESS OF HUMANITY. THE FIRST SCENE I.J BRITISH EMANCIPATION. Granville Sharpe rescuing a young African, claimed as a slave, from his tyrant, in presence of the Mayor of London. Sharpe pursued nis humane course, and his elahorate researches produced the work entitled "The injustice and dangerous tendency of toleratms slavery," and pro- cured the o-rand and glorious decision from the British courts of justice published in 1769 in the face of all Euiope and the world, " That every slave was free, as soon as he had set foot upon British ground." This Herculean achievement laid the corner stone of the hallowed temple of African liberty [since extended t» all British Territories.] David Sinipsvn. THE PROGRESS OF HUMANITY. THE LAST SCENE IN BRITISH EMANCIPATIO>J. " AftfJr the 1st, Aug. 1834, slavery shall be and is hereby utterly and forever abolished and declared unlawful throughout tha BRiTish colonies plantations, and possessions abroad." ^ct, 3d and 4th, JVilliam IV, This noble Act was traininelled with an apprenticeship (to slavery to prepare its victims for freedom !) Antigua and Bermuda, dechned the prof- fered continuation, with, of course, the happiest results. The Legislatures of Jamaica, Barbadoes, St. Vincent, St. Kitts, and the West Indies gen- erally, have done likewise and on Aug. 1, 1938, three -fourths of a million cf humun being:* were, Ijy law, restored to their birth-ri^lU by Xatufe. ANTISLAVERY PUBLICATIONS. O" This pamphlet by no means includes selections from all the works extant on its theme, nor all that has been said by the au- thors quoted, from whom more ample extracts may be found in the larger pamphlet — " Liberty." With a few necessary excep. tions, the " Abolitionists''' of the present day have been omitted ; those who wish to prosecute the subject are referred to the follow- ing Catalogue of their periodicals and publications. ANTJ-SLAVERY PERIODICALS. Weekly. EMANCIPATOR, 143 Nassau-st., New York, Joshua Leavitt, Editor, ^2 50, in advance. COLORED AMERICAN, 161 Duane-st., N. Y., C. B. Ray and Co., Publishers, $2. ZION'S WATCHMAN, 9 Spruce-street, N. Y., Le Roy Sunderland, Editor, ^2. LIBERATOR, 25 Cornhill, Boston, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Editor, ^2 50. HERALD OF FREEDOM, Concord, N. H., N. P. Rogers, Editor, fl. FRIEND OF MAN, 56 Genesee st ^ Utica, N. Y., WUliam Goodell, Editor, $2. PHILANTHROPIST, N. W. Corner of Main and 6th streets, Cincinnati, O., Gamaliel Bailey, Jun. Editor, $2. PENNSYLVANIA FREEMAN, 29 North 9th st„ Phila- delphia, John G. Whittier, Editor, ^2. VOICE OF FREEDOM, Montpelier, Vt., C. L. Knapp, Edi- tor, $2. MASSACHUSETTS ABOLITIONIST, Boston, Mass., E. Wright, jun. Editor, ^1. CHRISTIAN WITNESS, 7, Fifth st., Pittsburg, Pa., Wm. H. Burleigh, Editor, $2. ROCHESTER FREEMAN, Rochester, N. Y., Myron Holly, Editor, ^2. FREEMAN, by Wm. M. Sullivan, Jackson, Mich. N. YORK EVANGELIST, New York, Rev. N. E. Johnson, Editor, ^2 50 cts. GENIUS OF UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION, Hennepin, 111., Benjamin Lundy, Editor, $2. CRADLE OF TJBERTY, Boston, W. L. Garrison, 75 cts. CHRISTIAN REFLECTOR, Rev. C. P. Grosvenor, Editor, Worcester, Ms., and N. Southard, agent for New York. SPECTATOR, Montrose, Pa., Post and Worden. Editors. 82. 18 ANTI-SLAVERV PUBLICATIONS, VERMONT TELEGRAPH, Brandon, Vt., O. S. Murray, Editor, ,S^- OBSERVER AND CONGREGATIONALIST, Hartford, Ct., Rev. E. R. Tyler, Editor, ^2. Semi-monthly. ADVOCATE OF FREEDOM, Brunswick, Me., 50 cts. Monthly. ANTI-SLAVERY LECTURER, Utica, N. Y.,Wm. GoodeU, Editor, 25 cts.. ZION'S WATCHTOWER Perry, Genesee Co., N. Y., by THE VISITOR, Newark, N. J., A. Guest, 120 Market-st. CHARTER OAK, S. S. Cowlcs, Publisher, Hartford,Ct., 25 cts. CATALOGUE OF PUBLICATIONS, For Sale at the Depository of the American Anti Slavery Society, 143, Nassau Street, and at the Depositories in Boston, Hartford, Provid.