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SALLUSTS 
 
 JUGURTHINE WAR 
 
 CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE, 
 
 WITH 
 
 AN ENGLISH COMMKNTAO ST. 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL INDEXES 
 
 CHARLES ANTHON, LL. D. 
 
 JAY-PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT LITERATURE. IN COLUMBIA COLLEGE, AND RECTOS 
 OF THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL- 
 
 TENTH EDITION', CORRECTED AND ENLARGED 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 
 HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, 
 
 FRANKLIN S Q U A R E, 
 1855. 
 

 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1836, by 
 
 Harper & Brothers, 
 In the Clerk's Office of the Southern District of New York. 
 
 Gift from 
 Mr. James McKirdy 
 
 Jan. 1S,19B2 9 
 
TO THE 
 
 REV. JOHN LUDLOW. S.T.D.. 
 
 PROVOST OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 THIS WORK 
 
 £ s Eespectfullg 33 e fc t c a t e &, 
 
 AS AN OFFERING 
 
 TO ONE, IN WHOM THE RICHES OF INTELLECTUAL CULTURE 
 ARE SO HAPPILY BLENDED WITH ALL THAT 
 TS ATTRACTIVE IN THE CHRIS- 
 TIAN CHARACTER. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 In preparing a new edition of Sallust tor the press, 
 the editor has taken the greatest care to make such 
 alterations and improvements, in the work, as may 
 render it a still more useful guide to the student than 
 its predecessors have proved. The principal changes 
 will be found to consist in a more enlarged commentary 
 on the Jugurthine war,in the placing of this production 
 of Sallust's before the narrative of the conspiracy of 
 Catiline, and in the two Indexes, the one Geographical, 
 the other Historical, which have been appended to the 
 work, The enlargement of the notes on the Jugurthine 
 war has been made at the request of several instructors, 
 who thought that a more ample commentary on this 
 part of the historian's labours was needed by their 
 pupils. The change introduced into the body of the 
 work-, by placing the narrative of the war with Jugurtha 
 before the account of Catiline's conspiracy, cannot but 
 meet with the approbation of all who lay claim to any 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 acquaintance with Roman literature, or even with Ro- 
 man history. The old arrangement violates the order 
 of time, since the attempt of Catiline to overthrow the 
 government of his country was subsequent to the war 
 with Jugurtha by a period of nearly fifty years. The 
 impression produced, therefore, on the mind of the 
 student, from his being required to read the two works 
 in an inverted order, must, of necessity, be a confused 
 one. In the account of Catiline's conspiracy, for ex- 
 ample, he will find frequent allusions to the calamitous 
 consequences of Sylla's strife with Marius, and will see 
 many of the profligate partisans of the former rallying 
 around the standard of Catiline ; while, in the history 
 of the Jugurthine war, if he be made to peruse it after 
 the other, in the ordinary routine of school-reading, he 
 will be introduced to the same Sylla, just entering on 
 a public career, and standing high in the favour and 
 confidence of Marius ! How, too, will he be able to 
 appreciate, in their full force, the remarks of Sallust re- 
 lative to the successive changes in the Roman form of 
 government, and the alternate ascendency of the aristo- 
 cratic and popular parties, if he be called upon to direct 
 his attention to results before he is made acquainted 
 with the causes that produced them ? The only argu 
 ment adduced in favour of the old arrangement is, that 
 Sallust composed the narrative of Catiline's conspiracy 
 before that of the Jugurthine war, and that all the 
 manuscripts, and nearly all the editions of the historian. 
 
TREFACE. * 
 
 follow this same order, and place the account of the 
 conspiracy first. Such an argument, however, if it be 
 really deserving of the name, must w r eigh but little 
 when positive utility is placed in the opposite scale. 
 The order, moreover, for which we contend, is no nov- 
 elty on the continent of Europe, as may be seen from 
 the works of the President De Brosses, the Abbe 
 Cassagne, and M. Du Rozoir. The last mentioned 
 editor, indeed, expresses his very great surprise that 
 the arrangement in question has not by this time be 
 <ome a general one. 
 
 With regard to the Indexes that have been added to 
 the w r ork, it may be sufficient to remark, that the object, 
 in preparing them, was to relieve the commentary from 
 what might have proved too heavy a pressure of mate- 
 rials, and have deterred from, rather than invited, a pe- 
 rusal. The geographical and historical matter, w T ith a 
 very few slight exceptions, now stands by itself, and 
 may be consulted with more convenience, and it is 
 hoped, with more decided advantage. 
 
 The biographical account of Sallust, and the sketch 
 of his writings, w r hich have been given in the previous 
 editions under the ordinary form, now assume the char- 
 acter of an imaginary conversation, a mode of impart 
 ing information which the editor has recently adopted 
 in a course of College-Lectures on Ancient Literature 
 and which he has found to be extremely well calculated 
 for eliciting and ensuring attention, 
 
IT1 PREFACE. 
 
 In conclusion, the editor feels, that it would be the 
 worst species of affectation in him, were he to conceal 
 the pleasure he has experienced, at the very favourable 
 reception which has been given to the previous editions 
 of this work. And he thinks he may be allowed to 
 state, with pardonable pride, that two separate re-prints, 
 by different editors, total strangers to himselt, have also 
 appeared in England, and that too without any effort 
 od ms own part to procure in that country, a re-publi- 
 nation of his labours, C. ANTHON 
 
 Col. College, N. Y. ) 
 March 22, 1839.* 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 
 
 DR. BARTON-HENRY ARLINGTON. 
 
 Dr. B. Well, Henry, how are you pleased with Oxford 1 — I have 
 met you several times since your arrival among us, but have never be- 
 fore this had an opportunity of conversing with you, or of ascertaining 
 how you liked your new residence. 
 
 H. T am delighted with it, my dear Doctor, and feel like a new being 
 amid these classic shades. With the means of improvement now full} 
 under my own control, I am determined to make that use of my time, 
 which shall lead in after life, with the divine blessing, to permanent and 
 honourable distinction. My reading begins, in fact, to assume a new 
 character, and my attention is more and more directed every day to 
 works of solid utility. It is with this view, mdeed, that I have sought 
 you on the present occasion, as I have just entered on a course of Roman 
 literature, and wish to consult you about the merits of a writer, in rela- 
 tion to whom, I am, I confess, in a good deal of doubt — I mean the his- 
 torian Sallust. 
 
 Dr. B. I can easily conceive. Henry, that an ardent admirer like 
 yourself of the character and services of a Cicero, would be inclined to 
 regard the cold applause, which Sallust bestows upon the saviour of his 
 country, in the light of a defect, and even stain upon bis escutcheon 
 as an historian. Nor will I stand forth to defend him. Something, 
 however, must be conceded to the rankling of private animosity, and 
 something to disgust at the ill-disguised and inordinate vanity of the 
 Roman consul. For, after all, Henry, what is history 1 A mere place 
 of exhibition, where the spectators are too little acquainted with the 
 hidden causes of what they behold, and the actors are too dir^tly inter- 
 ested in the result, to enable us to depend, with any degree of certainty. 
 on the accounts of either the one or the other ! 
 
 H. Your remaik is a very just one, my dear Doctor, and ought to 
 teach us the utter uncertainty of this species of knowledge, except 
 where it bears the impress from on high. History, in the former case, 
 may be likened to the arid plains of Egypt, where the half- buried tens** 1 *. 
 
 9 
 
X LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 
 
 and half-deciphered inscription, tell the tale of other days, but tell it in 
 dark and mysterious language ; while, in the latter, she stands like the 
 pyramids of that same Eastern land, alone in the midst of ruins, resting 
 securely on the rock of ages, and pointing upward to the skies. — But I 
 am wandering from my subject. Would it be too great an encroachment 
 on your valuable time, Doctor, were I to ask for a brief sketch of the life 
 of the historian 1 
 
 Dr. B. Not at all, Henry. I am perfectly at leisure, and will accede 
 to your request with the utmost readiness. Should any thing, however, 
 strike you in the course of my remarks, as being either at variance with 
 your pre-conceived notions, or savouring too much of mere speculation, 
 you will oblige me by a candid communication of your sentiments. 
 
 H. There will be very little occasion for this, my dear Doctor, as I 
 am a mere novice in matters of literary history, and am come prepared 
 to listen rather than to oppose. I will avail myself, however, of your 
 very kind offer, to ask an occasional question or tw r o, should any thing 
 appear to me either novel or obscure. 
 
 Dr. B. Well then, to begin with the name itself, the German scholars^ 
 whose research nothing can escape, are divided in opinion as to the pro- 
 priety of writing Sallustius or Salustius, and Crispus Sallustius or 
 Sallustius Crispus. 1 I believe it will be found, upon an examination of 
 authorities, that Sallustius is the more correct form, and Crispus Sal- 
 lustius the more usual arrangement of the manuscripts. It would seem, 
 however, that, in the golden age of Latin literature, it was customary to 
 place the cognomen after the nomen, and in the silver age to reverse this 
 order. 2 — But let us proceed to the historian himself. Sallust was born 
 at Amiternum, a town of the Sabines, B. C. 86, or A. U. C. 668. He 
 received his education at Rome, and, in his early youth, appears to have 
 been desirous of devoting himself to literary pursuits. — 
 
 H Allow me to interrupt you, my dear Doctor, and to ask whether 
 it be not a very remarkable circumstance, that so many of the Latin 
 writers were natives, not of the capital, but of the provinces, of Italy ? 
 
 Dr. B. The most careless inquirer, Henry, into the literary history 
 of Rome, cannot but be struck by the singular fact, that so many of the 
 distinguished individuals who grace the literary annals of the empire-city, 
 were corn, not in Rome itself, but either in foreign lands, or in the prov 
 inces of the Italian peninsula. Had the queen of nations adhered in 
 .ater days to the selfish and exclusive policy, by which all who were not 
 oorn within her walls were at first debarred from the full enjoyment of 
 
 1, Cort. ad Sail. Oat. init. — Gerlach, de vita et scriptis Salustii, (Ed. Op., vol. ii. 
 pi 2, 3.y-Hall. Lit. Zeit. 1829. Nrc. 90, p. 77.—Lindemann } Corp. Gram. Lat 
 tol. i. p. 202, &c. 
 
 2. Baehr, Gesch. der Rom. Lit., p. 377, ed. 2d. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. xl 
 
 rtie privileges of citizenship, how few of the great names that now adom 
 the history of hor literature could have been claimed by her as her own. 
 Livius Andronicus, for example, was a slate from Magna Giaecia; 
 Ennius was a native of the same quarter of Italy ; Naevius was a Cam- 
 panian ; Plautus came from Umbria ; Pacuvius was born at Brundisiurn, 
 Terence at Carthage, Catullus at Verona, Cicero at Arpinum, Virgil at 
 Andes, Propertius in Umbria, Horace in Apulia, Livy at Patavium, Ovid 
 at Sulmo, Lucan in Spain, the elder Pliny at Verona, and Tacitus at the 
 Umbrian city of Interamna. — You see then, Henry, that Rome may be 
 said to have acquired her literary, as she did her martial, fame, by the 
 exertions of her allies, the provincials of Italy. 
 
 H. Yes, Doctor, and it is only transferring to the operations of intel- 
 lect the old proverb about the Marsi, that there was no triumph either 
 Over them Or without them ; ovrs Kara Malawi/, ovrs avsv Mapow, ycveaOat 
 BpianftovA — But let us return to Sallust. 
 
 Dr. B. Notwithstanding his early zeal for literary pursuits, our his- 
 torian appears to have been soon involved in that striving after military 
 or political distinction, which formed so conspicuous a feature of the age 
 in which he lived. We find him, accordingly, at twenty-seven, filling 
 the office of quaestor, which entitled him, of course, to a seat in the 
 senate, and, about six years afterwards, elected to the important post of 
 tribune of the commons. While discharging the duties of this magis- 
 tracy, he attached himself to the rising fortunes of Julius Caesar, and, 
 during its continuance also, he conducted, along with one of his col- 
 leagues, the prosecution against Milo for the murder of Clodius. — Thus 
 far all seems to have gone well with Sallust. In the year of Rome, how- 
 ever, 704, or 50 B. C, he was excluded from the senate, by the censors 
 Appius Claudius Pulcher and Lucius Piso, for an act of gross im- 
 morality.2 
 
 H. You surprise me, Dr. Barton. — Sallust, wnose writings breathe 
 so lofty an air of rigid morality. — Sallust, the stern declaimer against 
 luxury and all its train of attendant vices — a votary at the shrine of licen- 
 tiousness and profligacy 1 
 
 Dr. B. The most suspicious kind of morality, my young friend, is 
 undoubtedly that noisy species, which is so fond of descanting on the 
 failings and delinquencies of others. Sallust, aye, and even Seneca 
 too, notwithstanding the eulogiums of Diderot upon the latter, 3 remind 
 me very strongly, when regarded as moralists, of Dr. Johnson's remark, 
 that " no man is a hypocrite in his pleasures " Both were, at one period 
 
 1. Appian, Bell Civ. l } 46. 
 
 2. Schol adHorat. 8a£., 1, 2, 46.— Varro, ap. Aul. GeU.> 17, 18.— Dio, Castius, 
 iO t G&.—Lactant., 2, 12.— Gerlach^ de vita, <fcc. Salustii^ 1. c. 
 
 3. Bssai sur Iss hegnes de Claude et de Neron 
 
Ul LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUbi- 
 
 of their lives, irregular and licentious, and it may well be doubted, whetnei 
 sither of them carried into fair and successful operation the moral theories 
 which they were so anxious to promulgate. — And yet, although Sallust 
 was confessedly a man of loose and corrupt principles, it is far from 
 being certain that he was the monster of iniquity which some have been 
 pleased to represent him. In the case at present under consideration, it 
 is more than probable that he owed his exclusion from the senate to the 
 violence of the patrician party, to which he was warmly opposed. The 
 female, whose name is connected with this disgraceful affair was Fausta, 
 the daughter of Sylla, and wife of Milo, and the injured husband is said 
 to have caused the offender to be scourged by his slaves. * Now, as 
 Fausta was not more remarkable for her personal attractions than for 
 jtter want of character, it seems rather extraordinary that, at a time 
 when the corruption of manners had almost reached its maximum, the 
 intimacy of a Roman senator with so abandoned a female should be 
 deemed worthy of so severe a punishment as expulsion from his order. 
 I cannot but think, therefore, that Sallust was sacrificed to the party 
 spirit which agitated, and in fact divided, the republic. The prosecution 
 against Milo, as has already been remarked, took place the same year 
 that Sallust was tribune of the commons ; and the latter, who was a de- 
 voted partisan of Caesar, had found means to defeat the plans of Cicero 
 and the republican party, and procure the condemnation of Milo. Now the 
 censor Appius Pulcher was seeking, it appears, the friendship of Cicero, 
 whose aid was necessary to his projects, and it would seem that, in order 
 to propitiate the good will of the orator, and other individuals of the party 
 of Pompey, he ventured upon a decisive step against Sallust, which he 
 sought to hide beneath the specious pretext of a regard for public morals.'* 
 What think you of this theory, Henry Arlington 1 
 
 H. I am strongly inclined to adopt it, my dear Doctor, since, admit- 
 ting it to be true, we may, without regarding Sallust as at all more vir- 
 tuous than the great body of his contemporaries, be enabled to shield 
 him, by this means, from the virulent abuse of Pompey's freedman Lenaeus, 
 whose work should rather be called a frantic satire than an historical 
 document. 3 — But proceed, if you please, with the life of the Roman. 
 
 Dr. B. The ignominious sentence thus inflicted on him, whethei 
 merited or not, baffled all his hopes of present preferment, and, quitting 
 the capital, he joined his patron Caesar, who was then in Gaul. Follow 
 ing the fortunes of that eminent commander, through all the changing 
 scenes of the civil contest which soon after ensued, we find him bearing 
 
 1. Aul. Gell, 17, 18. 
 
 2. tSckoell, Hist. Lit. Rom., vol. ii. p. Zl.—Baehr, Gesch. Rom. Lit, p. 374. 
 
 3. Sueton. de Grammat 15.— Op. ed. Crus., vol. ii. p. 383.— Compare Scho! 
 m Ebrat. Sat. 1, 2, 48. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. xiii 
 
 a snare eventually in the expedition to Africa, where the scattered rem- 
 nants of Pompey;s party had rallied under the banners of Scipio and 
 Juba. When this region was subdued, he was left by Caesar as praetor 
 of Numidia ; and, about the same time, he married Terentia, the di- 
 vorced wife of Cicero. i 
 
 H. What a blessing it must have been, Dr. Barton, to have lived un- 
 der so virtuous a governor. 
 
 Dr. B. If Dio Cassius speak the truth, Henry, I would rather be ex- 
 cused from being governed by such a praetor as Sallust. The historian 
 gives a sorry picture of his administration in Africa, charging him with 
 flagrant extortion, and with the open despoiling of his province. Caesar 
 he says, assigned this region unto him, " to govern it in appearance, but 
 
 to plunder it in reality," Adyco plv ap^eiv, epyw cl ayciv te kclI <pEp£Lv s-irpe- 
 ipev. 2 And he seems, according to Dio's statement, to have been by no 
 means backward in fulfilling Caesar's expectations ; for, to borrow another 
 phrase from Dio, he did not put in practice what he wrote, ovk enipfjaaro 
 rw Ipycp rovg \6yovs. Alas ! for poor human nature, Henry, " quam te- 
 mere in nosmet legem sancimus /" 
 
 H. You succeeded so well a moment ago, Doctor, in defending Sal- 
 lust from another charge, that I wish you would again become his advo- 
 cate on the present occasion. Is there nothing that can be urged in hi" 
 behalf? 
 
 Dr. B. It would not require much skill, Henry, to make out a very 
 plausible case in favour of Sallust, and that too on grounds merely of a 
 probable nature. For it is difficult to conceive, hew such conduct, as is 
 alleged against him, can be in any way reconciled with the principles 
 professed by him in his writings, or how a man so deeply guilty, as his 
 enemies made him to be, could have publicly affected such rigid morali 
 ty, without outraging, in the most shameless manner, the feelings of all 
 his contemporaries. We are tempted to believe, therefore, that Dio Cas- 
 sius, and the writers who, after him, have repeated these discreditable 
 stories, were led astray by the declamations of the numerous enemies oi 
 >ur historian. One of the later editors, indeed, of the works of Sallust, 
 las started a singular hypothesis, according to which, Dio is thought to 
 •lave followed a popular tradition, which, confounding Sallust with Cati- 
 line, from the circumstance of the former's having written the histcry of 
 the latter, ascribed to the historian the excesses committed by Catiline 
 himself in his government of Africa !3 — Well, Henry, what is your ver 
 lict I 
 
 1. Pseudo. Cic. Declam. c. 8. seqq. 
 
 2. Hist. Rom. 43, 9.— Ed. Reimar. vol i. p. 346 
 
 3. SchoU, Hist. Rom. Lit. vol. ii. p. 22.— O. M. Muller Darstellung, 4"C., p £ 
 *eqq. 
 
 3 
 
XIV LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 
 
 H. I would like to decide, Doctor, in favour of Sallust, but I feel 
 myself bound in candour to pronounce an opinion against him. The 
 arguments, just adduced in his favour, are, to say the best of them, more 
 imposing than solid, and the hypothesis which you were kind enough to 
 mention is too absurd to require a serious refutation. — But what was the 
 fate of Sallust under this charge of extortion and spoliation 1 
 
 Dr. B. It was such as might have been expected in the peculiar 
 complexion of the times. He was acquitted by Caesar, his all-pow- 
 erful protector. — After the expiration of his government, Sallust re- 
 nounced all public employments, and betook himself to a luxurious re- 
 tirement, with his, as I fear you will term it, ill-gotten wealth. He 
 chose for his favourite retreats, a villa at Tibur, which had belonged to 
 Caesar, and a magnificent palace, which he built in the suburbs of Rome, 
 surrounded by delightful pleasure-grounds, afterwards well known and 
 celebrated by the name of the Gardens of Sallust. Possessed of every 
 attraction, the Sallustian palace and gardens became, after the death 
 of their original proprietor, the residence of successive emperors. Au- 
 gustus chose them as the scene of his most sumptuous entertainments. 
 The taste of Vespasian preferred them to the palace of the Caesars. 
 Even the virtuous Nerva, and stern Aurelian, were so attracted by then 
 beauty, that, while at Rome, they made them their constant abode. 1 — In 
 these gardens, or in his villa at Tibur, Sallust passed the concluding years 
 of his life, dividing his time between literary avocations and the society 
 of his friends, among whom he numbered Lucullus, Messala, and Corne- 
 lius Nepos. 
 
 H. But, my dear Doctor, if such were Sallust's friends, and such his 
 favourite studies, how is it possible that ho could have indulged in that 
 excessive libertinism which has been so often imputed to him 1 
 
 Dr. B. Your question, Henry, is very well put, and certainly does not 
 admit of an easy answer. I think it more than probable, therefore, that 
 the historian has been here confounded with the dissolute individual of 
 the same name whom Horace mentions in the first book of his satires. 
 For my own part, I do not doubt, as I have already remarked, but tha* 
 our author was a man of loose morals, and that he rapaciously plun- 
 dered his province, like most Roman governors of the day. Still, I will 
 aever believe him to have been, as he is sometimes depicted, an aban- 
 doned profligate. Much of the obloquy, that was heaped upon his name, 
 appears to have emanated from political antagonists, and, of all things in 
 this world, political diatribes are assuredly the most pregnant with false- 
 tiood. Now Sallust, it seems, being the decided enemy of Pompey 
 
 1. Nardini Vet. RomAL—Adler^ Besckreib.vonRom.-p.22\. — Gerhard. EpiiL 
 ad Gerlach. p. ZB.—Dunlop's Roman Literature^ vol. ii,. p. 146. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. XT 
 
 .^ad said of that Roman, that he was a man " oris probi, animo invere- 
 cundo." Lenaeus, the freedman of Pompey, to whom you alluded a 
 short time ago, avenged his master by the most virulent abuse of his 
 enemy, in a work which would seem to have made a complete sacrifice 
 of truth to invective. 1 
 
 H. From what premises, Doctor, do you draw this latter inference, 
 since the work itself has not come down to us 1 
 
 Dr. B. Why, Henry, we may fairly judge, I think, of the injustice 
 which he did to the life of the historian, from what he says of him as 
 an author. He calls him, as we learn from Suetonius, " nebulonem 
 vita scriptisque monstrosum ; praeterea priscorum Catonisque inerudi- 
 tissimum furem."2 This is the language of one of your thorough-going 
 political partisans, who has entrusted his reason as well as his principles to 
 the safe-keeping of his leader. — I wish we had the life of Sallust written 
 by Asconius Pedianus, in the age of Augustus ; it might have served 
 as a corrective of the unfavourable impressions which have been pro- 
 duced by this libel, for it deserves no better name, of the freedman of 
 Pompey. 
 
 H. Aye, Doctor, but what will you say to the declamation against 
 Sallust which has actually reached our times, and that too from the 
 pen of Cicero 1 
 
 Dr. B. Cicero never wrote it, Henry. It appeared long after the 
 death of that orator, and is now generally assigned, by critics, to a rheto 
 rician in the reign of Claudius, called Porcius Latro. It is in the style 
 of what we may suppose Lenaeus's work to have been, a tissue of invent 
 ed or exaggerated calumnies, altogether unworthy of grave credence. 3 
 
 H. And yet, Doctor, I was told by Boydel, of Christ-church, no longer 
 ago than last evening, that Le Clerc, the Hebrew professor at Am- 
 sterdam, and also Meisner of Prague, in their respective accounts of the 
 life of Sallust, have adopted these very calumnies which you so openly 
 condemn. 
 
 Dr. B. Boydel should have told you also, Henry, that Sallust's char- 
 acter has received more justice in the prefatory memoir and notes of De 
 Brosses,4 and from the researches of Wieland. 5 — But come, let us now 
 consider Sallust as a writer. Which of the Greeks does he appear to 
 you to resemble the most 1 
 
 H. I should say, that his peculiar taste led him to select Thucyd- 
 ides for his model. He had no one among his own countrymen to imi- 
 
 1. Sueton. de Grammat. c. 15. 
 
 2. Sueton. I.e. 
 
 3. Schoell, Hist. Rom. Lit. vol. ii. p. 23.— Dunlop, Rom. Lit. vol. ii. p. 149. 
 
 4. Mem. de VAcad. des Inscript. vol. xxiv. p. 368. — Histoirede la Repub. Rom 
 rol. iii., p. 307. 
 
 6. Ad. Hvrat. Sat. 2, 48, p. 57-73. 
 
XVI LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 
 
 .ate in the art of historic composition, since that was in a very low 
 state when Sallust began to write. He, therefore, naturally recurred co 
 the productions of the Greek historians, and attempted to transplant into 
 his own language the vigour and conciseness which characterise in so 
 eminent a degree the style of Thucydides. 1 
 
 Dr. B. Very correctly remarked, my young friend, only you ought tu 
 have added, that the strict imitation, with which Sallust has followed 
 his Grecian prototype, has gone far towards lessening the effect of his 
 own original genius. Still we cannot but admire the wonderful success 
 of the Roman writer, in imitating the vigour and conciseness of the 
 Grecian historian, and infusing into his composition something of that 
 dignified austerity which distinguishes the work of his great model. 
 
 H. But, Doctor, you surely do not mean to be understood as affirm- 
 mg, that Sallust's style is an imitation of that of Thucydides 1 
 
 Dr. B. The question does you credit, Henry. I mean, when I say 
 that Sallust imitates 'lie historian of the Peloponnesian war, an imita- 
 tion of his general manner, his rapidity, his force, his power of com- 
 pression, rather than of his language. Thucydides, for example, often 
 employs long and involved periods, while Sallust is ever abrupt and sen- 
 tentious, even to a fault. — Have you taken notice how often the latter 
 rejects the copulative 1 
 
 H. I have, Doctor, and I think it produces a monotonous effect, and 
 a total want of that flow and variety which constitute the principal charm 
 of the historic period. — I was walking yesterday, with a fellow-common- 
 er of All-Souls, and, the conversation happening to turn upon Sallust, 
 and the peculiarities of his style, we made up between us the following 
 list of items, about which, my dear Doctor, although a little matter in it- 
 self, I would like to have your opinion. — We noticed, in the first place, 
 that, in the ablative absolute, he sometimes suppresses the noun ; as, 
 proctitis quos ducebat ; 2 and the antecedent to the relative ; as, quam oh 
 quae praedicabat.% We observed also particular expressions frequently 
 occurring ; as ex sententia, etiam turn, sine mora, &c. Then again, we 
 found several instances, where two words nearly synonymous were em 
 ployed ; as, earns, acceptusque, — varius incertusquc, — bonum atque ho?t- 
 estum, — rogat atque hortatur, &c. We remarked, also, the use of the 
 infinitive for the gerund ; as gratificari for gratificandi,* — adgredi, for 
 adgrediendi ; 5 and the omission of the connectives et and que occurs 
 on almost every page. Another peculiarity, also, forced itself upon our 
 attention, his use of two different constructions in the compass of the 
 
 1. Dimlop's Rom Lit. vol. ii. p. 149, Lond. ed. 
 
 2. Jug. c. 106. 
 
 3. Jug.c. 108 
 
 4. Jug. c. 3. 
 
 5. Jug. c. 89. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF bALLUS . xvil 
 
 same sentence ; and, as for his archaisms, we voted the greater part of 
 them to be decided specimens of the worst kind of affectation. — Well, 
 Doctor, what do you think of our critique ? 
 
 Dr. B. I like it, Henry ; and think that you and your fellow- Oxonian 
 have given a very fair sketch of the minor peculiarities of Sallust. 
 Whether his archaisms, however, deserve the name of affectations is a 
 point on which you will find many differing from you. My own opinion 
 is with you and your friend. Sallust introduces into his history a num- 
 ber of words almost considered in his time as obsolete, and which were 
 selected from the works of the older authors of Rome, particularly Cato 
 the censor ; and it is here that he laid himself open to attack from Pollio 
 in his letters to Plancus! His style, on the whole, indicates too much 
 study and careful pruning, and is deficient in gracefulness and ease. I 
 would not advise you to make him your model. 
 
 H. This reminds me, Doctor, of old Roger Ascham's work, "The 
 Schoolmaster," which I slightly examined the other day in the Bodleian, 
 and where I found the opinion of Sir John Cheke relative to the merits 
 of Sallust's Latinity. Sir John said, " that he could not recommend Sal- 
 lust as a good pattern of style for young men, because in his writings 
 there was more art than nature, and more labour than art ; and in his 
 labour, also, too much toil, as it were with an uncontented care to write 
 better than he could." — But, Doctor, how stands Sallust, as regards the 
 delineation of character 1 
 
 Dr. B. Here his merits are undoubted. Five or six of the characters 
 drawn by him have been regarded in all ages as master-pieces of their 
 kind. I need hardly mention the portraits of Catiline, Jugurtha, and 
 Marius, nor the celebrated parallel between Caesar and Cato. There 
 is something in the latter which always reminds me of the well-known 
 sketch of Chatham, the father of Pitt : — " The secretary stood alone," 
 &c. Cato and Chatham were congenial spirits, and a Pythagorean 
 would cite them as an illustration of his doctrine of the metempsychosis. 
 
 H. What think you, Doctor, of the specimens of eloquence that are 
 afforded by the speeches of Sallust 1 
 
 Dr. B. I think them admirable of their kind, Henry, and in excellent 
 keeping with the characters to whom they are respectively assigned. 
 "Nothing, for example, can be better adapted to the character of Caesar, 
 as far as we have been made acquainted with it by contemporary testi- 
 mony, than the cool, and argumentative, and specious harangue, in which 
 he seeks to rescue the conspirators from the fate which is so justly theii 
 due. In like manner, the bold and fervid language assigned to the Ro- 
 man Cato, makes him stand forth at once in bold relief, and in genuine 
 colours, from amid the vice and degeneracy of his time. And, again, in 
 Memmius, we have the bold and aspiring leader of the populace, aiming 
 blow after blow against the ;li-gotten power of a corrupt aristocracv 
 
CVlli LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLtJST. 
 
 while th6 words of Marius are the effusions of a blunt and gallant soldier, 
 who had as yet displayed no traces of the cold-blooded assassin, the 
 tyrant, buffoon, and usurper. 
 
 H. But is it possible, Dr. Barton, that Sallust oan be correct, in 
 making Caesar a sceptic with regard to the soul's immortality 1 
 
 Dr. B. Aye, Henry, and worse than a sceptic, a downright unbeliever. 
 The whole tenour of Caesar's life is in strict accordance with this. His 
 secret disregard for all morality, his open contempt for all honourable 
 principles, his cold and selfish and murderous ambition, as if the lives 
 of his fellow-men were but the playthings of an hour — every thing, in 
 short, in the character of this remarkable man, reveals to our view a 
 bosom warmed by no spark of social feeling, but as dark and as silent as 
 the grave. It was but natural, therefore, that such a mind should see, 
 or rather wish to see, in the horizon of the future, nothing but the gloom 
 of annihilation, and should regard the doctrine of a future state of exist- 
 ence as a bubble and a dream. How different from all this is the lan- 
 guage of our own philosopher, who had penetrated deeply into the mys- 
 teries of nature, and yet, with humbled feelings, could stoop & kindle 
 che torch of knowledge at the altars of his God. " I envy no quality 
 of the mind," he remarks, " or of intellect in others, be it genius, power, 
 wit, or fancy : but if I could choose what would be most delightful, and 
 I believe most useful to me, I should prefer a firm religious belief to 
 every other blessing ; for it makes life a discipline of goodness ; creates 
 new hopes, when all earthly hopes vanish ; and throws over the decay, 
 the destruction of existence, the most gorgeous of all lights ; awakens 
 life even in death, and from corruption and decay calls up beauty and 
 divinity ; makes an instrument of torture and shame the ladder of ascent 
 to Paradise ; and, far above all combinations of earthly hopes, calls up 
 the most delightful visions of palms and amaranths, the gardens of the 
 blest, the security of everlasting joys, where the sensualist and the sceptic 
 view only gloom, decay, annihilation, and despair." 
 
 H. Beautifully expressed, Dr. Barton, and as true as it is beautiful 
 \Tou are quoting, if I mistake not, Sir Humphrey Davy, the pride of 
 English science. i — How meanly, by the side of this, appear the atheisti- 
 cal speculations of La Place, who could see in the wonders of the uni- 
 verse no indications of the finger of a Deity. 
 
 Dr. B. Why, Henry, as for atheists, if such singular beings do it*, 
 fact exist, there is one simple argument which they can never answer. 
 Ere we can say that there is no God, w T e must have roamed over all 
 nature, and seen that no mark of a divine footstep was there ; and we 
 must have gotten intimacy with every existent spirit in the universe, and 
 
 I. Salmonia^ p. 158, Lond. ed. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. XIX 
 
 earned from each that never did a revelation of the Deity visit him ; 
 and we must have searched, not into the records of one solitary planet, 
 but into the archives of all worlds, and thence gathered, that, throughout 
 the wide realms of immensity, not one exhibition of a reigning and living 
 God ever has been made. In other words, before man can deny the 
 existence of God, he must be a God himself, for he must possess *he 
 ubiquity and omniscience of the Godhead. 1 — But let us return from our 
 digression. Where were we 1 
 
 H. We were alluding to the skill which Sallust displays in adapting 
 hi3 speeches to different characters. 
 
 Dr. B. Well, then, we will now take up the consideration of his 
 works. — The first production of Sallust was the " Conspiracy of Cati- 
 line." He had attained the age of twenty-two years when the conspiracy 
 broke out, and was an eye-witness of the whole proceedings. He had, 
 therefore, every means in his power for giving an accurate history of this 
 very remarkable event, nor has he neglected to employ them. In the 
 detail of facts, he is entitled to our fullest confidence ; for, in every thing 
 of importance, he coincides fully with Cicero, whose Catilinarian orations 
 form, in fact, an excellent commentary on the work of the historian. 
 But Sallust lived too near the times which he describes to be an impar- 
 tial writer. Private animosity and party feeling warped his judgment ; 
 and it is frequently but too apparent, that we are listening not to the 
 philosophic historian, but to the political partisan. He is too favourable 
 to Caesar ; he is unjust towards Cicero ; and, although fond of display- 
 ing his skill in drawing characters, he exercises none of it on the Roman 
 orator. But to this we have already alluded. As for the preface to the 
 work, it is, like that to the Jugurthine War, rather a compliment paid by 
 the author to his own character and pursuits, than a pertinent introduc- 
 tion to an historical narrative. 
 
 H. With regard, Doctor, to the subject of that narrative, do you not 
 think the picture of the conspiracy is somewhat overcharged, and that 
 it was merely an effort, on the part of the lower orders, to break the 
 chains imposed upon them by an odious and tyrannical aristocracy 1 
 
 Dr. B. Some persons, at the present day, are inclined to favour this 
 opinion,2 Henry, but I am afraid they are guided, in forming it, rather too 
 much by their own private feelings and the political aspect of their own 
 times. They appear to forget altogether the character of the leader in 
 this nefarious undertaking, and do not perceive that, if his immediate 
 followers were oppressed by any thing, it was by the heavy burden of 
 iieir own vices. But of all this we will talk at some other time — 
 
 1. Chalmers Bridgewater Treatise, voL ii. p. 262, Lond, ed 
 
 2. Westminster Review, No. x*riii. p. 14^ seqq. 
 
xx LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 
 
 Let us proceed to the Jugurthine war. Although not an eye-witness 
 of this contest, yet Sallust' s situation, as governor of Numidia, which 
 seems to have suggested the composition, was favourable to the author- 
 ity of the work, as it afforded him the means of collecting materials 
 and procuring information. 
 
 H. Do you think, Doctor, that his residence in Africa was of am 
 advantage to him as regarded a knowledge of its earlier history 1 
 
 Dr. B. Of none whatever. His account of the first settling of Africa 
 is a mere fable, although he quotes in its behalf the Punic books of King 
 Hiempsal, (referring probably to documents preserved in his archives,i) 
 and the traditions of the inhabitants themselves. His geographical 
 descriptions, however, if we except a few slight errors, are extremely 
 valuable. — But to return to his account of the war. Sallust has been 
 charged with partiality towards the character of Marius, and with giving, 
 for the sake of his favourite leader, an unfair account of the massacre 
 at Vaga. In this, however, I cannot concur ; and the best answer to 
 the charge in question is the ample justice which he does to Metellus, 
 in describing the war as almost brought to a close by him previous to 
 the arrival of Marius. As a piece of composition, this narrative deserves 
 to rank very highly, and the varying nature of the contest, the talents, 
 the endless resources, the total want of principle, the sufferings of con- 
 science, which are all found combined in the character of Jugurtha, 
 stand forth in vivid and picturesque colours, and convey a moral lesson 
 not easy to be effaced.2 
 
 H. I have often dwelt upon that picture, Dr. Barton, and upon the 
 miseries of suspicion and remorse which Jugurtha created for himself by 
 his own atrocities ; and it has been often a question with me, whether 
 he were not more wretched, on the throne, than in the dungeon where 
 he terminated his miserable existence. 
 
 Dr. B. Let us pass now to the History of Sallust. This was a civil 
 and military history of the republic, in five books, including a period, 
 however, of only thirteen years, from the resignation of the dictatorship 
 by Sylla, till the promulgation of the Manilian law. The period thus 
 embraced was a short but momentous one ; Mithridates, in the East 
 displaying all the resources of his powerful genius against the Roman 
 rule, and Sertorius, in the West, turning the arms of the republic against 
 itself, while the bosom of Italy was the scene of a formidable commo- 
 tion, excited by a host of gladiators and slaves. The work was intro- 
 duced )y two discourses, the one containing a delineation of the govern- 
 ment of Rome, and the habits and manners of its people, from the 
 
 L Dunlop'a Roman Lit., vol. ii. p. 155, LmkL ed. 
 & Dunlop'e Roman Lit., vol. ii. p. 156. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. xxi 
 
 earliest period to the commencement of the civil wars ; the other 
 giving a general view of the dissensions between Sylla and Marius.* 
 
 H. Why, Doctor, it must have connected the termination of the 
 Jugurthme war with the commencement of Catiline's conspiracy. Whai 
 a pity it has not come down to us. 
 
 Dr. B. And the more so, too, since all the accounts of Roman his- 
 tory which have been written are defective during the very period which 
 it embraced. Nearly seven hundred fragments, belonging to it, have 
 been collected from scholiasts and grammarians, by the President de 
 Brosses,2 but they are too short and unconnected to serve any valuable 
 purpose. When I say this, however, I mean to be understood as except- 
 ing four orations and two letters, and a fragment giving a description 
 of a splendid entertainment, with which Metellus was honoured on his 
 return, after a year's absence, to his government of Farther Spain. This 
 work was the production of Sallust's matured intellect, anu the last 
 which he composed. It was inscribed to Lucullus, the son of the cele- 
 brated commander. 
 
 H. Are there not, Doctor, two political discourses, concerning the 
 administration of the government, in the form of letters to Julius Caesar, 
 which are supposed to have been the productions of Sallust 1 
 
 Dr. B. They are commonly thought to have been composed by him, 
 but the grounds of this opinion are far from satisfactory. to one who 
 examines the subject with any attention. 3 
 
 H. Many thanks to you, my dear Doctor, for your kindness in 
 devoting ro much of your valuable time to this notice of Sallust and 
 his writings. I hope I may be able to profit by them in the prosecution 
 if my private studies, and that it will be allowed me occasionally to con- 
 sult you on other points of classical biography. 
 
 Dr. B. You will always find me ready, and willing, Henry, to co- 
 operate in so praiseworthy an undertaking. God bless you, my dear 
 boy ; and may you become in after-life an honour to your friends and 
 an ornament to our common country : for the truest definition of happi- 
 ness is, a cultivated intellect in unison with a virtuous heart. — Farewell. 
 
 L. Fabric. Bibl. Lat., vol. i. p. 239.— Gerlach, ed. Sail, p. 45 —Kreysig. Com 
 ment. de Sail. Hist., vol. ii. p. 10.— Baehr, Gesch. Rom. Lit., p. 2SL.—Muller, 
 Schweizer Gesch. , vol. i. p. 9. 
 
 2. Hist, de la Republ. Romaine } par Sallicste, en partie trad, du Latin, en 
 partie retablie et composee sur les fragmens, par Ch. de Brosses. Dijon, 1777. 
 
 3. Fabric. Bibl. Lat., vol. i. p. 239.— Douza, adfragm. Sail, p. 153, seqq.— 
 Gerlach, vol. ii. p. 14, seqa.— Wolf. Praef. ad Cic, Or. pro Marcell, p. 8, col. xjrix. 
 
THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 
 
C CRISPI 
 
 SALLUSTII 
 
 BELLUM JUGURTHINUM. 
 
 I 1 Falso queritur de natura sua genus human um, 2 quod 
 imbe cilia atque aevi brevis, forte potius, quam virtute 
 regatur. 3 Nam contra, reputando, neque majus aliud, ne- 
 que praestabilius 4 invenias ; 5 magisque naturae industriam 
 hominum, quam vim aut tempus deesse. 6 Sed dux atque 
 imperator vitae mortalium animus est : qui, ubi ad glori- 
 am virtutis via 7 grassatur, abunde 8 pollens potensque et 
 clarus est, neque fortunae eget ; 9 quippe probitatem, in- 
 dustriam, alias artis bonas neque dare, neque eripere po- 
 test. Sin, captus pravis cupidinibus, 10 ad inertiam et vo- 
 luptatis corporis pessum datus est ; n pemiciosa lubidine 
 paullisper usus, ubi per secordiam vires^ tempus, ingeni- 
 um defluxere, naturae innrmitas accusatur : 12 suam quis- 
 que culpam auctores ad negotia transferunt. 13 Quod si ho- 
 minibus bonarum rerum tanta cura esset, quanto studio 
 aliena ac nihil profutura, multumque etiam periculosa, 
 petunt ; u neque regerentur magis, quam regerent casus, 
 et eo magnitudinis procederent, 15 ubi, pro mortaHbus, glo- 
 ria aeterni fierent. 
 
 II. Nam, uti 16 genus hominum composirum ex anima e.t 
 corpore, ita res cunctae, studiaque omnia nostra, corpo- 
 ris alia, alia animi naturam 17 sequuntur. Igitur 18 praeclara 
 facies, magnae divitiae, ad hoc vis corporis, alia hujusce 
 modi, omnia brevi 19 dilabuntur ; at 20 ingenii egregia facino 
 ra, sicuti anima, immortalia sunt. Postremo, 21 corpori? 
 
 3 
 
2 SALLTJST1I JUGURTHA 
 
 et fortunae bonorum, ut initium, finis est : omnia orta oe 
 cidunt, et aucta senescunt : animus incorruptus, aeter 
 nus, rector humani generis, 2 agit atque habet cuncta, ne- 
 que ipse habetur. 2 Quo magis pravitas eorum admiranda 
 est, qui, dediti corporis gaudiis, per luxum atque igna- 
 viam aetatem agunt ; ceterum ingenium, quo neque me- 
 lius, neque amplius aliud in natura mortalium est, 3 incul- 
 tu atque secordia torpescere sinunt ; cum praesertim tarn 
 multae variaeque sint 4 artes animi, quibus summa clari- 
 tudo paratur. 
 
 III. Yertjm 5 ex his magistratus et imperia, postremo 
 6 omnis cura rerum publicarum, minume mihi hac tempes- 
 tate cupiunda videntur : 7 quoniam neque virtuti honos da- 
 tur ; neque illi, quibus per fraudem jus fuit, tuti, aut eo 
 magis honesti sunt. Nam vi quidem regere patriam, aut 
 8 parentes, quamquam et possis, et 9 delicta corrigas, ta- 
 men importunum est ; cum praesertim omnes rerum mu- 
 tationes caedem, fugam, aliaque hostilia portendant ; frus- 
 tra autem niti, neque aiiud 10 fatigando, nisi odium, quae- 
 rere, extremae dementiae est ; nisi forte n quem inhonesta 
 et perniciosa lubido tenet, potentiae paucorum decus at- 
 que libertatem suam 12 gratificari. 
 
 IV. Ceterum, ex aliis negotiis 13 quae ingenio exercen 
 tur, in primis magno usui est 14 memoria rerum gestarum : 
 cujus de virtute quia multi dixere, pr aeter eundum puto ; 
 simul, ne, 15 per insolentiam, quis existumet, memet, stu- 
 dmm laudando, extollere. Atque ego credo fore qui, quia 
 decrevi procul 16 a republica aetatem agere, tanto tamque 
 utili labori meo nomen inertiae imponant ; 17 certe, quibus 
 maxuma industria videtur, 18 salutare plebem, et conviviis 
 gratiam quaerere. Qui si reputaverint, et 19 quibus ego 
 temporibus magistratus adeptus sum, et quales viri idem 
 adsequi nequiverint, et po»tea quae genera hominum in 
 senatum pervenerint ; profecto existumabunt, me magis 
 20 merito, quam ignavia, judichun animi mutavisse, majus- 
 que commodum ex otio meo, quam ex aliorum negotiis, 
 reipublicae venturum. Nam saepr audivi, 21 Q. Maxu 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 3 
 
 mum, P. Scipionem, praeterea civitatis nostrae prae- 
 claros viros solitos ita dicere, cum majorum Imagines 
 
 INTUERENTUR, VEHEMENTISSUME SIBI ANIMUM AD VIRTU 
 
 tem accendi. 2 Scilicet non ceram illam, neque figuram, 
 tantam vim in sese habere ; sed, memoria rerum gesta 
 rum, earn flammam egregiis viris in pectore crescere, ne- 
 que prius sedari, quam virtus 3 eorum famam atque glo- 
 riam adaequaverit. At contra, quis est omnium, 4 his mori- 
 bus, quin divitiis et sumtibus, non probitate neque indus- 
 tria, cum majoribus suis contendat 1 etiam 5 homines novi, 
 qui ante a per virtutem soliti erant nobilitatem ante venire, 
 6 furtim et per latrocinia potius quam bonis artibus ad 
 imperia et honores nituntur ; proinde quasi praetura et 
 consulatus, atque alia omnia hujuscemodi, per se ipsa clara, 
 magnifica sint, 7 ac non perinde habeantur, ut eorum qui 
 sustinent virtus est. Verum ego 8 liberius altiusque pro- 
 cessi, dum me civitatis morum piget taedetque : nunc ad 
 inceptum redeo. 
 
 V. Bellum scripturus sum, quod populus Romanus 
 cum 9 Jugurtha, rege Numidarum, gessit : primum, quia 
 magnum et 10 atrox, variaque victoria fuit : dein, quia turn 
 primum superbiae nobilitatis n obviam itum est ; quae con- 
 tentio divina et humana cuncta permiscuit, eoque vecor- 
 diae processit, uti studiis civilibus bellum atque vastitas 
 Italiae finem faceret. Sed, priusquam hujuscemodi rei 
 initium expedio, 12 pauca supra repetam ; 13 quo, ad cognos- 
 cendum, omnia illustria magis, magisque in aperto sint. 
 u Bello Punico secundo, quo dux Carthaginiensium Hanni- 
 bal, post magnitudinem nominis Romani, Italiae opes 
 maxume adtriverat, Masinissa, rex Numidarum, in ami- 
 citia receptus a P. Scipione, 15 cui postea Africano cog- 
 nomen ex virtute fuit, multa et 16 praeclara rei militaris faci- 
 nora fecerat : ob quae, victis Carthaginiensibus, et capto 
 Syphace, cujus in Africa magnum atque late imperium 
 raluit, populus Romanus, quascumque urbis et agros manu 
 eeperat, 17 regi dono dedit. Igitur amicitia Masinissae 
 bona atque honesta nobis permansit : 18 imperii vitaeque 
 
» SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 ejus linis idem fuit. Dein Micipsa, films, regnum soii*< 
 obtinuit, Mastanabale et Gulussa, fratribus, morbo a ab- 
 sumtis. Is Adherbalem et Hiempsalem ex sese geimit. . 
 Jugurthamque, Mastanabalis fratris filium, quern Masinis- 
 sa, quod ortus ex concubina erat, privatum reliquerat, 2 eo« 
 dem cultu, quo liberos suos, domi habuit. 
 
 VI. Qui ubi primum adolevit, pollens viribus, decora 
 facie, sed multo maxume ingenio validus, non se 3 luxu, 
 neque inertiae corrumpendum dedit ; sed, uti mos gentis 
 Qlius est, 4 equitare, jaculari, cursu cum aequalibus cer- 
 tare : 5 et, cum omnis gloria anteiret, omnibus tamen carus 
 esse : ad hoc, pleraque tempora in venando agere, leonem 
 atque alias feras primus, aut in primis ferire : plurimum 
 facere, minumum ipse de se loqui. Quibus rebus Micipsa 
 tametsi initio laetus fuerat, existumans virtutem Jugurthae 
 regno suo gloriae fore ; tamen, postquam 6 hominem ado- 
 lescentem, exacta sua aetate, parvis liberis, 7 magis ma- 
 gisque crescere intellegit, vehementer negotio permotus, 
 multa cum animo suo volvebat. Terrebat natura mortali- 
 um, 8 avida imperii, et praeceps ad explendam animi cu- 
 pidinem : praeterea opportunitas suaeque et liberorum 
 aetatis, quae etiam mediocris viros spe praedae transvor- 
 sos agit : ad hoc, studia Numidarum in Jugurtham accensa , 
 ex quibus, si talem virum interfecisset, ne qua 9 seditio, aut 
 bellum oriretur, anxius erat. 
 
 VII. His difficultatibus circumventus, ubi videt, neque 
 per vim, neque insidiis, opprimi posse hominem tarn ac- 
 ceptum 10 popularibus ; quod erat Jugurtha manu promtus 
 et adpetens gloriae militaris, statuit eum objectare pe- 
 riculis, et eo modo fortunam tentare. Igitur, bello 11 Nu- 
 mantin:,, Micipsa^ cum populo Romano equitum atque 
 peditum auxilia mitteret, sperans, vel ostentando virtu- 
 tem, vel hostium saevitia, facile occasurum, praefecit 
 Numidis quos in Hispaniam mittebat. Sed ea res longe 
 aliter, ac ratus erat, evenit. Nam Jugurtha, ut erat 12 im 
 pigro atque acri ingenio, ubi naturam P. Scipionis, qui 
 turn Romanis imperator, et morem hostium cognovit ; 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 5 
 
 niulto labore, multaque cura, praeterea modesti&iume pa- 
 rendo, et saepe obviam eundo periculis, in tantam claritu- 
 dinem brevi pervenerat, ut nostris vehementer cams, 
 Numantinis maxumo terrori esset. Ac sane, quod diffi 
 cillumum in primis est, et praelio stremms erat, et bonii3 
 consilio ; 1 quorum alterum ex procidentia timorem, alterum 
 ex audacia temeritatem adferre plenimque solet. Igitur 
 imperator omnis fere 2 res asperas per Jugurtham agere, 
 in amicis habere, magis magisque in dies amplecti ; 
 quippe cujus neque consilium, neque inceptum ullum 
 frustra erat. Hue accedebat 3 munificentia animi, et in 
 genii sollertia, quis rebus sibi multos ex Romanis familiari 
 amicitia conjunxerat. 
 
 VIII. Ea tempestate in exercitu nostro fuere complu 
 res, novi atque nobiles, quibus divitiae bono honestoque 
 4 potiores erant, factiosi, domi potentes, apud socios clari 
 magis, quam honesti : qui Jugurthae 5 non mediocrem ani- 
 mum pollicitando accendebant, si micipsa rex occidis 
 
 SET, FORE, UTI SOLUS IMPERII NUMIDIAE POTIRETUR*: IN 
 IPSO MAXUMAM VIRTUTEM, 6 ROMAE OMNIA VENALIA ESSE 
 
 Sed postquam, Numantia deleta, P. Scipio dimittere aux- 
 ilia, ipse 7 revorti domum decrevit ; donatum atque lauda 
 turn magniflce pro concione Jugurtham in praetorium 
 abduxit, ibique secreto monuk, " uti potius 8 publice, quam 
 privatim, amicitiam populi R. coleret ; neu quibus largin 
 insuesceret : periculose a paucis emi, quod multorum 
 esset : si permanere vellet 9 in suis artibus, ultro illi et 
 gloriam, et regnum venturum ; sin properantius pergeret. 
 suamet ipsum pecunia praecipitem casurum." 
 
 IX. Sic locutus, cum Uteris, quas Micipsae redderet. 
 dimisit : earum sententia haec erat. " Jugurthae tui bei- 
 io Numantino longe maxiuna virtus fuit ; quam rem tibi 
 certo scio gaudio esse : nobis ob merita cams est ; uti 
 idem senatui sit et populo Romano, summa ope nitemur. 
 Tibi quidem 10 pro nostra amicitia gratulor : en habe* vi- 
 rum dignum te, atque avo suo Masinissa." 11 Igitur rex. 
 ubi, quae fama acceperat, ex literis imperatoris ita ess^ 
 
 3* 
 
6 SALLUSTIT JUGURTHA. 
 
 cognovit, cum virtute viri, turn gratia permotus, flexit 
 animum suum, et Jugurtham beneficiis vincere adgressus. 
 est ; statimque adoptavit, et testamento pariter cum filiis 
 heredem instituit. Sed ipse paucos post annos, morbo 
 atque aetate confectus, cum sibi finem vitae adesse intel- 
 legeret, coram amicis et cognatis, item Adherbale et 
 Hiempsale filiis, dicitur hujuscemodi verba 1 cum Jugur- 
 tha habuisse. 
 
 X. " Parvum ego, Jugurtha, te, amisso patre, sine spe, 
 sine opibus, 2 in meum regnum accepi ; existumans non 
 minus me tibi quam liberis, si genuissem, ob beneficia 
 carum fore : 3 neque ea res falsum habuit. Nam, ut alia 
 magna et egregia tua omittam, novissume, rediens Nu- 
 mantia, meque regnumque meum 4 gloria honoravisti : tua 
 virtute nobis Romanos ex amicis amicissumos fecisti : in 
 Hispania nomen familiae renovatum : postremo, quod diffi- 
 cillumum inter mortalis, gloria invidiam vicisti. Nunc, 
 quoniam mihi natura vitae finem facit, per hanc dextram, 
 5 per regni fidem moneo obtestorque, uti hos, qui tibi 
 genere propinqui, beneficio meo fratres sunt, caros habeas ; 
 neu malis alienos adjungere, quam sanguine conjunctos 
 retinere. 6 Non exercitus, neque thesauri praesidia regni 
 sunt, verum amici, quos neque armis cogere, neque auro 
 parare queas : officio et fide pariuntur. Quis autem 
 amicior, quam frater fratri 1 aut quern alienum fidum in- 
 venies, si tuis hostis fueris 1 Equidem ego vobis regnum 
 trado firmum, si boni eritis ; sin mali, imbecillum. Nam 
 concordia parvae res crescunt, discordia maxumae 7 dila- 
 buntur. Ceterum ante hos te, Jugurtha, qui aetate et 
 sapientia prior es, 8 ne aliter quid eveniat, providere 
 decet. Nam, in omni certamine, qui opulentior est, 
 etiamsi accipit injuriam, quia plus potest, facere videtur. 
 Vos autem, Adherbal et Hiempsal, colite, observate talem 
 hunc virum, imitamini virtutem, et enitimini, ne ego 
 meliores liberos sumsisse videar, quam genuisse." 
 
 XI. Ad ea Jugurtha, tametsi regem 9 ficta locutum in- 
 *llegebat, et ipse longe aliter animo agitabat, tamen pro 
 
SALLUST1I JUGURTHA. 7 
 
 tempore benigne respondit. Micipsa paucis diebns mo- 
 ritur Postquam illi, more regio, \justa magnifiee fece- 
 rant, reguli in unum convenere, uti inter se de cunctis 
 negotiis disceptarent. Sed Hiempsal, qui minumus ex 
 illis, natura 2 ferox, etiam antea ignobilitatem Jugurthae, 
 quia materno genere impar erat, despiciens, 3 dextra Ad- 
 herbalem adsedit ; ne medius ex tribus, quod apud Nu- 
 midas honori ducitur, Jugurtha foret. Dein tamen, uti 
 aetati concederet, fatigatus a fratre, vix in partem alteram 
 transductus est. Ibi, 4 cum multa de administrando imperio 
 dissererent, Jugurtha inter alias res jacit : oportere 
 
 QUINQUENNII CONSULTA OMNIA ET DECRETA RESCINDI ; 
 NAM PER EA TEMPORA CONFECTUM ANNIS MICIPSAM PARUM 
 ANIMO VALUISSE. TuM IDEM, Hiempsal, PLACERE SIBI, 
 
 respondit ; nam 5 ipsum illum tribus his proxumis an 
 
 NIS ADOPTATIONE IN REGNUM PERVENISSE. Quod Verbum 
 
 in pectus Jugurthae altius, quam quisquam ratus, descen- 
 dit. Itaque, ex eo tempore, ira et metu anxius moliri, pa- 
 rare atque ea modo animo habere, quibus Hiempsal per 
 dolum caperetur. Quae ubi tardius procedunt, neque leni- 
 tur animus ferox, statuit quovis modo inceptum perficere. 
 XII. Primo conventu, quern ab regulis factum supra 
 memoravi, 6 propter dissensionem placuerat dividi thesau- 
 ros, finisque imperii singulis constitui. Itaque tempus ad 
 utramque rem decernitur, sed maturius ad pecuniam 
 distribuendam. Reguli interea in loca propinqua thesau- 
 ris alius alio concessere. Sed Hiempsal, in oppido 
 Thirmida, forte ejus domo utebatur, qui, 7 proxumus lictor 
 Jugurthae, carus acceptusque semper fuerat ; 8 quem ille 
 casu ministrum oblatum promissis oner at, uti tamquam 
 suam visens domum eat, portarum clavis adulterinas pa 
 ret ; nam verae ad Hiempsalem referebantur ; ceterum, 
 ubi res postularet, se ipsum cum magna manu venturum. 
 Numida mandata brevi confecit ; atque, ut doctus erat 
 noctu Jugurthae milites introducit. Qui postquam in 
 aedis irrupere, 9 diversi regem quaerere : dormierris alios, 
 dios occursantis interficere : scrutari loca abdita ; clausa 
 
8 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 effringere : strepitu et tumultu omnia miscere : cum 
 Hiempsal interim reperitur, occultans sese tuguno mu- . 
 lieris ancillae, quo, initio, pavidus et ignarus loci, perfu- 
 gerat. Numidae caput ejus, ut jussi erant, ad Jugurtham 
 referunt. 
 
 XIII. Ceterum fama tanti facinoris per omnem Africam 
 brevi divulgatur : Adherbalem 1 omnisque, qui sub impeno 
 Micipsae fuerant, metus invadit : in duas partis disce- 
 dunt : plures Adherbalem sequuntur, sed ilium alteram 
 bello meliores. Igitur Jugurtha quam maxumas potest 
 copias armat ; urbis 2 partim vi, alias voluntate imperio 
 suo adjungit ; omni Numidiae imperare parat. Adherbai, 
 3 tamen etsi Romam legatos miserat, qui senatum doce- 
 rent de caede fratris et fortunis suis ; tamen, fretus mul- 
 titudine militum, parabat armis contendere. Sed, ubi res 
 ad certamen venit, victus ex praelio profugit in 4 provh> 
 ciam, ac deinde Romam contendit. Turn Jugurtha, 5 pa- 
 tratis consiliis, in otio facinus suum cum animo reputans 
 timere populum Romanum, neque advorsus iram ejus 
 usquam, nisi in avaritia nobilitatis et pecunia sua, spern 
 habere. Itaque paucis diebus cum auro et argento multo 
 Romam mittit, 6 quis praecepit, uti primum veteres amicos 
 muneribus expleant ; deinde novos adquirant ; postremo . 
 quemcumque possint largiundo parare, ne cunctentur 
 Sed, ubi Romam legati venere, et, ex praecepto regis, 
 nospitibus, 7 aliisque, quorum ea tempestate auctoritas pol 
 lebat, magna munera misere ; tanta commutatio incessit, 
 uti ex maxuma invidia in gratiam et favorem nobilitatis 
 Jugurtha veniret ; quorum pars spe, alii praemio inducti, 
 8 singulos ex senatu ambiundo, nitebantur, ne gravius in 
 eum consuleretur. Igitur, legati ubi satis eonfidunt, die 
 constituto, 9 senatus utrisque datur. Turn Adherbalem hoc 
 modo locutum accepimus. 
 
 XIV. " Patres conscripti, Micipsa, pater mens, mori- 
 ens, praecepit, uti regnum Numidiae tantummodo 10 procu- 
 ratione existumarem meum ; ceterum jus et imperium 
 penes vos esse : simul eniterer domi militiaeque quam 
 
aALLUSTIl JUGURTHA. *J 
 
 maxuino usui esse populo Romano : vos mihi 1 cognatorum 
 vos in adiinium locum ducerem : si ea fecissem, in ves- 
 tra amicitia exercitum, divitias, munimenta regni 2 habere. 
 Quae cum praecepta parentis mei agitarem, Jugurtha, 
 homo omnium, quos terra sustinet, sceleratissimus, con- 
 temto imperio vestro, Masinissae me nepotem, et jam ab 
 stirpe socium et amicum populo Romano, regno fortu- 
 uisque omnibus expulit. 3 Atque ego, Patres conscripti, 
 quoniam eo miseriarum venturus eram, 4 vellem, potius ob 
 mea, quam ob majorum beneficia posse auxilium petere ; 
 ac maxume deberi mihi a populo Romano, quibus non 
 egerem ; secundum ea, si desideranda erant, uti debitis 
 uterer. Sed, quoniam parum tuta per se ipsa probitas, 
 5 neque mihi in manu fuit, Jugurtha qualis foret ; ad vos 
 confugi, Patres conscripti, quibus, quod miserrumum, co- 
 gor prius oneri, quam usui esse. Ceteri reges, aut bello 
 victi in amicitiam a vobis recepti, aut in suis dubiis rebus 
 societatem vestram adpetiverunt : familia nostra cum pop- 
 ulo Romano bello Carthaginiensi amicitiam instituit ; 6 quo 
 tempore magis fides ejus, quam fortuna petenda erat 
 T Quorum progeniem vos, Patres conscripti, nolite pati frus- 
 tra a vobis auxilium petere. Si ad impetrandum nihil 
 caussae haberem, praeter miserandam fortunam ; quod 
 paullo ante rex, genere, fama atque copiis pot ens, nurx 
 deformatus aerumnis, inops, alienas opes exspecto ; 8 tamen 
 erat majestatis Romani populi, prohibere injuriam, neqre 
 cujusquam regnum per scelus cresceret. Verum ego h:i* 
 finibus ejectus sum, quos majoribus meis populus Rom;-, 
 nus dedit ; unde pater et avus una vobiscum expulei e 
 Syphacem et Carthaginienses. Yestra beneficia erepu 
 sunt, Patres conscripti : 9 vos- in mea injuria despecti esti:? 
 Eheu me miserum ! Huccine, Micipsa pater, beneficia 
 evasere, uti, quern tu par em cum liberis, regnique par- 
 ticipem fecisti, is 10 potissumum stirpis tuae extinctor sit ? 
 Nunquamne ergo familia nostra quieta erit ? n sempert.e 
 in sanguine, ferro, fuga versabimur 1 Dum Carthaginienses 
 incolumes fuere, jure omnia saeva patiebamur : hostes ab 
 
10 SALLTJSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 latere, vos amici procul, spes omnis in armis erat. Post* 
 quam 1 illa pestis ejecta, laeti pacem agitabamus ; quippe . 
 quis hostis nullus, nisi forte quern jussissetis. Ecce 
 autem ex improviso, Jugurtha, intoleranda audacia, scelere 
 atque superbia 2 sese ecferens, fratre meo, atque eodem 
 propinquo suo interfecto, primum regnum ejus sceleris 
 sui praedam fecit: post, ubi me 3 isdem dolis nequit ca- 
 pere, nihil minus, quam vim, aut bellum exspectantem. 
 in imperio vestro, sicuti videtis, 4 extorrem patria, domo, 
 inopem et coopertum miseriis efFecit, ut ubivis tutius, 
 quam in meo regno essem. Ego sic existumabam, Pa- 
 tres conscripti, ut praedicantem audiveram patrem meum, 
 qui vestram amicitiam colerent, eos 5 multum laborem 
 suscipere ; ceterum ex omnibus maxume tutos esse. 
 6 Quod in familia nostra fuit, praestitit, uti in omnibus 
 bellis vobis adessent ; nos uti per otium tuti simus, in 
 manu vestra est, Patres conscripti. Pater nos duos fra- 
 tres reliquit ; 7 tertium, Jugurtham, beneficiis suis ratus 
 nobis conjunctum fore : alter eorum necatus, alterius ipse 
 ego manus impias vix effugi. Quid agam ? quo potissumum 
 infelix accedam ? 8 Generis praesidia omnia extincta sunt 
 pater, uti necesse erat, naturae concessit : fratri, 9 quem 
 minume decuit, propinquus, per scehas, vitam eripuit : 
 lo adfines, amicos, propinquos ceteros, alium alia clades 
 oppressit : capti ab Jugurtha, n pars in crucem acti, pars 
 bestiis objecti ; pauci, quibus relicta anima, clausi in tene- 
 bris, cum. moerore et luctu, morte graviorem vitam 12 exi- 
 gunt. Si omnia, quae aut amisi, aut ex necessariis 
 advorsa facta sunt, incolumia manerent, tamen, si quid ex 
 improviso accidisset, vos implorarem, Patres conscripti . 
 quibus, pro magnitudine imperii, jus et injurias omnis curae 
 esse decet. 13 Nunc vero exsul patria, domo, solus, et 14 omni- 
 am honestarum rerum egens, quo accedam, aut quos adpel- 
 lem ? nationesne, an reges, qui omnes familiae nostrae 
 l5 ob vestram amicitiam infesti sunt 1 an quoquam adire 
 .icet, ubi non majorum meorum hostilia monumenta plu~ 
 rima ? aut quisquam nostri misiereri potest* qui aliquando 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 1 j 
 
 v r obis hostis fuit 1 1 Postremo, Masinissa nos ita instituit, 
 Patres conscripti, ne quern coleremus, nisi populum Ro 
 manum, ne societates, ne foedera nova aeciperemus . 
 abunde magna praesidia nobis in vestra amicitia fore : si 
 huic imperio fortuna mutaretur, 2 una nobis occidendum 
 esse. Virtute ac dis.volentibus 3 magni estis et opulenti : 
 omnia secunda et obedientia sunt : quo facilius sociorum 
 injurias curare licet. Tantum illud vereor, ne 4 quos pri- 
 vata amicitia Jugurthae, parum cognita, transvorsos agat : 
 quos ego audio maxuma ope niti, ambire, 5 fatigare vos 
 singulos, ne quid de absente, incognita caussa, statuatis . 
 fingere me verba, fugam simulare, cui licuerit in regno 
 manere. 6 Quod utinam ilium, cujus impio facinore, in 
 has miserias projectus sum, eadem haec simulantem vi- 
 deam ; et aliquando aut apud vos, aut apud deos immor- 
 talis, rerum humanarum cura oriatur : 7 ne, ille, qui nunc 
 sceleribus suis ferox atque praeclarus est, omnibus malis 
 excruciatus, impietatis in parentem nostrum, fratris mei 
 necis, mearumque miseriarmn gravis poenas reddet. 8 Jam 
 jam, frater, animo meo earissume, quamquam immaturo, 
 et unde minume decuit, vita erepta est ; tamen laetan- 
 dmn magis, quam dolendum puto casum tuum ; non enim 
 regnum, sed fugam, exilium, egestatem, et omnis has, 
 quae me premunt, aerumnas cum anima simul amisisti. 
 At ego infelix, in tanta mala praecipitatus ex patrio reg- 
 ao, 9 rerum hmnanarum spectaculum praebeo, incertus quid 
 agam ; tuasne injurias persequar, ipse auxilii egens, an 
 regno consulam, cujus vitae necis^ue potestas ex opibus 
 ahenis pendet. Utinam 10 emori fortunis meis honestus 
 exitus esset, n neu jure contemtus viderer, si, defessus 
 malis, injuriae concessissem. Nunc 12 neque vivere lubet, 
 fleque mori licet sine dedecore. Patres conscripti, per 
 vos, per liberos atque parentes, per majestatem populi 
 Romani subvenite misero mihi ; ite obviam injuriae ; 
 noKte pati regnmn Numidiae, quod vestrum est, per scelus 
 et sanguinem familiae nostrae tabescere," 
 
 XV. Postquam rex flnem loquendi fecit, legati Jugur 
 
12 SALLUSTII TUGURTHA. 
 
 thae largitione magis, quam T caussa freti, paucis respon 
 dent : " Hiempsalem ob saevitiam suam ab Numidis inter- 
 fectum : Adherbalem ultro bellum inferentem, postquam 
 superatus sit, queri, quod injuriam facere nequivisset : 
 Jugurtham ab senatu petere, ne alium putarent, ac Nu- 
 mantiae cognitus esset, neu verba •inimici ante facta sua 
 ponerent." Deinde utrique curia egrediuntur. Senatus 
 statim consulitur : fautores legatorum, praeterea magna 
 pars, 2 gratia depravati, Adherbalis dicta contemner e, Ju- 
 gurthae virtutem extollere laudibus ; gratia, voce, denique 
 omnibus modis, pro alieno scelere et flagitio, sua quasi 
 pro gloria, nitebantur. At contra pauci, quibus bonum et 
 aequum divitiis 3 carius, subveniundum Adherbali, et Hi 
 empsalis mortem severe vindicandam censebant : sed ex 
 omnibus maxume Aemilius Scaurus, homo nobilis, impi- 
 ger, factiosus, avidus potentiae, honoris, divitiarum ; cet- 
 erum vitia sua callide occultans. Is postquam videt regis 
 largitionem famosam impudentemque, veritus, quod in tali 
 re solet, ne polluta licentia invidiam accenderet, animum 
 a consueta lubidine continuit. 
 
 XVI. Yicit t amen in senatu pars ilia, 4 qui vero pretium 
 aut gratiam anteferebant. Decretum fit, uti decem 
 
 LEGATI REGNUM, QUOD MICIPSA OBTINUERAT, INTER JUGUR- 
 THAM ET ADHERBALEM DIVIDERENT : CUJUS legationis 
 
 princeps fuit L. Opimius, homo clarus et turn in senatu 
 potens ; quia consul, C. Graccho et M. Fulvio Flacco 
 interfectis, acerrume victoriam nobilitatis in plebem exer- 
 cuerat. Eum Jugurtha tametsi Romae in amicis habuerat 
 tamen 5 adcuratissume recepit ; dando et pollicitando per- 
 fecit, uti famae, fide, postremo omnibus suis rebus commo 
 dum regis anteferret. Reliquos legatos eadem via 
 adgressus, plerosque capit ; paucis carior fides, quam 
 pecunia fuit. In divisione, quae pars Numidiae 6 Maureta 
 niam adtingit, agro, viris opulentior, Jugurthae traditur 
 illam alteram specie, quam usu, potiorem, quae portuosioi 
 et aedificiis magis exornata erat, Adherbal possedit. 
 
 XVII. 7 Re-s postulare videtur Africae situm paucis 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 13 
 
 exponere, di eas gentis, quibuscum nobis bellum aut ami- 
 citia fuit, adtingere. Sed quae loca et nationes ob 
 calorem, aut asperitatem, item solitudines, minus frequen- 
 tata sunt, 1 de is haud facile compertum narravenm . 
 cetera quam paucissumis absolvam. In divisione orbis 
 terrae plerique 2 in partem tertiam Africam posuere : 
 pauci tantummodo Asiam et Europam esse ; sed Africam 
 in Europa. 3 Ea finis habet, ab occidente 4 fretum nostri 
 maris et oceani ; ab ortu solis, 5 declivem latitudinem, 
 quern locum Catabathmon incolae adpellant. Mare sae- 
 vum, importuosum : ager frugum fertilis, bonus pecori, 
 6 arbori infecundus : coelo, terra, penuria aquanim. Genus 
 liominum salubri corpore, velox, patiens laborum : ple- 
 rosque senectus dissolvit, nisi qui ferro, aut bestiis in- 
 teriere : nam morbus haud saepe quemquam superat. 
 Ad hoc, malefici generis plurima animalia. Sed qui 
 mortales initio Africam habuerint, quique postea accesse- 
 rint, aut quomodo inter se permixti sint ; 7 quamquam ab 
 ea fama, quae plerosque obtinet, diversum est ; tamen, 
 uti ex libris Pimicis, qui regis Hiempsalis dicebantur, 
 interpretatum nobis est, utique rem sese habere cuitores 
 ejus terrae putant, quam paucissumis dicam. Ceterum 
 fides ejus rei penes auctores erit. 
 
 XVIII. Africam initio habuere 8 Gaetuli et Libyes, 
 asperi, inculti ; quis cibus erat caro ferina atque humi 
 pabulum, uti pecoribus. Hi neque moribus, neque lege, 
 neque imperio cujusquam regebantur : vagi, palantes, qua 
 nox coegerat, sedes habebant. Sed, postquam in His- 
 pania 9 Hercules, sicuti Afri putant, interiit, exercitus 
 ejus, compositus ex variis gentibus, amisso duce, ac pas- 
 sim multis, sibi quique, imperium petentibus, brevi dilabitur 
 Ex eo numero Medi, Persae et Armenii, navibus in Afri- 
 cam transvecti, proxumos nostro mari locos occupavere. 
 ^ed Persae lc intra oceanum magis : iique alveos navium 
 inversos pro tuguriis habuere, quia neque materia in 
 agris, neque ab Hispanis l:L emundi, aut mutandi copia 
 erat : mare magnum et ignara lingua commeroia prohib© 
 
 4 
 
'4 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA 
 
 bant. Hi paullatim per connubia Gaetulos sibi miscuere . 
 et, quia saepe Hentantes agros, alia, deinde alia loca 
 petiverant, semet ipsi Numidas adpellavere. Ceterum 
 adhuc aedificia Numidarum agrestium, quae 2 mapalia illi 
 vocant, oblonga, 3 incurvis lateribus tecta, quasi navium 
 carinae sunt. Medis autem et Armenis accessere Libyes 
 (nam hi propius mare Africum agitabant ; Gaetuli 4 sub 
 sole magis, haud procul ab ardoribus) hique mature op- 
 pida habuere ; nam, freto divisi ab Hispania, mutare res 
 inter se instituerant. Nomen eorum paullatim Libyes 
 corrupere, barbara lingua 5 Mauros pro Medis adpellantes. 
 Sed res Persarum brevi adolevit : ac postea 6 nomine 
 Numidae, propter multitudinem a parentibus digressi, pos- 
 sidere ea loca, quae proxume Carthaginem Numidia 
 adpellatur. Dein 7 utrique, alteris freti, finitumos armis 
 aut metu sub imperium cogere, nomen gloriamque sibi 
 addidere ; magis hi qui ad nostrum mare processerant : 
 quia Libyes, quam Gaetuli, minus bellicosi : denique 
 Africae 8 pars inferior pleraque ab Numidis possessa est : 
 victi omnes in gentem nomenque imperantium concessere 
 XIX. Postea Phoenices, alii multitudinis domi minu- 
 endae gratia, pars imperii cupidine, sollicitata plebe, et 
 aliis no varum rerum avidis, Hipponem, Hadrumetum, 
 Leptim, aliasque urbis in ora maritima condidere : hae- 
 que brevi multum auetae, pars 9 originibus praesidio, aliae 
 decori fuere : nam de Carthagine silere melius puto, 
 411am parum dicere ; quoniam alio properare tempus mo- 
 net. Igitur 10 ad Catabathmon, qui locus Aegyptum ab 
 Africa dividit, secundo mari, prima Cyrene est, colonia 
 n Thereon, ac deinceps duae Syrtes, interque eas 12 Leptis : 
 dein 13 Philaenon arae, quern, Aegyptum versus, finem 
 imperii habuere Carthaginienses : 14 post aliae Punicae 
 urbes. Cetera loca usque ad Mauretaniam Numidae te- 
 nent : proxume Hispaniam Mauri sunt : super Numidiam 
 Gaetulos accepimus partim in tuguriis, alios incultius 
 vagos agitare ; post eos 15 Aethiopas esse ; dein loca 
 exusta solis ardoribus. Igitur bello Jugurthino ^pleraque 
 
tSALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 15 
 
 ex Punicis oppida, et finis Carthaginiensium, quos novis- 
 sume habuerant, populus Romanus per magistrates ad- 
 ministrabat : Gaetulorum magna pars et Numidia usque 
 ad flumen Mulucham sub Jugurtha erant : Mauris omnibus 
 rex Bocchus ^mperitabat, praeter nomen, cetera ignarus 
 populi Romani ; itemque nobis neque bello, neque pace, 
 antea cognitus. De Africa et ejus incolis ad necessitu- 
 dinem rei satis dictum. 
 
 XX. Postquam, regno diviso, legati Africa discessere, 
 et Jugurtha contra 2 timorem animi praemia sceleris 
 adeptum sese videt ; certum ratus, quod ex amicis apud 
 Nnmantiam acceperat, omnia Romae venalia esse, simul 
 et illorum pollicitationibus accensus, quos paullo ante 
 muneribus expleverat, in regnum Adherbalis animum 
 intendit. Ipse acer, bellicosus : at is, 3 quem petebat, 
 quietus, imbellis, placido ingenio, opportunus injuriae, me- 
 tuens magis, quam metuendus. Igitur ex improviso, finis 
 ejus cum magna manu invasit, multos mortalis cum pecore 
 atque alia praeda capit, aedificia incendit, pleraque loca 
 hostiliter cum equitatu accedit ; dein cum omni multitu- 
 dine in regnum suum 4 convertit, exists oians dolore per- 
 nio turn Adherbalem injurias suas mai\u vindicaturum, 
 eamque rem belli caussam fore. At ille, quod neque se 
 parem armis existumabat, et amicitia populi Romani ma- 
 gis quam Numidis fretus erat, legatos ad Jugurtham de 
 mjuriis questum misit : qui tametsi 5 contumeliosa dicta 
 retulerant, prius tamen omnia pati decrevit, quam bellum 
 sumere ; quia tentatum antea secus cesserat. Neque 
 tamen eo magis cupido Jugurthae minuebatur ; quippe qui 
 tottim ejus regnum 6 animo jam invaserat. Itaque non. 
 lit antea, cum praedatoria manu, sed magno exercitu 
 comparato, bellum gerere coepit, et aperte totius Nu- 
 midiae imperium petere. Ceterum, qua pergebat, urbis, 
 agros vastare, praedas agere ; suis animum, terror em 
 hostibus augere. 
 
 XXI. Adherbal ubi intellegit, 7 eo processum, uti re- 
 gnum aut relinquendum ess€ty aut armis retinendum, neces 
 
16 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA 
 
 sario copias parat, et Jugurthae obvius procedit Interim 
 haud longe a mari, prope Cirtam oppidum, utriusque 
 consedit exercitus : et, quia die extremum erat, praelium 
 non inceptum. Ubi plerumque noctis processit, 1 obscuro 
 etiam turn lumine, milites Jugurthini, signo dato, castra 
 hostium invadunt ; semisomnos partim, alios arma su- 
 mentes fugant funduntque ; Adberbal cum paucis equiti- 
 bus Cirtam profugit, et, ni multitudo togatorum fuisset, 
 quae Numidas insequentes moenibus prohibuit, uno die 
 inter duos reges coeptum atque patratum bellum foret. 
 Igitur Jugurtha oppidum circurnsedit, 2 vineis turribusque et 
 machinis omnium generum expugnare adgreditur ; maxume 
 festinans 3 tempus legatorum antecapere, quos, ante prae- 
 lium factum, Romam ab Adherbale missos audiverat. Sed, 
 postquam senatus de bello eorum accepit, tres ado- 
 lescentes in Africam legantur, qui ambo reges adeant, se- 
 natus populique Romani verbis nuncient, 4 " velle et censere, 
 eos ab armis discedere ; de controversiis suis jure potius, 
 quam bello disceptare ; ita seque illisque dignum fore." 
 
 XXII. Legati in Africam maturantes veniunt, eo magis, 
 quod Romae, dum proficisci parant, de praelio facto et op- 
 pugnatione Cirtae audiebatur : sed is rumor 5 clemens erat. 
 Quorum Jugurtha accepta oratione respondit : " sibi 
 neque majus quidquam, neque carius auctoritate senati : 
 ab adolescentia ita enisum, uti ab optumo quoque probare- 
 tur : virtute, non malitia, P. Scipioni, summo viro, pla- 
 cuisse : ob easdem artis ab Micipsa, non penuria libero- 
 rum, in regnum adopt atum : ceterum, quo plura bene atque 
 strenue fecisset, eo animum suum injuriam minus tolerare : 
 Adherbalem dolis vitae suae insidiatum ; quod ubi com- 
 perisset, sceleri obviam isse : populum Romanum 6 neque 
 recte, neque pro bono facturum, si ab jure gentium sese 
 prohibuerint : postremo de omnibus rebus legatos Romam 
 brevi missurum." Ita 7 utrique digrediuntur. Adherbalis 
 adpellandi copia non fuit. 
 
 XXIII. Jugurtha, ubi eos Africa decessisse ratus est 
 neque, propter looi nattiram> Cirtam armis expugnare po- 
 
6ALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 17 
 
 test, ^alio atque fossa moenia circumdat, turris exstruil. 
 easque praesidiis firmat : praeterea dies, noctes, aut pei 
 vim, aut dolis tentare ; defensoribus moenium praemia 
 modo, modo 2 formidinem ostentare ; suos hortando ad 
 rirtutem erigere ; prorsus intentus cuncta par are. Adher- 
 bal, ubi intellegit omnis suas fortunas in extremo sitas, 
 3 hostem mfestum, auxilii spem nullam, penuria rerurn 
 necessariarum bellum trahi non posse ; ex his, qui una 
 Cirtam profugerant, duo maxume impigros delegit : eos, 
 multa pollicendo, ac miserando casum suum, confirmat, 
 uti per hostium munitiones noctu ad proxumum mare, dein 
 Rom am pergerent. 
 
 XXIY. Numidae paueis diebus jussa efficiunt : lit- 
 terae Adherbalis in senatu 4 recitatae, quarum sententia haee 
 fuit. " Non mea culpa saepe ad vos oratum mitto, Patres 
 conscripti, sed vis Jugurthae subigit : quern tanta lubido 
 exstinguendi me invasit, uti 5 neque vos, neque deos im- 
 mortalis in animo habeat ; sanguinem meum, quam omnia, 
 malit. Itaque quintum jam mensem, socius et amicu? 
 populi Romani, armis obsessus teneor : neque mihi Mi- 
 cipsae patris benencia, neque vestra decreta auxiliantur : 
 ferro, an fame acrius urguear, incertus sum. 6 Plura de 
 Jugurtha s crib ere dehortatur fortuna mea : etiam ante a 
 expertus sum, parum fldei miseris esse : 7 nisi tamen, intel- 
 lego, ilium supra, quam ego sum, petere, neque simul ami- 
 citiam vestram, et regnum meum sperare : utrum 8 gravius 
 existumet, nemini occultum est. Nam initio occidit Hi- 
 empsalem, fratrem meum ; dein patrio regno me expulit :— 
 9 quae sane fuerint nostrae injuriae, nihil ad vos. Yerum 
 nunc vestrum regnum armis tenet : me, quern imperatorem 
 Numidis posuistis, clausum obsidet ; legatorum verba 
 quanti fecerit, pericula mea declarant. 10 Quid reliquum, 
 nisi vis vestra, quo moveri possit 1 Nam ego quidem vel- 
 lem, et haec quae scribo, et quae antea in senatu questus 
 sum, vana forent potius, quam miseria mea fldem verbis 
 faceret. Sed, quoniam eo natus sum, X1 ut Jugurthae scele- 
 nim ostentui essem, non jam mortem neque aerumnab, 
 
 4* 
 
18 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 tantui&modo inimici imperium et cruciatus corporis de- 
 precor. Regno Numidiae, quod vestrum est, uti lubet, 
 consulite : me ex manibus impiis eripite, per majestatem 
 imperii, per amicitiae fidem ; si ulla apud vos memoria 
 avi mei Masinissae." 
 
 XXY. His litteris recitatis, fuere, qui exercitum in 
 Africam mittendum censerent, et quam primum Adherbali 
 subveniundum ; x de Jugurtha interim uti consuleretur, 
 quoniam non paruisset legatis. Sed ab isdem regis fau- 
 toribus summa ope enisum, ne decretum fieret. Ita bonum 
 publicum, ut in plerisque negotiis solet, privata gratia 
 devictum. Legantur tamen in Africam majores natu 
 nobiles, 2 amplis honoribus ; in quis M. Scaurus, de quo 
 supra memoravimus, consularis, et turn senati princeps. 
 Hi, quod 3 in invidia res erat, simul et ab Numidis obse- 
 crati, triduo navim escendere : dein brevi Uticam adpulsi 
 litteras ad Jugurtham mittunt, quam ocisstjme ad provin- 
 
 CIAM ACCEDAT ; SEQUE AD EUM AB SENATU MISSOS. Ille 
 
 ubi accepit, homines claros, quorum auctoritatem Romae 
 pollere audiverat, 4 contra inceptum suum venisse ; primo 
 commotus, metu atque lubidine divorsus agitabatur. Time- 
 bat iram senati, ni paruisset legatis : porro animus 
 cupidine caecus ad inceptum scelus rapiebat. Vicit 
 tamen in avido ingenio pravum consilium. Igitur, exer- 
 m circumdato, summa vi Cirtam irrumpere nititur, 
 maxume sperans, diducta manu hostium, aut vi, aut dolis, 
 sese casum victoriae inventurum. Quod ubi secus pro- 
 cedit, neque, quod intenderat, efficere potest, uti prius, 
 quam legatos 5 conveniret, Adberbalis potiretur : ne, amplius 
 morando, Scaurum, quern plurimum metuebat, incenderet, 
 cum. paucis equitibus in provinciam venit. Ac, tamen etsi 
 senati verbis minae graves nunciabantur, quod oppugna- 
 tione non desisteret, multa tamen oratione consumta, 
 legati frustra discessere. 
 
 XXVI. Ea postquam Cirtae audita sunt, 6 Italici, quo 
 rum virtute moenia defensabantur, coniisi, deditione facta, 
 propter magnitudinem populi Romani inviolatos sese fore, 
 
ALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 19 
 
 Adherbali suadent, uti seque, et oppidum Jugurthae tra- 
 dat ; tantum ab eo vitam paciscatur ; de ceteris senatui 
 curae fore. At ille, tametsi omnia 1 potiora fide Jugurthae 
 rebatur ; quia penes eosdem, si advorsaretur, cogendi 
 potestas erat, ita, uti censuerant Italici, deditionem facit. 
 Tugurtha in primis Adherbalem excruciatum nee at : dein 
 omnis puberes, Numidas et negotiatores promiscue, uti 
 quisque armatis obvius, interfecit. 
 
 XXVII. Quod postquam Romae cognitum, et res in 
 senatu agitari coepta, idem illi 2 ministri regis interpel- 
 lando, ac saepe gratia, interdum jurgiis trahendo tempus, 
 atrocitatem facti leniebant. Ac, ni C. Memmius, 3 tribunus 
 plebis designatus, 4 vir acer, et infestus potentiae nobili- 
 tatis, populum Romanum edocuisset, id agi, uti per pau- 
 
 COS FACTIOSOS JUGURTHAE SCELUS CONDONARETUR, 5 prO- 
 
 fecto omnis inividia prolatandis consultationibus dilapsa 
 erat : tanta vis gratiae, atque pecuniae regis. Sed, ubi 
 senatus delicti conscientia populum timet, 6 lege Sempro- 
 nia provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia 
 decretae : consules declarantur P. Scipio Nasica, L. 
 Bestia Calpurnius : Calpurnio Numidia, Scipioni Italia 
 obvenit : deinde exercitus, qui in Africam portaretur, scri- 
 bitur : stipendium, alia, quae bello usui forent, decernuntur. 
 
 XXVIII. At Jugurtha, contra spem nuncio accepto, 
 quippe cui Romae omnia 7 venum ire in animo haeserat ; 
 filium, et cum eo duo farailiaris, ad senatum legatos 
 mittit : bisque, ut illis, quos Hiempsale interfecto miserat, 
 praecepit, " omnis mortalis pecunia adgrediantur." Qui 
 postquam Romam adventabant, senatus a Bestia consultus, 
 
 PLACERETNE LEGATOS JUGURTHAE 8 RECIPI MOENIBUS : 
 
 iique decrevere, u nisi regnum, ipsumque deditum venis- 
 sent, uti in 9 diebus proxumis decern Italia decederent." 
 Consul Numidis ex senati decreto nunciari jubet ; ita 
 infectis rebus illi do mum discedunt. Interim Calpurnius. 
 parato exercitu, 10 legat sibi homines nobilis, factiosos, 
 quorum auctoritate, quae deliquisset, munita fore spe- 
 rabat : in quis fuit Scaurus, cujus de natura et habitu 
 
20 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 supra memoravimus. Nam in consule nostro multae 
 bonaeque 1 artes animi et corporis erant, quas omnis ava- 
 ritia praepediebat : patiens laborum, acri ingenio, satis 
 providens, belli haud ignarus, nrmissumus contra pericula 
 et insidias. Sed legiones per Italiam Rhegium, atque 
 incle Siciliam, porro ex Sicilia in Africam, transvectae. 
 Igitur Calpurnius initio, paratis commeatibus, acriter Nu- 
 midiam ingressus est, multos mortalis, et urbis aliquot 
 pugnando capit. 
 
 XXIX. Sed, ubi Jugurtha per legatos pecunia tentare, 
 bellique, quod administrabat, asperitatem ostendere coepit, 
 2 animus aeger avaritia facile conversus est. Ceterum 
 socius et administer omnium consiliorum adsumitur 
 Scaurus : qui, tametsi a principio, plerisque ex factione 
 ejus corruptis, acerrume regem impugnaverat ; tamen 
 magnitudine pecuniae, a bono honestoque in pravum ab- 
 str actus est. Sed Jugurtha primum tantummodo belli 
 moram 3 redimebat, existumans, sese aliquid interim Romae 
 pretio, aut gratia effecturum : postea vero quam partici- 
 pem negotii Scaurum acceperat ; in maxumam spem 
 adductus recuperandae pacis, statuit cum eis de omnibus 
 pactionibus praesens agere. Ceterum interea, 4 fldej 
 caussa, mittitur a consule Sextius quaestor in oppidum 
 Jugurthae Vagam ; cujus rei species erat acceptio fru 
 menti, quod Calpurnius palam legatis imperaverat ; quo 
 niam deditionis mora induciae agitabantur. Igitur rex. 
 uti constituerat, in castra venit ; ac pauca, 5 praesenti con- 
 silio, locutus de invidia facti, atque in deditionem uti 
 acciperetur, reliqua cum Bestia et Scauro secreta transigit : 
 dein postero die, 6 quasi per saturam exquisitis sententiis 
 in deditionem accipitur. Sed, uti 7 pro consilio imperatum. 
 clephanti triginta, pecus atque equi multi, cum parvo 
 argenti pondere quaestori traduntur. Calpurnius Romam 
 ad magistratus rogandos proficiscitur. In Numidia et 
 exercitu nostro pax agitabatur. 
 
 XXX. Postquam res in Africa gestas, quoque modo 
 <ictae forent, fama divulgavit, Romae per omnis locos et 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 21 
 
 conventus *de facto consulis agitari : apud plebem gravis 
 invidia: Patres, probarentne tantum rlagitium, an decre- 
 tum consulis subverterent, parum constabat. Ac maxume 
 eos potentia Scauri, quod is auctor et socius Bestiae 
 ferebatur, a vero, bono impediebat. At C. Memmius, 
 cuius de libertate ingenii et odio potentiae nobilitatis 
 supra diximus, inter dubitationem et moras senati, con- 
 cionibus populum ad vindicandum hortari : monere, ne 
 rempublicam, ne libertatem suam desererent : multa 
 superba, crudelia facinora nobilitatis ostendere : prorsus 
 mtentus omni modo plebis animum accendebat. Sed, quo- 
 niam ea tempestate Memmii facundia 2 clara pollensque 
 fuit, decere existumavi, unam ex tam multis orationem 
 perscribere ; ac potissumum, quae in concione, post 
 reditum Bestiae, bujuscemodi verbis disseruit. 
 
 XXXI. " Multa 3 dehortantur a vobis, Quirites, ni stu 
 drum reipublicae omnia superet ; opes factionis, vestra 
 patientia, jus nullum, ac maxume, quod innocentiae plus 
 periculi, quam honoris, est. Nam ilia quidem piget dicere, 
 4 his annis xv. quam ludibrio fueritis superbiae paucorum ; 
 quam foede, quamque inulti perierint vestri defensores ; 
 5 ut vobis animus ab ignavia atque secordia corruptus sit, 
 qui ne nunc quidem, 6 obnoxiis inimicis, exsurgitis, atque 
 etiam nunc timetis, quibus decet terrori esse. Sed, 
 quamquam haec talia sunt, tamen obviam ire factionis 
 potentiae animus subigit : 7 certe ego libertatem, quae 
 mini a parente tradita est experiar : verum id frustra, an 
 8 ob rem faciam, in vestra manu situm, Quirites. 9 Neque 
 ego hortor, quod saepe majores vestri fecere, uti contra 
 injurias armaji eatis. Nihil vi, nihil 10 secessione opus ■ 
 necesse est n suomet ipsi more praecipites eant. Occiso 
 Tiberio Graccho, quern regnum parare aiebant, in plebem 
 Romanam 12 quaestiones habitae sunt : post C. Gracchi et 
 M. Fulvii caedem, item multi vestri ordinis in carcere 
 cecati sunt ; 13 utriusque cladis non lex, verum lubido 
 »orum finem fecit. 14 Sed sane fuerit regni paratio, plebi 
 sua restituere ■ quidquid sine sanguine civium ulcisci 
 
22 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA 
 
 nequitur, jure factum sit. Superioribus annis taciti in* 
 dignabamjni, aerarium expilari ; reges et populos liberos 
 paucis nobilibus vectigal pendere ; penes eosdem et 1 sum- 
 mam gloriam, et maxumas divitias esse : tamen haec 
 talia facinora impune suscepisse, parum habuere : itaque 
 postremo leges, majestas vestra, divina et humana omnia 
 hostibus tradita sunt. Neque eos, qui fecere, pudet aut 
 poenitet : sed 2 incedunt per ora vestra magnifice, sacer- 
 dotia et consulatus, pars triumphos suos ostentantes : 
 perinde quasi honori, non praedae habeant. Servi acre 
 parati imperia injusta dominorum non perferunt : vos, 
 Quirites, 3 imperio nati, aequo animo servitutem toleratis. 
 At qui sunt hi, qui rempublicam occupavere ? homines 
 sceleratissumi, cruentis manibus, immani avaritia, nocen- 
 tissumi, idemque superbissumi ; quis fides, decus, pietas, 
 postremo honesta atque inhonesta omnia quaestui sunt. 
 Pars eorum 4 occidisse tribunos plebis, alii 5 quaestiones 
 injustas, plerique caedem in vos fecisse, pro munimento 
 habent. Ita quam quisque pessume fecit, tarn maxume 
 tutus est : 6 metum a scelere suo ad ignaviam vestram 
 transtulere ; quos omnis eadem cupere, eadem odisse, 
 eadem metuere in unum coegit : sed haec inter bonos 
 amicitia est, inter malos factio. 7 Quod si tarn libertatis 
 curam haberetis, quam illi ad dominationem accensi sunt ; 
 profecto neque respublica, sicuti nunc, vastaretur, et 
 beneficia vestra penes optumos, non audacissumos, forent. 
 Majores vestri, parandi juris et majestatis constituendae 
 gratia, 8 bis, per secessionem, armati Aventinum occupa- 
 vere : vos pro libertate, quam ab illis accepistis, non 
 summa ope nitemini 1 atque eo vehementiug, 9 quo majus 
 dedecus est, parta amittere, quam omnino non paravisse ? 
 Dicet aliquis, Quid igitur censes 1 10 Vindicandum in 
 eos, qui hosti prodidere rempublicam : non manu, neque 
 vi, quod magis fecisse, quam illis accidisse mdignum , 
 verum quaestionibus et indicio ipsius Jugurthae : 1] qui. 
 si dediticius est, profecto jussis vestris obediens erit : 
 sin ea contemnit, scilicet existumabitis, qualis ilia pax? 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 23 
 
 aut deditio, ex qua ad Jugurtham scelerum impunitas, 
 ad paucos potentis maxumae divitiae, in rempublicam 
 damna, dedecora pervenerint. Nisi forte nondum etiam 
 vos dominationis eorum satietas tenet, et Hlla, quam haec 
 tempora, magis placent, cum regna, provinciae, 2 leges, 
 jura, judicia, bella, paces, postremo divina et liumana 
 omnia penes paucos erant ; 3 vos autem, hoc est, populus 
 Romanus, invicti ab hostibus, imperatores omnium gen- 
 tium, satis habebatis animam retinere : nam servitutem 
 quidem quis vestrum recusare audebat 1 4 &tque ego, 
 tamen etsi viro fiagitiosissumum existumo impune inju- 
 riam accepisse, tamen vos hominibus sceleratissumis 
 ignoscere, quoniam cives sunt, aequo animo paterer, nisi 
 misericordia in perniciem casura esset. Nam et illis, 
 5 quantum importunitatis habent, parum est, impune male 
 fecisse, nisi 6 deinde faciundi licentia eripitur : et vobis 
 aeterna sollicitudo remanebit, cum intellegetis, aut ser- 
 viundum esse, aut per manus libertatem retinendam. 
 Nam fidei quidem, aut concordiae quae spes 1 dominari 
 illi volunt, vos liberi esse ; facere illi injurias, vos pro- 
 hibere : postremo sociis vestris veluti hostibus, hostibus 
 pro sociis utuntur. Potestne 7 in tarn divorsis mentibus 
 pax aut amicitia esse ? Quare moneo hortorque, ne 
 tantum scelus impunitum omittatis. Non peculatus aerarii 
 factus est, neque per vim sociis ereptae pecuniae : quae, 
 quamquam gravia, tamen 8 consuetudine jam pro nihilo ha- 
 bentur. Hosti acerrumo prodita senati auctoritas, proditum 
 imperium vestrum : domi militiaeque respublica venalis 
 fuit. 9 Quae nisi quaesita erunt, ni vindicatum in noxios, 
 quid reliquum, nisi ut illis, qui ea fecere, obedientes 
 vivamus ? nam impune quae libet facere, id est re gem 
 esse. Neque ego, Quirites, hortor, ut malitis civis ves 
 tros perperam, quam recte fecisse ; sed ne, ignoscendo 
 malis t bonos perditum eatis. 10 Ad hoc, in republica multo 
 praestat beneficii quam maleficii immemorem esse : bonus 
 tantummodo segnior fit, ubi neglegas ; at malus improbior 
 Ad hoc, si injuriae non sint, haud saepe auxilii egeas " 
 
24 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 XXXII. Haec atque alia hujuscemodi saepe dicundo 
 Memmius populo persuadet, uti 2 L. Cassius, qui turn 
 praetor erat, ad Jugurtham mitteretur, interposita fide 
 publica, Romam duceret ; quo facilius, indicio regis, 
 Scauri et reliquorum, 2 quos pecuniae captae arcessebant, 
 delicta patefierent. Dum haec Romae geruntur, qui in 
 Numidia relicti a Bestia exercitui praeerant, secuti morcm 
 imperatoris, plurima et fiagitiosissuma facinora fecere 
 Fuere qui, auro corrupti, 3 elephantos Jugurthae traderent : 
 alii perfugas vendere : pars ex pacatis praedas agebant : 
 tanta vis avaritiae in animos eorum, veluti tabes, invaserat. 
 At Cassius, *perlata rogations a C. Memmio, ac perculsa 
 omni nobilitate, ad Jugurtham proficiscitur : ei timido, et 
 ex conscientia diffident! rebus suis, persuadet, " quo se 
 populo Romano dedidisset, ne vim, quam misericordiam, 
 experiri mallet." Privatim praeterea fidem suam inter- 
 ponit, quam ille non minoris, quam publicam, ducebat : 
 talis ea tempestate fama de Cassio. 
 
