' H 
 
LlDnA^"^ 1 
 
 012 027 
 
 972 5 ♦ 
 
 Hollinger 
 
 pH8.5 
 
 Mill Run F3-1955 
 
E 458 
 .4 
 |.B83 
 Copy 1 
 
 
 AMPAIGN TRACTS. 
 
 N®o 2, 
 
 Piiblislied by 
 THE BROOKLYN DAILY UNION 
 
 jSTo- lO Front Street. 
 
 FACTS WHICH ARE HOW HISTORY. 
 
 GEBT. McCLELLAN'S FEIENDS AND 
 FOREIGN INTEEVENTION. 
 
 The following paragraphs from Lord Lyons' 
 letter to his Government, dated "Washington, 
 Nov. 17, 1S63, show to what depths of infamy 
 Gen. McClellan's friends were able to sink 
 themselves when he was yet in the army. The 
 men who would then have accepted foreign in- 
 tervention, had they dared, now offer an uncon- 
 ditional armistice to the Rebels in arms : 
 
 On the following morning, however, intelli- 
 gence arrived from Washington which dashed 
 the rising hopes of the Conservatives. It was 
 announced that General McCIellan had been 
 dismissed from the command of the Army of 
 the Potomac, and ordered to repair to his home ; 
 that he had, in fact, been removed altogether 
 from active service. T/).e General had been re- 
 garded as the representative of the conserveitive 
 prineiple in, the army. Support of him had 
 been made one of the articles of the conserva- 
 tive electoral programme. * * * 
 The irritation of the Conservatives at New York 
 was certainly very great ; it seemed, however, 
 to be not unmixed with consternation and des- 
 pondency. 
 
 Several of the leaders of the Democratic 
 party sought interviews with me, both before 
 and after the arrival of the intelligence of 
 
 Gen. McClellan's dismissal. The subject up- 
 permost in their minds, while they were speak- 
 ing to me, was naturally that of foreign me- 
 diation between the North and South. Many 
 of them seemed to think that this inediatio7i 
 must come at last ; but they appeared to be 
 very much afraid of its coming too soon. It 
 was evident that they apprehended that a 
 premature proposal of foreign intervention 
 would afford the Radical paity a means of re- 
 viving the violent war spirit, and of thus de- 
 feating the peaceful plans of the Conservatives. 
 They appeared to regard the present move- 
 ment as peculiarly unfavorable for such an 
 offer, and, indeed, to hold that it would be es- 
 sential to the success of any proposal from 
 abroad that it should be deferred until the 
 control of the Executive Government should 
 be in the hands of the Conservative party. 
 
 I gave no opinion on the subject. I did not 
 say whether or not I myself thought foreign in- 
 tervention probable or advisable ; but I listened 
 with attention to the accounts given me of the 
 plans and hopes of the Conservative party. 
 
 At THe BOTTOM I THOUGHT I PERCEIVED A 
 DESIRE TO PUT AN END TO THE WA7!, EVEN 
 AT THE RISK OF LOSING THE SOUTHERN STATES 
 ALTOGETHER ; BUT IT WAS PLAIN THAT IT WAS 
 NOT THOUGHT PRUDENT TO AVOW THIS DESIRE. 
 
 Indeed, some hints of it, dropped betore the 
 elections, were so ill received that a strong de- 
 claration in the contrary sense was deemed ne- 
 cessary by the Democratic leaders. 
 
At the present moment, tJ(ereforc, the chiefs of 
 the Conservative party call loudly for a more 
 vigorous prosecution of the war, and reproach 
 the Government with slackness as well as with 
 want of success in its military measures. 
 
 THE REBELLION WITHOUT 
 
 EXCUSE. 
 
 On the 14th November, 1860, Hon. A. H. 
 
 Stephens spokfe thus against secession and 
 
 treason : 
 
 The first question that presents itself is. Shall 
 the people of the South secede from the Union 
 in consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln 
 to the Presidency of the United States ? My 
 countrymen, I tell you frankly, candidly, and 
 earnestly, that I do not think that they ought. 
 In my judgment the election of no man, constitu- 
 tionally chosen to that high office, is sufficient 
 cause foi' any State to separate from the 
 Union. 
 
 He went still further and said : 
 
 That this Government of our fathers, with 
 all its defects, comes nearer the objects of all 
 good Governments tJian any other on the face of 
 the earth, is my settled conviction. 
 
 Where wUl you go, following the sun in his 
 circuit round the glol)e, to find a Government 
 that better protects the liberties of its people, 
 and secures to them the blessings that we enjoy ? 
 I think that one of the evils that beset us is a 
 surfeit of liberty, an exuberance of the price- 
 less blessings for which we are ungrateful. 
 