-nce, Philadelphia, Utica, Cincinnati, Pittsburg, Concord, N. H., Vergennes, Vt., &c. BOUND VOLUMES. Anti-Slavery Examiner — being Pamphlets, A. E. Grimk6's Appeal to Christian Women of the South ; Smith to Smylic ; Power of Congress over the District of Columbia ; Bible vs. Slavery ; Eman- cipation in the West Indies, by Thome and Kim- ball, and Elmore Correspondence, (bound in one vol.) American Slavery as it is, in boards, . Anti-Slavery Manual, 18mo. .... Alton Riots, by Pres. Beecher, of Illinois College, Alton Trials, 12mo American Liberties and American Slavery, Anti-Slavery Record, 12mo. vols. 1,2 and 3, each. Appeal by Mrs. Child, 12mo Ball, Charles, r2mo Beauties of Pliilanlhropy, .... Bourne's Picture of Slavery, l8mo. Chloe Spear, iBmo. Cabinet of Freedom, (Clarkson's history of the slave trade) 3 vols. r2mo. per vol. . Chandler, E. M. Poetical works of, 12mo. Channing on Slavery, l2mo. . . . • Dissertation on Servitude, l2mo.by the Rev. L. A. Sawyer, Emancipation in W. I., by Thome and Kimball, do by do in boards, with a map, Enemies of the Constitution Discovered, l2mo. Fountain, plain bmding, 64mo Single. Hund. 00 75 00 50 37 50 25 20 00 62 45 00 50 37 50 00 75 00 31 25 00 37i 33 00 25 lUO 00 00 75 00 50 37 50 25 17 00 50 44 00 62h 56 00 50 44 00 25 23 00 00 75 00 30 25 00 50 40 00 19 1 12 50 ANTI-SLAVERY PUBLICATIONS. 19 Gr! Hike's (A. E.) Letters to Miss Beeclier, GustavLis Vassa. 12mo. .... History of the Pennsylvania Hall, Jay's Inquiry, 12ino Jay's View of the action of the Federal Govern mcnt, in behalf of Slavery, Light and Love, 198mo. .... Light and Truth, 18mo Law of Slavei-y, 8vo. .... Life of Granville Sharp, .... Memoir of R.ev. E. P. Lovejoy, l2nio. Memoir of Rev. Lemuel Haynes, 12mo. Memoir of William Wilberforce, Negro Pew, l8mo. ..... Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine, 8vo. Rankin's Letters, 18mo. .... Right and Wrong in Boston, 18mo. Slavery — containing Declaration of Sentiments and Constitution of the Am. A. S. Society — Wesley's Thoughts on Slavery — Does the Bible Sanction Slavery ? — Address to the Synod of Kentucky — Narrative of Amos Dresser, and Why work for the Slave ? bound in one vol. Slave's Friend, 32mo. vols. 1, 2 and 3, each, Star of Freedom, 32mo. .... Thompson in America, 12mo. Thompson's Reception in Great Britain, 12mo. Thompson's Lectures and Debates, 12mo. Testimony of God against Slavery, 18mo. Tracts, miniature series, bound, Wesley's Thoughts on Slavery, in muslin, " " "in morocco, Wheatley, Phillis, l8mo. Mem. and Poems, Wheatlc}', Phillis Memoir of, . . . Wheeler, Peter, Narrative of, Whittier's Poems, plain, .... " gilt, .... PAMPHLETS. American Anti-Slavery Almanac, $30 for 1000, Appeal to the Women of the nominally Free States Address to the Presbyterians of Kentucky, American Slavery AS IT IS — the Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses, Address to the Churches of Jesns Christ, by the Evangelical Union A. S. Society, N. Y. city, Anti-Slavery Catechism, by Mrs. Cliild, . " . Adams', J. Quincy's, Letters, to his Constituents, A Jams', J. Q. Oration at Newburyport, Aiiams', J, Q. Speech on the Texas question, Single. 