 XXXIII. Igitur Jugurtha, 5 contra decus regium, cultu 
 quam maxume miserabili, cum Cassio Romam venit : ac, 
 tamen etsi in ipso 6 magna vis animi erat, confirmatus ab 
 omnibus quorum potentia aut scelere cuncta gesserat, C. 
 Baebium tribunam plebis magna mercede parat, cujus 
 impudentia concra jus et injurias ononis munitus foret 
 At C. Memmius, advocata concione ; quamquam reg 
 infesta plebes erat, et pars in vincula duci jubebat, pars 
 ni socios sceleris aperiret, more majorum, 7 de hoste sup- 
 plicium sumi ; dignitati, quam irae, magis consulens, 
 sedare motus, et animos mollire, postremo confirmare 
 fidem publicam per sese inviolatam fore. Post, ubi silen- 
 tium coepit, producto Jugurtha, 8 verba facit, Romae 
 Numidiaque facinora ejus memorat, scelera in patrem, fra- 
 tresque ostendit : " quibus juvantibus, quibusque ministris 
 egerit, quamquam intellegat populus Romanus ; tamen velle 
 manifesta magis ex illo habere : si vera aperiret, in fide et 
 dementia populi Romani magnam spem illi sitam : sin reti- 
 ceat, non sociis saluti fore ; sese suasque spes Scorrupturum.'' 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 25 
 
 XXXIV. Dein, ubi Memmius dicundi iinem fecit, et 
 Jugurtha respondere jussus est, C. Baebius, tribunus plebis, 
 quern pecunia corruptiim supra diximus, regem tacere ju- 
 bet : ac, tamen etsi multitudo, quae in concione aderat, 
 vehementer accensa, 1 terrebat eum clamore, voltu, saepe 
 impetu atque aliis omnibus, 2 quae ira fieri amat, vicit 
 tamen impudentia. Ita populus ludibrio habitus ex con- 
 cione discessit ; Jugurthae Bestiaeque et ceteris, quos ilia 
 quaestio exagitabat, animi augescunt. 
 
 XXXV. Ea erat tempestate Romae Numida quidam, 
 nomine Massiva, Gulussae films, Masinissae nepos ; qui, 
 quia, in dissensione regum, Jugurthae advorsus fuerat, 
 dedita Cirta et Adherbale interfecto, profugus ex Africa 
 abierat. Huic Sp. Albinus, qui 3 proxumo anno post 
 Bestiam cum Q. Minucio Rufo consulatum gerebat, per- 
 suadet, quoniam ex stirpe Masinissae sit, Jugurtham ob 
 scelera invidia cum metu urgueat ; regnum Numidiae ab 
 senatu petat. Avidus consul 4 belli gerundi, 5 movere quam 
 senescere omnia malebat : ipsi provincia Numidia ; Minu- 
 cio Macedonia evenerat. Quae postquam Massiva agi- 
 tare coepit, neque Jugurthae in amicis satis praesidii est, 
 quod eorum alium conscientia, alium mala fama et timor 
 impediebat ; Bomilcari, proxumo ac maxume fido sibi, 
 imperat, " pretio, sicuti multa confecerat, insidiatores 
 Massivae paret, ac 6 maxume occulte ; sin id parum pro- 
 cedat, quovis modo Numidam interflciat." Bomilcar 
 mature regis mandata exsequitur : et, per homines talis 
 negotii artifices, itinera egressusque ejus, postremo loca 
 atque tempora cuncta explorat : deinde, ubi res postulabat, 
 insidias tendit. Igitur unus ex eo numero, qui no. r.aedem 
 parati, paullo inconsultius Massivam adgrediiiu, ilium 
 obtruncat : sed ipse deprehensus, multis hortanubus, et 
 imprimis Albino consule, 7 indicium profitetirr. Fit reus 
 magis ex aequo bonoque, quam ex jure gentium, Bomilcar, 
 comes ejus qui Romam fide publica venerat. At Jugur- 
 tha, manifestus tanti sceleris y non prius omisit contra 
 ' erum niti, quam 8 animum advortit, supra gratiam atque 
 
26 SALLXJSTII JUGTJRTHA. 
 
 pecuniam suam invidiam facti esse. Igitur, quainquaiB 
 in prior e actione ex amicis quinquaginta vades dederat ; 
 regno magis, quam vadibus consulens, clam in Numidiaro 
 Bomilcarem dimittit, veritus, ne 1 reliquos popularis metug 
 invaderet parendi sibi, si de illo supplicium sumtum foret 
 Et ipse paucis diebus profectus est, jussus ab senatu 
 Italia decedere. Sed, postquam Roma egressus est, fer- 
 tur saepe eo tacitus respiciens postremo dixisse, 2 urbem 
 
 VENALEM ET MATURE PERITURAM, SI EMPTOREM INVENERIT ! 
 
 XXX VI. Interim Albums, renovato bello, commeatum, 
 stipendium, alia quae militibus usui forent, maturat in 
 Africam portare ; ac statim ipse profectus, uti ante 3 comi- 
 tia, quod tempus haud longe aberat, armis, aut deditione, 
 aut quovis modo bellum conficeret. At contra Jugurtha 
 traliere omnia, et alias, deinde alias morae caussas facere : 
 polliceri deditionem, ac deinde metum simulare : instanti 
 cedere, et paullo post, ne sui difnderent, instare : ita belli 
 modo, modo pacis mora, consulem ludificare. Ac fuere ; 
 qui turn Albinum haud ignarum consilii regis existumarent, 
 neque 4 ex tanta properantia tarn facile tractum bellum 
 secordia magis, quam dolo, crederent. Sed postquam, 
 dilapso tempore, comitiorum dies adventabat, Albinus, Aulo 
 fratre in castris pro praetore relicto, Romam decessit. 
 
 XXXVII. Ea tempestate Romae seditionibus tribuni- 
 ciis atrociter respublica agitabatur. P. Lucullus et L. 
 Annius, tribuni plebis, resistentibus collegis, continuare 
 magistratum nitebantur : quae dissensio 5 totius anni comi- 
 tia impediebat. Ea mora i 1 spem adductus Aulus, quern 
 pro praetore in castris relictum supra diximus, aut conn- 
 ciundi belli, aut terrore exercitus ab rege 6 pecuniae capi- 
 undae, milites mense Januario ex hibernis in expeditionem 
 evocat : magnis itmeribus, hieme aspera, pervenit ad 
 oppidum Suthul, ubi regis thesauri erant. Quod quarn- 
 quam et saevitia temporis, et opportunitate loci, neque 
 capi, neque obsideri poterat, (nam circum murum, situm 
 in praerupti montis extremo, planicies limosa hiemalibus 
 aquis paludem fecerat.) tamen, aux simulandi gratia, quo 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 27 
 
 *egi formidinem adderet, aut cupidine caecus, vineas 
 agere, aggerem jacere, alia, quae incepto usui forent, 
 proper are. 
 
 XXXYIII. At Jugurtha, cognita 1 vanitate atque impe- 
 ritia legati, subdolus augere amentiam : missitare sup- 
 plicantis legatos : ipse, quasi vitabundus, per saltuosa 
 loca et tramites exercitum ductare. Denique Aulum spe 
 pactioiiis perpulit, uti, relicto Suthule, in abditas re- 
 giones sese, veluti cedentem, insequeretur. Interea per 
 homines callidos die noctuque exercitum tentabat : 
 centuriones ducesque turmarum, partim uti transfugerent, 
 alii, signo dato, locum uti desererent : ita delicta occul- 
 tiora fore. Quae postquam ex sententia instruit, 2 intem- 
 pesta nocte, de improviso multitudine Numidarum Auli 
 castra circivmvenit. Milites Romani, tumultu perculsi 
 insolito, arma capere alii, alii se abdere, pars territos 
 confirmare ; trepidare omnibus locis : vis magna hostium ; 
 coelum nocte atque nubibus obscuratum ; periculum an- 
 ceps : postremo fugere, an manere, tutius foret, in incerto 
 erat. Sed ex eo numero, quos pauUo ante corruptos 
 diximus, cohors una Ligurum, cum duabus turmis Thracum, 
 et paucis gregariis militibus, transiere ad regem : et 3 cen- 
 turio primi pili tertiae legionis, per munitionem, quam, 
 uti defenderet, acceperat, locum hostibus introeundi dedit : 
 eaque Numidae cuncti irrupere. Nostri foeda fuga, ple- 
 rique abjectis armis, proxumum collem occupavere. No? 
 atque praeda castrorum 4 hostes, quo minus victoria uteren- 
 tur, remorata sunt. Dein Jugurtha postero die cum Aulo 
 in colloquio verba facit : " tametsi ipsum cum exercitu 
 fame, ferro clausum tenet, tamen se humanarum rerum 
 memorem, si secum foedus faceret, incolumis omnis sub 
 jugum missurum : praeterea, uti diebus decern Numidia 
 decederet." Quae quamquam gravia et flagitii plena 
 erant, tamen, 5 quia mortis metu mutabantur, sicuti regi 
 libuerat, pax convenit. 
 
 XXXIX. Sed, ubi ea Romae comperta sunt, 6 metus 
 atque moeror civitatem invasere : pars doleie pro gloria 
 
28 SALLUSTII J1JGURTHA. 
 
 imperii : pars insolita rerum bellicarum timere libertati : 
 Auio omnes infesti, ac maxume qui bello saepe praeclari 
 fuerant, quod armatus, 1 dedecore potius, quam manu salu- 
 tern quaesiverat. Ob ea consul Albinus ex delicto fra- 
 tris invidiam, ac deinde periculum timens, senatum de 
 foedere consulebat : et tamen interim exercitui supple- 
 mentum scribere : ab sociis et nomine Latino auxilia 
 arcessere : denique modis omnibus festinare. Senatus 
 ita, uti par fuerat, decernit, suo atque populi injussu 
 nullum potuisse foedus fieri. Consul impeditus a 
 tribunis plebis ne, quas paraverat copias, secum portaret, 
 paucis diebus in Africam proflciscitur : nam omnis exer- 
 citus, uti convenera/tj Numidia deductus, in 2 provincia 
 hiemabat. Postquam eo venit ; quamquam persequi Ju- 
 gurtham et mederi fraternae invidiae animus ardebat ; 
 cognitis militibus, quos, praeter fugam, soluto imperio, 
 licentia atque lascivia corruperant, ex copia rerum statuit, 
 nihil sibi agitandum. 
 
 XL. Interea Romae C. Mamilius Limetanus, tribunus 
 plebis, 3 rogationem ad populum promulgat, " uti quaere- 
 retur in eos, quorum consilio Jugurtha senati decreta 
 neglegisset ; quique ab eo in legationibus, aut imperiis 
 pecunias accepissent; qui elephantos, quique perfugas 
 tradidissent ; item qui de pace, aut bello, cum hostibus 
 pactiones fecissent." Huic rogationi, partim conscii sibi, 
 alii ex partium invidia pericula metuentes, quoniam aperte 
 resistere non poterant, quin ilia et alia talia placere sibi 
 faterentur, occulte per amicos, ac maxume per homines 
 nominis Latini et socios Italicos impedimenta parabant. 
 Sed plebes, incredibile memoratu est, quam intenta fuerit, 
 quantaque vi rogationem 4 jusserit, decreverit, voluerit ; 
 magis odio nobilitatis, cui mala ilia parabantur, quam cura 
 reipublicae : tanta lubido in partibus. Igitur, ceteris metu 
 perculsis, M. Scaurus, quern legatum Bestiae supra docui- 
 mus, inter laetitiam plebis, et suorum fugam, 5 trepida 
 etiam turn civitate, cum ex Mamilia rogatione tres quaesi- 
 tores rogarentur, effecerat, uti ipse in eo numero creare- 
 
SALLTJSTII JUGURTHA. 29 
 
 tur. Sed quaestio exercita aspere violenterque, ex rumore 
 et lubidine plebis : ut saepe nobilitatem, sic ea tempestate 
 plebem ex secundis rebus insolentia ceperat. 
 
 XLI. Ceterum 1 mos partium popularium et senati 
 factionum, ac deinde omnium 2 malarum artium, paucis ante 
 annis Romae ortus, otio et abundantia earum rerum, 
 quae prima mortales ducunt. Nam, ante Carthaginem 
 deletam, populus et senatus Romanus placide modesteque 
 inter se rempublicam tractabant : neque gloriae, neque 
 dominationis certamen inter civis erat : metus hostilis in 
 bonis artibus civitatem retinebat. Sed, ubi ilia formido 
 mentibus discessit ; scilicet ea, quae secundae res amant, 
 lascivia atque superbia incessere. Ita, quod in advorsis 
 rebus optaverant, otium, postquam adepti sunt, 3 asperius 
 acerbiusque fuit. Namque coepere nobilitas ^dignitatem, 
 populus libertatem in lubidinem vertere : sibi quisque 
 6 ducere, trahere, rapere. Ita omnia in duas partis ab- 
 stracts sunt ; respublica, quae media fuerat, dilacerata. 
 Ceterum nobilitas factione magis pollebat : plebis vis, 
 soluta atque dispersa in multitudine, -minus poterat : pau- 
 corum arbitrio belli domique 6 agitabatur : penes eosdem 
 aerarium, provinciae, magistratus, gloriae triumphique 
 erant : populus militia atque in )pia urguebatur ; praedas 
 bellicas imperatores cum pauci i diripiebant. Interea pa- 
 rentes, aut parvi liberi militum, ut quisque potentiori con- 
 finis erat, sedibus pellebantur. Ita cum potentia avaritia, 
 sine modo modestiaque, invadere, polluere et vastare 
 omnia ; "nihil pensi, neque sancti habere, quoad semet 
 ipsa praecipitavit. Nam ubi primum 8 ex nobilitate reperti 
 sunt, qui veram gloriam injustae potentiae anteponerent ; 
 moveri civitas, et permixtio civilis, quasi discessio terrae, 
 oriri coepit. 
 
 XLII. Nam postquam Tiberius et C. Gracchus, Quo- 
 rum majores Punico atque aliis bellis multum reipublicae 
 addiderant, vindicare plebem in libertatem, et paucorum 
 scelera patefacere coepere ; nobilitas noxia, atque eo 
 perculsa, modo per socios ac nomen Latinum, interdum 
 
 5* 
 
30 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 per equites Romanos, quos spes societatis a plebe dimo 
 verat, Gracchorum actionibus obviam ierat ; et primo 
 1 Tiberimu, dein paucos post annos eadem ingredientem 
 Caium, tribunum alterum, alteram triumvirum coloniis 
 deducendis, cum M. Fulvio Flaceo ferro necaverant. Et 
 sane Gracchis, cupidine victoriae, haud satis moderatus 
 animus fuit. Sed 2 bono vinci satius est, quam malo more 
 injuriam vincere. Igitur ea victoria nobilitas ex lubidine 
 sua usa, multos mortalis ferro aut fuga exstinxit ; plusque 
 in reliquum sibi timoris, quam potentiae, addidit. Quae 
 res plerumque magnas civitatis pessum dedit ; dum alteri 
 alteros vincere quovis modo, et victos acerbius u'cisci 
 volunt. Sed, de 3 studiis partium et omnibus civitatis mo- 
 ribus si singulatim, aut pro magnitudine, parem disserere, 
 tempus, quam res, maturius deserat. Quamobrem ad 
 inceptum redeo. 
 
 XLIII. Post Auli foedus, exercitusque nostri foedam 
 fugam, Q. Metellus et M. Silanus, consules designati, 
 provincias inter se partiverant : Metelloque Numidia 
 evenerat, 4 acri viro, et quamquam advorso populi partium, 
 fama tamen aequabili et inviolata. Is ubi primum ma- 
 gistratum ingressus est, 5 alia omnia sibi cum collega ratus, 
 ad bellum, quod gesturus erat, animum intendit. Igitur 
 diffidens veteri exercitui, mi ites scribere, praesidia undique 
 arcessere : arma, tela, equos, cetera instrumenta militiae 
 par are : ad hoc commeatum affatim : denique omnia, quae 
 3 bello vario et multarum rerum egenti usui esse solent. 
 Ceterum ad ea patranda senati auctoritate socii nomenque 
 Latinum, reges ultro auxilia mittere ; postremo omnis 
 civitas summo studio adnitebatur. Itaque, ex sententia 
 omnibus rebus paratis compositisque, in Numidiam profi- 
 ciscitur, magna spe civium, cum propter bonas artis, 
 turn maxume, quod 7 advorsum divitias animum invictum 
 gerebat ; et avaritia magistratuum ante id tempus in Nu- 
 midia nostrae opes contusae, hostiumque auctae erant. 
 
 XLIY. Sed, ubi in Africam venit, exercitus ei traditur 
 3 Sp. Albini pro consule, iners, imbellis, neque periculi, 
 
SALLUSTI1 JUGURTHA. 31 
 
 .leque laboris patiens, lingua, quam manu, promtior, prae- 
 dator ex sociis, et ipse praeda hostium, sine imperio et 
 modestia habitus. Ita imperatori novo plus ex malis mo- 
 ribus sollicitudinis, quam ex copia militum auxilii, aut 
 spei bonae accedebat. Statuit tamen Metellus, quamquam 
 et ^estivorum tempus comitiorum mora imminuerat, et 
 exspectatione eventi civium animos intentos putabat, non 
 prius bellum adtingere, quam, majorum disciplina, milites 
 iaborare coegisset. Nam Albinus, Auli fratris exercitus- 
 que clade perculsus, postquam decreverat non egredi 
 provincia, 2 quantum temporis aestivorum in imperio fuit, 
 plerumque milites stativis castris habebat : nisi cum odos, 
 aut pabuli egestas locum mutare subegerat. Sed neque 
 more militari vigiliae 3 deducebantur : uti cuique lubebat, 
 ab signis aberat. Lixae permixti cum militibus die 
 noctuque vagabantur, et palantes agros vastare, 4 villas 
 expugnare, pecoris et mancipiorum praedas certantes 
 agere ; eaque mutare cum mercatoribus vino advectitio, 
 et aliis talibus : praeterea, frumentum publice datum ven 
 dere, panem in dies mercari : postremo 5 quaecumque dici 
 aut fingi queunt ignaviae luxuriaeque probra, in illo exer- 
 citu cuncta fuere, et alia amplius. 
 
 XLY. Sed in ea difficultate Metellmn non minus, quam 
 in rebus hostilibus, magnum et sapientem virum fuisse 
 comperior ; 6 tanta temperantia inter ambitionem saevi- 
 tiamque moderatum. Namque edicto primum adjumenta 
 ignaviae sustulisse, " ne quisquam in castris panem, aut 
 quern alium coctum cibum vender et ; ne lixae exercitum 
 sequerentur , ne miles gregarius in castris, neve in 
 agmine servum aut jumentum haberet :" 7 ceteris arte 
 modum statuisse : praeterea transvorsis itineribus quo- 
 idie castra movere ; juxta, ac si hostes adessent ; 
 vallo atque fossa munire, vigilias crebras ponere, et 
 pse cum legatis 8 circumire : item in agmine in primis 
 modo, modo in postremis, saepe in medio adesse, ne 
 quisquam ordine egrederetur, uti cum signis frequentes 
 mcederent, miles cibum et arma portaret. Tta prolii* 
 
32 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 bendo a delictis magis, quam vindicando, exercitum brevi 
 'confirmavit. 
 
 XLYI. Interea Jugurtha, ubi, quae Metellus agebat, 
 ox nunciis accepit ; simul de 2 innocentia ejus certior 
 Romae factus, dimdere suis rebus, ac turn demum veram 
 deditionem facere conatus est. Igitur legatos ad consu- 
 iem cum suppliciis mittit, qui tantummodo ipsi liberisque 
 vitam peterent, alia omnia dederent populo Romano. Sed 
 Metello jam ante a 3 experimentis cognitum erat genus 
 Numidarum infidum, ingenio mobili, novarum rerum avi- 
 dum. Itaque legatos alium ab alio divorsos adgreditur ; 
 ac, paullatim tentando, postquam opportunos cognovit, 
 multa pollicendo persuadet, " uti Jugurtham maxuma 
 vivum, sin id parum procedat, necatum sibi traderent :" 
 ceterum palam, quae ex voluntate forent, regi nunciari 
 jubet. Deinde ipse paucis diebus, intento atque infesto 
 exercitu in Numidiam procedit : ubi, 4 contra belli faciem, 
 tuguria plena hominum, pecora cultoresque in agris : ex 
 oppidis et mapalibus praefecti regis obvii procedebant, 
 parati frumentum dare, commeatum portare, postremo 
 omnia, quae imperarentur, facere. Neque Metellus idcirco 
 minus, sed pariter ac si hostes adessent, 5 munito agmine 
 incedere, late explorare omnia, ilia deditionis signa osten- 
 tui credere, et insidiis locum tentari. Itaque ipse cum 
 expeditis cohortibus, item funditorum et sagittariorum 
 delecta manu, apud primos erat : in postremo C. Marius 
 legatus cum equitibus curabat : in utrumque latus auxili- 
 aries equites tribunis legionum et praefectis cohortium 
 dispertiverat, uti cum his permixti 6 velites, quacumque 
 accederent, equitatus hostium propulsarent. Nam in Ju- 
 gurtha tantus dolus, tantaque peritia locorum et militiae 
 erat, uti, absens, an praesens, pacem an bellum gerens, 
 perniciosior esset, in incerto haberetur. 
 
 XL VII. Erat haud longe ab eo itinere, quo Metellus 
 pergebat, oppidum Numidarum, nomine Vaga, 7 forum 
 rerum venalium totius regni maxume celebratum ; ubi et 
 incolere et mercari consueverant Italici generis multi 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 33 
 
 mortales. x Huic consul, simul tentandi gratia et oppe- 
 riundi, si paterentur opportunitates loci, praesidium im- 
 posuit ; praeterea imperavit frumentum, et alia, quae 
 bello usui forent : ratus id, quod res monebat, 2 frequen- 
 tiam negotiatorum et commeatu juvaturam exercitum, 
 et jam pacatis rebus munimento fore. Inter haec nego- 
 tia Jugurtha 3 impensius modo legatos supplices mittere, 
 pacem orare ; praeter suam liberorumque vitam, omnia 
 Metello dedere. Quos item, uti priores, consul illectos 
 ad proditionem domum dimittebat : regi pacem, quam 
 postulabat, neque abnuere, neque polliceri, et inter eas 
 moras promissa legatorum exspectare. 
 
 XLYIIL Jugurtha ubi Metelli dicta cum factis com- 
 posuit, ac se 4 suis artibus tentari animadvortit ; quippe 
 cui verbis pax nunciabatur, ceterum re bellum asperrumum 
 erat, urbs maxuma alienata, ager hostibus cognitus, animi 
 popularium tentati ; coactus rerum necessitudine, statuit 
 armis certare. Igitur explorato hostium itinere, in spem 
 victoriae adductus ex opportunitate loci, 5 quas maxumas 
 copias potest omnium generum parat, ac per tramites 
 occultos exercitum Metelli antevenit. Erat in ea parte 
 Numidiae, quam Adherbal in divisione possederat, numen 
 oriens a meridie, nomine Muthul ; a quo aberat mons 
 ferine millia passuum xx, 6 tractu pari, vastus ab natura 
 et humano cultu : sed ex eo medio quasi collis orieba- 
 tur, in immensum pertinens, vestitus oleastro ac mirtetis, 
 aliisque generibus arborum, quae hmni arido atque arenoso 
 gignuntur. 7 Media autem planicies deserta, penuria 
 aquae, praeter flumini propinqua loca : ea consita arbustis. 
 pecore atque cultoribus frequentabantur. 
 
 XLIX. Igitur in eo colle, quern 8 transvorso itinere 
 porrectum docuimus, Jugurtha, extenuata suorum acie, 
 consedit : elephantis et parti copiarum pedestrium Bo- 
 milcarem praefecit, eumque edocet, quae ageret ; ipse 
 ^propior montem cum omni equitatu pedites delectos 
 collocat : dein singulas turmas atque manipulos circumiens 
 monet atque obtestatur, " uti memores pristinae virtutis et 
 
34 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 victoriae seque regnumque suum ab Romanorum avaritia 
 defendant : cum his certamen fore, quos antea victos sub 
 jugum miserint : ducem illis, non animum mutatum : quae 
 ab imperatore 1 decuerint, omnia suis provisa : locum 
 superiorem, uti prudentes cum imperitis, ne pauciores 
 cum pluribus, aut rudes cum bello melioribus manum 
 consererent : proinde parati intentique essent, signo dato, 
 Romanos invadere : ilium diem aut omnis labores et 
 victorias confirmaturum, aut maxumarum aerumnarum ini- 
 tium fore." Ad hoc viritim, 2 ut quemque, ob militare 
 facinus, pecunia aut honore extulerat, commonefacere 
 beneficii sui, et eum ipsum aliis ostentare : postremo, 
 pro cujusque ingenio, pollicendo, minitando, obtestando, 
 alium alio modo excitare ; cum interim Metellus, ignarus 
 hostium, monte degrediens cum exercitu 3 conspicatur : 
 primo dubius, 4 quidnam insolita facies ostenderet, (nam 
 inter virgulta equi Numidaeque consederant, neque plane 
 occultati humilitate arborum, et tamen 5 incerti, quidnam 
 esset ; cum natura loci, turn dolo, ipsi atque signa mili- 
 taria obscurati) dein, brevi cognitis insidiis, paullisper 
 6 agmen constitit : ibi 7 commutatis ordinibus, in dextero la- 
 tere quod proxumum hostis erat, 8 triplicibus subsidiis, aciem 
 instruxit : 9 inter manipulos funditores et sagittarios dis- 
 pertit : equitatum omnem in cornibus locat : ac pauca 
 pro tempore milites hortatus, aciem, sicuti instruxerat, 
 transvorsis principiis, in planum deducit. 
 
 L. Sed, ubi Numidas quietos, neque colle degredi ani- 
 madvortit, veritus, ex anni tempore et inopia aquae, ne 
 siti 10 conficeretur exercitus, Rutilium legatum cum expedi- 
 tis cohortibus et parte equitum praemisit ad tinmen, uti 
 locum castris antecaperet ; existumans, hostis crebro im- 
 petu et transvorsis praeliis iter suum remoraturos, et, 
 quoniam armis dimderent, lassitudinem et sitim militum 
 tentaturos. Dein ipse pro re atque loco, n sicuti monte 
 descenderat, paullatim procedere : Marium post principia 
 habere : ipse cum sinistrae alae equitibus esse, qui in 
 agmine principes facti erant. At Jugurtha, ubi extremum 
 
8ALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 35 
 
 agmen Me'elli ^rimos suos praetergressum videt, prae- 
 sidio quasi duum millium peditum montem occupat, qua 
 Metellus descenderat ; ne forte cedentibus advorsariii* 
 receptui, ac post munimento foret : dein, repente signo 
 dato, hostis invadit. Numidae alii 2 postremos caedere , 
 pars a sinistra ac dextera tentare : infensi adesse atque 
 instare : omnibus locis Romanorum ordines conturbare : 
 quorum etiam qui firmioribus animis obvii hostibus fuerant, 
 3 iudificati incerto praelio, ipsi modo eminus sauciabantur, 
 neque contra feriundi, aut manum conserendi copia erat. 
 Antea jam docti ab Jugurtha equites, ubicumque Romano- 
 rum turba insequi coeperat, non confertim, neque in unum 
 sese recipiebant, sed alius alio quam maxume divorsi. 
 Ita ^umero priores, si ab persequendo hostis deterrere 
 nequiverant, disjectos ab tergo, aut lateribus circumvenie- 
 bant : sin opportunior fugae collis, quam campi fuerant, 
 . 5 ea vero consueti Numidarum equi facile inter virgulta eva- 
 dere ; nostros asperitas et insolentia loci retinebant. 
 
 LI. Cetertjm facies totius negotii varia, incerta, 6 foeda 
 atque miserabilis : dispersi a suis pars cedere, alii inse- 
 qui : neque signa, neque ordines observare : ubi quem- 
 que periculum ceperat, ibi resistere ac propulsare : 7 arma, 
 tela, equi, viri, hostes, cives permixti : nihil consilio, 
 neque imperio agi : fors omnia regere. Itaque multum 
 die processerat, cum etiam turn eventus in incerto erat. 
 Denique omnibus labore et aestu languidis, Metellus ubi 
 *ddet Numidas minus instare, paullatim milites in unum 
 conducit, ordines restituit, et cohortis legionarias quatuor 
 advorsum pedites hostium collocat : eorum magna pars 
 superioribus locis fessa consederat. Simul orare, hor- 
 tari milites, " ne deficerent, neu paterentur hostis fu- 
 gientes vincere : neque s illis castra esse, neque muni- 
 mentum ullum, quo cedentes tenderent : in armis omnia 
 sita. - 1 Sed ne Jugurtha quidem interea quietus • cir- 
 cumire, hortari, renovare praelium, et ipse cum deleetis 
 tentare omnia : subvenire suis, hostibus dubiis instare, 
 : quos firmos cognoverat, eminus pugnando retirvere. 
 
36 SALLUSTII JTJGURTHA. 
 
 LIL Eo modo inter se duo imperatores, summi vir 
 certabant ; ipsi pares, ceterum opibus disparibus. Nam 
 Metello virtus militum erat, locus advorsus : Jugurthae 
 a]''a omnia, praeter milites, opportuna. Denique Romani, 
 ubi intellegunt, neque sibi perfugium esse, neque ab hoste 
 copiam pugnandi fieri, et jam die vesper erat ; T advorso 
 colle, sicuti praeceptum fuerat, evadunt. Amisso loco, 
 Numidae fusi fugatique : pauci interiere ; plerosque 
 velocitas et regio hostibus ignara tutata sunt. Interea 
 Bomilcar, quern elephantis et parti copiarum pedestrium 
 praefectum ab Jugurtha supra diximus, ubi eum Rutilius 
 praetergressus est, paullatim suos 2 in aequum locum dedu- 
 cit : ac, dum legatus ad flumen, quo praemissus erat, 
 festinans pergit, quietus, uti res postulabat, aciem exornat : 
 neque remittit, 3 quid ubique hostis ageret, explorare. 
 Postquam Rutilium consedisse jam, et animo vacuum 
 accepit, simulque ex Jugurthae praelio clamorem augeri ; 
 veritus, ne legatus, cognita re, laborantibus suis auxilio 
 foret, aciem, quam drffidens virtuti militum 4 arte statuerat, 
 quo hostium itineri obficeret, latius porrigit ; eoque modo 
 ad Rutilii castra procedit. 
 
 LIU. Romani ex improviso pulveris vim magnam ani- 
 madvortunt, nam 5 prospectum ager arbustis consitus pro- 
 hibebat. Et primo rati humum aridam vento agitari : 
 post, ubi 6 aequabilem manere, et, sicuti acies movebatur, 
 magis magisque adpropinquare vident, cognita re, prope- 
 rantes arma capiunt, ac pro castris, sicuti imperabatur, 
 consistunt. Deinde, ubi propius ventum, utrimque magno 
 clamore concurrunt. Numidae tantummodo 7 remorati, 
 dum in elephantis auxilium putant ; postquam impeditos 
 ramis arborum, atque ita disjectos circumveniri vident, 
 fugam faciunt : ac plerique, abjectis armis, collis, aut 
 noctis, quae jam aderat, auxilio integri abeunt. Elephanti 
 quatuor capti, reliqui omnes, numero quadraginta, inter - 
 fecti. At Romani, quamquam itinere atque opere castro- 
 rum et praelio 8 fessi laetique erant ; tamen, quod Metel- 
 lus amplius opinione morabatur, instructi xntafctiqiv^ *d>viani 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 37 
 
 procedunt. Nam dolus Numidarum 1 nihil languidi, neque 
 remissi patiebatur. Ac primo, obscura nocte, postquam 
 haud procul inter se erant, 2 strepitu, velut bostes adven- 
 tarent, alteri apud alteros formidinem simul, et tumultum 
 faoere : et paene imprudentia admissum facinus mise- 
 rabile, ni utrimque praemissi equites rem exploravissent. 
 Igitur, pro metu, repente gaudium exortum, milites alius 
 alium laeti adpellant, acta edocent atque audimit : sua 
 quisque fortia facta ad coelum ferre. Quippe res huma- 
 nae ita sese habent : in victoria vel ignavis gloriari licet : 
 ••advorsae res etiam bonos detractant. 
 
 LIV. Metellus in isdem castris quatriduo moratus, 
 4 saucios cum cura reflcit, meritos in praeliis more militiae 
 donat, universos in concione laudat, atque agit gratias ; 
 hortatur, ad cetera, quae levia sunt, parem animum 
 gerant : pro victoria satis jam pugnatum, reliquos labores 
 pro praeda fore. Tamen interim transfugas et alios 
 opportunos, Jugurtha 5 ubi gentium, aut quid agitaret, cum 
 paucisne esset, an exercitum haberet, ut sese victus 
 gereret exploratum misit. At ille sese in loca saltuosa 
 et natura munita receperat ; ibique cogebat exercitum 
 6 numero liominum ampliorem, sed bebetem inflrmumque, 
 agri ac pecoris magis, quam belli cultorem. Id 7 ea gratia 
 eveniebat, quod, praeter regios equites, nemo omnium 
 Numidarum ex fuga regem sequitur ; quo cujusque animus 
 fert, eo discedunt : neque id 8 flagitium militiae ducitur : 
 ita se mores habent. Igitur Metellus ubi videt regis 
 etiam turn animum 9 ferocem ; bellum renovari, quod, nisi 
 ex illius lubidine, geri non posset ; praeterea iniquum 
 certamen sibi cum hostibus, minore detrimento illos vinci 
 quam suos vincere ; statuit non praeliis, neque acie, sed 
 alio more bellum gerundum. Itaque in Numidiae loca 
 opulentissuma pergit, agros vastat, multa castella et oppida, 
 10 temere munita, aut sine praesidio, capit incenditque. 
 puberes interfici jubet : alia omnia militum praeda esse. 
 Ea formidine multi mortales Romanis dediti obsides ; fru- 
 mentum et alia, quae usui forent, adtatim praebita 
 
 6 
 
38 SALLUSTI1 JUGURTHA. 
 
 ubicumque res postulabat, praesidium impositum. Quae 
 aegotia multo magis, quarn praelium male pugnatum ab 
 suis, regem terrebant : quippe, cui spes omnis in fuga 
 sita, sequi cogebatur ; et qui ] sua loca defendere nequi- 
 verat, in alienis bellum gerere. Tamen ex copia, quod 
 optumum \ddebatur, consilium capit : exercitum 2 plerum- 
 que in isdem locis opperiri jubet ; ipse cum delectis 
 equitibus Metellum sequitur ; nocturnis et 3 aviis itineri- 
 bus ignoratus Romanos palantis repente adgreditur : 
 eorum plerique inermes cadunt, multi capiuntur ; nemo 
 omnium intactus profugit : et Numidae prius, quam ex 
 castris subveniretur, sicuti jussi erant, in proxumos collis 
 discedunt. 
 
 LY. Interim Romae gaudium ingens ortum, cognitis 
 Metelli rebus : 4 ut seque et exercitum more majorum 
 gereret ; in advorso loco, victor tamen virtute fuisset ; 
 hostium agro potiretur ; Jugurtliam magnificum ex Auli 
 secordia, spem salutis in solitudine, aut fuga, coegisset 
 habere. Itaque senatus ob ea feliciter acta dis im- 
 mortalibus 5 supplicia decernere : civitas, trepida antea 
 et sollicita de belli eventu, 6 laeta agere : fama de Me- 
 tello 7 praeclara esse. Igitur eo intentior ad victoriam 
 niti, omnibus modis festinare ; cavere tamen, necubi hosti 
 opportunus fieret : meminisse, post gloriam invidiam 
 sequi. Ita quo clarior erat, eo magis animi anxius : 
 neque, post insidias Jugurthae, 8 efFuso exercitu praedari : 
 ubi frumento, aut pabulo opus erat, cohortes cum omni 
 equitatu praesidium agitabant : exercitus 9 partim ipse, reli- 
 quos Marius ducebat. Sed igni magis, quam praeda, ager 
 vastabatur. Duobus locis, haud longe inter se, castra 
 faciebant : ubi vi opus erat, cuncti aderant ; ceterum, quo 
 fuga atque formido latius crescerent, 10 divorsi agebant. 
 Eo tempore Jugurtha per collis sequi : tempus, aut locum 
 pugnae quaerere : qua venturum hostem audierat, pabulum 
 et aquarum fontis, quorum penuria erat, corrumpere : 
 modo se Metello, interdum Mario ostendere : postremos 
 in agmine tentare, ac statim in collis regredi ; rursus 
 
6ALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 39 
 
 aliis, post aliis minitari ; neque praelium facere, neque 
 otium pati ; tantummodo hostem ab incepto retinere. 
 
 LVI. Roman us iraperator, ubi se dolis fatigari videt, 
 neque ab lioste copiam pugnandi fieri, urbem magriam, 
 et in ea parte, qua sita erat, 1 arcem regni, nomine Za 
 mam, statuit obpugnare ; ratus id, quod negotium posce- 
 bat, Jugurtham laborantibus suis auxilio venturum, ibique 
 praelium fore. At ille, quae parabantur, a 2 perfugis 
 edoctus, magnis itineribus Metellum antevenit ; oppidanos 
 hortatur, moenia defendant, additis auxilio perfugis, quod 
 genus ex copiis regis, 3 quia fallere nequibant, firmissu- 
 raum. Praeterea pollicetur, in tempore sernet cum exer- 
 citu adfore. Ita compositis rebus, in loca quam maxume 
 occulta discedit, ac post paullo cognoscit, Marium 4 ex 
 itinere fmmentatum cum paucis cohortibus Sic cam mis- 
 sum ; quod oppidum primum omnium post malam pugnam 
 ab rege defecerat. Eo cum dilectis equitibus noctu 
 pergit, et jam egredientibus Romanis 5 in porta pugnam 
 facit : simul magna voce Siccenses hortatur, " uti cohor- 
 tis ab tergo circumveniant : fortunam praeclari facino- 
 ris casum dare : si id fecerint, postea sese in regno, 
 illos in libertate sine metu aetatem acturos." Ac, ni Ma- 
 rius signa inferre atque evadere oppido properavisset, pro- 
 fecto cuncti, aut magna pars Siccensium 6 fidem mutavis. 
 sent : tanta mobilitate sese Numidae agunt. Sed milites 
 Jugurtnini paullisper ab rege sustentati, postquam majore 
 vi hostes urguent, paucis amissis, profugi discedunt. 
 
 LYII. Marius ad Z amain pervenit ; id oppidum in 
 r'.ampo situm, magis opere, quam natma munitum erat ; 
 nullius idoneae rei egens, armis virisque opulentum. Igitui 
 Metellus, pro tempore atque loco paratis rebus, cuncta 
 moenia exercitu circumvenit : legatis imperat, ubi quisque 
 curaret : deinde, signo dato, undique simul clamor ingens 
 oritur : neque ea res Numidas terret ; "infensi intentique 
 sine tumultu manent : praelium incipitur. Romani, pro 
 ingenio quisque, pars e minus glande aut lapidibus 
 pugnare ; alii succedere, ac murum modo subfodere* 
 
40 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 modo scalis adgredi : cupere praelium in manibus facere. 
 Contra ea oppidani in proxumos saxa volvere : sudes., 
 pila, praeterea x pice et sulphure taedam mixtam, ardentia 
 mittere. Sed nee 2 illos, qui procul manserant, timoi 
 animi satis muniverat : nam plerosque jacula tormentis 
 aut manu emissa, volnerabant ; parique periculo, sed 
 fama imparl, boni atque ignavi erant. 
 
 LYIII. Dum apud Zamam sic certatur, Jugurtha ex 
 improviso 3 castra hostium cum magna manu invadit ; 
 remissis, qui in praesidio erant, et omnia magis, quam 
 praelium, exspectantibus, portam irrumpit. At nostri, 
 repentino metu perculsi, sibi 4 quisque pro moribus con- 
 sulunt : alii fugere, alii arma capere : magna pars vol- 
 nerati, aut occisi. Ceterum ex omni multitudine non 
 amplius quadraginta, memores nominis Romani, grege 
 facto, locum cepere, paullo, quam alii, editiorem : neque 
 inde maxuma vi depelli quiverunt : sed tela eminus 
 missa remittere, 5 pauci in pluribus minus frustrati : sin 
 Numidae propius accessissent, ibi vero virtutem ostendere, 
 et eos maxuma vi caedere, fundere atque fugare. Interim 
 Metellus, cum acerrume rem gereret, clamorem hostilem 
 ab tergo accepit : dein, converso equo, animadvortit, 
 fugam 6 ad se vorsum fieri ; quae res indicabat popularis 
 esse. Igitur equitatum omnem ad castra propere mittit, 
 ac statim C. Marium cum cohortibus sociorum ; eumque, 
 lacrumans, per amicitiam perque rempublicam obsecrat, 
 ne quam contumeliam remanere in exercitu victore, neve 
 hostis 7 inultos abire sinat : ille brevi mandata efneit. 
 At Jugurtha munimento castrorum impeditus, cum alii 
 super vallum praecipitarentur, alii 8 in angustiis ipsi sibi 
 properantes obficerent, multis amissis, in loca munita sese 
 recepit. Metellus, infecto negotio, postquam nox aderat, 
 in castra cum exercitu revortitur. 
 
 LIX. Jgitur postero die, prius, quam ad obpugnandum 
 egrederetur, equitatum omnem in ea parte, qua regis ad- 
 ventus erat, pro castris 9 agitare jubet : portas et proxuma 
 ioca tribunis dispertit : deinde ipse pergit ad oppidum 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 4\ 
 
 atque, ut superiore die, murum adgreditur. Interim Ju- 
 gurtha ex occulto repente nostros invadit : qui in ^roxumo 
 locati fuerant, paullisper territi pertobantur ; reliqui cito 
 subveniunt. Neque diutius Numidae resistere quivissent, 
 ni pedites cum equitibus permixti magnam cladem in 
 congressu facerent : 2 quibus illi freti, non, ut equestn 
 praelio solet, sequi, dein cedere ; sed advorsis equis 
 concurrere, implicare ac perturbare aciem ; ita expeditis 
 peditibus suis hostis paene victos dare. 
 
 LX. Eodem tempore apud Zamam magna vi certa- 
 batur. Ubi quisque legatus, aut tribunus curabat, eo acer- 
 rume 3 niti ; neque alius in alio magis, quam in sese, spem 
 habere : pariter oppidani agere ; obpugnare, aut parare 
 omnibus locis : avidius alteri alteros sauciare, quam semet 
 tegere : clamor permixtus hortatione, laetitia, gemitu ; 
 item strepitus armorum ad ceelum ferri : tela utrimque 
 volare. Sed illi, qui moenia defensabant, ubi 4 hostes 
 paululum modo piignam remiserant, intenti praelium 
 equestre prospectabant : eos, uti quaeque Jugurthae res 
 erant, laetos modo, modo pavidos animadvorteres ; ac, 
 sicuti audiri a suis, aut cerni possent, monere alii, alii 
 hortari, aut manu signiflcare, aut 5 niti corporibus, et hue, 
 illuc, quasi vitabundi, aut jacientes tela, agitare. Quod 
 ubi Mario cognitum est, (nam is in ea parte curabat,) 
 consulto 6 lenius agere, ac difrldentiam rei simulare : pati 
 Numidas sine tumultu regis praelium visere. Ita illis 
 7 studio suorum adstrictis, repente magna vi murum adgre- 
 ditur : et jam scalis aggressi milites prope summa cepe- 
 rant, cum oppidani concurrunt, lapides, ignem, alia prae- 
 terea tela ingerunt. Nostri primo resistere : deinde, ubi 
 8 unae atque alterae scalae comminutae, qui supersteterant 
 adflicti sunt ; 9 ceteri, quoquo modo potuere, pauci integri, 
 magna pars confecti volneribus abeunt. Denique utrimque 
 oraelium nox diremit. 
 
 LXI Metellus, postquam videt frustra 10 inceptum, 
 neque oppidum capi, neque Jugurtham, nisi ex insidiis, 
 aut suo loco pugnam facere, et jam aestatem exactam 
 
 6* 
 
42 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 esse, ab Zama discedit ; et in his urbibus, quae ad se 
 defecerant, satisque munitae loco, aut moenibus erant, 
 praesidia imponit. 1 Ceterum exercitum in provinciam qua 
 proxuma est Numidiae hiemandi gratia collocat. Neque 
 id tempus, ex aliorum more, quieti, aut luxuriae concedit : 
 sed, quoniam armis bellum parum procedebat, insidias 
 regi per amicos tendere, et eorum perfidia pro armis uti 
 parat. Igitur Bomilcarem, qui Romae cum Jugurtha 
 fuerat, et inde, 2 vadibus datis, clam Massivae de nece 
 judicium fugerat, quod ei, per maxumam amicitiam, 
 maxuma copia fallendi erat, multis pollicitationibus adgre- 
 ditur ; ac primo efficit, uti ad se colloquendi gratia occul- 
 tus veniat : dein fide data, " si Jugurtham vivum aut 
 necatum tradidisset, fore, ut illi senatus impunitatem et 
 3 sua omnia concederet," facile Numidae persuadet, cum 
 ingenio infido, turn metuenti, ne, si pax cum Romanis 
 fieret, ipse per conditiones ad supplicium traderetur. 
 
 LXII. Is, ubi primum opportunum, Jugurtham anxium 
 ac miserantem fortunas suas accedit : monet atque lacru- 
 mans obtestatur, " uti aliquando sibi liberisque et genti 
 Numidarum, optume merenti, provideat : omnibus prae- 
 liis sese victos, agrum vastatum, multos mortalis captos 
 aut occisos, regni opes comminutas esse : satis saepe 
 jam et virtutem militum, et fortunam tentatam : caveret, 
 ne, 4 illo cunctante, Numidae sibi consulant." His atque 
 talibus aliis ad deditionem regis animum impellit. Mit- 
 tuntur ad imperatorem legati : " 5 Jugurtham imperata 
 facturum, ac sine ulla pactione sese regnumque suum in 
 illius fidem tradere." Metellus propere 6 cunctos senatorii 
 ordinis ex hibernis arcessiri jubet : eorum atque aliorum, 
 quos idoneos ducebat, consilium habet. Ita more majo- 
 rum, ex consilii decreto, per legatos Jugurthae imperat 
 7 argenti pondo ducenta millia, elephantos omnis, equorum 
 et armorum aliquantum. Quae postquam sine mora facta 
 sunt, jubet omnes perfugas vinctos adduci : eorum magna 
 pars, ut jussum erat, adducti ; pauci, cum primum deditio 
 coepit, ad regem Bocchum in Mauretaniam abierant 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 43 
 
 [gitur Jugurtlia, ubi armis virisque et pecunia spoliatus, 
 cum ipse *ad imperandum Tisidium vocaretur, rursus 
 coepit 2 flectere animum suum, et ex mala conscientia 
 digna timer e. Denique multis diebus per dubitationem 
 consumtis ; cum modo taedio rermn advorsarum omnia 
 bello potiora duceret, interdum secum ipse reputaret, 
 quam gravis casus in servitium ex regno foret ; 3 multie 
 magnisque praesidiis nequidquam perditis, de integiG bel 
 lum sumit. Romae senatus de promiciis consultus 4 Nu- 
 midiam Metello decreverat. 
 
 LXIII. Per idem tempus Uticae forte 5 C. Mario, per 
 hostias dis supplicanti, " magna atque mirabilia portendi" 
 haruspex dixerat : " proinde quae animo 6 agitabat, fretus 
 dis ageret ; fortunam quam saepissume experiretur ; 
 cuncta prospera eventura." At ilium jam antea consula- 
 tus ingens cupido exagitabat : ad quern capiundum, 
 7 praeter vetustatem familiae, alia omnia abunde erant , 
 industria, probitas, militiae magna scientia, animus belli 
 ingens, domi modicus, lubidinis et divitiarum victor, tan- 
 tummodo gloriae avidus. Sed 8 his natus, et omnem 
 pueritiam Arpini altus, ubi primum aetas militiae patiens 
 fuit, 9 stipendiis faciundis, non Graeca facundia, neque 
 l0 urbanis munditiis sese exercuit : ita inter artis bonas 
 integrum ingenium brevi adolevit. Ergo ubi primum tri- 
 bunatum militarem a populo petit, n pierisque faciem ejus 
 ignorantibus, facile notus 12 per omnis tribus declarator, 
 Deinde ab eo magistratu alium post alium sibi peperit ; 
 semperque 13 in potestatibus eo modo agitabat, uti ampliore, 
 quam gerebat, dignus haberetur. Tamen is, 14 ad id lo- 
 corum talis vir, (nam postea ambitione praeceps datus 
 est,) consulatum appetere non audebat. Etiamtum alios 
 magistratus plebes, consulatum nobilitas inter se per ma- 
 nus tradebat. Novus nemo tarn clarus, neque tarn egre- 
 giis factis erat, quin 15 his indignus illo honore et quasi 
 pollutus haberetur. 
 
 LXIV. Igitur, ubi Marius haruspicis dicta eodem 
 inte rider e videt, quo 16 cupido animi hortabatur, ab Metello 
 
44 SALLTJSTII JTJGURTHA. 
 
 petundi gratia missionem rogat : cui quamquam virtus, 
 gloria, atque alia optanda bonis superabant, tamen inerat 
 1 contemtor animus et superbia, commune nobilitatis ma- 
 lum. Itaque primum commotus insolita re, mirari ejus 
 consilium, et quasi per amicitiam monere, " ne tarn pra,va 
 inciperet, neu super fortunam animum gereret : non 
 omnia omnibus cupiunda esse : debere illi res suas satis 
 placere : postremo caveret id petere a populo Romano, 
 quod illi 2 jure negaretur." Postquam haec atque talia 
 dixit, neque animus Marii flectitur, respondit, " 3 ubi pri- 
 mum potuisset per negotia publica, facturum sese, quae 
 peteret." Ac postea saepius eadem postulanti, fertur 
 dixisse, " ne festinaret abire : 4 satis mature ilium. cum 
 filio suo consulatum petiturum." Is eo tempore contu- 
 bernio patris ibidem militabat, 5 annos natus circiter xx. 
 Quaeres Marium cum pro honore, quern adfectabat, turn 
 contra Metellum vehementer accenderat. Ita cupidine 
 atque ira, pessumis consultoribus, 6 grassari ; neque facto 
 ullo, neque dicto abstinere, quod modo 7 ambitiosum foret : 
 milites, quibus in hibernis praeerat, laxiore imperio, quam 
 antea, habere : apud negotiatores, quorum magna multi- 
 tudo Uticae erat, 8 criminose simul, et magnince de bello 
 loqui : " dimidia pars exercitus sibi permitteretur, paucis 
 diebus Jugurtham in catenis habiturum : ab imperatore 
 consulto 9 trahi, quod homo inanis et regiae superbiae 
 imperio nimis gauderet." Quae omnia illis eo flrmiora 
 videbantur, quod diuturnitate belli res familiaris 10 corrupe- 
 rant, et animo cupienti nihil satis festinatur. 
 
 LXY. Erat praeterea in exercitu nostro Nurnida qui- 
 dam nomine Gauda, Mastanabalis filius, Masinissae nepos, 
 quern Micipsa testamento 11 secundum heredem scrips erat, 
 morbis confectus, et ob earn caussam 12 mente paullum 
 imminuta. Cui Metellus petenti, more regum uti 13 sel- 
 lam juxta poneret, item postea 14 custodiae caussa turmam 
 equitum Romanorum, utrumque negaverat ; honorem, 
 quod eorum modo foret, quos populus Romanus reges 
 adpellavisset ; praesidium, quod contumeliosum in eos 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA, 45 
 
 foret, si equites Romani satellites Numidae traderentur 
 Hirnc Marius 1 anxium adgreditur atque hortatur, uti con- 
 tumeliarum imperatoris cum suo auxilio poenas petat : 
 hominem ob morbos animo parum valido secunda oratione 
 extollit : " ilium regem, ingentem virum, Masinissae 
 nepotem esse : si Jugurtha captus, aut occisus, imperium 
 Numidiae sine mora habiturum : id adeo mature posse 
 evenire, si ipse consul ad id bellum missus foret." Itaque 
 et ilium, et equites Romanos, 2 milites et negotiatores, alios 
 ipse, plerosque spes pacis impellit, uti Romam ad suos 
 necessarios aspere in Metellum de bello scribant, Marium 
 imperatorem poscant. Sic illi a multis mortalibus 3 ho- 
 nestissuma surTragatione consulatus petebatur : simul ea 
 tempestate plebes, nobilitate fusa per legem Mamiliam, 
 novos extollebat. Ita Mario cuncta procedere. 
 
 LXVI. Interim Jugurtha postquam, 4 omissa deditione, 
 bellum incipit, cum magna cura parare omnia, festinare, 
 cogere exercitum : civitates, quae ab se defecerant, for- 
 midine, aut ostentando praemia 5 adfectare : communire 
 suos locos ; arma, tela, alia, quae spe pacis amiserat, 
 reflcere, aut commercari : servitia Romanorum adlicere, 
 et eos ipsos, qui in praesidiis erant, pecunia tentare . 
 prorsus nihil intactum, neque quietum pati : cuncta agitare 
 Igitur 6 Vagenses, quo Metellus initio, Jugurtha paciricante, 
 praesidium imposuerat, fatigati regis suppliciis, neque 
 antea voluntate alienati, principes civitatis inter se con- 
 jurant : 7 nam volgus, uti plerumque solet, et maxume 
 Numidarum, ingenio mobili, seditiosum atque 8 discordio- 
 sum erat, cupidum novarum rerum, quieti et otio advor- 
 sum. Dein, compositis inter se rebus, diem tertium con- 
 stituunt, quod is, 9 festus celebratusque per omnem Africam, 
 10 ludum et lasciviam magis, quam formidinem ostentabat. 
 Sed, ubi tempus fuit, centuriones tribunosque militares, 
 et ipsum praefectum oppidi, T. Turpilium Silanum, alius 
 alium domos suas invitant : eos omnis, praeter Turpilium, 
 inter epulas obtruncant : postea milites palantis, inermos, 
 a quippe in tali die ac sine imperio, adgrediuntui Idem 
 
46 SALLUSTII JUGURTflA. 
 
 plebes facit, pars edocti ab nobilitate, alii studio talium 
 rerum incitati, quis, acta consiliumque ignorantibus, tu- 
 multus ipse et res novae satis placebant. 
 
 LXVII. Romani milites, improviso metu, incerti igna- 
 rique quid potissumum facerent, Hrepidare ad arcem op- 
 pidi, ubi signa et scuta erant : praesidium hostium, portae 
 ante clausae fugam prohibebant ; ad hoc mulieres pueri- 
 que pro tectis aedirlciorum saxa, et alia, quae locus 
 praebebat, certatim mittere. Ita neque caveri 2 anceps 
 malum, neque a fortissumis infirmissumo generi resisti 
 posse : juxta boni malique, strenui et imbelles inulti 
 obtruncati. 3 In ea tanta asperitate, saevissumis Numidis 
 et oppido undique clauso, Turpilius unus ex omnibus 
 Italicis profugit intactus : id misericordiane hospitis, an 
 pactione, an casu ita evenerit, parum comperimus ; nisi, 
 quia illi in tanto malo turpis vita fama integra potior, 
 improbus intestabilisque videtur 
 
 LXYIII. Metellus. postquam de rebus Vagae actis 
 comperit,, paullisper moestus 4 e conspectu abit ; deinde, 
 ubi ira et aegritudo permixta, cum maxuma cura ultum 
 ire injurias festinat. Legionem, cum qua hiemabat, et, 
 quam plurimos potest, 5 Numidas equites, pariter cum 
 occasu solis expeditos educit : et postera die circiter 
 horam tertiam pervenit in quamdam planitiem, locis paullo 
 superioribus circumventam. Ibi milites fessos itineris 
 magnitudine, et jam 6 abnuentis omnia, docet, " oppidum 
 Vagam non amplius 7 mille passuum abesse : decere illos 
 reliquum laborem aequo animo pati, dum pro civibus suis 9 
 viris fortissumis atque miserrumis, poenas caperent ;" 
 praeterea 8 praedam benigne ostentat. Sic animis eorum 
 arrectis, equites in primo late, pedites quam artissume 
 ire, signa occultare jubet. 
 
 LXIX. Vagenses ubi animum advortere, ad se vor- 
 sum exercitum pergere, primo, uti erat res, Metellum 
 rati, portas clausere ; deinde, ubi neque agros vastari, et 
 eos, qui primi aderant, 9 Numidas equites vident, rursum 
 Jugurtham arbitrati, cum magno gaudio obvii procodunt 
 
SALLUSTII JTIGURTHA. 47 
 
 Equites peditesque, repente signo dato, abi Wolgum 
 efYusum oppido caedere ; alii ad portas festinare ; pars 
 tiirris capere : ira atque praedae spes amplius, quam las- 
 situdo posse. Ita Vagenses biduum modo 2 ex perfidia 
 laetati : civitas magna et opulens poenae cuncta, ant 
 praedae fuit. Turpilius quern, praefectum oppidi, unum 
 ex omnibus profugisse supra ostendimus, jussus a Metello 
 caussam dicere, postquam sese parum expurgat, con- 
 demnatus, verberatusque, 3 capite poenas solvit : 4 nam is 
 civis ex Latio erat. 
 
 LXX. Per idem tempus Bomilcar, cujus impulsu Ju- 
 gurtha deditionem, quam metu deseruit, inceperat, 
 suspectus regi, et ipse 5 eum suspiciens, novas res cu- 
 pere ; ad perniciem ejus dolum quaerere ; diu noctuque 
 6 fatigare animum : denique omnia tentando, socium sibi 
 adjungit Nabdalsam, hominem nobilem, magnis opibus, 
 carum acceptumque popularibus suis ; qui plerumque 
 seorsum ab rege exercitum ductare, et omnis res exsequi 
 solitus erat, quae Jugurthae fesso, aut majoribus adstricto 
 superaverant : ex quo illi gloria opesque inventae. Igitui 
 utriusque consilio dies insidiis statuitur : cetera, uti res 
 posceret, ex tempore parari placuit. Nabdalsa ad exer- 
 citum profectus, quern 7 inter hiberna Romanorum jussus 
 habebat, ne ager, inultis hostibus, vastaretur. Is post- 
 quam, magnitudine facinoris perculsus, ad tempus non 
 venit, 8 metusque rem lmpediebat, Bomilcar simul cupidus 
 incepta patrandi, et timore socii anxius, ne, omisso 9 vetere 
 consilio, no'vum quaereret, litteras ad eum per homines 
 lidelis mittit, u 10 mollitiem secordiamque viri accusare : 
 testari deos, per quos juravisset : praemia Metelli in 
 pestem ne converteret : Jugurthae exitium adesse, ceterum 
 suane, an virtute Metelli periret, id modo agitari : proinde 
 reputaret cum animo suo, praemia, an cruciatum, mallet." 
 
 LXXI. Sed, cum hae litterae adlatae, forte Nabdalsa, 
 exercito corpore fessus, in lecto quiescebat ; ubi, cogni- 
 tis Bomilcaris verbis, primo cura, deinde, uti n aegrum 
 %nimum solet, somnus cepit. Erat ei Numida juidam 
 
48 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 . 
 
 aegotiorum curator, fidus acceptusque, et omnium con- 
 siliorum > nisi novissumi, particeps. Qui postquam adlatas 
 Litteras audivit, ex consuetudine ratus x opera et ingenio 
 suo opus esse, in tabernaculum introivit : dormiente illo 
 epistolam, super caput in pulvino temere positam, sumit 
 ac perlegit ; dein propere, cognitis insidiis, ad regem 
 pergit. Nabdalsa, post paullo experrectus, ubi neque 
 epistolam repent, et 2 rem omnem , uti acta, cognovit, 
 primo indicem persequi conatus ; postquam id frustra 
 fuit, Jugurtham placandi gratia accedit : " quae ipse para- 
 visset, perfidia clientis sui praeventa :" lacrumans obtes- 
 tatur " per amicitiam, perque sua antea fideliter acta, ne 
 super tali scelere suspectum sese haberet." 
 
 LXXIL Ad ea rex aliter, atque animo gerebat, placide 
 respondit. Bomilcare aliisque multis, quos socios insidi- 
 arum cognoverat, interfectis, iram 3 oppresserat ; ne qua 
 ex eo negotio seditio oriretur. Neque post id locorum 
 Jugurthae dies aut nox ulla quieta fuere : neque loco, 
 neque mortali cuiquam, aut tempori satis credere : civis, 
 hostis juxta metuere : 4 circumspectare omnia, et omni 
 strepitu pavescere : alio atque alio loco, saepe contra 
 decus regium, noctu requiescere : interdum somno exci- 
 tus, arreptis armis tumultum facere : ita for mi dine, quasi 
 vecordia, exagitari. 
 
 LXXIII. Igitur Metellus, ubi de casu Bomilcaris et 
 indicio patefacto ex perfugis cognovit, rursus, tamquam 
 ad integrum bellum, cuncta parat festinatque. Marium, 
 6 fatigantem de profectione, simul et invitum, et offensum 
 sibi, parum idoneum ratus, domum dimittit. Et Romae 
 plebes, litteris, quae de Metello ac Mario missae erant. 
 cognids, volenti animo de ambobus acceperant. Impe- 
 ratori nobilitas, quae antea decori, invidiae esse : at 6 illi 
 alteri generis humilitas favor em addiderat : ceterum in 
 utroque magis studia partium, quam bona, aut mala sua, 
 moderata. Praeterea, seditiosi magistratus volgum exa- 
 gitare, 7 Metellum omnibus concionibus capitis arcessere, 
 Marii virtu tern in majus celehrare. Denique plebes sic 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 49 
 
 accensa, uti opifices agrestesque omnes, 1 quorum res fides- 
 que in manibus sitae erant, relictis operibus, frequenta- 
 rent Marium, et sua necessaria post illius honorem duce- 
 rent. Ita, perculsa nobilitate, 2 post multas tempestates 
 novo homini consulatus mandatur : et postea populus, a 
 tribuno plebis, Manilio Mancino, rogatus, quem vellet 
 cum jugurtha bellum gerere ? frequens Mariuni jussit, 
 Senatus paullo ante Metello 3 decreverat : ea res frustra fuit. 
 
 LXXIY. Eodem tempore Jugurtha, amissis amicis ; 
 quorum plerosque ipse necaverat, ceteri formidine, pars 
 ad Romanos, alii ad regem 4 Bocchum profugerant ; cum 
 neque bellum geri sine administris posset, et novorum 
 fidem in tanta perfidia veterum experiri periculosum du* 
 ceret, 5 varius incertusque agitabat : neque illi res, neque 
 consilium, aut quisquam hominum satis placebat : itinera 
 praefectosque in dies mutare : modo advorsum hostes, 
 interdum in solitudines pergere : saepe in fuga, ac post 
 paullo spem in armis habere : dubitare, virtuti popularium> 
 an fide minus crederet : ita, 6 quocumque intenderat, res 
 advorsae erant. Sed, inter eas moras, repente sese 
 Metellus cum exercitu ostendit. Numidae ab Jugurtha 
 7 pro tempore parati instructique : dein praelium incipitur. 
 Qua in parte rex adfuit, ibi aliquamdiu certatum : ceteri 
 omnes ejus milites primo concursu pulsi fugatique. Ro- 
 mani signorum et armorum aliquanto numero, hostium 
 paucorum potiti : nam ferme Numidas in omnibus prae 
 liis pedes magis, quam arma 8 tuta sunt. 
 
 LXXV. Ea fuga Jugurtha 9 impensius modo rebus suis 
 dirlidens, cum perfugis et parte equitatus in solitudines, 
 dein Thalam pervenit, in oppidum magnum et opulen- 
 tum, ubi plerique thesauri, 10 nliorumque ejus multus pue- 
 ritiae cultus erat. Quae postquam Metello comperta, 
 quamquam inter Thalam n flumenque proxumum, spatio 
 millium quinquaginta, loca arida atque vasta esse cogno- 
 verat, tamen, spe patrandi belli, si ejus oppidi potifus 
 foret, omnis asperitates supervadere, ac naturam etiam 
 sincere adgreditur. Igitur omnia jumenta sarcinis levari 
 
 9 
 
50 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA 
 
 jubet, nisi frumento dieruni decern : ceterum utres moAa 
 et alia aquae idonea portari. Praeterea conquirit ex 
 agris quam plurimum potest domiti pecoris ; eoque im- 
 ponit 1 vasa cujusque modi, pleraque lignea, collecta ex 
 tuguriis Numidarum. Ad hoc, finitumis imperat, qui se 
 post regis fugam Metello dederant, quam plurimum quisque 
 aquae portarent ; diem locumque, 2 ubi praesto forent, 
 praedicit. Ipse ex flumine, quam proxumam oppido 
 aquam supra diximus, jumenta onerat : eo modo instructus 
 ad Thalam proficiscitur. Deinde, ubi ad id loci ventum, 
 quo Numidis praeceperat, et castra posita munitaque 
 sunt, tanta repente coelo missa vis aquae dicitur, ut 3 ea 
 modo exercitui satis superque foret. Praeterea commea- 
 tus spe amplior : quia Numidae, sicuti plerique in novs 
 deditione, officia intenderant. Ceterum milites 4 religior. 
 pluvia magis usi: eaque res multum animis eorun* 
 addidit ; nam rati sese dis immortalibus curae esse 
 Deinde postero die, contra opinionem Jugurthae, ad 
 Thalam perveniunt. Oppidani, qui se 5 locorum asperi- 
 tate munitos crediderant, magna atque insolita re perculsi, 
 nihilo segnius bellum parare : idem nostri facere. 
 
 LXXYI. Sed rex nihil jam 6 infectum Metello credens, 
 quippe qui omnia, arma, tela, locos, tempora, denique 
 naturam ipsam, ceteris imperitantem, industria vicerat, 
 cum liberis et magna parte pecuniae ex oppido noctu 
 profugit : neque postea in ullo loco amplius una die, aut 
 una nocte moratus, simulabat sese negotii gratia prope- 
 rare ; ceterum proditionem timebat, quam vitare posse 
 celeritate putabat : nam talia consilia 7 per otium, et ex 
 opportunitate capi. At Metellus, ubi oppidanos 8 praelio 
 intentos, simul oppidum et operibus, et loco munitum 
 videt, vallo fossaque moenia circumvenit. Deinde locis 
 9 ex copia maxume idoneis vineas agere, aggerem jacere, 
 l0 et super aggerem impositis turribus opus et administros 
 tutari. Contra haec oppidani festinare, parare : prorsus 
 ab utrisque nihil reliquum fieri. Denique Romani, n multo 
 ante labor e praeliisque fatigati, 12 post dies quadraginta. 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 5l 
 
 quam eo ventum erat, oppido modo potiti : praeda omnis 
 ab perfugis corrupta. Ii postquam murum 1 arietibu9 
 feriri, resque suas 2 adflictas vident, aurum atque argen- 
 tum, et alia, quae prima ducuntur, domum regiarn com- 
 portant ; ibi vino et epulis onerati, ilia que, et domum, et 
 semet igni corrumpunt ; et quas victi ab hostibus poenas 
 metuerant eas ipsi volentes pependere. 
 
 LXXVII. Sed 3 pariter cum capta Thala legati ex 
 oppido Lepti ad Metellum venerant, orantes, " uti prae- 
 sidium praefectumque eo mitteret : Hamilcarem quemdam, 
 hominem nobilem, factiosum, novis rebus studere ; advor- 
 sum quern neque imperia magistratuum, neque leges vale- 
 rent : ni id festinaret, in summo periculo 4 suam salutem, 
 illorum socios fore." Nam Leptitani jam inde a prin- 
 cipio belli Jugurthini ad Bestiam consulem, et postea Ro- 
 raam miserant, amicitiam societatemque rogatum. Deinde, 
 ubi ea impetrata, semper boni fidelesque mansere, et 
 cuncta a Bestia, Albino, Metelloque imperata 5 navi fece- 
 rant. Itaque ab imperatore facile, quae petebant, adepti. 
 Eo missae cohortes Ligurum quatuov et C. Annius 
 praefectus. 
 
 LXXYIII. Id oppidum ab Sidoniis conditum, quos 
 accepimus, profugos ob discordias civilis, navibus in eos 
 locos venisse : ceterum 6 situm inter duas Syrtis, quibus 
 nomen ex re inditum. Nam duo sunt sinus prope in 
 7 extrema Africa, impares magnitudine, pari natura : quo- 
 rum proxuma terrae praealta sunt : cetera, 8 uti fors tulit, 
 alta ; alia in tempestate vadosa. Nam ubi mare magnum 
 esse, et saevire ventis coepit, limum arenamque et saxa 
 ingentia fluctus trahunt : ita facies locorum cum ventis 
 simul mutatur. Ejus civitatis lingua modo conversa con- 
 nubio Numidarum : 9 leges, cultusque pleraque Sidonica ; 
 quae eo facilius retinebant, quod procul ab imperio regis 
 aetatem agebant. Inter illos et 10 frequentem Numidiam 
 multi vastique loci erant. 
 
 LXXIX. Sed, quoniam in has regiones per Leptitano- 
 rum negotia venimus, non n indignum videtur, egregium 
 
52 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA, 
 
 atque mirabile f acinus duorum Carthaginiensium memo- 
 rare : earn rem locus admonuit. Qua tempestate Car- 
 thaginienses ^leraeque Africae imperitabant, Cyrenenses 
 quoque magni atque opulenti fuere. Ager in medio 
 arenosus, una specie : neque flumen, neque mons erat, 
 qui finis eorum discerneret ; quae res eos in magno 
 diuturno bello inter se habuit. Postquam utrimque 
 2 legiones, item classes fusae fugataeque, et alteri alteros 
 aliquantum adtriverant ; veriti, ne mox victos victoresque 
 defessos alius adgrederetur, 3 per inducias sponsionem 
 faciunt, " uti certo die legati domo proficiscerentur ; quo 
 in loco inter se obvii fuissent, is communis utriusque 
 populi finis haberetur." Igitur Carthagine duo fratres 
 missi, 4 quibus nomen Philaenis erat, maturavere iter 
 pergere : Cyrenenses tardius iere. Id secordiane, an 
 casu accident, parum cognovi. Ceterum solet in illis 
 locis tempestas haud secus, atque in mari, retinere. Nam 
 ubi, per loca aequalia et 5 nuda gignentium, ventus coortus 
 arenam humo excitavit, ea, magna vi agitata, ora oculos- 
 que implere solet ; ita prospectu impedito, 6 morari iter 
 Postquam Cyrenenses aliquanto posteriores se vident, et 
 r ob rem corruptam domi poenas metuunt ; criminari, 
 Carthaginienses ante tempus domo digressos, conturbare 
 rem : denique omnia malle, quam victi abire. Sed cum 
 Poeni aliam conditionem, tantummodo aequam, peterent, 
 8 Graeci optionem Carthaginiensium faciunt, " vel illi, 
 quos finis populo suo peterent, ibi vivi obruerentur ; vel 
 eadem conditione sese, quern in locum vellent, proces- 
 suros." Philaeni, conditione probata, seque vitamque 
 reipublicae condonavere : ita vivi obruti. Carthaginienses 
 in eo loco Philaenis fratribus 9 aras consecravere ; aliique 
 illis domi honores instituti. Nunc ad rem redeo. 
 
 LXXX. Jugurtha postquam, amissa Thala, nihil satis 
 flrmum contra Metellum putat, per rnagnas solitudines 
 cum paucis profectus, pervenit ad Gaetulos, genus homi- 
 num ferum incultumque, ot eo tempore ignarum nominis 
 Romani. Eorum multitudinem in unum cogit : ac paul- 
 
 ■HH 
 
SALLT7STII JtTGURTHA. 53 
 
 iatim consuefacit 1 ordines habere, sign a sequi, imperiura 
 observare, item alia militaria facere Praeterea regis 
 Bocchi 2 proxumos magnis muneribus, et majoribus pro- 
 missis, ad studium sui perdu cit ; quis adjutoribus regem 
 adgressus, impellit, uti advorsum Romanos bellum suscipiat. 
 Id ea gratia 3 facilius proniusque fuit, quod Bocchus 
 initio hujusce belli legatos Romam miserat, foedus et 
 amicitiam petitum ; quam rem 4 opportunissumam incepto 
 bello pauci impediverant, caeci avaritia, quis omnia ho- 
 nesta atque inhonesta vendere mos erat. Etiam antea 
 Jugurthae filia 5 Bocchi nupserat. Yerum 6 ea necessitudo 
 apud Numidas Maurosque levis ducitur : quod singuli, 
 pro opibus quisque, quam plurimas uxores, denas alii, 
 alii plures habent ; sed reges eo amplius. Ita 7 animus 
 multitudine distrahitur ; nulla pro soeia obtinet : pariter 
 ornnes viles sunt. 
 
 LXXXI. Igitur in locum ambobus placitum exercitus 
 conveniunt : ibi, fide data et accepta, Jugurtha Bocchi 
 animum oratione accendit : " Romanos injustos, 8 profunda 
 avaritia, communis omnium hostis esse : eamdem illos 
 caussam belli cum Boccho habere, quam secum et cum 
 aliis gentibus, lubidinem imperitandi : 9 quis omnia regna 
 advorsa sint : 10 tum sese, paullo ante Carthaginienses 
 item regem Persen, post, uti quisque opulentissumus 
 videatur, ita Romanis hostem fore." His atque aliis 
 talibus dictis, ad Cirtam oppidum iter constituunt ; quod 
 ibi Metellus praedam captivosque et impedimenta locaverat 
 fta Jugurtha ratus, aut, capta urbe, n operae pretium fore ; 
 *ui, si Romanus auxilio suis venisset, praelio sese certatu- 
 ros. Nam callidus id modo festinabat, 32 Bocchi pacem im- 
 minuere ; ne moras agitando, aliud, quam bellum, mallet. 
 
 LXXXII. Imperator postquam de regum societate 
 cognovit, non temere, neque, uti saepe jam victo Jugur 
 tha consueverat, omnibus locis pugnandi copiam facit : 
 ceterum haud procul ab Cirta, castris munitis, reges op 
 peritur ; melius ratus, 13 cognitis Mauris, quoniam is novu* 
 ftostis accesserat, ex commodo pugnam facere. Interim 
 
 7* 
 
54 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 Roma per litteras certior fit, provinciam Numidiam Mario 
 datam : nam consulem factum, jam antea acceperat. Quis 
 rebus 2 supra bonum atque honestum perculsus, neque 
 lacrumas tenere, neque moderari linguam : vir egregius 
 in aliis artibus, nimis molliter aegritudinem pati. Quam 
 rem alii in superbiam 2 vortebant : alii bonum ingenium 
 contumelia accensum esse : multi, quod jam parta victo- 
 ria ex manibus eriperetur : nobis satis cognitum, ilium 
 3 magis honore Marii, quam injuria sua excruciatum, neque 
 tarn anxie laturum fuisse, si ademta provincia alii quam 
 Mario traderetur. 
 
 LXXXIII. Igitur eo dolore impeditus, et quia 4 stulti- 
 tiae videbatur alienam rem periculo suo curare, legatos 
 ad Bocchum mittit, postulatum, " ne sine caussa hostis 
 populo Romano fieret : habere eum 5 magnam copiam 
 societatis amicitiaeque conjungendae, quae potior bello 
 esset : quamquam opibus confideret, non debere incerta 
 pro certis mutare : 6 omne bellum sumi facile, ceterum 
 aegerrume desinere : non in ejusdem potestate initium 
 ejus et finem esse : incipere cuivis, etiam ignavo, licere ; 
 deponi cum victores velint : proinde sibi regnoque con 
 suleret, neu florentis res suas cum Jugurthae 7 perditis 
 misceret." Ad ea rex 8 satis placide verba facit : " sese 
 pacem cupere, sed Jugurthae fortunarum misereri ; si 
 eadem illi copia fieret, omnia conventura." Rursus im- 
 perator 9 contra postulata Bocchi nuncios mittit : ille pro- 
 bare partim, partim abnuere. Eo modo saepe ab utroque 
 missis remissisque nunciis, tempus procedere, et, ex 
 Metelli voluntate, bellum intactum trahi. 
 
 LXXXIY. At Marius, ut supra I0 diximus, cupientis 
 suma plebe consul factus, postquam ei provinciam Nu 
 midiam populus jussit, antea jam infestus nobilitati, turn 
 vero n multus atque ferox instare : singulos modo, modo 
 universos laedere : dictitare, " 12 sese consulatum ex victis 
 illis spolia cepisse ;" alia praeterea 13 magnifica pro se, 
 et illis dolentia. Interim, quae bello opus erant, 14 primc 
 habere ■ postulare legionibus supplementum, auxilia s 
 
SALLUST1I JUGURTHA. 55 
 
 populh et regibus sociisque arcessere : praeteiea ex Latio 
 fortissumum quemque, 1 plerosque militiae, paucos fama 
 cognitos accire, et 2 ambiendo cogere homines emeritis 
 stipendiis secum proficisci. Neque illi senatus, quam- 
 quam advorsus erat, de ullo negotio abnuere audebat ; 
 3 ceterum supplementum etiam laetus deer ever at : quia 
 neque plebi militia volenti putabatur, et Marius aut belli 
 usum, aut studia volgi amissurus. Sed ea res frustra 
 sperata ; *tanta lubido cum Mario eundi plerosque inva- 
 serat. Sese quisque praeda locupletem, victorem, domum 
 rediturum, alia hujuscemodi animis trahebant : et eos 
 non paullum oratione sua Marius arrexerat. Nam, post- 
 quam, omnibus quae postulaverat decretis, milites scri- 
 Dere volt, hortandi caussa simul, et nobilitatem, uti con- 
 sueverat, 5 exagita&di, concionem populi advocavit. Deinde 
 rioe modo disseruit. 
 
 LXXXY. " 6 Scio ego, Quirites, plerosque non isdem 
 artibus imperium a vobis petere, et, postquam adepti sunt, 
 gerere : primo industrios, supplicis, modicos esse ; de- 
 oinc per ignaviam et superbiam aetatem agere : sed mini 
 ; contra ea videtur. 8 Nam, quo universa respublica plu- 
 ris est, quam consulatus aut praetura, eo majore cura 
 illam administrari, quam haec peti debere. 9 Neque me 
 fallit, quantum cum maxumo beneficio vestro negotii 
 sustineam. Bellum parare simul, et aerario parcere : 
 cogere ad militiam, quos nolis otTendere ; domi forisque 
 omnia curare ; et ea agere inter invidos, occursantis 
 factiosos, 10 opinione, Quirites, asperius est. n Ad hoc 
 ahi si deliquere, vetus nobilitas, majorum facta fortia 
 cognatorum et adfinium opes, multae clientelae, omnis 
 haec praesidio adsunt : mihi spes omnes in memet sitae. 
 quas nee esse est et virtute, et innocentia tutari : nam 
 alia inflrma sunt. 12 Et illud intellego, Quirites, omnium 
 ora in me conversa esse : 13 aequos bonosque favere : 
 quippe benefacta mea reipublicae procedunt ; nobilitatem 
 locum 14 invadendi quaerere. Qao mihi acrius admten- 
 dum est, >5 ut neque vos capiamini, et illi frustra sint. 
 
56 SALLUSTII TUGURTHA. 
 
 'Ita ad hoc aetatis a pueritia fui, ut omnis labores, pe- 
 ricula consueta habeam. Quae 2 ante vestra beneficia 
 gratuito faciebam, ea uti, accepta mercede, deseram, non 
 est consilium, Quirites. Illis difficile est 3 in potestatibus 
 temperare, qui per ambitionem sese probos simulavere : 
 mihi, qui omnem aetatem in optumis artibus egi, bene- 
 facere jam ex consuetudine in naturam vertit. Bellum 
 me gerere cum Juguitha jussistis ; quam rem nobilitas 
 aegerrume tulit. Quaeso, reputate cum animis vestris, 
 num id mutare melius sit, si quern 4 ex illo globo nobil- 
 itatis ad hoc, aut aliud tale negotium mittatis, hominem 
 5 veteris prosapiae ac multarum imaginum, et nullius sti- 
 pendii : scilicet ut in tanta re, 6 ignarus omnium, trepi- 
 det, festinet, sumat aliquem ex populo monitorem officii. 
 Ita plerumque evenit, ut, quern vos imperare jussistis, is 
 imperatorem alium quaerat. Ac ego scio, Quirites, qui 
 postquam consules facti sunt, acta majorum, et Graeco- 
 rum militaria praecepta legere coeperint ; 7 homines prae- 
 posteri. 8 Nam gerere, quam fieri, tempore posterius, 
 re atque usu prius est. Comparate nunc, Quirites, 
 cum illorum superbia me hominem novum. Quae illi 
 audire et legere solent, eorum partim vidi, alia egomet 
 gessi : quae illi litteris, ego militando didici. Nunc vos 
 existumate, facta an dicta pluris sint. Contemnunt novi- 
 tatem meam ; ego illorum ignaviam : mihi fortuna, illis 
 probra objectantur ; quamquam ego naturam unam et com- 
 munem omnium existumo, sed fortissumum quemque 
 9 generosissumum. Ac, si jam ex patribus Albini, aut 
 Bestiae, quaeri posset, mene, an illos ex se gigni malue- 
 rint, 10 quid responsuros creditis, nisi, sese liberos quam 
 optumos voluisse 1 Quod si jure me despiciunt, faciant 
 idem majoribus suis, quibus, uti mihi, ex virtute nobilitas 
 coepit. Invident honori meo ; ergo in vide ant et labori, 
 innocentiae, periculis etiam meis, quoniam per haec ilium 
 cepi. Yerum bomines corrupt! superbia ita aetatem 
 agunt, quasi vestros honores contemnant ; ita hos petunt, 
 uasi honeste vixerint. n Ne. illi falsi sunt, qui divorsis* 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 57 
 
 sumas res pariter exspectant, 1 ignaviae voluptatem, et 
 praemia virtutis. Atque etiam cum apud vos, aut in 
 senatu verba faciunt, pleraque oratione majores suos ex- 
 tollunt : eorum fortia facta memorando clariores sese pu- 
 tant ; 2 quod contra est. Nam quanto vita illorum praecla- 
 rior, tanto horum secordia flagitiosior. Et profecto ita 
 se res habet : majorum gloria 3 posteris lumen est, neque 
 bona neque mala in occulto patitur, Hujusce rei ego 
 inopiam patior, Quirites ; verum id, quod multo praecla- 
 rius est, meamet facta mihi dicere licet. Nunc videte, 
 quam iniqui sint. Quod 4 ex aliena virtute sibi adrogant, 
 id mihi ex mea non concedunt : scilicet, quia imagines 
 non habeo, et quia mihi nova nobilitas est ; quam certe 
 peperisse melius est, quam acceptam corrupisse. Equi- 
 dem ego non ignoro, si jam respondere velint, 5 abunde 
 illis facundam et compositam orationem fore. Sed 6 in 
 maxumo vestro beneflcio, cam omnibus locis me vosque 
 maledictis lacerent, non placuit reticere, ne quis modes- 
 tiam in conscientiam duceret. Nam me quidem, 7 ex 
 animi sententia, nulla oratio laedere potest : 8 quippe vera 
 necesse est bene praedicet ; falsam vita moresque mei 
 superant. Sed, quoniam 9 vestra consilia accusantur, qui 
 mihi summum honorem, et maxumum negotium imposuis- 
 tis, etiam atque etiam reputate, num id poenitendum sit. 
 Non possum 10 fidei caussa imagines, neque triumphos, 
 aut consulatus majorum meorum ostentare ; at, si res pos- 
 tulet, n hastas, vexillum, phaleras, alia militaria dona ; 
 praeterea, cicatrices advorso corpore. Hae sunt meae 
 imagines, haec nobilitas, non haereditate 12 relicta, ut ilia 
 illis r sed quae ego plurimis laboribus et periculis quae- 
 sivi. 13 Non sunt composita verba mea ; parum id facio ; 
 ipsa se virtus satis ostendit : illis artiflcio opus est, uti 
 turpia facta oratione tegant. 14 Neque litteras Graecas 
 didici : parum placebat eas discere, quippe quae ad vir- 
 tutem doctoribus nihil profuerunt. At ilia multo optuma 
 reipublicae doctus sum ; hostem ferire, 15 praesidia agi- 
 tare : nihil metuere, nisi turpem famam ; hiemem et aes* 
 
58 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 tatem juxta pati ; humi requiescere ; eodem tempore ino 
 piam et laborem tolerare. His ego praeceptis milites 
 hortabor : 1 neque illos arte colam, me opulenter ; neque 
 gloriam meam laborem illorum faciam. 2 Hoc est utile, 
 hoc civile imperium. Namque, cum 3 tute per mollitiem 
 agas, exercitum supplicio cogere, id est, dominum, non 
 imperatorem esse. Haec atque talia majores vestri faci- 
 undo seque remque publicam celebravere : quis nobilitas 
 freta, ipsa dissimilis moribus, nos illorum aemulos con- 
 temnit ; et omnis honores non ex merito, sed quasi debi- 
 tos, a vobis repetit. Ceterum homines superbissumi 
 procul errant. Majores eorum omnia, quae licebat, illis 
 reliquere, divitias, imagines, memoriam sui praeclaram : 
 virtutem non reliquere ; neque poterant : ea sola neque 
 datur dono, neque accipitur. Sordidum me et incultis 
 moribus aiunt, 4 quia parum scite convivium exorno, neque 
 histrionem ullum, neque pluris pretii coquum, quam 
 villicum, habeo ; quae mihi lubet confiteri. Nam ex 
 parente meo, et ex 5 sanctis viris ita accepi, munditias 
 mulieribus, viris laborem convenire, omnibusque bonis 
 oportere plus gloriae, quam divitiarum : arma, non supel- 
 lectilem decori esse. Quin ergo, quod juvat, quod carum 
 aestumant, id semper faciant ; 6 ament, potent ; ubi ado- 
 lescentiam habuere, ibi senectutem agant, in conviviis, 
 dediti ventri et turpissumae parti corporis ; 7 sudorem, pul- 
 verem et alia talia relinquant nobis, quibus ilia epulis 
 jucundiora sunt. Yerum non est ita. Nam, ubi se om- 
 nibus nagitiis dedecoravere turpissumi viri, bonorum prae 
 mia ereptum eunt. Ita injustissume luxuria et ignavia, 
 pessumae artes, illis, qui coluere eas, nihil obriciunt ; 
 reipublicae innoxiae 8 cladi sunt. Nunc, quoniam illis, 
 quantum mores mei, non illorum nagitia poscebant, re- 
 spondi, pauca de republica loquar. Primum omnium, de 
 Numidia bonum habetote animum, Quirites. Nam, quae 
 ad hoc tempus Jugurtham tuta sunt, omnia r^movistis, 
 9 avaritiam, imperitiam, superbiam. Deinde exercitus ibi 
 est. locorum sciens ; sed mehercule magis strenuus, quam 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 59 
 
 ''elix. Nam magna pars avaritia, aut temeritaie ducum 
 adtrita est. Quamobrem vos, quibus hnilitaris aetas, ad- 
 nitimini mecum, et capessite rempublicam : neque quern- 
 quam ex calamitate aliorum, aut imperatorum superbia, 
 metus ceperit. Egomet in agmine, in praelio consultor 
 idem, et socius periculi vobiscum adero : 2 meque vosque 
 in omnibus rebus juxta geram. Et profecto, dis juvanti- 
 bus, 3 omnia matura sunt, victoria, praeda, laus : quae si 
 dubia aut procul essent, tamen omnis bonos reipublicae 
 sub venire decebat. Etenim ignavia nemo immortalis 
 factus : %eque quisquam parens liberis, uti aeterni forent, 
 optavit ; magis, uti boni honestique vitam exigerent. 
 Plura dicerem, Quirites, si timidis virtutem verba adde- 
 rent ; nam strenuis abunde dictum puto." 
 
 LXXXVI. Hujuscemodi oratione habita, Marius post- 
 quam plebis animos arrectos videt, propere commeatu, 
 stipendio, armis, aliis utilibus navis onerat : cum bis A. 
 Manlium legatum proficisci jubet. Ipse interea milites 
 scribere, non more majormn, neque 5 ex classibus, sed uti 
 cujusque lubido erat, 6 capite censos plerosque. Id factum 
 alii inopia bonorum, alii per ambitionern consulis memo 
 rabant ; 7 quod ab eo genere celebratus auctusque erat ; 
 et homini potentiam quaerenti egentissumus quisque op- 
 portunissumus, cui neque sua curae, quippe quae nulla 
 sunt, et omnia 8 cum pretio honesta videntur. Igitur 
 Marius cum majore aliquanto numero, quam decretum 
 erat, in Africam profectus, diebus paucis Uticam advehi- 
 tur. Exercitus ei traditur a P. Rutilio legato ; nam 
 Metellus conspectum Marii fugerat, ne videret ea, quae 
 audita animus tolerare nequiverat. 
 
 LXXXVII. Sed consul, 9 expletis legionibus cohorti- 
 busque auxiliariis, in agrum fertilem et praeda onustum 
 proficiscitur : omnia ibi capta militibus donat : dein cas- 
 tella et oppida natura et viris parum munita adgreditur : 
 praelia multa, ceterum levia, alia aliis locis facere. In- 
 terim novi milites sine metu pugnae adesse : videre 
 fugientis capi, occidi ; fortissumum quemque tutissumum , 
 
60 SALLUSTIl JUGURTHA.. 
 
 arnais libertatem, patriam parentesque et alia omnia tegi , 
 gloriam atque divitias quaeri. Sic brevi spatio novi vete- 
 resque coaluere, et virtus omnium aequalis facta. At 
 reges, ubi de adventu Marii cognoverunt, a divorsi in locos 
 difficilis abeunt. Ita Jugurthae placuerat, speranti, mox 
 effusos hostis invadi posse ; Romanos, sicuti plerosque, 
 remoto metu, laxius licentiusque futures. 
 
 LXXXYIII. Metellxjs interea Romam profectus, con- 
 tra spem suam, 2 laetissumis animis excipitur ; plebi pa- 
 tribusque, postquam invidia decesserat, juxta carus. Sed 
 Marius impigre prudenterque suorum et hostium res pari- 
 ir adtendere : cognoscere quid boni utrisque, aut contra 
 esset : explorare itinera regum, consilia et insidias ante- 
 venire : 3 nihil apud se remissum, neque apud illos tutum 
 pati : Itaque et Gaetulos, et Jugurtham, ex sociis nostris 
 praedam agentes, saepe adgressus itinere fuderat, ipsum- 
 que regem haud procul ab oppido Cirta 4 armis exuerat. 
 Quae postquam gloriosa modo, neque 5 belli patrandi 
 cognovit, statuit urbis, quae viris aut loco 6 pro hostibus, 
 et advorsum se opportunissumae erant, singulas circum- 
 venire : ita Jugurtham aut praesidiis nudatum, si ea 
 pateretur, aut praelio certaturum. Nam Bocchus nuncios 
 ad eum saepe miserat, " velle populi Romani amicitiam ; 
 ne quid ab se hostile timeret." Id simulaveritne, 7 quo 
 improvisus gravior ac cider et, an mobilitate ingenii pacem 
 atque bellum mutare solitus, parum exploratum. 
 
 LXXXIX. Sed consul, uti statuerat, oppida castellaque 
 munita adire : partim vi, alia metu, aut praemia osten- 
 tando avortere ab hostibus. Ac primo 8 mediocria gerebat, 
 existumans, Jugurtham ob suos tutandos in manus ventu- 
 rum. Sed, ubi procul abesse, et aliis negotiis intentum 
 accepit, majora et magis aspera adgredi tempus visum. 
 Eiat inter ingentis solitudines oppidum magnum atque 
 ?alens, nomine Capsa, cujus conditor 9 Hercules Libya 
 memorabatur. Ejus cives apud Jugurtham 10 immunes, 
 levi imperio, et ob ea fidelissumi habebantur : muniti 
 adrorsum hostis non moenibus modo, et armis atquo 
 
SALLU8TII JUGURTHA. 6. 
 
 viris, multo magis locorum asperitate. Nam, praeter op- 
 pido propinqua, alia omnia vasta, inculta, egentia aquae. 
 Hnfesta serpentibus : 2 quarum vis, sicuti omnium feranim, 
 inopia cibi acrior : ad hoc natura serpentium, ipsa per 
 niciosa, siti magis, quam alia re, accenditur. Ejus po- 
 tiundi Marium maxuma cupido invaserat, cum propter 
 3 usum belli, turn quia res aspera videbatur ; et Metellus 
 oppidum Thalam magna gloria ceperat, haud dissimiliter 
 situm munitumque ; nisi quod apud Thalam haud longe 
 a moenibus aliquot fontes erant, Capsenses una modo, 
 atque ea intra oppidum, 4 jugi aqua, cetera pluvia utebantur. 
 Id ibique, et 5 in omni Africa, quae procul a mari incul- 
 tius agebat, eo facilius tolerabatur, quia Numidae pie- 
 rumque lacte et ferina carne vescebantur, neque 6 salem, 
 neque alia irritamenta gulae quaerebant ; cibus 7 illis advor- 
 sum famem atque sitim, non lubidini, neque luxuriae erat. 
 
 XC. Igitur consul, omnibus exploratis, credo, dis fre- 
 tus ; nam contra tantas difhcultates consilio satis provi- 
 dere non poterat ; quippe etiam frumenti inopia 8 tentaba- 
 tur, quod Numidae pabulo pecoris, magis, quam arvo 
 studont, et quodcumque natum fuerat, jussu regis in loca 
 munita contulerant, ager autem aridus et frugum vacuus ea 
 tempestate, nam aestatis extremum erat ; tamen 9 pro rei co- 
 pia satis providenter exornat : pecus omne, quod superiori- 
 bus diebus praedae fuerat, equitibus auxiliariis agendum 
 adtribuit : A. Manlium legatum cum cohortibus expeditis ad 
 oppidum Laris, ubi stipendium et commeatum lo caver at, ire 
 jubet ; 10 se praedabundum post paucos dies eodem ventu- 
 rum. Sic incepto suo occulto, pergit ad flumen Tanam. 
 
 XCI. Ceterum in itinere quotidie pecus exercitui per 
 n centurias, item turmas, aequaliter distribuerat, et ex coriis 
 utres uti fierent curabat : simul et inopiam frumenti lenire, 
 et, ignaris omnibus, parare, quae mox usui forent. Denique 
 sexto die, cum ad flumen ventum est, maxuma vis utrium 
 efTecta. Ibi castris levi munimento positis, milites ci- 
 bum capere, atque, uti simul cum occasu solis egrederen- 
 tur, paratos esse jubet ; omnibus sarcinis abjectis, aqua 
 
 8 
 
62 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 modo seque et jumenta onerare. Dein, postquam tempus 
 visum, castris egreditur, noctemque totam itinere facto 
 consedit : idem ^roxuma facit : dein tertia, multo ante 
 lucis adventum, pervenit in locum tumulosum, ab Capsa 
 non amplius duum millium intervallo ; ibique, quam occul- 
 lissume potest, cum omnibus copiis opperitur. Sed, ubi 
 dies coepit, et Numidae, nihil hostile metuentes, multi 
 oppido egressi ; repente omnem equitatum, et cum his 
 velocissumos pedites cursu tendere ad Capsam, et portas 
 obsidere jubet : deinde ipse intentus propere sequi, ne- 
 que milites praedari sinere. Quae postquam oppidani 
 cognovere ; 2 res trepidae, metus ingens, malum impro- 
 visum, ad hoc pars civium extra moenia in hostium po- 
 testate, coegere, uti deditionem facerent. Ceterum oppi- 
 dum incensum : Numidae puberes interfecti ; alii omnes 
 venum dati : praeda militibus divisa. 3 Id facinus contra 
 jus belli, non avaritia, neque scelere consulis admissum ; 
 sed quia locus Jugurthae opportunus, nobis aditu difEcilis, 
 genus hominum mobile, infidum, neque beneficio, neque 
 metu coercitum. 
 
 XCIL Postquam tantam rem Marius, sine ullo suo- 
 rum incommodo patravit ; magnus et clarus antea, major 
 et clarior haberi coepit. 4 Omnia, non bene consulta 
 modo, verum etiam casu data, in virtutem trahebantur : 
 milites, 5 modesto imperio habiti simul, et locupletes, ad 
 coelum ferre : Numidae magis, quam mortalem timere : 
 postremo omnes socii atque hostes credere illi aut men- 
 tern divinam, aut deorum nutu cuncta portendi. Sed 
 consul, ubi ea res bene evenit, ad alia oppida pergit : 
 pauca, repugnantibus Numidis, capit ; plura 6 deserta, prop- 
 ter Capsensium miserias, igni corrumpit : luctu atque 
 caede omnia complentur. Denique, multis locis potitus, 
 ac plerisque exercitu incruento, 7 ad aliam rem adgreditur, 
 s non eadem asperitate, qua Capsensium, ceterum haud 
 secus difficilem. Namque haud longe a flumine Mulucha, 
 quod Jugurthae Bocchique regnum disjungebat, erat 9 inter 
 ceteram planitiem mons saxeus, mediocri castello satis 
 
3ALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 63 
 
 patens, in immensum editus, uno perangusto aditu relicto : 
 nam Jomnis natura, velut opere atque consulto, praeceps 
 Quern locum Marios, quod ibi regis thesauri erant, sum 
 ma vi capere intendit. Sed ea res forte, quam consilio. 
 melius gesta. Nam castello virorum atque armorum sa- 
 tis, magna vis frumenti et fons aquae ; aggeribus turri- 
 busque et aliis machinationibus locus 2 importunus : iter 
 eastellanorum angustum admodum, utrimque praecisum. 
 Vineae cum ingenti periculo frustra agitabantur : nam, 
 cum eae paullum processerant, igni, aut lapidibus cor- 
 rumpebantur ; milites neque 3 pro opere consistere, propter 
 iniquitatem loci, neque intra Tineas sine periculo 4 ad- 
 ministrare : optumus quisque cadere, aut sauciari ; ceteris 
 metus augeri. 
 