 Have not we at the South as well as the 
 North grown great and happy under its opera- 
 tion ? Has any part of the world ever shown 
 such rapid progress in the development of 
 wealth, and all the material resources of power 
 and greatness, as the Southern States have 
 under the General Government v -» * * * 
 These [the civilization and institutions of Greece 
 and Rome] were but tlie fruits of their forms 
 of government, the matrix from which their 
 grand development sj^rang ; and when once the 
 institutions of a people have been destroyed, 
 tJiere is no earthly power that can bring back the 
 Promethean spark to kindle them here again 
 any more than in that ancient land of eloijuence, 
 poetry and song. A7id if we shall in an evil hour 
 rashly pidl down and destroy those institutions 
 which the patriotic band of our fathers labored 
 so long and so hard to build up, and which 
 have done so mucli for us and tlie world, loho 
 can venture the j)redictlon that similar results 
 icill not ensue f Let us avoid it if we can. 
 * * * * 
 
 ■ THE FOUNDATION OF THE 
 EEBELLION. 
 
 Lured by the tempting offer of the Vice- 
 Presidency, urged by ambition, and carried 
 away by the action of his associates, Mr. Ste- 
 phens surrendered his convictions, defied his 
 fears, and courted the dangers he had foretold, 
 and thus defended the sham Government for 
 which he had deserted the " best on the face of 
 the earth :" 
 
 The new Constitution has put at rest forever 
 all the agitating questions relating to our pecu- 
 liar institutions — African slavery as it exists 
 among us — the proper status of the negro in 
 our form of civilization. This was the immedi- 
 ate cause of the late rupture and jJrasent revolu^ 
 tion. * * * TheprevaUing ideas entertained 
 by him (Jefferson) and most of the leading states- 
 men at the time of the formation of the old Con- 
 stitution were, that the enslavement of the African 
 was in violation of the laws of nature ; that it was 
 wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politi- 
 cally. It was an evil they knew not well how 
 to deal with ; but the general opinion of the 
 men of that day was that, somehow or other, 
 in the order of Providence, the institution would 
 be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though 
 not incorporated in the Constitution, was the 
 prevailing idea at the time. The Constitution, 
 it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the 
 institution while it should last, and hence no 
 argument can be j ustly used against the con- 
 stitutional guarantees thus secured, because of 
 the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, 
 however, were fun damen tally im'ong. Th ey rested 
 upon the assumption of the equality of races, 
 lids ims an error. It was a sandy foundation, 
 and the idea of a Government built upon it — 
 when the " storm came and the wind blew, it 
 fclV 
 
 Our new Qovernment is foxinded upon exactly 
 the opposite ideas; its foundations arc laid, its 
 corner-stone rests, upon the great truth that the 
 negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery, 
 stibordination to the superior race, is his na- 
 tural and moral conclition. Jhis our new Qov- 
 ernment, is the first in the history of the world 
 based upon this great physical, philosophical, 
 and moral truth. 
 
 A REBEL'S ESTIMATE OF 
 McCLELLAN. 
 
 A rebel mail of about fifty letters was cap- 
 tured near Shepardstown, Va., a few days ago, 
 most of the letters being from officers and sol- 
 diers in Early's command. The following is an 
 extract from a letter among them from one Col^ 
 
Dunham of New York, wlio early in the war 
 attempted to raise a regiment for the Union, 
 but having faUed to effect his object, resigned 
 and went over to the rebels. In his letter, dated 
 August 17, he alludes to his treason and boasts 
 of it. The letter is directed to one Bishop, of 
 Brooklyn, and abounds in the low, coarse slang 
 which the rebels and rebel-sympathizing writers 
 use so freely when speaking of President Lin- 
 coln, and in threats of the ferocily with which 
 the war is to be waged against the North. 
 
 The following extract show 3 the deep interest 
 which the rebel leaders have in McCleUan and 
 the democracy of the present day : 
 
 But let me tell you, my dear boy, you may 
 pray for peace until hell freezes over — that is, 
 peace with the restoration of the Union — and 
 there will be no peace. Mars is relentless and 
 Concordia is deaf. There can be no jDeace until 
 Black Republicans and Abolitionists are silenced 
 and reduced to an equality, or, at least, a level, 
 with the niggers they claim as their equals. 
 Let your Chicago Convention nominate Mr. 
 Davis for the Presidency — and I know the ma- 
 jority of the delegates would vote for him if 
 they dared — and on his election you can and 
 will have peace. Of course you wiE not do 
 this. The kext best thing you can do is 
 
 TO NOMINATE AND ELECT McClELLAN. The 
 South don't regard him as a military genius, as 
 the northern press would make the people be- 
 lieve they do ; but they believe him to be what 
 was once called A northern man with 
 SOUTHERN PRINCIPLES. His election, my dear 
 boy, would do much to conciliate the South. 
 
 We are SATISFIED THAT IP YOU ELECT HIM, 
 THE RIGHT OP SECESSION AND INDEPENDENCE 
 "WOULD BE ACKNOWLEDGED, AND THAT TERMS 
 OF RECONSTRUCTION WOULD BE OFFERED, 
 WHICH WE MIGHT WITH HONOR ACCEPT. I 
 don't say, however, THAT THEY WOULD BE 
 ACCEPTED. 
 