37^ 621 1 25 62 i 25 31 50 31 00 00 25 25 75 25 25 31 25 15 37il 37i 50 25 25 18| 25 37i 19 50 75 50 6 12 6* 37i 8 8 25 25 Hund. 25 00 45 00 112 00 30 00 50 00 18 00 25 00 400 00 25 00 83 33 90 00 20 00 17 00 150 00 17 00 17 00 25 00 20 00 11 25 28 00 28 00 37 50 17 00 19 00 15 00 20 00 30 00 15 00 45 00 56 00 112 GO 3 50 8 00 4 00 25 00 9 00 6 00 6 00 20 00 12 00 20 ANTI-SLAVRRY PUBLICATIONS. Apoloify for Abolitionists, Appeal to the Christian Women of the Soutli, Allen's Report, Address to the Methodist General Conference Anecdotes of American Slavery, Birney's Letter to the Churches, Basse tt, William, Letter to the Friends Bible atrainst, Slavery, Chattel Principle — a Summary of the New Tes tament arjrumenton Slaverv, by Pres. Green, Channing's Letter to Phillips, on Clay's speech, " Letter to Clay, " " to James G. Birney, Crandall, Reuben, Trial of, ... Cincinnati Riots, . . . , . Dissertation on Servitude, by Rev. L. A. Sawyer, Dickinson's Sermon, . . . . , Does the Bible sanction slavery, Dec. of Sentiments and Consti. of the A. A. S. Soc Discussion between Thompson and Breckinridge Dresser's Narrative, .... Epistle to the Clergy of the Southern States, Evils and Cure of Slavery, by Mrs. Child, Elmore Correspondence, Emancipation in the W.I., by Thome and Kimball in 1838, First Annual Report of the Com. of Vigilance Father Ward's Letter, .... Guardian Genius of the Federal Union, Garrison's Speech, August 1, 1838, Generous Planter, ..... Immediate, not Gradual Abolition, .lay's Thoughts on the duty of the Episcopal Church, ...... Liberty, 8vo. l2mo. Morris's Speech in answer to Ciay, Mahan's, Rev. John B., trial in Kentucky, Martyr age in America, by Harriet Martincau, Power of Congress over the District of Columbia Products of Slave Jjabor by Charles Marriott, Roper, Moses, Narrative of a Fugitive Slave, Rights of Colored Men Reports of Am.. Mass.,N.Y., and Pa., A. S. Soc Rural Code of Haiti, .... Ruggles' Antidote, ..... Report on People of Color in Ohio, Slavelioldiiig Weighed in the Balance, Slavery Rhymes, . , . . . Sladq's Speech in Congress, .Suigle 6 6 6 3 3 3 10 ]5 12i 20 m 8 10 10 20 12i 2 2 371 () 5 3 20 6i 25 2 I2h 10 6i 12i 3 37i 25 9 25 12i 15 25 25 12i 6i 6i 12i 6 Hund. 12 50 9 00 18 00 8 00 5 00 8 00 8 00 18 00 10 00 1 00 1 00 28 00 4 00 3 00 2 50 9 00 13 25 4 00 18 00 1 00 10 00 8 00 4 00 8 00 2 00 30 00 20 00 6 00 20 00 9 00 8 00 5 00 13 00 20 00 20 00 10 00 9 00 4 00 4 00 9 00 4 00 ANTI-SLAVERY PUBLICATIONS. 21 Appeal of Forty Thousand Citizens of Pennsyl vania, Smith's, Gerrit, Letter to James Smylie, " to Rev. Dr. Schmuckor, on Colonization, " Letter to Henry Clay, Slaveholding invariably sinful, Stanton's Speech, 'The Martyr by Beriah Green, Things for Northern Men to do. Twenty Millions thrown away. Views of Colonization, by Rev. James A. Nourse Views of Slavery Sc Emanc'pation.by MissxMartineau, Valuable Documents, Wesleyan Anti-Slavery Review, Wesley's Thoughts on Slavery, War in Texas, by Benj. Lundy, West India Question, by Charles Stewart, Why Work for the Slave ? TRACTS. No. 1. St. Domingo, . , — 2. Caste, .... — 3. Colonization, — 4. Moral Condition of the Slaves, — 5 What is Abolition ? — 6. The Ten Commandments, — 7. Danger and Safety, -- 8. Pro-Slavery Bible, — 9. Prejudice against Color, — 10. Northern Dealers in Slaves, — 11. Slavery and Missions, — 12, Dr. Nelson's Lecture on Slavery, PRINTS, *fcc. Illustrations of the Anti-Slavery Almanac for 1840 Likeness of E. P Lovcjoy, .... The Emancipated Family, .... Slave Market of America, .... Correspondence between O'Connell and A.Stevenson, Portrait of James G. Birney, .... " Gerrit Smith, .... '' Benjamin Lundy, . . ; . Inna, the Booroom Slave, .... Clay and Calhoun, Dr. Franklin an Abolitionist, .... Our Countrymen in Chains, .... A Bird's-eye View of American Slavery, Printer's Picture Gallerj^', .... The Negro's Complaint, .... Letter Paper,2 cts. sheet, SOcts.quire, ^9 one ream, MUSIC. Freedom's Alarm. . . . > Single. 10 3 12* 12J 6 6 6 6 8 m 40 3 12^ 12^ 2 6 12i 50 6 6 50 75 50 50 25 3 2 6 4 2 vwwv;ci/v'Ov\ i^yyyy^^^Msj^^JW^^ :^.;^^wv ^^^^vo^wS-;^.v.,..vw^^ ^v^^Vv^ ,i&;^ttwS^M^:r>'^^ 'wvwgvwggQ^, Vvjc-wi^, >^'*5;is^«'^*'> w^mmm^^m^ vwv^^uvuw V'j\j\jm "mk 'VWUVi 'm^t'i^sm m/jm wmm WWv,vc^>/, LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011 898 761 5 ,^ teilM