 XCIII. At Marius, multis diebus et laboribus consumtis, 
 6 anxius trahere cum animo, omitteretne inceptum quo- 
 niam frustra erat, an fortunam opperiretur, qua saepe 
 prospere usus. Quae cum multos dies, noctes, 6 aestuans 
 agitaret, forte quidam Ligus, ex cohortibus auxiliariis 
 miles gregarius, castris aquatum egressus, haud procul 
 ab latere castelli, quod 7 avorsum praeliantibus erat, ani- 
 mum advortit inter saxa repentis cochleas : quarum cum 
 unam atque alteram, dein plures peteret, studio legundi 
 paullatim prope ad summum montis egressus est. Ubi ; 
 postquam 8 solitudinem intellexit, more humani ingenii, 
 cupido ignara visundi invadit. Et forte in eo loco grandis 
 ilex coaluerat inter saxa, 9 paullulum modo prona, dein 
 flexa atque aucta in altitudinem, quo cuncta gignentium 
 natura fert : cujus ramis modo, modo eminentibus saxis 
 nisus Ligus, i0 castelli planitiem perscribit : quod cuncti 
 Numidae intenti praeliantibus aderant. Exploratis omni- 
 bus, quae mox usui fore ducebat, n eadem regreditur, non 
 temere, uti escenderat, sed tentans omnia et circumspi- 
 ciens. Itaque Marium propere adit, acta edocet, hortatur,- 
 ab ea parte, qua ipse escenderat, castellum tentet : pol- 
 licetur sese itineris periculique due em. Marius cum 
 Li^ure, promissa cognitum, 12 ex praesentibus misit : quo- 
 
64 SALLUSTII JUGURTHa 
 
 rum uti cujusque ingenium erat, ita rem difficilem aui 
 facilem nunciavere. Consulis animus tamen paullum 
 arrectus. Itaque ex copia Hubicinum et cornicinum, nu- 
 mero quinque quam velocissumos delegit, et cum his, 
 praesidio qui forent, quatuor centuriones : omnis Liguri 
 parere jubet, et ei negotio proxumum diem constituit. 
 
 XCIV. Sed, ubi 2 ex praecepto tempus visum, paratis 
 compositisque omnibus, ad locum pergit. Ceterum illi 
 qui centuriis praeerant, praedocti ab duce, arma ornatum- 
 que mutaverant, capite atque pedibus nudis, uti pro- 
 spectus nisusque per saxa facilius foret : super terga 
 gladii et scuta : verum ea Numidica ex coriis, ponderis 
 gratia simul, et offensa quo levius streperent. Igitur 
 praegrediens Ligus saxa, et si quae 4 vetustate radices 
 eminebant, laqueis vinciebat, quibus adlevati facilius 
 escenderent : interdum timidos insolentia itineris levare 
 manu : ubi paullo asperior adscensus, singulos prae se 
 inermos mittere ; deinde ipse cum illorum armis sequi ; 
 quae 5 dubia nisu videbantur, potissumus tentare, ac 
 saepius eadem adscendens descendensque, dein statim 
 digrediens, ceteris audaciam addere. Igitur, diu mul- 
 tumque fatigati, tandem in castellum perveniunt, desertum 
 ab ea parte ; quod omnes, sicuti aliis diebus, advorsum 
 hostis aderant. Marius, ubi ex nunciis, quae Ligus 
 egerat cognovit, quamquam toto die intentos praelio Nu- 
 midas habuerat, turn vero cohortatus milites, et ipse extra 
 vineas egressus, 6 testudine acta succedere, et simui 
 hostem tormentis sagittariisque et funditoribus eminus 
 terrere. At Numidae, saepe antea vineis Romanorum 
 subvorsis, item incensis, non castelli moenibus sese tuta- 
 bantur, sed pro muro dies noctesque agitare ; maledicere 
 Romanis, ac Mario vecordiam objectare ; militibus nostris 
 7 Jugurthae servitium minari ; secundis rebus feroces esse. 
 Interim omnibus Romanis hostibusque praelio intentis, 
 magna utrimque vi, pro gloria atque imperio his, illis 
 pro salute cerfcantibus, repente a tergo signa canere : ac 
 primo mulieres et pueri, qui visum processerant, 8 fugere - 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 65 
 
 delude, uti quisque muro proxumus erat ; postremo cuncti 
 armati inermesque. Quod ubi accidit, eo acrius Romani 
 instare, fimdere, ac plerosque tantummodo x sauciare, dein 
 super occisorum corpora vadere, avidi gloriae certantes 
 murum petere ; neque quemquam omnium praeda morari. 
 Sic forte correcta Marii temeritas, gloriam ex culpa invenit. 
 
 XGV. Ceterum, dum ea res geritur, 2 L. Sulla quaestor 
 cum magno equitatu in castra venit ; quos uti ex Latio et 
 a sociis cogeret, Romae relictus erat. Sed, quoniam 
 tanti viri res admonuit, idoneum visum est, de natura 
 cultuque ejus paucis dicere : neque enim alio loco de 
 Sullae rebus dicturi sumus ; et 3 L. Sisenna, optume et 
 diligentissume omnium qui eas res dixere persecutus, 
 parum mihi libero ore locutus videtur. Igitur Sulla, 
 4 gentis patriciae, familia prope jam exstincta majorum 
 ignavia, litteris Graecis atque Latinis juxta atque doctis- 
 sume eruditus, animo ingenti, cupidus voluptatum, sed 
 gloriae cupidior : 5 otio luxurioso ; tamen ab negotiis num- 
 quam voluptas remorata, 6 nisi quod de uxore potuit ho- 
 nestius consuli : facundus, callidus, et "amicitia facilis ; ad 
 simulanda negotia altitudo ingenii incredibilis ; multarum 
 rerum, ac maxume pecuniae largitor. Atque felicissumo 
 omnium 8 ante civilem ^*oriam numquam super industriam 
 fortuna fait ; multique uuoitavere, fortior, an felicior esset : 
 nam, postea quae fecent, incertum habeo, pudeat magis, 
 an pigeat disserere. 
 
 XCYI. Igitur Sulla, ut supra dictum, postquam in 
 Africam atque in castra Marii cum equitatu venit, rudis 
 antea et ignarus belli, 9 sollertissumus omnium in paucis 
 f.empestatibus factus est. Ad hoc, milites benigne adpel- 
 lare ; multis rogantibus, aliis per se ipse dare beneficia, 
 invitus accipere : sed ea properantius, quam 10 aes mutuum 
 reddere ; ipse ab nullo repetere ; magis id laborare, ut 
 illi quam plurimi deberent : joca atque seria cum bumil- 
 lumis agere : in operibus, in agmine atque ad vigilias 
 ,] multus adesse : neque interim, quod prava ambitio solet, 
 consulis. aut cujusquam boni famam laedere : tantummodo 
 
 8* 
 
66 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 neque consilio, neque manu priorem alium pati , plerosque 
 antevenire. Quis rebus, brevi, Mario militibusque caris- 
 sumus factus. 
 
 XCVII. At Jugurtha, postquam oppidum Capeam alios- 
 que locos munitos et sibi utilis simul, et 1 magnam pecu- 
 niam amiserat, ad Bocchum nuncios mittit, " quam pri- 
 mum in Numidiam copias adduceret : praelii faciundi 
 tempus adesse." Quern ubi cunctari accepit, 2 dubium 
 belli atque pacis rationes trahere ; rursus, uti antea, 
 proxumos donis corrumpit, ipsique Mauro pollicetur Nu- 
 midiae partem tertiam, si aut Romani Africa expulsi, aut, 
 integris suis fmibus, bellum compositum foret. Eo prae- 
 mio illectus Bocchus, cum magna multitudine Jugurtham 
 accedit. Ita amborum exercitu conjuncto, Marium jam 
 in hiberna proficiscentem, 3 vix decima parte die reliqua, 
 invadunt : rati noctem, quae jam aderat, victis sibi muni- 
 mento fore, et, si vicissent, 4 nullo impedimento, quia lo- 
 corum scientes erant ; contra Romanis utrumque casum 
 in tenebris difficiliorem. Igitur simul consul ex multis de 
 hostium adventu cognovit, et ipsi hostes aderant ; et, 
 priusquam exercitus aut instrui, aut 5 sarcinas colligere, 
 denique antequam signum, aut imperium ullum accipere 
 6 quivit, equites Mauri atque Gaetuli, 7 non acie, neque ullo 
 more praelii, sed catervatim, uti quosque fors congloba- 
 verat, in nostros concurrunt ; qui omnes trepidi impro- 
 viso metu, ac tamen virtutis memores, aut arma capie- 
 bant, aut capientis alios ab hostibus defensabant : pars 
 equos escendere, obviam ire hostibus : pugna 8 latrocinio 
 magis, quam praelio similis fieri : sine signis, sine ordini- 
 bus equites pedites permixti, caedere alios, alios obtrun- 
 care, multos, 9 contra advorsos acerrume pugnantis, ab tergo 
 circumvenire : neque virtus, neque arma satis tegere, quod 
 hostes numero plures et undique circumfusi : denique Ro- 
 mani veteres, 10 novique, et ob ea scientes belli, si quos locus, 
 aut casus conjunxerat, orbes facere ; atque ita ab omni- 
 bus partibus simul tecti et instructi hostium vim susten= 
 tabant. 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 67 
 
 XCVIII, Neque in eo tarn aspero negotio territus Ma- 
 rius, aut niagis, quam antea, demisso animo fuit : sed 
 1 cum turma sua, quam ex fortissumis magis, quam fa- 
 miliarissumis, paraverat, vagari passim : ac modo laboran 
 tibus suis succurrere, modo hostis, ubi confertissumi 
 obstiterant, invadere : manu consulere militibus, quoniam 
 imperare, conturbatis omnibus, non poterat. Jamque dies 
 consumtus erat, cum tamen barbari nihil remittere, atque, 
 uti reges praeceperant, 2 noctem pro se rati, acrius instare. 
 Turn Marius ex copia rerum consilium trahit, atque, uti 
 suis receptui locus esset, collis duos propinquos inter se 
 occupat : quorum in uno, castris parum amplo, fons aquae 
 magnus erat ; alter usui opportunus, quia, magna parte 
 editus et praeceps, ? pauco munimento egebat. Ceterum 
 apud aquam Sullam cum equitibus noctem 4 agitare jubet 
 Ipse paullatim dispersos milites, neque minus hostibus 
 conturbatis, in unum contrahit ; dein cunctos 5 pleno gradu 
 in collem subducit. Ita reges, loci difficultate coacti. 
 praelio deterrentur ; neque tamen suos longius abire 
 sinunt, sed, utroque colle multitudine circumdato, 6 efTusi 
 consedere. Dein crebris ignibus factis, plerumque noctis 
 barbari suo more laetari, exsultare, strepere vocibus : 
 7 ipsi duces feroces, quia non fugerant, pro victoribus 
 agere. Sed ea cuncta Romanis ex tenebris et editiori- 
 bus locis facilia visu, magnoque hortamento erant. 
 
 XCIX. Pltjrimum vero Marius imperitia hostium con- 
 fiimatus, quam maxumum silentium haberi jubet : ne signa 
 quidem, 8 uti per vigilias solebant, canere : deinde, ubi 
 Lux adventabat, defessis jam hostibus, et paullo ante 
 Bomno captis, de improviso vigiles, item cohortium, tur- 
 marum, legionum tubicines, simul omnis signa canere 
 milites clamor em t oiler e, atque portis erumpere. Mauri 
 atque Gaetuli ignoto et horribili sonitu repente exciti, 
 neque fugere, neque arma capere, neque omnino facere 
 aut providere quidquam poterant : 9 ita cunctos strepitu, 
 clamor e, nullo subveniente, nostris instantibus, tumultu, 
 terrore, formido, quasi vecordia, ceperat Denique omnes 
 
68 SALLUSTII JtTGTJRTHA. 
 
 iusi fiigatique : arma et signa militaria pleraque capta 
 phrresque eo praelio, quam omnibus superioribus into* 
 remti : nam somno et metu insolito impedita fuga. 
 
 C. Dein Marius, uti coeperat, : in hiberna ; quae, 
 propter commeatum, in oppidis maritumis agere decre- 
 verat : neque tamen secors victoria, aut insolens factus ; 
 sed pariter ac in conspectu hostium, 2 quadrato agmine 
 incedere. Sulla cum equitatu 3 apud dextumos ; in sinistra 
 A. Manlius, cum funditoribus et sagittariis, praeterea 
 cohortes Ligurum curabat : primos et extremos cum ex- 
 peditis manipulis tribunos locaverat. Perfugae, 4 minume 
 cari, et regionum scientissumi, hostium iter explorabant : 
 simul consul, quasi nullo imposito, omnia providere ; apud 
 omnes adesse ; laudare, increpare merentis. Ipse arma- 
 tus intentusque, item milites cogebat : 5 neque secus, atque 
 iter facere, castra munire ; excubitum in portas cohortis 
 ex legionibus, pro castris equites auxiliarios mittere : 
 praeterea alios super vallum in munimentis locare, vigilias 
 ipse circumire, 6 non diffidens ea futura, quae imperavis- 
 set, quam 7 uti militibus exaequatus cum imperatore labos 
 volentibus esset. Et sane Marius, illo et aliis temporibus 
 belli, pudore magis, quam 8 malo, exercitum coercebat ; 
 quod multi per ambitionem fieri aiebant ; pars quod a 
 pueritia consuetam duritiam, et alia, quae ceteri miserias 
 vocant, voluptati habuisset. 9 Nisi tamen res publica, pari- 
 er ac saevissumo imperio, bene atque decore gesta. 
 
 CL Igitur quarto denique die, haud longe ab oppido 
 Cirta undique simul speculatores 10 citi sese ostendunt ; 
 qua re hostis adesse intellegitur. Sed quia divorsi rede- 
 untes, alius ab alia parte, atque omnes idem signirlcabant ; 
 consul incertus, quonam modo aciem instrueret, nullo or- 
 dine commutato, advorsum omnia paratus, ibidem opperi' 
 tur. Ita* Jugurtham spes frustrata, qui copias in quatuor 
 partis distribuerat, ratus ex omnibus n utique aliquos ab 
 tergo hostibus venturos. Interim Sulla, 12 quem primum 
 adtigerant, cohortatus suos, turmatim et quam maxume 
 confertis equis, ipse aliique Mauros invadunt: ceteri in 
 
 mm 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 69 
 
 loco manentes ab jaculis erninus emissis corpora tegere, 
 et, si qui in maims venerant, obtruncare. Dum eo modo 
 equites praeliantur, 1 Bocchus cum peditibus, quos Volux, 
 filius ejus, adduxerat, neque in priore pugna, in itinere 
 morati, adfuerant, postremam Romanorum aciem invadunt. 
 Turn Marius 2 apud primos agebat ; quod ibi Jugurtha cum 
 plurimis. Dein Numida, cognito Bocchi adventu, clam 
 cum paucis 3 ad pedites convortit : ibi Latine (nam apud 
 Numantiam loqui didicerat) exclamat : " nostros frustra 
 pugnare ; paullo ante Marium sua manu mterfectum :" 
 simul gladium sanguine oblitum ostendere, quem in pugna, 
 4 satis impigre occiso pedite nostro, cruentaverat. Quod 
 ubi milites accipere, magis 5 atrocitate rei, quam fide 
 nuncii terrentur : simulque barbari animos tollere, et in 
 perculsos acrius incedere. Jamque paullum ab fuga 
 aberant, cum Sulla, profiigatis, quos advorsum ierat, 
 Mauris ab latere incurrit. Bocchus statim avortitur. At 
 Jugurtha, dum sustentare suos, et prope jam 6 adeptam 
 victoriam retinere cupit, circumventus ab equitibus, dextra, 
 sinistra, omnibus occisis, solus inter tela hostium vitabun- 
 dus erumpit. Atque interim Marius, fugatis equitibus, 
 occurrit auxilio suis, quos pelli jam acceperat. Denique 
 hostes undique fusi. Turn spectaculum horribile campis 
 patentibus : 7 sequi, fugere ; occidi, capi ; equi, viri 
 adflicti : ac multi, volneribus acceptis, neque fugere posse, 
 neque quietem pati ; 8 niti modo, ac statim concidere : 
 postremo omnia, qua visus erat, constrata telis, armis. 
 cadaveribus ; et inter ea humus infecta sanguine. 
 
 CII. 9 Postea loci consul, haud dubie jam victor, per- 
 venit in oppidum Cirtam, quo initio profectus intenderat. 
 Eo 10 post diem quintum, quam iterum barbari male pugna- 
 verant, legati a Boccho veniunt, qui regis verbis ab Mario 
 petivere, " duo quam fidissumos ad eum mitteret : velle 
 de se, et de populi Romani commodo n cum is disserere." 
 Ille statim L. Sullam et A. Manlium ire jubet. Qui 
 quamquam acciti ibant, tamen placuit verba apud regem 
 facere ; ingenium aut avorsum uti flecterenfc, aut cupiduro 
 
70 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 pacis vehementius accenderent. Itaque Sulla, ^ujua 
 facundiae, non aetati a Manlio concessum, pauca verba 
 hujuscemodi locutus. " Rex Bocche, magna nobis laetitia 
 cum te 2 talem virum di monuere, uti aliquando pacem 
 quam bellum, malles ; neu te optumum cum pessumo 
 omnium Jugurtha miscendo commaculares ; simul nobis 
 demeres acerbam necessitudinem, pariter te errantem e 
 ilium sceleratissumum 3 persequi. Ad hoc, populo Ro 
 mano jam a 4 principio reipublicae visum, amicos, quam 
 servos quaerere : tutius rati, voientibus, quam coactis 
 imperitare. Tibi vero nulla opportunior nostra amicitia 
 primum, quod procul absumus, in quo offensae minumum, 
 5 gratia par, ac si prope adessemus ; dein, quod 6 parentes 
 abunde habemus, amicorum neque nobis, neque cuiquam 
 omnium satis. Atque hoc utinam a principio tibi placuis- 
 set ! profecto ex populo Romano ad hoc tempus multo 
 plura bona accepisses, quam mala perpessus es. Sed 
 quoniam humanarum rerum fortuna pleraque regit, 7 cui 
 scilicet placuit te et vim et gratiam nostram experiri 
 nunc, quando per illam licet, festina, atque, ut coepisti, 
 perge. Multa atque opportuna habes, quo facilius errata 
 8 officiis superes. Postremo hoc in pectus tuum demitte 
 nunquam populum Romanum beneficiis vie turn : nam bello 
 quid valeat, tute scis." Ad ea Bocchus placide et be- 
 nigne ; simul pauca s pro delicto verba facit : " se iion hostili 
 animo, sed regnum tutatum arma cepisse : nam Numidiae 
 partem,unde vi Jugurtham 10 expulerit,jure belli suam factaro 
 earn vastari ab Mario pati nequivisse ; praeterea missis 
 antea Romam iegatis, repulsum ab amicitia. Ceterum 
 vetera omittere, ac turn, si per Marium liceret, legatos ad 
 senatum missurum." Dein n copia facta, animus barbari ab 
 amicis flexus, quos Jugurtha, cognita legatione Sullae et 
 Manlii, metuens id quod parabatur, donis corruperat. 
 
 CIII. Marius interea, exercitu in hibernis composite, 
 cum expeditis cohortibus et parte equitatus proflciscitur 
 12 in loca sola, obsessum turrim regiam, quo Jugurtha per- 
 fagas omnis praesidium imposuerat. Turn rursus Bocchus, 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 7\ 
 
 seu reputando, quae sibi duobus praeliis Venerant, seu ad- 
 monitus ab amicis, quos incorruptos Jugurtha reliquerat, 
 ex omni copia necessariorum quinque delegit, quorum et 
 fides cognita, et ingenia validissuma erant. Eos ad Ma- 
 rium, ac dein, si placeat, Romam legatos ire jubet : 
 2 agendarum rerum, et quocumque modo belli componendi 
 licentiam permittit. Illi mature ad hiberna Romanorum 
 proficiscuntur : deinde itinere a Gaetulis latronibus cir- 
 cumventi spoliatique, pavidi, 3 sine decore ad Sullam per- 
 fugiunt, quern consul, in expeditionem proficiscens, pro 
 praetore reliquerat. Eos ille non pro 4 vanis hostibus, ut 
 meriti erant, sed adcurate ac liberaliter habuit ; qua re 
 barbari et famam Romanorum avaritiae falsam, et Sullam, 
 ob munificentiam in sese, amicum rati. Nam etiam turn 
 5 largitio multis ignara : munificus nemo putabatur, nisi 
 pariter volens : dona omnia in benignitate habebantur. 
 Igitur quaestori mandata Bocchi patefaciunt : simul ab eo 
 petunt, uti fautor consultorque sibi adsit : copias, fidem 
 magnitudinem regis sui, et alia, quae aut utilia, aut 6 be- 
 nevolentiae credebant, oratione extollunt : dein Sulla omnia 
 pollicito, docti, quo modo apud Marium, item apud senatum 
 ^erba facerent, circiter dies xl. ibidem opperiuntur. 
 
 CIV. Marius postquam, 7 ibi infecto, quo intenderat, 
 negotio, Cirtam redit, de adventu legatorum certior factus, 
 illosque et Sullam venire jubet, item L. Bellienum prae- 
 torem Utica, praeterea omnis undique senatorn ordinis, 
 quibuscum mandata Bocchi 8 cognoscit. Legatis |H>testas 
 eundi Romam fit ab consule : interea induciae postula- 
 bantur. 9 Ea Sullae et plerisque placuere : pauci ferocius 
 decernunt, scilicet ignari humanarum rerum, quae fluxae 
 et mobiles semper in advorsa mutant. Ceterum Mauri, 
 impetratis omnibus rebus, tres Romam profecti cum Cn. 
 Octavio Rufo, qui quaestor stipendium in Africam porta- 
 verat ; duo ad regem redeunt. Ex his Bocchus cum 
 cetera, turn maxume benignitatem et TO studium Sullae lu- 
 bens accepit. Romae legatis ejus, postquam errasse 
 regem et Jugurthae scelere lapsum 11 deprecati sijnt, ami 
 
72 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA, 
 
 citiam et foedus petentibus hoc modo respondetur. u Se 
 natus et populus Romanus beneflcii et injuriae memor esse 
 solet ; ceterum Boccho, quoniam poenitet, delicti gratiam 
 facit : foedus et amicitia dabuntur, cum meruerit." 
 
 CV. Quis rebus cognitis, Bocchus per litteras a Mario 
 petivit, uti Sullam ad se mitteret ; x cujus arbitratu de 
 communibus negotiis consuleretur. Is missus cum prae- 
 sidio equitum atque peditum, 2 item funditorum Balearium : 
 3 praeterea sagittarii et cohors Peligna 4 cum velitaribus 
 armis, itineris properandi caussa : neque his secus, atque 
 aliis armis, advorsum tela hostium, quod 5 ea levia sunt, 
 muniti. Sed itinere, quinto denique die, Yolux, filius 
 Bocchi, repente in campis patentibus cum mille non 
 amplius equitibus sese ostendit : qui 6 temere et effuse 
 euntes, Sullae aliisque omnibus et numerum ampliorem 
 vero, et hostilem metum efficiebant. Igitur sese quisque 
 'expedire, arma atque tela 8 tentare, intendere : timor ali- 
 quantus ; sed spes amplior, quippe victoribus, et advorsum 
 eos, quos saepe vicerant. Interim equites, exploratum 
 praemissi, 9 rem, uti erat, quietam nunciant. 
 
 CVI. Yolux adveniens quaestorem adpellat : "se a 
 patre Boccho 10 obviam illis simul, et praesidio missum." 
 Deinde eum et proxumum diem sine metu conjuncti eunt 
 Post, ubi castra locata, et die vesper erat, repente Mau- 
 rus 1] incerto voltu ad Sullam adcurrit : " sibi ex specula- 
 toribus cognitum, Jugurtham haud procul abesse :" simul 
 uti noctu clam secum profugeret, rogat atque hortatur 
 Ille ¥2 animo feroci negat " se toties fusum Numidam per- 
 timescere : virtuti suorum satis credere : etiam si certa 
 pestis adesset, mansurum potius, quam proditis, quos du- 
 cebat, turpi fuga incertae ac forsitan post paullo morbo 
 interiturae vitae parceret." Ceterum ab eodem monitus, 
 uti noctu proficiscerentur, consilium adprobat : ac statim 
 milites 13 coenatos esse, in castris ignis quam cieberrumos 
 fieri, dein 14 prima vigilia silentio egredi jubet. Jamque 
 nocturno itinere fessis omnibus, Sulla pariter cum ortu 
 solis castra metabatur, cum equities Mauri nunciant, " Ju 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 73 
 
 gurthani circiter duum millium intervallo x ante consedisse." 
 Quod postquam auditum, turn vero ingens metus nostros 
 invadit : credere, proditos a Voluce, et insidiis circum- 
 ventos. Ac fuere, qui dicerent, 2 manu vindicandum, ne 
 que apud ilium tantum scelus inultum relinquendum. 
 
 CVII. At Sulla, quanquam eadem aestumabat, tamen 
 ab injuria Maurum 3 probibet : suos hortatur, " uti fortem 
 animum gerererit : saepe antea paucis strenuis advorsum 
 multitudinera bene pugnaium : quanto sibi in praelio 
 minus pepercissent, tanto tutiores fore : nee quemquam 
 decere, qui manus armaverit, ab inermis pedibus auxilium 
 petere, in maxumo metu 4 nudum et caecum corpus ad 
 hostis vortere." Deinde Yolucem, 5 quoniam hostilia fa- 
 ceret, maxumum Jovem obtestatus, ut sceleris atque per- 
 fidiae Bocchi testis adesset, castris abire jubet. Ille lacru- 
 mans orare, " ne ea crederet : nihil dolo factum, magis cal- 
 liditate Jugurthae, cui speculanti iter suum cognitum esset. 
 6 Ceterum, quoniam neque ingentem multitudinem haberet, 
 et spes opesque ejus ex patre suo penderent, ilium nihil 
 palam ausurum, cum ipse filius testis adesset : quare 
 optumum factum videri, 7 per media ejus castra palam 
 transire : sese, vel praemissis, vel ibidem relictis Mauris, 
 solum cum Sulla iturum." Ea res, ut in tali negotio, pro- 
 bata, ac statim profecti : quia de improviso 8 acciderant, 
 dubio atque haesitante Jugurtha, incolumes trans eunt. 
 Deinde paucis diebus, quo ire intenderant, perventum. 
 
 CYIII. Ibi cum Boccho Numida quidam, Aspar 
 nomine, multum et familiariter agebat : praemissus ab Ju- 
 gurtha, postquam Sullam accitum audieiat, 9 orator, et 
 subdole speculatum Bocchi consilia: praeterea Dabar, 
 Massugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum materno 
 genere impar ; pater ejus ex concubina ortus erat ; Mauro 
 ob ingenii inulta bona cams acceptusque, 10 quem Bocchus, 
 fidum multis antea tempestatibus expertus, illico ad Sul- 
 lam nunciatum mittit, " paratum sese facere, quae populus 
 Romanus vellet : colloquio diem, locum, tempus ipse 
 dilegeret : n consulta sese omnia cum illo integra habere : 
 
 9 
 
74 SALLUSTlI JUGURTHA. 
 
 *neu Jugurthae legatum pertimesceret, quin res communis 
 licentius gereretur ; 2 nam ab insidiis ejus aliter caveri 
 nequivisse." Sed ego comperior, Bocclium magis 3 Punica 
 fide, quam ob quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numi- 
 dam spe pacis 4 adtinuisse, multumque cum animo suo vol- 
 vere solitum, Jugurtham Romanis, an illi Sullam traderet : 
 5 lubidinem advorsum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse. 
 
 CIX. Igitur Sulla respondit : " pauca se coram Aspare 
 locuturum ; cetera occulte, aut nullo, aut quam paucissu- 
 mis praesentibus :" simul edocet, 6 quae responderentur. 
 Postquam, sicuti voluerat, congressi, dicit, " se missum a 
 consule venisse quaesitum ab eo, pacem, an bellum agi- 
 taturus foret." Turn rex, uti praeceptum, post diem deci- 
 mum redire jubet ; ac, nihil etiam nunc decrevisse, sed 
 illo die responsurum : deinde ambo 7 in sua castra digressi 
 Sed, ubi plerumque noctis processit, Sulla a Boccho 
 occulte arcessitur : ab utroque tantummodo fidi interpretes 
 adhibentur : praeterea Dabar 8 internuncius, sanctus vir et 
 ex sententia ambobus. Ac statim sic rex incipit. 
 
 CX. " Numquam ego ratus sum fore, uti rex maxumus 
 in hac terra, et omnium, quos novi, opulentissumus, pri- 
 vato homini gratiam deberem. Et hercle, Sulla, ante te 
 cognitum, mult is orantibus, aliis ultro egomet opem tuli, 
 nullius indigui. Id imminutum, quod ceteri dolere solent; 
 ego laetor ; 9 fuerit mihi pretium, eguisse aliquando ami- 
 citiae tuae, qua apud animum meum nihil carius habeo. 
 10 Id adeo experiri licet : arma, viros, pecuniam, postremo 
 quidquid animo lubet, sume, utere : et, quoad vives, num- 
 quam redditam gratiam putaveris ; semper apud me In- 
 tegra erit : denique nihil, me sciente, frustra voles. 
 Nam, ut ego aestumo, regem armis, quam munificentia 
 vinci, minus flagitiosum. Ceterum de re publica vestra, 
 l2 cujus curator hue missus es, paucis accipe. Bellum ego 
 populo Romano neque feci, neque factum umquam volui : 
 finis meos advorsum armatos armis 13 tutus sum. Id 
 Smitto, quando vobis ita placet : gerite, uti roltis, cum 
 Jugurtha bellum. Ego flumen Mulucham, quod inter 
 
SALLUSTII JUGURTHA 75 
 
 me et Micipsam fuit, non a egrediar, neque Jugurtham i(J 
 intrare sinam. Praeterea, si quid meque vobisque dignum 
 petiveris, haud repulsus abibis." 
 
 CXI. Ad ea Sulla pro se breviter et modice ; de pace 
 et de communibus rebus multis disseruit. Denique regi 
 patefacit, 2 quod polliceatur, senatum et populum Roma- 
 num, quoniam amplius armis valuissent, non in gratiam 
 habituros : faciundum aliquid, quod illorum magis, quam 
 sua, retulisse videretur : 3 id adeo in promtu esse, quo- 
 niam Jugurthae copiam haberet : quern si Romanis tradi- 
 disset, fore, uti illi plurimum deberetur ; amicitiam, foedus, 
 Numidiae partem, quam nunc peter et, ultro adventuram." 
 Rex primo 4 negitare : " adfinitatem, cognationem, prae- 
 terea foedus intervenisse : ad hoc metuere, ne 5 fluxa fide 
 usus, popularium animos avorteret, quis et Jugurtba cams, 
 et Romani invisi erant." Denique saepius fatigatus, 
 6 lenitur et ex voluntate Sullae omnia se facturum pro- 
 mittit. Ceterum 7 ad simulandam pacem, cujus Numida, 
 defessus bello, avidissumus, quae utilia visa, constituunt. 
 Ita composito dolo digrediuntur. 
 
 CXII. At rex postero die Asparem, Jugurthae legatum 
 adpellat : " sibi per Dabarem ex Sulla cognitum, 8 posse 
 conditionibus bellum poni : quamobrem regis sui senten- 
 tiam exquireret." Ille laetus in castra Jugurthae venit. 
 Deinde ab illo cuncta edoctus, properato itinere, post 
 diem octavum redit ad Bocchum, et ei nunciat, " Jugur- 
 tham cupere omnia, quae imperarentur, facere ; sed Mario 
 parum confidere : saepe antea cum imperatoribus Roma- 
 nis pacem 9 conventam frustra fuisse. 10 Ceterum si am- 
 bobus consultum, et ratam pacem vellet, daret operam, ut 
 una ab omnibus, quasi de pace in colloquium veniretur, 
 ibique sibi Sullam traderet : cum talem virum in potestate 
 haberet, fore, uti jussu senatus atque populi Romani foe- 
 dus fieret : neque hominem nobilem, n non sua ignavia, 
 sed ob rem pubKcam in hostium potestate, relictum iri." 
 
 CXIII. Haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem 
 promisit ; ceterum 12 dolo, an vere, parum comperimua 
 
76 SAXLTJSTII JUGURTHA. 
 
 Sed plerumque regiae voluntates, ut vehementes, sic mo- 
 biles, saepe Hpsae sibi advorsae. Postea, tempore e 
 loco 2 constituto, Bocchus Sullam modo, modo Jugurthae 
 legatum adpellare, 3 benigne habere, idem ambobus polli- 
 ceri. Illi pariter laeti, ac spei bonae pleni. Sed nocte 
 ea, quae proxuma fuit ante diem colloquio decretum, Mau- 
 rus, 4 adhibitis amicis, ac statim immutata voluntate remo- 
 tis, dicitiir secum ipse multa agitavisse, 5 voltu corporis 
 pariter, atque animo varius : qua re scilicet, tacente ipso, 
 occulta pectoris 6 patefecisse. Tamen postremo Sullam 
 arcessiri jubet, et ex ejus sententia Numidae insidias 
 tendit. Deinde, ubi dies advenit, et ei nunciatum est, 
 Jugurtham haud procul abesse, cum paucis amicis et 
 7 quaestore nostro, quasi obvius honoris caussa, procedit 
 in tumulum, facillumum visu insidiantibus. Eodem Nu- 
 mida cum plerisque necessariis suis, inermus, 8 ut dictum, 
 accedit ; ac statim, signo dato, undique simul ex insidiis 
 invaditur. Ceteri obtruncati : Jugurtha Sullae vinctus 
 traditur, et ab eo 9 ad Marium deductus. 
 
 CXIV. Per idem tempus advorsum 10 Gallos ab duci- 
 bus nostris, Q. Caepione et M. Manlio, male pugnatum ; 
 quo metu Italia omnis contremuerat. 11 IUique, et, inde 
 ad nostram memoriam, Romani sic habuere ; alia omnia 
 virtuti suae prona esse ; 12 cum Gallis pro salute, non 
 pro gloria certare. Sed, postquam bellum in Numidia 
 confectum, et 13 Jugurtham vinctum adduci Romam nun- 
 ciatum est, Marius consul 14 absens factus, et ei decreta 
 provincia Gallia : isque 15 Kalendis Januariis magna gloria 
 consul triumphavit. 16 Ea tempestate spes atque opes civi- 
 tatis in illo sitae. 
 
c. cms pi 
 
 SALLUSTII 
 
 BELLUM CATILINARIUM, 
 
m 
 
O. CRISPI 
 
 S ALLUSTII 
 
 BELLUM CATILINARIUM. 
 
 [ 3 0mn:s homines, qui sese student praestare ceteris 
 animalibus, summa ope niti decet vitam 2 silentio ne trans- 
 eant, veluti pecora, quae natura 3 prona, atque ventri obe- 
 dientia, finxit. Sed nostra omnis vis in animo et corpore 
 sita : 4 aniini imperio, corporis servitio, magis utimur : al- 
 teram nobis cum dis, alterum cum belluis commune est. 
 5 Quo mihi rectius videtur ingenii quam virium opibus 
 gloriam quaerere ; et, quoniam vita ipsa, qua fruimur, 
 brevis est, 6 memoriam nostri quam maxurae longam effi- 
 cere. Nam divitiarum et formae gloria fluxa atque fragi 
 lis ; virtus clara aetemaque 7 habetur. 8 Sed diu magnum 
 inter mortalis certamen fuit, vine corporis an virtute 
 animi, res militaris magis procederet. Nam et prius, 
 quam incipias, 9 consulto ; et, ubi consulueris, mature facto 
 opus est. Ita. utrumque, per se indigens, alterum alterius 
 auxilio eget. 
 
 II. Igitur initio reges (nam in terris nomen 10 imperii 
 id primum fuit) diversi, pars iugenium, alii corpus exer- 
 cebant : etiam turn vita hominum sine cupiditate agita- 
 batur ; sua cuique satis placebant. Postea vero quam 
 in Asia 11 Cvrus, in Graecia Lacedaemonii et Athenienses 
 coepere urbes atque nationes subigere, 12 lubidinem domi- 
 nandi caussam belli habere, maxumam gloriam in maxumo 
 imperio putare ; turn demum 13 periculo atque negotiis com- 
 
80 SA.LLUST1I CATILINA. 
 
 pertum est, in bello plurimum ingenium posse. 1 Quod si 
 regum atque imperatorum animi virtus in pace ita, uti in 
 bello, valeret, aequabilius atque constantius sese rea 
 humanae haberent ; neque 2 aliud alio ferri, neque mutari 
 ac misceri omnia cerneres. Nam imperium facile his 
 artibus retinetur, quibus initio partum est. Verum, ubi 
 3 pro labore desidia, pro continentia et aequitate lubido 
 atque superbia invasere, fortuna simul cum moribus im- 
 mutatur. Ita imperium semper ad 4 optumum quemque a 
 minus bono transfertur. Quae homines arant, navigant, 
 aedificant, virtuti omnia parent. Sed multi mortales, 
 dediti ventri atque somno, indocti incultique vitam, sicuti 
 5 peregrinantes, transegere; 6 quibus, profecto contra naturam, 
 corpus voluptati, anima oneri fuit. Eorum ego vitam 
 mortemque juxta aestumo, quoniam de utraque siletur. 
 Verum enim vero is demum mihi vivere atque 7 frui anima 
 videtur, qui, aliquo negotio intentus, praeclari facinoris, 
 aut artis bonae famam quaerit. Sed, 8 in magna copia 
 rerum, aliud alii natura iter ostendit. 
 
 III. Pulchrum est bene facere reipublicae : etiam 9 bene 
 dicere haud absurdum est. Vel pace, vel bello, clarum 
 fieri licet ; 10 et qui fecere, et qui facta aliorum scripsere, 
 multi laudantur. Ac mihi quidem, tamen etsi haud- 
 quaquam par gloria sequatur scriptorem et n auctorem 
 rerum, tamen in primis arduum videtur res gestas scri- 
 bere : primum, quod facta dictis sunt exaequanda : de- 
 hinc, quia plerique, quae delicta reprehenderis, malivo- 
 lentia et invidia 12 putant : 13 ubi de magna virtute et gloria 
 bonorum memores, quae sibi quisque facilia factu putat, 
 aequo animo accipit ; 14 supra ea, veluti ficta, pro falsis 
 ducit. Sed ego adolescentulus, initio, sicuti plerique, 
 15 studio ad rempublicam latus sum ; ibique mihi advorsa 
 multa fuere. Nam pro pudore, pro abstinentia, pro vir- 
 tute, audacia, largitio, avaritia, vigebant. Quae tametsi 
 animus aspernabatur a insolens malarum artium ; tamen, 
 inter tanta vitia, imbecilla aetas ambitione corrupta tene- 
 batur : ac me. cum ab 16 reliquorum malis moribus dissen- 
 
 ^■mi 
 
SALLTJSTII CATILINA. 81 
 
 tirem, nihilo minus honoris cupido eadem, quae ceteros 
 fama atque invidia vexabat. 
 
 IV. Igitur, ubi animus l ex multis miseriis atque pen 
 culis requievit, et mihi reliquam aetatem a republic a pro- 
 cul habendam decrevi, non fuit consilium, secordia atque 
 desidia 2 bonum otium conterere ; neque vero agrum co- 
 lendo, aut venando, servilibus officiis intentum, aetatem 
 agere : sed, a quo incepto 3 studio me ambitio mala deti- 
 Duerat, eodem regressus, statui res gestas populi Romani 
 4 carptim, ut quaeque memoria digna videbantur, perscri- 
 bere : eo magis, quod mihi a spe, metu, 5 ^artibus reipubli- 
 cae animus liber erat. Igitur de Catilinae conjuratione, 
 quam verissume potero, 6 paucis absolvam : nam id facinus 
 in primis ego memorabile existumo, sceleris atque periculi 
 novitate. De cujus hominis moribus pauca prius expla- 
 nanda sunt, quam initium narrandi faciam. 
 
 V. Lucius Catilina, 7 nobili genere natus, magna vx 
 et animi et corporis, 8 sed ingenio malo pravoque. Huic 
 ab adolescentia bella intestina, caedes, rapinae, discordia 
 civilis, grata fuere ; 9 ibique juventutem suam exercuit 
 Corpus 10 patiens mediae, vigiliae, algoris, supra quam 
 cuique credibile est: animus audax, subdolus, 11 varius, 
 cujus rei libet 12 simulator ac dissimulator : alieni appe - 
 tens, sui profusus, ardens in cupiditatibus : 13 satis loquen 
 tiae, sapientiae parum. l4 Vastus animus immoderata. 
 incredibilia, nimis alta semper cupiebat. Hunc, 35 pos*> 
 dominationem 16 Lucii Sullae, lubido maxuma invasera 1 
 17 reipublicae capiundae ; neque id quibus modis adseque 
 retur, dum sibi regnum pararet, quidquam pensi habebat 
 18 Agitabatur magis magisque in dies animus ferox, inopic 
 rei familiaris, et conscientia scelerum ; quae utraque his 
 artibus auxerat, quas supra memoravi. Incitabant prae 
 terea corrupti civitatis mores, quos pessuma ac diversa 
 inter se mala, luxuria atque avaritia, vexabant. 19 Res 
 ipsa hortari videtur, quoniam de moribus civitatis tempus 
 admonuit, supra repetere, ac, paucis, instituta majorum- 
 domi militiaeque ; quomodo rempublicam habuerint, quan- 
 
82 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 
 
 amque reliquerint ; ut, paullatim immutata, ex pulcher 
 aima, pessuma ac flagitiosissuma facta sit, disserere. 
 
 VI. Urbem Romam, 1 sicuti ego accepi, condidere 
 atque habuere initio 2 Trojani, qui, Aenea duce, profugi, 
 sedibus incertis vagabantur ; cumque his 3 Aborigines, 
 genus hominum agreste, sine legibus, 4 sine imperio, libe- 
 rum atque solutum. Hi postquam in una moenia conve- 
 ner e, 5 dispari genere, dissimili lingua, alius alio more 
 viventes ; incredibile memoratu est quam facile coalue- 
 rint. Sed, postquam 6 res eorum civibus, moribus, agris 
 aucta, satis prospera, satisque pollens videbatur ; sicuti 
 pleraque mortalium habentur, invidia ex opulentia orta est. 
 Igitur reges populique rmitimi bello 7 tentare : pauci ex 
 amicis auxilio esse ; nam ceteri, metu 8 perculsi, a pe- 
 riculis aberant. At Romani, domi militiaeque intend, 
 festinare, parare, alius alium hortari ; hostibus obviam ire ; 
 libertatem, patriam parentesque armis tegere : post, ubi 
 pericula virtute propulerant, sociis atque amicis auxilia 
 portabant ; magisque dandis quam accipiundis beneficiis, 
 amicitias parabant. 9 Imperium legitimum, nomen imperii 
 regium habebant : delecti, quibus corpus annis infirmum, 
 ingenium sapientia validum, reipublicae consultabant : hi, 
 10 vel aetate, vel curae similitudine, Patres appellabantur. 
 Post, ubi regium imperium, quod, initio, n conservandae 
 libertatis, atque augendae reipublicae fuerat, in superbiam 
 12 dominationemque 13 convertit ; immutato more, annua 
 imperia, binosque imperatores sibi fecere : eo modo 
 minume posse putabant per licentiam 14 insolescere animum 
 humanum. 
 
 VII. 15 Sed ea tempestate 16 coepere se quisque extol- 
 lere, magisque ingenium in promtu habere. Nam regi- 
 bus boni, quam mali, suspectiores sunt, semperque his 
 aliena virtus formidolosa est. Sed civitas, incredibile 
 memoratu est, 17 adepta libertate, quantum brevi creverit : 
 tanta cupido gloriae incesserat Jam primum juventus 
 18 simul laboris ac belli patiens erat, in castris 19 per usum 
 militiam discebat • magisque in decoris armis et militari- 
 
SAx^USTn CATILINA. 83 
 
 bus *quis, quam in scortis atque conviviis, lubidinem 
 habebant. Igitur talibus viris non 1 labos insolitus, non 
 locus ullus asper, aut arduus erat, non armatus hostis 
 formidolosus : virtus omnia domuerat. Sed gloriae maxu- 
 mum certamen inter ipsos erat : 2 sese quisque hostem 
 ferire, murum adscendere, conspici dum tale facinus 
 faceret, properabat : 3 eas divitias, earn bonam famam 
 magnamque nobilitatem putabant : laudis avidi, pecuniae 
 liberales erant : gloriam ingentem, divitias honestas vole- 
 bant. Memorare possem, quibus in locis maxumas hos- 
 tium copias populus Romanus parva manu fuderit, quas 
 urbes, natura muriitas, pugnando ceperit, 4 ni ea res Ion- 
 gius ab incepto traheret. 
 
 VIII. Sed profecto Fortuna in omni re dominatur ; ea 
 6 res cunctas, ex lubidine magis quam ex vero, celebrat 
 obscuratque. Atheniensium res gestae, sicuti ego aestu- 
 mo, satis amplae magnificaeque fuere ; verum aliquanto 
 minores tamen, quam fama feruntur. Sed, quia provenere 
 ibi 6 scriptorum magna ingenia, per t err arum orb em Athe- 
 niensium facta pro maxumis celebrantur. Ita eorum qui 
 fecere virtus tanta habetur, quantum verbis 7 eam potuere 
 extollere praeclara ingenia. At populo Romano nunquam 
 ea copia fuit : quia 8 prudentissumus quisque negotiosus 
 maxume erat ; ingenium nemo sine corpore exercebat ; 
 & optumus quisque facere, quam dicere ; sua ab aliis bene- 
 facta laudari, quam ipse aliorum narrare, malebat. 
 
 IX. 10 Igitur domi militiaeque boni mores colebantur ; 
 concordia maxuma, minuma avaritia erat ; jus bonumque 
 apud eos, non legibus magis quam natura, valebat, Ju?- 
 gia, discordias, simultates, cum hostibus exercebant : 
 cives cum civibus de virtute certabant : u in suppliciis 
 deorum magninci, domi parci, in amicos fideles erant. 
 Duabus his artibus, audacia in bello, 12 ubi pax evenerat, 
 aequitate, seque remque publicam curabant. Quarum 
 rerum ego maxuma documenta haec habeo ; 13 quod sae« 
 pius vindicatum est in eos, qui contra imperium in hostem 
 ougnav erant, quique tardius, revocati, bello excesserant, 
 
84 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 
 
 quam qui signa relinquere, aut, pulsi, loco cedere ausi 
 erant; in pace vero, quod benefices, quam metu, ^mpe- 
 rium agitabant, et, accepta injuria, ignoscere, quam per 
 sequi, malebant. 
 
 X. Sed, ubi 2 labore atque justitia respublica crevit 
 3 reges magni bello domiti, nationes ferae, et popu* 
 ingentes vi suhacti, 4 Carthago, aemula imperii Romani ; 
 ab stirpe interiit, cuncta maria terraeque patebant ; saevire 
 Fortuna, ac miscere omnia, coepit. Qui labores, pericula, 
 dubias atque asperas res facile toleraverant, iis otium, 
 divitiae 5 optandae aliis, oneri miseriaeque fuere. Igitur 
 primo pecuniae, deinde imperii cupido crevit: ea quasi 
 6 materies omnium malorum fuere. Namque avaritia fldem, 
 probitatem, ceterasque artis bonas subvertit ; pro his, 
 superbiam, crudelitatem, deos neglegere, omnia venalia 
 habere, edocuit : ambitio multos mcrtalis 7 falsos fieri 
 subegit; aliud clausum in pectore, aliud in lingua prom- 
 turn habere ; amicitias inimicitiasque, non 8 ex re, sed 
 ex commodo, aestumare ; magisque vultum, quam inge- 
 nium bonum habere. Haec primo paullatim crescere, 
 interdum 9 vindicari . l0 post, ubi, contagio quasi, pestilentia 
 invasit, civitas immutata ; imperium, ex justissumo atque 
 optumo, crudele intolerandumque factum. 
 
 XL Sed primo magis ambitio, quam avaritia, animos 
 hominum exercebat : quod tamen vitium n propius virtu- 
 tem erat. Nam gloriam, honorem, imperium, a2 bonus, 
 ignavus, aeque sibi exoptant : sed ille vera via nititur ; 
 huic quia bonae artes desunt, dolis atque fallaciis con- 
 lendit. Avaritia pecuniae 13 studium habet, quam nemo 
 sapiens concupivit : ea, quasi 14 venenis malis imbuta, 
 corpus animumque virilem effeminat : semper infinita, 
 insatiabilis, 15 neque copia, neque inopia, minuitur. Sed, 
 postquam L. Sulla, armis 16 recepta republica, ex bonis 
 initiis malos eventus habuit ; rapere omnes, trahere, 
 domum alius, alius agros cupere ; 17 neque modum, neque 
 modestiam victores habere, foeda crudeliaque in civibus 
 facinora facere. Hue accedebat, quod L. Sulla exercitum 
 
8ALLUSTII CATILINA. 83 
 
 quern in Asia ductaverat, quo sibi fidum faceret, contr? 
 morem majo/um, luxuriose nimisque liberaliter habuerat ; 
 loca ^moena, voluptaria, facile in otio ferocis militum 
 anim/:s molliverant. Ibi piimum insuevit exercitus populi 
 Romani amare, potare ; signa, tabulas pictas, vasa caelata 
 mirari , ea 2 privatim ac publice rapere ; delubra spoliare ; 
 sacra profanaque omnia polluere. Igitur hi milites, post- 
 quam victoriam adepti sunt, nihil reliqui victis fecere. 
 Quippe secundae res sapientium animos 3 fatigant : ne illi, 
 corruptis moribus, victoriae temperarent. 
 
 XII. Postquam divitiae honori coepere, et eas gloria, 
 imperium, potentia sequebatur ; hebescere virtus, pau- 
 pertas probro haberi, 4 innocentia pro malivolentia duci 
 coepit. Igitur, ex divitiis, juventutem luxuria atque ava- 
 ritia, cum superbia, invasere : 5 rapere, consumere ; sua 
 parvi pendere, aliena cupere ; 6 pudorem, pudicitiam, di« 
 vina atque humana promiscua, nihil pensi atque moderati 
 nabere. Operae pretium est, quum domos atque villas 
 cognoveris in urbium modum exaedificatas, visere templa 
 deorum, quae nostri majores, religiosissumi mortales, 
 fecere. 7 Verum illi delubra deorum pietate, domos sua 
 gloria decorabant ; neque victis quidquam, 8 praeter inju- 
 riae licentiam, eripiebant. At hi contra, ignavissumi 
 homines, per sumraura scelus, omnia ea sociis adimere. 
 quae fortissumi viri 9 victores rehquerant : proinde quasi 
 injuriam facere, id demum esset imperio uti. 
 
 XIII. Nam quid ea memorem, quae, nisi iis qui videre, 
 nemini credibilia sunt : a privatis compluribus subversos 
 montes, maria 10 constructa esse : quibus mihi videntm 
 ludibrio fuisse divitiae ; quippe, quas honeste habere 
 licebat, abuti per n turpidinem properabant. Sed lubidc 
 ganeae, ceterique 12 cultus, non minor incesserat : vescendi 
 caussa, terra marique omnia exquirere ; dormire prius. 
 quam somni cupido esset ; non famem, aut sitim neque 
 frigus, neque lassitudinem opperiri, sed ea omnia 13 luxu 
 antecapere. Haec juventutem, ubi famihaies opes 
 defecerant, ad facinora incendebant. u Animus imbutus 
 
 10 
 
86 bALLUSTH CATILINA. 
 
 malis artibus Inud facile lubidinibus carebat : eo pro- 
 fusius omnibus modis quaestui atque sumtui deditus erat. 
 
 XIV. 1 In tanta tamque corrupta civitate, Catilina, id 
 quod factu facillumum erat, omnium 2 flagitiorum atque 
 facinorum circum se, tamquam stipatorum, catervas habe- 
 bat. Nam, quicumque impudicus, adulter, bona patria 
 laceraverat ; quique alienum aes grande conflaverat, 3 quo 
 flagitium aut facinus redimeret ; praeterea, omnes undi- 
 que parricidae, sacrilegi, 4 convicti judiciis, aut pro factis 
 judicium timentes ; ad hoc, 5 quos manus atque lingua per- 
 jurio aut sanguine civili alebat ; postremo, omnes quos 
 flagitium, egestas, conscius animus exagitabat ; ii Catili- 
 nae 6 proxumi familiaresque erant. Quod si quis etiam a 
 culpa vacuus in amicitiam ejus 7 inciderat, quotidiano usu 
 atque illecebris facile 8 par similisque ceteris efiiciebatur. 
 Sed maxume adolescentium familiaritates adpetebat : 
 eorum animi molles et 9 aetate fluxi, doHs haud difficulter 
 capiebantur. Nam, uti cujusque studium ex aetate flagra- 
 bat, aliis scorta praebere ; aliis canes atque equos mer- 
 cari ; postremo, neque sumtui, neque 10 modestiae suae 
 parcere, dum illos n obnoxios fidosque faceret. 
 
 XV. Jam primum adolescens Catilina multa nefanda 
 stupra fecerat ; 12 cum virgine nobili, cum 13 sacerdote Ves- 
 tae, alia hujuscemodi contra 14 jus fasque. Postremo, 
 captus amore 15 Aureliae Orestillae, cujus, praeter formam, 
 nihil unquam bonus laudavit ; quod ea 16 nubere illi dubi- 
 tabat, timens 17 privignum adulta aetate ; pro certo credi- 
 tur, 18 necato flrio, 19 vacuam domum scelestis nuptiis 
 fecisse. Quae quidem res mihi in primis videtur caussa 
 fuisse facinoris maturandi. Namque animus impurus, 
 20 dis hominibusque infestus, neque vigiliis, neque quieti- 
 bus sedari poterat ; 21 ita conscientia mentem excitam 
 vastabat. Igitur 22 colos exsanguis, foedi oculi, citus 
 modo, modo tardus incessus ; prorsus in facie vultuque 
 vecordia inerat. 
 
 XYI. 23 Sed juventutem, quam, ut supra diximus, 
 Uexerat, multis modis mala facinora edocebat. Ex illis 
 
 ■IMH 
 
SALLUSTII CATILINA. 87 
 
 testes signatoresque falsos commodare ; 2 fidem, fortunas, 
 pericula vilia habere ; post, 3 ubi eorum famam atque pu- 
 dorem attriverat, majora alia imperabat : si caussa pec- 
 candi in praesens minus suppetebat ; nihilo minus 4 inson- 
 te3, sicuti sontes, circumvenire, jugulare : scilicet, ne per 
 otium torpescerent 5 manus aut animus, gratuito potius 
 malus atque crudelis erat, His amicis sociisque confisus 
 Catilina, simul 6 quod aes alienum per omnis terras ingens 
 erat, et quod plerique Sullani milites, largius suo usi, 
 T rapinarum et victoriae veteris memores, civile bellum 
 exoptabant ; opprimundae reipublicae consilium cepit. 
 In Italia nullus exercitus : Cn. Pompeius in extremis 
 s terris bellum gerebat : ipsi 9 consulatum petundi magna 
 spes : 10 senatus nihil sane intentus : tutae tranquillaeque 
 res omnes : sed ea prorsus opportuna Catilinae. 
 
 XVII. Igitur circiter 1] Kalendas Junias, 12 L. Caesare 
 et C. Figulo consulibus, primo singulos adpellare : hor- 
 tari alios, alios tentare : opes suas, imparatam rempublicam, 
 magna praemia conjurationis docere. Dbi satis explorata 
 sunt, quae voluit, in unum omnis convocat. quibus maxu- 
 ma necessitudo, et plurimum audaciae. Eo conveneie, 
 senatorii ordinis, P. Lentulus Sura, P. Autronius, L 
 Cassius Longinus, C. Cethegus, P. et Servius Sullae, 
 Servii filii, L. Vargunteius, Q. Annius, M. Porcius 
 Laeca, L. Bestia, Q. Curius : praeterea ' ex equestri 
 ordine, M. Fulvius Xobilior, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius 
 Capito, C. Cornelius : ad hoc multi ex 13 coloniis et mu- 
 nicipiis, u domi nobiles. Erant praeterea complures paullo 
 occultius consilii hujusce participes 15 nobiles, quos magis 
 dominationis spes hortabatur, quam inopia. aut alia neces- 
 situdo. Ceterum juventus pleraque, sed maxume no- 
 bilium, Catilinae inceptis favebat. Quibus in otio vel 
 magnifice, vel molliter 16 vivere copia erat, incerta pro 
 certis, bellum, quam pacem, malebant. Fuere item ea 
 tempestate, qui crederent 17 M. Licinium Crassum non 
 ignarum ejus consilii fuisse ; quia Cn. Pompeius, invisus 
 ipsi, magnum exercitum ductabat, cujusvis opes voluisse 
 
88 8ALLUSTII CATILINA. 
 
 contra illius potentiam crescere ; simul confisum, si con 
 juratio valuisset, facile apud illos principem se fore. 
 
 XVIII. Sed a antea item conjuravere pauci contra rem- 
 publicam, in quibus Catilina ; de qua, quam verissume 
 potero dicam. 2 L. Tullo, M. Lepido consulibus, P. Au- 
 tronius et P. Sulla, 3 legibus ambitus interrogati, 4 poenas 
 dederant. Post paullo Catilina, 5 pecuniarum repetun- 
 darum reus, prohibitus erat consulatum petere, 6 quod 
 intra legitimos dies profiteri nequiverit. Erat eodem 
 tempore 7 Cn. Piso, adolescens nobilis, summae audaciae, 
 egens, factiosus, quern ad perturbandum rempublicam ino- 
 pia atque mali mores stimulabant. Cum hoc, Catilina et 
 8 Autronius, consilio communicato, parabant in 9 Capitolio, 
 -°Kalendis Januariis, n L. Cottam et L. Torquatum con- 
 sules interficere ; 12 ipsi, 13 fascibus correptis, Pisonem cum 
 exercitu ad obtinendas duas 14 Hispanias mittere. 15 Ea re 
 cognita, rursus in Nonas Februarias consilium caedis 
 transtulerant. Jam turn non consulibus modo, sed pie- 
 risque senatoribus perniciem macliinabantur. 16 Quod ni 
 Catilina maturasset pro curia signum sociis dare, eo die 
 post conditam urbem Romanam, pessumum facinus patra 
 turn foret. Quia nondum frequentes armati convenerant 
 ea res 17 consilium diremit. 
 
 XIX. Postea Piso in citeriorem Hispaniam 18 quaestor 
 pro praetore missus est, adnitente Crasso, quod eum 
 19 infestum inimicum 20 Cn. Pompeio cognoverat. Neque 
 tamen senatus provinciam invitus dederat : quippe foedum 
 liominem a republic a procul 21 esse volebat : simul, quia 
 boni 22 quam plures praesidium in eo putabant : et jam 
 turn potentia Cn. Pompeii formidolosa erat. Sed is Piso, 
 23 in provincia ab equitibus Hispanis, quos in exercitu 
 ductabat, iter faciens occisus est. 24 Sunt qui ita dicant, 
 imperia ejus injusta, superba, crudelia, barbaros nequi- 
 visse pati : alii autem, equites illos, 25 Cn. Pompeii 
 veteres fidosque clientes, voluntate ejus Pisonem 26 adgres- 
 sos ; numquam Hispanos 27 praeterea tale facinus fecisse 
 sed imperia saeva multa antea perpessos Nos earn 
 
 MHH 
 
SALLUSTII CATILINA. 89 
 
 rem in medio relinquemus. De superiore coniurauone 
 satis dictum. 
 
 XX. Catilixa ubi eos, quos paullo ante memoravi. 
 conrenisse videt ; tametsi cum singulis multa saepe 
 egerat, tamen 1 in rem fore credens universos adpellare 
 et cohortari, in abditam partem 2 aedium secedit ; atque 
 ibi, omnibus 3 arbitris procul amotis, orationem hujusce- 
 modi habuit. " Ni virtus fidesque vestra spectata mihi 
 forent, nequidquam opportuna res cecidisset ; spes magna, 
 dominatio, in manibus frustra fuissent : 4 neque ego per 
 Lgnaviam, aut vana ingenia, incerta pro certis captarem. 
 Sed, quia multis et magnis 5 tempestatibus tos cognovi 
 fortes fldosque mihi, eo animus ausus maxumum atque 
 pulcherrumum facinus incipere : simul, 6 quia vobis eadem, 
 quae mihi, bona malaque intellexi ; 7 nam idem velle 
 atque nolle, ea demum flrma amicitia est. Sed, ego 
 quae mente agitavi, omnes jam antea 8 dirersi audistis. 
 Ceterum mihi in dies magis animus accenditur, cum con- 
 sidero, quae conditio vitae futura sit, nisi nosmet ipsi 
 vindicamus in libertatem. Nam, postquam respublica in 
 paucorum jus atque ditionem Concessit, semper illis 
 reges, 10 tetrarchae il vectigales esse ; 12 populi, nationes 
 stipendia pendere ; ceteri omnes, strenui, boni, nobiles 
 atque ignobiles, vulgus fuimus, sine gratia, sine auctori- 
 tate, 13 his obnoxii, quibus, si respublica valeret, formidini 
 essemus. Itaque omnis gratia, potentia, honos, divitiae 
 apud illos sunt, aut ubi illi volunt : u repuisas nobis reli- 
 quere, pericula, judicia, egestatem. Quae quousque tan- 
 dem patiemini, fortissumi riri ? Nonne emori per virtu- 
 tem praestat, quam vitam miseram atque inhonestam, ubi 
 alienae superbiae ludibrio fueris, per dedecus amittere ? 
 15 Yerum enim vero, pro deum atque hominum fidem ' 
 victoria nobis in manu : 16 viget aetas, animus valet : 
 contra illis, annis atque divitiis, omnia consenuerunt. 
 Tantum modo incepto opus est : 17 cetera res expediet. 
 Etenim quis mortalium, cui virile ingenium. tolerare potest, 
 illis divitias superare, quas profundant 18 in extruendo 
 
 10* 
 
90 SALLTJST1I CATILINA. 
 
 mari et montibus coaequandis ; nobis rem familiarem 
 etiam ad necessaiia deesse ? 1 illos binas, aut amplius, 
 domos continuare ; nobis 2 larem familiarem nusquam ullum 
 esse 1 Cum tabulas, signa, 3 toreumata emunt ; 4 nova 
 diruunt, alia aedificant, postremo omnibus modis pecuniam 
 5 trahunt, vexant : tamen 6 summa lubidine divitias vine ere 
 nequeunt. At nobis domi inopia, foris aes alienum ; 
 7 mala res, spes multo asperior : denique, quid reliqui 
 habemus, praeter miseram animam ? Quin igitur exper- 
 giscimini ? En ilia, ilia, quam saepe optastis, libertas, 
 praeterea divitiae, decus, gloria, in oculis sita sunt ! for- 
 tuna omnia victoribus praemia posuit. Res, tempus, 
 pericula, egestas, belli spolia magnifica magis, quam ora- 
 tio, hortentur. Yel imperatore, vel milite me utimini . 
 neque animus, neque corpus a vobis aberit. Haec ipsa, 
 ut spero, vobiscum consul agam ; nisi forte animus fallit, 
 et vos servire, quam imperare, parati estis." 
 
 XXL Postquam accepere ea homines, 8 quibus mala 
 abunde omnia erant, sed neque res, neque spes bona 
 ulla ; tamen etsi illis 9 quieta movere, magna merces 
 videbatur, tamen postulare plerique, uti proponeret, 10 quae 
 conditio belli foret ; quae praemia armis peterent ; n quid 
 ubique opis aut spei haberent. Turn Catilina polliceri 
 12 tabulas novas, 13 proscriptionem locupletium, magistratus, 
 sacerdotia, rapinas, alia omnia quae 14 bellum atque lubido 
 victorum fert. Praeterea esse in Hispania citeriore Piso- 
 nem, in Mauritania cum exercitu 15 P. Sittium Nucerinum, 
 consilii sui participes : petere consulatum 16 C. Antonium, 
 quern sibi collegam fore speraret, hominem et familiarem, 
 et 17 omnibus necessitudinibus circumventum : 18 cum eo 
 consulem initium agendi facturum. Ad hoc, 19 maledictis 
 increpat omnis bonos : suorum unumquemque nominans 
 laudare : admonebat alium egestatis, alium cupiditatis 
 suae, complures periculi aut ignominiae, multos victoriae 
 Sullanae, quibus ea praedae fuerat. Postquam omnium 
 animos alacris videt ; cohortatus, ut 20 petitionem suam 
 *urae haberent, conventum dimisit. 
 
SALLUSTII CATILIXA. 91 
 
 XXII. Fuere ea tempestate, qui dicerent, Catilinam, 
 oratione habita, cum ad jusjurandum popularis sceleris 
 sui adigeret, ^umani corporis sanguinem, vino permix- 
 tum, in pateris circumtulisse ; 2 inde cum post exsecra- 
 tionem omnes degustavissent, sicuti in solemnibus sacris 
 fieri consuevit, aperuisse consilium suum, 3 atque eo, dicti- 
 tare, fecisse, quo inter se fidi magis forent, 4 alius alii 
 tanti facinoris conscii. Nonnulli ficta haec, multa prae- 
 terea, existumabant, ab iis, qui 5 Ciceronis invidiam, quae 
 postea orta est, leniri credebant atrocitate sceleris eorum, 
 qui poenas dederant. Nobis ea res 6 pro magnitudine 
 parum comperta est. 
 
 XXIII. Sed in ea conventione fuit Q. Curius, natus 
 haud obscuro loco, flagitiis atque facinoribus coopertus ; 
 quern censores senatu, probri gratia, 7 amoverant. Huic 
 homini non minor 8 vanitas, quam audacia : neque reti- 
 cere, quae audierat, neque suamet ipse scelera occultare : 
 9 prorsus neque dicere, neque facere, quidquam pensi ha- 
 bebat. Erat ei cum Fulvia, muliere nobili, 10 vetus con- 
 suetudo : cui cum minus gratus esset, quia inopia minus 
 largiri poterat, repente glorians n maria montesque polli- 
 ceri coepit ; minari interdum ferro, nisi 12 obnoxia foret ; 
 postremo ferocius agitare, quam solitus erat. At Fulvia, 
 13 insolentiae Curii caussa cognita, tale periculum reipub- 
 licae haud occultum habuit ; sed, 14 sublato auctore, de 
 Catilinae conjuratione quae quoque modo audierat, com- 
 pluribus narravit. Ea res imprimis studia hominum ac- 
 cendit ad consulatum mandandum 15 M. Tullio Ciceroni. 
 Namque antea 16 pleraque nobilitas invidia aestuabat, et 
 quasi pollui consulatum 17 credebant, si eum, quam vis 
 egregius, 18 homo novus adeptus foret. Sed, ubi periculum 
 advenit, invidia atque superbia 19 postfuere. 
 
 XXIV. Igitur, comitiis habitis, consules declarantur 
 M. Tullius et C. Antonius ; quod factum primo 20 popularis 
 conjurationis concusserat. Neque tamen Catilinae furor 
 minuebatur : sed in dies plura agitare ; arma per Italiam 
 locis opportunis parare ; pecuniam, sua aut amicorum 
 
92 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 
 
 fide 1 sumtam mutuam, Faesulas ad 2 Manlium quemdam 
 portare, qui postea 3 princeps fuit belli faciundi. Ea tem- 
 pestate plurimos cujusque generis homines 4 adscivisse 
 dicitur : mulieres etiam aliquot, 5 quae, ubi aetas tantum- 
 modo quaestui, neque luxuriae, modum fecerat, aes 
 alienum grande conflaverant : per eas se Catilina crede- 
 bat posse 6 servitia urbana sollicitare, urbem incendere, 
 viros earum vel adjungere sibi, vel interficere. 
 
 XXV. Sed in his erat 7 Sempronia, quae multa saepe 
 8 virilis audaciae facinora commiserat. Haec mulier 
 genere atque forma, praeterea 9 viro, liberis satis fortu- 
 nata ; litteris Graecis atque Latinis docta ; 10 psallere, sal- 
 tare n elegantius, quam necesse est probae ; multa alia, 
 quae 12 instrumenta luxuriae. Sed ei cariora semper 
 omnia, quam decus atque pudicitia fuit : pecuniae an 
 famae minus parceret, haud facile decerneres. Sed ea 
 saepe antehac fidem prodiderat, 13 creditum abjuraverat, 
 caedis conscia fuerat, luxuria atque inopia praeceps abie 
 rat. 14 Verum ingenium ejus haud absurdum : posse ver- 
 sus facere, jocum movere, sermone uti vel modesto, vel 
 molli, vel procaci : prorsus multae 15 facetiae multusque 
 lepos inerat. 
 
 XXVI. His rebus comparatis, Catilina nihilo minus in 
 proxumum annum consulatum petebat ; sperans, si ^de- 
 signates foret, facile se ex voluntate Antonio usurum. 
 Neque interea quietus erat, sed omnibus modis insidias 
 parabat Ciceroni. Neque illi tamen ad cavendum 17 dolus, 
 aut astutiae deerant. Namque, a principio consulates sui, 
 multa 18 pollicendo per Fulviam, effecerat, ut Q. Curius, 
 de quo paullo ante memoravi, consilia Catilinae sibi 
 proderet. Ad hoc, collegam suum Antonium 19 pac- 
 tione provinciae perpulerat, 20 ne contra rempublicam 
 sentiret ; circum se praesidia amicorum atque 21 clientium 
 occulte habebat. Postquam dies 22 comitioru| venit, 
 et Catilinae neque petitio, neque insidiaf quas 
 23 consulibus in campo fecerat, prospere cessere ; 
 constiteit bellum facere, et extrema omnia experiri. 
 
SALLUSTII CATILINA. 93 
 
 quoniam quae occulte tentaverat, a aspera foedaque eve- 
 nerant. 
 
 XXVII. Igitur C. Manlium Faesulas atque in earn 
 partem Etruriae, Septimium quemdam, Camertem, in 
 agrum Picenum, 2 C. Julium in Apuliam dimisit ; prae- 
 terea alium alio, 3 quem ubique opportunum credebat. In- 
 terea Romae multa simul moliri : consuli insidias tendere, 
 parare incendia, opportuna loca armatis hominibus 4 obsi- 
 dere : ipse 5 cum telo esse, 6 item alios jubere : hortari, 
 uti semper intenti paratique essent : dies noctesque 7 fes- 
 tinare, vigilare, neque insomniis neque labore fatigari. 
 Postremo, ubi multa agitanti nihil procedit, rursus 8 intem- 
 pesta nocte conjurationis principes convocat per 9 M. 
 Porcium Laecam : ibique, multa de ignavia eorum ques- 
 tus, docet, " se Manlium praemisisse ad earn multitudinem, 
 quam ad capiunda anna paraverat ; item alios in alia 
 loca opportuna, qui initium belli facerent ; seque ad exer- 
 citum proficisci cupere, si prius Ciceronem oppressisset : 
 eum suis consiliis multum obficere." 
 
 XXVIII. Igitur, perterritis ac dubitantibus ceteris, 
 10 C. Cornelius, eques Romanus, operam suam pollicitus, 
 et cum eo L. Vargunteius, senator, constituere ]1 ea nocte 
 paullo post, cum armatis hominibus, 12 sicuti salutatum, 
 introire ad Ciceronem, ac de improviso domi suae im- 
 paratum confodere. Curius, ubi 13 intellegit quantum 
 periculi consuli impendeat, propere per Fulviam, dolum 
 qui parabatur enunciat. Ita illi, janua prohibit], tantum 
 facinus frustra susceperant. Interea Manlius in Etruria 
 plebem sollicitare, egestate simul, ac dolore injuriae. 
 novarum rerum cupidam, quod, Sullae dominatione, agros 
 bonaque omnia amiserat ; praeterea 14 latrones cujusque 
 generis, quorum in ea regione magna copia erat ; nonnul- 
 los ex 15 Sullanis colonis, quibus lubido atque luxuria ex 
 magnis rapinis nihil reliqui fecerant. 
 
 XXIX. Ea cum Ciceroni nunciarentur, 16 ancipiti malo 
 permotus, quod neque urbem ab insidiis 17 privato consiho 
 longius rueri poterat, neque exercitus Manlii quantus, aut 
 
94 SALLUSTII CA fLINA. 
 
 quo consilio foret, satis compertum habebat, 1 rem ad 
 senatum refert, jam ante a 2 volgi rumoribus exagitatam. 
 Itaque, quod plerumque 3 in atroci negotio solet, senatus 
 decrevit, darent operam consules, ne quid respubli- 
 ca d-etrimenti caperet. 4 Ea potestas per senatum, 
 more Romano, magistratui maxuma permittitur ; exercitum 
 parare, bellum gerere, coercere omnibus modis socios 
 atque civis ; domi militiaeque >5 imperium atque judicium 
 summum habere : aliter, sine populi jussu, 6 nulli earum 
 rerum consuli jus est. 
 
 XXX. Post paucos dies, L. Saenius, senator, in senatu 
 litteras 7 recitavit, quas Faesulis adlatas sibi dicebat ; in 
 quibus scriptum erat, C. Manlium arma cepisse, cum 
 magna multitudine, 8 ante diem sextum Kalendas Novem- 
 bris. Simul, id quod in tali re solet, alii portenta atque 
 prodigia nunciabant ; alii conventus 9 fieri, arma portari, 
 Capuae atque in Apulia servile bellum moveri Igitur, 
 senati decreto, 10 Q. Marcius Rex Faesulas, Q. Metellus 
 Creticus in Apuliam n circumque loca, missi : ii utriqufc 
 12 ad urbem imperatores erant ; impediti, ne triumpharent, 
 13 calumnia paucorum, quibus omnia honesta atque inho- 
 nesta vendere mos erat. 14 Sed praetores, Q. Pompeius 
 Rufus Capuam, Q. Metellus Celer in agrum Picenum ; 
 iisque 15 permissum, " uti 16 pro tempore atque periculo 
 exercitum compararent." Ad hoc, " si quis indicavisset 
 de conjuratione, quae contra rem publicam facta erat, 
 praemium servo libertatem et 17 sestertia centum; libero 
 impunitatem ejus rei, et sestertia ducenta ;" itemque, " uti 
 18 gladiatoriae familiae Capuam et in cetera municipia 
 distribuerentur, pro cujusque opibus : Romae per totam 
 urbem vigiliae haberentur, iisque 19 minores magistratus 
 praeessent." 
 
 XXXI. Quibus rebus permota civitas, atque immutata 
 iirbis facies : ex summa laetitia atque 20 lascivia, quae 
 21 diuturna quies pepererat, repente omnis tristitia invasit ■ 
 festinare, trepidare ; neque loco, nee homini cuiquam satis 
 credere ; neque bellum gerere, neque pacem habere ; suo 
 
SALLUSTII CATILINA. 95 
 
 quisque metu pericula metiri. Ad hoc, mulieres, quibua, 
 reipublicae magnitudine, belli timor insolitus, 1 adflictare 
 sese ; manus supplices ad coelum tendere ; miserari 
 parvos liberos ; 2 rogitare ; omnia pavere ; superbia atque 
 deliciis omissis, sibi patriaeque diffidere. At Catilinae 
 crudelis animus eadem ilia movebat, 3 tamen etsi praesidia 
 parabantur, et ipse 4 lege Plautia interrogatus ab L. 
 Paullo. 5 Postremo, dissimulandi caussa, atque sui ex- 
 purgandi, sicuti 6 jurgio lacessitus foret, 7 in senatum venit. 
 Turn M. Tullius consul, sive 8 praesentiam ejus timens, 
 seu ira commotus, 9 orationem habuit luculentam atque 
 utilem reipublicae ; 10 quam postea scriptam edidit. Sed, 
 ubi ille 11 adsedit, Catilina, ut erat paratus ad dissimu- 
 landa omnia, demisso voltu, voce supplici postulare, 
 " Patres conscripti ne quid de se temere crederent . ea 
 familia ortum, ita ab adolescentia vitam instituisse, 12 ut 
 omnia bona in spe haberet : ne aestumarent, sibi patricio 
 homini, 13 cujus ipsius atque majorum plurima beneficia 
 in plebem Romanam essent, perdita republica opus esse, 
 cum earn servaret M. Tullius, 14 inquilinus civis urbis 
 Romae." Ad hoc maledicta alia cum adderet, obstrepere 
 omnes, hostem atque 15 parricidam vocare. Turn ille furi- 
 bundus : " Quoniam quidem circumventus," inquit, " ab 
 inimicis praeceps agor, 16 incendium meum ruina restin- 
 guam." 
 
 XXXII. Dein se ex curia domum proripuit ; ibi multa 
 secum ipse volvens ; quod neque 17 insidiae consuli pro- 
 cedebant, et ab incendio intellegebat urbem vigiliis mu- 
 nitam, 18 optumum factum credens, exercitum augere, ac 
 prius, quam 19 legiones scriberentur, antecapere quae bello 
 usui forent ; 20 nocte intempesta 21 cum paucis in Manliana 
 castra profectus est. Sed Cethego atque Lentulo, cete- 
 risque quorum cognoverat promtam audaciam, mandat, 
 quibus rebus possent, opes factionis confirment, insidias 
 consuli maturent, caedem, incendia, aliaque belli facinora 
 parent : sese 22 prope diem cum magno exercitu ad urbeni 
 accessurum. Dum haec Romae geruntur, C. Manliu? 
 
*6 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 
 
 ex suo numero ad Marcium Regem mittit, 2 cum man- 
 latis hujuscemodi. 
 
 XXXIII. " Deos hominesque testamur, imperator, nos 
 arma neque contra patriam cepisse, neque quo periculum 
 'homini faceremus, sed uti corpora nostra ab injuria tuta 
 forent ; qui miseri, egentes, violentia atque crudelitate 
 foeneratorum, 4 plerique patriae, sed omnes fama atque 
 fortunis, expertes sumus : neque cuiquam nostrum licuit, 
 more majorum, 5 lege uti, neque, amisso patrimonio, 6 libe- 
 rum corpus habere ; tanta saevitia foeneratorum atque 
 7 praetoris fuit. Saepe 8 majores vestrum, miseriti plebis 
 Romanae, decretis suis 9 inopiae opitulati sunt : ac novis- 
 sume, memoria nostra, propter magnitudinem aeris alieni, 
 volentibus omnibus bonis, 10 argentum aere solutum est. 
 Saepe ipsa plebes, aut dominandi studio permota, aut 
 superbia magistratuum, armata a patribus n secessi£. At 
 nos non imperium neque divitias petimus, quarum rerum 
 caussa bella atque certamina omnia inter mortalis sunt : 
 sed libertatem, quam 12 nemo bonus, nisi cum anima simul, 
 13 amittit. Te atque senatum obtestamur, consulatis mise- 
 ris civibus ; legis praesidium, quod iniquitas praetoris 
 eripuit, restituatis : neve earn necessitudinem imponatis, 
 ut quaeramus, 14 quonam modo ulti maxume sanguinem 
 nostrum pereamus." 
 
 XXXIV. Ad haec Q. 15 Marcius : * Si quid ab senatu 
 petere vellent, ab armis discedant, Romam supplices 
 proficiscantur ; ea mansuetudine atque misericordia sena- 
 tum populumque Romanum semper fuisse, ut nemo um- 
 quam ab eo frustra auxilium petiverit." At Catilina ex 
 itinere plerisque consularibus, praeterea 16 optumo cuique, 
 litteras mittit : " se falsis criminibus circumventum, 
 quoniam factioni inimicorum resistere nequiverit, fortunae 
 cedere, Massiliam m exilium proficisci ; 17 non quo sibi tanti 
 sceleris conscius ; sed uti respublica quieta foret, neve 18 ex 
 sua contentione seditio oriretur." Ab his longe diversas lit- 
 teras Q. Catulus in senatu recitavit, quas sibi nomine Catili 
 nae redditas dicebat : 19 earum exemplum infra 3criptum. 
 
SALLUSTII CATILINA. 97 
 
 XXXV. L. Catilina l Q. Catulo S. 2 Egregia tua 
 fides, re cognita, gratam in magnis periculis nduciam 
 commendationi meae tribuit. 3 Quamobrem defensionem 
 in novo consilio non statui parare ; satisfactionem ex 
 nulla conscientia de culpa proponere decrevi, 4 quam, 5 me 
 dius rldius, veram licet cognoscas. Injuriis contumeliis- 
 que concitatus, quod, 6 fructu laboris industriaeque meae 
 privatus, 7 statum dignitatis non obtinebam, publicam mise- , 
 rorum causam pro mea consuetudine suscepi : non quin 
 aes alienum 8 meis ncminibus ex possessionibus solvere 
 possem, cum alienis nominibus liberalitas Orestillae, suis 
 filiaeque copiis, persolveret : sed quod 9 non dignos homi- 
 nes honore honestatos videbam, meque 10 falsa suspicione 
 alienatum sentiebam. n Hoc nomine satis honestas, pro 
 meo casu, spes reliquae dignitatis conservandae sum 
 secutus. Plura cum scribere vellem, nunciatum est, vim 
 mihi parari. Nunc Orestillam commendo, tuaeque fidei 
 trado : 12 eam ab injuria defendas, per liberos tuos roga 
 tus. 13 Haveto." 
 
 XXXYI. Sed ipse, paucos dies commoratus apud C 
 Flaminium Flammam u in agro Arretino, dum vicinitatem ; 
 antea sollicitatam, armis exornat, cum fascibus atque 
 aliis imperii insignibus in castra ad Manlium contendit 
 Haec ubi Romae comperta ; senatus " Catilinam et Man- 
 lium hostes judicat ; ceterae multitudini diem statuit, ante 
 quam 15 sine fraude liceret ab armis discedere, 16 praetei 
 rerum capitalium condemnatis." Praeterea decernit, " uti 
 consules dilectum habeant ; Antonius cum exercitu Cati- 
 linam persequi maturet ; Cicero urbi praesidio sit. w 
 Ea tempestate mini imperium populi Romani mult/3 
 maxume miserabile visum : cui cum, ad occasum ab ortu 
 solis, omnia domita armis paterent ; domi otium atque 
 divitiae, quae prima mortales putant, adtluerent ; fuere 
 tamen cives qui seque remque publicam obstinatis animis 
 perditum irent. Namque, 17 duobus senati decretis, ex 
 tanta multitudine, neque praemio inductus conjurationem 
 patefecerat, neque ex castris Catilinae quisquam omnium 
 
 11 
 
98 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 
 
 discesserat : Uanta vis morbi, uti tabes, plerosque civium 
 animos invaserat. 
 
 XXXVII. Neque solum illis 2 aiiena mens erat, qui 
 conscii conjurationis ; sed omnino cuncta plebes, novarum 
 rerum studio, Catilinae incepta probabat. Id adeo more 
 suo videbatur facere. Nam semper in civitate, 3 quis ope3 
 nullae sunt, bonis invident, malos extollunt ; Vetera odere, 
 nova exoptant ; odio suarum rerum mutari omnia student ; 
 4 turba atque seditionibus sine cura aluntur, quoniam 
 egestas facile habetur sine damno. Sed urbana 5 plebes, 
 ea vero praeceps ierat multis de caussis. 6 Primum omni- 
 um, qui ubique probro atque petulantia maxume praesta- 
 bant ; item alii 7 per dedecora patrimoniis amissis ; pos- 
 tremo omnes quos flagitium aut faeinus domo expulerat * 
 ii Romam, 8 sicuti in sentinam, confluxerant. Deinde, 
 multi memores Sullanae victoriae, quod ex gregariis 
 militibus alios senatores videbant, alios ita divites, uti 
 9 regio victu atque cultu aetatem agerent, sibi quisque, 
 si in armis forent, ex victoria talia sperabant. Praeterea, 
 inventus, quae in agris, manuum mercede, inopiam tole- 
 raverat, 10 privatis atque publicis largitionibus excita, ur- 
 banum otium ingrato labori praetulerant. Eos atque alios 
 omnis malum publicum alebat. Quo minus mirandum, 
 homines egentis, malis moribus, maxuma spe, 11 reipub- 
 licae juxta ac sibi consuluisse. Praeterea, quorum, 
 victoria Sullae, parentes proscripti, bona erepta, 12 jus 
 libertatis imminutum erat, haud sane alio animo belli 
 eventum exspectabant. Ad hoc, quicumque 13 aliarum 
 atque senati partium erant, conturbari rempublicam, quam 
 
 %us valere ipsi, malebant. u Id adeo malum multos 
 &mt annos in civitatem reverterat. 
 
 XXXVIII. Nam, postquam, Cn. Pompeio et M. Crssso 
 consulibus, 15 tribunicia potestas restituta ; homines ado- 
 lescentes, 16 summam potestatem nacti, quibus aetas ani- 
 musque ferox, coepere, senatum criminando, plebem 
 exagitare ; dein, largiundo atque pollicitando, magis incen- 
 dero ; ita ipsi clari potentesque fieri. Contra eos summa 
 
SALLUSTII CATILINA. 99 
 
 ope nitebatur pleraque nobilitas, a senati specie, pro sua 
 magnitudine. Namque, uti paucis absolvam, per ilia tern- 
 pora quieumque rempublicara agitavere, 2 honestis nomini- 
 bus, alii, sicuti populi jura defenderent, pars, quo senati 
 auctoritas maxuma foret, bonum publicum simulantes, pro 
 sua quisque potentia certabant : 3 neque modestia, neque 
 modus contentionis erat : utrique victoriam crudeliter 
 exercebant. 
 
 XXXIX. Sed, postquam Cn. Pompeius ad bellum 
 4 maritimum atque 5 Mithridaticum missus ; ■ 6 plebis opes 
 imminutae ; paucorum potentia crevit. Hi magistratus, pro- 
 vmcias, aliaque omnia tenere ; ipsi 7 innoxii, tlorentes, 
 sine metu aetatem agere , 8 ceteros judiciis terrere, quo 
 plebem in magistratu 9 placidius tractarent. Sed 10 ubi 
 primmn dubiis rebus novandis spes oblata, 11 vetus certa- 
 men animos eorum arrexit. Quod si primo praelio Cati- 
 lina superior, aut 12 aequa manu discessisset, profecto 
 magna clades atque calamitas rempublicam oppressisset, 
 neque illis, qui victoriam adepti, diutius ea uti licuisset, 
 quin defessis et 13 exsanguibus, qui plus posset, imperium 
 atque libertatem extorqueret. Fuere tamen 14 extra con- 
 jurationem complures, qui ad Catilinam initio profecti 
 sunt : in his 15 A. Fulvius, senatoris filius ; quern, re- 
 tractum ex itinere, 16 parens necari jussit. Isdem tem- 
 poribus Romae Lentulus, sicuti Catilina praeceperat, 
 quoscumque moribus aut fortuna novis rebus idoneos cre- 
 debat, aut per se, aut per alios sollicitabat ; neque solum 
 cives, sed cujusquemodi genus hominum, quod modo bello 
 usui foret. 
 
 XL. Igitur P. Umbreno cuidam negotium dat, uti 
 legatos Allobrogum requirat, eosque, si possit, impellat 
 ad societatem belli ; existumans, publice privatimque aere 
 alieno oppressos, praeterea, quod natura gens Gallica 
 bellicosa esset, facile eos ad tale consilium adduci posse. 
 Umbrenus, quod in Gallia 17 negotiatus, plerisque 18 princi- 
 pibus notus erat, atque eos noverat : itaque sine mora, ubi 
 primum legatos in foro conspexit, 19 percunctatus pauca 
 
100 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 
 
 de statu civitatis, et quasi dolens ejus casum, requireio 
 coepit, " quern exitum tantis malis sperarent ?" Postquam 
 illos l videt " queri de avaritia magistratuum, accusare se- 
 natum quod in eo auxilii nihil esset ; miseriis suis reme- 
 dium mortem exspectare :" " at ego," inquit, " vobis, 2 si 
 modo viri esse voltis, rationem ostendam, qua tanta ista 
 mala effugiatis." Haec ubi dixit, Allobroges in maxu- 
 mam spem adducti Umbrenum orare, uti sui misereretur : 
 nihil tarn asperum, neque tarn difficile, 3 quin cupidissume 
 facturi essent, dum ea res civitatem aere alieno liberaret. 
 Ille eos in domum D. Bruti perducit ; quod foro propin- 
 qua, neque aliena eonsilii, propter Semproniam ; nam turn 
 Brutus 4 ab Roma aberat. Praeterea Gabinium arcessit, 
 5 quo major auctoritas sermoni inesset : eo praesente con- 
 jurationem aperit ; nominat socios, praeterea multos 
 cujusque generis 6 innoxios, quo legatis animus amplior 
 esset ; dein eos pollicitos operam suam dimittit. 
 
 XLI. Sed Allobroges diu in incerto habuere, quidnam 
 eonsilii caperent. In altera parte erat aes alienum, stu 
 dium belli, magna merces in spe victoriae : at in altera 
 7 majores opes, tuta consilia, pro incerta spe, certa prae- 
 mia. Haec illis volventibus, tandem vicit fortuna rei- 
 publicae. Itaque Q. Fabio Sangae, cujus 8 patrocinio 
 civitas plurimum utebatur, rem omnem, uti cognoverant, 
 aperiunt. Cicero, per Sangam 9 consilio cognito, legatis 
 praecipit, studium conjurationis vehementer simulent, cet- 
 eros adeant, 10 bene polliceantur ; dentque operam, uti eos 
 quam maxume manifestos habeant. 
 
 XLII. Isdem fere temporibus in 11 Gallia citeriore 
 atque ulteriore, item in agro Piceno, Bruttio, Apulia, 
 motus erat. Namque illi, quos antea Catilina dimiserat, 
 inconsulte ac veluti per dementiam 12 cuncta simul 
 agere : nocturnis consiliis, armorum atque telorum 
 portationibus, 13 festinando, agitando omnia, plus timo- 
 ris quam periculi effecerant. Ex eo numero com- 
 plures Q. Metellus Celer praetor, ex senati con- 
 sulted caussa cognita, in vincula conjecerat ; item in 
 
SALLUSTII CATILINA. 10\ 
 
 ulteriore Gallia 1 C. Murena, qui ei provinciae 2 lega- 
 tus praeerat. 
 
 XLIIL At Romae Lentulus, cum ceteris, qui prin- 
 cipes conjurationis erant, paratis, ut 3 yidebantur, magnis 
 copiis, 4 constituerant, uti, Catilina in agrum Faesulanum 
 cum venisset, L. Bestia thbunus plebis, concione habita, 
 quereretur de 5 actionibus Ciceronis, bellique gravissumi 
 invidiam optumo consuli imponeret ; eo signo, "proxuma 
 nocte, cetera multitudo conjurationis suum quisque nego- 
 tium exsequerentur. Sed ea divisa hoc modo diceban- 
 tur : Statilius et Gabinius uti cum magna manu 8 duodecim 
 simul opportuna loca urbis incenderent, quo tumultu 
 facilior aditus ad consulem, ceterosque, quibus insidiae 
 parabantur, fieret : Cethegus Ciceronis januam 9 obsideret, 
 eum vi adgrederetur, 10 alius autem alium : sed n nlii 
 familiarum, quorum ex nobilitate maxuma pars, parentes 
 interne erent ; simul, caede et incendio perculsis omnibus, 
 ad Catilinam erumperent. Inter haec 12 parata atque de- 
 creta, Cethegus semper querebatur de ignavia sociorum : 
 illos dubitando et 13 dies prolatando magnas opportunitates 
 corrumpere ; facto, non consulto, in tali pericnlo opus 
 esse ; seque, si pauci adjuvarent, languentibus aliis, im- 
 petum in curiam facturum. Natura ferox, vehemens, 
 manu promtus, maxumum bonum in celeritate putabat. 
 
 XLIV. Sed Allobroges, ex praecepto Ciceronis, pel 
 Gabinium ceteros 14 conveniunt ; ab Lentulo, Cethego, 
 Statilio, item Cassio, postulant 15 jusjurandum, quod 16 signa- 
 sum ad civis perferant : aliter baud facile eos ad tantum 
 aegotium impelli posse. 17 Ceteri nihil suspicantes dant : 
 Cassius semet eo brevi venturum pollicetur, ac paullo 
 ante legates ex urbe proficiscitur. Lentulus cum his T. 
 Volturcium quemdam, 18 Crotoniensem, mittit, uti Allo- 
 oroges prius, quam domum pergerent, cum Catilina, data 
 et accepta fide, societatem confirmarent. Ipse Volturcio 
 litteras ad Catilinam dat, quarum exemplum infra scri- 
 ptum : " Quis sim, ex eo quem ad te misi, cognosces. 
 19 Fac cogites, in quanta calamitate sis, et memineris te 
 
 11* 
 
102 SALLTJSTII CATILINA. 
 
 virum ; consideres, quid tuae 1 rationes postulent ; auxilium 
 petas ab omnibus, 2 etiam ab infimis." Ad hoc, 3 mandata 
 verbis dat : " cum ab senatu hostis judicatus sit, quo con- 
 silio servitia repudiet ? in urbe parata esse, quae jusserit : 
 ne cunctetur ipse propius accedere." 
 
 XLV. His rebus ita actis, constituta nocte, qua profi- 
 ciscerentur, Cicero, per legates cuncta edoctus, L. Va- 
 lerio Flacco et C. Pomtino, praetoribus, imperat, uti in 
 ponte 4 Mulvio, per insidias, Allobrogum 5 comitatus depre- 
 hendant : rem omnem aperit, cujus gratia mittebantur : 
 6 cetera, uti facto opus sit, ita agant, permittit. 7 Homines 
 militares, sine tumultu 8 praesidiis collocatis, sicuti prae- 
 ceptum erat, occulte pontem obsidunt. Postquam ad id 
 loci legati cum Volturcio venere, et simul utrimque 
 clamor exortus est ; Galli, 9 cito cognito consilio, sine 
 mora praetoribus se tradunt. Yolturcius primo, cohorta- 
 tus ceteros, gladio se a multitudine defendit ; dein, ubi a 
 legatis desertus est, 10 multa prius de salute sua Pomtinum 
 obtestatus, quod ei notus erat, postremo timidus, ac vitae 
 diffidens, veluti hostibus, sese praetoribus dedit. 
 
 XL VI. 11 Quibus rebus confectis, omnia propere per 
 nuncios consuli declarantur. At ilium ingens cura atque 
 laetitia simul occupavere. Nam laetabatur, conjuratione 
 patefacta, civitatem periculis ereptam esse : porro autem 
 anxius erat, in maxumo scelere tantis civibus deprebensis, 
 quid facto opus ; poenam illorum 12 sibi oneri, impunitatem 
 13 perdundae reipublicae credebat. Igitur, confirmato ani- 
 mo, vocari ad sese jubet Lentulum, Cethegum, Statilium, 
 Gabinium, item Q. Coeparium quemdam, Terracinensem, 
 qui in Apuliam ad concitanda servitia proficisci parabat 
 Ceteri sine mora veniunt : Coeparius, paullo ante domo 
 egressus, cognito indicio, ex urbe profugerat. Consul Lentu- 
 lum, quod praetor erat, ipse manu tenens perducit ; reliquos 
 cum custodibus in aedem u Concordiae venire jubet. Eo 
 senatum ad/ocat, 15 magnaque frequentia ejus ordinis, 16 Vol- 
 turcium cum legatis introducit : Flaccum praetorem 17 scrini 
 urn cum litteris,quas a legatis acceperat, eodemadferre jubf*' 
 
SALLUSTII CATILINA. 103 
 
 XL VII. Volturcius intenogatus " de itinere, de lit- 
 teris, postremo 1 quid, aut qua de caussa, consilii habuis- 
 set ?" primo fingere 2 alia, dissimulare de conjuratione ; 
 post, ubi fide publica dicere jussus est, omnia, uti gesta 
 erant, aperit : " paucis ante diebus a Gabinio et Coepario 
 socium adscitum, nihil amplius scire, quam legatos : tan- 
 tummodo ? audire solitum ex Gabinio, P. Autronium, Ser- 
 vium Sullam, L. Yargunteium, multos praeterea in ea 
 conjuratione esse." Eadem Galii fatentur ; ac Lentulum 
 dissimulantem coarguunt, praeter litteras, sermonibus, 
 quos habere solitus : u ex 4 libris Sibyllinis, regnum Ro- 
 mae 5 tribus Comeliis portendi : Cinnam atque Sullam 
 6 antea ; se tertium, cui fatum foret 7 urbis potiri : praeterea 
 ab 8 incenso Capitolio ilium esse vigesimum annum, quern 
 saepe ex prodigiis 9 haruspices respondissent bello civili 
 cruentum fore." Igitur, perlectis litteris, cum prius 
 omnes signa sua cognovissent, senatus decernit, " uti 
 10 abdicatus magistratu Lentulus, item ceteri in 11 liberis 
 custodiis haberentur." Itaque Lentulus P. Lentulo Spin- 
 theri, qui turn 12 aedilis, Cethegus Q. Cornirlcio, Statilius 
 * 3 C. Caesari, Gabinius M. Crasso, Coeparius (nam is 
 paullo ante ex fuga retractus) u Cn. Terentio senatori 
 traduntur. 
 
 XL VIII. Interea plebes, conjuratione patefacta, quae 
 primo, cupida rerum novarum, nimis bello favebat, mutata 
 mente, Catilinae consilia exsecrari, 15 Ciceronem ad coe- 
 lum tollere : veluti ex servitute erepta, gaudium atque 
 laetitiam agitabant. Namque alia belli facinora praedae 
 magis, quam 16 detrimento ; 17 incendium vero crudele, im- 
 moderatum, ac sibi maxume calamitosum putabat ; 
 18 quippe cm omnes copiae in usu quotidiano et cultu 
 corporis erant. Post eum diem, quidam L. Tarquinius 
 ad senatum adductus erat, quern ad Catilinam proflciscen- 
 tem ex itinere retractum aiebant. Is eum se diceret in 
 dicaturum de conjuratione, si fides publica data esset , 
 jussus a consule, quae sciret, edicere, eadem fere, quae 
 Volturcius, de paratis incendiis, de caede bonorum, de 
 
104 SALLUSTII CATILINa. 
 
 itinere hostium, senatum edocet : praeterea, " se missiur* 
 a M. Crasso, ] qui Catilinae nunciaret, 2 ne Lentulus, 
 Cethegus, alii ex conjuratione deprehensi terrerent ; 
 eoque magis properaret ad urbem accedere, quo et cete- 
 rorum 3 animos reficeret, et illi facilius e periculo eripe- 
 rentur." Sed ubi Tarquinius Crassum nominavit, homi 
 nem nobilem, maxumis divitiis, summa potentia ; 4 alii, rem 
 incredibilem rati ; pars, tamen etsi verum existumabant, 
 tarn en, 5 quia in tali tempore tanta vis hominis leniunda, 
 quam exagita.nda videbatur, plerique Crasso ex negotiis 
 privatis 6 obnoxii, conclamant, " indicem falsum," deque 
 ea re postulant 7 uti referatur. Itaque, consulente Cice- 
 rone, frequens senatus decernit : " Tarquinii indicium fal- 
 sum videri ; eumque in 8 vinculis retinendum, neque am- 
 plius 9 potestatem faciundam, nisi de eo indicaret, cujus 
 consilio tantam rem 10 mentitus esset." Erant eo tempore, 
 qui aestumarent, illud a P. Autronio machinatum, n quo 
 facilius, adpellato Crasso, per societatem periculi reliquos 
 illius potentia tegeret. Alii Tarquinium a Cicerone 12 im- 
 missum aiebant, ne Crassus, 13 more suo, suscepto malo- 
 rum patrocinio, rempublicam conturbaret. Ipsum Crassum 
 ego postea 14 praedicantem audivi, tantam illam contume- 
 liam sibi ab Cicerone impositam. 
 