 It is my opinion, as it is the opinion of Presi- 
 dent Davis and the leading men of the South, 
 that the war must continiie until one side or 
 the other is subjugated. The more assistance 
 your democrats render, indirectly, the sooner 
 we shall be able to vanquish the abolition 
 hordes, and restore the Union. It may seem 
 paradoxical, but I assure you, my boy, we are 
 fighting for Union, fighting to place the old 
 United States under one government ; and we 
 shall do it in such a way that no abolition ba- 
 boon will ever again get at the head of it. 
 
 That is, they are fighting to " subjugate " the 
 North, and make Jeff. Davis President of the 
 Union, and they count upon McCleUan's election 
 to help them. 
 
 THE RECOGNIZED ALLIES OF THE 
 EEBELS. 
 
 Jefferson Da^^s says : 
 
 Tell Mr. Lincoln from me that I shall be 
 pleased at any time to receive proposals of peace 
 upon the basis of our independence. It will 
 BE USELESS TO APPROACH ME WITH ANT 
 OTHER. 
 
 The Atlanta Register says : 
 
 The noble band of patriots led by ex-Presi- 
 dent Pierce, Seymour of Connecticut, Wood of 
 New York, and Vallandigham of Ohio, are 
 doing us indirect service. They are worthy of 
 our respect and sympathy. We can gain noth- 
 ing by denouncing tliem. We raay lose much 
 by presenting a hostile front to their peace 
 movement. Live with them we never 
 WILL ! But in the meanwhile, if they will use 
 the ballot-box against Lincoln whUe we use the 
 cartridge-box, each side will be a helper to the 
 other, and both co-operate in accomplishing the 
 greatest work this continent has witnessed. 
 
 Lieut. Maury, of the Rebel Navy, writing to 
 the London Times, says : 
 
 There are dissensions among the people of 
 the North. There is already a Peace par- 
 ty THERE. All the embarrassments with which 
 that party can surround Mr. Lincoln, and all 
 the difficulties it can throw in the way of the 
 war party in the North, operate directly as so 
 much aid and comfort for the South. 
 
 The Richmond Enquirer says : 
 
 The Yankee Democracy is arousing itself and 
 preparing for a new struggle for the " spoils," 
 or, as they call it, the cause of Constitutional 
 liberty. 'These Democrats are beginning to 
 raise a peace platform for the Presidential elec- 
 tion. It is seriously to be hoped that these 
 champions of Constitutional freedom will be 
 sustained in the manner they require, namely, 
 BY CONTINUED AND SEVERE REVERSES IN THE 
 FIELD, and it is the first and most urgent diity 
 of our countrymen so to help and sustain the 
 Democratic party. It is nothing to us which 
 of these factions devours the spoils, or whether 
 they recover their Constitutional liberty, which 
 they have wantonly thrown away in the pur- 
 suit of Southern conquest and plunder. But 
 IT IS OP the utmost importance to us to 
 
 AID IN STIMULATING DISAFFECTION AMONG 
 
 THE Yankees against their own govern- 
 ment, AND IN DEMORALIZING AND DISINTE- 
 GRATING SOCIETY IN THAT GOD-ABANDONED 
 COUNTRY. We can do this only in one way, 
 namely, in thrashing their armies and carrying 
 the war to their own firesides. This is the 
 only way we can help them. In this sense, 
 
 AND TO THIS EXTENT, THE DEMOCRATS ARE 
 
 TRULY OUR ALLIES. The Democrats can do ab- 
 
solutely nothing without the South, and they 
 cannot bring themselves to admit the thought 
 that we would refuse to unite with them in a 
 grand universal campaign for the election of a 
 Democratic President with a peace platform 
 and the Constitution as it is. Here is their 
 
 plan — AN AKMISTIOE, AND THEN " INVITING 
 
 OUR CO-OPERATION." During the armistice they 
 hope the " calm, majestic voice of reason and a 
 common Christianity" — quoting from Senator 
 Wall's speech — " will do considerable." In 
 vain is a net spread in the sight of any bird. 
 We are 'ware of them and will watch them 
 well. Our views go a little further than theirs. 
 We hope so to disorganize and disinte- 
 grate SOCIETY IN THEIR COUNTRY, THAT THEY 
 
 WILL RUSH INTO ARMED REYOLUTION AN1> 
 
 ANARCHY. We Spit upou their platform. 
 
 The Richmond Dispatch says : 
 
 If the whole Yankee race should fall down in 
 the dust to-morrow, and pray us to be their 
 masters, we would spurn them even as slaves I 
 Our only wish is to be separated from 
 THEM FINALLY AND FOREVER — never to See the 
 face of them again — never to hear the voice of 
 another Yankee on the south side of the Poto- 
 mac, or the nortli — to have no traffic and no in- 
 tercourse of any description whatever with, 
 them. We are fighting for separation, 
 and we will have it if it cost the life of every 
 man in the Confederate States. 
 
 LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 
 
 012 027 972 5 
 
LIBRARY ur 
 
 012 027 972 5 
 
 Hollinger 
 
 pH8.5 
 
 Mill Run F3'1955