 XLIX. Sed isdem temporibus Q. Catulus et C. Piso, 
 neque gratia, neque precibus, neque 15 pretio, Ciceronem 
 impellere potuere, uti per Allobroges, aut alium indicem, 
 C. Caesar falso 16 nominaretur. Nam uterque cum illo 
 gravis inimicitias exercebant ; Piso 17 obpugnatus in ju- 
 dicio repetundarum, propter cujusdam 18 Transpadani 
 supplicium injustum ; Catulus 19 ex petitione pontificatus 
 odio incensus, quod, extrema aetate, maxumis honoribus 
 usus, ab 20 adolescentulo Caesare victus discesserat. 21 Res 
 autem opportuna videbatur ; quod privatim egregia liber- 
 alitate, 22 publice maxumis muneribus grandem pecuniam 
 debebat. Sed, ubi consulem ad .antum facirais impellere 
 nequeunt, ipsi singulatim circumeundo, atque ementiundo, 
 quas se ex Yolturcio, aut Allobrogibus audisse dicerent, 
 
SALLUSTII CATILINA. 105 
 
 magnam illi invidiam conflaverant ; usque eo, ut nonnulli 
 equites Romani, qui, praesidii caussa cum telis erant 
 circum 1 Concordiae, seu periculi magnitudine, seu 2 animi 
 nobilitate impulsi, quo studium suum in rempublicam 
 clarius esset, egredienti ex senatu 3 Caesari gladio 4 mini- 
 tarentur. 
 
 L. Dum haec in senatu aguntnr, et dum legatis Al- 
 lobrogum et Tito Volturcio, comprobato eorum indicio, 
 praemia decernuntur ; 5 liberti, et pauci ex clientibus Len- 
 tuli, diversis itineribus, opifices atque servitia in 6 vicis 
 ad eum 7 eripiendum soilicitabant ; partim exquirebant 
 8 duces multitudinum, qui pretio rempublicam vexare soliti : 
 Cethegus autem, per nuncios, 9 familiam atque libertos 
 suos, exercitatos in audaciam, orabat, grege facto, cum 
 telis ad sese irrumperent. Consul, ubi ea parari cogno- 
 vit, dispositis praesidiis, ut res atque tempus monebat, 
 convocato senatu, 10 refert, quid de his fieri placeat, 
 
 QUI IN CUSTODIAM TRADITI ERANT. n Sed eOS, paullo 
 
 ante, frequens senatus judicaverat, contra rempublicam 
 fecisse. 12 Tum D. Junius Silanus, primus sententiam 
 rogatus, quod eo tempore 13 consul designatus erat, de his 
 qui in custodiis tenebantur, praeterea de L. Cassio, P. 
 Furio, P. Umbreno, Q. Annio, si deprehensi forent, sup- 
 plicium sumendum decreverat : isque postea, permotus ora- 
 tione C. Caesaris, 14 pedibus in sententiam Tib. Neronis 
 iturum se dixerat ; quod de ea re, praesidiis additis, refe- 
 rundum censuerat. 15 Sed Caesar, ubi ad eum ventum, roga- 
 tus sententiam a consule, hujuscemodi verba locutus est. 
 LI. " Omnis homines, Patres conscripti, qui de rebus 
 dubiis consultant, 16 ab odio, amicitia, ira atque misericor- 
 dia, vacuos esse decet. Haud facile animus verum pro- 
 videt, ubi ilia obficiunt ; neque quisquam omnium 17 lubi- 
 dini simul et usui paruit. 18 Ubi intenderis ingenium, 
 valet : si lubido possidet, ea dominatur, animus nihil 
 valet. Magna mihi copia memorandi, P. C. qui reges 
 atque populi, ira, aut misericordia impulsi, male consu- 
 luerint : sed ea malo dicere, quae majores nostri, contra 
 
106 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 
 
 hibidinem animi, recte atque ordine fecere. 1 Bello 
 Macedonico, quod cum rege Perse gessimus, 2 Rliodiorum 
 civitas, magna atque magnifica, quae populi Romani opi- 
 bus creverat, 3 infida atque advorsa nobis fuit : sed post- 
 quam, bello confecto, de Rhodiis consultum est, majores 
 nostri, ne quis divitiarum magis, quam injuriae caussa, 
 bellum inceptum diceret, 4 impunitos dimisere. Item bellis 
 Punicis omnibus, cum saepe Carthaginienses et in pace, 
 et 5 per inducias, multa nefaria facinora fecissent, numquam 
 ipsi 6 per occasionem talia fecere : magis, quid se dignum 
 foret, quam quid 7 in illis jure fieri posset, quaerebant. 
 Hoc idem providendum est, Patres conscripti, 8 ne plus 
 valeat apud vos P. Lentuli et ceterorum scelus, quam 
 vestra dignitas ; neu magis irae, quam famae, consulatis. 
 Nam si digna poena pro factis eorum reperitur, 9 novum 
 consilium adprobo : sin magnitudo sceleris 10 omnium in- 
 genia exsuperat, iis utendum censeo, quae legibus com- 
 parata sunt. Plerique eorum, qui ante me sententias 
 dixerunt, n composite atque magnifice casum reipublicae 
 miserati sunt : quae belli saevitia, quae victis ac cider ent, 
 enumeravere ; divelli liberos a parentium complexu ; ma- 
 tres familiarum pati, quae victoribus collibuissent ; fana 
 atque domos exspoliari ; caedem, incendia fieri ; postre- 
 mo, armis, cadaveribus, cruore atque luctu omnia com- 
 pleri. Sed, per deos immortalis ! 12 quo ilia oratio perti- 
 nuit 1 an, uti vos infestos conjurationi faceret 1 Scilicet 
 quern res tanta atque tarn atrox non permovit, eum ora- 
 tio accendet ! Non ita est : neque cuiquam mortalium 
 injuriae suae parvae videntur : multi eas gravius aequo 
 habuere. Sed 13 aliis alia licentia, Patres conscripti. 
 u Qui demissi in obscuro vitam habent, si quid iracundia 
 deliquere, pauci sciunt ; fama atque fortuna pares sunt : 
 qui magno imperio praediti in excelso aetatem agunt, 
 eorum facta cuncti mortales novere. 15 Ita in maxuma 
 fortuna minuma licentia est : neque studere, neque odisse, 
 sed minume irasci decet : quae apud alios iracundia 
 dicitur, in imperio superbia atque crudelitas adpellatur. 
 
SALLUSTII CATILINA. 107 
 
 Equidem ego sic aestumo, Patres conscripti, omnis cru- 
 ciatus minores, quam facinora illorum, esse : sed plerique 
 mortales postrema meminere, et in hominibus impiis 
 sceleris obliti de poena disserunt, si ea paullo severioi 
 iuit. D. Silanum virum fortem atque strenuum, certe 
 scio, quae dixerit, 1 studio reipublicae dixisse, neque ilium 
 in tanta re gratiam, aut inimicitias exercere ; eos mores, 
 earn modestiam viri cognovi. Verum sententia non mihi 
 crudelis, quid enim in talis homines crudele fieri potest 1 
 sed aliena a republica nostra videtur. Nam profecto aut 
 metus, aut 2 injuria te subegit, Silane, consulem designa- 
 tum, genus poenae novum decernere. De timore super- 
 vacaneum est disserere, cum, 3 praesenti diligentia claris- 
 sumi viri, consulis, *tanta praesidia sint in armis. De 
 poena possumus equidem dicere id, quod res habet ; in 
 luctu atque miseriis mortem aerumnarum requiem, non 
 cruciatum esse ; earn cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere ; 
 5 ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse. Sed, per 
 deos immortalis ! quamobrem in sententiam non addidisti, 
 uti prius verberibus in eos animadverteretur ? an, quia 
 6 lex Porcia vetat ? at aliae leges item condemnatis civi- 
 bus animam non eripi, sed in exilium permitti jubent. 
 An, quia gravius est verberari, quam necari ? quid autem 
 acerbum, aut grave nimis in homines tanti facinoris con 
 victos ? sin, quia levius ; 7 qui convenit in minore negotio 
 legem timere, cum earn in majore neglexeris ? 8 At enim 
 quis reprehendet, quod in parricidas reipublicae decretum 
 erit ? 9 Tempus, dies, fortuna, cujus lubido gentibus mod- 
 eratur. Illis merito accidit, quidquid evenerit : ceterum 
 yos, Patres conscripti, quid 10 in alios statuatis, considerate. 
 Omnia mala exempla ex "bonis orta sunt ; sed, ubi im- 
 perium ad ignaros, aut minus bonos pervenit, novum 
 iilud exemplum 12 ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non 
 idoneos transfertur. Lacedaemonii, ]3 devictis Atheniensi- 
 bus, triginta viros imposuere, qui rempublicam eorum 
 tractarent. Hi primo coepere pessumum quemque et 
 omnibus invisum indemnatum necare : u ea populus laetari 
 
l08 
 
 et merito dicere fieri. Post, ubi paullatim licentia crevit, 
 juxta bonos et malos Hubidinose interficere, ceteros metu 
 terrere. Ita civitas, servitute oppressa, stultae laetitiae 
 gravis poenas dedit. Nostra memoria, victor Sulla curn 
 2 Damasippum et alios hujusmodi, qui malo reipublicae 
 creverant, jugulari jussit, quis non factum ejus laudabat 1 
 homines scelestos, factiosos, qui seditionibus rempublicam 
 exagitaverant, merito necatos aiebant. Sed ea res 
 magnae initium cladis fait. Nam, uti quisque domum, 
 aut villam, postremo aut vas, aut vestimentum alicujus 
 concupiverat, dabat operam, uti in proscriptorum numero 
 esset. Ita, quibus Damasippi mors laetitiae fuerat, post 
 paullo ipsi trahebantur : neque prius finis jugulandi fuit, 
 quam Sulla omnis suos divitiis explevit. 3 Atque ego 
 haec non in M. Tullio, neque his temporibus, vereor : 
 sed in magna civitate multa et varia ingenia sunt. Potest, 
 alio tempore, alio consule, cui item exercitus in manus, 
 falsum aliquid pro vero credi : ubi hoc exemplo, per 
 senati decretum, consul gladium eduxerit, quis finem 
 statuet, aut quis moderabitur ? Majores nostri, Patres 
 conscripti, neque consilii, neque audaciae umquam eguere : 
 neque superbia obstabat, quo minus aliena instituta, si 
 modo proba, imitarentur. Arma atque tela militaria ab 
 Samnitibus, 4 insignia magistratuum ab Tuscis pleraque 
 sumserunt : postremo, quod ubique apud socios aut hostis 
 idoneum videbatur, cum summo studio domi exsequeban- 
 tur : 5 imitari, quam invidere bonis malebant. Sed, eodem 
 illo tempore, Graeciae morem imitati, verberibus 6 animad- 
 vertebant in civis, de condemnatis summum supplicium 
 sumebant. Postquam respublica adolevit, et multitudine 
 civium factiones valuere, circumveniri innocentes, alia 
 hujuscemodi fieri coepere ; turn lex Porcia aliaeque para- 
 tae, quibus legibus exilium damnatis permissum. 7 Hanc 
 ego caussam, Patres conscripti, quo minus novum consil- 
 ium capiamus, in primis magnam puto. 8 Profecto virtus 
 atque sapientia major in illis fuit, qui ex parvis opibus 
 tantum imperium fecere, quam in nobis, qui ea 9 bene 
 
8ALLUSTII CATILINA. 109 
 
 parta vix retinemus. Placet igitur, eos dimitti, et augeri 
 exercituai Catilinae ? minume : sed ita 1 censeo ; 2 publi 
 candas eorum pecunias, ipsos in vinculis habendos 3 pei 
 municipia quae maxume opibus valent ; 4 neu quis de is 
 postea ad senatum referat, neve cum populo agat : qui 
 aliter fecerit, senatum existumare, eum contra rempubli- 
 cam et salutem omnium facturum." 
 
 LII. Post quam Caesar dicendi finem fecit, 5 ceteri 
 verbo, alius alii, varie adsentiebantur : at M. Porcius 
 Cato, rogatus sententiam, hujuscemodi orationem habuit. 
 11 6 Longe mihi alia mens est, Patres conscripti, cum res 
 atque pericula nostra considero, et cum sententias non- 
 nullorum mecum ipse reputo. 7 Illi mihi disseruisse 
 videntur de poena eorum, qui patriae, parentibus, 8 aris 
 atque focis suis, bellum paravere : res autem monet, 
 cavere ab illis, 9 quam, quid in illis statuamus, consultare. 
 Nam 10 cetera turn u persequare, ubi facta sunt ; hoc, nisi 
 provideris ne accidat, ubi evenit, frustra 12 judicia implo- 
 res ; capta urbe, nihil fit reliqui victis. Sed, per deos 
 immortalis ! 70s ego adpello, qui semper domos, villas, 
 signa, 13 tabulas vestras pluris, quam rempublicam fecistis : 
 si ista, cujuscumque modi sint, quae 14 amplexamini, reti- 
 nere, si voluptatibus vestris otium praebere voids ; exper- 
 giscimini aliquando, et 15 capessite rempublicam. 16 Non 
 agitur de vectigalibus, non de sociorum injuriis : libertas 
 et anima nostra in dubio est. Saepenumero, Patres con- 
 scripti, multa verba in hoc ordine feci ; saepe de luxuria 
 atque avaritia nostrorum civium questus sum, multosque 
 mortalis ea caussa advorsos habeo ; 17 qui mihi atque ani- 
 mo meo nullius umquam delicti gratiam fecissem, haud 
 facile alterius lubidini malefacta condonabam. Sed, ea 
 tametsi vos parvi pendebatis, tamen respublica firma ; 
 iS opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat. Nunc vero non id 
 agitur, bonis an malis moribus vivamus ; neque quantum, 
 aut quam magnificum imperium populi Romani : 19 sed, 
 eujus haec cumque modi, nostra, an nobiscum una, hos- 
 tium futura sirf 20 Hic mihi quisquam mansuetudinem et 
 
 12 
 
110 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 
 
 misericordiam nominat ? jam pridem equidem nos vera 
 rerum vocabula amisinius ; quia bona aliena largiri, lib- 
 eralitas ; malarum rerum audacia, fortitudo vocatur : a eo 
 respublica in extreme sita. Sint sane, quoniam ita se 
 mores habent, liberales ex sociorum fortunis, sint miseri- 
 cordes 2 in furibus aerarii : 3 ne illis sanguinem nostrum 
 largiantur, et, dum paucis sceleratis par cunt, bonos omnis 
 perditum eant. 4 Bene et composite C. Caesar paullo 
 ante in hoc ordine de vita et morte disseruit, falsa 
 credo, existumans, quae de inferis memorantur ; diverso 
 itinere malos a bonis loca tetra, inculta, foeda atque for- 
 midolosa 5 habere. Itaque censuit pecunias eorum pub- 
 
 LICANDAS, IPSOS PER MUNICIPIA IN CUSTODIIS HABENDOS ; 
 
 6 videlicet timens, ne, si Romae sint, aut a popularibus 
 conjurationis, aut 7 a multitudine conducta, per vim eripi- 
 antur. Quasi vero mali atque scelesti tantummodo in 
 urbe, et non per totam Italiam sint ; aut non ibi plus 
 possit audacia, ubi ad defendendum opes minores. 
 8 Quare vanum equidem hoc consilium, si periculum ex 
 illis metuit : sin in tanto omnium metu solus non timet, 
 eo magis refert mihi atque vobis timere. Quare, cum de 
 P. Lentulo ceterisque statuetis, pro certo habetote, vos 
 simul de exercitu Catilinae et de omnibus conjuratis de- 
 cernere. 9 Quanto vos attentius ea agetis, tanto illis ani- 
 mus infirmior erit : si paullulum modo vos languere vide- 
 rint, jam omnes feroces aderunt. Nolite existumare, 
 majores nostros 10 armis rempublicam ex parva magnam 
 fecisse. Si ita res esset, multo pulcherrumam earn nos 
 haberemus : quippe sociorum atque civium, praeterea 
 armorum atque equorum major nobis copia, quam illia 
 Sed alia fuere, quae illos magnos fecere, n quae nobis 
 nulla sunt ; domi industria, foris justum imperium, '^ani- 
 mus in consulendo liber, neque delicto, neque lubidiru 
 obnoxius. Pro his nos habemus luxuriam atque avari- 
 tiam ; 13 publice egestatem, privatim opulentiam ; laudamus 
 divitias, sequimur inertiam ; inter bonos et malos discri 
 men nullum ; omnia u virtutis praemia ambitio possidet 
 
8ALLUSTII CATILINA. Ill 
 
 N eque minim ; ubi vos separatim sibi quisque consilium 
 capitis, ubi domi voluptatibus, hie pecuniae, aut gratiae 
 servitis : eo fit, ut impetus fiat in Vacuam rempublicam. 
 Sed ego haec omitto. Conjuravere nobilissumi cives 
 patriam incendere : Gallorum gentem infestissumam nom- 
 ini Romano ad bellum arcessunt : dux hostium 2 supra 
 caput est : vos cunctamini etiam nunc, quid intra moenia 
 3 adprehensis hostibus faciatis ? 4 Misereamini censeo ; 
 deliquere homines adolescentuli, per ambitionem ; atque 
 etiam armatos dimittatis. 5 Ne, ista vobis mansuetudo et 
 misericordia, si illi arma ceperint, in miseriam vertet. 
 6 Scilicet res aspera est ; sed vos non timetis earn. Immo 
 zero maxume ; sed inertia et mollitia animi, alius alium 
 exspectantes cunctamini, dis immortalibus confisi, qui 
 hanc rempublicam in maxumis saepe periculis servavere. 
 Non votis, neque 7 suppliciis muliebribus auxilia deorum 
 parantur : vigilando, agendo, bene consulendo, 8 prospera 
 omnia cedunt : ubi secordiae te atque ignaviae tradideris, 
 nequidquam deos implores ; irati infestique sunt. Apud 
 majores nostros, T. Manlius Torquatus s bello Gallico 
 filium suum, quod is contra imperium in hostem pugna- 
 verat, necari jussit ; atque ille egregius adolescens im- 
 moderatae fortitudinis morte 10 poenas dedit : n vos de cru- 
 delissumis parricidis quid statuatis, cunctamini ? ^Vide- 
 licet vita cetera eorum huic sceleri obstat. V^rum 
 parcite dignitati Lentuli, si ipse pudicitiae, si famae suae, 
 si dis aut hominibus umquam ullis pepercit : ignoscite 
 Cethegi adolescentiae, 13 nisi iterum patriae bellum fecit. 
 Nam quid ego de Gabinio, Statilio, Coepario loquar ? 
 quibus ]4 si quidquam umquam pensi fuisset, non ea con- 
 silia de republica habuissent. Postremo, Patres con- 
 scripti, si mehercule peccato locus esset, facile paterer 
 vos ipsa re corrigi, quoniam verba contemnitis ; sed 
 andique circumventi sumus. Catilina cum exercitu fauci- 
 bus urget : alii intra moenia, in sinu urbis sunt hostes ; 
 l5 neque parari, neque consuli quidquam occulte potest; 
 quo magis proparandum. Quare ita ego censeo : cum 
 
1J2 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 
 
 nefario consilio sceleratorum civium respublica in maxu- 
 ma pericula venerit, hique indicio T. Volturcii, et lega- 
 torum Allobrogum, convicti confessique sint, caedem, 
 incendia, alia foeda atque crudelia facinora in civis 
 patriamque paravisse ; de confessis, sicuti.de ^anifestis 
 rerum capitalium, more majorum, supplicium sumendum." 
 
 LIII. Postquam Cato adsedit, consulares omnes, item- 
 que senatus magna pars, sententiam ejus laudant, 2 virtu- 
 tem animi ad coelum ferunt ; alii alios increpantes timidos 
 vocant ; Cato magnus atque clarus habetur ; senati decre- 
 tum fit, 3 sicuti ille censuerat. 4 Sed mihi multa legenti, 
 multa audienti, quae populus Romanus, domi militiaeque, 
 mari atque terra, praeclara facinora fecit, forte lubuit 
 attendere, 5 quae res maxume tanta negotia sustinuissei 
 Sciebam, saepenumero parva manu cum magnis legioni- 
 bus hostium contendisse : cognoveram, parvis copiis bella 
 gesta cum opulentis regibus ; ad hoc, saepe fortunae vio- 
 lentiam toleravisse ; facundia Graecos, gloria belli Gallos 
 ante Romanos fuisse. Ac mihi multa 6 agitanti constabat, 
 paucorum civium egregiam virtutem cuncta patravisse j 
 eoque factum, uti divitias paupertas, multitudinem pauci- 
 tas super aret. Sed postquam luxu atque desidia ci vitas 
 corrupta est, rursus respublica magnitudine sua impera- 
 torum atque magistratuum vitia sustentabat ; ac, 7 veluti 
 effoeta parente, multis tempestatibus haud sane quisquam 
 Romae virtute magnus fuit. Sed, memoria mea, ingenti 
 virtute, divorsi moribus fuere viri duo, M. Cato, et C. 
 Caesar ; quos, quoniam res obtulerat, silentio praeterire 
 non fuit consilium, quin utriusque naturam et mores, 
 quantum ingenio possem, aperirem. 
 
 LIV. Igitur his 8 genus, 9 aetas, eloquentia, prope 
 aequalia fuere ; magnitudo animi par, item 10 gloria ; sed 
 u alia alii. Caesar beneficiis ac munificentia magnus ha 
 bebatur ; integritate vitae Cato. Ille mansuetudine el 
 miserieordia clarus factus : 12 huic severitas dignitatem 
 addiderat. Caesar dando, sublevando, 13 ignoscendo ; Catc 
 nihil largiundo gloriam adeptus. In altero miseris per- 
 
8ALLUSTII CATILINA. 113 
 
 iugium ; in altero malis pernicies : 1 illius facilitas , hujus 
 constantia laudabatur. Postremo, Caesar 2 in animum in- 
 duxerat laborare, vigilare ; negotiis amicorum intentus, sua 
 neglegere ; nihil denegare, quod dono dignum esset ; sibi 
 magnum imperium, exercitum, novum bellum exoptabat, 
 ubi virtus enitescere posset. 3 At Catoni studium modes- 
 tiae, decoris, sed maxume severitatis erat. Non divitiis 
 cum divite, neque 4 factione cum factioso ; sed cum stre- 
 nuo virtute, cum modesto pudore, cum innocente 5 absti- 
 nentia certabat : 6 esse, quam videri, bonus malebat : ita, 
 ^10 minus gloriam petebat, eo magis sequebatur 
 
 LV. Postquam, ut dixi, senatus in Catonis sententiam 
 aiscessit, consul optumum factum ratus, noctem, quae 
 instabat, antecapere, ne quid eo spatio novaretur, 7 trium- 
 viros, quae supplicium postulabat, parare jubet : ipse, 
 dispositis praesidiis, Lentulum in carcerem deducit : idem 
 fit ceteris per praetores. Est 8 locus in carcere, quod 
 9 Tullianum adpellatur, ubi paullulum 10 escenderis ad lae- 
 vam, circiter duodecim pedes humi depressus. Eum 
 muniunt undique parietes, atque insuper n camera, lapideis 
 fornicibus vincta : sed 12 incultu, tenebris, odore, foeda 
 atque terribilis ejus facies est. In eum locum postquam 
 demissus Lentulus, 13 quibus praeceptum erat, 14 laqueo 
 gulam fregere. Ita ille patricius, ex clarissuma gente 
 Corneliorum, qui consulare imperium Romae habuerat, 
 dignum moribus factisque suis exitum vitae invenit De 
 Cethego, Statilio, Gabinio, Coepario, eodem modo suppli- 
 cium sum turn. 
 
 LVI. Dum ea Romae geruntur, Catilina 15 ex omni 
 copia, quam et ipse adduxerat, et Manlius habuerat, 
 16 duas legiones instituit ; cohortes, pro numero militum, 
 complet : deinde, ut quisque voluntarius, aut ex sociis in 
 caslra venit, aequaliter distribuerat ; ac brevi spatio le- 
 giones 17 numero hominum expleverat, cum initio non 
 amplius duobus millibus habuisset. Sed ex omni copia 
 circiter pars quarta erat militaribus armis instructa • 
 ceteri, ut quemque casus armaverat, 18 sparos, aut lancea«? 
 
 12* 
 
114 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 
 
 alii ^raeacutas sudes portabant. Sed, postquam Antonius 
 cum exercitu adventabat, Catilina per montes iter facere 
 ad urbem modo, modo 2 in Galliam versus, castra movere , 
 hostibus occasionem pugnandf non dare ; sperabat prope 
 diem 3 sese habiturum, si Romae socii incepta patravis- 
 sent. Interea servitia repudiabat, 4 cujus initio ad eum 
 magnae copiae concurrebant, opibus conjurationis fretus ; 
 simul 5 alienum suis rationibus existumans videri caussam 
 civium cum servis fugitivis communicavisse. 
 
 LVII. Sed, postquam in castra nuncius pervenit, Ro- 
 mae conjurationem patefactam, de Lentulo, Cethego, cet- 
 eris, quos supra memoravi, supplicium sumtum ; plerique, 
 quos ad bellum spes rapinarum, aut novarum rerum 
 studium illexerat, dilabuntur ; reliquos Catilina per montis 
 asperos, magnis itineribus, 6 in agrum Pistoriensem abdu- 
 cit, eo consilio, uti per tramites occulte perfugerent in 
 7 Galliam. At Q. Metellus Celer cum tribus legionibus 
 in agro Piceno praesidebat, 8 ex difficultate rerum eadem 
 ilia existumans, quae supra diximus, Catilinam agitare. 
 Igitur, ubi iter ejus ex perfugis cognovit, castra propere 
 movet, ac 9 sub ipsis radicibus montium consedit, qua illi 
 descensus erat in Galliam properanti. Neque tamen 
 Antonius procul aberat ; 10 utpote qui magno exercitu / 
 locis aequioribus 11 expeditus, in fuga sequeretur. Sed 
 Catilina, postquam videt 12 montibus atque copiis hostium 
 sese clausum, in urbe res adversas, neque fugae, neque 
 13 praesidii ullam spem ; optumum factum ratus in tali re 
 fortunam belli tentare, statuit cum Antonio quamprimum 
 confligere. Itaque, concione advocata, hujuscemodi ora- 
 tionem habuit. 
 
 LVIIL " Compertum ego habeo, milites, verba virtu- 
 iem non addere ; neque ex ignavo strenuum, neque fortem 
 ex timido exercitum, oratione imperatoris, fieri. Quanta 
 cujusque animo audacia natura, aut 14 moribus, inest, tanta 
 in bello patere solet : quem neque gloria, neque pericula, 
 excitant, nequidquam hortere ; timor animi auribus obficit 
 Sed ego vos, quo pauca monerem, advocavi ; simul uti 
 
SALLTJSTII CA1TLINA. 115 
 
 ^caussam consilii aperirem. Scitis equidem, milites, 
 secordia atque ignavia Lentuli 2 quantam ipsi cladem no- 
 bisque attulerit ; quoque modo, dum ex urbe praesidia 
 opperior, in Galliam proficisci nequiverim. Nunc quo in 
 loco res nostrae sint, juxta mecum omnes intellegitis. 
 Exercitus hostium duo, 3 unus ab urbe, alter a Gallia, 
 obstant : diutius in his locis esse, 4 si maxume animus 
 ferat, frumenti atque aliarum rerum egestas prohibet. 
 Quocurnque ire placet, ferro iter aperiundum est. Qua- 
 propter vos moneo, uti forti atque parato animo sitis ; et, 
 cum praelium inibitis, memineritis, vos divitias, decus, 
 gloriam, praeterea libertatem atque patriam in dextris 
 portare. Si vincimus, omnia nobis tuta, commeatus 
 abunde, coloniae atque municipia patebunt : sin metu ces- 
 serimus, eadem ilia advorsa fiunt : neque locus, neque 
 amicus quisquam teget, quern arma non texerint. Prae- 
 terea, milites, non eadem nobis et illis necessitudo im- 
 pendet : nos pro patria, pro libertate, pro vita certamus ; 
 5 illis supervacaneum est pugnare pro potentia paucorum. 
 Quo audacius adgredimini, memores pristinae virtutis. 
 Licuit nobis, cum summa turpitudine, in exilio aetatem 
 agere : potuistis nonnulli Romae, amissis bonis, alienas 
 opes exspectare. Quia ilia foeda atque intoleranda 6 viris 
 videbantur, haec sequi decrevistis. Si 7 relinquere voltis 
 audacia opus est : nemo, nisi victor, pace bellum mutavit. 
 Nam in fuga salutem sperare, cum arma, 8 quis corpus 
 tegitur, ab hostibus averteris, 9 ea vero dementia est. 
 Semper in praelio maxumum est periculum, 10 qui maxume 
 timent : audacia pro muro habetur. Cum vos considero, 
 milites, et cum facta vestra aestumo, magna me spes 
 victoriae tenet. Animus, aetas, virtus vestra hortantur ; 
 praeterea necessitudo, quae etiam timidos fortis facit. 
 Nam multilnido hostium ne circumvenire queat, prohibent 
 angustiae. Quod si virtuti vestrae fortuna inviderit, ca- 
 vete, 11 inulti animam amittatis ; neu capti potius, sicuti 
 pecora, trucidemini, quam, virorum more pugnantes, cru- 
 emam atque luctuosam victoriam hostibus relinquatis." 
 
116 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 
 
 LIX. Haec ubi dixit, paullulum commoratus, signi 
 canere jubet, atque ^nstructos ordines in locum aequum 
 deducit : dein, remotis omnium equis, quo militibus, ex- 
 aequato periculo, animus amplior esset, ipse 2 pedes exer- 
 citum, 3 pro loco atque copiis, instruit. 4 Nam, uti plani- 
 ties erat inter sinistros montis, et, ab dextra, rupes aspera, 
 octo cohortis in fronte constituit : 5 reliqua signa in 
 subsidio artius collocat. 6 Ab his centuriones omnis lectos, 
 et 7 evocatos, praeterea ex gregariis militibus optumum 
 quemque armatum in primam aciem subducit. C. Man- 
 lium in dextera, 8 Faesulanum quemdam sinistra parte 
 curare jubet : ipse cum 9 libertis et colonis 10 propter aqui- 
 lam adsistit, quam, bello n Cimbrico, C. Marius in exer- 
 citu habuisse dicebatur. At ex altera parte C. Antonius, 
 12 pedibus aeger, quod praelio adesse nequibat, M. Petreio 
 legato exercitum permittit. Ille cohortis veteranas, quas 
 13 tumulti caussa conscripserat, in fronte ; post eas, cete- 
 rum exercitum in subsidiis locat. 14 Ipse equo circumiens, 
 unumquemque nominans adpellat, hortatur, rogat, uti 
 meminerint, se contra latrones 15 inermos, pro patria, pro 
 libens, pro aris atque focis suis, 16 cernere. Homo milita- 
 ris, quod amplius annos triginta 17 tribunus, aut 18 prae- 
 fectus, aut legatus, aut praetor cum magna gloria fuerat, 
 plerosque ipsos factaque eorum fortia noverat : v ea com- 
 memorando militum animos accendebat. 
 
 LX. Sed ubi, rebus omnibus exploratis, Petreius 19 tuba 
 signum dat, cohortis paullatim incedere jubet ; idem facit 
 hostium exercitus. Postquam eo ventum, unde a 20 feren 
 tariis praelium committi posset, raaxumo clamore cum 
 infestis signis concurrunt ; 21 pila omittunt ; gladiis res 
 geritur. Yeterani, pristinae virtutis memores, cominus 
 acriter instare : illi haud timidi resistunt : maxuma vi 
 certatur. 22 Interea Catilina cum expeditis in prima acie 
 versari, laborantibus succurrere, integros pro sauciis 
 arcessere, omnia providere, multum ipse pugnare, saepe 
 hostem ferire : strenui militis, et boni imperatoris officia 
 simul exsequebatur. Petreius, ubi videt Catilfnam, con 
 
8ALLUSTII CATILINA. 11? 
 
 tra ac rams erat, magna vi tendere, 1 cohortem praetoriam 
 in medios bostis inducit ; eos perturbatos atque alios alibi 
 resistentes interflcit ; deinde utrimque ex lateribus adgre- 
 ditur. Manlius et Faesulanus 2 in primis pugnantes cadunt 
 Postquam fusas copias, seque cum paucis relictum videt 
 Catilina, memor generis atque pristinae dignitatis, in con- 
 fertissumos hostes incurrit, ibique pugnans confoditur. 
 
 LXI. Sed, confecto praelio, turn vero cerneres, quan- 
 ta audacia, quantaque animi vis fuisset in exercitu Cati- 
 linae. Nam fere, quern quisque pugnando locum ceperat, 
 eum, amissa anima, corpore tegebat. Pauci autem, quos 
 cohors p-raetoria disjecerat, 3 paullo diversius, sed omnes 
 tamen adversis volneribus conciderant. Catilina vero 
 longe a suis inter hostium cadavera repertus est, paullu- 
 lum etiam spirans, ferociamque animi, quam habuerat 
 vivus, in voltu retinens. Postremo, ex omni copia, neque 
 in praelio, neque in fuga, quisquam 4 civis ingenuus 
 captus. 5 Ita cuncti suae bostiumque vitae juxta peper- 
 cerant. Neque tamen exercitus populi Romani laetam 
 aut incruentam victoriam adeptus : nam strenuissumus 
 quisque aut occiderat in praelio, aut graviter vulneratus 
 discesserat. Multi autem, qui de castris, visundi, aut spo- 
 liandi srratia, processerant, volventes hostilia cadavera, 
 amicum alii, pars bospitem, aut cognatum reperiebant : 
 fuere item, qui inimicos suos cognoscerent. Ita varie 
 per omnem exercitum 6 laetitia, moeror, luctus atque 
 gaudia agitabantur. 
 

**■»**%**** %»V*W%^A* 
 
 EXPLANATORY NOTES. 
 
 X.'W'VV^'^/'V ^. . 
 
NOTES 
 
 TO THE 
 
 JUGURTHINE WAR. 
 
 Pfte© 
 
 '. Falso queritur, &c. "Mankind complain without reason 
 »f r^ir nature." Falso, literally, " falsely," " erroneously." — 
 Sallust has been justly blamed for the introductions to his histories. 
 They have little if any relation to the subject which they are in 
 tended to usher in, and are too discursive and long. 
 
 2. Quod imbecilla, &c. " That, being weak and of short duration 
 it is influenced more by chance, than by the exertion of intellect."— 
 Imbecilla agrees with natura. The less usual form of this adjective 
 is imbecillis. — Virtute is here equivalent to virtute animi. 
 
 3. Nam contra. " For, on the contrary." 
 
 4. Invenias. " You will find, I think." — The subjunctive is here 
 employed to convey a softened assertion, indicative of modesty on 
 the part of the writer, and not of any doubt in his mind on the sub- 
 ject which he is discussing. So crediderim is frequently used, in 
 the sense of " I am inclined to believe." 
 
 5. Magisque naturae, &c. " And that active exertion is more 
 wanting to the nature of men, than ability or duration," i. e. than 
 additional power or an enlarged period of existence. — Naturae 
 hominum is equivalent to Jiomini, " And that man stands more in 
 need of," &c. 
 
 6. Sed dux atque imperator, &c. A refutation of those who 
 maintain, that human nature is influenced more by chance than by 
 any exertion of the mental powers.— Sed may be rendered " Now." 
 — Dux atque imperator. "The director and ruler." Imperator 
 rises in force of meaning above dux. The former means literally, 
 "commander in chief;" whereas dux means the highest of the in- 
 ferior officers, having himself an important command. These are 
 here applied to one and the same objects, for the purpose of showing 
 the all-controlling power of *he mind. 
 
 7. Grassatur, " Aspires." Literally, "moves boldly on." 
 
 8. Pollens potensque. " P3werful and vigorous." Pollens refer? 
 here to innate strength, potens to its exercise, 
 
 13 
 
122 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page 
 
 9 Quippe probttatem, &c. " Since it (i. e. fortune) can neithei 
 give, nor take away, integrity, activity, nor other praiseworthy quali 
 ties." Industria here means an active exercise of our abilities. — ■ 
 The student will notice the use of artis for artes Sallust is very 
 much attached to this form of the accusative, omnis for omnes, po- 
 pularis for popular es, &c. It is called an archaism, (a term gene- 
 rally applied to the use of antiquated or obsolete forms of expression,) 
 though not very correctly, since the termination in is would seem 
 to have been most commonly employed in the best ages of Latinity. 
 The common grammatical rule is, that nouns, whose genitive plural 
 ends in ium, have es, is, or eis, in the accusative plural. 
 
 10. Ad inertiam et voluptatis corporis, &c. " It has been con- 
 signed to the destructive bondage of sloth and corporeal gratifica- 
 tions." The literal meaning of pes sum appears to be " down," " to 
 the bottom," "under foot." Hence pessumdo literally means, 
 "to send or throw to the bottom," and then figuratively, "to 
 ruin or destroy." — Voluptatis is put for voluptates. See previous 
 note. 
 
 11. Perniciosa luhdine, &c. In rendering, begin with ubi, "when, 
 after it has enjoyed for a season this destructive indulgence," &c. 
 
 12. Suam quisque culpam, &c. " The authors of these evils 
 transfer each to affairs the blame that is their own." They allege 
 in extenuation of their mental inactivity, that the affairs to which they 
 had directed their attention proved too difficult of accomplishment. 
 
 13. Quod si hominibus, &c. "But if mankind were inspired 
 with as great a regard for things conducive to their welfare, as is 
 -he zeal with which they seek after," &c. — Aliena, " things foreign 
 to their nature." 
 
 14. Neque regerentur, &c. " They would not be more controlled 
 by, than they would themselves control, the chances of fortune." 
 
 15. Ubi, pro mortalibus. " In which, as far as is consistent with 
 mortal lot." Pro mortalibus, literally, " for mortals." Equivalent 
 to quatenus mortalibus fas est. 
 
 16. Genus humanum. " Man." 
 
 17. Sequuntur. " Partake of." 
 
 18. Praeclara fades. "Personal beauty." — Literally '• a fine 
 face," or " exterior." 
 
 19. Milabuntur. " Insensibly leave us," — Literally, " steal away," 
 "dropoff." 
 
 20. Ingenii egregia factnora. " fhe splendid exertions of intel- 
 lect." — Facinus denotes a bold or daring action, and unless it be 
 T oined with a favourable epithet, or the action be previously cte- 
 icribed as commendable, the term is a] vvays to be understood in a 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 123 
 
 Page, 
 ntupera' tve sense. In the present passage, the epithet egregius 1 
 marks the character of the action as praiseworthy. 
 
 21. Corporis etfortunae bonorum. " Of the advantages of person 
 and fortune." 
 
 1. Agit atque habet cuncta, &c. " Controls and sways all 2 
 things, and is itself controlled by none." After habetur understand 
 
 ab ullo (scil. negotio.) 
 
 2. Quo magis pravitas, &c. " On which account the depravity 
 of those is the more to be wondered at," &c. 
 
 3. Incultu. " Through want of culture." 
 
 4. Artes animi. " Mental employments." 
 
 5. Ex his. " Of these employments of mind." Understand 
 artibus animi. 
 
 6. Omnis cura, &c. " All change of public affairs," or " every 
 office of administration." Of these offices, magistrates are of a 
 civil, imperia of a military nature. 
 
 7. Quoniam neque virtuti, &c. " Since, neither, on the one 
 hand, is the honour, that is its due, rendered to merit, nor are they, 
 on the other, who have obtained authority by unfair means," &c. — 
 The allusion in fraudem is to bribery and other unworthy and de- 
 grading practices. 
 
 8. Parentes. " Subjected states." From pareo, " to obey," 
 and having the first syllable long. In parentes, "parents," it is 
 short. — The word occurs again in the first chapter of this history. 
 
 9. Delicta corrigas, " may rectify abuses." — Importunum, " a 
 perilous task." Literally, " without a harbour," or place of safety 
 from the storm. 
 
 10. Fatigando. " After all one's exertions." Understand se s 
 which in some editions is expressed. 
 
 11. Quern. For aliquem. — Lubido, an archaism for libido. 
 
 12. Gratifcari. " Of sacrificing." i. e. Tanquam rem gratam 
 devovere. — More usual Latinity would require gratificandi ; but Sal 
 lust is fond of unusual forms of expression. 
 
 13. Quae ingenio exercentur. " Which form the exercise of the 
 mind." Literally, "which are exercised upon by the mind." 
 
 14. Memoria rerum gestarum. " The recording of past events." 
 i, e. historical composition. — Virtute. "Excellence." — Praetere 
 undum. Understand esse mihi. 
 
 15. Per insolentiam. " From a feeling of vanity." Insolentia^ 
 strictly, is unusual or altered conduct, as when the head is turned 
 with vanity and self-conceit. — Studium laudando. " By praising my 
 own profession," i. e. of an historian. Before extollere understand mi. 
 
 16 A repubkca. " From all participation in public affairs." 
 
124 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page, , 
 
 2 17. Certe, &c, Supply the ellipsis as follows: " Ii certe hot, 
 
 facient, quibus," &c. 
 
 18. Salutare plebem. " To court the favour of the populace.' 
 Referring to the acts of candidates in electioneering for office, going 
 around, addressing in a friendly manner, shaking hands with voters, 
 &c. 
 
 19. Quibus temporibus. Sallust obtained the office of quaestor, 
 which entitled him to a seat in the senate, at the age of twenty- 
 seven, a few years after the conspiracy of Catiline, and while the 
 state was thrown into the greatest confusion by the acts of Clodius 
 and his followers. He was made tribune of the commons six year3 
 after, on which occasion, according to some authorities, Cato was 
 his competitor, but, according to others, when he was made praetor. 
 To his success over Cato the historian alludes in the words quotes 
 viri, &c. If this competition occurred for the office of praetor, he 
 had no great reason to be proud of his success, since he obtained 
 that magistracy entirely through the interest of Caesar. 
 
 20. Merito. " On good grounds." — Judicium animi mutavisse. 
 "Have altered my determination." — Aliorum negotiis. "The 
 active employment of others." 
 
 21. Q. Maximum. Quintus Fabius Maxrmus, the well-known op- 
 ponent of Hannibal. — P. Scipionem. The elder Africanus, who con- 
 quered Hannibal in the battle of Zama. — Solitos. Understand esse. 
 
 q 1. Imagines. Among the Romans, those whose ancestors, or 
 
 ** who themselves had borne any curule office, that is, had been consul, 
 praetor, censor, or curule aedile, were called nobiles, and had the 
 right of making images of themselves, which were kept with great 
 care by their posterity, and exhibited only at funerals or on solemn 
 occasions. These images were nothing more than the busts or 
 effigies of the individuals, down to the shoulders, made of wax, and 
 painted. They were placed in the atrium, or hall, of the Roman 
 house, enclosed in wooden cases. 
 
 2. Scilicet non ceram illam, &c. We must here resolve scilicet 
 into its component members (scire licet,) and construe as follows . 
 Scire licet non ceram illam, &c. habere. " We may well suppose 
 that neither the mere wax of which they were made, nor the form 
 it had assumed, possessed such power in themselves." 
 
 3. Eorum. " Of the former." Referring to their ancestors, and 
 depending in construction on famam and gloriam. With virtus 
 supply sua ipsorum, " their own merit." Sallust here argues in fa- 
 vour of history, as a means of exciting to noble and praiseworthy 
 actions, by its recounting the deeds of former days. 
 
 4. His moribus. " Amid the corruption of the day." i. e Amid 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 12? 
 
 Page. 
 hese manners that are now prevalent. — Quin contendat, " who does Q 
 not seek to vie." Quin is here equivalent to qui non. 
 
 5. Homines novi. "Men of humble origin." Literally, "new 
 men." Those who were the first of their family that had raised 
 themselves to any curule office, were called among the Romans, 
 homines novi, in allusion to their recent admission among the no- 
 bility. 
 
 6. Furtim et per latrocinia. " By private intrigue and open 
 fraud." The acts of peculation, and official plunder, of which the 
 Roman magistrates were so frequently guilty, are here stigmatized, 
 and they are spoken of as actually affording the means for farther ad- 
 vancement in the state. Sallust himself is open to this charge. — Af- 
 ter potius we have rejected from the text, with some of the best edi- 
 tions, the words quam bonis artibus, as the idea is sufficiently ex 
 pressed by per virtutem which precedes. 
 
 7. Ac non perinde habeantur. " And are not to be estima- 
 ted according to the merit of those who fill them." Ac is more fre- 
 quently employed after perinde than ut. But its occurrence at the 
 beginning of the clause prevents its being again employed on the 
 principle of euphony. 
 
 8. Liberius altiusque. " Too freely and too far." Com 
 pare remarks under note 1, page 1. — Redeo. Put here for eo, 
 i. e. venio, the compound for the simple. " I now come to my subject." 
 
 9. Jugurtha. Consult Historical Index. — Numidarum. Nu- 
 midia answers in some measure to the modern Algiers. Consult 
 Geographical Index. 
 
 10. Atrox. "Bloody." — Variaque victoria f wit. "And the sue 
 cess was various," i. e. and marked by various turns of fortune ; 
 victory mclining sometimes to the side of the Romans, and then 
 again to that of Jugurtha. 
 
 11. Obviam itum est. " Successful opposition was made." — Di- 
 vina et humana cuncta. " All things religious and civil," i. e. the 
 whole state. — Studiis civilibus, " to the dissensions of the state," 
 or simply, " civil dissensions." With faceret understand solum or 
 tantum, " only." 
 
 12. Pauca supra repetam. " I will take a brief review." 
 
 13. Quo, ad cognoscendum, &c. "In order that all things may 
 be clearer, and placed in a more distinct point of view, for the pur- 
 pose of being thoroughly understood." Ad cognoscendum, literally, 
 "for the knowing of them." The gerund, according to the gram- 
 marians, is here taken in a passive sense. The change of meaning, 
 nowever, is rather owing to the idiom of modern languages, as ap- 
 pears from the literal force of ad cognoscendum. 
 
 13* 
 
126 NOTES TO THE 
 
 ?age. 
 
 •J 14. Bello Punico secundo. Consult Historical Index, for an ac- 
 
 count of the Punic wars, and also for some mention of the Cartha- 
 ginians, Hannibal, and Masinissa, under their respective heads. — 
 Post magnitudinem nominis Romani. " Since the Roman name 
 became illustrious. " 
 
 15. Cui postea Africano, &c. The term Africano is here put in 
 the dative by attraction to the dative of the person. In rendering 
 the clause, Africano must be taken as equivalent to Africani or Af- 
 ricanus. Thus, Est mihi nomen Joanni, " my name is John ;" for 
 Est mihi nomen Joannis, (or Joannes.) 
 
 16. Praeclara rei militaris facinora. " Brilliant military exploits." 
 Consult note 4, page 2. — Syphace. Consult Historical Index 
 The proper name Syphax is said to have the penult of the genitive 
 common. It is on the contrary always long, for the line in Clau- 
 dian (Bell. Gild. 91.) where the short quantity occurs, " Compuli- 
 mus dirum Syphacem, fractumque Metello," is now altered in the 
 best editions, after a conjecture of Barth's, and we read Hanibalem 
 for Syphacem. 
 
 17. Regi. Referring to Masinissa. 
 
 18. Imperii vitaeque ejus, &c. The grant of the Romans ceased 
 with the life of Masinissa. His son Micipsa reigned merely over 
 that part of Numidia which had originally belonged to his parent. 
 Cirta, and the portion of Numidia which Syphax had possessed, were 
 formed into a Roman province. Hence imperii in the text refers to 
 the empire of Masinissa in its full extent, embracing what he had 
 received from the Romans. 
 
 4 1. Absumtis. " Being carried off." 
 
 2. Eodem cultu, &c. " He reared at home in the same way as 
 he did his own children." Cultus here has reference to every thing 
 connected with the rearing of youth. It may be rendered more 
 literally by the term "education." Thus, "he kept at his court, 
 and trained up by the same system of education," &c. 
 
 3. Luxu. The old dative for luxui. — Corrumpendum. "To be 
 corrupted by them." Literally, "for a corrupting by means of 
 them." Understand illis in the ablative, and consult note 13, 
 page 3. 
 
 4. Equitare, jaculari, &c. " He engaged in feats of horseman- 
 ship, he learned to throw the lance," &c. The infinitive is here 
 put for the imperfect of the indicative, a practice of which Sallust is 
 perhaps fonder than any other writer. Grammarians term it the 
 historical infinitive, as being principally used in historical narratives, 
 in order to give an air of rapidity and animation to the sentence. 
 This construction is usually explained by an ellipsis of coepit or coa- 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 12? 
 
 Page. 
 
 perunt, which may often be supplied ; in other cases, however, it 4 
 will not accord with the sense. 
 
 5. Et, cum omnis gloria anteiret. " And though he surpassed 
 all in reputation." Omnis is put for omnes. Consult note 9, page 
 1. — Esse, for erat. Consult note 4. So also we have in this same 
 sentence, agere for agebat, ferire for feriebat, facer e for faciebat, and 
 loqui for loquebatur. 
 
 6. Hominem adolescentem. " The young man." Sallust, by a 
 species of archaism (note 9, p. 1.) here uses adolescens, with homo 
 expressed, as a verbal adjective. Adolescens is, strictly speaking, 
 a verbal, and means " one growing up." — Ezactasua aetate. " His 
 own age being far advanced." 
 
 7. Magis magisque crescere. " Increased more and more in 
 reputation." Crescere is here the ordinary infinitive, preceded in 
 construction by hominem adolescentem. 
 
 8. Avida imperii, &c. " Eager after power, and hurried head- 
 long to the gratification of its ruling propensity." Animi cupidinem 
 is an archaism for cupidinem alone. — Opportunitas suaeque, &c. 
 " The favourable opportunity afforded by his own and the age of his 
 children, a circumstance which leads even moderate men astray by 
 the hope of self-aggrandizement." 
 
 9. Seditio. " Insurrection." — Bellum. " War," i. e. civil war. 
 -Anxius . l ( Apprehensive . " 
 
 10. Popularibus. " To his countrymen." 
 
 11. Numantino. Consult Geographical Index. — Cum mitteret. 
 " Being engaged in sending." — Ostentando virtutem. " In ostenta- 
 tiously displaying his valour." — Saevitia. " By the furious bravery." 
 
 12. Impigro atque acri ingenio. " Of a quick and penetrating 
 turn of mind." — P. Scipionis. The younger Africanus, called also 
 Aemilianus. — Morem hostium. " The mode of fighting practised 
 by the enemy." 
 
 1. Quorum alterum. Referring to his being wise in council. — £J 
 Adferre. " To generate." 
 
 *Z. Res asperas. " Difficult enterprises." — Agere for agebat ; so 
 habere for habebat, and amplecti for amplectebatur. This peculiar- 
 ity in Sallust's style need no longer be noted by us. The student 
 will easily discover it himself. (Consult note 4, page 4.) — Magis 
 magisque &c. " He became more and more attached to him every 
 day." 
 
 3. Munificentia animi, &c. " A generosity of spirit and shrewd- 
 ness of intellect." — Quis for quibus. 
 
 4. Potior es. " Possessed of more charms. "— Domz. "At home," 
 e. at Rome. — Apud socios clari magis quam honesti. " Men ra- 
 
128 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page, 
 
 5 ther of note among our allies, than really possessed of integrity.*' 
 Equivalent to magnam potius quam bonamfamam habentes. 
 
 5. Non mediocrem animum. " The ambitious spirit." 
 
 6. Romae omnia venalia esse. Meaning that he could purchase, if 
 he pleased, the kingdom of Numidia from the Romans, after the 
 death of Micipsa. The power of Jugurtha's bribes will be seen in 
 the course of the narrative. 
 
 7. Revorti. An archaism for reverti. — Praetorium. " The gene- 
 ral's tent.," i. e. his own (Scipio's) tent. The name of praetor was 
 anciently common to all the Roman magistrates, and, in its primi- 
 tive acceptation, means a commander, or general. (Is qui praeit 
 jure et exercitu. Varro.) The term praetorium is often used to de- 
 note not only the tent of the commander, but also the space around 
 for his retinue and body-guard ; not, however, in this passage. 
 
 8. Publice, quam privatim. " Publicly rather than privately," 
 i. e. by public services, rather than by private interest. — Quibus 
 for aliquibus. — Periculose a paucis emi, &c. Implying that the 
 kingdom of Numidia belonged to the whole Roman people, and not 
 to a few of the nobility. That if he sought to obtain it from the latter 
 by bribery, he would only be exposing himself to danger. 
 
 9. In suis artibus. " In the exercise of those abilities which he 
 possessed." — Vitro. " Of their own accord," i. e. without any ex- 
 ertion on his part. — Properantius . "Too eagerly," i. e. should 
 attempt to expedite his elevation to the throne by bribery. 
 
 10. Pro nostra amicitia. " As a friend." Literally, u in considera- 
 tion of our mutual friendship." 
 
 11. Igitur rex, &c. " The king, therefore, when he learned from 
 the general's letter, that the things which he had heard from rumour 
 were true." Ita esse, equivalent to ita esse uti acceperat. " Were 
 so as he had heard." — Cum virtuteviri, &c. " Strongly influenced 
 both by the merit of the man, and his popularity with the Romans." 
 
 S 1. Cum Jugurtha. The presence of the preposition marks the 
 '^miliar nature of the address to Jugurtha, which approached in fact 
 io a conversation. 
 
 2. In meum regnum. " Into my kingdom," i. e. as one of m} 
 heirs. In this assertion of Micipsa there was evidently no truth, 
 and Jugurtha himself, as appears from the beginning of the next 
 chapter, viewed it in this light. — Existumans non minus, &c. 
 " Thinking that I would be no less dear to you, than to my own 
 children, in case I should become the father of any." According to 
 this declaration of Micipsa, he adopted Jugurtha before he had any 
 offspring of his own The want of truth in this assertion speaks foi 
 itself. 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 129 
 
 Page. 
 
 3. Neque eares falsum habuit. Understand me. "Nor did that 6 
 expectation deceive me." Falsum habuit is equivalent to fefellit. — 
 Tua. Understand facta, in the sense of-" exploits." 
 
 4. Gloria honor axis ti. " Thou hast decked with glory." — No- 
 men familiae renovatum. " The name of our family has been re- 
 vived." It had been previously rendered illustrious by the exploits 
 of Massinissa. 
 
 5. Per regnifidem. " By the fidelity you owe my kingdom," i. 
 e. as received into a share of it, and made one of its members. Al- 
 luding to his adoption, and the obligation he was consequently un 
 der of aiding and defending the throne. — Beneficio meo. " By my 
 kindness towards you." Alluding to his having adopted him. — 
 Alienos. " Strangers." 
 
 6. Non exercitus, &c. This beautiful idea is borrowed from the 
 dying speech of Cyrus, in Xenophon, Cyrop. s. 7, 14. — Officio et 
 fide. " By kind offices, and by the exercise of fidelity." — Quis au 
 tern. " Now, who." — Amicior. Understand debet esse. — Tuts. " To 
 your own relations." 
 
 7. Dilabuntur. " Fall gradually to ruin." 
 
 8. Ne aliter quid eveniat. " That nothing may happen contrary 
 to my wishes," i. e. literally, " otherwise than I could wish." — Opu- 
 lentior. " The more powerful." This term literally means, " pow- 
 erful in resources," pollens opibus. — Oolite, observate. " Cherish, 
 respect." — Hunc. The pronoun indicates the proximity of Jugurtha 
 to the couch of the dying monarch. — Sumsisse. " To have adopt* 
 ed." The more usual, but less accurate, form, is sumpsisse. 
 
 9. Ficta. "Insincerely." Literally, "mere fictions." — Pro tern 
 pore, &c. " Gave an affectionate answer, suited to the occasion." 
 Pro tempore, literally, in consideration of the occasion. 
 
 1. Justa. " His obsequies." Understand funera. "We have it 'J 
 expressed in Caesar. B. G. 6, 19, Justis funeribus confectis. — Re- 
 guli. " The princes." Adherbal, Hiempsal, and Jugurtha. The 
 term regulus is here employed, not so much with reference to their 
 age, as to the division of the kingdom among them. It denotes 
 properly " a petty monarch." — Minumus. " The youngest." Un 
 derstand natu. 
 
 2. Ferox. "Violent." — IgnobilitatemJugurthae. "The ignoble 
 oirth of Jugurtha." Quia materno genere impar erat. " Because his 
 origin was base on the mother's side." Literally, "because he was 
 unequal, or inferior," &c. The allusion is to Jugurtha's having 
 been born of a concubine. 
 
 3. D extra Adherbalem adsedit. " Sat down on the right hand of 
 Adherbal." The accusative Adherbalem is governed by ad in com- 
 
130 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 7 position. Dextra is here equivalent to a dextra. — Fatigatus a 
 
 fatre. " Being wearied out by the importunities of his brother."-— 
 
 In partem alteram. M To the opposite side." 
 
 4. Cum multa diss ererent. " Ip the midst of a long discussion. "- 
 Jacit. " Throws out the remark," i. e. proposes. — Rescindi. " Should 
 be repealed." — Parum animo valuissc. " Had not been strong in 
 mind." His judgment had been impaired by age and sickness, 
 according to Jugurtha. 
 
 5. Ipsum ilium. Referring to Jugurtha. — Quod verbum, &c. 
 " This remark sank more deeply into the bosom of Jugurtha," &c 
 — Ira et metu anxius. " Distracted with rage and fear." — Moliri. 
 "He plotted."—* Parare. "He contrived." — Tardius. "Too 
 slowly," i. e. tardius quam voluerat. " More slowly than he 
 wished." 
 
 6. Propter dissensionem/ "To prevent mutual disputes." - 
 Maturius. "First." Literally, "sooner." — Loca propinqua the- 
 sauris. It seems to have been the custom with the monarchs of 
 that land to keep the royal treasures in several strongholds. Thus, 
 in the 37th chapter of this history, the town Suthul is mentioned, as 
 having been employed for that purpose ; in the 75th chapter, Thala ; 
 in the 92d chapter, a castle is spoken of ; and Strabo finally calls 
 Capsa, to ya$o<pv\a.Kiov tov 'lovyovpda. 
 
 7. Proxumus lictor. " Chief lictor." i. e. chief attendant. The 
 lictors went before those whom they attended, one by one, in a 
 regular line. The foremost was called lictor primus, and the hind- 
 most, who immediately preceded the magistrate, was called lictor 
 proximus, or postremus, and used to receive and execute the com- 
 mands of the individual on whom he attended. Masinissa had been 
 allowed by the Roman senate to assume the badges of curule ma- 
 gistracy, in consideration of his valuable services. In this way, 
 lictors became a part of the retinue of the Numidian monarchs. 
 Some, however, suppose that Sallust merely uses the term lictor on 
 „nis occasion in accordance with the custom of other Roman writers, 
 who applied terms, which only suited the institutions of their owp 
 country, to the customs and usages of other nations. 
 
 8. Quern ministrum. " Which tool." — Clavis adulterinas. 
 " False keys." Clavis for claves. The gates of the house, not, as 
 some maintain, of the city, are meant. — Venturum. To the city, 
 namely, where Hiempsal was residing. 
 
 9. Diver si. "In different directions." Literally, "taking dif- 
 ferent routes." — Occursantes. "Meeting them." — Strepitu et tu~ 
 multu. " With uproar and confusion." — Tugurio mvlicris ancillae. 
 " In an obscure apartment, belonging to a maid-servant." Tugu- 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 13i 
 
 Page. 
 
 num is here employed to denote a mean or pooi apartment, such *7 
 as slaves were lodged in. With regard to the expression mulieris 
 ancillae, it may be remarked, that ancilla, strictly speaking, is an 
 adjective, and is so used by the older writers, whom Sallust here 
 imitates : not, however, by those of a later age. 
 
 1. Omnisque. F 'or omnesque. — In duas partis discedunt. "They fc 
 separate into two parties." Partis for partes. — Blum alterum. 
 
 " The other," i. e. Jugurtha. The pronoun Me here represents, by 
 a species of archaism, the definite article, which the Latin language 
 wants. 
 
 2. Partim vi, &c. " Some by force, others of their own ccsisent." 
 Partim, here used in the sense of alias, and elsewhere in Sallust £jt 
 an adverb, is in fact the old accusative of pars, for the later form 
 partem, and governed by quod ad, or secundum, understood. 
 
 3. Tamen etsi. An archaism for tametsi. 
 
 4. In provinciam. "Into the Roman province." i. e. the terri- 
 tory of Carthage, which the Romans, after the death of Massinissa., 
 on whom they had bestowed it for the period of his life, formed into 
 a province. 
 
 5. Jugurtha, patratis consiliis. After this in some editions we 
 have postquam omni Numidiapotiebatur. This, however, is entirely 
 superfluous, and is already implied in patratis consiliis. 
 
 6. Quis. For quibus. — Uti expleant. "To satisfy fully." — 
 Quemcumque possint, &c. "To gain over whomsoever they can by 
 dint of bribery," Some editions read quaecunque, &c. "To ac- 
 complish whatever they can," &c. The reading in the text, how 
 ever, is more animated and forcible. 
 
 7. Aliisque. "And to others," namely, of the nobility. — Auclo- 
 ritas. " Influence" in the senate. — Invidia. " Odium." — In 
 gratiam et favor em. " Into the good graces and favour." 
 
 8. Singulos ex senatu ambiundo. " By going around to each 
 individual of the senate," i. e. by a personal application to the 
 senators individually. — -Ne gravius in eum consuleretur. " That 
 too severe measures should not be taken against him." 
 
 9. Senatus. " An audience on the part of the senate." 
 
 10. Procurations "In the administration of it." — Ceterum jus 
 et imperium, &c. " That the rightful sovereignty, however, was 
 vested in you." Literally, " that the right and sovereignty," &c. 
 
 1. Cognatorum. " Of kindred." — Adfinium. " Of relatives." *) 
 Cognati are relations by the father's side ; Agnati, on the mo- 
 ther's side ; Adfines, by marriage. Compare Taylors Elements of 
 the Civil Law, p. 314 seq., and HilVs Synonyms, p. 61. 
 
 2 Habere. Some editions read habiturum esse. The present, 
 
132 
 
 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 9 however, is more forcible, and carries with it an air of greater cer* 
 tainty. — Cum agitarem. " While I was zealously acting in ac- 
 cordance with." The student will note the peculiar force of th© 
 frequentative. — Et jam ab stripe, &c. "And even by my very 
 lineage the ally and friend," &c. i. e. the hereditary ally and friend. 
 
 3. Atqwe ego, &c. The ^general idea, intended to be conveyed 
 by this whole passage, is as follows : I could have wished, conscript 
 fathers, since I was destined to be plunged into this misery, that 
 I might have been able to implore your aid, rather on account of my 
 own services, than those of my ancestors ; and above all, that I 
 might have merited the gratitude of Rome, without needing her pro- 
 tection ; or that, in case I did stand in need of it, I might have 
 received it as my due. As, however, innocence is of itself but a 
 weak defence, &c. 
 
 4. Vellem. To be rendered as if voluissem. — Mea. " Services that 
 I might have rendered." — Ob majorum beneficia. " On account of 
 any rendered by my ancestors." — Ac maxume. " And above all." — 
 Deberi mihi. " That favours might have been owing to me. " — 
 Secundum ea. "Next to this," or, more freely, "in the next place." 
 Equivalent to secundo loco quibus. Some editions read secundum 
 With a comma after it, separating it from ea. Secundum will then 
 mean " in the next place," and ea be joined in construction with 
 desideranda essent. 
 
 5. Neque mihi in manu fuit, &c. " Nor was it in my power to 
 form the character of Jugurtha." Literally, " to effect what kind 
 of person Jugurtha should be." After foret the verb efficere may 
 be understood, although this is not necessary, since the clause, 
 qualis foret Jugurtha, may be regarded as the subject nominative to 
 fuit. 
 
 6. Quo tempore, &c. This refers to the Romans, who were, at the 
 time to which the prince alludes, engaged in an important and diffi- 
 cult war with the Carthaginians, and might be faithful, but could 
 not, when their resources were thus pre-occupied, prove very efficient 
 allies. Ejus refers to populo Romano. 
 
 7. Quorum progeniem. Supply me. Quorum refers to familia, 
 a collective noun, and to the idea of majores implied in it. — Nihil 
 eausae. " No other plea." — Deformatus aerumnis. " Forlorn and 
 wretched." 
 
 8. Tam,en erat. " Still it were." Erat is here used instead of 
 esset, to denote more of certainty by means of th% indicative. — JSequs 
 cujusquam, &c. " And that the kingdom of no one should increase 
 in power, by the commission of crime." There is no need of un- 
 derstanding, as some do, the verb pati after neque. 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 133 
 
 Page. 
 
 9. Vos in mea injuria, &c. " You are treated with contempt in Q 
 the injustice that is done me." Despicere always implies that the 
 person despising thinks meanly of the person despised, as compared 
 with himself. Contemnere denotes the absolute vileness of an 
 object. 
 
 10. Potissumum. " Of all others." 
 
 11. Semperne in sanguine, &c. " Shall we always be exposed 
 to the horrors of bloodshed, to the sword, to exile 1" — Incolumes 
 M Powerful." Literally, " safe," i. e. from Roman power and do 
 minion. — Jure. "As a matter of course." Equivalent to jure 
 necessitatis. 
 
 1. Ulapestis. " That plague." Referring to the Carthaginians. 10 
 — Pacem agitabamus. The frequentative is frequently employed 
 
 by Sallust for the simple verb to give more fulness to the style. 
 Agitabamus is here put for agebamus. — Quis for quibus. — Quern 
 jussissetis. " Him, whom vou might have ordered us to regard as 
 such." 
 
 2. Sese ecferens. An archaism for sese efferens, and this equiva- 
 lent to elatus, "hurried away." — Atque eodem. "And who was at 
 the same time." 
 
 3. Isdem. An archaism for iisdem. — Nihil minus, quam, &c. " Ex 
 pecting nothing so little as violence or war, in a country subjected 
 to your authority." 
 
 4. Extorrem patria, &c. The student will note the imitation of 
 the Greek idiom, in which Sallust here indulges. Effecit me extor- 
 rem, &c., ut essem, instead of effecit uti ego nihil minus quam, &c. 
 exspectans, sicuti videtis, extorris patria, domo, inops, coopertus 
 miseriis, ubivis tutius quam in regno meo essem. 
 
 5. Multum laborem suscipere. " Undertook an arduous task." 
 The prince now enters on the following argument : — If my ancestors 
 embraced the friendship and alliance of Rome, not from motives of 
 indolence, nor from a wish to lead an easy and inactive life, but 
 well knowing, on the contrary, how many arduous labours they 
 would have to perform, and how much would be expected from 
 them by the Roman state as a proof of their fidelity ; and if they 
 rendered all these services, and gave all these proofs of their sincerity 
 and attachment ; surely I, their descendant, have some right to 
 expect both commiseration and aid at your hands. 
 
 6. Quod in familia nostra fuit, &c. "What was in the power 
 of our family to perform, it did ; that it might aid you, namely, in all 
 your wars." Our idiom requires the past tense of the indicative ; 
 " it aided you in all your wars." 
 
 7 Tertium. " On becoming a third," by adoption. — Alterius. 
 
 14 
 
"34 NOTES TO THE 
 
 age. 
 
 Referring to Jugurtha. Some editions have alter, referring of course 
 to the speaker. 
 
 8. Generis praesidia, &c. " All the supports of my family are 
 cut off." — Naturae concessit. " Has paid the debt of nature." 
 Literally, "has yielded to nature," i. e. to the universal law of 
 nature. 
 
 9. Quern minume decuit. " Whom such a deed least of all be- 
 came," i. e. who should have been the last to do it. The clause 
 refers to propinquus, not to fratri. 
 
 10. Adftnes, amicos, &c. " One disaster has crushed crce, 
 another has crushed another, of my relatives, my friends, the rest of 
 those who were near to me." Sallust is very fond of the construction 
 with alius. It must be repeated in translating. 
 
 11. Pars .... acti. An instance of the figure which gram- 
 marians call synesis, where the adjective, participle, &c. refer to 
 the person or persons implied by a word, and do not agree in gendei 
 with the word itself. Acti, in this clause, and objecti, in the next, 
 refer to adfines, amid, and propinqui } and agree with them in 
 gender. 
 
 12. Exigunt. "Drag out." — Necessariis. "Friendly." Ne- 
 cessaria are here opposed to adversa, and denote those acts of kind- 
 ness and affection which we are necessarily led to expect from those 
 who are connected with us by the ties of consanguinity. And hence 
 the term necessitudo is used for relationship or any intimate con- 
 nexion. Adherbal expected from Jugurtha the kindness and affec- 
 tion of a brother, but only met with acts of hostility. 
 
 13. Nunc vero, &c. This is an instance of what the logicians 
 call the argument a fortiori. Even though I had not been stripped 
 of my kingdom and all my resources, remarks Adherbal, still, if any 
 unexpected injury had been done me, I would have implored your 
 aid. How much more ought I to implore it now, when an exile and 
 a beggar ! 
 
 14. Omnium honestarum rerum. " Of all things suitable to my 
 rank." 
 
 15. Ob vestram amicitiam. " On account of your friendship 
 towards us," i. e. our alliance with you. — Majorum meorum, &c. 
 « Very many a memorial of the hostilities committed by my fore- 
 fathers," i. e. committed by them against the neighbouring nations 
 in furtherance of the Roman power. 
 
 || 1. Postremo, Masinissa, &c. A new argument. I cannot obtain 
 any aid from other powers ; and even if I could, the injunctions of 
 my father Masinissa would not permit me to do so. He taught us 
 to look to you for aid in all our difficulties. It is yours tnerefore to 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 135 
 
 Page, 
 render th/j assistance which I claim, and the more so too, as you 1 1 
 are fully able to afford it. 
 
 2. Una nobis occidendum esse. " That we must fall along with 
 it." 
 
 3. Mag-vi estis, &c. "You are become a great and powerful 
 people." Opulcntus is here equivalent to opibus potens. — Omnia 
 secunda, &c. " All things prosper with you, and are obedient to 
 your sway," i. e. all your undertakings are crowned with success, 
 and every thing yields to your power. 
 
 4. Quos put for aliquos. — Parum cognita. " 111 understood by 
 them." Referring to their ignorance of Jugurtha's real character, 
 and hinting that he only wishes to make tools of them in furthering 
 his own views, and screening himself from punishment. — Trans- 
 vorsos. " Astray," i. e. from the path of duty and honour. 
 
 5. Fatigarc. " Are importuning." — Finger e me verba. " That 
 I feign what I say," i. e. that my grievances are all pretended. — 
 Cui licuerit manere. " "When I might have remained." 
 
 6. Quod utinam, &c. " But would that I may see." The use 
 of quod before many conjunctions, &c, merely as a copulative, ap- 
 pears to have arisen from the fondness of the Latin writers for the 
 connexion by means of relatives. 
 
 7. Ne. " Yes !" The more usual form is nae, from the Greek 
 val. — Qui nunc sceleribus suis, &c. " "Who is now emboldened by, 
 and glories in, his crimes." 
 
 8. Jam jam, f rater, &c. The mention of his brother in the pre- 
 vious sentence, reminds him of all that brother's misfortune, and he 
 bursts forth therefore into an invocation full of the strongest feeling. 
 — Regnum. Understand tantum or tantummodo. So in Greek, 
 fidvov is often omitted after the particles ov and p), and must be sup- 
 plied in translating. 
 
 9. Rerum humanarum. " Of the instability of human affairs." — An 
 regno consulam. " Or consult for the welfare of my kingdom," 
 i. e. by making peace with the usurper, save my subjects from the 
 horrors of a war. — Cujus vitae necisque, &c. " Since my own life 
 or death depends entirely on the aid which I am soliciting from 
 others," i. e. since I have no other quarter from which to expect 
 even personal safety but the Roman power ; while, on the other 
 hand, I am every moment in dread of death from the violence of Ju- 
 gurtha. 
 
 10. Emori. " A speedy death." The infinitive here supplies the 
 place of a noun, or, more correctly speaking, is employed in its true 
 character. For this mood, partaking of the nature of a noun, has 
 been called bv grammarians the " verb's noun," (ovojaci 'pfjuctTcs 
 
136 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 1 1 The reason ol this appellation is more apparent, however, in Greek 
 from its taking the prepositive article before it in all cases ; as rd 
 ypa<peiv, rov yp&Qeiv, tc5 yp&Qetv. The same construction is not un- 
 known in English. Thus Spenser : — 
 
 "For not to have been dipped in Lethe lake, 
 Could save the son of Thetis from to die." 
 
 11. Ncu jure contemtus, &c. " And that I might not appear a 
 just object of contempt." Cortius reads vivere instead of jure, and 
 makes it equivalent to viverem, regarding viderer as a mere appen- 
 dage to the sentence, in imitation of the Greek idiom, where words 
 that refer literally to what appears to be the case, are sometimes 
 taken in the sense of reality, and refer to what is actually the case ; 
 such as <paivw, Sokeo, &c. Other editions have vere. 
 
 12. Neque vivere lubet. " Life neither possesses any charms," — 
 Ite obviam. injuriae. " Set your faces against injustice."-^ Tabes- 
 cere. " To fall by degrees to ruin." A metaphor borrowed from 
 the effects of a wasting malady on the human frame. The guilt of 
 Jugurtha is to prove, if unchecked by Roman power, a corroding 
 canker, that will consume by degrees all the prosperity of Nu- 
 midia. 
 
 12 1. Caussa. " The justice of their cause." — Saevitiam. "Cru- 
 elty." — Vitro. * 4 Without any provocation. ' ' — Quod injuriam, &c. 
 " Because he had not been able to commit the wrong that he in- 
 tended." — Alium ac. " Other than." — Utrique. " Both parties," 
 i. e. Adherbal and Jugurtha's ambassadors. 
 
 2. Gratia depravati. " Corrupted by their influence." Pars..* 
 depravati, by synesis. Consult note 11, page 10. — Virtutem 
 " The merit." — Gratia, voce. " By private influence, by openly 
 opposing the measure." — Pro alieno scelere, &c. " They strove to 
 screen the crime and infamy of another, as if in support of their own 
 reputation." 
 
 3. Carius. Agreeing with aequum, the nearer noun. — Cense- 
 bant. The verb ccnseo is specially applied by the Roman writers 
 to a senator's expression of opinion in debate. — Aemilius Scaurus. 
 Consult Historical Index. — Famosam impudentemque. " The noto 
 rious and barefaced." Famosam is here equivalent to de qua mul 
 ta fama erat. — Polluta licentia. " This gross corruption." — Invi- 
 diam. " Public odium." Popular resentment. — A consueta lubv 
 dine. " From its accustomed cupidity." 
 
 4. Qui. Referring to senatorum, as implied in pars. — Decern le- 
 gati. " Ten commissioners." — Obtinuerat. " Had possessed. "- 
 L. Opimius. For this, and the other names that occur in the clause, 
 consult Historical Index. — Acerrume victoriaw , &c. "Had made 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. ] 37 
 
 Page. 
 d very cruel use of the victory gained by the nobility over the com- JO 
 mons." According to Plutarch, not less than three thousand of the 
 lower orders were slain on this occasion. (Vit. Gracch. c. 18.) 
 
 5. Adcuratissume. " With the most studied respect." — Famae. 
 fide. Some editions read fama, an old form for famae, the dative. 
 We have given the regular form for the dative at once. Fide is by 
 an archaism for fidei. 
 
 6. Maureianiam. Consult Geographical Index. — Blam alteram. 
 " The other.'* Flam is here used, by an archaism, with the force 
 of the Greek article. — Specie, quamus-a, potiorem. " Better in ap- 
 pearance than reality." 
 
 7. Res postulare videtur. " My subject here seems to require of 
 me." — Attingere. "To touch slightly upon," i. e. to give a brief 
 account. — Asperitatem. " The difficulty of travelling." Literally, 
 "the wildness or ruggedness of the country." — Minus frequentata 
 sunt. "Are less frequented." Cortius takes frequentata sunt in the 
 sense of habitata sunt. The other meaning, however, appears, upon 
 a careful examination of the passage, to agree better with the context. 
 
 1. De is haud facile, &c. " Of these I cannot easily speak with J*J 
 any degree of certainty." Is by an archaism for iis. — Absolvam. 
 
 " I will despatch." 
 
 2. In partem tertiam, &c. " Have reckoned Africa as a third 
 part." Literally, " have set down Africa for a third part." Some 
 read in parte tertia. But the best manuscripts are in favour of the 
 other lection, and the literal translation we have given shows its 
 propriety. — Fauci tantummodo, &c. Understand xoluerunt, or 
 else posuerunt. Varro is one of those w r ho make but two divisions 
 of the ancient world. His words are : u Ut omnis natura in coelum 
 et terram divisa est, sic coelum in regiones, terra in Asiam et Eu~ 
 ropam." (L. L. 4.) 
 
 3. Ea finis habet. " It has for its boundaries." Finis for fines 
 Sallust, having been governor of Numidia, was w T ell acquainted with 
 the general outlines of Africa, as far as that country w r as known to 
 the Romans. His account, however, of the early history of the 
 people of Africa is of no value whatever, nor does he appear to 
 have believed it himself. 
 
 4. Fretum nostri maris et oceani. " The strait connecting our sea 
 with the ocean." The straits of Gibraltar are here meant, called 
 by the Romans fretum Gaditanum or Herculeum. The Mediter- 
 ranean was styled mare nostrum by the Latin writers, from the 
 circumstance of the Italian peninsula projecting into it. 
 
 5. Declivem latitudinem. " A wide sloping tract." Consult Geo- 
 graphical Index. — Mare saevum, importuosum. ' The sea of Af- 
 
 14* 
 
38 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 23*"^ is tempestuous, and ill-supplied with harbours." The term 
 importuosum apparently contradicts the expression portuosior, ap- 
 plied at the close of the preceding chapter to the part of Numidia 
 assigned by the Roman commissioners to Adherbal : there, however, 
 it only means "better provided with harbours" than the part given 
 to Jugurtha, without meaning to convey the idea that they were ma- 
 ny in number. 
 
 6. Arbori infecundus. Understand ferendae or some equivalent 
 term. Arbori is put for arboribus. — Coelo, terra, &c. " From the 
 sky, from the earth, there is a scarcity of water," i. e. rain seldom 
 falls, and the rivers and springs are few in number. — Genus homi- 
 num. " The natives." Literally, " the race of men," (i. e. that 
 inhabit it.) — Dissohit. " Gradually carries off."~Malefici generis. 
 " Of a hurtful kind." 
 
 7. Quamquam ab eafama, &c. " Although it differs from that 
 account which is the prevalent one among most persons ; still, as it 
 has been explained to us out of the Punic volumes, which were said 
 to have been those of king Hiempsal, and as the inhabitants of that 
 land deem the fact to be, I will relate in as brief a manner as pos- 
 sible. The truth of the narrative, however, shall rest with the au- 
 thors of it." Whatever these books may have been, it does not 
 appear that the information derived from them by Sallust was of the 
 most accurate character. (Compare note 3.) 
 
 8. Gaetuli et Libyes. For these and other names occurring in 
 the course of this account, consult the Historical, or Geographical 
 Index, as the case may be. — Quis. For quibus. — Humi pabulum. 
 " The herbage of the ground." — Vagi, palantes. " Without any 
 fixed habitation, wandering to and fro." 
 
 9. Hercules. All this is a mere fable. — Sibi quique. " Each for 
 himself." Quique is put quoque, and petente is in fact understood, 
 though not translated. — Dilabitur. " Melts away." 
 
 10. Intra oceanum magis. " More upon the ocean," i. e. near 
 er the ocean. According to this account, which, however, is purely 
 fabulous, they settled on the coast of Africa, without the straits of 
 Gibraltar, where the land, bending outward, appears to be embraced 
 by the Atlantic, and, as it were, folded in its arms. Hence the lit- 
 eral meaning of the text is, " more within the ocean." 
 
 11. Emundi, out mutandi. " Of obtaining it by purchase or ex- 
 change." Referring to the timber. — Ignara lingua. " An un* 
 known language," i. e. an ignorance of the language spoken in that 
 country. — Commercia. " All traffic." 
 
 14 1. Tentantes agros. "In trying the pasturage." — Numidas. 
 The etymology here given is of no value whatever. If the name 
 
Jl-GUR THINE WAR. 139 
 
 Page 
 ISumidae really denote a pastoral people, and be derived from 1^ 
 
 - :.") as Sallust supposes, it must have been given to 
 the people who bore it by the Greeks, among whom the term 
 V:...i.': ; - was applied to pastoral nations in general. Le Clerc (ad 
 Genes. 10. 6.) derives the appellation Xumidae from the Phoenician 
 Nemoudim, ' ; wanderers . ' ! 
 
 2. Mapalia. Tims term appears to be analogous to our English 
 word ,; huts." The Nuniidian mapalia were constructed of reeds 
 and other similar material, according to >ilms I:al:cus (17, 88.) 
 From Sallushs description they would seem to have resembled the 
 
 hmgs of many barbarous tribes of the present day. The ancient 
 
 mention also of Xumddian rnagalia. According to 
 
 some, the rnagalia were fixed abodes, forming villages and towns ; 
 
 whereas the mapalia were moveable dwellings, and were carried 
 
 if on wagons according is this nomadic race changed their 
 place of residence. Mapalia has the first syllable short, but rnagalia 
 long. Servius makes the true orthography of the latter magaria, 
 and derives the word from the Phoenician magar, equivalent as he 
 informs us, to the Latin " villa.-'' 
 
 3. Tacurcis latenbus tecta. "Formed of sloping sides meeting 
 at the top in a roof." — Carviae. " The hulls." 
 
 4. Sub sole magis. ;; More under the sun," i. e. nearer the 
 equator. — _45 ardorilns. u From the heats of the torrid zone." — 
 Hique. Preferring to the liedes and Armenians united witfc the 
 Libyans. — Freto. "Merely by a strait." Understand tantum. 
 
 5. Mauros pro Medis adpeUantes. This etymology is of no value. 
 Bochart. with more probability, deduces the nan mom the 
 Phoenician Mauharim, meaning ;; the farthest people," for after the 
 Mauri came the Western oi 
 
 6. y amine Xumido.e. M Under the name of Nmsidians.' 1 Their 
 new name.— Propter midtitudinem. '■ In consequence of an over- 
 ho-.ving population." — Quae, proxume Carthaginem. ""Which, 
 lying in the immediate vicinity of Carthage." The student will 
 note the constriction, loca, quae .... appellatur. The relative 
 here agrees with the following word in the singular, in place of that 
 verb being put in the plural. It is the usual practice of Cicero 
 to connect the relative in agreement or gender with a following 
 word. Some grammarians term tms the Greek construction. 
 
 7. Utriqtte. Referring to the parent state of the Numidians, and 
 
 mat went forth from it. — Hi, qui ad nostrum, <kc. 
 Preferring to the colony alone. — . Occ. Tne reason 
 
 assigned by Salhmt :":: the more rapid growth and the greater repu- 
 tation of the colon] is., thai they encountered in the Libyans a foe o 
 
140 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 J 4 no gr eat power and of no very warlike habits. Hence they soon 
 made themselves conspicuous by the conquest of these. Whereas 
 the parent state, though it had become in some degree united with 
 the Gaetuli by intermarriage, yet still found in many tribes of that 
 nation very powerful opponents, who prevented by their continual 
 hostilities any very rapid increase of national strength. It will be 
 perceived that Sallust, in the course of this history, makes the 
 Gaetuli a distinct people from the Numidians, so that the union to 
 which he refers could not have been a very strong or extensive one. 
 
 8. Pars inferior. Referring to the part " nearer the sea," i. e. 
 the shores of the Mediterranean. — Concessere. " Became merged." 
 — Imperantium. " Of their conquerors." The impera?ites are the 
 members of the colony, the victi omnes are the Libyans. 
 
 9. Originibus. "To their parent states," i. e. the cities of 
 Phoenicia, from which the colonies that founded them had come. 
 
 10. Ad Catabathmon. "Beginning with the Catabathmus." 
 More literally, " On the side of the Catabathmus." The Catabath- 
 mus, it will be remembered, was made, in the 17th chapter, the 
 eastern limit of Africa, by which arrangement Egypt became part of 
 Asia. — Secundo mari. " And following the seacoast." 
 
 11. Thereon. The Greek genitive plural (QrjpaTcjv) Latinized, 
 and put for the more common Latin form Theraeorum. The The- 
 reans were the natives of Thera. Consult Geographical Index. 
 
 12. Leptis. The city of Leptis Magna is here meant. The one 
 alluded to in the beginning of the chapter is Leptis Parva. 
 
 13. Philaenon arae. " The altars of the Philaeni." We have 
 here the Greek genitive plural (<£>i\alvo)v) again Latinized. An ac- 
 count of the Philaeni, and the manner of their death, is given in the. 
 79th chapter of this history. — Quern. Understand locum. 
 
 14. Post. " After this," put for postea. — Super Numidiam. 
 " To the south of Numidia," i. e. above Numidia in an inland di- 
 rection. — Alios incultius vagos agitare. " That others, being in a 
 less civilized state, lead a wandering life." Agitare is put for the 
 simple verb agere, to give a fuller sound to the clause, a practice 
 very common in Sallust. 
 
 15. Aethiopas. The Aethiopes, according to our historian, would 
 seem to have occupied the central parts of Africa from east to west. 
 
 16. Pleraque ex Punicis oppida. The more usual form would 
 be pleraque ex Punicis oppidis. The Greek idiom is here imitated. 
 — Quos novissume habuerant. " Of which that power had been 
 latest possessed." Referring to the territories of the Carthaginians 
 just before their overthrow by the Romans. Habuerant applies t© 
 the Carthaginians, not to the Romans. 
 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 141 
 
 Page. 
 
 1. Imperitabat. For the simple verb imperabat. Consult note 14, 1£J 
 page 14. — Cetera. " In all other respects." 
 
 2. Timorem animi. An archaism for timorem alone. — Praemia 
 sceleris. " The rewards of his guilt," i. e. impunity, and the half 
 of Numidia, instead of the third part. — Certum ratus. " Deeming 
 that to be a fact." — Apud Numantiam. " Before Numantia," i. e 
 in the Roman camp before that place. — Animum intendit. " He 
 directs his views." 
 
 3. Quern petebat. "At whom he aimed," i. e. whom he was 
 preparing to attack. — Opportunus injuriae. " A fit subject for in- 
 justice," i. e. on whom injuries might be mrlicted without any 
 danger. 
 
 4. Convertit. Supply cursum suum, or something similar.— 
 Dolor e permotum. " Stung with indignation." The primitive 
 meaning of dolor is the smarting sensation attendant on a wound. 
 It becomes therefore a strong term when applied to the moral feel- 
 ings. — Eamque rem belli caussam fore. Jugurtha hoped that Adher- 
 bal would be crushed by him before the Romans could interfere, 
 and that then he could easily buy off the resentment of the latter. 
 
 5. Contumeliosa dicta. "An insulting reply." Contumelia, 
 whence the adjective is formed, generally denotes a direct and 
 studied insult, and is somewhat analogous, in this respect, to the 
 Greek vfipis* — Quia tentatum antea, &c. " Because, when tried 
 on a former occasion, it had eventuated otherwise than he had ex- 
 pected," i. e. it had not succeeded according to his expectations, 
 (cesser at secus ac speraverat.) 
 
 6. Animo jam invaserat. " He had already grasped in thought." 
 — Qua pergebat. "\Vher ever he marched." Qua for quacunque. 
 — Praedas agere. This expression is properly applied to that 
 species of booty which can be driven off, such as cattle, flocks, &c. 
 In the case of inanimate plunder the verb ferre is employed. Hence 
 the common phrase in Latin, agere et ferre hostilia ; in the Greek, 
 ayeiv kcu (pipeiv. 
 
 7. Eo processum. " That matters had come to such a pass." — 
 Necessario. Equivalent to necessitate coactus, and implying that 
 Adherbal only took up arms because absolutely forced so to do. The 
 term necessario, therefore, does not appear superfluous in this pas- 
 sage, as some contend. — Die extremum. We have here the old 
 form of the genitive singular of dies, instead of diei. Compare the 
 words of Priscian : — " Veteres frequentissime mveniuntur similem 
 ablativo protulisse in hac declinatione (scil. quinta) tarn genitivum 
 quam datixmm.^ (7, 19.) 
 
 1 . Ohscuro etiam turn lumine. "The light (of the approaching In 
 
142 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 | Q day) being still as yet obscure." — Partim. " Some.'' — Togatorum 
 " Of Romans." Referring to the Romans (whether natives of Rome 
 or provincials enjoying the rights of citizenship) who were dwelling 
 at Cirta for commercial or other purposes. The Romans, from their 
 use of the toga, were called gens togata, or 3imply togati. The 
 Greeks, from their wearing the pallium, were denominated by the 
 Romans, palliati, or gens palliata ; and the Gauls, from their use of 
 the braccae, a species of striped under-garments^g-ercs braccata. 
 
 2. Vineis. The vineae were machines in the form of sheds, and 
 constructed of wood and hurdles, covered with earth or raw hides, 
 or any materials which could not easily be set on fire. They were 
 pushed forward by wheels below. "Under them the besiegers either 
 worked the ram, or tried to undermine the walls. — Turribusque. 
 The turves, or towers, were of two kinds ; fixed and moveable. The 
 fixed towers were raised on the agger, or mound, and consisted of 
 different stories, from which showers of darts and stones were dis- 
 charged by means of engines called catapultae, balistae, and 
 scorpiones. The moveable towers were pushed forward and brought 
 back on wheels, fixed below, on the inside of the planks. To 
 prevent them from being set on fire by the enemy, the towers, 
 both fixed and moveable, but more particularly the latter, were 
 covered with raw hides, and pieces of coarse cloth, and mattresses. 
 
 3. Tempus legatorum antecapere. " To anticipate the return of 
 the ambassadors." — Tres adolescentes. Cortius thinks that these 
 words are a mere gloss, and ought to be removed from the text. 
 The opinion does not seem very probable, as a copyist would in all 
 likelihood have added any thing else rather than these particular 
 words. Compare also chapter 25, where it is stated that majores 
 natu, nobiles, amplis honoribus, were sent as ambassadors. Tres 
 adolescentes, therefore, is in the manner of Sallust. 
 
 4. Telle et censer e. " That it was their wish and determination." 
 The formal language used on such occasions. Velle, " to will t 
 measure," properly applies to the people, and censer e, u to determine, 
 after mature deliberation," to the senate. — Seque illisque. Se re- 
 fers here to the senate and people, Mis to Jugurtha and Adherbal. 
 
 5. Clemens. " A mild one," i. e. softening down the atrocity of 
 the act. — Oratione. "The embassy." — Non malitia. "Not by 
 any evil arts." Jugurtha craftily endeavours to call off the attention 
 of the Roman ambassadors from his recent crimes, by referring to 
 his former meritorious conduct. — Ob easdem artis. " That, from 
 
 he exercise of the same good qualities." — Non penuria. "No'. 
 from any want." — Adoptatum. This remark of Jugurtha appa- 
 ently contradicts what has already been said in chapter 10, existu 
 
JUOURTHINE WAR. 14 J 
 
 ?age 
 mans turn minus me tibi quam liberis, si genuissem, &c. but it wiU | Q 
 
 De remembered that Jugurtha, although taken into Micipsa's family 
 when very young, and before that monarch had any children of his 
 own, was not actually adopted until three years before Micipsa's 
 death, when the latter had sons who were grown up. 
 
 6. Neque recte, nequc pro bono. " Neither justly nor for their 
 own nterests." — Sese. Referring to Jugurtha. In strict Latinity, 
 if a second subject be introduced, se refers to that subject, and is 
 should be used for the first. This rule is neglected, however, in 
 some instances, where no ambiguity can arise. Thus, in the present 
 case, sese can only refer to Jugurtha, and in no way to the Romans. 
 
 7. Utrique digrediuntur. " They each separate," i. e. the am- 
 bassadors and Jugurtha. — Copia nonfuit. The ambassadors had 
 no opportunity afforded them." 
 
 1. Vallo. In besieging a place, the Roman mode, which Ju- 1*J 
 gurtha here imitates, was to draw lines composed of a rampart and 
 ditch, and sometimes a solid wall of considerable height -and thick 
 ness, flanked with towers, at proper distances, around the whole. — 
 Turns. Fixed towers are here meant. Consult note 2, page 16 
 
 2. Formidinem. " What was calculated to alarm." — Prorsus 
 intentus. " Wholly bent on the object he had in view." 
 
 3. Hostem infestum. " That his enemy was implacable against 
 him," i. e. was bent on his ruin. — Miserando casum suum. " By 
 exciting their compassion for his own hard lot." — Confirmat. " He 
 prevails on them." 
 
 4. Recitatae. "Was read aloud." Legere, "to read," to 
 pause with the eyes without uttering any sound. Recitare, "to 
 read aloud," that others may hear. 
 
 5. Neque vos, &c. This is skilfully framed to excite the indig- 
 nation of the Romans against Jugurtha. — In animo habeat. " He 
 cares for," i. e. allows to occupy his thoughts. — Quam, Malit, 
 being equivalent to magis velit, supersedes the necessity of insert- 
 ing magis before quam. — Urguear. An archaism for urgear. 
 
 6. Plura de Jugurtha, &c. " My wretched condition dissuades 
 me from writing more respecting Jugurtha." 
 
 7. Nisi tamen, intellego, &c. The preceding clause, from etiam 
 antea to miseris esse, is to be taken parenthetically ; and then nisi, 
 fe\ the sense of praeterquam, will serve to correct the assertion made 
 in the words plura de Jugurtha, &c. The literal translation will be, 
 " Save this one thing,, however, that I perceive he is aiming at 
 something higher than myself." A freer version, however, will 
 render the connexion more apparent : " Onlv this, however, T wS? 
 add, that I perceive," &c. 
 
144 NOTES TO THE 
 
 I'age. 
 
 17 8. Gravius. " The more important." 
 
 9. Quae sane fuerint, &c. Quae, as beginning a clause, is here 
 elegantly used in the sense of haec: "These, I allow, may ha^e 
 been our own private wrongs ; they may have been of no concerr. 
 to you." The construction ofquisjust alluded to, as also the analo- 
 gous usage of the relative for et is, or et ille, take place when no 
 particular stress is to be laid on the relative clause. 
 
 10. Quid reliquum, &c. The order of ideas is as follows : No- 
 thing now remains by which he can be shaken from his wicked pur- 
 pose, except your power; for I am completely destitute of the meansof 
 successfully opposing him. O, would that this were not so ! In that 
 event, I would not be suffering under theloadof present wretchedness. 
 
 11. Ut Jugurthae scelerum, &c. " That I might be a proof of 
 the wickedness of Jugurtha." Equivalent to ut ostenderetur inme, 
 quid sceleris patrare posset Jugurtha. — Tantummodo deprecor. " 1 
 only pray to be saved from." — Per amicitiae Jidem. " By the ties 
 of friendship," i. e. by the faith of that friendship which exists De- 
 tween us. 
 
 |g 1. Be Jugurtha interim, &c. . " That Jugurtha's conduct siould 
 in the meantime be taken into consideration." — Fautoribus. '' Par- 
 tisans." — Summa ope enisum. " Every effort was made." Fnisum 
 is here used passively. — Devictum. " Was thwarted." 
 
 2. Amplis honoribus. " Who had borne the highest offices in 
 the state." — Senati princeps. Sallust uses senatus as of two declen- 
 sions, the second and fourth. The office of princeps senatus, called 
 principatus, conferred no command or emolument, but yet was 
 esteemed the very highest in point of dignity, and was usually re- 
 tained for life At first, it was given to the oldest person of censo- 
 rian rank in *he house ; but, after A. U. C. 544, to him whom th^ cen- 
 sors thought most worthy At a later period, the emperor was 
 named princeps, and then for the first time the idea of power began 
 to be attached to the word. 
 
 3. In invidia. " Involved in great public odium," i. e. was ex 
 citing great popular resentment. — Es^endere. An archaism for 
 ascendere. 
 
 4. Contra inceptum suum. "To thwart his design." — Metu 
 . atque lubidine, &c. " Was distracted between fear and ambition." 
 
 — Cupidme caecus. " Blinded by his eagerness for dominion." — Ad. 
 "To the execution of." — Vicit tamen, &c. "Evil suggestions, 
 fiowever, gained the ascendency in his ambitious soul." — Secus 
 u Otherwise than he had expected." Secus ac putavcrat. 
 
 5. Conveniret. Convenio, with the accusative, has the signifies 
 son of " to meet with." — Provinciam. Consult note 4, page 8.— 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 145 
 
 Page 
 Multa tamen oratione consumta. " Yet, after a long and fruitless Jg 
 discussion." — Frustra. " Without accomplishing their object." 
 
 6. Italici. Called in the 21st chapter togati, (consult note 1, 
 page 16,) and at the close of the present one, negotiator es. — Defenses 
 bantur. " Were wont to be vigorously defended." The student will 
 mark the force of the frequentative. — Paciscatur. "To stipulate for." 
 
 1. Potiora. "More worthy of reliance." — Excruciation meat. To JQ 
 be rendered as two verbs. " Tortures and puts to death." The 
 participle is often elegantly put under the government of the verb in 
 
 the succeeding clause ; an arrangement which sometimes contributes 
 much to perspicuity, as well as precision. — Omnis puberes " All 
 the young men." — Negotiatores. Referring to the Italian traders.— 
 Obvius. " Came in contact with." 
 
 2. Ministri. " Tools." Sallust here purposely employs the 
 term ministri, to convey to the reader a just idea of the degrading 
 conduct of the Roman nobility. — Inter pellando. " By interrupting 
 the course of public business." — Gratia. " By their influence with 
 individual senators." — Leniebant. " Strove to soften down." 
 
 3. Tribunus plebis. The tribunes of the commons were the famous 
 popular magistrates, who, by repeated attacks on the nobility, event- 
 ually brought over the government of Rome from an aristocratic to 
 a democratical form. They were created originally A. U. C. 260, 
 at the time of the secession to the sacred mount, for the purpose 
 }f protecting the rights of the people. Their power was almost 
 destroyed by Sylla, but was subsequently re-established in the time 
 of Pompey and Crassus. They then became mere tools in the 
 :iands of the leading men. 
 
 4. Vir accr, &c. " A spirited man, and an active foe to the power 
 of the nobility." — Potentia. This term generally refers to power of 
 our own acquiring ; potestas, to delegated authority. The former 
 answers to the Greek term diva^is, the latter to egovaia. Here the 
 power of the nobility is called potentia, from its being of a usurped 
 character. — Id agi. " That this was in agitation," or more freely 
 " that the design of all this was." 
 
 5. Profecto omnis invidia, &c. " Beyond a doubt, all the indig- 
 nation to which the affair had given rise, would have died graduaLy 
 away, in consequence of the frequent postponements of their delib- 
 erations." The indicative dilapsa erai is here used in place of the 
 potential, to give more liveliness to the representation. 
 
 6. Lege Sempronia. Originally their provinces used to be de- 
 creed to the consuls by the senate after the election, or when they 
 had entered on their office. But, by the Sempronian law, proposej 
 by C. Semprtniius Gracchus, and pushed A. U. O. 631, t"ie Senate 
 
 15 
 
146 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 in were lequired to decree two provinces to the future consuls, before 
 their election — Ob^nit. " Fell by lot." The consuls arranged 
 their provinces by lot or agreement. — Scribitw\ " Is levied." The 
 names of the soldiers enlisted were written down on tables. Hence 
 scribere, "to enlist," " to levy" or "raise." 
 
 7. Venum ire. " Were venal." In some editions, venire. — In 
 animo haeserat. " He had remained under the firm impression." 
 More literally, " it had adhered to him in mind." He had heard 
 this first at Numantia, had already made trial of its truth, and up to 
 the present moment firmly believed it. — Adgrediantur. " To make 
 trial of." 
 
 8. Recipi Moenibus. Foreign ambassadors, whom the Romam 
 did not choose to receive within their walls, had an audience gives 
 them in the temple of Bellona, or that of Apollo, both without the 
 walls ; or in the villa publico,, a building erected in the Campus Mar- 
 tius, where they were also entertained during their stay. In the 
 present instance, however, the question was, whether the ambassa- 
 dors of Jugurtha should be received at all. 
 
 9. Diebus proxumis decern. The term proxumis is here regarded 
 by many editors as superfluous. It suits rather the fulness of 
 phraseology peculiar to an official document. 
 
 10. Legat sibi. " Selects for his lieutenants." — Factiosos. " Of 
 an intriguing spirit." — Quorum auctoritate, &c. " By whose in- 
 fluence, he hoped that any errors he might commit would be screen- 
 ed from punishment." — Natura et habitu. " Disposition and char- 
 acter." Natura refers here to the innate qualities, habitus to the • 
 manner of acting in life. 
 
 20 1» Artes. "Qualities." — Acriingenio. " Of a penetrating turn 
 of mind." — Satis provident* "Possessed of foresight enough," 
 i. e. for a military commander. 
 
 2. Animus aeger avaritia. " His spirit, corrupted by avarice, un- 
 derwent an easy change." — Socius et administer. " As an accom- 
 plice and agent." — Exfactione. " Of his own party." — Impugnaverat. 
 " He had opposed." — Pecuniae. " Of the bribe," that was offered, 
 
 3. Redimebat. "Purchased." More literally, " bargained for."-— 
 De omnibus pactionibus. "About a general treaty." More 'lite- 
 rally, " about all the stipulations (or articles) of a treaty." 
 
 4. Fidei caussa. " For the sake of inspiring Jugurtha with confi- 
 dence," i. e. as a pledge of good faith. — Sjjecies. " The pretence." 
 —Quoniam deditionis mora, &c. " Since a truce was prevailing by 
 reason of the delay necessarily consequent on a surrender," i, e. a 
 truce was prevailing until a surrender, which of course occupied 
 some time, should be made by Jugurtha. > ' 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 147 
 
 Page. 
 
 5. Praes6nti consilio. " In presence of the council of war." gO 
 The Roman military council was composed of the lieutenant-gene- 
 rals, and the tribunes of the soldiers, together with the oldest cen- 
 Dir»on in the legion, the commander-in-chief presiding. — De invidia 
 f'acti. " Concerning the odium to which his conduct had given 
 rise," i. e. for the purpose of exculpating himself from the odium to 
 which, &c. 
 
 6. Quasi per saturam, &c. " The opinions of the council being 
 asked in a hasty and confused manner as it were." More literally, 
 though less elegantly, "having been taken as it were by the gross 
 or lump." We have nothing in English that can answer as a close 
 and exact translation of the phrase per saturam. The term satura 
 is properly an adjective with lanx understood, and signifies, literally, 
 the dish or platter, annually filled with all sorts of fruits, and offered 
 to the gods as the first-fruits of the season. From this medley, the 
 term is figuratively used in our text to denote a confused and pro- 
 miscuous collecting of the votes. In like manner, a lex satura 
 (where satura is again merely an adjective, agreeing with lex,) was 
 one that embraced many topics unconnected with each other ; and 
 it was a rule of the Roman code, that no existing law be abrogated 
 by a lex satura, on account of the unfairness of such a mode of pro- 
 ceeding, and the facilities which it afforded for taking by surprise. 
 So, again, the Latin term satira, takes its name from this source, 
 in consequence of the medley of verses of different metres, and 
 topics of various natures, which the earlier writers of satire were 
 accustomed to employ. Varro even mixed prose with poetry, and 
 called these pieces satirae. 
 
 7. Pro consilio. " Before the council." This signification of 
 fro is derived immediately from that of the Greek -od. — Ad magis- 
 tratus rogandos. " To hold the election for magistrates." More 
 literally, " to preside at," &c. The usual beginning of all applica- 
 tions to the people was Velitis, jubeatis, Quirites ; and thus the 
 people were said to be consulted or asked, (consuli sive rogari,) and 
 .he presiding magistrate to consult or ask them. Hence rogare 
 magistratus, "to create magistrates," or, as here, to preside at theii 
 election ; rogare quaesitores, " to appoint commissioners." And 
 nence also, rogatio is a " bill," while the matter is still pending, 
 Dut lex, " a law," when it has been favourably received by the 
 people. 
 
 1. De facto consults agitari. " The conduct of the consul was a 2 1 
 theme of conversation." — Gravis invidia. " Deep indignation." — 
 Tatres probarentne," &c. In translating this clause, the emphasis 
 must be made to fall on patres> as ojiposad to vlebem in the previous 
 
148 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 2 ] part of the sentence, and patres will then have in our idiom the force 
 of an accusative, (as if governed by quod ad understood,) though in 
 fact the nominative to probarent. " As to the senate, it was uncer- 
 tain whether they would approve of so disnonourable a course of 
 conduct, " &c. 
 
 2. Clara pollensque fuit. " Was distinguished and influential, " 
 l. e. was of a high character itself, and exercised a strong influence 
 over the minds of the people. — Perscribere. " To give entire." 
 The speech, however, although this phraseology is here employed, 
 is the mere production of the historian. — Ac potissumum. Under- 
 stand earn orationem. 
 
 3. Dehortantur. The indicative is used here, in the place of the 
 subjunctive dehortentur, to impart more force and certainty to the 
 sentence. Render the whole clause as follows : " Did not, Ro- 
 mans, my zeal for the public welfare overcome every other consid- 
 eration, many things would dissuade me from espousing your cause." 
 If dehor tar entur and superarent had been employed, the meaning 
 would have been : " Had not a regard, &c. overcome every other 
 consideration, many thmgs would have dissuaded me," &c 
 
 4 His annis quindecim. Twenty-two years had in fact elapsed 
 since the death of Tiberius Gracchus, and ten since that of his 
 brother Caius. Sallust, if the reading be correct, takes a kind ol 
 middle period between the two dates. — Quam ludibrio fueritis 
 "What a sport you have been," i. e. with what insolent scorn 
 you have been treated. — Vestri defensores. Alluding particularly 
 to the Gracchi. 
 
 5. TJt vobis, &c. " To what a degree your spirit has become 
 enfeebled by cowardice and sloth " — Ignavia properly denotes slow- 
 ness and want of spirit in accomplishing what is already begun ; se 
 cordia, want of heart to begin, slowness in deliberating, &c. 
 
 6. Obnoxiis inimicis. " When your enemies are in your power," 
 i.e. in consequence of their corruption and guilt (ob noxam.) 
 
 7. Certe ego libertatem, &c. The idea intended to be conveyed 
 is this : If I cannot break the power of the opposite faction, I still wilj 
 try to preserve my own freedom. That freedom is the inheritance I 
 received from my fathers ; it is my own property, and I will enjoy it 
 as my own, but then I must be aided in this by you. Certe may be 
 here rendered by "at least." 
 
 8 Ob rem. " To the purpose," i. e. successfully — In vestra 
 manu situm. " Depends entirely on you." 
 
 9. Neque ego hortor, &c. After having told the people that it 
 will depend entirely on them whether he succeed in his attempt to 
 assert his own freedom or not, he seeks to urge them onbytheeasv 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 149 
 
 Page 
 
 nature of the enterprise. There will be no need of arms, no need 2 J 
 of a secession, &c. When he speaks of asserting his own freedom, 
 he means of course theirs also, only this way of expressing himself 
 is more calculated to arouse their feelings. 
 
 10. Secessione. Three secessions of the people are recorded in 
 Roman history. The first took place, A. U. C. 260, on account of 
 the severity of creditors, and was made to the sacred mount. The 
 second was occasioned by the conduct of Appius Claudius, the 
 decemvir, and was made first to the Aventine, and afterwards to 
 the sacred mount. It happened, A. U. C. 305. The third was pro 
 duced by the same cause as the first, and was made to the Janicu- 
 lum, A. U. C. 466. 
 
 11. Suomet more. " In their own way," i. e. by the natural con- 
 sequences of their vices and crimes. 
 
 12. Quaestiones habitae sunt. " Severe investigations were in- 
 stituted." Velleius Paterculus (2, 6.) informs us, that after the 
 murder of Tiberius Gracchus, the consuls Rutilius and Popilius 
 pursued very cruel and vigorous measures against the partisans of 
 that individual. — Post C. Gracchi et M. Fulvii caedem, &c. Con- 
 sult Historical Index. 
 
 13. Utriusque cladis. " Of either massacre." 
 
 14. Sed sanefuerit, &c. " But let it indeed have been an aim- 
 ing at supreme power (on the part of the Gracchi) to attempt the 
 restoration of their rights to the people. Let whatever cannot 
 be punished without shedding the blood of Roman citizens, have 
 been justly done." — Ulcisci is here used passively, and nequitur is 
 the passive form put, by an archaism, for nequit. The passage be- 
 fore us is an ironical concession on the part of Memmius, and the 
 train of ideas is as follows : I admit that the Gracchi, in seeking to 
 restore the rights of the Roman people, were in fact only aiming at 
 sovereign power. I am willing to allow, that the nobility, in punish- 
 ing with death the attempts of the Gracchi and their partisans, acted 
 with strict justice, since these attempts could have been punished 
 in no other way. But let me ask you, did these exploits close the 
 catalogue 1 Year after year you have beheld with silent indignation 
 the pillage of your treasury, &c. 
 
 1. Summam gloriam. " The highest honours," i. e. the highest $£!? 
 civil and military preferments. — Parum habuere. " They have es- 
 teemed it a trifling matter." 
 
 2. Incedunt per or a vestra magnifice. " They move with an air of 
 grandeur before your very faces." — Ostentantes. " Displaying with 
 insulting parade." — Perinde quasi. " Just as if." 
 
 3. fynperio nati. " Born fcr empire." The dative is here ised 
 
150 NOTES TO THE 
 
 OO to denote continuance. The common, but less emphatic form, 
 would be, ad imperandum nah. 
 
 4. Occidisse iribunos plebis. " The having put to death tri- 
 bunes of the commons." The infinitive is here employed in its 
 original force of a verbal noun, governing the case of its verb. So 
 caedem in vosfecisse, a little after. The allusion is to the Gracchi. 
 The persons of the tribunes were sacred, and whoever injured one 
 of these magistrates in word or deed was held accursed, and his 
 property was confiscated. 
 
 5. Quaestioncsmiquas. " Iniquitous prosecutions." — Pessumt. 
 The adverbs pessume and maxume have here the force of compara- 
 tives. The comparative is often used for the superlative in Latin ; 
 the construction of the superlative for the comparative is much more 
 rare. 
 
 6. Metum a scelere suo, &c. The meaning intended to be con- 
 veyed is this : the fear which the nobility ought to entertain on ac- 
 count of their crimes, they have made you feel, because you are too 
 spiritless to oppose them. — Inter malos f actio. " It is faction when 
 found among the wicked." 
 
 7. Quod si tarn libertatis, &c. " But if you had as strong a re- 
 gard for the preservation of your own freedom, as they are inflamed 
 with the desire of tyrannising over you." Tarn, quam, equivalent 
 here to tantam, quantum. — Beneficia vestra. "Your favours. ■' The 
 consulship, praetorship, priesthood, &c. 
 
 8. Bis, per secessionem. Consult note 10, page 21. — Aventinum. 
 The Aventine was the most extensive of all the hills on which Rome 
 was built. It received its name from an Alban king, who was 
 buried on it, and was the spot which Remus chose to take the 
 omens. On this last account it was generally regarded as a place 
 of evil omen ; and, therefore, according to Aulus Gellius, was not 
 included within the Pomaerium. But other and better authorities 
 make it to have been joined to the city by Ancus Martius. Com- 
 pare Liv. 1, 33. Dion. Hal 3, 43. 
 
 9. Quo majus dedecus, &c. Compare Thucydides (2. 62.) 
 AXa^iov ex°vras d^aipedrjuaij ?'/ KTOi^hovq dTV%rj<rai. 
 
 10. Vindtcandum in eos, &c. Understand censeo before, and 
 esse after, vindicandum. " My opinion is, that punishment should 
 be inflicted upon those," &c. — Non manu neque vi. ll Not by the 
 hand of force, nor by open violence." — Quod magis fecisse, &c. 
 " Which would be more unbecoming for you to have done, than to 
 have happened unto them," i. e. a mode of punishment which they 
 deserve, but which it does not become your dignity as a people to 
 inflict.-— Quaestionibus. " By public prosecutions." 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 151 
 
 Page. 
 11. Qui si dediticius est, &c. A dilemma. The surrender in 22 
 auestion is either real or unreal. If real, the Niimidian will como 
 in obedience to your command ; if unreal, he will not come ; but 
 then his absence will form the strongest testimony against those 
 whom we wish to convict by his evidence when present. 
 
 1. I2a. By ilia temporahe means the period immediately sub- 2^1 
 sequent to the slaughter of the Gracchi, when every thing was in 
 
 the hands of the aristocracy. By haec tempora he designates the 
 present moment, when the people are beginning to be aroused to an 
 asserting of their rights. 
 
 2. Leges, jura. " Laws, justice." The term leges here em- 
 braces every thing relating to the admimstration of the state • and 
 jura, on the other hand, the rights and privileges of private 
 citizens, which rely for support on the impartial dispensing of jus 
 tice — Bella, paces. The control of war and peace is here meant. 
 Paces, in the plural number, is not very frequent in its occurrence, 
 though used, notwithstanding, by some of the best writers. Compare 
 Horace, (Ep. 1, 3, 8.) "Bella quis et paces longum diffundit in 
 aevum." 
 
 3. Vos autem, &c. He addresses the plebeians merely, but, in 
 order to animate them the more, he speaks to them as if they formed 
 the true and the whole Roman people, u populus Romanus." 
 
 4. Atque ego. A transition to the danger which threatens unless 
 the guilty be punished. — Casura esset. " "Would be likely to end." 
 
 5. Quantum importunitatis habent. Complete the construction 
 as follows : Pro tanta importunitate quantum importunitatis habent. 
 " Such is their overbearing insolence." Precisely analogous to this 
 is the use of the relative in such phrases as the following : " Quae 
 tua est virtus expugnabis," i. e. ea virtute, quae virtus tua est, 
 expugnabis. " Such is your valour," &c. So again, " cujus est, 
 lenitatis Galba promisit." " Galba, with his usual lenity, pro 
 mised," i. e. ea lenitate cujus est lenitatis. 
 
 6. Deinde faciundi. "Of acting so again," i. e. of repeating 
 their misconduct. — Aut serviundum esse. " That you must either 
 remain slaves." — Per manus. " By force." 
 
 7. In tarn divorsis mentibus. " Between minds actuated by such 
 opposite sentiments." — Peculatus acrarn. " Embezzlement of the 
 public money." The speaker is endeavouring to show the full 
 enormity of the conduct of Bestia and Scaurus, by comparing it 
 with acts of a flagrant nature on the part of others, but which sink, 
 by the side of the former, into comparative insignificance. 
 
 S. Consuetudine. " From the influence of custom." Compare 
 tbo words assigned to Cato, in the 52d chapter of Catiline : " Sin 
 
152 
 
 VOTES TO THE 
 
 Page 
 
 23 sane i quoniam ita se morts habent, liberates ex sociorumfortunis."—* 
 
 Hosti acerrumo. Jugurtha. — Imperium vestrum. " Your power," 
 
 i. e. your dignity and independence as a people. 
 
 9. Quae nisi quaesita erunt. " And unless these things shall be 
 inquired into." — Id est regem esse. The more usual form of ex- 
 pression would be rex esse, but we may suppose eum to be under- 
 wood in construction before esse, i. e. eum esse regem. Th« term 
 
 rex is here equivalent to " tyrant." 
 
 10. Ad hoc, &c. The idea intended to be conveyed is this : If 
 you punish the bad, you deter from the commission of offences ; 
 and, if offences be not committed, you will seldom need the aid of 
 the good for your protection, and will consequently be under no 
 very strong obligation to bestow favours upon them for theii 
 services. 
 
 Z4L 1. L. Cassius. He was not long after, when consul, defeated 
 by the Helvetii in Gaul. (Liv. Epit. 65.) — Interposita fide publica. 
 " The public faith being pledged for his personal safety." 
 
 2. Quos pecuniae captae arcessebant. " Whom they accused of 
 having taken money," i. e. who were then under accusation of 
 bribery. Arcesso, strictly speaking, signifies " to send for," " to 
 summon," and has here the force of in jus vocare. We must un 
 derstand after it, in construction, the word crimine, which is some- 
 times expressed, as veneni crimine arcessi. Suet. Tib. 53. 
 
 3. Elephantos. These were the elephants which Jugurtha had 
 surrendered to the Romans, as menfo^d in chap. 29. — Pacatis. 
 Understand regionibus. — Agebant. The student will observe the 
 change of moods in traderent, vender e, and agebant. So we have 
 in Catiline (c. 21.) increpat, laudare, and admonebat, in succession. 
 — Veluti tabes. " Like some infection." The primitive meaning 
 of tabes is " a wasting malady." The term is here employed figu- 
 ratively to denote the infection or contagion arising from such a 
 disorder. 
 
 4. Perlata rogatione, &c. " The bill proposed by Caius Mem- 
 mius being carried through," i. e. having become a law. Compare 
 note 7, page 20. — Ex conscientia. " From a consciousness of guilt." 
 — Quo. In the sense of quoniam. Compare Catiline, chap. 34 
 " Non quo sibi tanti scelens conscius" where it occurs in the sense 
 of quod, " because." — Talis ea tempestate, &c. " Such at that 
 time was the reputation of Cassius." More literally, " such was 
 the opinion entertained at that time of Cassius." 
 
 5. Contra decus regium. "In a manner unbecoming a king." 
 — Cultu quam maxume miser abili. " Attired in a way that was 
 ralculated as much as possible to excite compassion." Cultus 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 153 
 
 Page. 
 
 releis here not merely to the garb, but to the entire exterior, and the 24 
 clause might be rendered more freely, " With an exterior that was 
 calculated," &c. So among the Romans, an accused person (reus) 
 was wont to change his dress, lay aside every kind of ornament, let 
 his hair and beard grow, and go round in this state to solicit the 
 favour of tha people. 
 
 6. Magna vis animi. " Great intrepidity," i. e. great firmness 
 ofpirpose. — Confirmatus. "Being encouraged." Sallust wishes 
 to convey the idea, that Jugurtha not only displayed an intrepid 
 spirit on this occasion, but was moreover encouraged by assurances 
 of aid from his partisans and friends. — Par at. " He secures the 
 assistance of." Literally, " he procures," or makes his own. The 
 regular language of bargain and sale. — Cujus impudentia, &c. 
 * By whose effrontery he would be protected against the arm of 
 justice, as well as all personal violence." 
 
 7. De hoste supplicium sumi. " That punishment be inflicted 
 upon him as a public enemy." — Dignitati. Some refer this to the 
 Roman people, others to Memmius. It relates in fact to both, and 
 must be rendered, " for honour." — Confirmare. " Assured them." 
 — Per se. " As far as he could effect this." 
 
 8. Verba facit. "He addresses him." — Romae Numidiaque. 
 Some editions have Numidiae, in the genitive, which, although re- 
 ferring to a country, they construe by the rule of names of towns. 
 There are not wanting examples of this construction in other Latin 
 writers. The ablative, however, is neater and more elegant. — 
 Quibus juvantibus, quibusque ministris. "By whose aid and bv 
 whose instrumentality." 
 
 9. Corrupturum. " He would ruin." — Pecunia corruptum. 
 •' Had been bribed." Literally, " had been corrupted (in principle) 
 by money." — Tacere. The verb taceo properly means, to keep 
 silence when one might or should speak, and generally after 
 being ordered or requested so to do. Sileo, on the contrary, 
 is to say nothing, to continue silent, after having been so pre- 
 viously. 
 
 1. Terrebat eum. " Sought to terrify him." Eum here refers O^ 
 to Baebius. A single tribune might in this way, by his veto, or in- 
 tercession, thwart the proceedings of his colleagues, and oppose an 
 effectual barrier to the wishes of the people. Those who did so, 
 however, might afterwards be brought to trial by their colleagues 
 Tiberius Gracchus, when his colleague Octavius opposed the pas- 
 sage of the Agrarian law, resorted to the desperate expedient of 
 publicly deposing him by the suffrages of the people. 
 
 2. Quae ira fieri amat. " Which anger is accustomed to employ." 
 
154 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page, 
 
 25 Literally, " which anger loves to be put in operation." An imitation 
 of the Greek idiom $i\ti yiyvsadai. 
 
 3. Proxumo anno, &c. The year meant is A. U. C. 644. — Stirpe. 
 The term stirps properly denotes that part of the trunk of a tree 
 where the roots begin to branch out. Hence it is applied figu- 
 ratively to the stock or lineage of a family, &c. — Jugurtham oh 
 scelera, &c. " And since public odium, together with private fea* 
 on his own part, pressed heavily on Jugurtha." 
 
 4. Belli gerundi. " Of carrying on some war." Of having soma 
 war to carry on, in which he might signalize himself. — The consul 
 was well aware, that Massiva could not be established on the Numi- 
 dian throne without a war. 
 
 5. Movere. Some editions have moveri, but the manuscripts m 
 general favour the active form. The construction, though a harsh 
 one, is characteristic of Sallust. Movere governs omnia under- 
 stood, and omnia expressed is the accusative before senescere. The 
 meaning is, that the consul " wished to throw all things into confu- 
 sion, than that all should begin to grow torpid" in the arms of re- 
 pose. 
 
 6. Ac maxume occulte. " And secretly, if in any way possible." — 
 Talis negotii artifices. " Skilled in such business." — Itinera 
 egressusque, &c. " Carefully ascertains his accustomed routes, his 
 hours for leaving home ; in fine, all his places of resort, and his entire 
 mode of spending the day." Egressus, literally, " his goings out," 
 " his departures from home." 
 
 7. Indicium profitetur. " Makes a full disclosure." — Fit reus. 
 " Is put to his trial." Literally, "is made or becomes an accused 
 person." — Ex aequo bonoque. " In accordance with what was just 
 and proper," i. e. agreeably to justice and the dictates of plain 
 reason. — Quam ex jure gentium. By the law of nations, the retinue 
 not only of ambassadors, but of all persons to whom the public faith 
 had been pledged, were exempted from injury. Grotius proves this 
 to have been an early law among the Romans, from one of the old 
 forms used by the Feciales. (Dejure belli etpacis, 18, 8.) 
 
 8. Animum advortit. An archaism for animadvertit. — In prior t 
 actione. " In the first stage of the proceeding," i. e. when Bomilcar 
 was first put to his trial, or when, to adopt our own phraseology, the 
 case first came into court. — Vades. Vas denotes bail in a criminal 
 suit, praes in a civil one. 
 
 2Q 1. Reliquos popularis. " The rest of his subjects." 
 
 2. Urbem venalem, &c. " Ah ! venal city, and destined soon to 
 fall, if it can but find a purchaser !" Livy's account of this whole 
 affair differs essentially from Sallust V He makes the king himself 
 
 
JtJGURTHINE WAR 155 
 
 Page. 
 o have been put to his trial for the murder of Massiva, and to have 26 
 taved himself only by secretly escaping from the city. (Epit. 64.) 
 
 3. Comitia. When the new magistrates would be elected. He 
 was desirous of performing some exploit before the day of election. 
 — Trahere. Put for protrahere. — Facere. " Invented." — Instanti 
 Understand Albino. — Ludificare. " He trifled with." 
 
 4. Ex tarda, properantia. "After so much hurry," viz., on the 
 part of Albinus, in his preparations for the campaign, and during its 
 earlier stages. — Dilapso tempore. " Time having glided away," 
 i. e. having insensibly passed by. — Pro praetor e. " As acting com- 
 mander-in-chief." The term praetor is here used in its primitive 
 sense of commander or leader. Compare note 7, page 5. — Sedi- 
 tionibus tribuniciis. " By contentions among the tribunes." — Con- 
 tinuare magistratum. " To continue their office," i. e. to continue 
 themselves in office for another term. 
 
 §. Totius anni comitia. Alluding not only to the comitia m 
 which the tribunes were to be elected, but also to those which 
 should have been held for choosing other magistrates. Hence the 
 consuls for the year 645, Metellus and Silanus, could not be first 
 marked out as consules designate but were actually chosen after 
 their year of magistracy had commenced. 
 
 6. Pecuniae capiundae. " Of extorting money." — Hieme aspcra. 
 "Daring a severe winter." — Saevitia temporis. "From the in- 
 clemency of the season." — Limosa. u Rendered miry." — Cupidine 
 caecus. "Blinded by cupidity." — Vineas agere. Compare note 
 2, page 16. — Agger em. The agger, or mound, was raised from the 
 inner line, and gradually advanced towards the besieged place, 
 always inci easing in height, till it equalled or overtopped the wall. 
 It was composed of earth, stone, wood, and hurdles. The agger 
 was secured by towers of different stories, from which the defenders 
 of the ramparts were annoyed with missiles by the besiegers. 
 
 1. Vanitate. "The weakness." — Subdolus auger e amentiam. 27 
 " Craftily strove to augment his foolish presumption." — Tentabat. 
 
 " He tampered with." - Turmarum. A turma, or troop of horse, 
 consisted of thirty men, and was divided into three decuriae, or 
 bodies often. — Transfugerent. We have thrown out of the text 
 the word corrumpere, which in most editions follows after transfu- 
 gerent. It is not needed, as tentabat precedes. 
 
 2. Intempesta node. "At the dead of night." — Arma capere 
 alii. " Seized, some of them, their arms." — Trepidare omnibus 
 locis. " Consternation every where prevailed." Trepidare properly 
 denotes to run up and down in confusion and alarm. — Penculum 
 sweeps. " On aH sides danger " — Ligicrum. " Of Ligurians." 
 
156 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 27 Vid. Geographical Index. The cohort, when full, consisted of 600 
 men. The usual number, however, about the time of Polybius, 
 was 420. 
 
 3. Centurio primi pili. " The chief centurion." Each Roman 
 legion was divided into ten cohorts ; each cohort into three maniples, 
 and each maniple into two centuries. So that there were thirty 
 maniples and sixty centuries in a legion. There were two centu- 
 rions in each maniple, called by the same name, but distinguished 
 by the title prior, " former," and posterior, " latter," because the 
 one was chosen and ranked before the other. The centurion of the 
 first century of the first maniple of the Triarii, was called centurio 
 primi pili, or primus pilus, or primopilus, &c. He presided over 
 all the other centurions, and had the charge of the eagle (aguila) or 
 chief standard of the legion ; whereby he obtained both profit and 
 dignity, being ranked among the equites, and having a place in the 
 council of war with the consul and tribunes of the soldiers. The 
 centurion of the second century of the first maniple of the Triarii 
 was called primipilus posterior. So the two centurions of the second 
 maniple of the Triarii were called prior centurio, and posterior cen- 
 turio, secundipili ; and so on to the tenth, the two centurions of which 
 were styled centurio decimipili prior, and posterior. In like manner 
 primus princeps prior, and posterior; secundus princeps prior, 
 and posterior, in speaking of the principes or second rani 1 ; and 
 primus hastatus, &c, in reference to the hastati or first rank. 
 Thus there was a large field for promotion in the Roman irmy : 
 from a common soldier to a centurion ; and from being the towest 
 centurion of the tenth maniple of the hastati (decimus hastatus pos- 
 terior) to the rank of primipilus. 
 
 4. Hostes, quo minus, &c. " Prevented the enemy from ma ing 
 an advantageous use of their victory." — Sub jugum. " Under the 
 yoke." Two spears stuck in the ground, and crossed by another 
 at the top, like a gallows, received the name of jugum. Under thij 
 the vanquished army passed disarmed by way of ignominy, and in 
 token of subjection. 
 
 5. Quia mortis metu mutabantur. " Because they were received 
 m exchange for the fear of death." Metu is put in the ablative, as 
 marking the instrument, or means which effected the exchange, the 
 fear of death compelling the Roman soldiery to this disgraceful step. 
 Some editions have nutabant, " they wavered/ or " were irreso- 
 lute." Cortius reads mutabant for mutabantur. We nav? given 
 the latter form at once with Burnouf. 
 
 6. Metus atque moeror. No prince except Mithridates, gave so 
 much employment to the army of the Romans as Jugurtha In the 
 
JUOURTHINE WAR. 157 
 
 Page 
 course of no wax in which they had ever been engaged, not even the O^J 
 second Carthaginian, were the people more desponding, and in none 
 were they more elated with ultimate success. (Dunlop, Hist. Ram. 
 Lit. vol. 2, p. 152, Lond. ed.) 
 
 1. Dedecore potius, quam manu. "By a disgraceful surrender, 28 
 rather than a brave resistance." — Invidiam, ac deinde periculum. 
 
 " Public odium, and consequent danger to himself,'' i. e. the danger 
 of a prosecution, for having trusted the command of the army to 
 one so totally unfit for the station. — Nomine Latino. " The Latin 
 nation." A general appellation for all the states that bore the 
 general name of Latins. The Latins constituted the chief strength 
 cf the Roman armies. They were not, however, embodied in the 
 legions, and were treated with more severity than Roman citizens, 
 being punished with stripes, and also capitally, from which citizens 
 were exempted by the Porcian law. — The Socii mentioned in the 
 text, were the other Italian allies. Their general treatment was the 
 same as that of the Latins. 
 
 2. Provincia. The Roman province is here meant, which has 
 already been alluded to in the 19th chapter. — Mederi fralzrnae 
 invidiae. " To allay the odium to which his brother's misconduct 
 had given rise." — Soluto imperio. " All discipline being relaxed. 5 * 
 — Ex copia rerum. " Considering all the circumstances of the 
 case." 
 
 3. Rogationem promulgat. " Proposes a bill." The application 
 was called a rogatio while pending before the people, and until it 
 became a law. Compare note 7, page 20. — Neglegisset. An 
 archaism for neglexisset. — Huic rogationi. Depending in construc- 
 tion on the verb parabant. — Quin faterentur. " Without, at the 
 same time, virtually acknowledging." — Nominis Latini. Consult 
 note 1. 
 
 4. Jusserit, decreverit, voluerit. Some editions have merely 
 Jusserit, the other two verbs being regarded as pleonastic. This is, 
 however, far from being the case. The three verbs are purposely 
 employed by the historian to denote, by their almost synonymous 
 force, the ardour of the people in ordering, decreeing, willing the 
 passage of the bill. The absence of the copulative, too, imparts 
 additional vigour and rapidity to the clause. 
 
 5. T r cpida etiam turn civitate. " The city being even yet not 
 free from agitation." The excitement produced by the triumph of 
 tne popular party, and the discomfiture of the nobility, remainL':g 
 still unallayed. — Quaesitores. " Commissioners." — Scd quaestio 
 exercita, &c " The inquiry, however, was conducted with harsh- 
 ness and severity, under the guidance of mere rumour and popular 
 
 16 
 
158 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 28 caprice. " In the absence of positive proof, mere idle rumours and 
 popular feeling were made to supply its place. 
 
 oq I. Mos partium popularium, &c. " The custom of having a 
 popular party, and another in the senate," i. e. the existence of a 
 popular and an aristocratic party. The plural is here employed 
 (partium — factionum) not for the purpose of showing that there were 
 several distinct parties among the people and senate, but that from 
 this tune the people and senate respectively formed themselves into 
 parties against each other. As the words mos partium would alone 
 suffice to convey the meaning of Sallust, some editors reject the 
 remainder of the clause popularium, et senati factionum. 
 
 2. Malarum artium. " Evil practices." — Paucis ante annis. 
 Carthage had been destroyed thirty-five years before the breaking 
 out of the Jugurthine war. — Metus hostilis. " Fear of their 
 enemies." Put for metus hostium. — Scilicet. Used here as an 
 explanatory particle. Hence the clause may be rendered as follows : 
 " Those effects which prosperity is accustomed to produce, licen- 
 tiousness, namely, and pride, came naturally upon them," "i. e. 
 licentiousness and pride, the usual attendants of prosperity, natu- 
 rally made their appearance. 
 
 3. Asperius acerliusque fuit. Understand quam ipsae res 
 adversae fuerant. " Proved a harsher and more galling visitation 
 than adversity itself had been." The res adversae allude to the 
 reverses in the second Punic war. 
 
 4. Dignitatem, &c. What grammarians call a zeugma takes 
 place in lubidinem, which has one meaning when connected with 
 dignitatem, and another with libertatem. Render the whole clause 
 as follows : " For the nobility began to convert their high rank into 
 an instrument of tyranny, the people to degrade their freedom into 
 licentiousness." 
 
 5. Ducere, trahere, rapere. " Dishonestly acquired, dragged 
 away, made plunder of, every thing." These words, arranged as 
 they are in the text, are employed to express the progress of corrup- 
 tion, commencing with dishonest and clandestine practices, and 
 rising gradually to bold and unpunished violence. — Factione magis 
 pollebat. "Were more powerful as a party." They possessed a 
 better party-organization. — Soluta atque dispersa in multitudine, 
 " Disunited, and scattered amid a large number." They possessed nu- 
 merical strength, but wanted union and close political consolidation. 
 
 6. Agitalatur. Used impersonally. "Affairs were managed." 
 — Gloriae. " Public distinction." — Inter ea parentes, &c. Com 
 pare Horace, Ode. 2, 10, 23, seqq. — Polluere. They spared divine 
 things as little as human. 
 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 159 
 
 Page. 
 
 7. Nihil pensi, neque sancti habere. " It regarded nothing, it 29 
 >,njteemed nothing sacred. 
 
 8. Ex nobilitate. Alluding to the two Gracchi, who were of the 
 gens Cornelia. Cortius regards these words as a mere gloss, in- 
 correctly, as we conceive. — Permixtio civilis, &c. "A civil com- 
 motion, like a parting asunder of the earth." 
 
 9. Quorum majores. Tiberius and Caius Gracchus were grand- 
 sons, on the side of their mother Cornelia, of the elder Afric anus. — 
 Vindicare plebem in liber tatem. " To assert the freedom of the 
 commons." — Societatis.' The equites, placed between the patri 
 cians and plebeians, as a kind of connecting link, were in general 
 dissatisfied with this intermediate rank, and had a strong inclination 
 for an alliance with the nobility and admission to senatorian honours. 
 — Actionibus. " The proceedings." 
 
 1. Tiberium. For an account of the Gracchi, consult Histo- 30 
 rical Index. — Eadem ingredientem. "Entering upon the «ame 
 career," i. e. aiming at the restoration of popular rights, and the 
 passage of an agrarian law. — Coloniis deducendis. " For planting 
 colonies." Colonies were commonly led out and planted by three 
 commissioners, (triumviri). Sometimes five, ten, or more were 
 appointed. The people determined in what way the lands were to 
 
 be divided, and to whom they were to be assigned. The new co 
 lony marched to its destined place in the form of an army, with 
 colours flying. 
 
 2. Bono vinci satius est. " It is better for a good man to be over- 
 come by his opponents." — Malo more. " By unlawful means." — 
 Multos mortalis, &c. " Destroyed many individuals by the sword, 
 or deprived them of all their civil rights by banishment." The verb 
 exstinxit assumes a new meaning with ferro and fuga respectively. 
 
 3. Siudiis partium. "The violence of party-spirit." — Omnibus 
 civitatis moribus. " The manners of the state in general." — Pro 
 magnitudine. " In a way commensurate with the vast extent of the 
 subject." — Deserat. " Would in all likelihood fail." 
 
 4. Acri viro. "A man of spirit." — Advorso populi partium. 
 " An opponent of the popular party." Advorso is here taken as a 
 noun. The same construction sometimes prevails with svavrtos in 
 Greek (Matth. G. G. §366.) and contrarius in Latin (Cic. Fin. 
 4,24.) — Aequabili et inviolata. "Uniform and unimpeachable." 
 As if Sallust had said aequabiliter inviolata apud plebem atque nobild- 
 tatem. 
 
 5. Alia omnia sibi cum collega ratus. " Having considered 
 every thing common to himself and his colleague." Understand 
 *sse ; but not communia also, as some maintain ; for this last seems 
 
160 NOTES TO THE 
 
 3Q hardly required by the idiom of the language. Sallast does n«rt 
 mean that Metellus neglected the other duties of the consulship, in 
 order to give his whole attention to the war, supposing that his col- 
 league would attend to every thing else : but that he foresaw he 
 could not expect much assistance from him, in these warlike prepa- 
 rations, and therefore paid more attention to them himself, though 
 without neglecting, at the same time, his general duties as a consul. 
 
 6. Bello vario. " In a war, exposed to various contingencies." 
 The nature of the country, which was to be the scene of operations, 
 and the character of the foe, are here alluded to.— Ad ea patranda, 
 &c. " For the accomplishment of these things, the allies and the 
 Latin nation, in consequence of a decree of the senate, kings of 
 their own accord, sent aid." — Propter bonas artis. " On account of 
 his excellent qualities." 
 
 7. Advorsum divitias, &c. " A spirit proof against riches," i. e. 
 not to be subdued by avarice. 
 
 8. Sp. Albini pro consule. Understand agentis, or imperantis. 
 " Acting (or commanding) in the stead of the consul." Some edi- 
 tions read a Sp. Albino. — Sine imperio et modestia habitus. " Kept 
 under no discipline or restraint." 
 
 3 J 1. Aestivorum. " Of the summer campaign." Supply castro- 
 rurrt. We have the full expression in Tacitus (Ann. 1, 16, 2,) 
 " Castris aestivis tres simul legiones habebantur." — Mora. " The 
 postponement." — Intentos. " Were fixed upon him." — Laborare. 
 " To endure fatigue," i. e. to accustom themselves to the severe 
 training which formed so conspicuous a part of Roman discipline. 
 
 2. Quantum temporis, &c. " During as much of the summer 
 campaign as he was in command." Albinus had returned to Africa, 
 and continued to hold the command until the arrival of Metellus. — 
 Stativis castris. " In a standing camp." — Odos. " The stench," 
 arising from so many men and animals remaining long together on 
 the same spot, and in a warm climate. 
 
 3. Deducebantur. In the sense here of diducebantur. Render 
 the clause as follows : " Besides, the watches were not distributed 
 according to military usage." — Lixae. " The followers of the 
 camp." Cortius makes lixae mean here all manner of disorderly 
 persons . Festus defines the lixae as follows : " Lixae, qui exerci- 
 tum sequuntur, quaestus gratia : dicti quod extra ordinem sint mill- 
 tiae, eisque liceat, quod libuerit. Alii eos a Licha appellatosi dicunt, 
 quod et ille Herculem sit secutus : quidam a liguricndo quaestum." 
 Nonius explains the name thus : Lixarum proprietas haec est, quoa 
 officium s-ustineant militibus aquae vehendae. Lixam namque aquam 
 veteres vocaverunt; unde elixum dicimus aqua coc turn." Vossius 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 161 
 
 Page 
 prefers deriving the term from ehxare, " to cook," in allusion to JJJ 
 their preparing the food of the soldiers. Independently of its refer- 
 ring to the soldiers' servants and to the sutlers, the name appears 
 to have been occasionally also applied to buffoons. This last mean 
 ing of the word rests on a passage in Justin, (38, 10,) where, un- 
 der the general name of lixae, are comprehended coqui, pistores, 
 and scenici, Justin is speaking of the army which Antiochus led 
 igainst the Parthians : " Sed luxuriae non minor apparatus, quant 
 nilitiae fuit : quippe octoginta millia armatorum secuta sunt trecenta 
 nillia lixarum, ex quibus coquorum, pistorum, scenicorumque, major 
 xumcrus fuit" 
 
 4. Villas. " Country-seats." — Panem mercari. This was in 
 lolation of the strict rules of military discipline. Besides his pay, 
 
 »ach soldier received a certain allowance of corn, commonly four 
 oecks (modii) a month. This they were to grind, sift, and prepare 
 for bread themselves, and afterwards bake it with their own hands. 
 The centurions received a double, and the cavalry a triple, allow- 
 ance. (Lipsius, adPolyb. 5. Dial. 16.) 
 
 5. Quaecumque ignaviae luxuriaeque probra. " Whatever dis- 
 graceful excesses, the results of idleness and licentiousness." — Et 
 alia amplius. " And others besides." 
 
 6. Tanta temperantia, &c. " Regulated as he was in his deport 
 ment, with so much moderation, between a desire to gain popularity 
 on the one hand, and rigid discipline on the other," i. e. preserving 
 in his deportment a well-regulated medium between these two ex- 
 tremes. — Namque edicto, &c. Sustulisse, in this clause, and sta~ 
 iuisse, lower in the sentence, must not be taken for historical infini- 
 tives. They are both governed by comperio understood. — Cocturn 
 cibum. " Prepared food." Ne lixae exercitum sequerentur. 
 M That no retainers of a camp should follow the army." Compare 
 note 3. — In agmine. " On the march." Agmen (from agere) re- 
 fers to an army or any body of men in motion ; and it sometimes 
 denotes such a body even when unarmed. Exercitus denotes an 
 army, in the general sense of the term, as trained by exercise. 
 Acies means an army in battle array. Of the three, Exercitus an- 
 swers precisely to our English word " army." 
 
 7. Ceteris arte modum statuisse. "That he prescribed strict 
 limits to the rest of the army." Arte is by an archaism for arete. — 
 Transvorsis itineribus. " By cross marches," i. e. deviating from 
 the regular track, and consequently more difficult. His object was 
 to inure the soldiers to fatigue. — Vallo atque fossa. Roman disci- 
 pline was most conspicuous m their encampments. They always 
 pitched a camp, even if they were to remain onlv one night in a 
 
 16* 
 
162 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page 
 
 Q 1 place. The form of the samp was square. In later ages, in imita» 
 tion of the Greeks, they sometimes made it circular, or adapted it . 
 to the nature of the ground. The ditch was usually nine feet deep, 
 and twelve feet broad. The vallum was composed of the earth 
 dug from the ditch, and secured and kept firm by stakes. 
 
 8. Circumire. " He went the rounds. " In general, certain per 
 sons were appointed every night to go round the watches, hence 
 called circuitores or circitores. This seems to have been at first 
 done by the equites and tribuni ; on extraordinary occasions, as in 
 the present instance, by the commander in person, attended by his 
 legati. Subsequently, regular persons were chosen for that pur 
 pose by the tribuni. (Vegetius, 3, 8.) 
 
 32 *• Conjirmavit. " He restored to its former efficiency." 
 
 2. Innocentia. " His incorruptible integrity." — Cum supplicus. 
 " With the emblems of submission." By supplicia, in this sense 
 are usually meant branches of olive. The customs, however, of 
 different nations varied in this respect. According to the scholiast 
 on Sophocles, (Oed. T. 3,) petitioners among the Greeks, usually 
 carried boughs wrapped around with fillets of wool. Sometimes 
 the hands were covered with these fillets, not only among the 
 Greeks, but also among the Romans. Hence in Plautus, (Amph. 
 1, 1, 101,) we have the expression " velatis manibus" 
 
 3. Experiments. " By actual trials," i. e. by experience. — Infi- 
 dum, " as faithless." — Legates alium ab alio, &c. " He addresses 
 himself to each of the ambassadors apart from the others." — Ten- 
 tando. " By tampering with them." — Opportunos. " Fit for his 
 purpose." — Maxume. " By all means." — Necatum. " After they 
 had assassinated him." 
 
 4. Contra belli faciem. " Contrary to the appearance which 
 war usually presents." — Mapalibus. In the 18th chapter of this 
 narrative, Sallust uses the term mapaha to designate huts. Here, 
 however, tuguria evidently has that meaning, and mapalia de- 
 notes "villages." Compare note 2, page 14. — Commeatum par- 
 tare. " To carry his provisions," i. e. to furnish v c the 
 transportation of his provisions. The advantage r to Me- 
 tellus from this offer, would be the releasing the soldi from a 
 part of the heavy loads they were accustomed carry. The 
 strict rule was, that each soldier should carry provisions for fifteen 
 days. The whole load of a Roman soldier was sixty pounds, ex- 
 clusive of his arms. These last he was taught by active and severe 
 exercise to consider a part of himself. 
 
 5. Munito agmine. "With his army guarded against every 
 emergency." — Et insidiis locum tentari. " And that a spot fit for 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. I 63 
 
 Page, 
 an ambuscade was sought by the enemy," i. e. that the enemy were QJJ 
 oniv seeking a spot where they might entrap him, when thrown off 
 his guard by these marks of submission. Most editions read ten- 
 tare. Cortius understands before this last homines quosdam, or 
 something equivalent. Others make tentare the historical infinitive, 
 and refer it to Metellus. According to both these explanations, 
 however, the reading tentare would seem to want spirit. 
 
 6. V elites. " The light-armed troops." They were first insti- 
 tuted in the second Punic war, according to Livy (26, 4). They 
 did not form part of the legion, and had no certain post assigned 
 them, but fought in scattered parties where occasion required, 
 usually before the lines. — Perniciosior. " More mischievous," or 
 " hurtful." 
 
 7. Forum rerum venalium, &c. " The most frequented mart, 
 for buying and selling commodities, in the whole kingdom." Sal- 
 lust here, by his use of the term forum, imitates the Roman way of 
 speaking. The word forum, when applied to towns, meant places 
 where markets were held, and where justice also was administered. 
 The reference in the text is to the first part of this meaning, namely 
 Vaga's being a market-town and place of trade. 
 
 1. Huic consul, &c. We have here followed the reading of the JJJJ 
 Bipont edition, which alone appears to afford an intelligible meaning 
 
 for this much-contested passage. The phrase huic praesidium im~ 
 posuit is the true Latin idiom, though, in translating it into our own, 
 we are compelled to give huic the force of an ablative. The mean- 
 ing of the passage will be as follows : " In this place, the consul 
 stationed a garrison, as well for the sake of trying Jugurtha, as 
 of watching the result of his own plans, in case the advantages 
 which the place afforded should allow this to be done," i. e. for the 
 sake of sounding the real intentions of Jugurtha, and of ascertaining 
 whether he actually desired peace or was only seeking to lay an 
 ambuscade, and also of w T atching the result of his own plans for the 
 assassination or seizure of Jugurtha by the ambassadors ; if, upon 
 trial, the place should prove as advantageous for these two objects 
 as he expected it would. 
 
 2. Frequentiam negotiatorum, &c. " That the great number of 
 merchants residing there, would both aid his army with supplies 
 and be a means of security to the conquests he had already made,' 
 i. e, would both readily procure supplies for his army, and, when 
 once they had brought their property into the town for that purpose, 
 would be willing to defend it with him against Jugurtha. We have 
 givei. :ommeatu, instead of commeatuum, on the suggestion of a 
 critic in tie Journal of Education, No. 11, p. 139. Lond. 1833 
 
164 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 33 I n plac-fc of etiam, the common lection, we have put et jam, ir. the 
 propriety of which the same critic agrees. 
 
 3. Impensius modo. " With greater earnestness now than ever.' 
 — Dedere. "He offered to deliver up." — Promissa legatorum. 
 " The fulfilment of their promises on the part of the ambassadors." 
 
 4. Suis artibus. " By his own arts," i. e. stratagem and decep- 
 tion. — Alienata. " Become the property of another," i. e. fallen into 
 the hands of the enemy. — Ager. " The country." — Animi popu- 
 larium tentati. " The affections of his subjects tampered with." 
 
 5. Quas maxumas copias, &c. The more usual form is quam 
 maxumas, &c. which some editions give. The ellipsis may be re- 
 solved as follows : " Parat copias, quas maxumas potest parare" 
 
 6. Tractu pari. " Running parallel with the river." — Vastus ah 
 natura, &c. " Left bare by nature and the hand of man," i. e. de- 
 sert and uncultivated. — Quasi collis. " A kind of hill," i. e. an 
 elevation of the soil, resembling a hill. — Humi arido atque arenoso. 
 " In an arid and sandy soil." Understand solo to govern humi, 
 unless, indeed, what is far more probable, humi be here the old form 
 for the dative, (humoi,) with the force of an ablative. Those who 
 are in favour of the ellipsis, however, will find something analagous 
 in Lucretius, where the full form is given, " acre solum terrae" (5 
 1288. Comp. 5. 1294.) 
 
 7. Media planicies. " The intervening plain," i. e. between the 
 mountain and the river. — Consita arbustis. " Overgrown with un- 
 derwood." — Frequentabantur. "Were filled." More literally, 
 "were crowded." 
 
 8. Transverso itinere. " In a cross-direction to the mountain," 
 i. e. at right angles to the mountain. — Extenuata suorum acie. 
 " Having drawn out his forces into a thin line," i. e. having extend- 
 ed his front as far as possible. 
 
 9. Propior montem. Supply ad, and compare Catiline, c. 11. 
 "Quod tamen vitium propius virtutem erat" — Pedites delectos. In 
 some editions et peditibus delectis. Our reading is more after the 
 manner of Sallust. — Turmas atque manipulos. The expressions 
 turmae and manipuli are here employed by Sallust, either to denote 
 that Jugurtha had introduced the Roman discipline among his troops, 
 or else in accordance with the general custom of Roman writers, 
 who apply to other nations terms and modes of expressions which 
 only suit themselves. 
 
 Q^ 1- Decuerint. Understand provideri. — Locum superior -em. Ju- 
 gurtha enumerates four particulars, in which, like a good general, 
 he had provided that his troops should have the advantage. 1 . Lo- 
 cum superior em. 2. Uti prudentes cum imperitis manum corner 't 
 
JUGUR THINE WAR. 165 
 
 Page. 
 rent. A better knowledge of the country than that possessed by JJ^ 
 the enemy. 3. Ne pauciores cum pluribus. No inferiority of num- 
 bers. 4. Aut rudes cum hello melioribus. No want of discipline. 
 — Render prudences, " they, acquainted with the country before 
 hand." 
 
 2. Ut quemque, &c. "As he had distinguished any one, on ac- 
 count of some military exploit, with a gift of money or with promo 
 tion in the army." 
 
 3. Conspicatur. Thus far Salltist has shown us Jugurtha, ac- 
 ively employed among his followers. He now changes the picture, 
 
 «si presents us with Metellus, ignorant of the position of the foe, 
 descending the mountain, and merely observing something that 
 wore an unusual appearance on the neighbouring hill. Hence we see 
 the propriety of conspicatur (" espies something" on the hill) as a 
 reading, instead of the common lection, conspicitur (" is seen" by the 
 enemy). Metellus saw something on the hill, but it was too unde- 
 fined to enable him to ascertain its nature with any kind of certainty 
 until he came nearer. 
 
 4. Quidnam insolita facies ostenderet. " What the strange ap- 
 pearance meant." — Equi Numidaeque. " The Numidians, both 
 horse and foot." Thus equi virique signifies both horsemen and 
 infantry. 
 
 5. Incerti, quidnam esset. " Leaving it uncertain what the thing 
 actually was," i. e. not entirely discernible. The term incerti refers 
 of course to the Numidians. The adjective certus is derived from 
 cerno and res incerta is nothing more than res non bene et distincte 
 visa. The primitive meaning therefore oiincertus is " about which 
 there is no certainty," "undefined," "not clearly discernible." And 
 it is used so in the present instance. Compare the Greek form of 
 expression, aSrjXoi ri ttots tovt av eirj. 
 
 6. Agmen constitit. " He halted his army." Consisto, although 
 apparently a neuter verb in most cases, is in reality active ; thus 
 cousnrit, " he stopped," understand se. In the present instance, the 
 accusative agmen is expressed, and the common reading constituit 
 is not needed. Compare Caes. B. C. 1, 51. li Afranius copias 
 eductt, et in medio colle sub castris constitit." 
 
 7. Commutatis ordinibus. " Having altered the arrangement of 
 his troops." Jugurtha, it will be recollected, had drawn up his 
 forces on the hill, which extended in the direction of the river, and 
 at right angles to the mountain. Metellus was descending this 
 mountain in order to reach the river, and consequently had Jugur- 
 tha's ambuscade on his right flank. Thus far the Roman army would 
 appear, from chapter 46, to have been marching in a single column, 
 
66 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 34 each legion composing that column being divided, in the usual man- 
 ner, into three raiiks of hastati, principes, and triarii. The moment 
 Metellus perceives his danger, he converts his flank into a front, by 
 wheeling the legions out of column into line on the right, and by 
 bringing all the hastati of the several legions into one line ; all the 
 principes into a second line, and all the triarii into a third. The 
 army is then drawn up in three lines, (triplicibus sulsidiis,) with its 
 front facing the enemy. But how is it to reach the plain 1 Evi- 
 dently by a flank march on the left, and in this flank march the 
 three ranks become so many files. Each soldier, therefore, when 
 the word is given to continue the march down the mountain, faces 
 to the left and moves on in file. If the enemy attacks them on 
 their march, they face again to the front and oppose them. Compare, 
 in furthsr explanation of this movement, Polybius, (Lips, de Milit. 
 Rom. lib. 5, dial. 12). 'ILirsiSav Trpoci:i7rTri ri rZyv Ssivoov, irorl plv -nap* 
 damda KkivavT£S y irori 6' em Sopv. /c. r. A. 
 
 8. Triplicibus subsidiis. " In three lines." The term subsidta, 
 which properly denotes " bodies of reserve," is here applied to the 
 several lines, with reference to the mutual support which they afford 
 to each other. 
 
 9. Inter manipulos. " In the vacant spaces between the mani- 
 ples." — Transvorsis principiis. " Having converted the front into 
 a flank." Consult note 7. 
 
 10. Conficeretur. "Might be distressed." — Transvorsis prae- 
 liis. " By attacks on his flank." — Lassitudinem et sitim, &c. 
 " Would try the effects of weariness and thirst on his men." 
 
 11. Sicuti monte descender at. " In the same order in which he 
 had descended from the mountain." — Post principia. " In the cen- 
 tre." Literally, " after the van." By the new movement of Me 
 tellus, the cavalry of the left wing became the leading division on the 
 march, and are hence called principes. The station of Marius 
 was after the cavalry and the heads of the columns of infantry, 
 and consequently about the centre of the line of march. — Prin- 
 cipes. " The leading division." This term must not be con 
 founded with the usual designation of the second rank of the Roman 
 army. 
 
 35 1. Primos suos. " Those of his men who were stationed nearest 
 the mountain," i. e. the left wing of the Numidian army. — Quasi. 
 "About." Used for fere. Compare Terence (Heaut. 1. 1. 93.) 
 " Mercedem quasi talenta ad quindecim coegi." 
 
 2. Postremos. By postremi are here meant the soldiers of the 
 right wing, who are called the rear in reference to the direction of 
 the Roman march by files. — Pars a sinistra ac dexter a tentare 
 
JUGURTH1NE WAR. l6? 
 
 Page. 
 These words refer to a state of things immediately following a new JJg 
 movement on the part of the Romans, and of which movement Sal- 
 lust says nothing, leaving it to be inferred by the reader. When 
 the Romans were first attacked by the enemy, they were proceeding 
 in a long column down to the plain, having wheeled into that order 
 from the previous line of march. Hence by primi, in this new 
 arrangement, are meant those who formed the left wing in the old 
 order of things, and by postremi, those who composed the old right. 
 The primi of Jugurtha's men, on the other hand, are the left wing 
 of the Numidians as they lie in ambuscade. The Numidians attack 
 the postremi of Metellus, (postremos caedere,) and the moment this 
 attack is made on the Roman flank, it faces to the right and forms 
 a front against the enemy. This is the movement of which Sal- 
 lust says nothing. When it is made, the head and rear of the Ro- 
 man column become respectively a new left and right wing, and 
 the Numidians attack them on each of these new flanks, (pars a 
 sinistra acdextera tentare.) 
 
 3. Ludificati incerto praelio. " Baffled by this irregular mode of 
 fighting." — Ipsi modo eminus sauciabantur. " Were themselves 
 alone wounded from a distance," i. e. they could not wound the 
 enemy in return. 
 
 4. Numero prior es. "Being superior in number." Referring 
 to the Numidians. — Disjectos ab tergo aut lateribus. The terms 
 tergum and latus are here applied not to the entire Roman 
 army, but merely to the parties or bands which pursued the Nu- 
 midians. 
 
 5. Ea. The ablative. Understand fuga, and render as follows : 
 " In prosecuting that flight, the horses of the Numidians, accus- 
 tomed to the task, easily made their escape amid the underwood." 
 
 6. Foeda atque miserabilis. " Gloomy and affecting." 
 
 7. Arma, tela, &c. The absence of the connective conjunction 
 gives an air of peculiar animation to this sentence. — Consilio neque 
 imperio. " From previous concert, or by any regular command." 
 — Die. The old genitive. Compare chapter 52. " Et jam die 
 vesper erat." 
 
 8. Mis. Referring to the Romans. — Cedentes. " In case thev 
 should give way." 
 
 9. Quosfirmos, &c. " He kept back, by attacking from afar, 
 tnose whom he found to be firm in their resistance." 
 
 1. Advorso colle evadunl. "Charge up the hill." — Regio hostibus oa 
 tgnara. Compare chap. 18 of this history. " Ignara lingua," and Ta- 
 citus, (Ann. 15, 67.) " Cui enim ignaramfuisse sacvitiam Neronis V 
 
 2. In aequum locum. " Into the plain," 
 
168 
 
 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 36 3. Quid ubique, &c. " What the enemy were doing, and where. 5 ' 
 Ubique is put here for et ubi. — Animo vacuum. " Was without any 
 apprehension of an attack." More literally, " was free (from appre- 
 hension) in mind." — Ex Jugurthae praelio. " From the quarter 
 where Jugurtha was engaged." 
 
 4. Arte. " In close order." An archaism for arete. — Quo kos 
 Hum itineri obficeret. Bomilcar extended his line in order to cut off 
 the return of Rutilius, in case he might wish to march back to the 
 army of Metellus. 
 
 5. Prospectum. "Any distant view." Hence the army of Bo- 
 milcar was not seen until quite near, and the dust itself was only 
 beheld on a sudden, (ex improvise*). — Et primo rati, &c. " And 
 at first they thought that the arid surface of the ground was only 
 swept by the wind," i. e. that it was only the wind sweeping over 
 an arid and sandy surface, and raising a large cloud of dust." 
 
 6. Aequabilem manere. " That it remained of a uniform ap 
 pearance," i. e. moved onward with regularity. — Sicuti acies move- 
 hatur. " As if an army were moving along." 
 
 7. Remorati. Supply sunt, which is expressed in some manu- 
 scripts and editions. — Impeditos. Supply eos, scil. elephantos. 
 
 8. Fessi laetique erant. We have recalled the reading of Cortius, 
 laeti, and have changed that of the previous edition lassi. The 
 meaning intended to be conveyed by Sallust appears to be this. 
 The Romans were fatigued by a long march, and the throwing up 
 the works of a camp, as well as by their exertions in the fight, 
 and were at the same time rejoiced at their victory. But although 
 in this state, and desirous, under the influence of these feelings, ol 
 sitting down and enjoying their triumph quietly, rather than com- 
 mence a new march, with the chance of a second battle, they never- 
 theless moved forth to meet Metellus, because he delayed longer 
 than they thought he should. The whole passage, therefore, may 
 be rendered as follows : " The Romans, however, though they 
 were wearied by their march, and by the labour of fortifying their 
 camp, as well as by their exertions in the fight, and were at the 
 same time rejoiced at their success ; still," &c. (Comp. Journal 
 Ed. No. 11, p. 137). 
 
 37 *• Nihil languidi, &c. " Admitted of no languor nor remissness 
 on the part of the Romans." 
 
 2. Strepitu. "By reason of the noise made on both sides. "- 
 Facinus lamentabile. " A lamentable accident." 
 
 3. Advorsae res, &c. "A defeat casts reproach even upon the 
 brave." Comp. Burnouf : " L'adversite calomnie jusqu' aux braves." 
 
 4. Saucios cum cura reficit. " Carefully attends to the recovery 
 
JTUGURTHINE WAP 1 6l> 
 
 Pajre 
 
 i his woimded soldiers." — In praelvte. " In the fr-**. engagements,' - ' £J7 
 \ e. the one which he had fought with Jugortha, and the other be- 
 tween Kdtilius and Bomiicar 
 
 5. Ubi gentium. " In what part of the country he was." Where- 
 abouts. — Ut sese victus gereret. "How he conducted himself 
 since his defeat." 
 
 6. Numero hominum, &c. " Superior to the former one in point 
 of numbers, but undisciplined and weak, acquainted with husbandry 
 and pasturage, rather than with war," i. e. composed of husbandmen 
 and herdsmen rather than of soldiers. 
 
 7. Ea gratia. " On the following account." Compare Piautus, 
 True. Prol. 9. " Sed hoc agamus, hue qua ventum est gratia," i. e. 
 propter quod : ov %&piv. 
 
 8. Flagitium militiae. " A disgraceful abandonment of their duty 
 as soldiers." — Ita se mores habent. " Such is their national usage." 
 More literally, "so the habits of the nation have themselves." This 
 custom of abandoning their general after a defeat is always charac- 
 teristic of a semi-barbarous nation, and was of constant occurrence 
 among the uncivilized communities of antiquity. 
 
 9. Ferocem. "Unsubdued." — Ex illius lubidine. "According 
 to his pleasure." Jugurtha was enabled, by retreating rapidly to 
 parts of the country, known to himself, and not to the Romans, 
 to give the enemy an opportunity of fighting only when he himself 
 pleased. — Iniquum. " Unequal." — Non praeliis neque acie. " Not 
 by regular encounters, nor in a pitched battle." 
 
 10. Temere munita. " That had been fortified in a hurried man 
 ner." More freely, " slightly fortified." — Praeda esse. Some 
 editions have praedam, as an accusative before esse, and depending 
 on jubet. In our reading esse is the historical infinitive. 
 
 1. Sua loca. " Places of his own choosing," i. e. advantageous to 38 
 himself. — In alienis. " In those selected by another." — Ex copia. 
 
 tl Considering all circumstances." Upon a full review of the 
 c«a.se. 
 
 2. Plerumque. Agreeing with exercitum. This adjective is 
 rarely used in the singular. In early Latinity, plerus, — a, — um, 
 were often employed without any syllabic adjection, and hence the 
 «se, at a somewhat later period, of plerusque, &c. in the singular 
 lumber. 
 
 3. Aviis. "Removed from the beaten track." — Ignoratus. 
 •Unobserved." — Romanos palantis. Referring to only a part of 
 he Roman troops, not to the entire army of Metellus. 
 
 4. Ut seque, &c. The interchange of tenses in this passage 
 mes an air of great animation ta the style : " How h« was regulfr 
 
 17 
 
170 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 38 tiftig his own and the deportment of his army by the usages of lormei 
 Cays ; though hi an adverse situation, kid nevertheless proved 
 victorious by his valour ; was becoming master of the enerny'e 
 country ; had compelled Jugurtha, rendered arrogant,' ' &c. 
 
 5. Supplicia. "A thanksgiving." When a general had obtained 
 an important victory, a thanksgiving was decreed by the senate to 
 be made in the various temples. What was called a Lectisternium 
 then took place, when couches were spread for the gods, as if about . 
 to feast, and their statues were taken down from their pedestals, 
 and placed upon these couches around the altars, which were loaded 
 with the richest dishes. 
 
 6. Laeta agere. " Gave loose to joy," i. e. agebat laetanegotia, 
 equivalent in fact to laeta erat. The term gaudium denotes prop- 
 erly the feeling of joy, or joy of a comparatively moderate kind. 
 Laetitia refers to the expression of joy, by words and gestures, and 
 hence is much stronger in meaning than gaudium. A similar dif- 
 ference exists between gaudere and laetari. 
 
 7. Praeclara esse. For praeclara erat. — Victoriam. " A de- 
 cisive victory." — Necubi. Equivalent to tie alicubi. So ne quis 
 for ne aliquis. — Opportunus. " Exposed." Open to attack. 
 
 8. Effuso exercitu. " With his army scattered over the country." 
 — Cohortes. Referring to the cohorts of the allies. If the legionary 
 troops had been meant, the term legiones, or the expression cohortes 
 legionariae would have been employed. — Praesidium agitabant. 
 " Acted as a convoy." Formed a convoy or guard. Equivalent 
 to praesidio erant. 
 
 9. Partim. The old accusative for partem^ more commonly 
 taken as an adverb. 
 
 10. Divorsi agebant. " They acted apart." In different quarters 
 of the country. — Pugnae. The dative after a substantive. Scheller t 
 L. G. vol. 2, p. 1. 
 
 39 1- Arcemregni. " A stronghold of the kingdom." — Zamam 
 Consult Geographical Index. 
 
 2. Perfugis. The term perfuga denotes a deserter from our 
 enemies to us, and trans fuga, one from us to our enemies. Com- 
 pare the remark of Popma : " Trans fuga suos r&xnqutt et ad alios 
 venit ; perfuga supplex est : ergo transfuga y ut adjuvetur, fit per 
 fuga." 
 
 3. Quia fatter e nequibant. They could not prove false to Ju* 
 gurtha, and go back to the Romans, because they were sure of re- 
 ceiving from the latter the severest punishment, xlence Jugurtha 
 had no fear of their abandoning his standard, ?nd rejoining theii 
 countrymen. Valerius Maximus speaks est <Les&rt*r8 having te£n 
 
JUGURTH1NE WAR. 17« 
 
 Page 
 deprived of their hands by Quintus Fabius Maximus ; of others 39 
 who were either crucified or beheaded by the elder Africanus ; of 
 others who were exposed to wild beasts by the younger Africanus , 
 and of others whom Paulus Aemilius ordered to be trampled under 
 foot by elephants, (2, 7). Hence it follows, that the punishment 
 of deserters was left to the pleasure of the commander. 
 
 4. Ex itinere. " From the line of march." The main army wa» 
 marching towards Zama. — Frumentatum. " To obtain provisions." 
 So aquatum, " to obtain water," lignatum, " to procure fuel," &c. 
 — Post malam pugnam. The allusion is to the recent defeat sus- 
 tained by Jugurtha as mentioned in chapter 52. 
 
 5. In porta. " In the very gate of the city." Referring to Sicca. 
 — Casum. "An opportunity." — Sese. Alluding to himself, Ju- 
 gurtha. — Bios. The people of Sicca. — Inferre signa. " To ad- 
 vance." To move straight onward. Referre signa, " to retreat." 
 Convertere signa, " to face about." Conferre signa, " to engage." 
 
 6. Fidem mutavissent. " Would have changed sides." Would 
 have broken the faith they had pledged to the Romans, after the 
 defeat of Jugurtha, and gone over to their former master. 
 
 7. Infensi intentique. " Full of hostile ardour and on the alert." 
 — Alii. Opposed to pars. Some editions have evadere alii before 
 alii succedere, but this is very properly rejected by others. The 
 assailants were only of two classes, those who fought from a dis- 
 tance (eminus), and those who advanced to the ramparts (succedere), 
 and attempted at one time to undermine, at another to scale, *be 
 walls. 
 
 1. Pice et sulphur e taedam mixtam. " Torches besmeared with AQ 
 pitch and sulphur." Mixtam is to be taken in the sense of illitam, 
 and ardentia (" all on fire") is put in the neuter gender as .referring 
 
 to sudes, pila and taedam, things without life. The pila had com- 
 bustibles attached to them. — The reading we have adopted, is that 
 of Gruter. Cortius, however, gives the following : sudes, pila, prae- 
 terea picem sulphur e et taeda mixtam, ardentia mittere. 
 
 2. Bios, qui procul manserant. Referring to those of the Ro- 
 mans who are described in the previous part of the chapter, as fight- 
 ing from a distance {eminus pugnare.)^~Muniverat. In the sense 
 of tuebatur. 
 
 3. Castra hostium. This is one of the very few passages where 
 Sallust applies the term hostes to his own countrymen, in contradis- 
 tinction to the Numidians. 
 
 4. Quisque pro moribus. " Each, according to his character." 
 
 5. Pauci in pluribus, &c. " Being few in number amid a nu- 
 merous host of assailants, they were less mistaken in their aim." 
 
172 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 ^JQ In casting their weapons among the great numbers opposed to them, 
 
 it was impossible for the Romans not to do great execution. — Ibi 
 
 vero. " Then indeed." 
 
 6. Ad se vorsum. For advorsum se. — Popularis esse. " That 
 they were his own men." Literally, "his countrymen." — Statim,. 
 This adverb is not redundant here as some imagine. Metellus first 
 quickly despatched the cavalry, and, immediately after, Marius with 
 the allied cohorts. 
 
 7. Inultos. " Unpunished." Without taking ample vengeance 
 upon them. Inultus is here taken passively. It is used actively in 
 Catiline, c. 58. " Cavete inulti mtam amittatis." 
 
 8. In angustiis. " In the narrow passages of the gates." Ipsi 
 sibi obficerent. " Obstructed one another." 
 
 9. Agitare. " To patrol." — Proxuma loca. " The adjoining 
 posts," i. e. the parts nearest the gates. 
 
 41 1. In proxumo. "Nearest the enemy," i.e. "in loco proxumo 
 hostile." — Pedites. " Their infantry." Referring to the Numi- 
 dians. — Facerent. The pluperfect quivissent refers to the probable 
 result, the imperfect facerent, to the action as going on at the 
 time. 
 
 2. Quibus tlli freti. Quibus refers to the infantry, and illi to 
 the cavalry, of the Numidians. — Advorsis equis concurrere, &c. 
 " Charged straight onward, disordered and broke our line." — Hostis 
 paene victos dare. After the Numidian cavalry had broken the 
 Roman line, they gave the enemy, now almost conquered, into the 
 hands of their light-armed infantry, who were intermingled with 
 the horse. The Romans, it will be perceived, are here again called 
 
 . hostes, with reference to the Numidians. 
 
 3. Niti. Referring to the Roman soldiery. — Pariter. " With 
 equal energy." — Oppugnare aut par are, &c. The former of these 
 two verbs refers to the Romans, the latter to the Numidians. With 
 parare we may understand defensionem. 
 
 4. Hostes. Referring to the Romans. — Pugnam. " The at- 
 tack." — Intenti. " With eager feelings." 
 
 5. Niti corporibus. " Made movements with their bodies." — Et 
 hue, illuc, agitare. " And threw themselves into this posture, and 
 then into that." 
 
 6. Lenius. "With less vigour." — Diffidentiam rei. "A dis- 
 trust of success." — Sine tumultu. " Without any disturbance on 
 his part," i. e. without interruption. — Visere. " To view." 
 
 7. Studio suorum adstrictis. " While they were engrossed with 
 anxious concern for their countrymen." — Scalis aggressi. " Hav- 
 ing assailed it by the aid of their scaling iadsiers." S&tnb editions 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 173 
 
 Page, 
 have egressi, which will refer to the soldiers having left the ladders, A 1 
 and being now in the act of clinging to the battlements. 
 
 8. Unae. This numeral is used in the plural with nouns which 
 have 10 singular, or are used in a different sense in that number ; 
 or e.se, whose singular is of rare occurrence. Thus, una moenia, 
 ina castra, unae liter ae, &c. In the present instance the singular 
 lumber of scala is rarely, if ever, met with, and hence the plural 
 Orm is employed. Charisius, Diomedes, and other grammarians, 
 naintain that the singular of this word is never used. Compare 
 Quintilian, 1, 5, 16 : — " Scala tamen et scopa, contraque hordea et 
 mulsa, licet liter arum mutationem, detr -actionem, adjectionem non 
 habeant, non alio vitiosa sunt quam quod pluralia singulariter, et 
 singularia pluraliter efferuntur." Celsus, however, (8. 15,) uses 
 ehe singular of scala : thus, " Sic brachium deligatum super scalae 
 gallinariae gradum trajicitur ;" and also Caius, (Dig. lib. 46. tit 
 2. leg. 56,) " Qui scalam commodaverit ad ascendendum." 
 
 9. Ceteri. Those who stood on the ladders that had not yet 
 Deen broken. 
 
 10. Inceptum. Understand fuisse. — Suo loco. " In a place of 
 nis own selecting." Equivalent to loco sibi opportuno. 
 
 1. Cetcrum exercitum. " The rest of his army." — Qua. Sup- AO 
 ply parte. If we read quae, as most editions do, we shall have 
 merely an unmeaning gloss, quae proxuma est Numidiae. 
 
 2. Vadibus datis. "Although sureties had been given for his 
 appearance." Compare chap. 35. — Per maxumam amicitiam. "On 
 account of his very intimate friendship with the monarch-" 
 
 3. Sua omnia. He had lost all his property by confiscation, in 
 consequence of his not having stood his trial at Rome. Metellus 
 promises that this shall be restored to him, if he betray Jugurtha. — 
 Per conditiones. Because he had broken his engagement and not 
 stood trial. 
 
 4. Ulo. Referring to Jugurtha 
 
 5. Jugurtham. Understand qui dicerent before Jugurtham 
 Some editions have Qui Jugurtham impcrata facturum dicerent.— 
 Sine ulla pactione. "Unconditionally." Without any stipulation. 
 
 6. Cunctos senatorii ordinis. There were of course many indi- 
 viduals of senatorian rank in the army, either as legati, quaestores. 
 or even tribuni militum. — Quos idoneos ducebat. It appears from 
 Caesar, B. G. 5, 28, that the chief centurion in each legion was also 
 entitled to a seat in the council of war. 
 
 7. Argenti pondo ducenta millia. " Two hundred thousand 
 pounds weight of silver." Pondo is the old ablative, for ponder e; 
 we must therefore understand librarum after ducenta millia. 
 
 17* 
 
174 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 43 1. Ad imperandum. The gerund is here used, according to (he 
 grammarians, in the passive sense, " for the purpose of being or- 
 dered," i. e. " of receiving orders." A few other passages occor, 
 in the Latin writers now extant, in which the gerund is similarly 
 employed. In the present instance, however, an active meaning, 
 though not a very elegant one, may be given to imperandum, " for 
 the purpose of an ordering of him on the part of Metellus," i. e. 
 "for the purpose of Metellus's ordering him." In this same way, 
 perhaps, the other instances may be explained. Thus, Nep. Att. 9, 
 " Spes restituendi nulla erat." " There was no hope of his being 
 restored," i. e. " of a restoring of him ;" and again, Justin, 17, 5, 
 " Athenas erudiendi gratia missus." " He was sent to Athens, for 
 the sake of being instructed," i. e. for an instructing of himself. 
 
 2. Flectere animum suum. "To change his resolve." To 
 waver. 
 
 3. Multis magnisque praesidiis. "Many and great resources " 
 Money, horses, arms, elephants. 
 
 4. Numidiam Metello decreverat. Metellus's consulship having 
 expired, he was continued in command another year, as proconsul, 
 and the province of Numidia was voted to him by the senate. The 
 consuls for this year (A. U. C. 646.) were Servius Sulpicius Galba 
 and Q. Hortensius, in the place of which latter M. Aurelius 
 Scaurus was afterwards chosen. 
 
 5. C. Mario. Marius was a complete slave to superstition, as 
 might well be expected in an ignorant and uneducated man. Plu- 
 tarch and Frontinus both make mention of a Syrian woman, named 
 Martha, whom he carried about with him, and who, as he pretended, 
 and very likely believed, was possessed of the gift of prophecy. 
 
 6. Agitabat. " He was meditating." — Cuncta prosper a even- 
 tura. The adjective prosper a is here used adverbially. Compare 
 Catiline, chap. 26. "Quae occulte tentaverat, aspera foedaque 
 evenerant." 
 
 7. Praeter vetustatem familiae. " Except antiquity of family." 
 Noble birth. — Alia omnia. " All other qualifications." — Animus 
 belli ingens, &c. " A spirit intrepid in war, moderate in peace." 
 This animus domi modicus underwent a change, when, as will be 
 seen in a subsequent chapter, ambitione praeceps datus est. 
 
 8. His natus. Understand virtutibus after his. Most editions 
 read Sed is, natus, &c. The lection we have adopted, however, 
 appears decidedly preferable, as marking the contrast between the 
 early and later periods of Marius's life. 
 
 9. Stipendiis faciundis. " In actual service." Literally, " iii 
 making campaigns." 
 
JUG UK THINE WAR. 175 
 
 Page. 
 
 10. Urbanis munditiis. " The luxurious refinements of a city ^Q 
 fife." These are enlarged upon by Marius in the course of his 
 speech before the people, chap. 85. — Inter artis bonas. " Amid 
 manly practices." By a course of manly discipline. 
 
 11. Plerisque faciem ejus ignorantibus. The reason of this 
 was, because he had been born and brought up out of the city, and 
 been always hitherto conversant with camps and warfare." — Facile 
 notus. " Being easily recognised by name." At first, no one 
 knew who the candidate was : but when his name, Caius Marius, 
 was heard, he was easily recognised by the people as a brave and 
 gallant soldier. 
 
 12. Per omnis tribus. The tribes were, at this period, thirty 
 five in number. Compare Livy, 33, 25. 
 
 13. In potestatibus. " In the exercise of authority." — Ampliore 
 M Of a higher office." 
 
 14. Ad id locorum. " Up to that time." Locus is here used 
 for tempus. Compare chapter 72. " Post id locorum" i. e. postea. 
 So Terence uses inter ea loci for interea, and Plautus interibi. 
 
 15. His. "By these," i. e. the nobility. 
 
 16. Cupido animi. " His ambitious feelings." — Petundi. Sup 
 ply consulatum. — Missionem. " Leave of absence." A furlough. 
 
 1. Contemtor animus. " A disdainful spirit." — Tarn prava. " So A A 
 erroneous a line of conduct." 
 
 2. Jure. "With good reason." On account of his low birth, 
 and want of proper education. 
 
 3. Ubi primum, &c. " As soon as he should be allowed to do 
 this, by the state of public affairs," i. e. as soon as he, Marius, 
 could be spared from the army. 
 
 4. Satis mature. " Soon enough." — Cum filio suo. With his 
 (Metellus's) son," i. e. when his son should be old enough to stand 
 candidate along with him, — Contubernio patris. " In the tent of 
 his father." Contubemium properly denotes a certain number of 
 soldiers quartered in the same tent. Hence young noblemen, un- 
 der the general's particular care, were said to serve or live in his 
 tent {contubernio ejus militate) and were called his contubernales. 
 
 5. Annos natus, &c. As the strictly legal age for obtaining the 
 consulship was 43 years, Marius, according to the ironical advice 
 of Metellus, would have to wait 23 years longer : and as we may 
 suppose Marius to have been, at the time here alluded to, at least 
 43 years, (since he entertained thoughts of then standing for the 
 consulship,) he would have to delay his suit until he was 66 years 
 old. Compare Plutarch's account of this same matter, at the con- 
 elusion of note 3, page 47, of this narrative. 
 
176 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page 
 
 A A 6. Grassari. " He advanced boldly onward to the object of hi* 
 ambition." 
 
 7. Ambitiosum. " Calculated to gain popularity." — Laxiore im- 
 perio. "Under a more relaxed discipline. " — Negotiator es. The 
 negotiator es, especially under the republic, were they who remained 
 for some considerable time in one particular place, whether at Re me 
 or in the provinces. The mercatores, on the contrary, remained a 
 very short time in any place ; they visited many countries, and 
 were almost constantly occupied with importing or exporting arti- 
 cles of merchandise. 
 
 8. Criminose simul, &c. " Both in a style of accusation as re- 
 garded Metellus, and of boasting with respect to himself. " — Dimi- 
 dia pars. Understand si, and compare Virgil, Aen. 6, 31, " sineret 
 dolor." 
 
 9. Trahi. Understand helium. — Quod homo inanis, &c. "Be- 
 cause, being a vain man, and with all the haughtiness of a king." 
 The epithet regiae is well calculated to arouse the indignant feelings 
 of Romans. 
 
 10. Corruperant. " They had impaired." — Animo cupienti. "To 
 an ardent spirit." One impatient to attain its object. 
 
 11. Secundum heredem. By haeres secundus (next or second 
 heir) among the Romans, was meant the individual to whom the 
 inheritance descended, if the heir or heirs who were first appointed 
 did not choose to accept, or died under the age of puberty. 
 
 12 Mente paullum imminuta. "With his mental faculties a 
 little impaired." 
 
 13. Sellam. The general had a chair of state, on which he sat 
 when he presided in a council of war, or in judgment, or gave audi- 
 ence to ambassadors. His lieutenants, or legati, and other person? 
 of distinction, took places around him ; and if a king happened to be 
 in the army, he sat next to the general on his right hand. The 
 sella curulis, used not only on these occasions, but by all the higher 
 classes of Roman magistrates, was a stool or seat without a back, 
 with four crooked feet fixed to the extremities of cross pieces of 
 wood, joined by a common axis, somewhat in the form of the letter 
 X, and covered with leather ; so that it might be conveniently folded 
 together for the purpose of carriage, and set down wherever the 
 magistrate chose to use it. It was frequently adorned with ivorv, 
 and hence called Curule ebur. 
 
 14. Custodiae caussa. He was apprehensive lest he might meet 
 with the same fate as Massiva, who had been assassinated at Rome. 
 — Equitum Romanorum. " Of Roman horse." Not of Roman 
 knights, but of the cavalry of the army. — Honorem. Referring to 
 
 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR 177 
 
 Page 
 
 the privilege of sitting next to the commander on the right.- Reges A A 
 adpeliavisset. " Had saluted with the title of kings." — Numidae. 
 The dative case. 
 
 1. Anxium. "Vexed at the refusal." — Secunda oratione. " In 4.5 
 a flattering speech." — Id adeo. " That this indeed." Adeo is here 
 equivalent to vero. 
 
 2. Milites et ncgotiatores. Both these terms apply to equites 
 Romanos, by which last are here meant, not the cavalry merely, as 
 in the previous instance, but members of the equestrian order, some 
 of whom served in the army, while others were engaged in carrying 
 on trade. — Aspere. " Harshly." 
 
 3. Honestissuma suffragatione. "By a very respectable in- 
 terest," i. e. by great numbers, in a manner highly honourable. — 
 Plebes. A noun of the fifth declension, plebes — ei, unless we con- 
 sider, as some do, the form plebei as an old dative, where the diph- 
 thong ei is put in the place of the long final i. If so, the genitive 
 of plebes will be plebis, and it will be, like plebs^ a noun of the third 
 declension. 
 
 4. Omissa deditione. The narrative now returns, after this 
 digression respecting Marius, to the state of things mentioned at 
 the close of chapter 62. — Bellum incipit. " Begins the war anew." 
 Renews the war. Incipit is here to be taken in the sense of rursus 
 incipit, or renovat. 
 
 5. Adfectare. " He strove to recover." — Commumre. " H« 
 carefully fortified." — Reficere. " He made anew." — Commercan. 
 " Bought up on all sides." — Cuncta agitare. '• He put even 
 engine in motion." Left nothing unattempted. 
 
 6. Vagenses, quo. Translate quo, " in whose city." — Pacificante. 
 " Was making proposals for peace." — Suppliciis. " By the entrea- 
 ties." — Voluntate. " In affection." — Principes. To be construed 
 along with Vagenses. " The principal inhabitants of Vaga." 
 
 7. Nam volgus, &c. The lower orders are here referred to in 
 their turn. The meaning of the historian is, that the principal in- 
 habitants conspired against the Romans, because they still retained 
 an attachment to Jugurtha, and were, therefore, easily prevailed 
 upon by his entreaties. The lower orders, however, needed no soli- 
 citation for this purpose, as they were naturally fond of change, and 
 impatient of repose. 
 
 8. Discordiosum. " Contentious." Fond of discord and quarrels. 
 This is supposed by some to be a word peculiar to Sallust. It 
 occurs, however, in Sidonius {Ep. 6, 2, extr.) and Cyprian (Ep. 
 42, 2.) 
 
 9 Festus. Pays among the Romans were divided into dies fasti. 
 
178 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 45 " holy days ;" dies profesti, " common days ;" and dies inte-.yisi, 
 "half holy days." The dies profesti, again, were the same with 
 the dies fasti, or those on which the courts of law could be held, 
 and the dies festi were the same with the dies nefasti, or days on 
 which no law business could be transacted. 
 
 10. Ludum et lasciviam, &c. " Presented an appearance of 
 sport and merriment, rather than of what was calculated to 
 alarm." 
 
 11. Quippe. In the sense of utpote. — Sine imperio. "Under 
 no command." — Acta consiliumque. " Of what had been done, 
 and of the plot which had been formed." Acta refers to what had 
 been arranged beforehand by the conspirators, not to what was then 
 passing, which would have been expressed by quae agebantur. 
 
 46 1- Trepidare ad arc em oppidi. " Hurried in great confusion to 
 the citadel." — Praesidium hostium. "A guard of the enemy 
 stationed there." — Pro tectis. " In front of the roofs," i. e. on the 
 eaves of the houses. 
 
 2. Anceps malum. " The evil which threatened on all sides." — 
 Infirmissumo generi. " The feeblest portion of the human race," 
 i. e. women and boys. 
 
 3. In ea tanta asperitate. " In this so distressing a situation of 
 affairs," — Nisi. " Except that." Equivalent to nisi quod. — In- 
 testabilisque. " Infamous," or, " detestable." The word properly 
 denotes one who can neither make a will, be a witness, nor receive 
 a testamentary bequest. Sallust, in his account of the conduct of 
 Turpilius, does not agree with Plutarch, who makes the accusation 
 to have been a false one, and Turpilius to have been condemned 
 through the agency of Marius. Compare note 3, page 47. ' 
 
 4. E conspectu abit. " Withdraws from public view," i. e. from 
 the view of the army. Understand militum. — Ira et aegritudo 
 "Resentment and grief." 
 
 5. Numidas Equites. Forming part of the allied forces. — Ex- 
 veditos. "Disencumbered of baggage." — Horam tertiam. The 
 Romans divided the natural day, or the space from sunrise to sunset, 
 into twelve hours, which were of course shorter in winter and longer 
 in summer. At the equinoxes, the third hour would exactly coin- 
 cide with our ninth. The night was divided into four watches, each 
 consisting of three hours, which were likewise of a different length 
 at different times of the year. Thus hora sextanoctis, " midnight." 
 — Septima, " one o'clock in the morning," &c. 
 
 6. Abnuentis omnia. "Entirely averse to any farther exertion." 
 Sallust does not mean that the troops now openly refused obedience 
 to orders, but that, by their looks and gestures, they plainly expressed 
 
ItTGURTHINE WAR. 179 
 
 Page, 
 their unwillingness to proceed. This is extremely well indicated by £fi 
 abnuentis. 
 
 7. Mille passuum. " A mile." Literally, " a thousand paces." 
 The Roman passus, or, "pace," was equal to one yard, 1.85375 
 feet of English measure, and, consequently, the Roman mile was 
 1617 yards, 2.75 feet. 
 
 8. Praedam benigne ostentat. " He generously offers them the 
 booty of the place." — Inprimo. Understand agmine. — Late. The 
 object of this arrangement was that the cavalry might conceal from 
 view the infantry behind them. 
 
 9. Numidas equites. It is now seen why these were stationed 
 m front. — Rursum. Referring to their change of opinion. Render 
 the clause, " having changed their opinion, and thought it was 
 Jugurtha." 
 
 1. Volgum. The ancient writers generally prefer volgum or A^ 
 vulgum, in the accusative, to volgus or vulgus. — Effusum. " That 
 had poured out in great numbers." 
 
 2. Ex perfidia. "After their treachery." — Poenae cuncta, &c. 
 * Was entirely given up to punishment or plunder." Poenae fuit 
 
 is an unusual form of expression, but does not offend when placed 
 in the same sentence with the more usual construction praedae fuit. 
 
 3. Capite poenas solvit. According to Plutarch, Turpilius and 
 his family had long been retainers to that of Metellus, and he 
 attended him in this war in the character of master of the artificers. 
 Marius, who was one of the council of war that tried him, was not 
 only himself severe against him, but stirred up most of the other 
 judges ; so that it was carried against the opinion of Metellus, and 
 it was much against his will that he passed upon him sentence of 
 death. A short time afterwards, according to Plutarch, the accusa« 
 tion appeared a false one, and all the other officers sympathized 
 with Metellus, who was overwhelmed with sorrow ; while Marius 
 with joy declared that the thing was all his own doing, and was not 
 ashamed to acknowledge, in all companies, that he had lodged an 
 avenging fury in the breast of Metellus, w T hich would not fail to 
 punish him for having put to death the hereditary friend of his family. 
 Plutarch spates, that after this they became more open enemies, and 
 that the conversation between Metellus and Marius, of which 
 Sallust makes mention in the 64th chapter of this narrative, took 
 place subsequently to this event. According to the biographer, one 
 day, when Marius was standing by, Metellus said by way of insult, 
 k< You are thinking, then, my good friend, of leaving us, and going 
 home to solicit the consulship : would yo a not be contented to stay, 
 and be consul with this son of mine] " The son of Metellus, adds 
 
180 flOTES TO THE 
 
 Page 
 
 4fj[ Plutarch, was then very young. {Plut. Vit. Mar. c. 8. — ed. HuHm 
 vol. 3, p. 68.) 
 
 4. Nam is civis ex Latio erat. It was enacted by the Porciaii 
 law, that no one should bind, scourge, or kill, a Roman citizen ; and, 
 by the Sempronian law, that sentence should not be passed upon the 
 life of a Roman citizen without the order of the people. It still 
 remains a disputed point whether the operation of these laws was 
 suspended or not in the Roman camp. The present passage of 
 Sallust goes to prove, that the laws in question were not superseded 
 by the military power of the consul, but remained in full force, since 
 the words of our author fairly imply that Turpilius would not have 
 lost his life had he been a citizen of Rome. In the days of Polybius, 
 however, before the period of which Sallust treats, it would appear 
 that the punishment of delinquents in the camp was not impeded by 
 the laws mentioned above. The subject is discussed by Lipsius, 
 (De Mil. Rom. 5. dial. 18,) though without being brought to any 
 definite conclusion. 
 
 5. Eum suspiciens. " Suspecting him." An unusual meaning 
 for the verb suspicio, which commonly denotes, " to look upward," 
 " to admire," &c. It derives its peculiar force, in the present in- 
 stance, from its opposition to suspectus, both suspectus and suspi- 
 ciens coming from the same verb. The common form is suspectans. 
 
 6. Fatigare animum. " He wearied his invention." — Popularibus 
 suis. " To his countrymen." — Superavcrant. " Had remained 
 undone." More literally, " had remained over." To complete the 
 construction we may understand agendae, but this is not necessary. 
 
 7. Inter hiberna. In chapter 61 we are informed, that Metellus 
 had fixed the winter quarters of his army in that part of the Roman 
 province which was nearest to Numidia, and that he had besides 
 stationed garrisons in several cities of Numidia. Hence the pro- 
 priety of the phrase inter hiberna. 
 
 8. Metusque rem impediebat. These words are added in order 
 to explain the force of per culsus, and are not therefore superfluous, 
 as some consider them. 
 
 9. Vetere consilio. " His former design," i. e. his late engagement. 
 
 10. Mollitiem secordiamque. " The effeminacy and want of 
 spirit." — Praemia. The rewards they were to receive from Me- 
 tellus, in case they betrayed Jugurtha. — Id modo agitari. "That 
 this alone was the question." 
 
 11. Aegrum animum. "A mind burdened with care." Ill at 
 ease. — Negotiorum curator. " The manager of his private affairs." 
 Some of the French editors make this office the same as that of 
 private secretary. It is rather that of confidential agent and adviser. 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 181 
 
 Page. 
 
 1. Opera et ingenio suo. " Of his assistance and abilities." — In ^j.Q 
 fntlvino. " On the pillow." 
 
 2. Rem omnem, &c. " Learnt the whole affair, as it had taken 
 place." Was informed of all that had taken place. An imitation 
 of the Greek idiom, for cognovit uti res omnis acta esset. — Indicem. 
 " The informer." — Paravisset. " Had intended to do." — Praeventa 
 M Had been anticipated." 
 
 3. Oppresserat. " He suppressed." — Quieta. " Given to unin 
 terrupted repose." Jugurtha enjoyed no tranquillity of mind either 
 by day or night. — Fuere. Some editions have fuit, and, strictly 
 speaking, the singular is here the proper form on account of the dis- 
 junctive aut. which precedes. Similar deviations, however, some- 
 times occur in the best writers. Thus Cicero, (Or. 2, 4, 16,) " Ne 
 
 Sulpicius aut Cotta plus quam ego apud te valere vide- 
 
 antur." So Longinus, (c. 14, ed. Weiske,) v&s av ILXdroiv j) 
 
 AriiioadevTjs vxpoxrav, r} iv laropia QovKvdicrig. The aim of the 
 
 writers, who use this construction, appears to be, to present the 
 different objects to the mind in such a way as that they may operate 
 with combined force upon it, and at the same time not lose their 
 individuality. 
 
 4. Circumspect are. "He narrowly inspected." — Omni strepitu 
 " At every noise." — Contra decus regium. "Ina manner unsuit- 
 able to royal dignity." — Ea formidine, &c. How well does Sallust 
 here describe the heavy penalty which Jugurtha was now beginning 
 to pay for his crimes. 
 
 5. Fatigantem de profectione. " Importuning him for leave to 
 depart." — Quae de Metello ac Mario, &c. Compare chapter 65, 
 towards the close. — Volenti animo, &c. " Received, with feelings 
 of satisfaction, the accounts contained in them respecting both." 
 Volenti animo are here ablatives, and not, as some think, datives 
 with quae erant understood, in imitation of the Greek construction. 
 
 6. Eli alteri. " To the other." Eli is here used for the defini- 
 tive article. The reference is to Marius. — Studia partium. " The 
 violence of party-spirit." 
 
 7. Metellum capitis arcessere. " Charged Metellus with capita, 
 offences." Arcesso properly means " to send for," " to summon," 
 " to summon to a court of justice," &c. 
 
 1. Quorum res Jidesque, &c. "Whose whole substance and Au 
 credit depended on their daily labour." — Frequentarent Marium 
 
 M Attended Marius in crowds." 
 
 2. Post multas tempestates. " After a long series of years," i. e. 
 after a long period of uninterrupted possession on the part of the 
 former, namely, the nobility. Cicero, another novus home, obtained 
 
 18 
 
182 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Pago. 
 
 /JtJ the consulship a long time after Marius. Some very erroneously 
 refer tempestates in this passage to civil dissentions, contrary to the 
 usage of Sallust. Compare Catiline, chapter 53, "multis tempos- 
 tatibus." 
 
 3. Decreverat. " Had decreed this," i. e. the management of 
 this war. Some editions have Numidiam expressed, which is equiva- 
 lent. The determination of the consular provinces properly belonged 
 to the senate. Sometimes, however, the people, as in the present 
 instance, reversed what the senate had decreed respecting the pro- 
 vinces. So the attempt of "Marius, by means of the tribune Sul- 
 picius, to get the command of the war against Mithridates transferred 
 from Sylla to himself by the suffrages of the people, gave occasion 
 to the first civil war at Rome. 
 
 4. Bocchum. Bocchus was king of Mauritania. Compare chap. 19. 
 
 5. Varius incertusque agitabat. Understand sese. " Was dis- 
 tracted by a variety of schemes, and uncertain which to put in ope- 
 ration." — Neque Mi res, &c. " Neither any result, nor any plan 
 of operations, nor any individual fully pleased him." Res is here 
 equivalent to facta, and consilium to facienda. 
 
 6. Quocumque intenderat. Understand animum. " Whitherso- 
 ever he directed his thoughts." 
 
 7. Pro tempore. "As well as the occasion would admit."— 
 Ejus milites. These words have very much the appearance of a 
 useless gloss, though they are given in all the manuscripts. 
 
 8. Tuta sunt. For tuita sunt, from tueor. The primitive form 
 was tuor, tuitus sum, tui. Compare Catullus, 20, 5. Stat. Achill. 
 1, 131, ap. Prise. 8, 17. Plaut. Asin: 2, 3, 23, &c. 
 
 9. Impensius modo, &c. " Now more than ever distrusting the 
 success of his affairs." 
 
 10. Filiorumque ejus, &c. " And where many things had been 
 provided for the educating and rearing of his offspring." Filiorum 
 appears to be here used both for sons and daughters. Compare the 
 remark of Quintilian, (9, 3,) " Jungit autem et diversos sexus, ut 
 cum marem feminamque jilios dicimus." So also, Cortius, (ad. loc.) 
 " Filiorum credo etiam adfilias Jugurthae spectat. A potiore enim 
 sexu denominationem sumunt, et filios, fratres, soceros, patres, avos, 
 reges, dicunt, qui sunt ex utroque sexu." 
 
 11. Flumenque proxumum. Referring to the last river that would 
 be met with before coming to Thala. — Patrandi. In the sense of 
 conficiendi, " bring to a close." — Naturam etiam. Referring to 
 the difficulties presented by the arid country which intervened. 
 
 KQ 1. Vasa. In the singular vas, vasis, in the plural vasa, vasorum- 
 The old nominative vamem occurs in Plaut. True. 1, 1, 33 
 
JtTGURTHINE WAR. 183 
 
 Page. 
 
 2. Ub% praesto forent. We have adopted the reading of all the gQ 
 old editions, forent, instead of fuerint, which latter is given by 
 Cortius and others. The sense requires for ent, "where they should 
 
 be ready." 
 
 3. Ea modo. " It alone." — Officio, intenderant. " Had overdone 
 tneir duty," i. e. had exceeded their instructions. Intendere has 
 here the force of " augere" " in magnitudinem extendcre." Com- 
 pare Suetonius, {Tib. 62,) " Auxit intenditque saevitiam." 
 
 4. Religione. " From a religious feeling." They ascribed the 
 rain to the manifest interposition of the gods. — Animis eorum. 
 " To their courage." The more usual form would be the singular 
 animo. 
 
 5. Locorum asperitate. " By the difficulties which the country 
 presented." 
 
 6. Infectum. " Impracticable." — Arma, tela. These terms must 
 be translated generally, " calculated for defence, for offence." — 
 Ceteris imperitantem. " Giving laws to the rest of men." Imperito 
 denotes the frequent exercise of unlimited authority, and is well 
 calculated to express the superiority of nature over the efforts of 
 man. — Industna. " By persevering efforts." 
 
 7. Per otium, &c. " In time of leisure, and in consequence of 
 opportunity." 
 
 8. Praelio intentos. " Determined to defend themselves." 
 Equivalent to " ad strenue pugnandum paratos" 
 
 9. Ex copia. " Out of the whole number," which the situation 
 of the place afforded. Sallust does not mean, out of a large num- 
 ber, but out of as many as the place presented for selection. 
 
 10. Et super aggerem, &c. We have given the reading of 
 Cortius. The Bipont edition has, insuper aggere, turribus, opus 
 et administros tutari. 
 
 11. Multo ante labor e, &c. In construing, we must render ante 
 as if it were an adjective qualifying labor e and praeliis. "At 
 length, the Romans, worn out by much previous fatigue and fight- 
 ing," i. e. previously to taking the place. Ante is equivalent, in 
 fact, to antequam urbem ceperint. 
 
 12. Post dies quadraginta, quam, &c. Equivalent to die quad- 
 ragesimo postquam eo ventum erat. Consult note 3, page 68. — 
 Oppido modo potiti. " Made themselves masters of the town alone." 
 — Corrupta. " Was destroyed." 
 
 1. Arietibus. The most formidable machine made use of by the pr ■ 
 Romans for the taking of cities was the aries, or " battering ram ;" 
 a long beam, like the mast of a ship, and armed at one end with iron 
 in the form of a ram's head ; whence it had its name. It was aus- 
 
184 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 g 1 pended by the middle with ropes or chains fastened to a beam 1*iat 
 lay across two posts, and, hanging thus equally balanced, it was by 
 a hundred men, more or less, (who were frequently changed,) 
 violently thrust forward, drawn back, again pushed forward, till by 
 repeated strokes it had shaken and broken down the wall with its 
 iron head. The ram was covered with sheds or mantlets, called 
 vineae, which have already been described. 
 
 2. Adflictas. " Completely ruined." Literally, " dashed to the 
 ground." — Prima. " Most valuable." Compare Catiline, chapter 
 36. — Eas ipsi volentes pependere. " This (punishment) they suf- 
 fered voluntarily from their own hands." Literally, '-' these (atone - 
 ments) they of themselves voluntarily paid." They had nothing to 
 expect from the Roman commander, in case they fell into his hands, 
 but the cruelest punishment. 
 
 3. Pariter cum capta Thala. The same as Eodem tempore quo 
 Thala capta fuit. — Praefectumque. "And governor." — Ni id 
 festinaret. "That unless he should hasten to do this," i. e. to 
 afford them aid. 
 
 4. Suam salutem, &c. Elorum in this passage refers to the 
 Romans, and it is the same as if Sallust had said, suam, qui 
 illorum socii essent, salutem. The passage may hence be para- 
 phrased as follows : " they, the allies of the Romans, would be 
 involved in the greatest danger." Or, we may render more literally, 
 though less in accordance with the English idiom, " their safety, 
 who were the allies of the Romans, would be in the greatest danger." 
 
 5. Navi fecerant. "They had executed with promptness." The 
 more usual form, and, we may add, the earlier one, would seem to 
 have been gnavus, not navus. The term appears to be derived 
 from, or analogous to, the Greek yewaXog, by contraction yvaTos, and 
 with the insertion of the digamma, dropping at the same time the i 
 we have yvaFog, in Latin gnavus. 
 
 6. Situm inter duas Syrtis. Of course, Leptis Magna is meant. 
 Consult Geographical Index. — Quibus nomen, &c. "To which 
 this name has been given from the circumstances of the case." 
 Consult Geographical Index, under the article Syrtes. 
 
 7. Extrema Africa. The extremity of Africa towards the east 
 is here meant, according to the ancient division of it, by which 
 Egypt was excluded from it and made part of Asia. — Proxuma. 
 Understand loca. 
 
 8. Uti fors tulit. "As chance has brought it about." — Alta; 
 alia in tempestate vadosa. " Are at one time deep, at another shal- 
 low." Some very erroneously explain this as if alia agreed with loca 
 understood, and in tempestate meant " during tempestuous weather. " 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 185 
 
 Paga 
 y. Leges, cultusque, &c. " Their laws and the principal features g| 
 in their mode of life were Sidonian." Cultus is here the genitive 
 depending upon pleraque the plural neuter. 
 
 10. Frequen.tem Numidiam. " The thickly-settled part of Nu- 
 inidia." — Multi vastique loci. " A large tract of desert country." 
 
 11. Indignum. " Unsuitable." — Facinus. "Achievement," 
 
 1. Pleraeque Africae. Compare chapter 54. " Plerumque ex- 52 
 crcitum" and consult note 2, page 38. — Ager in medio arenosus, 
 &c. " A sandy region intervened, of one uniform appearance," i. e. 
 
 a naked, open plain." 
 
 2. Legiones. " Armies." Sallust here speaks " more Romano,' 11 
 and applies to other nations terms which can only suit his own. 
 
 3. Per inducias. " During a truce." — Legati. " Deputies." 
 
 4. Quibus nomen Philaenis erat. " Whose name was Philaeni." 
 An elegant construction, the dative Philaenis being attracted, as 
 the grammarians term it, to the dative of the person. The plain 
 syntax would be, quibus nomen Philaeni (or Philaenorum) erat. 
 Compare Livy, (3, 17,) " Consules leges decemvir ales, quibus 
 tabulis duodecim est nomen, in aes incisas in publico proposuerunt." 
 
 5. Nuda gignenhum. " Bare of vegetation." Compare chapter 
 93. " Cuncta gignentium." 
 
 6. Morari iter. Understand solet, iter being the accusative de- 
 fending on morari. 
 
 7. Ob rem corruptam. " For their mismanagement." — Criminart. 
 " Alleged." The primitive meaning of crimen is a charge, or accu- 
 sation. — Conturbare rem. " They threw the whole matter into 
 confusion," i. e. they maintained that the whole agreement was 
 null and void. 
 
 8. Graeci. The Cyreneans, as being a Greek colony. — Optionem 
 Carthaginiensium faciunt. " Give the Carthaginians their choice." 
 — Vel Mi. Understand ut, which is expressed in some editions. 
 
 9. Aras consecravere. Consult Geographical Index, under the 
 article Philenbn arae. 
 
 1. Ordines habere. "To keep their ranks." — Imperium ob- ^3 
 servare. "To obey orders." — Alia militaria facer e. " To perform 
 other military duties." 
 
 2. Proxumos. " The intimate friends," i. e. the confidants and 
 favourites. — Ad studium sui. " To favour his views." — Ouis. For 
 quibus. 
 
 3. Facilius proniusque. " The more easy to be effected, and 
 the more agreeable to the inclinations of Bocchus." It is the same 
 as if Sallust had said, facilius facta propter Bocchi pronam ad be] 
 lum suscipiendum voluntatem. 
 
186 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 5*-J 4. Opportunissumam. " Most advantageous." Promising to to© 
 productive of the most important aid. 
 
 5. Bocchi. Many of the old editions read Boccho, in the dative 
 making Bocchus to have been Jugurtha's son-in-law. The Abbfc 
 Brotier, relying upon this reading and some of Sylla's medals, pro- 
 poses to substitute, in Plutarch's life of Marius, where mention is 
 made of the Moorish king, the term son-in-law (yapfipos), for father- 
 in-law (irsudsp6s). But M. Vauvilliers more judiciously contends,, 
 from six manuscripts of Sallust, and in conformity with Floras (3, 
 1) for the term father-in-law. In this Larcher concurs. Cortius, 
 the Bipont editor, Burnouf, Planche, Kunhardt, &c. read Bocchi. 
 
 6. Ea necessitudo. " This connexion." — Denas. " Ten a piece." 
 
 7. Animus multitudine distrahitur. " Affection is weakened by 
 the large number that have claims upon the heart." Literally, 
 " the heart is distracted amid a large number." — Nulla pro socia 
 obtinet. " No one of them enjoys the rank of consort." 
 
 8. Profunda avaritia. " Of insatiable cupidity." A metaphor 
 borrowed from a deep engulfing whirlpool. Compare Livy (29, 
 17,) " Si avaritiam solus ipse exercere satis haberet, unam pro- 
 iundam quidem voraginem tamen patientia nostra expleremus." 
 
 9. Quis omnia regna, &c. " That all monarchies were to them 
 objects of hostile regard." Quis for quibus, and, as it begins a 
 clause, to be rendered by illis. 
 
 10. Turn sese, &c. " That, at present, he himself was ; that, a 
 short time previous, the Carthaginians, and also king Perses, had 
 been ; that, for the time to come, as each one appeared very power- 
 ful, so he would be regarded as, an enemy by the Romans." Perses 
 had been king of Macedonia, and was vanquished and led in triumph 
 by Paulus Aemilius. 
 
 11. Operae pretium fore. Understand sibi. " He would obtain 
 a recompense for his labour," i. e. by making himself master of 
 what was contained in the city. 
 
 ■ 12. Bocchi pacem imminuere. " To lessen Bocchus's chance of 
 peace." — Moras agitando. Equivalent to morando. 
 
 13. Cognitis Mauris. " After he had made himself acquainted 
 with the character of the Mauri." — Ex commodo. " On advanta- 
 geous terms." 
 
 1. Supra bonum atque honestum. " Beyond what was right and 
 becoming." — Vir egregius in aliis artibus, &c. " Though a man 
 illustrious for other high qualities, he bore mental affliction with too 
 little firmness." 
 
 2. Vortebant. " Attributed." — Bonum ingenium. " An hon- 
 ourable spirit." Understand dice bant after alii. — Multi. ''Many 
 
 <54 
 
JTJGURTHINE WAR. 187 
 
 Page 
 • «erted that it was owing to the following circumstance." Supply FLA 
 after multi the words hanc esse doloris causam arbitrabantur, or 
 something equivalent. 
 
 3. Magis excruciatum. " Was more severely tortured." — Tarn 
 anxie. " With so much pain of mind." 
 
 4. Stultitiae. Understand esse. " To be the part of folly."- - 
 Alienam rem. " The interests of another." Referring to Marius, 
 the new consul. 
 
 5. Magnam copiam. " A great opportunity." 
 
 6. Omne helium, &c. " That every war was easy to be under- 
 taken, but ended with the greatest difficulty." Sumi is here used 
 in the sense of incipi. — Deponi cum victores velint. Compare Cati 
 line, chapter 56. Nemo nisi victor pace helium mutavit." 
 
 7. Perditis. " The ruined ones." Understand rebus. 
 
 8. Satis placide. "Very mildly." — Si eadem copia, &c. "That 
 if the same opportunity were afforded to that monarch." If the 
 same offer were extended to Jugurtha. 
 
 9. Contra. "In reply to." — Ilia partim probart. Referring to 
 Bocchus. — Bellum intactum trahi. " The w T ar was protracted, 
 without any thing of importance being done." 
 
 10. Cupientissuma plche. " In full accordance with the wishes 
 of the populace." Literally, "by the very eagerly desiring com- 
 mons." — Jussit. The accusative provinciam is generally thought 
 to be dependant here on jussit. The simpler construction, however, 
 would be jussit Numidiam esse provinciam ei. 
 
 11. Multus atque ferox instare. " Was frequent and violent in 
 his attacks on that order." The adjectives multus and ferox are 
 here elegantly employed instead of the adverbs multum and 
 ferociter. 
 
 12. Sese consuhtum, &c. Compare the account given by 
 Plutarch : "He (Marius) scrupled not to say, that he had taken the 
 consulship, as so much booty, from the effeminacy of the high born 
 and the rich." 
 
 13. Magnifica pro se, &c. " Full of boasting as regarded him- 
 self, and, at the same time, galling to them." 
 
 14. Prima habere. " He considered of primary importance." — 
 Populis ct regibus. Foreign communities and monarchs. — Sociis. 
 The Italian allies. 
 
 1. Plerosque militiae, &c. "Most of them known to lum in war, KP* 
 a few by report." We have here an instance of double construction 
 not unusual in Sallust. Militiae (scil. in tempore) is equivalent 
 here to apud exercitum. 
 
 2 Ambiendo cogere, &c. "By poing around in a friendly man- 
 
188 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 JJg ner, he induced persons who had served out their time to go along 
 with him." Veterans, who were exempt from any farther military 
 duty, were sometimes induced to serve again by special request 
 from a commander. If they did so, they were freed from all the 
 drudgery of the camp, such as going for water, wood, forage, stand- 
 ing guard, &c. and were generally marshalled by themselves under 
 a standard of their own. The military age with the Romans began 
 at seventeen, and ended generally with the forty-fifth year, after 
 which period they were exempt, and only served if they pleased, as 
 has just been stated. They were then called emeriti stipendiis t 
 and, from their being invited to serve a second time, evocati. 
 
 3. Ceterum etiam. " Nay they even." — Quia neque plebi, &c. 
 We have here an imitation of the Greek construction alluded to in 
 note 5, page 48. " Because military service was thought to be dis- 
 agreeable to the common people, and Marius to be likely to lose the 
 new levies that were needed for the war, or else the affections of 
 the multitude." Compare the following examples of the Greek 
 idiom : — Ovk av efiotys l\rro[x£vco ra yevoiro. " I had not expected 
 
 this." (Od. 3, 228.) 'E^-el 6' cov fjSonZvoicriv {]jxTv ol \6yoi yeydvaci. 
 
 " Since we were pleased with your discourse." (Herod. 9, 46.) 
 Tea Nt/aa TrpocSsx ^^ 1 ^ % v to. irepi t&v 'Eysoraicoj/. " Nicias expected 
 the events in Segesta." (Thucyd.. 6, 46.) We have an imitation 
 also in Tacitus, (Agric. 18.) " Quibus helium volentibus erect, and 
 in chapter 100 of the present narrative. 
 
 4. Tanta lubido. " So strong a desire." — Animis trahebant 
 " They fancied in their minds." Equivalent to animo fingebant. 
 
 5. Exagitandi. " Of inveighing against." — Concionem. The 
 primitive meaning of concio is, as in the present instance, an assem- 
 bly convened to hear an harangue. Its secondary meaning is an 
 harangue itself. 
 
 6. Scio ego, Quirites, &c. " I am well aware, Romans, that 
 most persons do not seek an office from you, and discharge its 
 duties after they have obtained it, in the same character." — Modicos 
 " Modest in their deportment." 
 
 7. Contra ea. " The opposite to all this " — Videtur. " Ap- 
 pears to be the true course." 
 
 8. Nam, &c. " For it is my opinion, that," &c. Under- 
 stand videtur to govern debere. 
 
 9. Neque me fallit, &c. "Nor does it escape my observation, 
 how heavy a burden I am called upon to sustain, in consequence 
 of the signal favour you have conferred upon me." More literally, 
 " how heavy a task, &c. together with your very great act of kind- 
 t?ess." I am well aware, how laborious, at the present juncture. 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. ) 89 
 
 Pa&>. 
 
 we the duties of that station to which in your kindness you have ^g 
 called me. 
 
 10. Opinione, Quirites, asperius est. "Is more difficult, Ro- 
 mans, than is generally supposed." 
 
 11. Ad hoc. From this to the end of the sentence, nam aha 
 irfirma sunt, Marius seeks to show, how absolutely necessary it is 
 for him to be possessed of integrity and principle, since he wants 
 all those adventitious aids on which the nobility rely for impunity 
 in their guilty career. — Nam alia infirma sunt. " For my other 
 supports are weak." 
 
 12. Et illud intellego. A new argument is here advanced, to 
 show why he must labour strenuously and faithfully in his new 
 office. In order, namely, that he may fulfil the hopes of the good, 
 and disappoint the expectations of the bad. 
 
 13. Aequos bonosque. " That the just and the upright." These 
 are flattering epithets purposely applied to the commons. — Quippe 
 benefacta, &c. " Since the correct discharge of duty, on my part, 
 proves of service to my country." 
 
 14. Invadendi. " Of attack." Some understand me, it is better, 
 however, to take the verb here absolutely, without any special 
 reference to a case. The nobility may be considered, according to 
 the idea of Marius, as watching for an opportunity of attacking both 
 the commons and himself. 
 
 15. Ut neque vos capiamini, &c. "That you may not be 
 ensnared, and that they may be disappointed." A thing est frustra, 
 when it is attended with no advantage ; a person est frustra when 
 disappointed in his hopes. 
 
 1. Itafui. " I have so lived." Fui is here used in an uncom- ;r/» 
 mon sense for aetatem egi. — Consueta. " Familiar to me." 
 
 2. Ante vestra benefxia. " Before I received any favours at 
 your hands." — Accepta mercede. Alluding to the consulship. — 
 Deseram. " To discontinue." Or, perhaps, the verb is susceptible 
 of a still stronger meaning : u Basely to abandon." 
 
 4. Ex Mo globo. " From that throng of nobility." The patrir-ians 
 are here contemptuously designated as a mere crowd or herd. 
 
 3. In potestatibus temperare. " To act with moderation in 
 die exercise of authority." — In optumis artibus. "In the most 
 praiseworthy pursuits." — Benefacere. "To do what duty de- 
 mands," i. e. the correct discharge of duty. Equivalent to honeste 
 agere. 
 
 5. Veteris prosapiae, &c. " Of ancient lineage, and a long linu 
 of ancestors, and a total stranger at the same time to all military 
 esrvice." The sense requires a slight pause between et and milliu* 
 
190 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 glJ stipendii, in order to excite expectation on the part of the hearer, 
 and make the contrast more striking. In explanation of the phrase 
 multarum imaginum, consult note 1, page 3. 
 
 6. Ignarus omnium. " Ignorant of all things, that a good com 
 mander ought to know.' , — Trepidet, festinet. " He may, when 
 called on to act, be plungea into the greatest confusion, may hurry 
 to and fro. 
 
 7. Homines praeposteri. " Preposterous creatures." Praepos- 
 terus is compounded of prae and posterns, i. e. " qui prima in 
 posteriori loco ponit." The term homines is here used to denote 
 strong contempt. 
 
 8. Nam gerere, quam fieri, &c. After gerere understand con- 
 sulatum, sr.d after fieri, consulem. The whole clause maybe ren- 
 dered as follows : " For the discharge of the duties of the consul- 
 ship, though posterior, in point of time, to the being elected consul, 
 is in reality prior to it, as regards the truth itself and the advantages 
 resulting to the state." The idea intended to be conveyed is this : 
 In strictness of language, no one can be said to hold a station, the 
 consulship, for example, until he is appointed to it by the suffrages 
 of the people. And yet, if we take into consideration the faithful 
 discharge of official duties, and the advantages thence resulting to 
 the state, we must admit that qualifications and experience are prior 
 in the scale of importance to the mere formal appointment to office 
 In a word, they alone are true consuls, who are qualified to dis- 
 charge correctly the duties of the consulship, when they present 
 themselves before the people as candidates for that high station ; 
 and the administration of such men only will prove beneficial to the 
 state. 
 
 9. Generosissumum. "The noblest." Compare the language 
 of the poet, " Virtue alone is true nobility." 
 
 10. Quid responsuros credits, &c. " What answer do you 
 believe they would make, but that they would have desired the 
 worthiest to be their sons." — Ex virtute. " From merit." 
 
 11. Ne, Mi falsi sunt. "Yes ! widely do they err." JVie is an 
 e m archaism for nae, which comes from the Greek vai. 
 
 1. Ignaviae voluptatem. " The pleasure arising from the indul- 
 gence of effeminacy." 
 
 2. Quod contra est. " The reverse of which is the case." More 
 literally, "which is contrary to the fact." 
 
 3. Posteris lumen est. " Sheds a light over their posterity. y> 
 Imx, strictly speaking, is the light itself, and lumen, the body which 
 imparts the light. — Hujusce rei inopiam patior. Alluding to hia 
 want of illustrious ancestry. 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 191 
 
 Page. 
 
 4. Ex aliena virtute. " From the merit of others," i. e. of their g-J 
 ancestors. 
 
 5. Abunde Mis facundam, &c. " They will have abundance of 
 eloquent and studied language at co mm and." 
 
 6. In maxumo vestro beneficio. " After the very ample favour 
 which you have bestowed upon me." — Ne quis modestiam, &c. 
 11 Lest any one might construe my forbearance into a consciousness 
 of guilt." 
 
 7. Ex animi sententia. " As I am well persuaded." 
 
 8. Quippe vera, &c. " Since a true one must necessarily speak 
 well of me ; my life and character confute one that is false." 
 Necesse est ut vera oratio praedicet bene de me. 
 
 9. Vestra consilia. " Your measures," i. e. in electing me 
 consul. 
 
 10. Fidei caussa. " For the sake of inspiring you with confi- 
 dence. 
 
 11. Hastas, vexillum, &c. These were among the rewards of 
 bravery bestowed by the Roman commanders on such as had dis- 
 tinguished themselves. The hasta was a spear, without any iron 
 head, and hence called hasia pura. The vexillum was a streamer 
 on the end of a lance or spear, of different colours, with or without 
 embroidery. The phalerae were trappings, or ornaments for horses, 
 and also for men, worn commonly on the breast. 
 
 12. Relicta — ilia — quae. These are plurals referring to imagines 
 et nobilitas. In translating, say : " things, not left to me by inherit- 
 ance," &c. 
 
 13. Non sunt composita, &c. "My language (they say) is un- 
 polished : for that I care little." — Blis artificio opus est, &c. " They 
 have need of artful and studied language, that they may hide their 
 mfamy beneath a specious covering of words." 
 
 14. Neque litteras Graecas didici, &c. " Nor have I learned 
 the language of Greece. I felt little inclination to learn it, since it 
 has proved of no advantage to those who are its teachers, in making 
 them braver men." Alluding to the subjugation of Greece by the 
 Romans. "Marius," observes Plutarch, " neither learned to read 
 Greek, nor would ever make use of that language upon any serious 
 occasion : thinking it ridiculous to bestow time on lefirning a 
 language of which the teachers were slaves. And when, after his 
 second triumph, at the dedication of a temple, he exhibited shows 
 to the people in the Grecian manner, he barely entered the theatre 
 and sat down, and then immediately departed." Plutarch justly 
 ascribes, to this neglect of the softening qualities of literary pursuits 
 
 he excesses which stained the character of Marius. 
 
192 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 ^^ 15 Praesidia agitare. "To guard." Compare the remark of 
 Cortius : " Pratsidium agitare nihil aliud est quam praes?dio esse, 
 vel frumentantibus, vel impedimentis, vel urbi oppugnatae." 
 
 gg 1. Neque illos arte colam, &c. " Nor will I treat them with 
 severity of discipline, myself with indulgence. " 
 
 2. Hoc est utile, &c. " This is an exercise of authority produc- 
 tive of benefit to the state ; this, such as one citizen should put in 
 practice towards another." In explanation of the peculiar meaning 
 of civile in this passage, compare Livy 6. 40 ": — " Sermo est minime 
 civilis ;" and Crevier's note :- — " Sermo est qui minime deceat cives 
 memores se cum civibus agere, qui pari jure libertatis fruuntur, in 
 quos minime liceat imperioso genere sermonis uti." 
 
 3. Tute. The pronoun. " When you yourself live in luxurious 
 indulgence, to compel your army to the performance of their duty 
 by severity of punishment, this is to be a tyrant, not a commander " 
 With esse understand te, so that dominwa and imperatorem may be 
 accusatives after the verb. 
 
 4. Quia parum scite, &c. " Because I furnish out an entertain- 
 ment with little elegance, and keep no buffoon nor cook of higher 
 price than my steward : charges which I am perfectly willing to ad- 
 mit." The term histrio, which here denotes a buffoon kept for the 
 amusement of the company, is a general appellation, among other 
 Roman writers, for an actor. Livy makes the word of Etrurian 
 origin :— " Quia hister Tusco verbo ludio vocabatur, nomen histrioni- 
 bus inditum." (Liv. 7. 2.) Festus is undoubtedly wrong in sup 
 posing that they were so called because they came originally from 
 Histria : — " Histricnes dicti quodprimum ex Histria venerint" In 
 relation to the inroads of luxury among the Romans, compare Livy, 
 39. 6 : — " Luxunae enim peregrinae origo ab exercitu Asiatico 
 (Manlii Vulsonisy A. U. C. 588) invecta in urbem est. Ii primum 
 lectos aeratos, vestem stragulam pretiosam, plagulas et alia textilia, 
 et quae turn magnificae supellectilis habebantur, monopodia et aba- 
 cos, Romam advexerunt. Turn psaltriae sambucistriaeque, e 
 convivalia ludionum oblectamenta addita epulis. Epulae quoqut 
 ipsae et cura et sumptu majore apparari coeptae. Turn coquus, 
 mlissimum antiquis mancipium, et aestimatione et usu inpretio esse , 
 et quod ministerium fuerat, ars haberi coepta. Vix tamen ilia, quae 
 turn conspiciebantur, semina erant fulurae luxuriae. 11 
 
 5. Sanctis viris. " Other venerable men."— Munditias. " Ef- 
 feminate indulgences," 
 
 6. Ament, potent. "Let them indulge in licentious pleasure. 
 in wine."— Ubi. Equivalent to in quibus ttrtibus, and ibi to ft 
 Hits. 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 193 
 
 Page. 
 
 7. Sudorem, pulverem, &c. Every thing here is calculated to JJg 
 excite the bitterest feelings against a corrupt nobility. 
 
 8. Cladi sunt. " They bring ruin upon." — Mores mei. " A 
 regard for my own character." — IUorum flagitia. An enumeration 
 of their disgraceful excesses would require a much longer discourse. 
 
 9. Avantiam, imperitiam, superbiam. By these three w r ords 
 three commanders are designated. Avaritia refers to Bestia, impe- 
 ritia to Albinus, and superbia to Metellus. 
 
 1. Militaris aetas. The military age, as has already been re- ^Q 
 marked, commenced at 17 and ended generally at 46. 
 
 2. Meque vosque, &c. Marius means that he will, in every in- 
 stance, desire his troops to act no otherwise than as they see him act. 
 
 3. Omnia matura sunt. " All things are ripe for the harvest."— 
 Quae si dubia, &c. An argument a fortiori. Even if victory, 
 spoil, glory, were not within our grasp, still it would become all good 
 men to take up arms and aid their country. How much more so 
 then when victory is ripe for the harvest 1 — Decebat. For decereL 
 The indicative is employed to give an air of greater certainty to the 
 dause. 
 
 4. Neque quisquam parens, &c. The idea is borrowed from 
 Plato, (Menex. 20,) Ov yap ddavdrovs aiplTL iraToas ev^ovro yeveodat, 
 aW ayaOovs koX evxXeeTs. 
 
 5. Ex classibus. By the institution of Servius Tullius, the Ro- 
 man people were divided into six classes, according to the valuation 
 of their property. The richest were placed in the first class, from 
 which there was a regular progression, as respected wealth and dig- 
 nity, down to the lowest or sixth class. The members of this class 
 formed the great bulk of poorer citizens, and were denominated 
 capite censi, from having no fortune, but being " rated by the 
 head." At first, none of the lowest class were enlisted as soldiers, 
 except in dangerous emergencies. The alteration introduced by 
 Marius may be regarded as one of the chief causes of the rain of 
 the republic. 
 
 6. Capite censos plerosque. " Principally from the poorest citi- 
 zens." Compare preceding note. — Bonorum. " Of the better 
 class." Boni is here equivalent to ditiores. 
 
 7. Quod ah eogenere, &c. " Because he had been extolled, and 
 advanced to office, by that class of persons," i. e. he owed to them, 
 fast hrs reputation, and then his advancement. 
 
 8. Cum pretio. " If attended with profit to themselves." 
 
 9. Expletis. " Being filled up." — Agrum. " A tract of country" 
 —Oeterum levia, &c. We have adopted the reading suggested V? 
 Oortius. The common text has ceterum alia levia aliis locis facer e 
 
 19 
 
194 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 (J0 1. Divorsi. " Separating." — Effusos. " When scattered about 
 the country." Equivalent to palantes. 
 
 2. Laetissumis animis excipitur. " Is received with the most 
 joyful feelings." Consult Historical Index, for an account of the 
 subsequent career of this nobleman. 
 
 3. Nihil apud se remissum, &c. " He allowed no remissness in 
 his own army nor security in those of the kings." Literally, " no 
 remissness with himself, nor security with them.- — Ex socits 
 7t,ostris. Referring to the cities and communities of Numidia 
 which had surrendered to the Roman arms, and were now regarded 
 as a kind of allies. 
 
 4. Armis exuerat. " Had stripped of his arms," l. e. had com- 
 pelled to fly with the loss of his arms. 
 
 5. Belli patrandi. " Calculated to bring the war to a close." 
 Scheller and other grammarians would here understand negotia esse, 
 making negotia govern the genitive belli patrandi expressed. The 
 simpler way, however, would be merely to understand esse, in the 
 sense of belonging to, appertaining to, &c. and let the genitive belli 
 depend upon this verb. 
 
 6. Pro hostibus, &c. " Favourable to the enemy, and most dis 
 advantageous to himself." — Praesidiis nudatum. '"Would bo 
 stripped of his strongholds." With nudatum supply iri. 
 
 7. Quo improvisus, &c. " That he might, on a sudden, fall 
 more heavily upon the Romans." Some read accederet, which is 
 far less expressive. — Mobilitate ingenii. " From the fickleness of 
 his disposition." 
 
 8. Mediocria. " Operations of no great importance." — Majora 
 et magis aspera adgredi. " To enter upon greater and more diffi- 
 cult undertakings." Cortius omits magis before aspera, and insists 
 that the word majora involves also the comparative of the adjective 
 which follows. 
 
 9. Hercules Libys. Cicero (N. D. 3, 16) makes mention of 
 six different individuals who bore the name of Hercules. He is 
 silent, however, respecting a Libyan Hercules, unless the one whom 
 he mentions second in order, as born of the Nile, and surnamed 
 Aegyptius, be the same. In truth, however, the history of Hercules 
 is a mere fable. Hercules is the sun, and his twelve labours have 
 a direct reference to the twelve signs of the Zodiac. Creuzer has 
 discovered some very striking points of resemblance between Her- 
 cules, Djemschid, Mithras, and Osiris. 
 
 10. Immunes. " Free from all taxes." — Levi imperip. " Under 
 a mild government." This circumstance, and the immunity from 
 all tribute would seem to indicate a city cf sacerdotal origin 
 
JUGURTHINE WA" 195 
 
 Page. 
 
 1. Infesta serpentibus. Silms Italicus makes mention also of gj 
 the African serpents, (1. 211,) and, in his sixth book (v. 146, seqq.) 
 describes the contest between the army of Regulus and a monstrous* 
 serpent, near the river Bagradas. 
 
 2. Quarum vis. "Whose fury." — Ipsa pemiciosa. "Deadly 
 in itself." — Siti magis, &c. Compare Virgil, Georg. 3, 434. 
 
 3. Usum belli. " Its importance to the war." — Res. " The 
 enterprise." — Oppidum Thalam. Compare chapters 75 and 76. 
 
 4. Jugi aqua. " Affording an unfailing supply of water." — Ce- 
 tera, &c. Understand aqua. " What they used besides was rain- 
 water." 
 
 5. In omni Africa, quae agebat. For in omnibus Afri 
 
 cams qui agebant (scil. vitam). Cortius reads qui and age 
 
 bant, which is extremely harsh after Africa. 
 
 6. Salem. Sal is found in the singular as a neuter also. The 
 plural sales is masculine, and signifies witticisms. 
 
 7. Elis erat. " Was employed by them." Literally, " food was 
 to them." 
 
 8. Tentabatur. " He was threatened." — Arvo. " Tillage." — 
 Quodcumque natum fuerat. " Whatever had been produced from 
 the fields," i. e. ail the grain. 
 
 9. Pro rei copia. " Considering all circumstances." — Agendum. 
 " To be driven on." 
 
 10. Se praedabundum, &c. "He adds, that, after pillaging the 
 country, he will come thither at the end of a few days." Literally, 
 " that he, pillaging the country, (i. e. at present,) will come there 
 after a few days." Understand dicit. The form in bundus has the 
 general force of a present participle, with the meaning somewhat 
 strengthened. Praedabundus here denotes an active system of 
 pillage. 
 
 11. Ceniurias. Referring to the infantry, turmas to the cavalry. 
 — Aequaliter. "In equal proportion," i. e. according to their 
 respective numbers. 
 
 1. Proxuma. Understand node. — Tumulosum. " Covered with gO 
 hills." These hills would conceal his forces from the view of the 
 people of Capsa, until the cavalry and light-armed troops could 
 strike the first blow. 
 
 2. Res trepidae. " The consternation into which they were 
 thrown." 
 
 3. Id f acinus. " This act of severity." Sallust, in what follows, 
 makes a poor excuse for the conduct of the Roman commander. — 
 Coerciium. " Capable of being kept in subjection." Coercitum, if 
 the reading be correct, has here the force of coercendum t Compare 
 
k96 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 go tne remarks of Cortius, (ad loc.) and Perizonms, (ad Sanctii Min. 
 1, 15). Still, however, the whole clause is very suspicious. If 
 coercitum be taken as the simple participle of the passive voice, 
 with the preteritive meaning (" kept in subjection,") it may well be 
 asked, when had the inhabitants of the place proved faithless to the 
 Romans 1 If, on the other hand, coercitum be taken for coercendum, 
 the Capsensians are punished on anticipation merely ! For the 
 Romans as yet know nothing about them. The only way to obviate 
 the difficulty, is by supposing that the allusion in genus hominum, 
 &c, is to the race of Numidians generally. 
 
 4. Omnia, non bene, &c. We have adopted the reading of the 
 Bipont edition, which has the authority of some manuscripts in its 
 favour. Cortius and many subsequent editors read, Omnia non bene 
 consulta in virtutem trahebantur. Our lection, however, appears 
 decidedly preferable, if we only take virtutem in its more extended 
 sense, " military talents." 
 
 5. Modesto imperio. " Under a gentle command." — Deorum 
 nutu. " By the will of the gods," i. e. their special interposi- 
 tion. 
 
 6. Deserta. " Abandoned by their inhabitants." 
 
 7. Ad aliam rem adgreditur. An imitation of earlier Latinity. 
 The common texts omit ad. Render, " He advances to another 
 enterprise." 
 
 8. Non eadem asperitate, &c. " Not marked by the same hazard- 
 ous features as that against the Capsensians." 
 
 9. Inter ceteram planitiem. " In the midst of a plain." There 
 was only a single mountain, the rest was one entire plain.— Satis 
 patens. " Sufficiently large on the top." 
 
 g3 ?• Omnis. In the sense of totus. Understand mons. — Natura. 
 The ablative, and opposed to opere et consulto. 
 
 2. Importunus. " Unfit for." — Iter castellanorum. " The path 
 by which the inhabitants of the castle went and came," i. e. the 
 path leading to it. 
 
 3. Pro opere. " In front of the works." Either to defend them 
 against the sallies of the enemy, or to attempt the walls by scaling. 
 By the works are here meant the vineae. — Iniquitatem loci. Re- 
 ferring to the steepness and narrowness of the path. — Intra vineas. 
 We have here adopted the emendation of Glareanus, intra, in the 
 place of inter. The sense requires intra vineas, " under the shelter 
 of the vineae. 
 
 4. Administrare. "To labour." — Optumus quisque. "The 
 bravest." 
 
 5. Anxius trahere cum animo. u Anxiously debated with him 
 
TUOURTHINE AVAR. 197 
 
 Page. 
 sell." — Omittcretne. " Whether he should give over." — Fortunam. g3 
 " The interposition of fortune." 
 
 6. Acstuans. " In the greatest perplexity." Literally, " boil- 
 .ng " with vexation. — Quidam Ligus. The Ligurians were accus- 
 tomed to a mountaineer-life, (Flor. 2, 3,) which makes the narra- 
 tive of the historian the more probable. 
 
 7. Avorsumpraeliantibus. " On the side opposite to that where 
 ihe two parties were contending." — Cochleas. Snails were held in 
 high repute, as an article of food, among the ancients. Those of 
 Africa were particularly prized. (Plin. H. N. 9. 56.) 
 
 8. Solitudinem intellexit. " He perceived that he was com 
 pletely alone." He saw no traces of any human being. — Ignara 
 In the sense of ignota. Compare Aulus Gellius* 9, 12. 
 
 9. Paullulum modo prona, &c. " Bending a little downward at 
 first, then taking a turn and growing upward, a direction to which 
 their nature causes all vegetable productions to tend." Cuncia 
 gignentium put for quaecumque terra gignuntur. 
 
 10. Castelli planitiem perscribit. "Reconnoitres the platform 
 of the fortress . ' ' With perscribit understand animo. 
 
 11. Eadem. Supply via. — Temere. " Heedlessly," or "care- 
 lessly." 
 
 12. Ex praesentibus. Understand quosdam. — Paullum arrectus. 
 " Somewhat aroused." The distinction between paullum and parum 
 should be noted by the student. Paullum means " a little," parum 
 "little." Thus paullum pecuniae, "a little money," "some 
 money ;" but parum pecuniae, " little money," hardly any. 
 
 1. Tubicinum et cornicinum. " Of trumpeters and cornet- r* m 
 blowers." 
 
 2. Ex praecepto. " According to the instructions of Marius." — 
 Per git. Understand Ligus. — Eli qui centuriis praeerant. A cir- 
 cumlocution merely for centuriones. Cortius, however, suspects 
 that there is something wrong in the text. — Duce. " Their guide," 
 the Ligurian. 
 
 3. Prospectus nisusque per saxa. " The view before them, and 
 their clambering over the rocks." — Ponderis gratia. "For the 
 sake of lightness." Literally, " on account of their weight," which 
 was much less than that of the ordinary shield. — Et offensa quo 
 levius streperent. " And that, when struck against any thing, they 
 might make the less noise." Might less loudly resound. 
 
 4. Vetustate. " Through age." — Laqueis vinciebat. " Bound 
 with cords," i. e. fixed cords about. — Quibus adlevatt. "Be- 
 ing aided by which." — Levare manu. "He assisted with his 
 uand." 
 
 19* 
 
198 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 Q£ 5. JDubia nisu. " Dangerous to be attempted." Nisu is the 
 
 old dative. — Potissumus tentarc. " He tried first of all." — Digre 
 
 diens. " Stepping aside." 
 
 6. Testudine acta succedere. " Having formed a testudo, ad- 
 vanced to the walls." The soldiers formed a testudo by joining 
 their shields over their heads and on their sides, so as to resemble 
 the shell of a tortoise (testudo). This was done as a defence against 
 the missiles of the enemy. 
 
 7. Jugurthae servitium. Equivalent to servitutem apud Jugur- 
 tham. 
 
 8. Fugere. Supply intra muros. 
 
 (J5 i- Sauciare. They merely wounded their opponents, and then 
 hastened on to take the fortress. — *Praeda. The nominative. — 
 Ex culpa. " From a fault," i. e. from his very imprudence. « 
 
 2. L. Sulla. Consult Historical Index. — Quos. Referring to 
 equites which is implied in equitatu. Some editions have quod, 
 " because," qualifying relictus erat. — Res admonuit. " My sub- 
 ject has led me to make mention." — De natura cultuque ejus. " Of 
 his disposition and habits." 
 
 3. L. Sisenna. An historian, of the Cornelian family. Cor. 
 suit Historical Index. — Parum liber o ore. " "With but little free- 
 dom," i. e. with not sufficient political freedom. 
 
 4. Gentis patriciae. He belonged to the Cornelian house or 
 line. — Ezstincta. " Sunk in complete obscurity." — Ignavia. " By 
 the degeneracy." 
 
 5. Otio luxurioso. " Of debauched habits, in the intervals of 
 leisure." He kept company, according to Plutarch, with mimics, 
 jesters, &c, and went with them to every excess of licentiousness 
 and riot : and, though at other times a man of business, he would 
 change instantly whenever he had company, and begin a carousal. 
 
 6. Nisi quod, &c. " Except that he might have had more re- 
 gard for his own character in matrimonial affairs." Sylla, according 
 to Plutarch, was five times married ; but, during all these unions, 
 still indulged in libidinous attachments. On dedicating the tenth 
 of his substance to Hercules, he gave a magnificent entertainment 
 to the people. In the midst of this feasting, which lasted many 
 days, his fourth wife, Metella, sickened and died. As the priests 
 forbade him to approach her, and to have his house defiled with 
 mourning, (an artifice, probably, of his own,) he sent her a bill of 
 divorce, and ordered her to be carried to another house while the 
 breath was still in her body. A few months afterwards, he espoused 
 Valeria, the sister of Hortensius the orator, who had managed tc 
 attract his attention in the theatre, by her personal beauty and artful 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 199 
 
 Page 
 behaviour Yet, according to Plutarch, though she was a female of A£J 
 great accomplishments and respectability, he still continued his 
 intercourse with actresses and female musicians, and sat drinking 
 whole days with a company of buffoons. A loathsome disease soon 
 after put a period to his existence. 
 
 7. AmicitiafaciUs. " Accommodating in his friendships." Ever 
 ready to oblige his friends. — Ad simulanda negotia, &c. " The 
 depth of his soul was incredible, for concealing from others his 
 secret plans." 
 
 8. Ante civilem victoriam. u Previous to his success in the civil 
 wars." Alluding to the contest between himself and Marius. He 
 assumed the title of Felix, after his success had been consummated 
 by the overthrow of the younger Marius. Consult Historical 
 Index. — Industriam. " His merit." The reference is to the active 
 exercise of talent. — Postea quae fecerit. Alluding to his excesses in 
 the civil contest. 
 
 9. Sollertissumus omnium. " The most accomplished soldier of 
 all." — Inpaucis tempestatibus, for parvo tempore. 
 
 10. Aes mutuum. " Borrowed money." — EH. Put for sibi. 
 When no ambiguity is to be apprehended, is and ille are sometimes 
 put for sui. Thus, Caes. B. G. 1, 5 : — " Persuadent Rauracis, uti, 
 eodem usi consilio, una cum Us proficiscantur." Here Us is put for 
 se. So Quintilian : — " Non petit, ut ilium miserum putetis" where 
 illvm miserum is for se miserum. (Crombie, Gymn. vol. 2, p. 85.) 
 
 11. Multus adesse. The adjective for the adverb. (Zumpt. L. 
 €r. p. 235. 3d ed.) — Manu. " In action." — Quis rebus. For qui 
 bus rebus. 
 
 1. Magnam pecuniam. " A large portion of his treasure." QQ 
 
 2. Dubium belli, &c. " That he, undecided what course to pur- 
 sue, was weighing the arguments for war and peace." — Ipsique 
 Mauro. Bocchus. — Integris suis Jinibus. " Without any loss of 
 ^rritory." His dominions being restored to him. 
 
 3. Viz decima, &c. Die is here the old genitive. Aulus Gellius 
 9. 14) makes mention of this very passage of Sallust, and con- 
 siders die a genitive not an ablative. It would appear from his re 
 snaiks, that some of his contemporaries made die equivalent to ex die. 
 
 4. Nullo. The old dative. The early writers, whom Sallust 
 here imitates, sometimes declined such adjectives as nullus, solus, 
 &c, regularly. (Rudd. L. G. vol. 1, p. 53. ed. Stalb.) 
 
 5. Sarcinas colligere. All the baggage was collected into one 
 place before an engagement. 
 
 6 Quivit. The verb queo is weaker in meaning than possum, 
 s,nd expresses mere possibility under existing circumstances. Thus 
 
200 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 £}g we cannot say, quire plurimum, nor quoad queo y but posse plurimum % 
 and quoad possum. So again, " Non quco reliqua scribere, tanta 
 vis lacrymarum est." " I cannot well," &c. Here possum would 
 have been too strong. 
 
 7. Non acie. " Not in regular array." Equivalent to non tur- 
 mis in aciem ordinatis. — Concurrunt. Stronger than incurrunt, 
 the reading of some editions. 
 
 8. Latrocinio. " An affair with banditti." — Equites f pedites. 
 Alluding to the Romans and Numidians. 
 
 9. Contra advorsos. " Agamst those in front," i. e. those facing 
 them. 
 
 10. Novique, et ob ea, &c. "And the new levies along with 
 them, rendered even in this way more familiar with warfare." If 
 the text be correct, Sallust means to convey the idea, that the new 
 levies, being accustomed to be united with the veterans, (chap. 87,) 
 had learned the art of war by practice and example, and displayed then- 
 military experience very effectually on the present occasion, being 
 encouraged by the presence and support of the older troops. Hence, 
 ob ea will refer to their having been in the habit of being united 
 with the veterans on previous occasions, and their being again so 
 united in the present instance. It is extremely doubtful, however, 
 whether Sallust wrote what we have given in the text, and what all 
 the editions follow. Cortius retains the common reading, but sug- 
 gests the following, partly from a manuscript lection, and partly 
 from conjecture : — Denique Romani veteres, belli scientes, si 
 quosy &c. 
 
 Q^ 1. Cum turma sua. This troop of cavalry answered the purpose 
 of a body-guard, or cohors praetoria. — Manu consulere militibus. 
 " He aided his soldiers by taking a personal share in the fight."— 
 Imperare. " To give any orders," i. e. to discharge the duties of a 
 commander. 
 
 2. Noctem, pro se rati. " Having imagined that the night would 
 be in their favour." — Ex copia rerum consilium trahit. " Forms a 
 plan adapted to the nature of the emergency." 
 
 3. Pauco munimento, &c. The singular of paucus is of rare 
 occurrence. We meet with it in Horace, (A. P. 203,) " for amine 
 pauco" and in Aulus Gellius, (20, 1,) " injurias pauco aere diluere." 
 Cortius reads, pauca munimento quaerebat. 
 
 4. Agitare. " To patrol." Better than agitare noctem, " to pass 
 the night," as some render it. Noctem is " during the night." 
 
 5. Pleno gradu. According to Vegetius, (1, 9,) the ordinary step 
 was at the rate of twenty miles in five hours, the quick step, (plenua 
 gradu?,) twenty-four miles in the same time. 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 201 
 
 Page. 
 C. Ejjusi. " Without any regular order." Equivalent to nuho g 1 ^ 
 scrvato ordine. 
 
 7. Ipsi duces. Jugurtha and Bocchus. — Feroces. " Highly elated." 
 
 8. Uti per vigilias solebant. It was customary at the end of each 
 watch to sound the trumpets, in order to call out those who were to 
 stand guard in turn. 
 
 9. Ita. " To such a degree." — Strepitu, clamore. " By reason 
 cf the uproar, the shouting." 
 
 1. I?i hiberna. Supply proficiscitur. A similar ellipsis occurs in 
 Livy, (41, 3,) " Turn demum nuncius ad tertiam legionem revo- gg 
 candam et Gallorum praesidium." Understand missus est. So also 
 Florus, (3, 10,) " Reversus igitur in Galliam classe major e, auc- 
 tisque admodum copiis, in eumdem versus oceanum." Understand it. 
 
 2. Quadrato agmine. The agmen quadratum of the Romans 
 was a right-angled parallelogram, not a square. Quadrato agmine 
 may therefore be rendered, " with Ins army in column." Compare 
 the words of Salmasius, (de Re Mil. Rom,, c. 10, p. 103, edit. 
 Ludg. 1657,) " Quadratum agmen non dicitur, cujus latitudo 
 aequalis sit in omnes adspectus longitudini ; sed quod frontem habet 
 recta linea exaequatam et ad extremitates angulos rectos. v So also 
 Guischard, {Memoir es crit. et histor. sur les antiquites militaires, 
 vol. 1, p. 195,) u ha figure ressembloit a une parallelogramme 
 quelconque a angles droits." 
 
 3. Apud dextumos. " On the extreme right." — Praeterea cohortes 
 Ligurum curabat. " Had charge also of the cohorts of the Ligu- 
 rians". — Manlius is the nominative to curabat. The meaning is, that 
 Manlius, besides the slingers and archers, commanded also the 
 Ligurians. — Primos et extremos. " In the front and rear." 
 
 4. Minume cari. " Whose lives were least valued." — Quast 
 nullo imposito. " As if no one were placed over them by him," 
 i. e. as if no share of the command were committed to any other. — 
 Merentis. " Those who were deserving of either," i. e. as each 
 deserved commendation or blame. 
 
 5. Neque secus, &c. " Nor was he less careful in fortifying his 
 camp, than he had been in prosecuting his march." — Excubitum 
 " To keep watch there." 
 
 6. Nondiffidens eafutura, &c. "Not so much from any dis- 
 trust, on his part, that the orders he had given would not be obeyed, 
 as," &c. We have here followed the Bipont reading. Cortius gives, 
 non drffldentiafuturi quae, &c, and completes the sentence thus, non 
 diffidentia futuri ejus omnis quae, &c, making quae plural, on 
 account of the plural import of omnis. Few will approve of such 
 an explanation. 
 
202 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 gg 7. Uti militibus, &c. " That their toils, being shared by then 
 commander, might be cheerfully endured by the soldiers at large." 
 We have here another instance of the Greek construction, ex- 
 plained m note 3, page 55. 
 
 8. Malo. " By punishment." — Per ambitionem. "From a de- 
 sire for popularity." — A pueritia consuetam duritiam. " Hardships 
 become familiar from boyhood." 
 
 9. Nisi tamen, &c. " And yet, however, the affairs of the state 
 were managed with as much success and dignity, as if his authority 
 had been exercised in the most rigorous manner." Nisi tamen is 
 here equivalent to sed tamen, and the meaning intended to be con- 
 veyed, is : " But, whether he acted from ambitious motives, or from 
 being himself accustomed to hardships, still one thing is certain, that 
 the affairs of the state were managed," &c. Compare chapter 24, 
 " Nisi tamen intellego." 
 
 10. Citi. "Advancing at full speed." — Divorsi. " From dif- 
 ferent quarters." — Advorsum omnia paratus. His troops being 
 arranged in the agmen quadratum. 
 
 11. Utique. We have adopted the conjectural emendation of 
 Gronovius, in place of aeque as given by Cortius. The meaning 
 of the whole clause will be, " having supposed, that, out of the whole 
 number, some certainly, no matter who, would come in the rear of 
 the enemy." (Compare Quarterly Journal of Education, No. 3, 
 p. 151.) Cortius refers aeque to ah tergo, and translates it, " gerade 
 von hinten zu" " directly in the rear." The Bipont editor explains 
 aeque as follows : " Ex quadruplici agmine certe unum, quodcunque 
 esset." This explanation suits, however, utique much better than 
 aeque. 
 
 12. Quern primum adtigerant. " With whom they first came in 
 contact." — Caeteri. Referring to the rest of the cavalry under his 
 command. 
 
 fyQ 1. Bocchus cum peditibus invadunt. The verb is put 
 
 in the plural, as if Bocchus cum peditibus were a double nominative. 
 " We sometimes find," observes Scheller, " a plural verb after a 
 single subject or person, which, however, is united to another subject 
 by cum, since they are there regarded as two subjects or nomina- 
 tives." (L. G. vol. 1, p. 334.) Compare Catiline, (chap. 43, 
 Lentulus cum ceteris constituerant. 
 
 2. Apud primos. "In the front," i. e. apud eos quos prima 
 >ollocaverat. — Numida. Jugurtha. 
 
 3. Ad pedites. It is a matter of some doubt among commen- 
 tators, whether the infantry here meant are the Roman, or those 
 which Voluxhad brought and with which Bocchus had attacked the 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 203 
 
 Page. 
 Roman rear. It is more than probable that the former are alluded QQ 
 to, especially as the words ibi Latine follow. Cortius, however, 
 is in favour of the opposite opinion. 
 
 4. Satis impigre. "With great quickness," i. e. with so much 
 jelerity as to have escaped the observation of the Romans around. 
 Some, however, render it " with great bravery." This is certainly 
 inferior. 
 
 5. Atrocitate rei. " With the dreadful nature of the thing." 
 The meaning intended to be conveyed is this : The Romans were 
 thrown into alarm, not so much from any confidence which they 
 placed in the words of Jugurtha, as from the reflection, that there 
 was indeed a possibility of their favourite commander's losing his 
 life in the action. 
 
 6. Adeptam. Used passively, adipiscor being a common, not a 
 deponent, verb. — Vitabundus. "After making the most vigorous 
 exertions to escape." Or, it may be rendered generally, " by a 
 desperate effort." Consult note 10, page 61. 
 
 7. Sequi, &c. A beautiful specimen of the figure Asyndeton, 
 in imitation, very probably, of the celebrated passage in Xenophon, 
 (Ages. 2, 12,) praised by Longinus, § 19. Hvn/3a\6vTes rag damSas, 
 iwOovvro, Ifxa^ovTOf aiTEKreivov, drtiQvriuKov. 
 
 8. Niti modo. Supply surgere. " They merely made an effort 
 to rise." — Qua visus erat. "As far as the eye could reach." 
 Visus is a noun of the fourth declension; and the clause, rendered 
 literally, is, " where there was a view." 
 
 9. Postea loci. For the simple pes tea. 
 
 10. Post diem quintum, quam, &c. " On the fifth day after the 
 barbarians had met with their second defeat." The Latin language 
 admits several variations of this construction. Thus we may either 
 adopt the form used in the text, or quinto die postquam pugnaverant, 
 or quinque diebus postquam pugnaverant, or post dies quintos quam 
 •pugnaverant ; or with the ablative alone, omitting post, die quinto 
 quam pugnaverant. The anomalous appearance of post diem 
 quintum quam, &c, and some other of the phrases just quoted, 
 arose, according to Zumpt, from a transposing of the preposition. 
 Having once written post die quinto quam, they would be easily 
 led to change die quinto into diem quintum, as if it had been 
 governed by post. 
 
 11. Cum is. An archaism for cum Us. — Acciti. •*' Having been 
 invited," i. e. on an invitation from the king. 
 
 1. Cujus facundiae, &c. Mahlius gave precedence to Sylfo, ^Q 
 although he was younger than himself, on account of his superior 
 ability in speaking. 
 
204 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 70 2. Talem virum. Artful flattery. So, a little farther on, optimum 
 cum pessumo. 
 
 3. Persequi. A Hellenism, for persequendi. Compare Scheller 
 L. G. vol. 2, p. 202. Vechneri Hellenolex, p. 265. 
 
 4. Frincipio. Cortius reads jam inopi visum, omitting a prm 
 cipio reipublicae. The remark of *the Bipont editor on this emenda- 
 tion is perfectly conclusive : " Sed inopum non foret, quaerert 
 servos populos ; neque iis facile, amicos invenire, nedum quod ea 
 Sulla parum ex dignitate Romana dixissct." 
 
 5. Gratia par, &c. " While you will enjoy the same high esti- 
 mation with us, as if we were your immediate neighbours." Equi- 
 valent to in eodem honoris et gratiae loco apud nos eris. 
 
 6. Parentes. " Subjects." 
 
 7. Cui scilicet placuit, &c. We have here given the reading of 
 the Bipont edition, which is based in part upon that of the Aldine. 
 Cortius has placuisse, and makes the infinitive depend on scilicet 
 (i. e. scire licet). . 
 
 8. Officiis. " By future services." 
 
 9. Pro delicto. " In extenuation of his misconduct." 
 
 10. Expulerit. Understand ipse, i. e. Bocchus. The monarch 
 here utters an intentional falsehood, in asserting that he had driven 
 Jugurthafrom this part of Numidia. His object in making this bold 
 assertion would seem to have been, to ingratiate himself with the 
 Romans, and to show his pretended hostility towards Jugurtha. 
 Cortius reads expulerat, and refers it to Marius ; making the clause 
 jure belli suam factam relate to Bocchus. 
 
 11. Copia facta. " When an opportunity of sending them was 
 offered." 
 
 12. In loca sola. " Into a desert country." — Perfugas omnis 
 On whom he could rely with the greatest certainty. Compare note 
 3, page 39. 
 
 71 1. Venerant. In the sense of evenerant, which some editions 
 give. — Ex omni copia. " From the whole number." 
 
 2. Agendarum rerum, &c. " He gives them full power to 
 negotiate affairs, and bring the war to a close in any manner," i. e 
 on any terms. 
 
 3. Sine decor e. "Without any external marks of dignity." 
 Without any badges of their official rank as plenipotentiaries. — Pro 
 praetor e. " As acting commander-in-chief." 
 
 4. Vanis hostibus. " Faithless enemies." — Adcurate ac liber ali- 
 ter. " In a respectful and generous manner." 
 
 5. Largitio. " Liberality, with a view to corruption." — Nis* 
 pariter volens. Equivalent to nisi benevolo simul animo — In be- 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 205 
 
 Page 
 nignitatc habelantur. " Were regarded as the result of a generous ^ J 
 impulse." 
 
 6. Be7ievolentiae. "Calculated to conciliate his good will." 
 Consult note 5, page 60. 
 
 7. Toi infecto, &c. " The enterprise having proved unsuccessful 
 in the quarter whither he had directed his course." Ibi refers to 
 the region where the turris regia was situated. Cortius reads 
 infecto, quo intenderat, negotio, and makes it equivalent to infecto 
 negotio, quo confecto redire intenderat. This is altogether inferior 
 to the lection which we have adopted. 
 
 8. Cognoscit. " He takes into consideration." 
 
 9. Ea. Referring to both potestas eundi and induciae. — Ferociu 
 decernunt. " Decide in favour of a harsher course." — Mutant 
 " Keep changing." Understand sese. Advorsa is here equivalen* 
 to contraria ; " the opposite." 
 
 10. Studium Sullae. " The zeal of Sylla in their behalf." 
 
 11. Deprecati sunt. Understand confitentes or dicentes, and 
 render the whole clause, " after they had deprecated the resentment 
 of the Romans, by confessing that their monarch," &c. 
 
 1. Cujus arbitralu. "In order that by his intervention," i. e. ff> 
 under his counsel and advice. 
 
 2. Item. We have inserted this on the authority of one of the 
 manuscripts. — Funditorum Balearium. The Romans obtained their 
 slingers from Achaia, and from the Balearic isles, Majorca and 
 Minorca. The inhabitants of these islands were remarkable for 
 their dexterity in the use of the sling, having been trained to this 
 exercise from their boyhood. 
 
 3. Praeterea. Supply profecti sunt cum eo, or else the simple 
 erant. — Sagittarii. The Romans obtained their best archers from 
 Crete and Arabia. — Peligna. The Peligni were a people of Italy, 
 of Sabine descent, according to Ovid. Their territory lay to the 
 east of that of the Marsi. Consult Geographical Index. 
 
 4. Cum velitaribus armis. The arms of the velites, or light- 
 armed troops, were, besides bows and slings, seven javelins with 
 slender points like arrows, so that, when thrown, they bent and 
 could not easily be returned by the enemy ; a Spanish sword, foi 
 both cut and thrust ; a round buckler, ahout three feet in diameter, 
 made of wood and covered with leather, and a light helmet for the 
 Head. 
 
 5. Ea. Referring to tela. — Muniti. Agreeing in gender with 
 the persons impiied in cohors. 
 
 6. Temere et effuse. " In a disorderly and scattered manner." — 
 Sullae aliisque, &c. What grammarians call a zeugma takes place 
 
 20 
 
206 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 Y2 h ere m efficicbant, that is, the verb has two meanings, to suit 
 our idiom, one for each clause. " Caused the number to appear 
 greater than the reality to Sylla and the rest of his party, and gave 
 rise to apprehensions as of the approach of an enemy. " 
 
 7. Expedire. " Got ready for battle." We may understand ai 
 pugnam, which is expressed in Livy, (38, 21,) " Quos ubi Romani 
 viderunt, expediunt sese ad pugnam." 
 
 8. Tentare. "Each tried." — Intendere. This is commonly 
 rendered, " they bent their bows," with an ellipsis of arcus. Such 
 an interpretation, however, is decidedly pleonastic, since arma atque 
 tela tentare precedes. The true meaning is, " directed his whole 
 attention to the approaching engagement." Understand animum. 
 
 9. Rem, uti erat, &c. " Bring back word, as was actually the 
 case, that all was peaceful," i. e. that there was nothing to fear. 
 
 10. Obviam Mis simul, et praesidio. " Both to receive them, 
 and to act as an escort." Literally, " both to meet them, and for a 
 guard." 
 
 11. Incerto voltu. " With a troubled look." 
 
 12. Animo ferocL " With stem resolution." — Certa pestis 
 " Certain destruction." — Ab eodem. Referring to Volux. 
 
 13. Coenatos esse. " To have their evening repast over." Some 
 neuter verbs have participles which are passive in form, but active 
 in meaning ; as coenatus, " one who has supped ;" pransus, " one 
 who has dined ;" juratus, " one who has sworn," &c. The Roman 
 soldiers took food twice a day, at dinner and at supper. The former 
 was a slight meal, which they commonly took standing. They 
 indulged themselves a little more at supper. 
 
 14. Prima vigilia. The Romans, as has been observed in a 
 previous note, divided the night into four watches of three hours 
 each. The first watch commenced at sunset. 
 
 >yQ 1. Ante. " In advance of them." 
 
 2. Manu vindicandum. " That immediate vengeance ought to 
 be taken." That he ought to be punished in a summary manner. 
 
 3. Prohibet. "Protects." — Advorsum multitudinem. "Against 
 a host." — Quantosibi, &c. Compare Catiline, (chap. 58,) " Semper 
 inpraelio" &c. 
 
 4. Nudum et caecum corpus. " That part of the body which has 
 no shield to protect it, and no eyes by which danger may be 
 avoided ;" i. e. a defenceless and blind back. Compare Xenophon, 
 
 (Cyrop. <\, 3,) NLwpdp yhp rd, (cpareTv /3ov\on£vovs, ra TV(f>\a rov aoofxaniy 
 kclI ao7rXa, kclI a%£ipa } ravra ivavria tclttciv tois voXey-tois <pevyovrag. 
 
 5. Quoniam hostilia facer et. " Since he was acting the part of an 
 enemy." 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 207 
 
 Page. 
 
 6. Ceterum, <fcc. " Besides, since he (Jugurtha) had not a large *7Q 
 force with him, and his hopes and resources depended upon his 
 (Volux's) father, that he (Jugurtha) would not dare to do any thing 
 openly, while he himself, (Volux,) the son, was present as a witness 
 
 Df his conduct." 
 
 7. Per media ejus castra. Cortius thinks the meaning would be 
 improved if media were omitted, and prae rendered by praeter. We 
 cannot agree with him. Volux had stated, that Jugurtha would not 
 dare to do any thing openly if he were present : in confirmation of 
 this, he proposes that they march boldly through his very encamp- 
 ment. Jugurtha probably had encamped his forces in two divisions, 
 or else in scattered order. 
 
 8. Acciderant. Some editions have accesserant. Cortius, how- 
 ever, successfully defends the lection we have given in the text, and 
 makes it signify " they had come ;" for accido frequently has this 
 meaning when any person or thing chances to arrive unexpectedly. 
 Compare Livy, (32, 30,) " Civitati fama incerta accidit ;" and 
 Quintus Curtius, (4, 4, 6,) " Alexander classemlitori, e quo fremitus 
 acciderat, admovit." So also Tacitus, {Hist. 4, 29, 4,) Unde 
 clamor acciderat ;" and our own author, chapter 88 of this narrative, . 
 " quo improvisus gramor accideret." 
 
 9. Orator. "As his ambassador," or "agent." Compare 
 Livy, (30, 16,) "Jam nullo auctore belli ultra audito, oratores ad 
 pacem petendam mittunt." Observe also the change of construc- 
 tion in our author, " praemissus orator ', et (praemissus) specu- 
 latum." 
 
 10. Quern Bocchus, &c. Cortius inserts Romanis after fidum , 
 but Bocchus had not been long acquainted with the Romans, and, 
 therefore, fidum Roma?iis seems too harsh. Fidum here means 
 simply, "worthy of reliance." 
 
 11. Consulta sese omnia, &c. "That he was keeping every 
 subject of consultation undetermined, until he could consider it 
 in conjunction with him," i. e. that he had reserved every thing for 
 their common consideration. 
 
 1. Neu Jugurthae legatum pertimesceret, &c. The true read- 74 
 ing here is extremely doubtful. Some have accitum esse quo res, 
 &c. Others cautum esse. Cortius places a semicolon after perti- 
 mesceret, and makes quo res communis, &c, follow immediately 
 after, without either accitum esse or cautum esse. As accitum esse 
 is wanting in most of the manuscripts, we have adopted the conjec- 
 ture of Gronovius, by which quo is changed into quin, and the 
 meaning of the passage then becomes, " Nor should he be disquieted 
 at the presence of Jugurtha's ambassador, lest, in consequence of 
 
208 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 y£ this, their common business might be carried on with less freedom 
 than otherwise. " 
 
 2. Nam ab insidiis ejus, &c. Bocchus means, that he has been 
 compelled to allow Jugurtha to have an ambassador at his court, 
 since otherwise that monarch would have been constantly annoying 
 him by his intrigues ; whereas the presence of his ambassador 
 would lead Jugurtha to think, that no scheme could be formed by 
 Bocchus, unfriendly to his (Jugurtha's) interests, without that am- 
 bassador's perceiving it, and hence the suspicions of the Numi&an 
 monarch would not be so constantly excited. 
 
 3. Tunica fide. " With a treacherous intent." The Roman 
 writers used the expression Punica fides to denote bad faith, in 
 allusion t< \ the frequent violation of compacts which were charged 
 against tl e Carthaginians by their haughty rivals. The Carthaginians 
 might ha ve returned the compliment without any great violation of 
 the truth. Attica fides was a proverbial expression, on the other 
 hand, to indicate good faith. Compare Velleius Paterculus, 
 (2, 23, 4,) " Adeo enim certa Atheniensium in Romanos fides fuit, 
 ut semper, et in omni re, quidquid sincerafide gereretur, id Romam 
 Attica fieri praedicarent." Some writers extend this character for 
 good faith to the whole nation, and make Graeca fides and Attica 
 fides synonymous. This is altogether incorrect. The true expla- 
 nation is given by Junius, (Adagia Veterum, ^. 577,) " Graeca 
 fides pro dubia et vana accipitur, haud pro certa : quippe quae nulla 
 prorsus esset, nisi praesente pecunia oculitus creditori satisdaretur. 
 Quod ex Plauto, in Asinaria, manifestum fit, ubi ait : Cetera 
 quaeque volumus uti, Graeca mercamur fide: et ostendit hot 
 clarissime Polybius, historiae lib. 6, his verbis : trapa fxlv to'h 
 "EtXXrjcriv lav rakavrov fiovov iricrrevQCiaiv, avriypoKpclg s^ovreg 6eKa t km 
 cfpayiSas TocavTag t kol\ naprvpag dnrkaaiovg, ov Svvavrni rrjpeTv rfjp 
 rri<XTiv. 
 
 4. Adtinuisse. " Kept amused." 
 .5. Lubidinem. "Inclination." 
 
 6. Quae responderentur. " What answer should be given, 
 
 i e. what answer Bocchus must give him in the presence of Ju- 
 gurtha's envoy. 
 
 7. In sua castra. The reference here is to Sylla and Bocchus, 
 not to Sylla and Aspar as Cortius maintains. " Sulla" observes 
 Burnouf, " quamvis paucos milites haberet, eos videlicet alicuh 
 habere necesse fuit. Ubi autem si non in castris 1 Et Bocchus, 
 quum bellum gereret, cur non et ipse castra in proprio regno ha- 
 huisset ?" In addition to this it may be observed, that Aspar on 
 the very next day was still at the court of Bocchus, which could not 
 
JTTGURTHINE WAR. 209 
 
 Page, 
 possibly have been the case if he had set out the day previous for ^A 
 the camp of Jugurtha, since it took many days subsequently for him 
 to go and come: "pr operate itinere, post diem octavum redit ad 
 Bocchum." (ch. 112.) 
 
 8. Internuncius. "As a mutual adviser." — Sanctus vir, &c 
 "A man of strict integrity, and acceptable to both parties." The 
 common text has ex sententia jurat ambobus. " And who swears as 
 was agreed upon by both parties, to make faithful representations to 
 each." This, however, is deservedly rejected by Cortius and others. 
 
 9. Fuerit mihi pretium, &c. " Let it have been my good lot to 
 have stood in need, at length, of your friendship." Fuerit mihi 
 pretium is here equivalent to, res in bonis numeranda fuerit mihi. 
 
 10. Id adeo, &c. "Of the truth of this indeed you may make 
 full trial." 
 
 11. Integra. "In full force," i. e. undiminished in value. — 
 Me scunte. " Provided I be made acquainted with the object of 
 your wishes." 
 
 12. Cujus curator. " As the agent of which," i. e. for the pur- 
 pose of attending to the interests of which. 
 
 13. Tutus sum. For tuitus sum. Consult note 8, page 49. 
 
 1. Egrediar. In the sense of transgrediar. Some verbs, com- "75 
 pounded of prepositions that govern an ablative, take an accusative 
 Thus, besides the example in the text, we have in Livy, egredi urbem, 
 and, in other writers, excedere urbem, &c. (Zumpt. L. G. p. 256.) 
 
 2. Quod polliceatur. "With regard to the offer just made." 
 Sylla here refers to the offer of Bocchus, stated in the preceding 
 chapter, " Arma,viros, .... sume, utere; and again, " Egoflumen 
 Mulucham non egrediar, neque" &c. 
 
 3. Id adeo, &c. " That this, indeed, was an easy matter, since 
 he had Jugurtha in his power." 
 
 4. Negitare. " Gave a decided negative." 
 
 5. Fluxafide usus. " If he acted with bad faith towards Jugur- 
 tha." — AvortereL " He might alienate." 
 
 6. Lenitur. " He is softened down." Some editions have 
 leniter, the adverbial form, " with a softened air." 
 
 7. Ad simulandam pacem. " For keeping up the appearance of 
 a negotiation for peace." — Numida. Jugurtha. 
 
 8 Posse poni. " Could be brought to a close." — Cuncta edocius. 
 11 Having received full instructions." 
 
 9. Conventam. "After having been agreed upon." — Frustra 
 fuisse. " Had proved of no effect," i. e. had never been ratified by 
 the government at home. 
 
 10. Ceterum si ambobus } &c. " That, however, if he wished to 
 
 20* 
 
210 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 •7 5 consult for their common interests, and to have a firm peace," 
 &c. 
 
 11. Non sua ignavia. " Not through any ill conduct on his part." 
 — Rernpublicam. " His attention to the public business." — Relictum 
 iri. Supply ibi. 
 
 12. Dolo an vere. " Treacherously or sincerely." 
 
 ^Q 1. Ipsae sibi advorsae. " They clash with one another." Are 
 inconsistent with one another. 
 
 2. Constituto. " We have thrown out, after this, the words in 
 colloquium uti de pace veniretur, as a mere repetition from the pre- 
 vious chapter, and savouring of a gloss. 
 
 3. Benigne habere. " He treated them kindly." 
 
 4. Adhibitis amicis. " Having called in his friends," i. e. to 
 aid him with their advice. — Remotis. " Having dismissed them." 
 
 5. Voltu corporis, &c. " The movements of his body varying 
 with the purposes of his soul." Voltus is here used as a general 
 term for the gestures of the body, including also the expression ot 
 the countenance, in short, any thing indicative of the will (vultus a 
 volo). Compare chapter 34, terrebat eum clamore, voltu, &c, where 
 the same usage occurs. 
 
 6. Patefecisse. Governed by dicitur understood. Some read 
 quae scilicet, tacente ipso, occulta pectoris patefecisse, making this 
 last word depend for its government on scilicet, i. e. scire licet. 
 
 7. Quaestore nostro. Sylla. — Tumulum. " A rising ground M 
 — Insidiantibus. " By those lying in wait." 
 
 8. Ut dictum. " As had been agreed upon." 
 
 9. Ad Marium deductus. Plutarc^, in his life of Sylla, states, 
 that, although the capture of Jugurtha procured Marius a triumph, 
 yet envy ascribed the whole glory of it to Sylla. This Marius in his 
 heart not a little resented, adds the biographer, especially when he 
 found that Sylla, who was naturally fond of fame, and from a low 
 and obscure condition now rose to general esteem, suffered his am- 
 bition to carry him so far as to order a signet to be engraved with a 
 representation of the capture of Jugurtha. This he constantly used 
 in sealing his letters. The device was, Bocchus delivering uti 
 Jugurtha, and Sylla receiving him. 
 
 10. G alios. More correctly Germanos, for they were the Cim 
 bri, Teutones, and Tigurini. Compare Florus, (3, 3,) " Cimbri, 
 Theutoni atque Tigurini, ab extremis Galliae profugi, quum terras 
 eorum inundasset Oceanus, novas sedes toto orbe quaerebant ; exclu- 
 sique Gallia et Hispania, quum in Italiam remigrarent misere lega- 
 tos in castra Silani, inde ad Senatum," &c. ; and again, " Sed nee 
 primum quidem impetum barbarorum Silanus, nee secundum Man- 
 
JUGURTHINE WAR. 211 
 
 Pa,ge 
 tius, nee tertium Caepio sustinere potuerunt. Omncs fugati, exuti *2Q 
 casiris. Actum erat, nisi Marius illi seculo contigisset/ 1 
 
 11. Elique, &c. "Both the Romans of that day, and thence 
 downward even to our own time." 
 
 12. Cum Gallis, &c. Compare Cicero, (Off. 1, 12,) " Cum 
 Cimbris, ut cum inimicis, gerebatur; uter esset, non uter imperaret." 
 
 13. Jugurtham vinctum, &c. It may not be improper to add a 
 few words relative to the fate of Jugurtha. " It is said," observes 
 Plutarch, " that when he was led before the car of the conqueror, 
 he lost his senses. After the triumph, he was thrown into prison, 
 where, while they were in haste to strip him, some tore his robe off 
 his back, and others, catching eagerly at his pendants, pulled off 
 the tips of his ears along with them. When he was thrust down 
 naked into the dungeon, all confused, he said with a frantic smile, 
 " Heavens ! how cold is this bath of yours !" There, having strug- 
 gled, for six days, with extreme hunger, and to the last hour labour- 
 ing for the preservation of life, he came to such an end as his crimes 
 deserved. There were carried (we are told) in his triumph, three 
 thousand and seven pounds of gold, five thousand, seven hundred 
 and seventy-five of silver bullion, and of silver coin, seventeen thou 
 sand and twenty-eight drachmas." 
 
 14. Absens. " Though absent." This was a violation of the law, 
 since no person, strictly speaking, was allowed to stand candidate 
 for the consulship, unless present at the time in Rome. The con- 
 dition, however, was often violated. 
 
 15. Kalendis Januariis. The first of January, the day when 
 tr.e new consuls were inducted into office. Consult note 13, 
 page 105. After the solemmty of the triumph was finished, Marius, 
 as Plutarch informs us, assembled the senate in the capitol, where, 
 either through inadvertence, or gross msolence, he entered in his 
 triumphal robes ; but soon perceiving that the senate was offended, 
 he went and put on his ordinary habit, and then returned to his 
 place. 
 
 16. Ea tempestate. Emphatical. His subsequent caieer wai 
 ruinous to the state. 
 
 END OF THE NOTES TO THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 
 

NOTES 
 
 TO 
 
 THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE 
 

 f * 
 
NOTES 
 
 CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 
 
 Page 
 
 1. Omnis. For omnes. The old form. (Jugurtha, note 9, "JJ) 
 page 1,). — Sese student praestare. The insertion of the pronoun 
 here is not a pleonasm, as some maintain, but in reality the older 
 and fuller form of expression, and may be regarded as equivalent to 
 
 ut ipsi praestent. Instances occur in other writers also. Thus, 
 Cicero, (Off. 2. 20.) " Gratum se videri studct." So also after 
 cupere, velle, and malle. 
 
 2. Silentio. " In obscurity." The silence which the rest of man- 
 kind preserve respecting us, when we have done nothing to render 
 our names illustrious. 
 
 3. Prona. " Stooping downward to the earth." Compare Ovid 
 Met. 1, 84,) " Pranaque quum spectent animaliacaeteraterram." 
 
 4. Animi imperio, &c. " We use more the empire of the mind, the 
 obedience of the body." Sallust wishes to convey the idea, that it 
 is the province of the mind to command, of the body to obey. Some 
 very erroneously make imperio depend for its government on the 
 comparative magis. " We make more use of the empire of the 
 mind, than of the obedience of the body." 
 
 5. Quo. " On which account." — Rectius. " More consistent 
 with reason." — Opibus. " By the resources." 
 
 6. Memoriam nostri. " The remembrance of oursekes." Me- 
 moriam nostram would mean " our faculty of memory." 
 
 7. Habetur. The force of this verb, in the present passage, js 
 6est seen by a paraphrase : " The endowments of mind form the 
 only illustrious and lasting. possession." 
 
 8. Sed. Elegantly used in the sense of continuation, like Se' 
 in Greek, and to be rendered " Now." — Vine corporis, &c. 
 " Whether a warlike enterprise depended more for its success on 
 strength of body, or energy of mind." Literally, " whether a war- 
 like operation proceeded more from strength of body," &c. 
 
 9. Consulto. " Of deliberation." — Mature facto. " Of speedy 
 execution," i. e. m proper season, The participles consulto and 
 
 215 
 
216 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 79 f 0,010 are ^ ere e l e g am % used in place of nouns. The literal trans- 
 lation would be, " of a thing's being deliberated upon," and " of its 
 being performed in proper season." 
 
 10. Imperii. " Of authority." — Diversi. "Differing in their views." 
 — Agitabatur. The frequentative for the simple verb, as in Jugurtha. 
 
 11. Cyrus. The elder of the name. 
 
 12. Lubidinem dominandi. " A lust of dominion." — Maxumam 
 gloriam. Understand sitam esse, or something equivalent. 
 
 13. Periculo atque negotiis. "From actual experience, and 
 from affairs themselves," i. e. from the experience which affairs 
 themselves bestowed. 
 
 g0 1. Quod si regum, &c. "But if the mental qualities of kings 
 and of those who command were exercised to the same degree in 
 peace that they are in war." — Aequabilius atque constantius, &c. 
 " Human affairs would proceed with more regularity and steadi- 
 ness." This usage of the verb Tidbeo with the pronoun is analo- 
 gous to the Greek idiom : sv %x u " ne * s well," *■ e - & *X €l ( ( £ avT ° v ) 
 "he has himself well." (Compare Vigefs Greek Idioms, p. 84. 
 Seager's transl.) 
 
 2. Aliud alio , &c. Alius, as has already been remarked in the 
 Notes to the Jugurthine War, is frequently used by Sallust, and 
 also by the best writers, with one of its own cases, or an adverb 
 derived from it, to denote what in English requires two separate 
 expressions. Thus we may render the passage in the text, " neither 
 would you behold one thing carried in one direction, another in 
 another," &c. — Artibus. "Means." 
 
 3. Pro labore. " In the stead of active exertion." Labor has 
 here a special reference to military operations. — Pro continentia et 
 acquitate* &c. " In the stead of moderation and a regard for natu- 
 ral equality, cupidity, and a tyrannical spirit," &c. As Sallust here 
 contrasts virtues and vices, continentia will be opposed to lubido, 
 and aequitas to superbia ; which removes, we conceive, all diffi- 
 culty as to the meaning of the individual terms. Burnouf makes 
 lubido in this passage signify " caprice," an opinion in which we 
 cannot concur. — Fortuna. Understand principum. 
 
 4. Optumum quemque. "The most deserving.'' Literally 
 " each most deserving person." — Arant, &c. Equivalent to arando, 
 navigando, aedificando efficiunt : hence quae homines arant, &c, 
 may be rendered by nouns, " agriculture, navigation, architecture,'' 
 — Virtuti omni parent. " Depend all upon the energies of mind foi 
 their successful employment." 
 
 5. Peregrinantes. A beautiful expression, by which the sen- 
 sualist and the sluggard are compared to • " travellers in a foreign 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 21^ 
 
 Page. 
 land." Cortius, cites in explanation, a passage from Zeno of Ye- Qf% 
 rona (Serm. 32,) " Sed qui sunt praetereuntes, nisi qui per egrinan 
 tes corporate vitae saeculum transeunt." 
 
 6. Quibus, profecto, &c. " Unto whom, certainly in opposition 
 to the views of nature,'' &c. — Juxta. " Alike," i. e. as equally 
 unimportant. — Quoniam de utraque siletur. " Since silence is pre- 
 served respecting each," i. e. since they leave no memorial of their 
 having ever existed. 
 
 7. Frui anima. " To enjoy his rational nature, i. e. to answer the 
 end of his existence. — Qui, aliquo negotio intentus, &c. " Who, 
 in whatever employment he may be engaged, seeks for the reputa- 
 tion attendant on some praiseworthy deed or the exercise of some 
 useful talent." 
 
 8. In magna copia rerum. " In the great variety of employ 
 ments." — Aliud alii. Compare note 2. 
 
 9. Bene dicere. Equivalent to eloquentiam exercere. Eloquence 
 was one of the surest passports to office among the Romans. — Ab- 
 surdum. This term was originally applied to any harsh and disa- 
 greeable sornd, ("Vox qua' surdis auribus audiri dignaest") and 
 subsequently to any thing devoid of merit and unworthy of notice. 
 Haud absurdum est may therefore be rendered, " is no contemptible 
 acquirement." , 
 
 10. Et quifecere, &c. Supply eorum before qui. 
 
 11. Auctorem rerum. "The actor." Some editions have acto- 
 rem rerum : both lections occur in manuscripts. Compare Velleius 
 Paterculus, (2, 120, 6,) " Praeclari facinoris auctor fuit Caldvs 
 Coelius" &c. — Res gestas. " An historical narrative." — Dictis. 
 u By the style." Livy has an expression similar to that in the text, 
 in which, however, dicta is used in its original meaning ; "facta 
 dictis aequando^ (6. 20.) 
 
 12. Putant. The manuscripts vary, some inserting dicta be- 
 fore putant, others ducta, &c. We have foAowed the reading of 
 Cortius. The ellipsis is to be supplied by reprekendisse, which is 
 in fact expressed in one of the manuscripts. Sallust appears to have 
 borrowed the idea in the text from Thucydides, (2, 35). 
 
 13. Ubi de magna virtutc, &c. "When you make mention of 
 the distinguished merit and glory of illustrious men," &c. 
 
 14. Supra ea. u Whatever things go beyond this," or, "all 
 btyond this." 
 
 15. Studio ad rempublicam, &c. "Was led by the ardour of 
 youth to turn my attention to public affairs," i. e. to become a can- 
 didate for public office. — Ibique. " And in this career." — Nam pro 
 pudorSi &c Pudor is here opposed to audacia, avaritia to absti 
 
 21 
 
218 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 Q0 nentia, and largitic w virtus. — Insolens n alarum arttum. M Unac- 
 customed to evil practices." 
 
 16. Rehquorum, &c. We have followed the reading of Haver- 
 camp and Burnouf. The Bipont text has reliquis and qua cde- 
 ros, by which eadem fama and invidia become ablatives. In 
 our lection fama and invidia are likewise ablatives, but eadem 
 is in the nominative agreeing with cupido. The whole passage may 
 be rendered as follows : — " And though I was uncontaminated by the 
 evil principles of others, nevertheless the same desire of advance- 
 ment disquieted me, by reason of the obloquy and odium that ac- 
 companied it, which disquieted the rest," i. e. standing forth as a 
 candidate for public honours, I shared the fate of others : my char- 
 acter was assailed with obloquy, and an attempt was made by my 
 political opponents to render me an object of popular odium. — De 
 Brosses thinks that Sallust here endeavours to offer a plausible excuse 
 for his recent and disgraceful expulsion from the senate. 
 82 1. Ex multis miseriisy &c. " From the many miseries and dan- 
 gers by which it had been encompassed." 
 
 2. Bonumotium. "Valuable leisure." — Servilibus qfficiis. "Mere 
 coporeal employments." The phrase is here used in allusion to the 
 expression in the first chapter, " animi imperio, coporis servitio ma- 
 gis utimur." The charge therefore which some bring against Sal- 
 lust, of his stigmatizing agriculture and hunting as employments fit 
 only for slaves, rests on an entirely erroneous acceptation of the epi 
 thet servilibus. 
 
 3. Studio. Cortius considers studio as having reference to his- 
 torical labours. We would rather, with Dahl, extend the term to 
 " liberal studies" generally, so as to embrace the literature both of 
 Greece and Rome, especially the former. 
 
 4. Carptim. " In detached portions." Compare Pliny, {Ep. 8, 
 4, 7,) " Respondebis, non posse perinde carptim, ut y contexta, per- 
 inde inchoata placer e, ut effecta" and Tacitus, (Hist. 4, 46, extr.) 
 The term is sometin.es used in the sense of breviter, as in Pliny, 
 (Ep. 6, 22, 2, ) " egit autem carptim et Kara *£(pa\aia" (i. e. breviter et 
 summatim.) — Some editions of Sallust have strictim, " cursorily," 
 in place of carptim ; but this reading carries with it its own refuta 
 tion. From this passage of Sallust, it appears that the history of 
 Catiline's conspiracy was his first literary production. 
 
 5. Partibus reipublicae. " The factions which agitated the re- 
 public." Dahl is of opinion, that, from the language of the text, 
 Sallust must have composed this narrative after his return from the 
 government of Numidia ; since, to suppose with some commenta- 
 tors that the work was written at the time of his expulsion from the 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 219 
 
 Page 
 •enate (A. U. C. 703) does not harmonize with the expressions, ,{ a g J 
 %pe, metu, &c., animus liber erat." 
 
 6. Paucis absolvam. "I will give a brief account." Pauas 
 verbis absolvam narrationem. — Id, f acinus. " That daring deed." 
 
 7. Nobili genere natus. Catiline was the last of the gens Sergia, 
 a patrician house. Consult Historical Index. 
 
 8. Sed ingenio malo pravoque. " But of a wicked and depraved 
 Bpirit." The term ingenium appears to denote quicquid est ingeni- 
 tum, and is applied to the native qualities of the whole soul, those 
 of the heart, as well as those of the head. ( Crombie, Gymn. vol. 
 2, p. 73.) 
 
 9. Ibique. " And in these." Ibi is here elegantly used for in 
 iis rebus. — Juventutem. By the Romans, generally speaking, 
 human life was divided into four stages of fifteen years each : thus 
 puentia was within 15 : adolescentia within 30 ; juventus within 
 45 ; and senectus comprised the remaining period of life. Compare 
 Classical Journal, vol. 1, p. 473. Crombie' s Gymnasium, vol. 1. 
 p. 160. 
 
 10. Patiens. The verbal adjective, distinguished from the par- 
 ticiple by its particular government ; thus, patiens inediae, " able to 
 endure want of food," referring to a habit ; patiens inediam, " suf- 
 fering want of food," referring to a particular point of time. So 
 ai»o doctus linguam Latinam, " one who has been taught the Latin 
 language ;" doctus linguae Latinae, " one skilled in Latin." 
 
 11. Varius. " Capable of assuming any shape." Compare the 
 picture drawn by Cicero, (pro Coel. 6,) " Ula vero in Mo nomine 
 
 (sc. Catilina) mirabilia fuerunt versare suam naturam, et 
 
 regere ad tempus, atque hue et illuc torquere etflectere : cum trislibus 
 severe, cum remissis jucunde, cum senibus graviter, cum juventute 
 comiter, cum facinorosis audaciter, cum libidinosis luxuriose 
 vivere. Hac ille tarn varia, multiplicique natura, cum omnes 
 omnibus ex terris homines improbos, audacesque colleger at: turn 
 etiam multos fortes viros et bonos specie quadam virtutis assimu 
 latae tenebat." 
 
 12. Simulator. The verb simulare, whence this noun is formed, 
 means " to pretend to be what we are not ;" but dis simulare, " to 
 dissemble, or conceal what we are." It is the character of hypocrisy 
 to pretend to virtues which it has not, (simulare,) and to dissemble 
 the vices which it has, (dis simulare.) 
 
 13o Satis loquentiae. " Possessing fluency of speech enough." 
 Several editions have eloquenf-iae, but this would be too strong here, 
 although the reading appears in a majority of the MSS. The dis- 
 tiijc>icto between loquentia and d&fuentia is well pointed out in the 
 
220 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 g] following extract from Pliny, (Ep. 5, 20.) "Julius Candidus non 
 invenuste solet die ere aliud esse eloquentiam, aliud loquentiam. 
 Nam eloquentia vix uni, aut alteri ; haec vero quam Candidus 
 loquentiam appellat, multis, etiam impudentissimo cuique maxime 
 contingit." We may compare with this the words of Gellius, (1, 
 15, extr.) " Valerium Probum, grammaticum illustrem, exfami- 
 liari ejus, docto viro, comperi, Sallustianum illud {in Catil. c. 5.) 
 Satis eloquentiae, sapientiae parum, brevi antequam vita decederet, 
 sic legere coepisse, et sic a Sallustio relictum affirmasse : Satis 
 loquentiae, sapientiae parum : quod loquentia novatori verborum 
 Sallustio maxime congrueret ; eloquentia cum insipientia minims, 
 convenireV 
 
 14. Vastus animus. " His insatiable spirit." Dureau de Lamalle 
 ienders it " Son ambition immoderee." 
 
 15. Post dominationem. This expression is equivalent, not to 
 Jinita dominatione, but ab eo tempore quo dominari coeperat. The 
 preposition must therefore be rendered by " since" 
 
 16. Lucii Sullae. Consult Historical Index. 
 
 17. Reipublicae capiundae. " Of seizing upon the government." 
 —Regnum. " Supreme power." — Quidquam pensi habebat. "Did 
 
 he at all regard." 
 
 18. Agitabatur. " Was goaded on." — His artibus. " By those 
 practices." — Quos. Referring to mores, and not, as Cortius main- 
 tains, to cives, implied in civitatem. Render the whole clause as 
 follows : "On which luxury and cupidity, evils of the most perni- 
 cious tendency, and directly opposite to each other, kept exercising 
 an active influence." 
 
 19. Res ipsa. " The subject itself." — Tempus. " The oc- 
 casion." — Supra repetere. Understand narrationem. — Instituta 
 majorum. " The principles of government adopted by our fore- 
 fathers." — Quomodo, &c. " How they governed the republic." 
 
 82 1. Sicuti ego accepi. We may fairly infer from these words 
 that, even in the days of Sallust, uncertainty attached itself to 
 the early history of Rome The origin of the eternal city is lost in 
 fable. 
 
 2. Trojani. No Trojans ever set foot in Italy ; the arrival of 
 Aeneas in that country is purely fabulous, (vid. Niebuhr^s Roman 
 History, vol. 1. p. 150. seqq.) 
 
 3. Aborigines. A name given by the Romans to the primitive 
 inhabitants of Italy, and which is supposed to be equivalent to the 
 Greek A-vro^Oovsg. Consult Geographical Index. 
 
 4. Sine imperio. H Without any form of government." 
 
 6. Dispari genere. u Though differing in origin." — Alius alw 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 22) 
 
 Page. 
 
 more vivcntes, i. e. viventes (alio more), alius (vivens) alio more. QO 
 '• Though living each after a different manner." 
 
 6. Res eorum. " Their state." — Civibus, moribus, &c. "In- 
 creased in number of citizens, improved in manners, and enlarged 
 in territory." The participle assumes a, different meaning here with 
 each of the nouns to which it refers. — Sicuti pleraque mortalium 
 habentur. " As is the case, for the most part, with human affairs." 
 — Opulentia. " Prosperity." 
 
 7. Tentare. These and the following verbs are what are called 
 historical infinitives, that is, the infinitive is used for the imperfect. 
 Compare Jugurtha, note 4, page 4. 
 
 8. Perculsi. Other editions have percussi, which is inferior. 
 Bentley (ad. Horat. Epod. 11, 3) correctly lays down the distinc- 
 tion between percellere and percutere, as follows : " Vtrumque de 
 cor pore proprie, de animo fj.£rad>opiK(os dicitur. Percellere tamen 
 magis quid quam percutere significat ; tanta scilicet vi percutere, 
 ut evertas et solo prosternas. Ergo in re graviore perculsus aptius 
 vocabulum est; perculsus terrore, metu, formidine, clade, ruina, 
 damno, discordiis, passim in auctoribus occurrunt." 
 
 9 Imperium legitimum. " A government regulated by laws." 
 
 10. Vel aetate, &c. " In the cities of all the civilized nations 
 around the Mediterranean," observes Niebuhr, " a senate was no 
 less essential and indispensable than a popular assembly. It was 
 a select body of the elder citizens : such a council, says Aristotle, 
 there always is, whether the constitution be aristocratic al or demo- 
 cratical." (Rom. Hist. vol. 1, p. 290.) 
 
 11. Conservandae libertatis. " For the preservation of freedom." 
 Some understand causa, which actually appears in a few manu- 
 scripts and editions. Scheller, however, from a review of this and 
 similar passages, inclines to the opinion that it will be better to 
 supply negotium, or, when the context requires it, negotia. Thus 
 negotium conservandae libertatis, &c. (L. G. vol. 1, p. 400.) 
 
 12. Dominationemque. " And tyranny." The Romans always 
 attached an improper meaning to the term dorninus, the root of 
 dominatio, using it in the sense of " tyrant," " a master of slaves," 
 &c. On this account Augustus refused the name. 
 
 13. Convertit. Understand sese. " Changed." — Annua imperia, 
 &c. " Annual offices of magistracy, and two chief magistrates." 
 The term imperium, in its stricter acceptation, accords better with 
 the character of the early consulship, than with the form it assumed 
 after the successive encroachments of the plebeian power. From 
 the law given by Cicero, in his own plan of a well-ordered state, 
 and which is taken with some slight alteration from one of the old 
 
 21* 
 
222 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 §2 l aws °f Rome, an idea may be formed of what he considered the 
 genuine definition of the consular power. " Regio imperio duo 
 sunto : iique praeeundo, judicando, consulendo, praetores, judices, 
 consules appellantor. Militiae summumjms habento, nemini parento. 
 Ollis salus populi suprema lex esto." (Cic. de leg. 3, 3, 8, ed. 
 Goerenz.) 
 
 14. Insolescere. " Grow haughty." Compare Floru3, (1, 9,) 
 •' Ex perpetuo annuum (imperium) placuit ; ex singulari duplex,- 
 ne potestas solitudine vel mora corrumperetur." 
 
 15. Sed. The connexion between the commencement of this 
 chapter and what precedes, is as follows : Dum reges imperium 
 habebant, nemo se extollere audebat et laborabat. Sed postquam 
 libertas populo restituta, quisque gloriam quaerere et ingenium 
 prompte agendo ostendere coepit. — Ea tempestate. " At that par- 
 ticular period." Tempestas and tempus very often differ like 
 KaipSs and yoovoq in Greek, the former being limited to a more 
 definite and particular period of time than the latter. <0 plv 
 l£.aipds Sr)\oT 7roi6rr)T(i %p6vov, oiov, ore 7roA^ioj ijv" ~X.p6vo$ 61 itoa6ri\ra % 
 olov, rrpd 6Ua %p6vcjv, rj, [xsra Sskcl Itx\. (Ammonius nepl dia<p. Xef. 
 
 ed. Valck.) 
 
 16. Coepere se quisque extollere, &c. u Each one began to act 
 with redoubled energy, and to display more openly the abilities 
 which he possessed." The common text has magis before extollere, 
 which we have rejected with Cortius as savouring of a gloss. — 
 Boni. " The talented."— Mali. " Those of inferior intellects." 
 
 17. Adepta libertate. Adipiscor, being a common verb, admits 
 both this construction, as well as adepta libertatem with adepta in 
 the nominative. It remains to be seen whether the Latin deponents 
 be not in fact middle verbs, and whether the existence of common 
 verbs be not a strong collateral proof of this. 
 
 18. SimuL For simul ac. Compare Livy, (9, 26,) " intellecturosque 
 id ita esse, simul magistratu abiissent." The common text of Sal- 
 lust has simul ac belli paticns erat, in castris per laborem usu 
 militiam discebat. The reading which we have adopted is given 
 by Cortius partly from manuscripts and partly from conjecture. 
 
 19. Per usum. " By experience," i. e. actual service — Mili- 
 tarists equis. "War steeds." 
 gQ 1. Labos. The iEolo-Doric tribes were fond of p, as the Lace- 
 daemonians, who said "mrop, nop, clop, for 17T7TOJ, Trovg, 6z6g, &C 
 Hence we may account for the Latin forms labor and labos, honor 
 and honos, &c. (Vid. Maittaire Dial. ed. Sturz. p. 196.) — Virtus 
 omnia domuerat. " Their valour had triumphed over every obstacle." 
 2, Sese quisque, &c. Compare note 7, page ^5. — Tale 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE 223 
 
 Page. 
 r acmus " Such an exploit." Facinus, as has already been remarked Q3 
 in the Notes to the Jugurthine War, denotes " a bold or daring ac- 
 tion," and, unless it be joined with a favourable epithet, or the 
 action be previously described as commendable, the term is always 
 to be understood in a vituperative sense. In the present case, the 
 previous description of the action fixes its character. ( Vid. Crombie's 
 Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 159.) 
 
 3. Eos divitias, &c. " These they considered riches, this an 
 honourable fame," &c. — Divitias honestas. " Moderate wealth." 
 The expression divitias honestas is the same as divitias bonis 
 artibus partas, adeoque mediocres. 
 
 4. Ni ea res, &c. " Were it not that such a detail might draw 
 me off too far from my subject." Ea res is regarded by some as 
 an archaism for id ; but this mode of expression occurs in the best 
 writers, though Sallust uses it more frequently than others. 
 
 b. Res cunctas. For cuncta. Consult preceding note. — Cele- 
 brat obscuratque. "Raises to eminence, and, again, buries in 
 oblivion." 
 
 6. Scriptorum magna ingenia. More elegant than scriptores 
 magni ingenii, which is, however, the meaning of the phrase : 
 "writers of great talent." Compare Curtius (3, 2, 13,) robora 
 virorum, for viri robusiissimi, and Catullus, (64, 4,) robora pubis, 
 for adolescentes robusti. The writers to whom Sallust alludes are, 
 without doubt, Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, &c. Some 
 critics have regarded scriptorum in this passage as a mere gloss, 
 especially as some manuscripts omit it, and others place it after 
 ingenia, but its presence is necessary to the sense. 
 
 7. Earn. Referring to virtutem understood. Some editors read 
 ea, understanding facta. — Ea copia. " That advantage." Kuhn- 
 hardt thinks copia equivalent to multitudo, but incorrectly we con- 
 ceive. If his explanation, however, should be preferred, ea copia, 
 may be rendered, " the same number cf able historians." 
 
 8. Prudentissumus quisque, &c. " The most talented were the 
 most occupied with public affairs." — Ingenium nemo, &c. Refer- 
 ring to the martial habits of the early Romans, and the military 
 service which was imposed upon all. 
 
 9. Optumus quisque. " The best citizens." — Benefacta. "Brave 
 deeds." 
 
 10. Igitur This conjunction refers back to chapter 7, from 
 which chapter 8 is a digression. — Jus bonumque. "Justice and 
 probity." The expression which follows, non legibus magis quam 
 natura, is strictly Thucydidean, and would be, when endered mtc 
 Greek, ov v6^oi^ ua/Xov (or to t:\cTov) ?} $v<r£i. Compare the language 
 
224 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 Q3 °f Tacitus, (de moribus Germ. 19,) "plus ibi bom mores talent- 
 quam alibi bonae ler?*" 
 
 11. In suppliciis. " In the worship." Supplicium signifies botn 
 "punishment" and "supplication," "worship," or "sacrifice." 
 Scheller's explanation is perfectly satisfactory. He makes the 
 primitive import of the term, " a kneeling down." This may be 
 done either to supplicate the Deity, whence we have the kindred 
 meaning of " religious worship ;" or it may be for the purpose of 
 being beheaded, whence we deduce the meaning of " punishment." 
 (Scheller, Lateinisch-Deutsches Worterb. s. v.) 
 
 12. Ubi pax evenerat. Sallust uses this mo«ie of expression and 
 not in pace, for the purpose of showing that the Romans neither 
 avoided war nor courted peace ; but, whenever the latter chanced 
 to arrive, proved themselves not unworthy of enjoying it, by the 
 justice and moderation of their conduct. — Seque remque publi- 
 cam, &c. " They regulated their own conduct as well as the ad- 
 ministration of the republic." 
 
 13. Quod saepius, &c. Some editions have in bello before 
 saepius. We have rejected it with Cortius as being sufficiently 
 implied from the context. 
 
 $4 1. Imperium agitabant. " They managed their authority." Agt 
 tabant, the frequentative is here used for the simple agebant. 
 
 2. Labon et justitia. " By the exertions of its citizens, and the 
 equity of its administration." 
 
 3. Reges magni. Before these words, and also before Carthago 
 and cuncla, in the next clauses, supply the term " when," in trans- 
 lating. The monarchs here alluded to are, Perses, king of Mace- 
 donia, Jugurtha, Mithridates, &c. — Populi. " Communities." 
 
 4. Carthago. Consult Geographical Index. 
 
 5. Optandae. Agreeing with' divitiae the nearest noun. — Ea. 
 Referring to " cupidity" and " a thirst for dominion," pecuniae et 
 imperii cupido. 
 
 6. Materies. " The germ." — Artis bonas. " Virtuous qualities." 
 — Neglegere. The old form for negligere. The infinitives neglegere 
 and habere depend on edocuit in common with superbiam and crude* 
 litatem. " The neglect of the gods, universal venality. ' 
 
 7. Falsos. "Insincere." 
 
 8. Ex re. " From their real importance."^— Magisque vultum, 
 &c. " And to preserve rather a fair exterior than rectitude of prin- 
 ciple." Literally, "than an honest spirit." 
 
 9. Vindicari. "They were punished." 
 
 10. Post, ubi, contagio, &c. Great doubts exist respecting the true 
 punctuation of this sentence. We have adopted that which is given 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 225 
 
 Page. 
 Dy Cortius, making contagio an ablative from the old form conta- QA 
 gium: {Contagio quasi, "by a sort of moral contagion.") The 
 Bipont edition removes the comma after quasi, placing one after 
 contagio, and another after pestilentia. Contagio then becomes the 
 nominative to invasit. In either reading, contagio has vitiorum 
 understood. 
 
 11. Propius virtutem erat. Sailust means, that ambition, though 
 a vice, has some affinity to virtue, which cupidity has not. Virtutem 
 is governed by ad understood. We find the preposition supplied in 
 Plautus, (Mil. Glor. 4, 6, 55,) " Si accesserit prope ad te ;" and 
 again, (Mostell. 2, 2, 30,) " Fuge ad me propius." 
 
 12. Bonus, ignavus. " The man who has merit and he who is 
 devoid of it." — Vera via. "By the true path," i. e. by fair and 
 honourable means. 
 
 13. Studium habet. " Implies the desire." 
 
 14. Venenis malis. "With poisons." Venenum, like f acinus ^ 
 &c, is what the grammarians call medium nomen. It properly 
 signifies " that which by its penetrating influence changes the natural 
 qualities of any thing." As this may be either beneficial or injurious, 
 venenum hence may indicate in the latter case " a poison," and in 
 the former " a drug," " a medicine," " a colouring matter." In this 
 passage Sailust uses the term in its strict acceptation, and therefore 
 adds the qualifying adjective ; so that venenis malis, when literally 
 rendered, will signify " with pernicious (or poisonous) drugs," i. e. 
 poisons. This, after all, however, is somewhat of an affected 
 archaism on the part of our historian, since the purest Latin writers 
 are accustomed to use the word venenum, when standing alone, in a 
 bad sense, without employing any adjective. The old form of ex- 
 pression occurs in a law cited by Cicero, (pro Cluent. 54,) " Qui 
 venenum malum fecit," &c. (Compare Ernesti and Schiitz, Index 
 hat. Cic. s. v.) The term (pappaKov is another well known instance 
 of a medium nomen. Herodotus uses it to express colours, (1, 98,) 
 7rpona%eaJvcs rjvQLo-[iivoi (j)apjj.aKoici. Vid. Koen, ad Greg. Dialect. 
 (Ion. 94,) and Schweigh. Lex. Herod, s. v. 
 
 15. Neque copia, &c. The idea intended to be conveyed is this : 
 He who possesses much is as strongly influenced by the desire of 
 having more, as he whose present resources are scanty ; and while 
 want urges on the latter, the possession of abundant means does not 
 quench the thirst for gain in the former. The desire of wealth makes 
 both of them its slaves. 
 
 16. Recepta republica. " Having wrested the state from the 
 hands of his opponents." Alluding to Sylla's final overthrow of the 
 Marian faction. — Ex bonis initiis, &c. " Caused a fair beginning 
 
226 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 §^ to be succeeded by an evil issue." The first acts of SyJla, upon his 
 attaining to the unlimited control of the state, argued well for its 
 interests. He favoured the party of the nobility, which Marius, 
 plebeian in origin, had always sought to depress, and he seemed on 
 the point also of reviving the ancient constitution. The mask, 
 however, was soon dropped, and the most horrid excesses ensued. 
 Compare Velleius Paterculus, (2, 25,) " Putares Sullam venisse in 
 Italiam, non belli vindicem, sed pads auctorem," &c, and also 
 Cicero, (de Off. 2, 8,) " Secuta est honestam causam non honesta 
 victoria." 
 
 17. Neque modum, &c. " The victors knew no limit, and prac- 
 tised no self-restraint."- — In civibus. "Among their fellow- 
 citizens," or " in the case of their fellow-citizens." The common 
 text has in cives. The present reading was first given by Wasse, 
 from a manuscript. " Pereleganter" observes the critic in speak- 
 ing of this lection, "nescioanvere, certe supra, captum librariorum. 
 He then refers in support of it to Virgil Aen 2, 541. Ovid. Met. 
 1, 442. Cic. N. D. 1, 42, &c. He gives also in amicis, in the 9th 
 chapter of the present narrative. — Quern in Asia ductaverat. Cor- 
 tius reads Asiam, giving in the force of intra. 
 
 Q£J 1. Amoena. Amoenus most commonly denotes what is pleasing 
 to the eye, while voluptarius properly refers to the senses. The! 
 expressions in the text may be rendered as follows : " A delightful 
 country, the abode of pleasure." — Amare, potare. " To indulge 
 in the excesses of licentiousness and intoxication." Potare is " to 
 drink to excess," " to be addicted to drinking." " Bibunt sobrii, ad 
 naturae necessitatem ; potani ebriosi affluenter, et ad ebrietatem." 
 (Popma.) As Sallust means to say that the Roman soldiers had 
 acquired in Asia the habit of drinking to excess, bibere would evi- 
 dently have been inadmissible in the text. 
 
 2. Privatim ac publice. " Whether the property of individuals 
 or communities." — Delubra. Delubrum, properly speaking, is 
 merely a small chapel, or part of a temple ; or, as Noltenius 
 {Lex. Antibarb.) defines it, " Aedicula, in qua stat Dei cu jus dam 
 simulacrum; parvum templum, vel pars templi." The capitol was 
 called Templum, in which there were three Delubra inclosed by a 
 common wall, namely Jupiter's, Juno's, and Minerva's. In this 
 passage of Sallust, the word may be rendered " shrines." 
 
 3. Fatigant. A strong expression : sapientium animos fatigant, 
 " shakes the principles of the wise." — Ne. Used for nedum, 
 " much less." — Temper are with the dative, signifies " to set bounds 
 to something," " to moderate." With the accusative it means " fco 
 regulate," " to arrange " 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 227 
 
 Page. 
 
 4. Innocentia, &c. " A life of innocence in another was regarded £}?% 
 *s the mere offspring of a malevolent feeling," i. e. they gave him 
 who led a virtuous life no credit for sincerity, but supposed him to 
 
 be actuated merely by a spirit of malevolence and opposition, and a 
 wish to set his own mode of life in direct contrast with that of the 
 profligate, in order that it might carry with it a tacit censure on the 
 conduct of the latter. 
 
 5. Kapere, consumere. " They plundered, they wasted." 
 
 6. Pudorem, pudicitiam, &c. " Modesty, chastity, things divine 
 and human without distinction, they utterly disregarded, and in their 
 violation of them acted without the least compunction or self- 
 restraint." Seneca (de Benef. 1, 9) has borrowed some of his 
 ideas and expressions from this and the preceding passages of 
 Sallust. "Jam rapta sparger e, sparsa pari avaritia recolligere 
 certant : nihil pensi habere, paupertatem alienam contemnere, suam 
 timere, nullum alium vereri malum :" &c. 
 
 7. Verum. This term is used here to denote strong indignation 
 Compare the remarks of Drakenborch (ad. Lav. 45, 19) on the em- 
 phatic vero. 
 
 8. Praeter injuriae licentiam. " Except the power of injuring." 
 
 9. Victor es. Some manuscripts have metis instead of victor xs, 
 but the former is implied in the latter, and therefore need not be 
 expressed. Other manuscripts give hostibus, but this again is 
 already implied in the term sociis. " Quasi socios istos" observes 
 Cortius, u non olim hostes fuisse per se constet." 
 
 10. Constructa. " Built up," or " constructed." The historian 
 refers to the piscinae, or fish-ponds, which the wealthy Romans 
 caused to be formed, generally on the seashore, by the damming up 
 of the waters, and which were commonly of such vast dimensions 
 as almost to deserve the name of seas. Some editions, however, 
 read constrata, " built upon," referring to the splendid residences of 
 many of the Roman nobility, built on large artificial moles projecting 
 into the sea. Contracta, whieh other manuscripts present, is pro 
 bably a mere gloss. If otherwise considered, it may be supposed to 
 allude to the encroachments made upon the limits of the ocean by 
 these moles and marine palaces. Compare, as regards this last- 
 reading, Horace, (Carm. 3, 1, 33,) " Contracta pisces aequora 
 sentiunt" &c. 
 
 1 1 . Turpidinem. An old form for turpitudinem. The nomina- 
 ive turpido occurs in Tertullian (decor, mil. c. 14.) Gesner thinks 
 this an error for turpitudo, but without any necessity. 
 
 12. Cultus. " Luxurious habits." — Vescendi caussa. "For the 
 sake of gratifying the appetite " 
 
228 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page 
 
 g£J 13. Luxu. " By luxurious indulgence." G i this whole passag 
 r ^mpare Seneca, Epist. 89, ad Jin. Aulus Gdlius, 7, 16, and Lu 
 can, 4, 373. 
 
 14 Animus imbutus, &c. " The heart, once contaminated by 
 evil inclinations, could not easily forego the gratification of its vicious 
 propensities." By lubidinibus are here properly meant the ruling 
 propensities and desires of the heart. 
 
 JJ(> 1. In tantatamque corrupta civitate, &c. The student will ob- 
 serve with what peculiar force the mention of Catiline's conspiracy 
 is re-introduced, after the masterly picture of Roman corruption 
 which has just preceded. 
 
 2. Flagitiorum atque facinorum. For flagitiosorum atque faci- 
 norosorum, the abstract for the concrete. " Of all kinds of profli- 
 gate and daring spirits." Facinus, as w r e have already observed in 
 a previous note, means a bold or daring action. Flagitium, though 
 generally referring to lustful excess, denotes any fault, error, or 
 crime, which reflects more or less disgrace on the offender ; and im 
 plies a less degree of moral guilt than scelus. ( Crombie's Gymna 
 stum, vol. 2, p. 162, 3d ed.) 
 
 3. Quo flagitium aut f acinus redimeret. " In order to purchase 
 impunity for some disgraceful or daring offence." 
 
 4. Convicti judiciis. " Persons convicted on trial." 
 
 5. Quos manus, &c. Manus refers to sanguine civili, lingua to 
 perjurio. Compare Cicero, (2, in Cat 4,) " Quis tota Italia vene- 
 ficus, quis gladiator, quis latro, quis sicarius, quis parricida, quis 
 testamentorum subjector, quis circumscripta, quis ganeo, quis 
 nepos, quis adulter, quae mulier infamis, quis corruptor juventutis, 
 quis corruptus, quisperditus inveniri potest, qui se cum Catilinanon 
 familiarissime vixisse fateatur ?" 
 
 6. Proxumi familiaresque. " Bosom friends and intimate com- 
 panions." 
 
 7. Inciderat. A metaphor taken from prey that falls into the traf. 
 or net of the hunter. 
 
 8. Par similisque ceteris. Par refers to internal resemblance, 
 mtiilis to external, Hence the clause may be rendered, " as cor- 
 rupt in principle, and as profligate in conduct as the rest." 
 
 9. Aetate fluxi. " Pliant in consequence of their years." 
 
 10. Modestiae suae. " His own honour." Modcxtia is here 
 used hi the sense ofpudor, and marks the utter corruption of Catiline. 
 
 11. Obnoxios. " Dependant upon." Obnoxius properly denotes 
 a dependance founded upon a consciousness of crime, and a dread 
 of being exposed to punishment in case we disobey him who is privy 
 to our guilt. 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE ^29 
 
 Page. 
 
 12. Cumvirgine nobili. Who the female here alluded to was gg 
 s not clearly ascertained. It is generally thought that trie histo- 
 
 nans of those times suppressed the name out of respect for the noble 
 lineage to which she belonged. The daughter who was the offspring 
 of this intercourse is spoken of by Plutarch, (pit. Cic. 10, ed. Hut' 
 ten, vol. 5, p. 318,) and is referred to by Cicero, (frag, or at. in tog. 
 cand. ed. Ernesti, vol. 7, p. 1052,) " Cum ex eodem stupro," &c. 
 
 13. Sacerdote Vestae. The vestal of whom mention is hers 
 made was Fabia Terentia. She was brought to trial by Clodius 
 for a violation of her vow. Several of the most respectable citizens, 
 however, either convinced of her innocence, or wishing to thwart the 
 tribune, exerted themselves in her defence with such success, that 
 she not only obtained sentence of acquittal, but her prosecutor was 
 obliged to flee from Rome. Cato, Catulus, and Cicero, espoused 
 her cause. She was the sister of Terentia, the wife of Cicero. In the 
 picture w r hich Cicero draws of the scandalous misdeeds of Catiline, 
 no mention is made by him of this incident, probably out of respect 
 for his sister-in-law. — The Vestal virgins were introduced at Rome 
 Dy Numa, in imitation of a similar priesthood existing at Alba. 
 They were originally four in number. Two were subsequently 
 added by Tarquinius Priscus, or by Servius Tullius, and six con 
 tinued to be the number ever after. These priestesses had charge 
 of the sacred fire, and were bound to inviolable chastity. When 
 convicted of dishonour, they were buried alive in the campus scele 
 ratus, and their paramours scourged to death in the forum. ( Vid. 
 Lipsius de Vesta et Vestalibus, Antv. 1603.) 
 
 14. Jus fasque. "Human and divine law." Thus Isidorus 
 (Orig. 5, 11) remarks, " Fas lex divina est, jus lex humana." 
 
 15. Aureliae Orestillae. The sister or daughter of Cneius An 
 relius Orestis, who was praetor, A. U. C. 677. 
 
 16. Nubere. The distinction between nubere and ducere must 
 be attended to by the student. Ducere, " to marry," or "to take 
 in marriage," is used when a man is the subject of discourse, or the 
 nominative to the verb. Nubere, " to veil," or duci, " to be led," is 
 used when a woman is the subject of discourse, or nominative to 
 the verb. The ellipsis is supplied in the cas»e of the former verb, by 
 domum, in the latter by se. Thus, Ttane tandum uxor em (domum) 
 duxit Antipho 1 because the husband led the bride to his own abode 
 from her father's house. Tullio (se) nupsii, literally, " she has 
 Tened herself for Tullius," because the brid« was veiled during the 
 ceremony of marriage. The same distinction holds good in Greek 
 Detween ya^i™, and yanioiiai, although depending on a different 
 explanation. Thus ya^ioi. " I marry," is said of the rnsband, (tixo- 
 
 22 
 
230 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 $g lemduco,) but yaniojxat, m the middle voice, " I suffer, or permit, 01 
 cause myself to be led away in marriage by another," is said of the 
 female, (nuho.) Compare Kuster de verbis mediis, p. 153. 
 
 17. Privignum. " A son of his by a previous marriage." 
 
 18. Necato jilio. Cicero alludes to this horrid deed in his first 
 oration against Catiline, (c. 6.) Valerius Maximus is more explicit 
 (9, 1,9.) He makes Catiline to have despatched his son with poi* 
 son, (veneno sustulit.) 
 
 19. Vacuam domum, &c. "He freed his home from every 
 obstacle to this most wicked marriage. " 
 
 20. Dis hominibusque infestus. " Obnoxious to the hatred of 
 gods and men." Infestus is here used in what the grammarians 
 denominate a passive sense. 
 
 21. Ita conscientia, &c. A powerful expression. "To such a 
 degree did conscience desolate his tortured spirit." Some editions 
 read vexabat, others versabat. Both lections are inferior to the one 
 which we have given. 
 
 22. Colos exsanguis. " His complexion was deadly pale." — 
 Foedi oculi. " His eyes had a ghastly look." — Facie vultuque. " In 
 his features, and in the whole expression of his countenance." 
 
 23. Sed jutentutem, &c. The commencement of this chapter is 
 connected with the end of the 14th, and the 15th intervenes in the 
 light of a digression. 
 
 Q*J 1. Signatoresque falsos. " Forgers." Persons who forged 
 wills and other documents.— Commodare. " He lent out to others." 
 
 2. Fidem, for tunas, &c. "He regarded their good faith, their 
 standing in the eyes of the world, the perils which they encountered, 
 as things of little value," i. e. he despised these things in their case, 
 and taught them to do the same. The term fortunas, in this pas- 
 sage, is generally rendered " fortunes," i. e., property. It may 
 be doubted, however, whether this meaning will suit here. Nei- 
 ther Catiline, nor his accomplices, could well be indifferent about 
 riches, since to obtain these they spared no act of baseness or crime. 
 Gesner's explanation of for tunae seems to answer better here. 
 " Fortunae totum ilium statum quo censentur felices aut infelices 
 notare solet." 
 
 3. Ubi eorum famam, &c. " When he had worn away their 
 character and sense of shame." Attriverat very forcibly expresses 
 the insidious arts and gradual approaches of Catiline. 
 
 4. Insontes. " Those who had given him no cause of offence." — 
 Circumvenire. This infinitive, and also jugulare, are governed by 
 imperabat understood. 
 
 5 Manus. The nominative plural. — Gratuito. " Without am 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATIL'NE. 
 
 231 
 
 Page 
 views of advantage." Compare Seneca, (de Clem. 2, 4,) ' Qui g'J' 
 ignotos homines et obvios, non in compendium, sed occidendi causa 
 occidunt." 
 
 6. Quod aes alienum, &c. " Because debts were heavy through- 
 out all lands," i. e. because many citizens as well as others were 
 involved in heavy debts in every quarter of the Roman world. This 
 was the natural consequence of wide-spread luxury. 
 
 7. Rapinarum et victoriae, &c. Sylla, after the final success of 
 his arms, had assigned large tracts of land in Italy to his armed fol- 
 lowers, and also the possessions of many of the proscribed. Ex 
 travagant and dissolute living, however, soon scattered this ill-got- 
 ten wealth, and consequent poverty made them ripe for any new 
 commotion in the state. " Hi sunt homines" observes Cicero, " ex 
 
 its coloniis, quas Sulla constituit, coloni, qui se inspe- 
 
 ratis repentinisque pecuniis sumtuosius insolentiusque jactarunt : 
 hi dum aediftcant, tamquam beati, dum praediis, lecticis, familiis 
 magnis, conviviis apparatis delectantur, in tantum aes alienum 
 inciderunt, ut, si salvi esse velint, Sulla sit iis ab inferis exa 
 tandus." (2, in Cat. 9.) 
 
 8. Terris. Pontus and Armenia. Pompey held this important 
 command by virtue of the Manilian law, which was proposed by 
 the tribune Manilius, and advocated by Cicero in a speech that is 
 still extant. 
 
 9. Consulatumpetundi. Ursinus proposes petenti, which is the 
 reading of three manuscripts, on the ground that Catiline was 
 already a candidate for the consulship. Amid the various opinions 
 which have been advanced, we consider that of Planche the most 
 correct. The period referred to in the text is the beginning of the 
 year of Rome 690 : not long previous to this, (A. U. C. 688,) Cati- 
 line, returning from the government of Africa, was accused of ex- 
 tortion, and prevented from suing for the consulship, in conse- 
 quence of this charge pending at the time. He was acquitted 
 X. U. C. 689, and might therefore entertain " the hope of standing 
 candidate for the consulship" at the commencement of the ensuing 
 year. 
 
 10. Senatus nihil sane intentus. " The senate without any 
 distrust," or, " entirely unapprehensive of danger." 
 
 11. Kalendas Junias. The Roman Calendar agreed with our 
 own, in the number of months, and of the days in each ; but instead 
 of reckoning in an uninterrupted series, from the first to the thirty- 
 first, they had three points from which their days were counted. — 
 1. The Calends or Kalends, which were always the first day of the 
 month. They received their name from the old verb calare, be- 
 
232 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 g"y cause the priests, who had the charge of the Calendar, were required 
 to proclaim the first day of the month publicly to the people, and to 
 mention at the same time, the number of days between the Calends 
 and the Nones. This last was done, because it behoved the people 
 who lived in the country, to assemble in the city on the Nones of 
 each month, in order to be informed by the rex sacrorum of the 
 feasts and holidays, and to learn in general what they had to do, in 
 regard to sacred matters, during that month. — 2. The Nones were, 
 in the months of March, May, July, and October, on the seventh ; 
 in all other months on the fifth. They were so called because 
 there were nine days, counting inclusively, between them and the 
 Ides. — 3. The Ides were on the fifteenth of March, May, July, and 
 October, and on the thirteenth of the other months. They were so 
 named from the old verb iduare, because they nearly divided the 
 month. The Romans always counted forwards to the Calends, 
 Nones, or Ides, never backwards from them. After the first day of 
 the month, therefore, they began to reckon so many days before the 
 Nones ; after the Nones, so many days before the Ides ; after the 
 Ides, so many days before the Calends of the next month. It is to 
 be observed that the Romans, in computing their time, always 
 included the day from which, and also the day to which, they reck- 
 oned : thus they called the 1st January, Calendae ; the 31st Decem- 
 ber, pridie Calendas or Calendarum ; and the 30th, not secundo, but 
 tertio (ante) Calendas. — The year of the city when the circum- 
 stances, mentioned in the text, took place, was A. U. C. 690, 
 B. C. 64. 
 
 12. L. Caesar e. For this and the other proper names mentioned 
 in the present chapter, consult Historical Index. 
 
 13. Coloniis et municipiis. A colony was a portion of Roman 
 citizens or Latin allies sent out by public authority, either to take 
 possession of lands captured in war, and to found thereon a new 
 city, or to occupy cities which had fallen under the Roman sway 
 The municipia were foreign towns, *vhose inhabitants obtained the 
 rights of Roman citizens. Of these th^re were different kinds. Some 
 possessed all the rights of Roman citizens, except such as could not 
 be enjoyed without residing at Rome. Others enjoyed the right of 
 serving in the Roman legion, but had not the right of voting and of 
 obtaining civil offices. The appellation is derived from munus and 
 capio. 
 
 14. Domi nobiles. Domi is here equivalent to in civitatibus 
 suts. 
 
 15. Nobiles. In this expression, the author is thought to have 
 included C. Julius Caesar, M Antonius, and other ambitious and 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 233 
 
 Page, 
 aspiring men, who were afraid to commit themselves, though they Q*y 
 secretly wished well to the conspiracy as an instrument for the pro- 
 motion of their private views. 
 
 16. Vivere copia. "The means of living.' ' Vivere for mvendi. 
 
 1 7. M. Licinium Crassum. Crassus had already borne the offi- 
 zes of praetor and consul, and was remarkable for the extent of his 
 private wealth. Not long after the period of the conspiracy, he 
 united with Pompey and Caesar in forming the first triumvirate. 
 (A. U. C. 693.) He was slain in his expedition against the Par- 
 thians. (A. U. C. 700.) 
 
 1. Antea. An account is now given, by way of digression, of g£j 
 the previous conspiracy. It happened three years before that of 
 Catiline. — De qua. Understand conjuratione, the verb conjuravere 
 having preceded. 
 
 2. L. Tullo, &c. A. U. C. 688. 
 
 3. Legibus ambitus interrogate The laws against bribery were very 
 severe. If the successful candidates were convicted of that crime 
 upon trial, they were deprived of the consulship, and their competi- 
 tors who accused them were nominated in their place. They were 
 also, besides being fined, declared incapable of bearing any office, 
 or of coming into the senate, by the Calpurnian and other laws. 
 Cicero made the punishment of bribery still more severe by the 
 Tullian law, which he caused to be passed through the authority of 
 the senate, by the additional penalty of a ten years' exile. 
 
 4. Poenas dederant. . In these, and similar phrases, it should be 
 observed, that the proper meaning of the term poena is not " punish- 
 ment," but u atonement." Thus dare poenas is, " to give satisfac- 
 tion," " to make atonement," or " to be punished :" and sumerepoe 
 nas is, "to exact atonement," "to take satisfaction," or " to pun- 
 ish." Compare the corresponding Greek forms Sovvai Sikvv and 
 
 \a0uv SiKrjv- 
 
 5. Pecuniarum repetundarum. This latter word is simply the 
 future participle passive of repeto, and not a defective noun as some 
 make it. When in the genitive, it has pecuniarum either expressed, 
 as in this passage, or more commonly understood. When in the 
 ablative, pecuniis.' The action was so termed because by it the 
 money wrongfully obtained from an individual was demanded hack. 
 Our English word extortion, though generally given as the transla- 
 tion of the term, is not, however, comprehensive enough, since the 
 action repetundarum, was brought not merely for the recovery of 
 what had been extorted from the individual who complained, but 
 also for what had been obtained by the Roman governors under 
 false pretences o* by fraud. Catiline had been appointed a praetor. 
 
234 NOTES 10 THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 gg 68 B. C, and obtained Africa for his province. For his cruel and 
 
 rapacious administration of this government, he was accused, on its 
 
 expiration, at Rome. 
 
 6. Quod intra legitimos dies, &c. " Because he was unable to 
 declare himself a candidate within the days prescribed by law." 
 The legitimi dies were not, as Cortius explains them, the 30 days 
 previous to the Comitia Centuriata, but, according to Ernesti, only 
 the 17 immediately preceding. (Vid. Ernesti, Clav. Cic. voc. Tri~ 
 nundinum.) Every candidate for the consulship was compelled by 
 law to give in his name during these 17 days, and required at the 
 same time to be free from all accusation. If any charge were 
 pending against him, he could not sue for the office in question. — 
 Profiteri has se candidatum understood. 
 
 7. Cn. Piso. A member of the Calpurnian house. Suetonius 
 (vit. Caes. 9,) cites the account of two Roman writers, according to 
 whom, Caesar was connected with Piso in this conspiracy, and, 
 while the latter attempted an insurrection against the government 
 abroad, the former was to have excited sedition against the admin- 
 istration at home. 
 
 8. Autronius. Most editions have circiter nonas Decembres 
 after Autronius. These words are omitted, however, by Cortius, 
 Teller, Kunhardt, and others. 
 
 9. Capitolio. The senate met always, of course, on the first of 
 January, in the Capitol, for the inauguration of the new consuls, 
 who entered upon their office on that day ; and then usually there 
 was a crowded house. 
 
 10. Kalendis Januariis. Consult note 11, page 87. 
 
 1 1 . L. Cottam et L. Torquatum. These individuals had been 
 chosen consuls in place of Autronius and Sylla, who were convicted 
 of bribery, and consequently incapacitated from holding the office to 
 which they had been elected. 
 
 12. Ipsi. " Of their own authority. 5 ' 
 
 13. Fascibus correptis. " Having seized upon the consulai 
 power." The fasces were a bundle of rods, with an axe tied in the 
 middle of them, which were carried before the kings, and afterwards 
 before the consuls, as an emblem of their power. Valerius Fopli- 
 cola had a law passed, which took away the securis or axe from the 
 fasces, i. e. it took from the consuls the power of life and death, and 
 only left them the right of scourging. This last, however, was, at 
 a subsequent period, also taken from them by the Porcian and Sem- 
 pronian laws. Whether the operation of these laws extended be- 
 yond the walls of the city, or whether the consul, when invested 
 with military command, could scourge and behead, is a point not 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 235 
 
 Page. 
 Tery clearly ascertained. See on this subject, the notes to chapter gg 
 69, of the Jugurthine war. 
 
 14. Hispanias. By the two Spains are meant Hither and 
 Farther Spain, or, as the Romans called them, Citerior and Ulterior. 
 Consult Geographical Index. 
 
 15. Ea re cognita. Suetonius {vit. Caes. 9.) makes mention of 
 a plot in which Caesar and Crassus were said to have been en- 
 gaged at this time. Their plan was to make an attack on the sen- 
 ate at the beginning of the year, and, after they had slain w r hom 
 they pleased of that body, for Crassus to assume the dictatorship 
 and appoint Caesar his master of the horse. Crassus, either from 
 repentance or fear, (poenitentia vel metu,) came not at the day ap 
 pointed, and Caesar consequently did not give the signal which had 
 been agreed upon, the dropping namely of his toga from his shoulders. 
 The plot therefore failed. Suetonius makes no mention either of Cati- 
 line or Piso as connected with this conspiracy, although it is evident 
 that he and Sallust refer to one and the same event. A subsequent 
 plot between Caesar and Piso has already been alluded to in note 7. 
 
 16. Quod ni, &c. " And had not Catiline been too hasty in 
 giving," &c. From the fondness of the Latin writers for the con- 
 nexion by means cf relatives, appears to have originated the use 
 of quod before many conjunctions, merely as a copulative. (Zumpt. 
 L. G. p. 404.) — Pro curia. " In front of the senate house." 
 
 17. Consilium diremit. " Caused the plot to fail." 
 
 18. Quaestor pro praetore. " As quaestor with praetorian power." 
 To send out a quaestor with praetorian power was a very unusual 
 proceeding, and, as in the present instance, only sanctioned by the 
 exigencies of the state. The quaestors had charge of the public 
 money, and obtained their name a quaerendo, because they got in 
 the public revenues. The principal charge of the city quaestors 
 was the care of the treasury, which was kept in the temple of Saturn. 
 The office of the provincial quaestors was, to attend the consuls or 
 praetors into their provinces ; to take care that provisions and pay 
 were furnished to the army ; to exact the taxes and tribute of the 
 empire ; to take care of the money, and to sell the spoils taken in 
 war, &c. The praetors were, strictly speaking, judicial officers ; 
 they were also sent out as governors of provinces, and of course, 
 commanded armies when occasion required. 
 
 19. Infestum inimicum. "A bitter personal enemy." Some 
 editors consider inimicum as superfluous, and reject it from the 
 text. 
 
 20. Cn. Pompeio. Compare the termination of chapter 17, 
 u cujuvis opes voluissc^ &c. 
 
236 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 gg 21. Essevolebat. Some editions have abesse. Compare Dio 
 Cassius 36, 37 : — 'Erai d'ovv K<xl tog b IL'crwj/ edpacvvero, tyofiijOrt re i\ 
 yepovaia, fit) tl crvvTapd^rj, teal svBvg avrov Is 'Ifirjpiav, 7rp6(j>acriv t o)f Kai 
 kft dpxfiv riva } £7T£{jnpe' kclI b piv svravda v-ird toSv £7ri^a)pia>j/, dSiK^aas 
 ri clvtovs, eocpayrj. 
 
 22. Quam plures. The common text has complures. 
 
 23. In provincia iter faciens. "While on a march within his 
 province." Cortius reads in provinciam, making in equivalent to 
 intra. 
 
 24. Sunt qui ita dicant. Strict Latinity requires dicant, which 
 we have given therefore in place of the common reading dicunt. It 
 must be confessed, however, that several instances occur, even in 
 the best writers, of the indicative being thus used with the relative. 
 (Vid. Scheller. pr accept, styli. vol. 1, p. 166. Heusinger ad Cic. de 
 Off. 1, 24.) The subjunctive, however, on such occasions is cer- 
 tainly preferable, and in some cases essential to perspicuity, other- 
 wise the subject may be mistaken for the predicate. For example^ 
 if we say, "Sunt boni, qui dicunt" to express, " They are good men 
 who say," and also, " There are good men who say," the expression 
 is evidently ambiguous. This ambiguity is removed by expressing 
 the former sentiment by " Sunt boni, qui dicunt" in which case the 
 relative clause is the subject, and the antecedent clause the predi- 
 cate ; and by expressing the latter sentiment by " Sunt boni, qui 
 dicant" where the antecedent clause is the subject, and the relative 
 clause the predicate. (Vid. Crombie's Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 21.) 
 
 25. Cn. Pompeii, &c. We have here a perfect hexameter : 
 Cneil Pompeii veteres fidosque clientes. (Compare Muretus ad. 
 Cic. 1, Cat. 1.) Similar "disjecta membra poetae" occur in thn 
 best prose writers. We subjoin a few of the most striking . — 
 
 Haec ubi dicta dedit, stringit gladium, cuneoque 
 
 Facto, per medios vadit (Livy, 22, 50. \ 
 
 ; silvam 
 
 Augur Us patrum et prisca formidine sacram. (Tacit.) 
 Post natos homines, ut, cum privatus obisset. (Nepos. ) 
 Armeniaque amissa, ac rursus utraque recepta. (Sueton.) 
 Ex arce augurium capientibus officiebat. (Val Max.) 
 
 Aut prudentia major ines-t, aut non mediocris. (Cic. de Off.) 
 
 The term clientes, which occurs in the passage of Sallust to which 
 this note refers, has no relation whatever to the Roman institution 
 of patronage and clientship, but signifies here merely " retainers," 
 or "adherents." 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 237 
 
 Page. 
 
 26. Adgressos. For aggressos. This is generally termed an gg 
 ♦rchaism ; but, according to Scheller, it is a question whether the 
 ancients ever altered the form of the preposition when in composi- 
 tion. He considers it always more accurate to retain as far as 
 possible the prepositions in an unaltered form, as adfero, adtuli, 
 adlatum; inretio, inmergo, &c. (Scheller, L. G. vol. 1, p. 129.) 
 
 27. Praeterea. " In any other instance." — In medio relinquemus. 
 Some editions have relinquimus. In medio relinquere is "to leave 
 undetermined." 
 
 1. In rem. " Of advantage." — Universos. "All, at one and 89 
 the same time." Some critics have defined universi as meaning, 
 
 M all at one time," while cuncti denotes " all in one place." The 
 present passage favours such a distinction, although instances are 
 frequently met with where it is not observed, and where universi 
 merely signifies " all together," or " considered as one aggregate." 
 (Quasi ad unum versi.) 
 
 2. Aedium. " Of the house." The primitive meaning of aedes, 
 in the singular, is " an apartment," or " room." Hence it denotes, 
 in the same number, " a temple," i. e. an apartment or chamber for 
 divine worship. In the plural it means " a house," i. e. a collection 
 of apartments under one roof. 
 
 3. Arbitris. " Witnesses." Noltenius defines arbiter to be, 
 according to its primitive import, " Occulte adrepens, qui suis oculis 
 videt, suisque auribus audit." The most probable opinion is, that 
 it is derived from the obsolete verb bitere, " to go," being com- 
 pounded of ar for ad, and biter e, in the same way as we have arcesso 
 for acUesso. Testis means " a witness," chiefly in a cause or 
 trial. " One who bears testimony." (Crombie's G-ymn. vol. 1, p. 
 309.) 
 
 4. Neque ego, &c. The personal pronouns in Latin are seldom 
 if ever expressed without implying emphasis in a greater or less 
 degree. Ego is here equivalent to eyaye, " Nor, I assure you, 
 would I, relying or men of cowardly spirits or fickle minds, grasp at 
 mcertainties in place of what is certain." 
 
 5. Tempestatibus. "Occasions." 
 
 6. Quia vobis, &c. " Because I am well aware, that the same 
 things are good or evil to you which are so to me." 
 
 7. Nam idem velle, ccc. " For to have the same desires and the 
 same aversions, this, in fine, is the surest bond of friendship." 
 Literally, " tc wish and not to wish the same thing, this, in fine, ia 
 firm friendship." 
 
 8. Diversi. " On different occasions." 
 
 9 Concessit " Has come/' or " has fallen." Compare Salust 
 
238 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 QQ Hist. frag. Lib. 3. Oratio Licinii ad plebem. " Itaqut, omnes cvu- 
 cesser e jam in paucorum dominationem" &c. 
 
 10. Tetrarchae. " Tetrarchs." Tetrarcha originally signified 
 one who ruled over the fourth part of a country or kingdom, (from 
 rirrapa and dpx^i-) Afterwards, however, the tern* merely came to 
 denote a minor or inferior potentate, without any reference to the 
 extent of territory governed. Thus, according to Strabo, Gallo- 
 Graecia in Asia Minor was governed at first by twelve tetrarchs, 
 afterwards by three, and lastly by two, previous to its being made a 
 kingdom. 
 
 11. Vectigales. Strictly speaking, the Stipendiarii, or Tribu- 
 tarii, were those who paid their taxes in money ; and the Vectigales 
 were those who gave a certain part of the produce of the soil to the 
 republic. The words, however, as in the present instance, are 
 sometimes confounded. 
 
 12. Populi, natiaaes, &c. Gens is the root or stock, containing 
 many families, (familiae,) or even nations, (nationes.) It is the 
 generic term in respect to natio and familia. Thus the Germans 
 may be called gens, the Saxons natio ; or, if we rise higher, the 
 Europeans may be called gens, the Germans natio. Gens is even 
 sometimes applied to the whole human race ; as, " Gens hominum 
 est huic belluae adversa." {Plin. H. N. 8, 25.) Populus is more 
 extensive than natio, but in general less so than gens, though in- 
 stances are not unfrequent where populus and gens directly coincide. 
 The term populi in the text may be rendered by " communities." 
 (Crombie's Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 256.) 
 
 13. His obnoxii, &c. " At the mercy of these men, to whom, 
 if the republic were in a sound and healthy state, we would prove a 
 source of continual alarm." 
 
 14. Repulsas. " Repulses in suing for office." Some editions 
 give repulsis as a participle. The term repulsas has nothing in it 
 contrary to correct Latinity. Compare Livy, (39, 56,) " post duos 
 repulsas." 
 
 15. Verum enim vero, &c. " But, indeed, and I call gods and 
 men to witness the truth of my assertion," &c. 
 
 16. Viget aetas, animus valet. " Our years are vigorous, our 
 spirit is unbroken." 
 
 17. Cetera res expediet. " The rest will follow of course." The 
 literal meaning is, " the remainder of the affair will extricate itself 
 (from the dangers which at present surround it.)" 
 
 18. In extruendo mari, &c. " In building up a sea, and in level- 
 ling mountains." Alluding to the extravagance of the Roman 
 aobility, ir their fish-ponds, pleasure-grinds, &c. 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 239 
 
 Page 
 
 1. IlCos binas, &c. Referring to the erection of two houses in QQ 
 immediate connexion with one another, and communicating through- 
 out. Compare the Septuagint version, (Is. 5, 8,) ol orwairrovTcs oUiap 
 rrpds oikiiv, and Tacitus, (Annal. 15, 39,) " domo palatium et hortos 
 eontinuare" 
 
 2. Larem familiarem. " A home of our own." 
 
 3. Toreumata. " Embossed plate." From ropzv^a, " vas caeta 
 turn" The term has no reference whatever to engraving, but is 
 confined to work adorned with bass-relief. " Allein da es vom Metall 
 gebraucht wird, so kann es bios auf Formen und Geissen sich 
 beziehen ; und, da es nur erhobne Arbeit anzeigt, so lasst sich ohne 
 nahern Grand auf kein Stechen und Graben deuten." (Heyne, 
 Sammlung antiquarischer Aufsatze. Th. 2, 5, 129.) 
 
 4. Nova diruunt. " Though they pull down edifices but recently 
 erected." Some prefer vetera, as a reading, in place of nova, but 
 this weakens the sense. In support of the present lection, compare 
 Suetonius, (vit. Caes. 46,) " Munditmrum lautitiarumque studio- 
 sissimum -multi prodiderunt : villam in Nemorensi a fundamentis 
 mchoatam, magnoque sumtu absolutam, quia non tota ad animum 
 ei responderat, totam diruisse, quamquam tenuem adkuc et obaera- 
 tumP 
 
 5. Trahunt, vexant. " Though they squander, though they lavish 
 in the wildest extravagance." Trahunt is here equivalent to dis- 
 trahunt, and vexant to insano luxu disperdunt. 
 
 6. Summa lubidine. " By the most lavish and capricious ex- 
 penditure." 
 
 7. Mala res, &c. " Our present condition is a wretched one, our 
 hope of the future worse." 
 
 8. Quibus mala, &c. " Unto whom all evils abounded, but who 
 possessed neither property nor any hopes of lawfully acquiring it." 
 
 9. Quieta movere. " To disturb the tranquillity of the state." 
 
 10. Quae conditio belli foret " What were to be the conditions 
 of their engaging in the contest." 
 
 11. Quid ubique, &c. Ubique is used both here and elsewhere 
 by Sallust in the sense of et ubi. 
 
 12. Tabulas novas. "An abolition of debts." The ordinary 
 writing materials of the Romans were tablets covered with wax, 
 paper, and parchment. Their stylus was broad at one end ; so that 
 when they wished to correct or erase any thing, they turned the 
 stylus, and smoothed the wax with the broad end, after which the 
 tablets might be written on anew. Hence when debts were dis- 
 charged, the former marks were smoothed over, and the tablets 
 jcere rfcady for a new score. 
 
240 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 10 13. Proscnptionem. Sylla first introduced the method of pro- 
 scription. Upon his return to the city, after having overthrow* 
 the party of Marius, he wrote down the names of those whom h« 
 doomed to die, and ordered them to he fixed up in the public places 
 of the city, with the promise of a certain reward (duo talenta) for 
 the head of each person so proscribed. New lists (tabulae proscrip- 
 tionis) were repeatedly exposed, as new victims occurred to his 
 memory or were suggested to him. The land and fortunes of the 
 slain were divided among the friends of Sylla. Catiline promised 
 a repetition of these enormities to his followers. 
 
 14. Bellum atque lubido victorum. " War and the license of 
 conquerors." 
 
 15. P, Sittium Nucerinum, Consult Historical Index. 
 
 16. C. Antonium. Son of the celebrated orator, M. Antonius 
 and brother of M. Antonius Creticus, the father of the triumvir 
 Consult Historical Index. 
 
 17. Omnibus necessitudinibus, &c. " Beset by every species of 
 want," i. e. in the most embarrassed circumstances. 
 
 18. Cum eo se consulem. We have restored the old reading. 
 Cortius gives eo consulem, &c, and makes eo an adverb. ( u On 
 this account," "therefore.") This, however, is forced. The mean- 
 ing is, "that, in conjunction with him, (Antonius,) he (Catiline) will 
 make a beginning of the enterprise." The reference is to their 
 being colleagues in the consulship. 
 
 19. Maledictis increpat. " He attacks with revilings." — Cupv 
 ditatis suae. " Of his ruling propensity." 
 
 20. Petitionem suam. " His application for the consulship." 
 ;fl 1. Humani corporis sanguinem. According to Dio Cassius, 
 
 (37, 30,) a boy was slain by the conspirators, and, after a solemn oath 
 had been taken over his entrails, Catiline and his accomplices par- 
 cook of them as at a sacrifice, (lairXayxyevaev avra fiera rcjv clWgiv.) 
 
 2. Inde cum post exsecrationem, &c. " That when, after having 
 invoked a solemn curse upon their own heads in case they proved 
 faithless, they had all slightly tasted thereof." Some editions place 
 a comma after inde, but it is much more elegant to refer it to the 
 contents of the cup. 
 
 3. Atque eo, &c. Dictitare does not refer to Catiline, but is 
 used as the historical infinitive for dictitabant, and refers to those 
 persons who propagated the report in question : " and they reported 
 about that he had done it with this view, in order that," &c. 
 
 4. Alius alii, &c. " Being conscious, one to another, of so great 
 * dime." 
 
 5. Ciceroni s inmdiam. "The odium against Cicero." 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 241 
 
 Page. 
 
 6. Pro magnitudine. "Considering its importance." TheQ] 
 meaning of the whole passage is this ; the proof, on which this 
 accusation rests, is too slight, considering the heavy nature of the 
 charge, for me to express any definite or decided opinion on the 
 subject. 
 
 7. Amoverant. " Had expelled." Among their other duties, the 
 censors had the inspection of public morals. A general review of 
 the whole Roman people took place every lustrum, a period of five 
 years. The manner of expelling from the senate was by passing 
 over the name of the delinquent in calling the senatorial roll. 
 
 8. Vanitas. " Inconsiderateness," or " want of judgment." 
 
 9. Prorsus, neque dicer e, &c. " In short, he did not at all caxe 
 what he either said or did." 
 
 10. Vetus consuetudo. " An intimacy of long standing." — Minus 
 v&rgiri poterat. " He was less able to lavish presents upon her." 
 
 11. Maria montesque, &c. " To make her the most extravagant 
 promises." A proverbial mode of expression. (Compare Adagia 
 Veterum, p. 472, col. 2.) The verb polliceri, generally, perhaps, 
 significant of express and certain engagements and those made by 
 stronger affirmations, is employed only in a good sense, as exciting 
 hope ; whereas promittere holds forth either good or evil, awakening 
 hope or fear. (Crombie's Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 146.) 
 
 12. Obnoxia. " Obedient to his will." 
 
 13 Insolentiae. " Strange conduct." 
 
 14 Sublato auctore. " Having concealed the name of her in- 
 form mt." Understand de narratiorie. Compare Cicero, {ad Att. 
 2, 21,) " Caepionem de oratione sua sustulit." 
 
 15. M. Tullio Ciceroni. Cicero obtained the quaestorship at 
 thirty-one ; the aedileship at thirty-seven ; the praetorship at forty ; 
 the consulship at forty-three ; and he informs us that his appoint- 
 ment to each of these offices was in the very year in which he was 
 eligible by law. 
 
 16. Pleraque nobilitas. The "feminine singular p.eraque is not 
 usual among the Latin writers. Sallust has already used it in the 
 17th chapter of the History of this Conspiracy. Compare Jugurtha, 
 c. 54 and 79. Aulus Gellius, (17, 21.) Apuleius, {Apol. sub. fin., &c.) 
 
 17. Credebant. Nobilitas , as a collective noun, takes the pluraJ 
 verb. 
 
 18. Homo novus. Among the Romans, those who were the first 
 of their family that had raised themselves to any curule office were 
 called Homines noni, "new men," "upstarts," &c. Compare 
 Appian, B. C. (2, 2,) xaXovai o'ovrco (scil. Kaivovs,) -ov$ dp' lavroov, dXX* 
 
 *$ H3p *0oytfi/wi>, ywiwf/xouj, awl Jugurtha, note 5* page 3. 
 
 23 
 
242 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 91 19. Postfuere. " Lagged behind." 
 
 20. Popularis. " The accomplices." Understand sooios. 
 
 QO 1. Sumtam mutuant. " Borrowed." Hill derives the adjective 
 mutuus from mutare, and makes it imply a change of the thing lent, 
 and a return made by an equivalent. Whereas commodate, " to 
 lend," supposes the subject restored as it was given. (Synonyms, 
 p. 210.) There is some doubt, however, whether the etymcfogy 
 here assigned to mutuus be correct. Yarro makes the Latin mu- 
 tuum to be hoTtov among the Sicilian Greeks, which last is equiva- 
 lent to %apis, " a favour," " an act of kindness," &c. And thus 
 we have in a fragment of Sophron, [xoTtov ivri fxoi. Consult Midler, 
 Etrusker, vol. 1, p. 12. 
 
 2. Manlium. This Manlius had held a commission in the army 
 of Sylla, under whom he had acquired considerable military experi- 
 ence, and accumulated great wealth, which he soon dissipated by 
 his excessive extravagance. Plutarch, Dio Cassius, and Appian, 
 write the name MdWios ; and hence it would seem that Mallius, 
 which is the reading of a few manuscripts, is more correct than 
 Manlius. The editions of Sallust, however, give the latter form, 
 with very few exceptions. 
 
 3. Princeps belli faciundi. " The first to begin the war.' 9 
 
 4. Adscivisse. Understand sibi, which is expressed in some 
 editions. 
 
 5. Quae, ubi aetas, &c. " Who, when years had set bounds to 
 their sources of gain, but not to their luxurious indulgences." Neque 
 Is here equivalent to et non. 
 
 6. Servitia urbana. " The city slaves." Servitium, in the sin- 
 gular, means " slavery," &c. In a few instances, however, it has 
 the same signification as the plural. Compare Cic. in Verr, 7, 4, a 
 med. Id. de Harusp. resp. c. 12, dreamed., &c. 
 
 7. Sempronia. A member of the illustrious house of the Sem- 
 pronii, from which the two Gracchi and other distinguished men 
 derived their descent. 
 
 8. Virilis audaciae. " Stamped with manly boldness." 
 
 9. Viro. She married Decimus Junius Brutus, who held the con- 
 sulship with M. Aemilius Lepidus Livianus, A. U. C. 677. 
 
 10. Psallere. This verb, from the Greek xpdWa), means eithe) 
 to play upon a musical instrument, or to accompany it at the same 
 time with the voice. — The infinitives psallere and saltare, and like 
 wise the accusative multa alia, depend ondocta. 
 
 11. Elegantius. " With more elegance." " With more skill. 7 
 This word seems used in a bad sense, referring to loose, indecent, 
 and theatrical gestures in dancing, which, at th© game tima, hefw 
 
CONSPIRACY OJF CATILINE. 243 
 
 Page. 
 erer, were not ungraceful. In the earlier period of the Roman Q2 
 republic, both dancing and music were held in little repute. After 
 the adoption of Grecian customs and habits, more regard was paid 
 to them, and they met with less censure, especially music. In the 
 corrupt ages of the empire, when public morals were at their lowest 
 ebb, dancing of course came fully into vogue, and without any 
 blame being attached to it. It may perhaps excite our surprise that 
 he Romans should have condemned what we regard as so innocent 
 an amusement ; but we should bear in mind, that the dancing which 
 the Romans censured can only be compared with the worst species 
 of our opera-dancing, since they had also their religious dances, 
 those of the Salii in particular, which w r ere sanctioned by the prac- 
 tice of ages. The Latin verb which we translate " to dance," pro- 
 perly signifies, to leap high and frequently ; the corresponding Greek 
 verb (op^co^at) has a similar meaning : Plato in his Cratylus explains 
 it by usTcaypi^oi and raAAw : so Antiphanes in Athenaeus, p. 688, 
 b., has the expression Kapola dp^urac, " the heart leaps,'' for Kapdia 
 
 7zr]63. 
 
 12. Instrumenta luxuriae. " The instruments of vice." 
 
 13. Creditum abjuraverat. " Had foresworn a trust reposed id 
 ner." — Praeceps abierat. " Had plunged headlong into ruin." 
 
 14. Verum ingenium ejus, &c. " Her native powers, however, 
 were far from contemptible." 
 
 15. Facetiae. Facetiae denotes gracefulness in general, or that 
 elegance of wit and humour, which indicates a correct and delicate 
 taste. — The primary idea implied in Lepos, and lepidus, is sweetness 
 or softness, opposed to what is harsh and rough, and the term is 
 confined to the mode of expression: whereas facetiae is applicable 
 to the sentiment as well as the diction or gesture, designating the 
 character of the mind, as possessed of taste and judgment. (Vid. 
 Crombie's Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 39.) If, after these premises, we 
 might venture to translate the passage in Sallust to which this note 
 refers, it would be as follows ; "Ina word, she possessed a large 
 share of refined wit, and much captivating sweetness of expression." 
 
 16. Designatus. Consult note 13, page 105. 
 
 17. Dolus, out astutiae. " Dexterity or address." Dolus is here 
 equivalent to what the civilians call dolus bonus, i. e. a stratagem 
 put in operation against an enemy, in one's own defence. Thus 
 Uipian remarks : " Veteres dolum etiam bonum dicebant, et pro 
 sollertia hoc nomen accipiebant : maxime si adversus hostem latrc- 
 nemve aliquis machinetur" 
 
 18. Pollicendo per Fulviam Some editions place a comma 
 after poilictndOy and connect per Fulviam with effecerat, removing 
 
244 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 CJ2 the point before the last mentioned word. The punctuation in our 
 text is far preferable. 
 
 19. Pactione provincial The province of Macedonia had fallen 
 to the lot of Cicero, but he generously yielded it to Antonius, who, 
 being in indigent circumstances by reason of his dissipated life, was 
 the more easily inclined to receive a rich province as the price of 
 his adherence to the state. Antonius held the government of Mace- 
 donia for two years after the expiration of his consulship, and, on hi? 
 return to Rome, was brought to trial and sentenced to perpetual 
 banishment, for extortion, and for making war beyond the bounds 
 of his province. (Liv. epit. 103.) Before his elevation to the con- 
 sulship, the censors had expelled him from the senate. He appears 
 to have been a man of profligate habits. 
 
 20. Ne contra rempublicam, &c. " Not to cherish sentiments 
 hostile to the well-being of the state." 
 
 21. Clientium. The institution of patronage and clientship owed 
 its origin to Romulus, according to the common account. That the 
 patricians and plebeians might be connected together by the strictest 
 bonds, the monarch ordained that every plebeian should choose from 
 the patricians any one he pleased as his patron, or protector, whose 
 client he was called. It was the part of the patron to advise and 
 to defend his client, to assist him with his interest and substance 
 in short, to do every thing for him that a parent uses to do for his 
 children. The client was obliged to pay all kind of respect to his 
 patron and to serve him with his life and fortune in any extremity. 
 As regards the origin, however, of this relation between the two 
 orders, it is more than probable that the common account is incor 
 rect. The institution of patronage would seem to have sprung from 
 a state of society in which a superior caste exercised sway over an 
 inferior one : nor is this one of the least interesting objects of 
 inquiry connected with the early history of Rome. 
 
 22. Comitiorum. " Of election." The comitia here referred to 
 are the Centuriata. (Vid. Adam's Roman Antiquities.) 
 
 23. Consulibus. The Bipont edition reads consuli, referring the 
 term to Cicero alone. Cortius gives consulibus, supposing the 
 consules designati to be also meant. — Campo. "In the Campus 
 Martius." 
 
 QO 1. Aspera foedaque evenerant. " Had eventuated in disappoic - 
 ment and disgrace." 
 
 2. C. Julium. Not a member of the Julian family, but proDab y 
 some obscure individual. Had he belonged to that illustrious house 
 he would have been mentioned by Sallust among the principal con- 
 splratdrd. 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE, 245 
 
 Page. 
 3. Quern ubique. For quern et ubi. CJ3 
 
 4 Obsidere. A verb of the third conjugation, from obsido, — ere 
 1 to beset." 
 
 5. Cum telo esse. " Carried a weapon about with him." Thi? 
 phraseology is adopted from a law of the twelve tables, by which it 
 was forbidden to wear any weapon in the city. Compare Cicero, 
 [pro Milone, 4,) " Quae (lex) non modo hominem occidi, sed esse 
 cum telo hominis occidendi causa vetat" Upon any sudden provo- 
 cation the Romans used the graphium or stylus as a weapon, which 
 ,hey carried in a case. Hence probably the origin of the word stiletto 
 in Italian. 
 
 6. Item alios jubere. " He directed others to do the same," i. e 
 item esse cum telo. 
 
 7. Festinare. " He was actively employed." 
 
 8. Intempesta nocte. " In the dead of night." Intempesta nox 
 properly denotes that period of the night which is fit only for repose, 
 or, to use the words of Macrobius, (Sat. 1, 3, extr.) "quae non 
 habet idoneum tempus rebus gerendis." 
 
 9. M. Porcium Laecam. This individual has already been men 
 tioned in the 17th chapter. According to Cicero, (1 in Cat. 4, — pro 
 Sulla, 18,) the meeting was held in the house of Laeca, on the night 
 of the 6th November, (" ea nocte, quae consecuta est posterum diem 
 nonarum Novembris, me (Cicerone) consule") Sallust evidently 
 places the time of this meeting too early : he seems to have been 
 under the impression that it was held about the close of October, 
 since he only mentions the accusation of L. Paullus against Catiline 
 (which occurred on the 22d October) in the 31st chapter. Cicero's 
 account agrees with Sallust's as to this having been merely a par- 
 tial meeting at the house of Laeca : " convenisse eodem complures 
 ejusdem amentiae scelerisque socios." Dio Cassius only states that 
 Catiline directed his accomplices to assemble by night at a certain 
 
 house, (es OLKiav riva cvWeyrlvai. 37, 32.) 
 
 10. C. Cornelius, &c. Cicero here differs from Sallust, and 
 makes both Cornelius and Vargunteius to have belonged to the 
 equestrian order. " Reperti sunt duo equites Romani, qui te ista 
 cura Aberarent, et sese ilia ipsa nocte paullo ante lucem me meo in 
 lectulo inter fectur os pollicerentur." (1 in Cat. 4.) The discrepancy, 
 however, may easily be removed by supposing that Vargunteius, 
 although a senator, was of equestrian extraction and rank. Plu- 
 tarch calls the two individuals in question Marcius and Cethegus, 
 {vit. Cic. 16, ed. Hutten, vol. 5, p. 236). The account given by 
 Appian varies from that of Sallust in one or two particulars, and 
 also, like that of Plutarch, in the names. Appian makes Lentulus 
 
 23* 
 
246 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 Q3 an ^ Cethegus to have been the intended assassins. (B. C 
 
 2, 3.) The statement of Sallust is no doubt entitled to the most 
 
 credit. 
 
 11. Ea nocte paullo post, &c. " Paullo post intempestam noc- 
 tem" observes Cortius, " hoc est primo mane, illud enim tempus 
 salutationum erat." It was the custom at Rome for the consuls to 
 hold their levees early in the morning. 
 
 12. Sicuti salutatum. " As if for the purpose of paying their 
 respects." 
 
 13. Intellegit. The old present : an archaism for intelligit. 
 
 14. Latrones. Governed by sollicitare understood. 
 
 15. Sullanis colonis. The soldiers of Sylla, settled as colonists 
 on the lands of the Etrurians. Compare Cicero, (2, in Cat. 9, 
 " Hi sunt homines ex Us coloniis quas Sulla constituit," &c. 
 
 16. Ancipiti malo. " By the double danger," i. e. both within 
 and without the city. 
 
 Q£ 17. Private consilio. " By his own private vigilance," or, "by 
 his single management." 
 
 1. Rem ad senatum refert. " He lays the matter before the 
 senate." Dahl supposes this to have taken place on the 19th or 21st 
 of October. 
 
 2. Volgi rumoribus exagitatam. " Noised abroad by reason of 
 the popular rumours." Cortius prefers exagitatum, though he retains 
 the common reading : exagitatum would refer to the senate being 
 agitated and alarmed by the popular rumours, previous to Cicero's 
 formal reference. 
 
 3. In atroci negotio. " In a dangerous emergency." 
 
 4. Ea potestas, &c. Cortius considers ea as an ablative, with 
 formula decreti, or some other equivalent expression, understood. 
 This interpretation appears to us rather forced : we would prefer 
 rendering the passage as follows : " This is the highest authority 
 which, in accordance with Roman usage, is bestowed upon any 
 magistrate." The whole passage forms a " locus classicus" in 
 relation to the meaning and limits of the famous decree to which it 
 alludes. The decree was called Ultimum or Extremum. By it 
 the republic was said to be entrusted to the consuls. For 120 years 
 before Sylla, the creation of a dictator was disused ; but in danger- 
 ous emergencies the consuls were armed with dictatorial power by 
 a decree of this nature. 
 
 5. Imperium atque judicium, &c. " To exercise the highest 
 military and civil control." Imperium, as opposed to Magistrate 
 or Potestas, denotes military power or authority. 
 
 6. Nulli earum rerum, &c. Some manuscripts give nulliua. 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE 247 
 
 Page. 
 
 Cortms, and others, however, prefer nulli. It is questioned whether QA 
 nulli be the dative case, according to the common form of declining, 
 or the genitive, according to the older mode of inflection. It is 
 thought by many that the position of the words strongly favours the 
 latter opinion. We take the liberty of dissenting from this. The 
 common mode of explaining the passage we consider perfectly 
 unexceptionable : " without an express order of the people, no con- 
 sul has the right of interfering in these things." 
 
 7. Recitavit. "Read aloud." — Legere. " To read," " to peruse 
 with the eyes without uttering any sound." — Recitare. " To read 
 aloud that others may hear." Compare Noltenius Lex. Antibarb, 
 vol. 1, page 1146, seqq. 
 
 8. Ante diem sextum Kalendas Novembris. " On the sixth day 
 before the Kalends of November," i. e. the 27th October. The 
 Latin phrase is equivalent to die sexto ante Kalendas, or, according 
 to the more usual form, sexto Kalendas. Ernesti and others make 
 diem to be governed by in understood, which is expressed in many 
 instances. Compare Cicero, Phil. 3, 8, " in ante diem iv. Kal. 
 Dec." &c, and 1, in Cat. 3, "Dm ego idem in senatu, cae- 
 dem te optimatum contulisse in ante diem v. Kal. Novembres." 
 Zumpt, in his larger grammar, thinks that these apparently anoma- 
 lous phrases probably arose from a transposition of ante ; and that 
 having once written ante die tertio Kalendas, they would easily be 
 led to change die into diem, as if it had been governed by ante. In 
 his smaller grammar, (Bancroft's transl. p. 233,) he considers ante 
 diem in the light of an unchangeable substantive, since prepositions 
 which govern the accusative can be set before it. Compare the 
 usage of pridie. " Nos in Formiano esse volumus usque ad pridie 
 Nonas Maias." (Cic. ad Att. 2, 11.) 
 
 9. Fieri. "Were being held." 
 
 10. Q. Marcius Rex, Q. Metellus Creticus. Consult Historical 
 fodex. 
 
 11. Circumque loca. Circum is here put for circumjacentia 
 Some editions read circumque ea loca. 
 
 12. Ad urbem. u Near the city," or " at the gates of the 
 city." Generals who claimed a triumpli could not enter the city 
 until the serrate had decided upon their application. If they vio- 
 lated this rule, their military power instantly ceased, and their 
 right to a triumph was lost, since no citizen was allowed to hold 
 any military power within the city- walls. It required a special law 
 to be passed, giving them military authority within the city en the 
 day of their triumph. The senate met their victorious commanders 
 without the walV 
 
248 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 QA 13. Calumnia paucorum. " By the cabalt of a few individuals.'' 
 Culumnia appears to be used here in a sense which approaches 
 very nearly its primitive one. If Priscian's derivation of the term 
 from the old verb calvo " to thwart," " to deceive," be the true one, 
 (calutum in the supine being the intermediate step,) the origina. 
 meaning of culumnia will be, "unfair practices," "cavils," "ca- 
 bals," &c. 
 
 14. Sed praetor es. Understand quoque missi. 
 
 15. Permissum. "Full power was given.'- Permittere is " to 
 permit," "to give leave," "to empower." In the treatise addressed 
 to Herennius, permissio is denned to be, " Rem trader e, et alicujus 
 voluntati concedere." Mandatum, on the other hand, corresponds 
 very nearly to our English word " commission." 
 
 16. Pro tempore, &c. " Proportioned to the exigency and the 
 danger." 
 
 17. Sestertia centum. " One hundred thousand sestertii." One 
 thousand sestertii made a sestertium, which is the name of a sum, not 
 of a coin. The common mode of reckoning among the Romans 
 was by sestertii or nummi. The sestertius, " sesterce," was a 
 silver coin worth originally two asses and a half, and marked by the 
 letters L. L. S. for libra, libra, semis, (two pounds and a half of cop- 
 per,) sometimes abbreviated by contracting L. L. into H, thus H. S. 
 unless H be an abbreviation or corruption from I. I. or two marks 
 of unity, which is far more probable. The oldest Roman money 
 was of brass ; and an as, as a coin, was originally a pound of cop- 
 per. But after silver began to be coined, (some years before the 
 first Punic war,) the as was made to weigh less, at first ^-, then ^ 
 then %\ , of the original weight, so that the coin, which at first had 
 weighed a pound, at last weighed but half an uncia. Of silver 
 coins the denarius was originally equal to 10 asses, and the sester 
 tius, as above mentioned, to two asses and a half. Hence the name 
 sestertius, which is shortened from semistertius ; i. e. the first an 
 as, the second an as, the third a half as. ( Vid. Schweighacuser ad 
 Herodot. 1, 50. — Matthiae, G. G. vol. 1, page 176. Blomfield's 
 transl. and Remarks of editor.) After thereduction of the as, how- 
 ever, to ^~ 2 of a pound, the denarius became equal to 16 asses, and 
 the sestertius, or quarter of a denarius, was worth now 4 asses. A 
 denarius weighed about 73 Paris grains, but under the first empe- 
 rors it was gradually diminished to 63 ; so that in the times of the 
 republic 84 made a pound ; but under Domitian, it took from 96 to 
 100. As the silver used in that coin was but little debased by 
 alloy, we may assume that a denarius was equal to a very little 
 more than 15 cents of our money ; a sestertius therefore was equal 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 249 
 
 Page 
 (.o 3-f- cents, and 1000 sestertii, or a sestertium, to 837^^. 94 
 [Zumpfs L. G. p. 235. Bancroft's translation.) 
 
 18. Gladiatoriae familiae. " Troops of gladiators." Gladiators 
 were kept and maintained in schools {in ludis) by persons called 
 lanistae, who purchased and trained them. The whole number 
 under one lanista was called familia. Gladiators were at first 
 composed of captives and slaves, or of condemned malefactors. 
 But afterwards, in the days of the emperors, even free-born citizens, 
 induced by hire or inclination, fought on the arena, some too of 
 noble birth. 
 
 19. Minor es magistratus. The higher magistrates were the 
 consuls, praetors, and censors : the inferior magistrates w r ere the 
 aediles, tribunes, quaestors, &c. {Vid. Aid. Gell. 13, 15.) 
 
 20. Lascivia. This term is commonly rendered " wantonness," 
 a meaning which cannot apply here with any peculiar meaning or 
 definite force. It appears to us that " devotion to public amuse- 
 ments" will suit the context better. Dureau de Lamalle translates 
 the word in question by "licence dissolue." 
 
 21. Diuturna quies. From the time of Sylla down to this period, 
 that is, for nearly twenty years, there had been an intermission of 
 civil discord. 
 
 1. Adflictare sese. "Were plunged in the deepest affliction." Q^ 
 The verb adflictare is the frequentative of adfligere, which properly 
 denotes ad terram prosternere, being compounded of ad, and fligere, 
 
 " to dash or strike against." 
 
 2. Rogitare. "Were making continual inquiries about the 
 conspiracy." 
 
 3. Tamen etsi, &c. " Although precautionary measures were in 
 agitation against him." 
 
 4. Lege Plautia. The Plautian, or Plotian, Law was passed 
 A. U. C. 665, having been proposed by M. Plautius Sylvanus, tri- 
 bune of the commons. It ordained that all who should plot against 
 the senate, offer any violence to the magistrates, appear w T ith a 
 weapon in public, seize upon any of the higher places of the city 
 with seditious views, or beset, with an armed force, the abode of 
 any citizen, should be punished with exile. This law was subse- 
 quently put in force against those of the conspirators who had not 
 been capitally dealt with. 
 
 5. Postremo. Sallust here resumes the strict order of the nar- 
 rative, which had been interrupted by the digression in chapter 28. 
 Inter ea Ma?dius, &c. 
 
 6. Jurgio. " By an accusation originating in private animosity." 
 Jurgium is used in this same sense by Cicero, {pro Coel. 13,) 
 
250 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 Q^J " Omnia sunt alia non crimina, sed maledicta jurgii petulantis ma 
 gis, quam publicae quaestionis." 
 
 7. In senatum venit. This took place on the sixth day Defore 
 the ides of November, (the 8th of the month, according to our mode 
 of reckoning,) and the meeting of the senate was held in the tem- 
 ple of Jupiter Stator, where Cicero had convened that body. The 
 attempt on the consul's life (vid. chap. 28,) was made the day pre- 
 vious. Cicero informs us that Catiline was shunned by all the 
 assembled senators. (Cic. in Cat. 2, 6.) 
 
 8. Praesentiam ejus timens. Catiline's presence in the senate, 
 on this occasion, was probably feared by Cicero for two reasons : 
 first, lest, with the aid of those members who were implicated in 
 the conspiracy, he might break forth into some act of violence ; and, 
 secondly, lest the very circumstance of his openly appearing in that 
 assembly, might lead many to believe that he was an innocent and 
 calumniated man. 
 
 9. Orationem habuit, &c. "Delivered an oration, brilliant in 
 itself and beneficial in its results to the republic." The speech, to 
 which allusion is here made, was the first oration against Catiline. 
 So splendid a burst of extemporaneous eloquence deserves far 
 higher encomiums than the cold and formal praise bestowed by the 
 historian. This oration of Cicero proved of service to the state 
 on two accounts : it rendered the conspiracy formed against the 
 republic so clear, that no one could doubt its existence, and it com- 
 pelled Catiline to retire from the city. 
 
 10. Quam postea scriptam edidit. "Which he afterwards com- 
 mitted to writing and published." Elegant Latinity for quam pos- 
 tea scripsit et edidit. " Jn point of effect," observes Mr. Dunlop, 
 " this oration must have been perfectly electric. The disclosure 
 to the criminal himself of his most secret purposes — their flagitious 
 nature, threatening the life of every one present — the whole course 
 of his villanies and treasons blazoned forth with the fire of incensed 
 eloquence — and the adjuration to him, by flying from Rome, to free 
 his country from such a pestilence, were all wonderfully calculated 
 to excite astonishment, admiration, and horror." (Dunlop' s Roman 
 Literature, vol. 2, p. 299. Lond. ed.) 
 
 11. Adsedit. " Took his seat." — Adstdere. "To sit down," 
 44 to take one's seat." — Adsidere. " To keep one's seat," " to be 
 sitting by the side of." The former is compounded of ad, and 
 sidere " to settle," or "be fixed." 
 
 12. Ut omnia bona in spe haberet. "As to entertain hopes o 
 enjoying all preferments." Beauzee renders it, " l'autorisaient a 
 pretendre a tout ce qu'il y avoit de mieux." 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 251 
 
 Page. 
 
 13. Cujusivsius atque majorum, &c. "At whose own hands Q £J 
 and those of his ancestors, very many kindnesses had been received 
 
 by the Roman commons." 
 
 14. Inquilinus civis. "An adventitious citizen." Inquilinus 
 civis properly denoted one who was not born at Rome, but who 
 possessed the rights of citizenship, having no house of his own, but 
 occupying a hired lodging. Cicero, who was born at Arpinum, is 
 here sneeringly termed an adventitious citizen, lodging in the city. 
 Compare Appian, {Bell. civ. 2,) U ptv dyvwciav yevovs, KAINON 
 W^d£coi/* is 61 t-evlav rris 7r<5A£&)?, irKOYIAINON, w pfipari kclXovgiv 
 uvg cvoiKovvras ev dWorpiaig ohiaig. Plutarch ( Vit. CtC.) states, that, 
 in the occasion alluded to in the text, Catiline attempted to address 
 the house in defence of his conduct, before Cicero rose up ; but 
 that when he began to speak, the senators interrupted him in such 
 a manner that he could not be heard. He is silent respecting any 
 reply having been made by him to the oration of the consul. It 
 would appear from this, but more especially from a remark of 
 Cicero, in his speech for Muraena, (chapter 25,) that the narrative 
 of Sallust is here erroneous. According to Cicero, Catiline uttered 
 u threat similar to that mentioned in the text, a few days before, 
 when replying to Cato, who menaced him in the presence of the 
 senate with a public trial. Cicero, moreover, (2 Cat. 6,) in giving 
 an account to the people, on the following day, of what had passed 
 in the senate when he openly charged Catiline with his guilt, states 
 expressly that the latter, in spite of his boldness, did not dare to 
 make any reply to his speech. We find the same remark also in 
 the Orator, 37, 129. Floras and Valerius Maximus copy the error 
 of Sallust. 
 
 15. Parricidam. Catiline is here styled " a parricide," because 
 plotting the destruction of his country, the common parent of all. 
 Compare the language of Cicero, (21. Cat. 7,) " Te patria odit 
 ac metuit, et jamdiu te nihil judicat nisi de parricidio suo cogi 
 tare." 
 
 16. Incendium meum, <fcc. " I will extinguish with their rum 
 the conflagration which threatens me." A metaphor taken from the 
 demolition of an edifice for the purpose of stopping a conflagration 
 The edifice in this case was his native country. 
 
 17. Insidiae consult. Some understand factae, but the ellipsis 
 is unnecessary, as the dative depends at once upon the precedirg 
 noun. So, " Semen satui" {Cato. R. R. 5,) "Causa rebus crean- 
 dis" {Auson. Ephem.) "Rebus humanis praeses" (Senec. ad. 
 Polyb. 31 .) Compare also our author's own expression in this same 
 chaoter, " insidias consult maturent." 
 
252 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 Q5 L8. Optumum factum credens. " Believing it his most advisabir 
 course." Some editions have /acta. 
 
 19. Legiones scriberentur. Alluding to the forces which the 
 praetors Pompeius Rufus and Metellus Celer had been authorized 
 to raise. (Chapter 30.) 
 
 20. Nocte intempesta. The night here alluded to was that which 
 intervened between the 8th and 9th days of November. For ar. 
 explanation of the phrase, vid. note 8, page 93. 
 
 21. Cumpaucis. According to Plutarch, (Vit. Cic.) Catiline 
 marched out with three hundred men well armed, and with the fas- 
 ces and other ensigns of authority, as if he had been a lawful magis- 
 trate. Appian states that he assumed on his route proconsular dig- 
 nity '. { [xiv 6n pdPSovg ts kcu Tze\EK£as, w? Tis dvdvrraTOs, Kov<pa)s n&Xa 
 
 avicxe irpd lavTov. (Appian, Bell. Civ. 2, 3.) Dio Cassius makes 
 him, after reaching Faesulae, to have taken the title and badges of 
 consul. Kai trpos rag ^atcovXas £\do}v } tov re xdXsfiov avriKpvg dveiXer^ 
 teal to ovo^a Kal rrjv cKCvriv rdv vTvdroiv \aj3cjv, k. t. X. {JDio. Cass 
 
 37, 33.) 
 
 22. Prope diem. u Shortly." The more usual orthography is 
 propediem, as one word. The accusative, according to the writers 
 on ellipsis, depends on ad understood. (Palairefs Latin Ellipses, 
 page 12.) The adverb prope is also not unfrequently joined to a 
 dative. Thus Virg. Georg. 1, 355, " propius stabulis armenta 
 tenerent." Nep.Hann.8, "propius Tiberi" &c. 
 
 i) Q 1 . Ex suo numero. The common text has legatos after these 
 words ; but it is more elegantly understood. 
 
 2. Cum mandatis. "With a message." Beauzee renders it, 
 4< avec une sorte de manifeste." But Cortius more correctly makes 
 the communication to have been a verbal one. 
 
 3. Homini. " To any individual." Some editions, in place of 
 homini, have aliis. 
 
 4. Plerique patriae, &c. The student will observe the double 
 construction in this passage, by which expertes is first joined with 
 a genitive and immediately after with ablatives. This change of 
 case is not unfrequent in Sallust. Thus, " Poenam sibi oneri, im- 
 punitatem perdundaereipublicae fore." (Cat. chap. 46.) " Ubividei 
 neque per vim, neque insidiis opprimi posse." (Jug. chap. 7.) " Pie- 
 rosque miritiae, paucos fama cognitos accire." (Jug. chap. 84.) 
 Compare Plautus, (Asin. 3, 2, 31.) " Ut meque, teque, maxime, 
 atque ingenio nostro decuit." 
 
 5. Lege uti. " To avail himself of the benefit of the law." The 
 law here alluded to is commonly called the Papirian, not because 
 proposed by a magistrate of that name, as some imagine, but ot 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 2o3 
 
 Page 
 account of us having been occasioned by the conduct of a usurer Qg 
 named Lucius Papirius. It was passed A. U. C. 428, and ordained 
 that no person should be held in fetters or stocks, except convicted 
 Df a crime, and in order to punishment ; but that, for money due, the 
 goods of the debtor, not his person, should be answerable. (Liv. 
 8, 28.) Livy remarks of this law, that it broke one of the strongest 
 bonds of credit. " Victum eo die, oh impotentem injuriam unius, 
 ingens vinculum fidei." On this account, as may well be supposed, 
 it was unfavourably received by the rich, and had to be re-enacted 
 forty years afterwards, at the time of the secession to the Janiculum. 
 
 6. Liberum corpus habere. The cruelty and oppression, which 
 marked the conduct of the rich towards their unfortunate debtors 
 occasioned most, if not all, of the disturbances that interfered with 
 the earlier growth of the Roman state. 
 
 7. Praetoris. To the praetors belonged the general administra- 
 tion of public justice. The city praetor {praetor urbanus) is here 
 alluded to : he took cognizance of all litigations between citizens 
 The praetor peregrinus dispensed justice to foreigners at Rome, on 
 to foreigners and citizens when involved in controversy. 
 
 8. Major es vestrum. Almost all the manuscripts have vestri for 
 vestrum; but, according to Aulus Gellius, (20, 6,) the oldest copies 
 in his time exhibited vestrum. Correct Latinity requires this latter 
 form in the present case. Nostri and vestri are used when the 
 genitive denotes the object ; as amor nostri, cura nostri, miserere 
 nostri, &c, bat nostrum and vestrum must be employed when the 
 genitive indicates the subject ; as frequentia vestrum, contentio 
 vestrum, &c. (Vid. Zumpt. L. G. p. 241.) 
 
 9. Inopiae opitulati sunt. Alluding to the laws passed at various 
 times for diminishing the rate of interest. 
 
 10. Argentum aere solutum est. " Silver w r as paid with brass." 
 The allusion is to the Valerian Law, de quadrante, proposed by L 
 Valerius Flaccus, when consul, A. U. C. 667. By the provisions 
 of this law, the fourth part only of the debt w T as paid, namely, an 
 as for a sestertius, and a sestertius for a denarius ; or 25 for 100. 
 and 250 for 1000. The sestertius was originally equal to two asset 
 and a half ; and the denarius to ten ; when, however, the weight of 
 the as was diminished to one ounce, a denarius passed for sixteen 
 asses, and a sestertius for four, which proportion continued when 
 the as was reduced to half an ounce. Velleius Paterculus (2, 23,) 
 gpeaks of the Valerian law above mentioned, in terms of merited 
 reprobation. " Valerius Flaccus, turpissimae legis auctor, qua 
 creditoribus quadrantem solvi jusserat." Montesquieu, on the othei 
 hand, praises this law. (U Esprit des Lois, 32, 22.) The erro i3 
 
 24 
 
<5o4 NOTES fO THE 
 
 QQ into which he fell, of mistaking quadrans, in the text of Patercuius, 
 as equivalent to usurae trientes, after being noticed and corrected 
 by many of the learned, was finally removed from his work. 
 
 11. Secessit. Three secessions of the people are recorded in 
 Roman history. The first took place A. U. C. 260, on account of 
 the severity of creditors, and was made to the sacred mount. {Liv. 
 2, 32.) The second was occasioned by the conduct of Appius 
 Claudius, the decemvir, and was made first to the Aventine and 
 afterwards to the sacred mount. {Liv. 3, 50.) It happened A. U. 
 C. 305. The third was produced by the same cause as the first, 
 and was made to the Janiculum, A. U. C. 466. {Liv. epit. lib. 11.) 
 
 12. Nemo bonus. " No. man of spirit." 
 
 13. Amittit. "Parts with." The student will observe that perdtt 
 would change entirely the spirit of the passage. Amittere is simply 
 " to lose the possession of a thing which one has once had." Per- 
 dere, on the other hand, is "to lose," " destroy," or " throw away 
 uselessly or hurtfully." Thus, in the treatise addressed to Heren- 
 nius, (4, 44,) we have the following : " Quod mihi bene videtur 
 Decius intellexisse, qui se devovisse dicitur, et pro legionibus in 
 hostes intulisse medios ; unde amisit vitam, at non perdidit." (Vid. 
 Crombie's Gymnasium, vol. 1, p. 98.) 
 
 14. Quonam modo, &c. " In what way we may perish, after 
 having most effectually avenged our blood ;" i. e. how we may sell 
 our lives as dearly as possible. 
 
 15. Mar cius. The verb respondit is elegantly understood. Thus, 
 Phaedrus, 1,25,8, "At Me, facer em mehercule, nisi esse scirem 
 carnis te cupidum meae." {Vid. PalaireVs Latin Ellipses, p. 254.) 
 
 16. Optumo cuique. " To each most eminent person." Optumo 
 cuique is here equivalent to optimatibus singulis. From a com- 
 parison of various passages in Cicero, it would appear that optimates, 
 in that writer, denotes " persons distinguished by rank or political 
 merit," and sometimes the former only. Crombie's Gymnasium, 
 vol. 2, p. 107. 
 
 17. Non quo, &c. " Not that he was conscious to himself," &c 
 This use of non quo for non quod has been very much disputed 
 H. Stephens (Schediasm. 2, 7,) and Laurentius Valla {Eleg. 2, 37.) 
 particularly oppose it. Tursellinus, on the other hand, successfully 
 defends its correctness, both from the language of manuscripts and 
 the usage of the best writers. {Turs. de Part. p. 494, ed. Lips. 
 1769, and p. 240, ed. Bailey Lond. 1828.) It is, however, not to 
 be denied, as Zumpt well observes, that it is safer in general to say 
 non quod, non eo quod, non ideo quod, non quoniam, &c. {Zumpt 
 L. G. p. 335.) 
 
CONSPIRACV OF CATILINE. 255 
 
 Page 
 18. Ex sua contenlxone. " From any private quarrel of his." Qg 
 1«). Earum exemplum. " A copy of it." Of course we must 
 'egard the letter as genuine, and not the production of the historian. 
 
 1. Q. Catulo S. The letter S is abbreviated from Salutem, Q^ 
 which is governed by dicit understood. The whole expression in 
 ;he text will be equivalent to " L. Catiline greets Q. Catulus," or, 
 11 wishes him health." As regards the epistolary correspondence 
 of the Romans, the following remarks may not be misplaced. If 
 either of the parties was invested with an office, civil or military, it 
 was usual to express it thus : " P. Serv. Rullus. Trib. pi. x. vir 
 Pompeio Consuli." When the person addressed was an intimate 
 friend, they sometimes added the epithets " Humanissimus" 
 " Optimus," " Suavissimus," and very frequently " Suus," as 
 " Praetor es Syracusani Mar cello suo." The " Praeloquium" was 
 sometimes conceived in the following terms : " Si vales, gaudeo ; 
 ego valco" and frequently written in the initials only, S. V. G. E. 
 V. or S V. B. E. E. V. that is, " Si vales, bene est, ego valeo." The 
 tetter frequently ended with the word " Vale" sometimes " Ave," 
 or " Salve," to which, in some instances, was added the expression 
 of endearment, " Mi anime." The place where the letter was 
 written was subjoined, unless previously communicated. The date 
 always expressed the day, frequently the year, and sometimes the 
 hour. They used no signature, or subscription, unless when writ 
 ing to emperors. There was very rarely an inscription on the out- 
 side, the letter being delivered to a letter-carrier, (Tabellarius,) who 
 was made acquainted with the person for whom it was intended. 
 The letter was tied round with a string, the knot of which was 
 sealed. The seal was, generally, a head of the letter-writer, or of 
 some of his ancestors, impressed on wax or chalk. Hence the 
 phrases for " to open a letter," are "vinculum solvere" li incidere 
 linum" " epistolam solvere." It was usual also for the bearer of 
 the letter, before it was opened, to request the person to examine 
 the seal, that he might be sure there was no imposture. Crombie's 
 Gymnasium, vol. 1, p. 283. 
 
 2. Egregia tua fides, &c. " Your distinguished integrity, known 
 to me by experience, has given a pleasing confidence to my present 
 recommendation," i. e. has inspired me with a pleasing confidence 
 in recommending my concerns to your care. 
 
 3. Quamobrem defensionem, &c. Defensio is here opposed to 
 satisf actio, and signifies a formal defence in the presence of one's 
 enemies, while satisfaclio denotes a general explanation, such as 
 may satisfy a friend. The whole passage may hence be rendered 
 is follows : " Wherefore, as regards the novel step which I have 
 
256 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 Q*y taken, I have resolved not to prepare a formal defence of it agains* 
 my enemies, but, without any consciousness of misconduct, have 
 determined to lay before you such an explanation as may remove 
 the doubts of a friend.' , The phrase u ex nulla conscitntia de 
 culpa," Burnouf considers a remnant of earlier Latinity, when to 
 preposition, as in our modern tongues, was used to identify indi- 
 vidual cases, de culpa being here equivalent to culpae. We doubt 
 the correctness of this explanation. The preposition appears to be 
 here used with the ablative for the purpose of expressing the 
 slightest possible relation between conscieniia and culpa in the mind 
 of the writer. 
 
 4. Quam. Referring to satis j 'actionem. 
 
 5. Me dius fidius, &c. " Which, upon my honour as a man, 
 you will find to be true." As regards the expression dius fidius, 
 Festus makes it the same as Aiog filius, " the son of Jove," i. e. 
 Hercules. He states, at the same time, two other explanations ; 
 one, which makes it equivalent to divi fides, and the other to diet 
 fides. All these etymologies are decidedly erroneous. A passage 
 in Plautus, (Asin. I, 1, 8,) furnishes a safer guide. It is as follows : 
 "Per deumfidium quaeris ; jurato mihi video necesse esse eloqui, 
 quidquid roges." From this passage we may fairly infer, that, in 
 the phrase under consideration, dius is the same as deus or divus, 
 and fidius an adjective formed from. fides. Hence dius fidius, "the 
 god of honour," or "good faith," will be the same as the 'Zevg 
 viartog of the Greeks ; and, if we follow the authority of Varro, (L. L. 
 4, 10,) identical with the Sabine Sancus, and Roman Hercules : so 
 that me dius fidius is nothing more than me deus fidei (i. e. Hercules) 
 adjuvet, or, in other words, mehercule. 
 
 6. Fructu laboris. Alluding to the consulship, which he had 
 sought ineffectually. 
 
 7. Statum dignitatis. a That station in the republic to which I 
 was fairly entitled." Compare ch. 18, " Post paullo Catilina, pccu~ 
 niarum repetundarum reus, prohibitus erat consulatum petere," &c. 
 
 8. Meis nominibus. " Of my own contracting." — Alienisnomi- 
 nibus. " Contracted by others, and for which I had become surety." 
 Among the Romans, it was a customary formality, in borrowing 
 money, to write down the sum and subscribe the person's name in 
 the banker's books. Hence nomen is put for a debt, for the cause 
 of a debt, for an article of account, &c. 
 
 9. Non dignos homines, &c. " Unworthy men graced with 
 fconour ;" i. e. raised to high preferment. 
 
 10. Falsa suspicione alienatum. "Alienated from public favour 
 hrough groundless suspicion." 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 257 
 
 Page 
 
 11. Hoc nomine, &c. " On this account I have pursued a course Q^f 
 Bufficiently honourable, considering my calamitous situation, and 
 ,one which leads me to entertain the hope of preserving what con 
 sideration there is left me." 
 
 12. Earn ab injuria defendas, &c. "Defend her from injury, 
 being intreated so to do by the love you bear to your own off- 
 spring. " 
 
 13. Haveto. An archaism for Aveto. Catullus uses this form 
 (101, 10,) "Have atque Vale." Compare Quintilian, 1, 6, 21, ed. 
 Spalding Whiter' s etymology of the word is extremely ingenious : 
 " Have or Ave is nothing but Habe, have, possess — riches, honours, 
 health." 
 
 14. In agro Arretino. The common text has Reatino. As 
 Reate, however, was a town of the Sabines, and as Catiline was 
 proceeding along the Aurelian way, under the pretence of retiring to 
 Massilia, but in reality to join Manlius, it is far preferable to adopt 
 Arretino as the lection, Arretium (now Arezzo) being an ancient 
 city of Etruria. 
 
 15. Sine fraude. " With impunity," or " with the assurance of 
 safety." Compare the w T ords of Ulpian, Cleg. 131, de V. S.) " Aliud 
 fraus est, aliud poena. Fraus enim sine poena esse potest : poena 
 sine fraude esse non potest. Poena est noxae vindicta; fraus e* 
 ipsa noxa dicitur, et quasi poenae quaedam praeparatio." 
 
 16. Praeter condemnatis. In this clause, condemnahs 
 
 depends on liceret, and praeter is used adverbially for praeter quam. 
 The instances, however, of such a usage are not of very frequent 
 occurrence. We have one in Justin, (13, 5,) " Alexander cpistolas 
 in Graeciam scripserat, quibus omnium civitatum exules, praeter 
 coedis damnati, restituebantur." (Vid. Graev. ad loc.) Another 
 example is found in Suetonius, though not so conclusive as the first : 
 " reliquerit eum nullo, praeter augur alis sacerdotii, honore imperti 
 turn." {Claud. 4. — vol. 2, page 10. ed. Cms.) 
 
 17. Buobis senati decretis. " Notwithstanding two decrees of 
 the senate." Though two decrees of the senate had been made. 
 There is here an ellipsis offactis. The first of these ordinances is 
 mentioned in chapter 30. 
 
 1. Tmta vis morbi, uti tabes. " So violent a malady, like some 98 
 corroding poison," &c. The distemper or malady, here alluded 
 
 to, is the desire of a change, which influenced, at that period, the 
 minds of so large a number, and produced a disaffection to the 
 state. 
 
 2. Aliena. " Alienated from the public welfare." — Omnino. " In 
 general." — Id adeo. ll This indeed." 
 
 24* 
 
258 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 Qg 3. Quzs opes nullae sunt. " They, who nave no resources of 
 their own, look with an evil eye on the higher class of citizens, 
 elevate to office those who are of the same stamp with themselves. " 
 Quis is put for quibus. By bonos are here meant, not the good and 
 virtuous merely, but, generally speaking, the better class of citizens 
 who are always more or less averse to violent changes in the state, 
 as well from principle, as from the danger which might result to 
 their private affairs. By malos, on the other hand, are meant the 
 needy and unprincipled. Compare Plautus, (Captiv. 3, 4, 51,) 
 " Est miserorum ut malevolentes sint atque invideant bonis. " 
 
 4. Turba. " By public disturbance." — Sine cura. " Without 
 any apprehension for themselves." — Habetur. "Is kept," or 
 " exists." The idea expressed in the text, when paraphrased, will 
 be, " since poverty does not easily suffer loss." 
 
 5. Plebes. To be construed as the nominative absolute. Some edi- 
 tions read a vero, instead of ea vero 1 removing at the same time the 
 comma after plebes, which of course alters the construction. This 
 emendation, however, is far inferior to the reading in our text. From 
 a view of the context it will appear, that Sallust first speaks of the 
 people in general, the people of the whole empire, (cuncta plebes 
 omnino.) He then particularizes the people of the capital, and remarks, 
 that, with regard to them, there were other and more special reasons, 
 the operation of which led them to favour the designs of Catiline. 
 
 6. Primum omnium. Opposed, not to item and postremo, in the 
 same sentence, but to Deinde, at the commencement of the 
 next. 
 
 7. Per dedecora. " By disgraceful excesses." 
 
 8. Sicuti in sentinam. "As into some impure receptacle." 
 Sentina is properly the bottom of a ship, where the biige-waler 
 collects. It is applied also by Cicero to the rabble, &c. 
 
 9. Regio victu atque cultu. " With the luxury and pomp of 
 kings." 
 
 10. Privatis atque publicis largitionibus. The private largesses 
 were bestowed either by the candidates for public favour, or by 
 those who had already enjoyed it : the public have reference to the 
 corn distributed among the lower orders at the expense of the state : 
 five bushels monthly to each man. Compare Sallust, (Hist. frag. 
 ed. Cort. p. 974.) " Qua tamen quinis modiis libertatem omnium 
 aestumavere,'' &c, and also Suetonius, (Aug. 40, vol. 1, p. 274, ed 
 Crus.) 
 
 11. Reipublicae juxta, &c. "Showed no more regard to the 
 public, interest than to their own ;" i. e. were equally neglectful of 
 their nwn and the public good. For this adverbial use of juxt 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 259 
 
 Page, 
 tompare chapter 61. " Ita cuncti suae atque hostium vitae juxta 0g 
 yepercerant." 
 
 12. Jus liber tatis imminutum erat. Alluding to a law enacted 
 by Sylla, when dictator, (Lex. Cornelia, A. U. C. 673,) which de- 
 clared the children of proscribed persons incapable of holding any 
 public office. Compare Velleius Paterculus, (2, 28,) " exclusique 
 vaternis opibus liberi" and Plutarch, (vit Syll.) o 61 iravrtov dSiKwrarov 
 fSoJ-Cj rdv Tipoyeypaixjj.evojv rjTijxoxxe kcu vlovg tal vlwvovg kcu tcl ^pfifxara 
 (t&vtwv ednjxevas. To the same effect are the words of Aemilius 
 Lepidus, as given by Sallust, (Hist. frag. lib. 1, p. 936, ed. CorL) 
 About twenty years after this event, a powerful effort was made by 
 ihe individuals who were suffering under the operation of this law, 
 to have it repealed. Cicero was at that time consul, and by his 
 strenuous exertions defeated the application. Of the oration de- 
 livered by him on this occasion, (De proscriptorum liberis,) a 
 solitary fragment is preserved by Qumtilian, (11, 1,) " Quid emm 
 crudelius quam homines honestis parentibus ac majoribus natos a 
 republica submoveri? Sed ita legibus Syllae continetur status 
 civitatis, ut, his solutis, stare ipsa non possit." (Cic. Op. ed 
 Olivet, vol. 6, p. 479.) Cicero himself alludes to his conduct in 
 this affair, in his oration against Piso, (chap. 2.) He allowed the 
 claim to be perfectly reasonable, but argued against it on the ground 
 of state-policy. Julius Caesar, however, subsequently abrogated 
 this unjust ordinance. Thus Suetonius, (Jul. 41,) remarks, u Ad- 
 misit ad honor es et proscriptorum liber vs ;" and Plutarch, (Vit. 
 Caes.) alpedelg 6s 6iKTa.T0ip xmd rrjs /?odX^?, cpvydSag re Karfiyaye, xal tojv 
 em TivWa 6vcrrv^r](xdvT(i)v roi>s TraX6ag £7riTi[xovg ZTroinoz. Compare Dio 
 Cass. 41, 18, Sigon. ad Cic. I. c. Crus. ad Suet. I. c. 
 
 13. Aliarum atque senati, &c. " Of a different party from that 
 of the senate." 
 
 14. Id adeo malum, &c. " With such violence had that evil, 
 after many years of cessation, returned upon the state." Adeo 
 appears to have, in this passage, the force of in tantum. (Compare 
 Tursellin. de part. s. v.) Dureau de Lamalle gives it the same 
 neaning : " Tant ces funestes rivalites, long-temps assoupies, 
 a'etaient reveillees avec plus de fureur que jamais !" 
 
 15. Tribunicia potestas restituta. The tribunes of the commons 
 were originally created A. U. C. 260, at the time of the secession 
 to the sacred mount, for the purpose of protecting the rights of the 
 people. Under the sanction, however, of the law which made their 
 persons sacred, they subsequently carried their power to the most 
 extravagant height. Sylla abridged, and in a manner extinguished, 
 that power, by enacting, that whoever had been tribune should not 
 
260 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page, 
 
 Qg afterwards enjoy any other magistracy ; that there should be no 
 appeal to the tribunes ; that they should not be allowed to assemble - 
 the people and make harangues to them, nor propose laws, but 
 should only retain the right of intercession. In the consulship of 
 Cotta, however, (A. U. C. 679,) they again obtained the right of 
 enjoying other offices ; and in that of Pompey and Crassus, A. U. 
 C. 683, all their former powers. Pompey's conduct in this affair is 
 very justly condemned by Cicero, since the tribunes now became 
 mere tools in the hands of the ambitious and powerful. 
 
 16. Summam potestatem nacti. These words have very much 
 the appearance of an interpolation. They are not necessary to the 
 sense, since by summam potestatem is meant the tribunician power, 
 which has already been mentioned in the preceding clause. 
 
 99 1- Senati specie, &c. "Under the pretence of supporting the 
 authority of the senate, but in reality for their own advancement." 
 
 2. Honestis nominibus. " Under fair pretexts." 
 
 3. Neque modestia neque modus. "Neither moderation nor limit." 
 
 4. Maritimum. The maritime war against the Cilicians, sup- 
 ported by Mithridates, called also the piratical war. The Cilician 
 pirates, covered every sea with their fleets, and extended their dep- 
 redations even to the coast of Italy and the mouth of the Tiber 
 Pompey was sent against them, by virtue of the Gabinian law, A 
 U. C. 687, and brought the war to a conclusion within the space of 
 forty days. Compare Veil. Paterc. 2, 31 et 32 : Floras, 3, 6 : Cic. 
 pro Lege Manil : Plut. Vit. Pomp. 
 
 5. Mithridaticum. The war with Mithridates, king of Pontus, 
 one of the ablest monarchs with whom the Romans ever had to con- 
 tend. His character is briefly but ably drawn by Velleius Pater- 
 culus, (2, 18, ],) " Vir neque silendus, neque dicendus sine cura, 
 hello acerrimus, mrtute eximius, aliquando fortuna, semper ammo 
 maximus, consiliis dux, miles manu, odio in Romanos Hannibal." 
 Lucullus carried on the war against him for nearly seven years, at 
 the expiration of which period he was recalled by the senate, and 
 Pompey, who had just ended the piratical war, was, by the Manilian 
 Law, sent against Mithridates. 
 
 6. Plebis opes imminutae. The authority of the people was 
 weakened by the high powers delegated to a single individual, 
 Pompey. 
 
 7. Innoxii. The adjective is here used passively, "unhurt," or, 
 less literally, " free from all danger of attack." Compare Lucan, 
 (9,894.) 
 
 8. Ceteros judiciis terrere. " They alarmed the res; by the 
 rigcui of their judicial investigations." 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 261 
 
 Page. 
 
 9. Placidius. " More peaceably." The meaning of the clause J)G 
 .a, that those who filled offices of magistracy, especially the tri- 
 buneship, might be less disposed to stir up commotions among 
 
 the people, through dread of prosecution by the nobility, after the 
 expiration of their offices. 
 
 10. Ubi primum, &c. Gruter suggests novandi, which Cortius 
 acknowledges would make an easier construction, though it would 
 be less in accordance with the style of Sallust, than the present 
 reading ?iovandis. Some editions adopt Gruter's suggestion of 
 novandi, and place a comma after primum, and another after rebus. 
 We have given the reading of Cortius, which may be rendered as 
 follows : " As soon as the hope was presented to their view of 
 effecting some change in the adverse condition of their affairs." 
 
 11. Vetus certamen. " The old controversy," i. e. between the 
 patricians and plebeians. — Eorv,m. Referring to the plebeians. 
 
 12. Aequo, manu, &c. " Had left the field on equal terms with 
 the forces of the republic." 
 
 13. Exsanguibus. " Completely exhausted." Compare Cicero, 
 {pro Sext. 10,) " Hominibus enervatis atque exsanguibus consu- 
 latus ..... datus est." 
 
 14. Extra conjurationem. "Unconnected with the conspiracy." 
 
 15. A. Fulvius. As Valerius Maximus, (5, 8, 5,) in mentioning 
 this same circumstance, calls the name of the father A. Fulvius, 
 Cortius thinks it probable that Sallust wrote A. Fulvii senatoris 
 filius. Dio Cassius (37, 36) incorrectly makes the son himself a 
 
 8enator : ' AJjXov Si <DoiiA/?iov, avSpa fiovXevrrjv, avros h TraTfjp d-rriafya^ev. 
 (Vid. Reimar. ad loc.) 
 
 16. Parens necari jussit. Fathers, among the Romans, had the 
 power of life and death over their children. Hence a father is called 
 a domestic judge or magistrate, by Seneca ; and a censor of his 
 son, by Suetonius, (Vit. Claud. 16.) Valerius Maximus, (1. c.) in 
 relating this affair of the punishment of Fulvius, adds, that the 
 Ather told the son he had begotten him, not for Catiline against his 
 jountry, but for his country against Catiline. " Non se Catilinae 
 dlum adversus patriam, sed patriae, adversus Catilinam, genuisse." 
 
 17. Negotiatus. Understand erat. " Had traded." For the 
 difference between the Roman negotiatores and "nercatores, consult 
 note 7, page 44. 
 
 18. Principibus. " Leading men." — Noverat. Noscere is " to 
 know," or " to be acquainted with any thing as an object of per- 
 ception ;" " to have an idea" or " notion of it, as apprehended by 
 the mind " Scire is "to know any thing as a matter of fact, or 
 any tnth as an object of convictidn. ,, The following examples will 
 
262 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 QQ explain this difference more fully : kl Hominem ,iovi, cc dunLiii<<s qui 
 nunc est scio" (Plant. Rud. 4, 3, 26,) " I am acquainted with 
 the man, and I know who his master is." The latter clause, how- 
 ever, does not imply any personal knowledge of the master. He 
 might know him only by name. " Non norunt, scio" (Plaut. Cos 
 Prol.) " They are not acquainted with the play," not having see* 
 it performed — " this circumstance I know." (Crombie's Gymna 
 stum, vol. 1, p. 82.) 
 
 19. Percunctatus. Percunctari (or percontari) means " to sif 
 to the bottom by search or inquiry," " to pry," and has, according 
 to Dumesnil, a relation very often to public news. It is derived 
 probably from per and contus, (quasi per contum exquirere^) and ex- 
 presses a sifting and inquisitive manner of asking. Percunctari, 
 moreover, answers to the Greek irwQdvcaBai, and always requires a 
 detailed reply. 
 
 100 *• Videt. This verb is here used instead of audit. Compare 
 Cicero, {pro Arch. 8,) " Quoties ego hunc Archiam vidi ...» 
 dicer e ex tempore." 
 
 2. Si modo, &c. " Provided only you are inclined to act the 
 part of men." 
 
 3. Quin. In the sense of quod non, which is the reading of some 
 editions. 
 
 4. A b Roma aberat. This is one of the examples which Priscian 
 adduces, for the purpose of showing, that the preposition is often, 
 more especially by historians, added to the ablative of names of 
 places. 
 
 5. Quo major auctoritas, &c. " That what he should say might 
 have greater weight." 
 
 6. Innoxios. " Innocent persons ;" i. e. individuals unconnected 
 with the conspiracy. The adjective is here used in what the gram- 
 marians call an active sense. Compare note 7, page 99. — Quo 
 legatis animus amplior esset. " That the ambassadors might be 
 inspired with more courage to act." 
 
 7. Major -es opes. " More powerful resources ;" those namely 
 of the republic. Dureau de Lamalle renders the phrase by " une 
 grande masse de puissance." 
 
 8. Patrocinio. Individual noblemen, or particular families of 
 illustrious rank, were sometimes patrons of whole states. These 
 patrons were generally those who had reduced them under the Ro- 
 man power, or had, at some time or other, been appointed governors 
 over them : and the rights of patronage were transmitted by them to 
 their descendants. In the present instance, Q. Fabius Sanga derived 
 his right cf patronage from his - ancestor Q. Fabius Maximum who 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 263 
 
 Page 
 finally reduced the Allobroges, and hence was surnamed Allobro- J 00 
 gicus. 
 
 9. Consilio cognito. " Having learned the plot." — Studium con~ 
 jurationis, &c. " To feign a strong desire for the success of the 
 conspiracy." 
 
 10. Bene polliceantur. " To promise fair." Bene is here equiv 
 alent to bona quaeque. 
 
 11. Gallia citeriore. Hither or Cisalpine Gaul, lying south of 
 the Alps, and forming the northern division of Italy. The term 
 exterior is applied in reference to Rome. 
 
 12. Cuncta simul agere. " Put all their schemes in operation at 
 one and the same moment." Cortius wishes to exclude cuncta simul 
 from the text, in opposition to all the manuscripts. 
 
 13. Festinando, agitando omnia. " By their precipitate move- 
 ments, by their thro-nng all things into confusion." 
 
 1. C. Murena. Brother of Licinius Murena, consul elect. The ini 
 common reading in citeriore Gallia has been amended by Cortius, 
 
 and in ulteriore Gallia substituted. There can be no doubt what 
 ever as to the correctness of this alteration. Celer was in hither - 
 Gaul, and Murena, as appears plainly from Cicero, (pro Murena, 410 
 was in Transalpine or farther Gaul. 
 
 2. Legatus. A proconsul or propraetor chose a legatus to ac- 
 company him to his province, and assist him in the discharge of his 
 public duties. Thus Cicero, for example, when he went as pro- 
 consul into Cilicia, A. U. C. 702, chose for his legatus his brother 
 Quintus. In the absence of the governor of the province, the 
 legatus exercised full control over it, and had equal authority and 
 jurisdiction. Sometimes the governor remained at home, and 
 merely sent out the legatus to the province ; and at other times 
 the senate, without naming any proconsul or propraetor, merely 
 sent out a legatus. This last was the case with C. Murena. 
 
 3. Videbantur. Understand illae, referring to copiae. 
 
 4. Constituerant. The verb is put in the plural, as if Lentulus 
 cum ceteris were a double nominative. 
 
 5. Actionibus. " The proceedings," " the acts." Alluding to 
 Ciceco's having driven Catiline from the city, and excited, as they 
 maintained, the most groundless suspicions against many innocent 
 individuals. Compare Appian, (B. C. 2, 3,) AcOkiov SI Bq^nar, 
 Toy ifjfxap^ov, tKKkriaiav evdvg v-o Krjpv^i avvayuv, kol KarriyopsTv rov 
 J^iKtpuvos, o); del cei\ov koX -oXsjjloitoiov, kolI rfjv tt6\iv h ovSevl Seiva 
 dtarapdrrovTos. Plutarch informs us, (Vit. Cic. 23. vol. 5, page 336. 
 ad. Hutten,) that, after the conspiracy had been completely crushed, 
 &e tribunes^ Metellus and Bestia, having entered upon their office 
 
264 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 101 a ^ ew ^ a y s ^ e ^ ore tnat °f Cicero expired, would not suffer him tt 
 address the people. They placed their own benches on the rostra, 
 and only gave him permission to take the oath upon laying 
 down his office, after which he was immediately to descend. Ac- 
 cordingly, when Cicero went up, it was expected that he would 
 take the customary oath ; but, silence being made, instead of the 
 usual form, he adopted one that was new and singular. The pur 
 port of it was, that " He had saved his country, and pieserved the 
 empire :" (jj p/v oecoiKwai rt]v TrarpiSa^ kcu StaTSTrjprjKsvai rr\v fiyefioviav.) 
 
 and all the people joined in it. 
 
 6. Invidiam. " The blame." — Optumo consuli. Some have 
 regarded this expression on the part of the historian as extremely 
 honourable, considering the private feud which existed between him 
 and Cicero. We should be inclined to put a different construction 
 upon it. Nothing appears to us more frigid than this language of 
 Sallust respecting one who had been the preserver of his country. 
 And that it would sound so in fact to a Roman ear, may be clearly 
 inferred from a passage in one of the letters of Cicero to Atticus, 
 (12, 21,) in which he speaks of Brutus having applied this same 
 expression to him : "Hie autem se etiam tribuere multum mifa 
 putat, quod scripserit optimum consulem. Quis enim jejunius dixit 
 inimicus V 
 
 7. Proxuma node. Plutarch states, that one of the nights of the 
 Saturnalia had been fixed for the perpetration of the horrid deeds 
 mentioned in the text. The testimony of Cicero is to the same 
 effect, (3, in Cat 4.) The celebration of the Saturnalia commenced 
 on the 17th day of December, so that Bestia was to have delivered 
 his intended harangue a few days after he had entered upon his 
 office, which, in the case of the tribunes, was the 10th of the same 
 month. On the 5th of December, however, the conspirators were 
 "»ut to death. 
 
 8. Duodecim simul opportuna, &c. Plutarch's statement differs 
 from that of Sallust. He informs us that the conspirators had 
 divided Rome into a hundred parts, and selected the same number 
 of men, to each of whom was allotted his quarter to be set on fire 
 As this was to be done by them all at the same moment, they 
 hoped that the conflagration would be general. Others were to 
 intercept the water, and kill all that went to seek it. 
 
 9. Obsideret. " Should beset." A verb of the third conjuga- 
 tion, obsido, ere. 
 
 10. Alius autem alium. Understand adgrederetur. " That one 
 should attack one, another attack another :" i. e. that each should 
 single out his victim. 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILIXE. 26§ 
 
 Page 
 
 11. Filii familiarum. To these Cicero is thought to allude, JO J 
 (2, in Cat. 3,) M Hos, quos video volitare injoro, quos stare ad 
 curiam, quos etiam in senatum venire, qui nitent unguentis, qui 
 fulgent purpura" &c. 
 
 12. Parata. Plutarch states, that Cains Sulpicius, one of the 
 praetors, who had been sent to Cethegus's house, found there a 
 large quantity of javelins, swords, poniards, and other arms, all newly 
 fuibished. 
 
 13. Dies prolatando. " By putting off the day of execution." 
 
 14. Conveniunt. " Obtain an interview with." The following 
 examples, with reference to the construction of convenio, may not 
 be misplaced. Convenire in urban. " To come into the city and 
 assemble." Convenire in urbe. " To assemble in the city, having 
 been there before." Convenire aliquem. " To speak to anyone," 
 or " to have an interview with him." Convenit hoc mihi. " This 
 suits me," or, " is convenient to me." Convenit mihi cum illo. " I 
 agree with him." 
 
 15. Jusjurandum. " An oath :" i. e. a written promise in the 
 language and form of an oath, that the conspirators would afford 
 relief to the Allobroges, if the latter joined in the plot and it should 
 prove successful. 
 
 16. Signatum. "With their respective seals affixed." 
 
 17. Ceteri nihil suspicantes dant. Compare Cicero, (3, in Cat. 
 5,) " Tabulas proferri jussimus, quae a quoque dicebantur datae. 
 Primum ostendimus Cethego signum ; cognovit." 
 
 18. Crotoniensem. " A native of Crotona." Consult Geographi- 
 cal Index. 
 
 19. Fac cogites, &c. " See that you reflect in how desperate a 
 situation you are." 
 
 1. Tuae rationes. " Your present circumstances." 1 ft^ 
 
 2. Etiam ab infimis. From what follows {quo consilio servitia 
 repicdiet) it is evident that by infimi, " persons of the lowest condi- 
 i 'ion," are meant the slaves. As regards the language of this letter, 
 it may not be amiss to state that Cicero gives it somewhat differ- 
 ently, (3, in Cat. 5.) It is more than probable, however, that the 
 orator merely stated the purport of it from memory, while Sallust 
 had access to the original among the archives of the state : for the 
 words of the historian (quarum exemplum infra scrijituni) plainly 
 show that we have here a copy of the original document. 
 
 3. Mandata verbis dot. " He gives him a verbal message." 
 
 4. Mulvio. Now Ponte Molle, one of the bridges over the Tiber. 
 It was built by M. Aemilius Scaurus, from a corruption of whose 
 rumen, (Aemilius,) the appellation Mulvius is thought to have ori- 
 
 25 
 
266 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 102 £ mate d. At this bridge commenced the Via Flamima which led 
 from Rome to Ariminum. 
 
 5. Comitatus. " The retinue." 
 
 6. Cetera, uti facto, &c. "He authorises them to execute thr 
 rest of the affair in such a way as the occasion may require." 
 
 7. Homines militares. Understand praetores. " The praetors, 
 men of military experience." 
 
 8. Praesidiis collocatis. Compare Cicero, (3, in Cat. 2,) " Eh 
 
 autem cum advesperasceret, occulte ad pontem 
 
 Mulvium pervenerunt, atque ibi in proximis villis ita bipartito fue 
 runt, ut Tiberis inter eos ei pons interesset. Eodem autem et ipsx, 
 sine cujusquam suspicione, mulios fortes viros edvxerunt, et ego ex 
 praefectura Reatina complures delectos adolescentes, quorum opera 
 in republica assidue utor, praesidio cum gladiis miser am." 
 
 9. Cito cognito consilio. The Bipont edition omits cito, and 
 Gruter all three words. They are retained, however, and on good 
 grounds, by Cortius, Burnouf, Planche, &c. Gruter thinks, that, 
 as the Gauls informed the consul of the night when they were to 
 set out, they must of course have known that they would be arrested. 
 This may all very well be, and yet the presence of cito in the text, 
 as well as of cognito consilio, is perfectly proper. The Gauls in an 
 instant understood the nature of the affair, being previously con- 
 vinced that an arrest would take place. Had Sallust, moreover, 
 only written cognito consilio, the inquiry would naturally be made 
 by the reader, whether the consul's plan was then for the first time 
 discovered by them, or whether they had surmised what it would be, 
 « ong before it was carried into execution. 
 
 10. Multa. "Earnestly." 
 
 11. Quibus rebus confectis, &c. The night of the arrest was 
 that of the 2d December. 
 
 12. Sibi oneri. " A source of odium against himself." This 
 apprehension was fully verified by the result. The preserver of his 
 country was driven into exile by the faction of Clodius. Compare 
 Cic. de Orat. 1, 1, " JEJ2 hoc tempus omne post consulatum object* 
 mus iis fluctibus qui, per nos a communi peste depulsi, in nosmeU 
 ipsos redundarunt." 
 
 13. Perdundae reipublicae. " A cause c f ruin to the republic." 
 Compare note 11, page 82. 
 
 14. Concordiae. The temple here meant stood on that side of 
 the Capitoline hill which faced the Forum. It was erected by 
 Camillus, in accordance with a vow, on account of the re-establish- 
 ment of harmony between the senate and people. L. Opimius 
 embellished it after the death of Caius Gracchus, and meetings of 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 267 
 
 Page 
 the senate were frequently held within its walls. Some few columns JQ2 
 still remain. 
 
 15. Magnaque frequently &c. " And in a very full meeting of 
 that order," or " in a very full house." 
 
 16. Volturcium cum legatis mtroducit. Cicero states, (3, in 
 Cat. 4,) that he first introduced Volturcius without the Gauls, and 
 afterwards hrought in the Gauls themselves. 
 
 17. Scrimum cum Utterly. " The box containing the letters." 
 It will be recollected that the box contained the letter of Lentulus 
 to Catiline, and also the written oath of the conspirators. 
 
 1. Quia, aut oua de caussa y &c. " What design he had in view, •* r\Q 
 or why he entertained such a design." Equivalent to " Quxd con- 
 
 silii, aut qua de caussa id consilii habuisset ?" 
 
 2. Alia. "Things other than the truth." — Fide publica. " On 
 the public faith being pledged for his safety." 
 
 3. Audire. Compare Cicero, (3, in Cat. 4,) who fully confirms 
 the account here given by Sallust. 
 
 4. Libris Sibyllinis. A certain woman, named AmaUhaaa, from 
 a for ,lgn country, offered for sale to Tarquinius Supe?bua, tha last 
 King of Rome, nine books of the Sibylline, or prophetic oracles, bu*; 
 at an exorbitant price ; which Tarquin refusing, she burnt three of 
 them, still demanding the same price for the remaining six. Being 
 ridiculed by the king, she burnt three more, without abating her 
 price for the remaining three. Tarquin, surprised at her strange 
 conduct, consulted the augurs, who, regretting the loss of the book* 
 which had been burnt, advised the king to pay her demand, on de 
 livery of the three remaining lxoks. Two persons at first, then ten 
 afterwards fifteen, were appointed to take charge of these books 
 hence called Quindecimviri. These books were supposed to contain 
 the fate of the republic, and in time of public danger or calamity 
 were consulted by order of the senate. They of course became a 
 very useful engine of state ; but were burnt in the Marsic w T ar, A 
 U. C. 690. Ambassadors were sent every where to collect the 
 oracles of the Sibyls, of whom th^re were several ; the chief of them 
 was the Sibyl of Cumae. From the verses collected in this search, 
 the Quindecimviri compiled new books, which, by order of Augustus, 
 were deposited in two gilt cases under the base of Apollo's statue, 
 m his temple on the Palatine hill. For more information relative to 
 the Sibyls, vid. Lempriere's Classical Dictionary. 
 
 5. Tribus Corneliis. "To three of the Cornelian house." The 
 gens Cornelia was among the most illustrious at Rome. It had a 
 patrician and plebeian branch. The familiac included under it were 
 ihe Maluginens'c s, Scipiones, Bullae, Lenruli, Cinnae, Rufini» &C. 
 
268 NOTES TO THE 
 
 eage. 
 
 105 ^' Antea. Underst and fuisse, or else regnum habuisse. 
 
 7. Urbis potiri. The verb potiri, which elsewhere governs an 
 ablative, is often, as in the present instance, used with a genitive. 
 This government, liowever, admits of a very easy explanation, if we 
 consider that potiri is in fact equivalent to potens esse or potentem 
 esse. In Plautus we even find the active of this verb. (Amph. 1, 
 
 1, 23,) " Quifuerim liber, eum nunc potivit pater servitutis ;" i. e. 
 ~nas put in slavery," "has made partaker of slavery ;" thence 
 votior is used passively ; e. g. " potitus est hostium," {ibid. Capt. 1, 
 
 2, 41,) " he is mastered by the enemy," " is in the enemy's power." 
 
 8. Jncenso Capitolio. The Capitol was thrice destroyed by fire. 
 First, during the troubles occasioned by the contest between Sylla 
 and Marius, A. U. C. 670, after which it was rebuilt by Sylla, and 
 dedicated by Catulus. It is to this burning that the text refers. It 
 was a second time destroyed, A. D. 70, by the soldiers of Vitellius. 
 The emperor Vespasian rebuilt it, and at his death it was burnt ? 
 third time. Domitian restored it with greater magnificence rlian 
 ever. 
 
 9. Haruspices. The haruspices were those who examined the 
 victims and their entrails after they were sacrificed, and from these 
 derived omens of futurity. They pretended to divine also from the 
 flame, smoke, and other circumstances attending the sacrifice. Do- 
 natus (in Ter. Phorm. 4, 4, 28) derives the name from haruga, 
 " a victim," observing, " nam haruga dicitur hostia, ab hara in qua 
 concluditur et servatur : hara autem est, in qua pecora includuntur." 
 Compare Cicero, (3 in Cat. 8,) in relation to what is stated in the 
 text. " Quo quidem tempore, cum haruspices ex tota Etruria con- 
 venissent, caedes atque incendia, et legum interitum, et bellum civile 
 ac domesticum, et toiius urbis atque imperii occasum appropinquare 
 dixcvunt, nisi dii immoi tales omni ratione placati suo numine prope 
 fata ipsa jlexissent." The orator adds, that games were in conse- 
 quence celebrated for ten days, and every other formality observed 
 for appeasing the wrath of the gods. 
 
 10. Abdicatus. Others read abdicato magistratu : both forms 
 are in accordance with the idiom of the language, only the former, 
 which is that adopted by Cortius, shows more plainly that his office 
 was taken from Lentulus, not voluntarily resigned by him. 
 
 11. Libcris custodiis. "In free custody," equivalent to our 
 phrase, of "being held to bail." This was done either when the 
 accused were persons of rank, or when they were many in number, 
 and were separated so as to prevent any communication with one 
 another. 
 
 12. AediHs The aediles were of two kinds, plebeian and 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 269 
 
 Page, 
 curule. Two plebeian aediles were first created, A. U. C. 260, in J03 
 
 the Comitia Curiata, at the same time with the tribunes of the 
 commons, to be, as it were, their assistants, and to determine cer- 
 tain minor causes, which the tribunes committed to them. They 
 were afterwards created, as the other inferior magistrates, at the 
 Comitia Tributa. Two curule aediles w T ere created from the 
 patricians, A. U. C. 387, to perform certain public games. They 
 were first chosen alternately from the patricians and plebeians, but 
 afterwards promiscuously from both. They wore the toga praetexta, 
 had the right of images, and a more honourable place of giving their 
 opinion in the senate. They also used the sella curulis, whence 
 their name of curule aediles. As a counterbalance for all this, 
 however, the persons of the plebeian aediles were sacred, like those 
 of the tribunes. The general office of the aediles was to take care 
 of the city, (hence their name a cur a aedium,) to regulate the 
 markets, inspect the weights and measures, &c. 
 
 13. C. Caesari. The famous Julius Caesar, who was at this 
 time praetor elect. It was excellent policy to entrust some of the 
 conspirators to the care of Caesar and Crassus, who were suspected 
 of being themselves concerned in the plot. By pretending to re- 
 gard them as good and faithful citizens, the senate drove them to 
 the necessity of assuming that character at least. 
 
 14. Cn. TerentioT He was praetor the year following. 
 
 15. Cicerofiem ad coelum toller e. Cicero, on leaving the senate, 
 although it was towards the close of the day, delivered before the 
 assembled people the oration which has come down to us as the 
 third against Catiline. In this he gave an account of the arrest of the 
 Allobroges, and the transactions in the senate. The people then 
 perceived the full extent of the danger from which they had just been 
 rescued by the energy and vigilance of their consul, and gave him 
 the full meed of applause which he so richly deserved, 
 
 16. Detrimento. Understand fore sibi. 
 
 17. Incendium vero crudele, &c. " But they thought the burn- 
 ing of the city a cruel measure, exceeding all bounds," &c. 
 
 18. Quippe cui omnes copiae, &c. " Since all their property 
 consisted of articles in daily use, and of clothing for their persons." 
 
 1. Qui Catilinae nunciaret. "To tell Catiline." Qui is here I () J 
 used for ut ille, and consequently takes the subjunctive mood. 
 
 2. Ne Lentulus, &c. Literally, " that Lentulus, Cethegus, and 
 others connected with the conspiracy, being arrested, should not 
 alarm him ;" i. e. " not to be alarmed at the arrest of Lentulus, 
 Cethegus, and others of the conspirators." 
 
 3 Animos reficeret " Might reanimate the courage. " 
 
270 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 104 ^* •^■^' , rem i ncre dibilem rati " Some, because they thought 
 the thing incredible." 
 
 5. Quia tali tempore, &c. " Because, at such a crisis, a man 
 of so much power seemed proper to be southed rather than irri- 
 tated." 
 
 6. Obnoxii. " Under obligations to." Cortius correctly remarks, 
 that plerique, in this clause, denotes a third class of persons, distinct 
 from those to whom alii and pars respectively refer. — The great 
 wealth of Crassus, and the numerous loans which it enabled him to 
 make, had given him the most extensive private influence of any 
 individual of the day. 
 
 7. Uti referatur. Understand ad se. " That they should be 
 consulted," or " that their opinion be taken." 
 
 8. Vinculis. " Prison." Vinculum, in the singular, any bond 
 or tie ; in the plural, very frequently a prison, confinement, &c. 
 
 9. Potestatem. Understand indicandi. " Permission to go on 
 with his testimony." The refusal, on the part of the senate, to 
 listen to his farther statements, was a virtual revoking of the pledge 
 of impunity which they had previously granted him. 
 
 10. Mentitus esset. The pronoun Qui is uniformly joined to the 
 subjunctive mood, when the relative clause does not express any 
 sentiment of the author, but refers it to the person or persons of 
 whom he is speaking. Mentitus esset here implies the senate's 
 affirmation, that Tarquinius had told a falsehood, and not the histo- 
 rian's. The whole doctrine of the use of the relative with the sub- 
 junctive, will be found clearly and ably developed in Crombie's 
 Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 1, et seqq. 
 
 11. Quo facilius, &c. " In order that, Crassus being named as 
 an accomplice, his power might the more easily protect the rest, by 
 his being made to share the danger with them." 
 
 12. Immissum. " Instigated." 
 
 13. More suo. Plutarch relates, that when Pompey, Caesai, 
 and Cicero refused to speak at the bar, Crassus often rose and 
 finished the argument in favour of the defendant ; and that this 
 promptness of his to assist any unfortunate citizen, gained him great 
 popularity. He farther informs us, that there was not a Roman, 
 however mean and insignificant, whom he did not salute, or whose 
 salutation he did not return by name. ( Vit, Crass. 3, ed. Hutten 
 vol. 3, p. 405.) 
 
 14. Praedicantem. " Openly declaring." — Impositam. " Had 
 been offered." Plutarch informs us, that Crassus, after this affair, 
 conceived a mortal hatred towards Cicero, and would have shown 
 it by some act of violence, had not his son Publius prevented him. 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 271 
 
 Page. 
 
 Publius was a man of letters, and particularly fond of eloquence, 1 QA 
 and hence his strong attachment to Cicero/' {Vit. Crass. 13, ed. 
 Hutten, vol. 3, p. 421.) 
 
 15. Pretio. " By the offer of a bribe." 
 
 16. Nominaretur. " Should be named as an accomplice." 
 Suetonius (Vit. Caes. 17) informs us, that Caesar was named as 
 an accomplice the year after, by Curius in the senate, and by L. 
 Vettius before Novius Nigrus the quaestor, (or, perhaps, public 
 commissioner, if the true reading be quaesitorem, and not quaesto- 
 rem, in the text of Suetonius.) Both accusations were dismissed.- 
 
 17. Obpugnatus, &c. " Having been prosecuted by him in an 
 action for extortion." 
 
 18. Transpadani. The term Transpadanus is here used with 
 reference to Rome : cujusdam Transpadani, "of a certain indi- 
 vidual who dwelt beyond the Po," or, " north of the Po." 
 
 19. Ex petitione pontificatus. "Ever sinee the time of his ap- 
 plication for the high-priesthood." Plutarch, in his life of Caesar, 
 informs us, that when Metellus, the chief pontiff, died, the office 
 was solicited by Isauricus and Catulus, two of the most illustrious 
 men in the city, and of the greatest interest in the senate. Caesar, 
 nevertheless, did not shrink from the contest, but presented himself 
 to the people as a candidate. The pretensions and prospects of the 
 competitors seemed nearly equal ; and Catulus, who, on account of 
 his superior dignity, was most uneasy about the event, sent privately 
 to Caesar, and offered him large sums, on condition that he would 
 desist from his high pursuit. But he answered, " He would rather 
 borrow still larger sums, to enable him to stand the struggle." 
 (jr'Xeioi 7rpoaSavct(j6[ji£VGg £(prj SiayaivuTcOai.) "When the day of election 
 came, Caesars mother attending him to the door with her eyes 
 bathed in tears, he embraced her and said, " My dear mother, you 
 will see me this day either chief pontiff, or an exile." ( r £2 [irjrep, 
 rfifxepov 7) dp%i£p£a rdv vldv, r) (pvyatia Sipsi.) There never was any 
 thing, adds Plutarch, more strongly contested ; the suffrages, how- 
 ever, gave it to Caesar. (Vit. Caes. 7, ed. Hutten. vol. 4, p. 365.) 
 
 20. Adolescentulo. " A mere youth when compared with him- 
 self." As Caesar was at this time thirty- seven years of age, it is 
 evident the term adolescentulus is merely applied to him compara- 
 tively, in reference to the advanced age of Catulus. 
 
 21. Res autem, &c. "The opportunity moreover appeared a 
 favourable one." 
 
 22. Publice maxumis muneribus. " By the very splendid shows 
 which he publicly exhibited." As aedile, Caesar not only exhibited 
 three hundred and twenty pair of gladiafc^Ts, but in the other dfver- 
 
272 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 1 04 s ^ ons a k° 0I " tne theatre, in the processions and public entertain 
 ments, he far outshone the most ambitious that had gone before 
 
 him. Suetonius even states, that the number of gladiators just 
 mentioned was less than he had originally intended, owing to the 
 envy and opposition of his enemies. Caesar is said by Plutarch to 
 have jeen thirteen hundred talents in debt before he obtained any 
 public employment. This would amount in sterling money to 
 £251,875. When he set out for Spain, after his praetorship, he is 
 reported to have said that he was one hundred million of sesterces 
 (£807,291 : 13 : 4) worse than nothing, (on Scoito 6ivxi\iwv kcli 
 TTsvTaKoaioiv ixvpidScop.) Appian, B. C. 2, 8, where we must under- 
 stand Spaxptiv, i. e. denariorum, and render the amount into Latin 
 oy Millies H. S. and not with Candidus, whom Adam follows, by 
 ins Millies et quingenties. (Compare Gronov. de Sestertiis, &c , 
 no. 3, cap. 16, p. 245. Schweighaeuser ad Appian. I. c.) When 
 oaesar first entered Rome, in the beginning of the civil war, he took 
 out of tne treasury, according to Pliny, (H. N. 33, 3,) £1,095,979, 
 *nd brought into it, at the end of the civil war, above £4,843,750 
 $•' amphus stxies millies." Veil. Pat. 2, 56.) He is said to have 
 purchased tne friendship of Ctirio, at the beginning of the civil war, 
 by a bribe oi £434,3 /&, and that of the consul, L. Paulus, the col 
 league of Marcelius, A. U. C. 704, by about £279,500. 
 
 105 *' C° ncor diae. Understand aedem. Compare Terence, (Adelph. 
 4, 2, 43,) " Ubi ad Dianae veneris." 
 
 2. Animi nobilitate. " By a generous impulse," or " by patriotic 
 feelings.*' Some editions have animi mobilitate, but this does not 
 harmonize with what immediately follows : " quo studium suum" &c 
 
 3. Caesari. Plutarch gives a more detailed account of this same 
 affair : "As Caesar was going out of the senate," observes this 
 biographer, '• several of the young men who guarded Cicero's person 
 ran up to the former with their drawn swords, but Curio (we are 
 told) covered hirn with his gown, and so carried him off; and Cicero 
 himself, when the young men looked at him for a nod of consent, 
 refused it, either out of fear of the people, or because he thought 
 such an assassination unlawful and unjust. If this was true," con- 
 tinues Plutarch, " I know not why Cicero did not mention it in the 
 history of his consulship. He was subsequently blamed, however, 
 for not having availed himself of so good an opportunity as he then 
 Inad, and for having been influenced by his fears of the people, who 
 were indeed strongly attached to Caesar , for, a few days afterwards, 
 when Caesar entered the senate, and endeavoured to clear himself 
 from the suspicions entertained of him, his defence was received 
 with indignation and loud reproaches ; and as they sat longci than 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 273 
 
 Page, 
 usual, tlie people beset the house, and with violent outcries de- JQq 
 manded Caesar, absolutely insisting on his being dismissed in 
 safety." (Vit. Cues. 8, ed. Hutten. vol. 4, p. 367.) Suetonius 
 (Vit. Caes. 14) informs us, that some of the knights threatened 
 Caesar as he sat in the senate-house. It is probable that he and 
 Sallust allude to different meetings. 
 
 4. Minitarentur. The frequentative appears to be used in this 
 passage, not so much for the sake of better sound, as in order to 
 express the idea of a frequent brandishing of the sword, though it 
 cannot be well conveyed in an English translation. 
 
 5. Liberti. The Romans used the term libcrtus when they spoke 
 of the master ; as, libertus Lentuli ; but libertinus, in relation to 
 free-born citizens, as, libertinus homo, i. e. non ingenuus. 
 
 6. Vicis. " The streets." Vicus, properly speaking, refers to 
 the appearance presented by the buildings in a street ; a row of 
 houses resembling, as it were, a single and extensive edifice. 
 (o?kos, and, with the digamma, JPoiKog, whence vicus.) The term is 
 used here, however, in the sense of via. 
 
 7. Eripiendum. Understand e custodia. Cicero (4, in Cat. 8) 
 states, that none were found who would engage in such an attempt. 
 Appian, however, informs us, that on the nones of December, while 
 the senate were deliberating about the punishment of the conspira 
 tors, the slaves and freedmen of Lentulus and Cethegus, and a 
 large body of working people, assailed the habitations of the praetors 
 in the rear, and endeavoured to rescue the prisoners. Cicero, upon 
 learning this, immediately left the senate, and planted guards in 
 suitable quarters of the city, after which he returned and expedited 
 the debate. (Appian, B. C. 2, 5.) 
 
 8. Duces multitudinum. " The leaders of the mob." The want 
 of trades and manufactures, which the Romans considered as em- 
 ployments unworthy of freemen, left the great body of the inhabi- 
 tants of Rome in a state of poverty and idleness, and ready for any 
 desperate enterprise, to which they might be stimulated by artful 
 demagogues. 
 
 9. Familiam. Familia here denotes the " slaves" belonging to 
 a family. This is the original signification of the word. It comes 
 from famulus, " a servant," and this last from the old Oscan term 
 famul, of the same import. 
 
 10. Refert, &c. Literally, " Refers it to them, what it may please 
 them be done to those," &c; i. e. " Consults their pleasure with 
 respect to those," &c. 
 
 11. Sed eos, paullo ante, &c. "Now a crowded house bad, 
 a few days previous, declared them to have acted as enemies to 
 
274 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page 
 
 105 theii country." This form of words, {contra r empullicam fecisse,} 
 was always used against those who had been guilty of any treason- 
 able or seditious conduct, and in cases where capital punishment 
 most commonly ensued. Compare Cicero, pro Milone, 5 et 6. 
 
 12. Turn D. Junius Silanus, &c. Turn refers to the present 
 meeting of the senate, not to the previous one. — Decimus Junius 
 Silanus had, as his colleague in the consulship, during the following 
 year, L. Licinius Murena. He married Cato's half-sister, Servilia. 
 Vid. Plutarch, Vit. Cat. min. c. 21. 
 
 13. Consul designatus. " Consul elect." After A. U. C. 598, 
 the consuls were chosen about the. end of July or the beginning of 
 August, and entered on their office on the first day of January. 
 During the interval they were styled Consules designati, and were 
 always asked their opinions first in the senate. This interval was 
 made so long, that they might have time to become acquainted with 
 what pertained to their office ; and that inquiry might be made 
 whether they had gained their election by bribery. 
 
 14. Pedibus in sententiam, &c. " That he would embrace the 
 opinion expressed by Tiberius Nero." The history of this whole 
 affair appears to have been as follows : Silanus gave his opinion at 
 first in favour of the severest punishment, {rovq avSpas lcrx^ T V xoXaaet 
 [iSTicvai. Appian, B. C. 2, 5.) Many senators followed in the de- 
 bate, and advocated the same course, (ttoXKoX avveridevTo. Appian, 
 ubi supra.) When it came, however, to the turn of Tiberius Clau- 
 dius Nero (grandfather of the future emperor) to deliver his senti- 
 ments, he recommended that the conspirators should be detained in 
 custody until Catiline was overcome, and that then the whole affair 
 should be carefully investigated. Caesar, who was at this time 
 praetor elect, spoke after Nero, and declared himself against capital 
 punishment. The greater part of the senate, after he had finished, 
 came over to his opinion, whereupon Cicero delivered his fourth 
 Catilinarian oration, in which he took a view of the whole debate, and 
 recommended prompt and vigorous measures. His efforts, however, 
 were unsuccessful, and a large majority of the senators, and among 
 them Cicero's own brother, Quintus, were disposed to side with 
 Caesar, probably from the fear lest severer measures might provp 
 injurious afterwards to Cicero himself. At last, Lutatius Catulus, 
 Caesar's inveterate foe, and Cato, who was then tribune of the com- 
 mons elect, interposed their efforts. The eloquence of the latter 
 proved triumphant, and the course he recommended was almost 
 unanimously adopted. (The authorities to be consulted on this 
 subject are as follows : Plutarch, Vit. Cic. c. 20 et 21, — id. Vit 
 Caes. c. 7 et 8, — id. Vit. Cat. min. c 22 — Sueton Caes. 14 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 275 
 
 Page. 
 Appian, B. C. 2, 5, seqq.) As regards the phrase, pedibus in 1Q^ 
 eenlentiam ire, which is given in the text, we may remark, that a 
 decree of the senate was commonly made by a separation of th« 
 senators to different parts of the house. He who presided said, 
 " Let those who are of such an opinion pass over to that side," 
 pointing to a certain quarter, l< and those who think differently, to 
 this," Hence ire pedibus in sententiam alicujus means, " to agree 
 to any one's opinion," since he who had first proposed the opinion, or 
 who had been the principal speaker in favour of it, passed over first, 
 and the rest followed. 
 
 15. Sed Caesar. The speech which Sallust here assigns to 
 Caesar, and which, from the term hujuscemodi, as used by the his- 
 torian, must be regarded as Caesar's merely in its general and 
 leading features, is a perfeet masterpiece of its kind : cool, argu- 
 mentative, specious, and breathing apparently a spirit of patriotism, 
 which was calculated to carry with it the opinions and feelings of a 
 large majority of his hearers. It required all the bold and fervid 
 eloquence of Cato to counteract its pernicious tendency. 
 
 16. Ab odio, amicitia, &c. This construction of vacuus with 
 the preposition, is not unusual in the best writers, such as Cicero, 
 Tacitus, &c. Compare, in the 14th chapter of this same narrative, 
 a culpa vacuus. 
 
 17. Lubidini simul et usui paruit. "Has obeyed at the same 
 time the dictates of passion and of interest." 
 
 18. Ubi intenderis ingenium, &c. Understand in veram after 
 nigenium. The passage may be paraphrased as follows : " When 
 you apply the mind to the discovery of truth, unbiased by the influ- 
 ence of any of these feelings, it succeeds in the search : if passion 
 hold possession, it rules, and reason becomes useless." 
 
 1. Bello Macedonico. Brought to a conclusion by Paulus -i f\t* 
 Aemilius, after the famous battle of Pydna, A. U. C. 586. " Qui 
 
 finis fuit" observes Livy, (45, 9,) " inclyti per Europae plerumque, 
 atque Asiam omnem, regni." Perses was led by the conqueror in 
 triumph at Rome. There are three forms of this last proper name, 
 Perses-is, abl. Perse: Perseus-i, abl. Perseo : and Perses-a, abl. 
 Pcrsa. Compare Aulus Gellius, 7, 3. 
 
 2. Rhodiorum cimtas. Consult Geographical Index. 
 
 3. Infida atque advorsa. There were no actual hostilities be- 
 tween the Rhodians and Romans, but the former, to use the language 
 3f Velleius Paterculus, (1, 9,) "Jidelissimi antea Romanis, turn dubia 
 fide speculati fortunam, proniores regis partib^s fuisse visi sunt. 1 * 
 
 4. Impunitos dimisere. " Allowed them to escape unpunished." 
 The Romans did not indeed make war upon them, which, according 
 
276 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 1 06 to ^ e s P^ t °f ^ e passage, would have been the punishment they 
 
 deserved, but merely took from them the portions of Lycia and 
 
 Caria which they had previously bestowed. Aulus Gcllius (7, 3) 
 
 supplies us with some fragments of a very beautiful oration which 
 
 Cato the elder delivered in their behalf. 
 
 5. Per inducias. " During the season of truce." 
 
 6. Per occasionem. "When opportunity offered." — Taliafecere. 
 ".Retaliated ;" i. e. taliafecere qualia ilia fecerant. 
 
 7. In Mis. " In their case." 
 
 8. Ne plus valeat apud vos, &c. "In order that the crime of 
 Publius Lentulus, and the rest, may not have more weight with you, 
 than a regard for your own dignity, and that you may not listen 
 more to the dictates of resentment than to what your own character 
 demands." 
 
 9. Novum consilium. " The novel measure which has been 
 proposed," viz. of putting citizens to death in violation of the laws. 
 Cicero, however, (4, in Cat. 4,) says that Silanus had reminded the 
 senate "hoc genus poenae saepe in improbos cives in republica esse 
 usurpatum." 
 
 10. Omnium ingenia exsuperat. " Transcends the imaginations 
 of all." — lis. " Those forms of punishment." Understand poenis. 
 Caesar, here, with admirable art, seeks to deduce an argument, in 
 favour of a mild infliction of punishment, from the very enormitv 
 of the crime itself. 
 
 11. Composite atque magnified. "In studied and glowing lan- 
 guage." — Casum reipublicae. " The unhappy condition of the state." 
 
 12. Quo ilia oratio pertinuit, &c. " What was the object of that 
 strain of oratory 1 Was it to embitter you against the conspiracy ] 
 A mere speech, no doubt, will inflame him, whom so great and so 
 atrocious a crime has not moved !" Scilicet is here used ironically 
 The'object of Caesar is to do away the effect calculated to be pro- 
 duced by any fervid displays of eloquence. And he endeavours to 
 accomplish this by showing that such eloquence is entirely super- 
 fluous, as the crime speaks for itself, and cannot be aggravated by 
 any powers of description. The true course for the senate to pursue 
 is, according to him, to guard against any undue severity of punish- 
 ment, both because it may expose them to the animadversion ol 
 posterity, and may furnish those coming after them with a danger 
 ous precedent. Hence he artfully urges the propriety of lemen' 
 measures. 
 
 13. Aliis alia licentia. " All men have not the same freedom oi 
 action." Literally, " there is one kind of freedom in action allowed 
 .o one class of men, another to a different class." 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 277 
 
 Page. 
 14. Qui demissiin obscuro, &c. Understand loco; "who pass 206 
 heir lives sunk in obscurity." 
 
 15 Ita in maxuma fortuna, &c. "Thus, in the highest eleva- 
 tion there is the least freedom of action. In such a situation, »t 
 becomes us neither to show favour nor hatred, but, least of all, 
 resentment ; what in others is called hastiness of temper, is, in 
 those invested with power, styled haughtiness and cruelty." 
 
 1. Studio reipublicae. " From an ardent zeal for the republic." 1 A^J 
 — Eos mores, &c. " Such I know to be the principles, such the 
 moderation of the man." Eos and earn are here respectively used 
 
 for tales and talem. 
 
 2. Injuria. " The nature of the crime," i. e. the enormity of the 
 crime committed against the state. 
 
 3. Praesenti diligentia. Used for praesentia et diligentia. "By 
 the promptitude and diligence." Some manuscripts have praesertim 
 diligentia. 
 
 4. Tanta praesidia. These words appear to contain a secret 
 censure of Cicero, as if it were at all necessary to have such power 
 ful guards under arms in the very heart of the city. 
 
 5. Ultra. " After this ;" i. e. beyond the grave. The doctrine 
 advocated by Caesar in the text, and which corresponded so inti- 
 mately with his life and actions, was one unhappily but too preva- 
 lent in the ancient world. Cicero makes mention of this opinion of 
 Caesar with regard to the soul, in his fourth oration against Cati 
 line ; and Cato also alludes to it in the following speech. 
 
 6. Lex Porcia. The Porcian Law, proposed by P. Porcius 
 Laeca, a tribune of the commons, A. U. C. 454, ordained that no 
 one should bind, scourge, or kill a Roman citizen, but that, in capi 
 tal cases, the alternative of exile should be granted. 
 
 7. Qui convenit. " How is it consistent in you to observe that 
 law," &c. Qui is here the old form of the ablative for quo. 
 
 8. At enim quis reprehendet, &c. The particles At enim are 
 equivalent here to d\\a ydp. " But, some one may say, what need 
 is there of all this discussion, for who will blame," &c. 
 
 9. Tempus, dies, &c. We have here the answer to the preced 
 ing question. At some future " time,'''' argues Caesar, we may see 
 cause to condemn what we are now doing, when critical " conjunc 
 hires" arise through the "caprice" of "fortune." — Cujus lubido, 
 &c. "Whose caprice sways the destinies of nations." 
 
 10. In alios. Literally, " against others." The true meaning 
 of the whole passage, however, appears to be as follows : " But 
 do you, Conscript Fathers, reflect, what influence upon others 
 *hat which you are now determining may have:''* i. e, "what 
 
 26 
 
278 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 X07 effect upon others the example you axe now setting ma} pn> 
 duce." 
 
 11. Bonis. Understand exemplis. Some editions insert initiu 
 after bonis. 
 
 12. Ab dignis et idoneis, &c. " From proper and fit subjects of 
 punishment." Understand poena after dignis. As regards the use 
 of idoneus in this passage, compare Cicero, (pro Cluentio, 47,) 
 " Per hominum idoneorum ignominiam :" and Terence, (Andr. 4, 
 4,) " Adeone vobis videmur esse idonei in quibus sic illudatis ?" 
 In each of these passages it is taken, to adopt the language of gram- 
 marians, "in malam partem." 
 
 13. Devictis Atheniensibus. Alluding to the termination of the 
 Peloponnesian war, when the Athenians were compelled to demolish 
 the fortifications of their city, together with the long walls, and 
 submit to the rule of the thirty tyrants. 
 
 14. Ea. Understand negotia. Some editions have eo. 
 
 l(\G 1- Lubidinose. " At their pleasure." Xenophon says that the 
 thirty tyrants put to death, in the space of eight months, as many 
 as had been slain during ten years of the Peloponnesian war. 
 
 2. Damasippum. Damasippus was praetor during the consulship 
 of Papirius Carbo and the younger Marius, A. U. C. 671. As a 
 follower of the Marian party, he indulged in many cruel excesses 
 against the opposite faction, and also against such as were suspected 
 by him of favouring it. 
 
 3. Atque ego haec non in Marco Tullio, &c. " I do not, it is 
 true, apprehend such things as these in Marcus Tullius, nor in the 
 present complexion of tho times ; but, in a great state, there are 
 many and various characters. At some other time, under some 
 other consul, to whose hands, likewise, an army may have been 
 entrusted, some false suggestion may be credited for truth ; and 
 when, by virtue of the precedent you are now establishing, that 
 consul shall have drawn the sword of punishment, who shall set 
 limits to his power, or who restrain him in its exercise V 
 
 4. Insignia. The trabea, a white robe adorned with purple 
 stripes; the ivory sceptre or staff; the sella curulis ; the twelve 
 lictors for each consul, &c. 
 
 5. Imitari, quam invidere, &c. "They preferred to imitate 
 rather than to envy what was good in the institutions of other na- 
 tions." Understand instituiis after bonis. One of Cortius's manu- 
 scripts has imitari bonos, quam invidere bonis, &c, a reading of 
 little value. 
 
 6. Animadvertebant in civis. The verb animadvertere some- 
 times, as in the present instance, denotes " to punish" by authority, 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 279 
 
 Page, 
 tnd then refers to the vigilance of the magistrate in marking offences 1 QQ 
 committed. In this case there is often an application of the prepo- 
 sition in before the name or designation of the culprits, intimating 
 more strongly the steady attention directed towards the conduct 
 found to be reprehensible. HilVs Synonyms, p. 89. 
 
 7. Hanc ego caussam, &c. The train of reasoning which is here 
 ascribed by the historian to Caesar, would appear to be as follows : 
 Our forefathers, though they wanted neither sagacity in devising 
 plans for their own advantage, nor boldness in carrying those plans 
 into operation, yet never disdained to imitate, in the institutions of 
 other nations, what they conceived to be of utility to themselves. 
 Among other things, they borrowed the custom of inflicting capital 
 punishment on condemned citizens. As, however, they had adopted 
 this from the Greeks at a period when it promised to be productive 
 of salutary effects, so they changed it for a different course when 
 positive evil was found to result. This was their latest alteration, 
 and it being such, we, their descendants, should be guided in this 
 instance by their wisdom, and pursue without any deviation the path 
 they have marked out for us, the more especially, as we acknow- 
 ledge our inferiority to them in political foresight, and in the princi- 
 ples of sound government. 
 
 8. Profecio virtus, &c. " Surely there was greater energy and 
 wisdom in those, who reared from trifling resources so mighty an 
 empire," &c. 
 
 9. Bene parta. " Happily obtained from them ;" i. e. " obtained, 
 m an auspicious hour, from our fathers." 
 
 1. Censeo. This, as has been already observed in the Notes on | r\^\ 
 the Jugurthine War, was the usual and formal word applied to the 
 expression of his opinion on the part of a senator. Sed ita censeo 
 must therefore be rendered, " But my opinion is this." 
 
 2. Publicandas eorum pecunias. " That their property should 
 oe confiscated." 
 
 3. Per municipia. " Throughout the free towns." 
 
 4. Neu quis, &c. " And that no one, for the time to come, con- 
 sult the senate in relation to their case, or treat, respecting them, 
 with the people." 
 
 5. Ceteri verbo, &c. " The rest gave merely a verbal assent, 
 one to one of the speakers, another to another, in support of dif- 
 ferent opinions." — Alii, i. e. Silano, Neroni, Caesari. When the 
 senators gave merely a verbal assent to the opinion of any speaker, 
 they retained their seats and exclaimed assentior, adding the name 
 of the individual with whom they agreed ; as, assentior Silano • 
 assentior Neroni ; assentior Caesari. 
 
280 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 2Q9 6. Longemihi alia, &c. "When I reflect, Conscript Fathers, 
 on the dangerous posture of our present affairs., my opinion s far 
 different from what it is when I merely revolve in mind the sentiment; 
 of some of the speakers of this day." After et understand alia. Th( 
 exordium of this speech is an evident imitation of the beginning of 
 the third Olynthiac. 0^%l ravra TtapioTarol fioi yivaxrKEiv, c5 h. Spes 
 'A-QrivaToty orav ts eig ra Trpayjiara airofi\i\Lioi ) ko\ orav npos rovg Xoyovs 
 ov$ dKovoi' rovg filv yap \6yovg rapi tov rtnoiprjaaadai Qfonrnov hpui 
 ytyvojjievovs, (" Bli mihi disseruisse videntur de poena eorum" &c.) 
 *a SlirpayfiaTa elg tovto 7rporiKovra ) ware ona)g ^TTEKTO^iQa avrol irpoTspov 
 
 kcikcos cKtipaadai Seov. (" Res autem monet, cavere ah illis magis" 
 &c.) Demos ih. Olynth. 3, init. 
 
 7. Bli mihi disseruisse videntur, &c. " They seem to me to 
 have been arguing about the kind of punishment to be inflicted upon 
 those, who," &c. 
 
 8. Aris atque focis suis. " Their religion and their homes." 
 Ara refers here to the altar in the middle of the house, (impluvium,) 
 where the Penates were worshipped, and focus denotes the hearth 
 m tl e hall, (atrium,) around which were ranged the little images of 
 the Lares. In such expressions as the present, care must be taken 
 not to confound arae with the altars in public temples. Compare, 
 on this head, the remark of Ernesti, (Clav. Cic. s. v. Ara.) u Arae 
 etfoci quum junguntur, cave putes, aras de templis, focos de aedibus 
 privatis intelligi, ut vulgaris opinio fert, in illo proverbio, pro aris 
 et focis pugnare ; quern err or em etiam erravit cl. Dukerus ad Flor. 
 3, 13, quum eum locus ille docere meliora posset, quern frustra 
 tentat. Sed utrumque dicitur de privatis aedibus in quibus ara 
 erat Deorum. Penatium patriorum, in impluvio, focus autem in 
 atrio, isque Larium erat. Dom. 40. Unius cujusque vestrum, 
 sedes, aras, focos, &c. ibid. 41, hie arae, hie foci, hie dii penates " 
 The " vulgaris opinio," however, is adopted by Cortius. 
 
 9. Quam quid in illis, &c. Cato's argument is this. The public 
 safety demands that we rid ourselves of them at once, (cavere ah 
 illis,) and not waste valuable time in deliberating on the kind of 
 punishment which their case may seem to demand. We should 
 hold no terms with these guilty wretches : they have placed'them- 
 selves, by their misdeeds, without the pale of the law, and the only 
 thing to be done is to deprive tkem for ever of the mear s of injuring 
 the state. 
 
 10. Cetera. Understand maleficia, which is expressed in some 
 editions. 
 
 11. Persequare. "You may punish." Caesar, by the artful 
 oration which the historian has assigned to him, had endeavoured 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 281 
 
 Page, 
 i iraw off the attention of the senate from the true point of the J QQ 
 debate. Cato here brings back the question in its strongest and 
 plainest colours. 
 
 12. Judicia. " The aid of public justice." 
 
 13. Tabulas. Understand pictasr. " Your paintings." 
 
 14. Amplexamini. From amplexor. " To be fondly attached 
 to any thing," &c. 
 
 15. Capessite rempubhcam " Take upon you the defence of 
 vour country." 
 
 16. Non agitur de vectigalibus, &c. " The question is not now 
 respecting the revenues of our empire, nor of wrongs inflicted on our 
 allies : our freedom, our very existence is at stake." 
 
 17. Qui mihi atque animo meo, &c. Cortius considers mihi 
 atque animo meo equivalent simply to meo animo. The meaning 
 of the clause will then be : — " I, who never extended to my own 
 self indulgence for any fault, was not easily induced to pardon the 
 misdeeds of others, for the sake of gratifying their ruling propen- 
 sities." — Condonabam, strictly speaking, refers to the custom or • 
 habit of pardoning, as expressed by the imperfect tense. Plutarch's 
 biography of Cato will furnish an ample commentary on the words 
 
 of the text. The stern and unbending character of this remarkable 
 man, while it renders him a conspicuous object amid the general 
 corruption of the age, must necessarily have exposed him to the 
 hatred and the virulence of his contemporaries. 
 
 18. Opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat. "Its resources saved if 
 from the consequences of your neglect." 
 
 19. Sed, cujus kaec cunque, &c. " But whether these things 
 of what kind soever they may be, are to remain our own, or, 
 together with ourselves, are to become the prey of our ene 
 mies." 
 
 20. Hie mihi quisquam, &c. " Does any one here make men 
 tion unto me of clemency and compassion'?" i. e. does any one tell 
 me here, that the course to be pursued by us should be a mild and 
 a merciful one 1 
 
 1. Eo respublica in extremo sita. " In so critical a situation has 1 1 £\ 
 the republic been placed." 
 
 2. Infuribus aerarii. " In the case of the pilferers of our trea 
 pury." Infuribus is the reading of all the manuscripts. 
 
 3. Ne illis sanguinem, &c. " Let them only not lavish upon 
 these men our blood." Ne is here put for ne modo. 
 
 4. Bene et composite. "In fair and studied language." Cato 
 here refutes Caesar's remarks, on the eternal sleep of the grave, 
 irather by oratorical irony than philosophic disputation. The latter 
 
 26* 
 
282 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 110 wou ^ nave been altogether out of place m so bold and animated 
 an harangue. 
 
 5. Habere. " Inhabit." Used in the sense of hahtare. Com- 
 pare Cicero, Tusc. 1, 30. 
 
 6. Videlicet timens. " Fearing, to be sure." Strong irony is 
 expressed by both of these terms, but especially by the latter, since 
 Caesar was more than suspected of being implicated in the con- 
 spiracy. 
 
 7. Multitudine conducta. " By a hired mob." With conducta 
 understand pretio or mercede ; and compare note 8, page 105. 
 
 8. Quare vanum eguidem, &c. "Wherefore this advice is idle 
 indeed, if he actually apprehends danger from them : while on the 
 other hand, if, amid the great alarm which pervades all classes, he 
 alone feels none, on that very account it concerns me to fear the 
 more for myself, and you for yourselves." The expression magis 
 refert, mihi, &c. is equivalent to magis refert me mihi, vosque vobis 
 timer e. Cato here alludes in pointed terms to Caesar's supposed 
 
 • connexion with the conspiracy. 
 
 9. Quanto vos attentius ea agetis. " The more vigorously ye 
 shall act on the present occasion. 
 
 10. Armis. " By arms alone." Understand tantum or modo. 
 
 11. Quae nobis nulla sunt. " None of which we have." Which 
 nave no existence for us. 
 
 12. Animus in consulendo liber, &c. " A mind unfettered m 
 deliberation ; neither swayed by a consciousness of guilt, nor 
 biased by any ruling propensity." 
 
 13. Publice egestatem, &c. "Asa people, poverty ; in private, 
 opulence." The resources of the state are plundered by the 
 powerful, (fures aerarii,) who lavish in private their ill-gotten 
 wealth. 
 
 14. Virtutis praemia. " The recompenses of merit." 
 
 Ill 1. Vacuam rempublicam. " The unprotected republic." Af- 
 * ter vacuam understand defensoribus f or else consilio et defensionc. 
 as Dahl supplies the ellipsis. 
 
 2. Supra caput est, A figurative expression, analogous to the 
 English phrases, " is at our very doors," or, " has the swora at our 
 throats." 
 
 3. Adprehensis hostibus. The dative, not the ablative. Com- 
 pare Cicero, Acad. 4, 115, " Diodoro quid faciam Stoicol" and 
 Pro Caecin. 30, " Quid huic tu homini facias ?" The common 
 editions of Sallust have deprehensis, but the reading we have given 
 is more significant. Deprehendere is to come upon one unawares, 
 but apprehendere is to seize, to lay hands upon. 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 282 
 
 Page. 
 i Misereamini censeo. Uttered ironically. " My advice is that J 
 )OU take pity on them." 
 
 5. Ne, ista vobis, &c. " Yes, that clemency and compassion, 
 should they take up arms, will change into misery for you." Ne is 
 an archaism for nac, from the Greek vai. Ista denotes strong con 
 tempt. With vertet understand se. 
 
 6. Scilicet res aspera est, &c. " The crisis is undoubtedly a 
 dangerous one, but you fear it not : nay, indeed, you do fear it very 
 greatly, but," &c. After immo vero maxume, understand earn 
 timetis. The idea intended to be conveyed is this : You will 
 acknowledge, very probably, that the present posture of our affairs 
 is a dangerous one, but you will assert, at the same time, that it fills 
 vou with no alarm. Your assertion is a false one ; for the condition 
 of the state does inspire you with apprehensions, and those, too, of 
 the strongest kind, but you are too spiritless, too slothful, to act the 
 part that becomes you. 
 
 7. Suppliciis muliebribus. " Womanish supplications." 
 
 8. Prospera. Some editions have prospere, which is inferior m 
 point of elegance. Prospera is used adverbially here by a Hel- 
 lenism. 
 
 9. Bello Gallico. This is an historical error on the part of Sal- 
 *ust. The occurrence mentioned in the text took place m a war 
 with the Latins. Compare Florus, 1, 14, and Livy, 8, 7. 
 
 10. Poenas dedit. " Atoned with his life for his intemperate 
 valour." 
 
 11. Vos de crudelissumis, &c. An instance of the argument a 
 fortiori. The premises are Apud majores nostros, &c. If a father 
 put to death his own son for merely disobeying a military order, 
 though that very act of disobedience enabled the latter to destroy 
 one of the enemies of his country, should their country hesitate to 
 inflict the most signal punishment upon these, who, with a cruel 
 and parricidal spirit, have attempted to plunge the steel into her 
 own bosom '] 
 
 12. Videlicet vita cetera, &c. " No doubt the rest of their lives 
 stands in direct opposition to this crime. Well then, spare the rank 
 of Lentulus," &c. Strong irony. 
 
 13. Nisi iterum, &c. "Unless this be the second time that he 
 has made war upon his country." The irony of adolescentiae is 
 extremely severe. Some commentators suppose, that the allusion in 
 the text is to his having taken part with Marius in the contest be- 
 tween him and Sylla. It is more probable, however, that the orator 
 is made to refer to the conspiracy of Piso, mentioned in chapter 18 
 of this work. 
 
284 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 14. Si quidquam umquam pensi, &c. "If they had ever exer 
 cised the least reflection ;" i. e. if they had not always been rash 
 and inconsiderate in their actions. The irony is still continued : It 
 was not from any hostile intent that they harboured these designs 
 against their country. Oh ! no ; but from mere want of reflection. 
 Their conduct has always been marked by inconsiderateness and 
 haste. 
 
 15. Neque parari, &c. Cato here hints that some of the senators 
 were implicated, and betrayed the deliberations of the senate to the 
 conspirators. 
 ■ -to 1. Manifestis. " Palpably guilty." 
 
 2. Virtutem animi. " His firmness of soul." 
 
 3. Sicuti Me censuerai. The decree of the senate is said to 
 have been made in accordance with the opinion of Cato, not because 
 he was the only one who spoke in favour of capital punishment, but 
 because he advocated that measure with the most ability and zeal. 
 Thus Cicero (Ep. ad. Att. 12, 21) remarks, " Cur ergo in senten- 
 tiam Catonis 1 Quia verbis luculentioribus et pluribus rem eandem 
 comprehenderat. ' ' 
 
 4. Sed mihi multa legend, &c. On the score of historical fidelity, 
 Sallust is highly censurable for the silence which he preserves re- 
 specting the public honours that were paid to Cicero on this occasion. 
 " It is in the conclusion of the business," observes Mr. Dunlop, 
 " that the historian withholds from Cicero his due share of applause, 
 and contrives to eclipse him by always interposing the character of 
 Cato ; though it could not be unknown to any witness of those 
 transactions, that Cato himself, and other senators, publicly hailed 
 the consul as the Father of his country, and that a thanksgiving to 
 the gods was decreed in his name, for having preserved the city 
 from conflagration and the citizens from massacre. This omission, 
 which may have originated partly in enmity, and partly in disgust 
 at the ill-disguised vanity of the consul, has in all times been re- 
 garded as the chief defect, and even stain, in the history of the 
 Catilinarian conspiracy." Dunlop' s Roman Literature, vol. 2, p, 
 154, Lond. ed. 
 
 5. Quae res maxime, &c. " What circumstance m particular 
 had supported the weight of such important concerns." 
 
 6. Agitanti. " Reflecting." 
 
 7. Veluti effoeta parente. " The parent being, as it were, ex 
 hausted." Cortius reads effoeta parentum, and considers it equiva- 
 lent to effoeta parens inter parentes, " a parent whose strength has 
 departed." We have followed the Bipont text, with which that of 
 Burnouf agrees. 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 286 
 
 Page. 
 
 8. Genus. " Birth." M. Porcius Cato, called, after liis death, 1 J2 
 Uticensis, from the city of Utica, near Carthage, where he 
 ended his existence, was the great grandson of M. Porcius Cato, 
 
 the censor. The Porcian gens was plebeian ; the Julian, patrician ; 
 i'iustrious achievements, however, and public honours, had raised 
 the former to a full equality with the Vatter. 
 
 9. Aetas. At the time of this conspiracy, Cato was thirty-three 
 rears of age, Caesar about thirty-seven. 
 
 10. Gloiia. Understand par. 
 
 11. Alia alii. " One kind of glory to the one, another to the 
 other." The student will observe the use of alia alii in place of 
 altera alteri, which last would be too limited in signification for the 
 spirit of the passage. Compare Livy, 1, 21, " lta duo deinceps 
 reges, alius alia via, Me bello, hie pace, civitatem auxerunty 
 
 12. Huic severitas. " To the latter the rigid practice of virtue 
 had imparted additional dignity." 
 
 13. Ignoscendo. " By forgiving." Ignosco properly means to 
 take no notice of a fault, (non nosse.) Thus Cicero, (Ep. ad Brut. 
 15, a med.) " Sed sceleris poenam praetermittere (id enim est quod 
 vocatur ignoscere) in hoc bello perniciosum puto." 
 
 1. Tlliusfacilitas, hujus constantia, &c. " The yielding temper 1 IO 
 of the former, the firmness of the latter, were subjects of continual 
 praise." 
 
 2. In animum induxerat. " Had formed the resolve." 
 
 3. At Catoni studium modestiae, &c. " But Cato's only study 
 was moderation, honour, but most of all, the rigid practice of virtue " 
 
 4. Factione. " In party spirit." 
 
 5. Abstinentia. " In purity of heart." 
 
 6. Esse quam videri, &c. The idea, here expressed, appears to 
 be borrowed from Aeschylus, (Sept. contra Theb. 589, ed. Blomf.) 
 Ov yap 6okuv £iKaio$ } dXX' tlvou 6e\a. Compare Choricius, ap. Vil- 
 loison, (Anecd. Graec. vol. 2, p. 22,) ifiovXero yap ov SokcTv, dAA' 
 thai ^pr^Trj. — " The parallel drawn between Cato and Caesar," 
 observes Mr. Dunlop, " is one of the most celebrated passages in 
 the history of the conspiracy. Of both these famed opponents we 
 are presented with favourable likenesses. Their defects are thrown 
 into the shade : and the bright qualities of each different species, by 
 which they were distinguished, are contrasted for the purpose of 
 showing the various qualities by which men arrive at eminence." 
 D-tinlop^s Roman Literature, vol. 2, p. 160, Lond. ed. Steele has 
 given aii imitation of this passage of Sallust, in the Christian Hero* 
 
 . 4. Compare Velleius Paterculus, 2, 35. 
 
 7. Trrumviros. Understand capitales. These were magistrate© 
 
 
286 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 J 3 wno na( l charge of the prison, and of the execution of condemned 
 
 criminals. They judged also concerning slaves, and persons ot the 
 
 lowest rank. They were likewise called Tresviri or Treviri. From 
 
 Valerius Maximus, (5, 4, 7,) it appears that they acted commonly 
 
 by deputies. 
 
 8. Locus — quod, &c. The relative here agrees in gender with 
 the following noun. Some grammarians term this the Greek con- 
 struction. It is the usual practice of Cicero ; but other authors give 
 the relative the gender of the preceding noun : Cicero himsell adopts 
 this latter custom when the word explained is a foreign one : as, 
 " cohihere motus animi quos Graeci Trddrj vocant :" still, however, he 
 has also the following : " consensus quam avinradeiav Graeci vacant." 
 Zumpt. L. G.. p. 238. 
 
 9. Tullianum. The prison at Rome was originally built by 
 Ancus Martius, and afterwards enlarged by Servius Tullius ; whence 
 that part of it which was under ground, and built by him, received 
 the name of Tullianum. Thus Varro (L. L. 4) observes, " In hoc, 
 pars quae sub terra Tullianum, ideo quod additum a Tullio rege." 
 The full expression is Tullianum robur, from its walls having beer, 
 originally of oak ; but in the days of Sallust they were of stone. 
 This dungeon now serves as a subterranean chapel to a small church 
 built on the spot, called San Pietro in carcere, in commemoration 
 of St. Peter, who is supposed to have been confined there. Its only 
 entrance, when a dungeon, was through a hole in the arched roof ; 
 now, however, there is a door in the side-wall. " Notwithstanding 
 the change," observes Eustace, " it has still a most appalling ap- 
 pearance." Eustce Class. Tour, vol. 1, p. 365, note. Lcrnd. ed. 
 
 10. Escenderis. An archaism for ascenderis. Some editions 
 have descenderis, but erroneously , for escenderis refers to the eleva- 
 tion on which the prison stood. Compare Descrizzione di Roma 
 Antica,^. 151, where the different opinions are stated relative to 
 the situation of the Tullianum. 
 
 11. Camera, &c. " A vaulted roof secured by stone arches." 
 
 12. Incultu. " From want of care," or " of cleanliness." 
 
 13. Quibus praezeptum erant. Understand lictores. Compare 
 note 7, page 113. 
 
 14. Laqueo gulam fregzre. w Strangled him." It was the Ro 
 man custom to put to death criminals of rank in prison ; to inflict 
 public punishment on others. 
 
 15. Ex omni copia. " Out of the entire force." 
 
 16. Duas legiones instituit. " Formed two legions." Catiline 
 formed, if the expression may be allowed, the skeletons of two le- 
 gions. He had not, at first, a sufficient nu/nber of men to form th* 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 287 
 
 Page, 
 regular complement of each legion ; still, however, he divided what 113 
 men he had into twenty cohorts, ten for a legion, and these cohorts 
 he subdivided into maniples and centuries. The cohorts, maniples, 
 and centuries, all wanted at first their regular complement of men, 
 and only obtained it gradually as fresh troops arrived at the 
 camp. 
 
 17. Nwmero hominum. " With the regular number of men." 
 The legion, as has already been remarked in the Notes to the Jugur- 
 thine War, contained different numbers of men at different times, 
 from 3000 to 6000. In the time of Polybius it was 4200. The 
 subject is well discussed by Lipsius, De Militia Pomona, dial. 4. 
 Each legion was divided into ten cohorts, each cohort into three 
 maniples, and each maniple into two centuries. So that there were 
 thirty maniples and sixty centuries in a legion, and if there always 
 had been 100 men in each century, as its name imports, the legion 
 would have consisted of 6000 men. 
 
 18. Sparos. "Darts." The form of this weapon is not clearly 
 ascertained. Servius (ad Aen. 11, 682) describes it as follows : 
 " Telurn rusticum in modum pedis (read, with R. Stephens, pedi) 
 recurvum." Festus observes, " Spara parvissimi generis jacula, 
 ab eo quod spargantur facta," and Nonius, (c. 18, n. 12,) " Spari 
 *ela sunt non bellica." 
 
 1. Praeacutas sudes. " Stakes pointed at the end." 11/1 
 
 2. In Galliam versus. " In the direction of Gaul," or, " towards 
 Gaul." 
 
 3. Sese habiturum. u That he himself would soon have one." 
 Understand occasionem pugnandi. Some editions have magnas 
 copias habiturum. 
 
 4. Cujus. " Of which class of persons." Understand generis, 
 or servitii. Singular relatives are. sometimes referred to collective 
 antecedents in the plural. Compare Priscian, 17, 20, vol. 2, p. 81, 
 ed. Krehl. " Cujus enim singulare ad rem retulit (Sallustius) id 
 est cvjus rei servitiorum." Consult also the excursus of Cortius on 
 this passage of Sallust. 
 
 5. Alienum suis rationibus. " Inconsistent with his views." 
 Catiline, however, had intended originally to have employed the 
 services of the slaves. Compare chapters 24 and 46 of this same 
 history. 
 
 6. In agrum Pistoriensem. " Into the territory of Pistoria " 
 Consult Geographical Index. 
 
 7. Galliam. Cisalpine Gaul, of course, is meant. 
 
 8. Ex difficultate rerum, &c. " Suspecting, from the difficulties 
 *hich encompassed him, that Catiline was meditating those very 
 
288 NOTES TO THH 
 
 Page 
 
 114 P^ ans °f which we have made mention above ;" 1. e. was mechta 
 
 ting an escape into Gaul. 
 
 9. Sicb ipsis radicibus. " At the very foot." — In Galliam jpro- 
 p&ranti. Some have inclosed these words within brackets as savour- 
 ing of a gloss. 
 
 10. Utpote qui, &c. " Inasmuch as he." 
 
 11. Expeditus. Some editions place a comma after acquioribut, 
 and another after expeditus, which then may signify " unencumber- 
 ed by baggage." We have given, however, the reading of Cortius, 
 which may be rendered as follows : " encountering fewer obstacles 
 to his progress along a more level country :" fewer obstacles, 
 namely, than Catiline did in his passage across the mountains 
 Others prefer placing a comma after aequioribus, and reading ex- 
 veditos in fugam sequeretur. They make expeditos in fugam equiv 
 
 ent to sine impediments fugientes. 
 
 12. Montibus atque copiis. The forces of Antonius, in Etruria, 
 -ressed Catiline in the rear, while Metellus stood ready in Gaul, at 
 
 he foot of the Apennines, to intercept the enemy as they fled. 
 Compare the words of Catiline in the following chapter : " Exercitus 
 hostium duo, unus ab urbe, alter a Gallia, obstante 
 
 13 Praesidii. " Relief," or " succour.'* 
 
 14. Moribus. "By habit."— Patere. "To display itself."- 
 Timor animi. For the simple timor. — Auribus obficit. " Obstructs 
 the avenues of hearing." 
 1 1 *r 1. Caussam consilii. " The grounds of this my final resolve." 
 2. Quantam cladem. " What disastrous consequences." — 
 Quoque modo. " And in what way." 
 
 3. Unus ab urbe, &c. " One on the side of the city, the other 
 on that of Gaul." 
 
 4. Si maxume animus ferat. " Even if inclination most strongly 
 prompt us to the step." However much we may be inclined so to do. 
 
 5. Illis supervacaneum est, &c. Equivalent to illis nee necessi- 
 tatis nee utilitatis est pro potentia paucorum pugnare. " They lie 
 under no obligation to fight in defence of the power of a few." No 
 necessity urges them to throw away their lives in support of an 
 odious aristocracy ; and, therefore, you will find them the easier to be 
 subdued. 
 
 6. Viris. " To those who had the feelings of men." 
 
 7. Relinquere. Understand haec. " To abandon this career on 
 which you have entered." — Pace bellum mutavit. " Has exchanged 
 war for peace." 
 
 8. Quis. For quibus. 
 
 9. Ea veto dementia, dst. " This indeed is folly." Beffienftz 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 289 
 
 Page 
 fnctlv speaking, denotes the absence of judgment, in particular JJ5 
 ases, whereas amentia implies the total want of reason. 
 
 10. Qui maxume timent. The antecedent Mis is elegantly un- 
 derstood. 
 
 11. Inulti animam amittatis. u That ye part not with life un- 
 avenged.'' Supply ne. 
 
 1. Instmctos or dines. " His troops as they were drawn up." j ] A 
 
 2. Pedes. " On foot." The nominative singular. 
 
 3. Pro loco atquc copiis. " In accordance with the nature of the 
 ground, and the extent of his forces." 
 
 Vam, uti planities, &c. " For, as the plain was situate be 
 tween mountains on the left, and as there was on the right a craggy 
 rock." If we read rape, as some editions have it, existence is un- 
 lerstood : if rapes, it is the nominative to erat understood. The 
 neaning, however, is the same in either case. 
 
 5. JReliqua signa, &c. "The rest of his forces he stations in 
 closer order, as a body of reserve." Signa, which properly denotes 
 the standards, is here put by metonymy for the troops themselves. 
 Each century, or at least each maniple, had its proper standard and 
 standard-bearer. 
 
 6. Ah his centuriones, ecc. We have given lectos with Cortius 
 and others. Some editions have electos, winch may be construed 
 as a substantive. The electi, according to Vegetius, (2, 6,) com- 
 posed the first cohort, which took its post by the eagle, and was re- 
 garded as the head of the legion, (caput legiwiis ) The Bipont 
 edition reads elect cs. 
 
 7. Evocatos. The cvocati, as has already been remarked in the 
 notes to Jugurtha, were veterans who had served out their time, 
 but had been prevailed upon to follow the standard of a commander 
 whom they approved. They were exempted from the drudgerv of 
 military service. 
 
 8. Faesulanum quendam. ;i A certain inhabitant of Faesulae." 
 Plutarch calls him Furius. — Curare. " To take command." Curare 
 appears to be the proper word on such occasions. Compare Jug. 
 57, " Legatis imperat ubi quisque curaret." 
 
 9. Libcrtis et colonis. By the liberti are meant his own freed- 
 men : for if freedmen in general had been meant, Sallust would 
 have used liber tinis instead of liber tis. By colom are meant SyhVs 
 veterans, who had been settled in the military colonies. 
 
 10. Propter aquilam, &c. Each Roman legion had for its chiei 
 standard an eagle of gold or silver, with expanded wings, on the 
 top of a spear, sometimes holding a thunderbolt in its claws, with 
 the figure of a small chapel above it. Consult Rasche. hex A« 
 
290 NOTES TO THE 
 
 Page. 
 
 116 N umm v °l- h P- 995. Probably the same eagle is meant in the 
 test of which Cicero speaks, (1, in Cat. 9,) " cut domi (Cjgtilinae) 
 sacrarium scelerum constitutum fuit." 
 
 11. Bello Cimbrico. Consult Geographical Index, under the 
 article Cimbn. 
 
 12. Pedibus aeger. Dio Casrms informs us that Antonius 
 feigned illness on the day of battle, fearful of encountering the re- 
 proaches of Catiline in case the latter should meet him in the fight. 
 Catiline, according to the same authority, preferred coming to an 
 engagement with the forces of Antonius rather than with those of 
 Metellus, although the former commander had the larger army of the 
 two, because he hoped that Antonius would purposely mismanage 
 matters during the fight. Dio. Cass. 37, 39, vol. 1, p. 136, ed. 
 Reimar. 
 
 13. Tumulti. A war in Italy, or against the Gauls, was called 
 tumultus, a much stronger term than betlum. 
 
 14. Ipse. Some commentators condemn the use of ipse in this, 
 and tile in the preceding clause, with reference to the same person. 
 The explanation, however, is an easy one : Antonius exercitum 
 Petreio permittit. Ille Petreius, &c, (" that officer ;") and again, 
 Petreius suum cuique cohorti locum assignat. Ipse equo cirmmiens. 
 ("riding around in person.") 
 
 15. Inermos. Incrmus and inermis are indiscriminately used. 
 
 16. Cernere. Used here for decernere : the simple verb for the 
 compound. — Homo militaris. Used, k<xt e^xw, for " homo rei 
 militaris peritissimus" " a man of great military experience." 
 
 17. Tribunus. "Tribune." The military tribunes of the Ro- 
 mans nearly corresponded to the colonels of modern times. There 
 were six in each legion, who commanded under the consul. 
 
 18. Praefectus. "Prefect." "When the term praefectus stands 
 alone, as in the present instance, it denotes a commander of the 
 allies. The praefecti among the allies, were of the same rank 
 with the tribuni among the Roman forces. The officers of the 
 allies were for the most part Romans, chosen by the consul or 
 senate. 
 
 19. Tuba. The Romans used only wind-instruments of music 
 in the army. The tuba was straight, like our trumpet ; the lituus : 
 or clarion, was bent a little at the end, like the augur's staff, 
 (htuus) whence the name. The tuba was used as a signal for the 
 foot, the lituus for the horse. Compare Lipsius, dc Militia Romana, 
 dial. 10. 
 
 20. Ferentariis. The light-armed troops, beside other appella* 
 tions, were styled ferentarii, because they carried what they threw 
 
CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 29i 
 
 Page. 
 
 2 Pila omiJunt. "They throw aside their javelins." — Vete- ] \Q 
 rani Belonging to the Roman army. — Uli. Referring to the fol 
 lowers of Catiline. 
 
 22. Interea Catilina, &c. The student will observe the animated 
 air which the succession of infinitives imparts to this sentence, until 
 the mind of the reader is allowed to repose itself on the finite form 
 at its close, exsequebatur. 
 
 1. Cohortem praetoriam. Among the Romans, the general \\*j 
 was usually attended by a select band, called cohors Praetoria. It 
 
 was first instituted by Scipio Africanus, according to Festus, but 
 something similar was used long before that time, as appears from 
 Livy, 2, 20. This differs essentially from the praetorian cohort in 
 the history of the empire. 
 
 2. In primis. " Among the first," not, as some render it, 
 11 among the foremost." The expression must be referred to cadunt. 
 not to pugnantes. It would have been very scanty praise to have 
 said of them, that they fell fighting " among the foremost," or " in 
 the foremost ranks ;" for how could they, as commanders, have done 
 otherwise ? Besides, if such had been the meaning of the historian, 
 he would have preferred to express it by inter primos. 
 
 3. Paullo diversius. " In a somewhat more scattered manner." 
 
 4. Civis ingenuus. " Free citizen." Ingenuus, among the 
 Romans, denoted a person born of parents who had always been 
 free." 
 
 5. Ita. " So little." 
 
 6. Laetitia, moeror, &c. Laetitia properly denotes a transport 
 of joy, or joy expressed strongly by the actions of the individual. 
 Gaudium, on the contrary, indicates the calm and rational emotion 
 of joy. So moeror denotes sorrow accompanied by tears, luctus 
 more of internal grief. 
 
 We have now reached the close of this eventful narrative, and have 
 traced the progress of a conspiracy which, though arrested in its earlier 
 stages, yet proved one of those violent shocks that hastened the fall of 
 the Roman state. It may not be amiss, before concluding, to mention 
 a few particulars which are passed over in silence by the historian. 
 From Dio Cassius, Lib. 37, c. 40 and 41, we learn, that Antonius, after 
 the battle, sent the head of Catiline to Rome, in ordei to quiet all ap- 
 prehension on the part of the inhabitants ; and that he himself was 
 honoured with the title of Imperator, although he had taken no active part 
 in the fight, and although the number of slain (3000) was less than 
 
292 NOTES TO THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 
 
 that for which this title was usually awarded, (5000.) A public thanks- 
 giving was also decreed, and the garb of mourning, which the citizens 
 had assumed when the conspiracy broke out, was again laid aside. The 
 accomplices of Catiline, who had either not been present in the battle, 
 or had escaped from the field, spread themselves over Italy, but were 
 in part taken and executed. One of the number, Lucius Vettius, 
 turned informer against the rest : but he accused so many as to excite 
 the suspicion of the senate, who ordered him, not to commit to writing 
 the names of those against whom he informed, but to mention them at 
 once by word of mouth. This confused and alarmed him, and but few 
 were subsequently accused. The names of those whom he had impli- 
 cated having been concealed from the people at large, great confusion 
 and alarm consequently prevailed. To quiet this general feeling of in- 
 security, the senate resolved to publish the names in question, which 
 was accordingly done. Some of the accused stood trial and were con 
 demned ; others abandoned their sureties and fled. 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 
 
 4r^^ -v^^^- wwv^%\vwww%vwvw» \ w^ 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL TNDEX 
 
 k. 
 
 Aborigines. A name given by the Roman writers to the primitive 
 race of the Latins. According to Cato, they dwelt originally about 
 mount Velino f in Italy, and the lake of Celano, (Fueinns,) as far as Car- 
 seoli, and towards lleate ; but were driven onward by the Sabines, who 
 came from Aquila. (Dion. Hal. 2, 49.) On leaving this vicinity, they 
 came down the Anio, and expelled the Siculi from the neighbourhood 
 of Tibur, Antemnae, Crustumerium, and Aricia. Sallust represents them 
 as a savage race, living in hordes, without any civilization, and ignorant 
 of agriculture. This, however, does not agree with the traces of their 
 towns in the Apennines. The Aborigines revered Janus and Saturn ; 
 the latter of whom, according to some authorities, taught them hus- 
 bandry, and induced them to choose settled habitations. From this 
 ancient race, blended with a remnant of the Siculi, came the later Latin 
 nation. (Compare Niebuhr, Rom. Hist., vol. i., p. 62. Cambridge 
 Transl.) p. 82. 
 
 Aegyptus. An extensive country of Africa, consisting of the long 
 and narrow valley which follows the course of the Nile, from Syene 
 (Assooan) to Cairo, together with the Delta, or triangular region, spread- 
 ing from this point, to the Mediterranean sea. Sallust and Pomponius 
 Mela (1, 8) consider it as a part of Asia, making Africa end at the 
 Catabathmus. Other ancient writers give the Nile as forming the divi- 
 ding line between Asia and Africa ; and, of course, make Egypt belon/ 
 half to the former continent and half to the latter. . . p. 14. 
 
 Aethiopes. A race, according to Sallust, occupying the central parts 
 of Africa, from east to west. The early Greeks meant by Aethkpes all 
 races of a dark complexion (aiBw, uro, and <5\p f vultus,) and called their 
 country Aethiopia, wherever situated. Hence, Homer speaks of the 
 Eastern and Western Aethiopians, meaning by the former the Arabians, 
 Indi, &c, and by the latter the natives of central Africa. Aethiopia, 
 iccording to the more definite account of Herodotus, includes the coun- 
 tries above Egypt, the present Nubia and Abyssinia ; and it is in some- 
 what the same sense that the term is now employed, when we speak of 
 Aethiopia as the parent of Egyptian civilization. . . p. 14 . 
 
 Africa. Called by the Greeks Libya ; and commonly regarded by 
 the ancients as forming the third division of the world. Some, however, 
 of the geographers of antiquity considered the world as composed of fcm 
 p&rtts, Europe, Asia, Africa and Egypt; and others again of only tw& 
 
296 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 
 
 Europe and Asia, including Africa m Europe. In general, Africa was 
 reckoned a third part. The name was first applied by the Romans to 
 the immediate territories of Carthage. Hence, we find, on the coast of 
 the Mediterranean, Africa Propria, corresponding to the modern country 
 of Tunis. On the east, Africa is bounded by the isthmus of Suez, and 
 the Sinus Arabicus, or Red sea ; on the north by the Mediterranean, 
 called by the Romans Mare Nostrum ; on the west by the Atlantic ; and 
 on the south by the Indian ocean. It is extremely doubtful whether the 
 ancients were acquainted with the circumnavigation of Africa. Hero- 
 dotus informs us, that it was accomplished by Phenician mariners, sent 
 out by the orders of Necho, king of Egypt. . . p. 12, 13, 14. 
 
 Africum M^re. Another name for that part of the Mediterranean 
 which washes the shores of Africa. . Mela (1, 14) calls it Libycum 
 Mare. According to other authorities, however, the Libycum Pelagus 
 was between Africa and the coast of Crete. ... p. 13. 
 
 Allobroges. A people of Gaul, between the Isara, or Isere, and 
 the Rhodanus, or Rhone, in the country answering to Dauphine, Pied- 
 mont, and Savoy. Their chief city was Vienna, now Vienne, on the left 
 bank of the Rhodanus, thirteen miles below Lugdunum, or Lyons. They 
 were finally reduced beneath the Roman sway by Fabius Maximus, who 
 hence was honoured with the surname of Allobrogicus. Their name is 
 said to mean " Highlanders, " from Al, "high," and Broga, "land." 
 {Thierry, Hist, des Gaulois, vol. ii., p. 168, seqq. — Adelung, Mithri- 
 dates, vol. ii., p. 50.) . . . . . p. 99, 100, 101. 
 
 Apulia. A country of Magna Graecia, lying along the coast of the 
 Hadriatic. The name Apulia was unknown to the Greeks, who gave the 
 country the appellation of Iapygia. It must be remarked, however, that 
 the term Iapygia was confined at first to that peninsula, to which the name 
 Messapia was sometimes applied ; but we find, at a later period, that 
 Polybius gives to Iapygia the same extension which the Roman geogra- 
 phers and historians assign to Apulia. The modern name of Apulia is 
 Puglia. The country now supports more sheep than men. ( Cramers 
 Ancient Italy, vol. ii., p. 284, seqq.) ... p. 93, 94. 100. 
 
 Armenii. The inhabitants of Armenia, a region of Asia, which was 
 divided into Armenia Major and Minor. The first of these answers to 
 the modern Turcomania, and is still sometimes called Armenia, lying 
 south of mount Caucasus, and comprehending the Turkish pachalics of 
 Erze-Roum, Kars, and Van, and also the Persian province Iran, or 
 Erivan. It was separated from Armenia Minor by the river Euphrates. 
 Armenia Minor was, properly speaking, a part of Cappadocia. It is 
 now called Aladulia, or Pegian. Armenia Major is a rough, mountain- 
 ous country, which has Caucasus for its northern boundary, and in the 
 centre is traversed by branches of mount Taurus, to which belongs 
 mount Ararat. Here the rivers Euphrates, Tigris, and Cyrus, cr Kur s 
 take their rise. The climate is rather cold than warm ; the soil ii 
 general moderately fertile, and better fitted for grazing than for agricul- 
 ture. The mountains are rich in iron and in copper. . . p. 13 
 
 Arpinum. A small town of Latium, southeast of Rome, still knows 
 by the name of Arpino. It was famous for having been the birth- 
 place of Marius, and Cicero. It originally belonged to the Vote ?i, but 
 was taken by the Samnites, from whom it was again wrested by the 
 Romans. ". p. .43 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 297 
 
 Arretinus Ager. The territory of Arretium, a city of Etruria, 
 north of Cortona, and near the Arnus, or Arno. Its modern name is 
 Arezzo. Arretium was a place of considerahle celebrity, and generally 
 considered as one of the principal states of Etruria. It was much cele- 
 brated for its terra cotta vases. [Plin. H. N. 35, 12.) . p. 97. 
 
 Asia. One of the divisions of the ancient world. (Vid. Africa.) 
 The name of Asia was applied by Homer, Herodotus, and Euripides, to 
 a district of Lydia, watered by the Cayster. As their geographica. 
 knowledge of the continent increased, the Greeks extended the term 
 gradually to the whole of Asia Minor, and eventually to the other ex- 
 tensive countries of the East. When the Roman writers refer to Asia 
 specially, they mean the Roman province in Ask Minor. . p. 13, 85. 
 
 B. 
 
 Baleares. A name anciently given to the islands of Majorca and 
 Minorca. The word is derived from the Greek PdXXeiv, " to throw," 
 or " strike," from the expertness of the inhabitants in the use of the 
 sling. The Romans obtained some of their best slingers from these 
 islands. In Majorca is Palma, which still retains its ancient name. Il 
 Minorca is Portus Magonis, now Port Mahon. ... p. 72. 
 
 Bruttii. A people of Magna Graecia, below Lucania. They were 
 a pastoral race, and,' according to some of the ancient writers, were called 
 Bruttii by the Romans, from their cowardice in submitting to Hannibal 
 during the second Punic war. A much better etymology, however, is 
 given by Strabo, who informs us, that they were called Bruttii from the 
 circumstance of their being revolted slaves ; BpErriovs yap koXovcl dTroaTa- 
 rag, says Strabo, speaking of the Lucanians. This appellation the in- 
 surgents are supposed to have accepted as a term of defiance. The 
 Bruttii flocked eagerly to the victorious standard of Hannibal, and sub- 
 sequently enabled that commander to maintain his ground in this quarter 
 of Italy, when all hope of final success seemed to be extinguished. 
 Hence they were reduced by the Romans to the most abject state of 
 dependance, after the departure of the Carthaginian general and the 
 victory at Zama. They were pronounced incapable of being employed 
 in a military capacity, and their services were confined to the menial 
 offices of couriers and letter-carriers. (Cramer's Ancient Italy, vol. ii., 
 p. 386.) . p. 100. 
 
 Camertem. A native of Camermum. This place was a Roman 
 colony, on the borders of Picenum, but lying in Umbria. It was probably 
 not the same with the Camerte of Strabo, as some suppose. (Cramer's 
 Ancient Italy, vol. i., p. 274.) Barbie du Bocage is of opinion, that 
 Camerinam w T as founded by the inhabitants of Camerte, after the latter 
 city had been destroyed by Sylla for favouring the party of Marius. 
 (Consult the French Strabo, vol. ii., p. 60.) . . . p. 93. 
 
 Campania. A very fertile district of Italy, below Latium, of which 
 Capua was the chief city. The natural advantages of Campania, its 
 genial climate, and fertile soil, so rich in various productions, are a 
 favourite theme with the Latin writers 
 
298 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 
 
 Capsa. A city of Africa, in the district of Byzacium, north of the 
 Palus Tritonis, and surrounded by vast deserts. Here Jugurtha kept 
 his treasures. It was surprised aud burnt by Marius. As, however, a 
 place whljh affords fresh water in the midst of a desert is too important 
 a site to remain long unoccupied, we find the city subsequently rebuilt, 
 and Ihe inhabitants mentioned by Pliny {H. N. 5. 4) under the name 
 of Capsitani. Ptolemy speaks of Capsa as a city in his days, occupied 
 most probably by Romans, and forming a kind of frontier place. The 
 origin which Sallust ascribes to Capsa, its having been founded, namely, 
 by the Lybian Hercules, assimilates it to the cities of Egypt, and points 
 to a sacerdotal colony. Even its other name, Hecatompylos, reminds 
 us of Egyptian Thebes and its hundred gates. (Ma?inert, Geogr., vol. x., 
 part 2, p. 346. p. 60, 62, 66. 
 
 Capua. The capital of Campania in Italy, a rich and flourishing city 
 until ruined by the Romans. Capua was originally called Vulturous, 
 which name was changed by the Tyrrheni, after they became masters 
 of the place, to Capua. This latter appellation was derived from their 
 leader Capys, who, according to Festus, was so called from his feet 
 being deformed and turned inward. Capua opened its gates to Hanni- 
 bal after the battle of Cannae, and the luxury of the city proved highly 
 injurious to the martial spirit of his troops. After the retreat of the 
 Carthaginian general, this place surrendered at discretion to the Romans, 
 who butchered the senators, condemned the nobles to perpetual impris- 
 onment, and sold the inhabitants as slaves. Although colonies were 
 afterwards sent to inhabit this city, it never regained its former magnifi- 
 cence. Genseric, the Vandal, in a later age, put the people to the 
 sword, and burnt the city. Narses, in the reign of Justinian, perceiving 
 the advantages of its situation, rebuilt Capua about the middle of the 
 sixth century. It was destroyed, however, by the Saracens, A. D. 341 
 Modern Capua occupies the site, not of the ancient city, but of Casili- 
 nnm, on the Vulturous, 19 stadia distant ; the inhabitants having been 
 transferred to the latter place by the bishop Landulpus and the Lombard 
 count Lando. The village of St. Maria marks the true site of the 
 ancient place. {Mannert, Geogr. vol. ix, part 1, p. 771.) . p. 94. 
 
 Carthago. A celebrated commercial city of Africa, the rival, for a 
 long period, of the Roman power. It was founded by a colony from 
 Tyre, according to the common account, B. C. 878. Some, however, 
 suppose that the city was more than once founded, and rebuilt or en- 
 larged, and in this way they seek to remove the difficulty occasioned by 
 the conflicting accounts respecting the foundation of this city, by refer- 
 ring them to different epochs. (Heyne, Excurs. 1. ad Aen. 4.) In 
 this point of view, the third founding of Carthage will be assigned to 
 Dido. The Greeks called Carthage K.ap%ri8wv J and the inhabitants 
 K.*PXn36vt9i. The name of the city in Punic was Carthada, or Cariha- 
 Hadath, i. e. the " New City, "in contra-distinction, perhaps, to the old 
 or parent city of Tyre ; unless, perhaps, the term refer rather to the 
 renovation of an earlier city by the arrival of a new colony, which wi)» 
 agree with the theory of the several foundings of Carthage. Carthage 
 was situated on a peninsula, in the recess of a spacious bay, formed bv 
 the promontory Hermaeum (cape Bon) on the east, and that of Apollo 
 (cape Zibb) on the w r est. The river Bagradas flows into the bay be- 
 tween the remains of Ufcca and the peninsula ; and, being an inundating 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 299 
 
 river, has doubtless caused many changes in the bay. The circunifer 
 ence of the site of Carthage was twenty-three miles, and when it was 
 set on fire by the Romans, at the close of the third Punic war, it burnt 
 incessantly for seventeen days. It is unnecessary here to enter very 
 fully into the history of this powerful city. The wars waged between 
 it and the Romans were denominated the Punic, and were three in 
 number. The first Punic war continued twenty- three years, and was 
 terminated by the defeat of the Carthaginians off the Aegades Insula. 
 The second lasted about seventeen years, during nearly sixteen of which 
 Hannibal was in Italy. It was ended by the battle of Zama. The third 
 was nothing more than the capture and destruction of Carthage. Julius 
 Caesar planted a small colony on the ruins of Carthage. Augustus sent 
 3,000 men thither, and built a city at a small distance from the spot on 
 which- the ancient place had stood, thus avoiding the ill effects of the 
 mprecations, which had been pronounced by the Romans, according to 
 custom, at the time of its destruction, against those who should rebuild 
 it. This later Carthage was taken by Genseric, A. D. 439, and it was 
 for more than a century the seat of the Vandal pow r er in Africa. It was 
 at last destroyed by the Saracens, during the Caliphate of Abdel Melek, 
 towards the end of the seventh century, and few traces of it now re- 
 main. ■ p. 14, 29, 52, 84 
 
 Catabathmos. A sloping tract of land, whence its name, (Kara- 
 (Sadadg, " a descent,") separating Cyrenaica from Egypt, according to 
 Pliny. - Sallust makes it the boundary between Egypt and Africa. ( Vid. 
 Aegyptus.) It was commonly called Catabathmus Magnus, to distin- 
 guish it from a similar declivity of less extent farther to the east, along 
 the same coast, but within the territory of Egypt. The modern name 
 of the Catabathmus Magnus is Akabct-ossolom. . . p. 13, 14. 
 
 Cimbri. A German nation, supposed to have been descended from 
 the Asiatic Cimmerians, and occupying what was called Chersonesus 
 Cimbrica, now Jutland, forming part of the kingdom of Denmark. 
 About 113 B. C-, the Cimbri, leaving their territories, which were both 
 narrow and barren, and being joined by the Teutones, or rather by severa] 
 German nations, under this general name, moved through the intervening 
 countries, entered and overran Gaul, and defeated four Roman armies 
 •n succession. Marius, at last, in his second consulship, was chosen to 
 
 rry on the war. He met the Teutones at Aquae Sextiae, in Gaul, and, 
 after a bloody engagement, left 20,000 of the enemy dead on the field 
 of battle, and took 90,000 prisoners. The Cimbri, who had formed 
 another army, had already penetrated into Italy, where they were met at 
 the river Athesis by Marius and his colleague Catulus, a year after. An 
 engagement ensued, and, if w T e believe the ancient accounts, 140,000 
 were slain. Those who escaped the sword of Marius settled in that 
 art of the Alps called Sette Commune, where their descendants still 
 retain the Teutonic language, and a traditional account of their origin, 
 They keep themselves quite separate from the surrounding states^ bj 
 which means they have preserved the language of their ancestors, in a 
 great degree, uncorrupted. The late king of Denmark visited these 
 Alpine Cimbrians, and readily conversed with them, when both parties, 
 speaking their native languages, understood each other. 
 
 Cirta. A city of Numidia, about forty-eight miles from the sea, on 
 a branch of the river Ampsagas. It was intended as the royal residence. 
 
300 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 
 
 and being, in fact, the only city originally in that part of the country , 
 and erected by Carthaginian workmen, it hence took the Pumc name of 
 Cartha, or, " the city." It was the residence of Syphax, Masinissa, and 
 the other rulers of the land. At a later period, Julius Caesar gave it to 
 a certain Sittius, who aided him with his followers against Scipio and 
 Juba. The place now changed its name to Sittianorum Colonia. In 
 the time of the emperor Constantine, having suffered much on account 
 of its fidelity to that prince, the latter repaired and embellished it, and 
 gave it the name of Constantino,. This name remains with a slight 
 variation to the present day, and the small city, built upon the ruins of 
 die ancient capital is still called Cosantina. . . . p. 16. 
 
 Creta. A large island in the Mediterranean, now Candia, said to 
 have had, in early times, a hundred cities. Q. Metellus received the 
 surname of Creticus, from his having brought the war in this island to a 
 close. 
 
 Crotona, or Croto, now Cotrone, a powerful city of Magna Graecia. 
 in the territory of the Bruttii, on the coast of the Sinus Tarentinus. h 
 was distinguished for its attachment to the doctrines of the Pythagorean 
 sect, and the consequent purity and morality of its inhabitants. Luxury, 
 and the love of pleasure, howevei, came in at last, and destroyed all the 
 good effects which had emanated from the school of Pythagoras. Until 
 this change took place, the Crotoniats were remarkable for their hardi- 
 hood and vigour, and had conquered and destroyed the wealthy and 
 effeminate city of Sybaris. As a proof, indeed, of the robust frames of 
 its inhabitants, and their skill in athletic exercises, it was commonly 
 said, that the last wrestler of Crotona was the first of the other Greeks. 
 When, however, the change took place in their own morals, they degen- 
 erated to such a degree, that, being engaged in hostilities with the 
 Locrians, an army of 130,000 Crotoniats was routed by 10,000 of the 
 enemy on the banks of the Sagra. After this, it gradually declined in 
 importance, until the inhabitants, unable to hold out against Hannibal, 
 retired to Locri, when the Romans established a colony in it. Pliny 
 merely calls it an Oppidum. . . . . . p. 101. 
 
 Cyrene. A city of Africa, the capital of Cyrenaica, near the coast 
 of the Mediterranean.. It was founded by Battus, who led thither a 
 colony of Dorians from the island of Thera. In the immediate neigh- 
 bourhood of the settlement was a copious spring of excellent water, 
 which the new comers are said to have called the fountain of Apollo, 
 and to have converted the native appellation for the same into the Greek 
 Kt3j077, from which arose the name Cyrene, (Kvprjuri, Dorice, Kvpava.) 
 Cyrene became, in process of time, a powerful city, under an independent 
 line of princes, until Ptolemy Apion, the last monarch, bequeathed the 
 capital, together with all the territory of Cyrenaica to the Roman people. 
 The Sxlphium, a species of laserpitium, orassafoetida, formed a great article 
 of trade in Cyrenaica. The capital stood a little inland, and had Apol- 
 lonia, now Marza Susa, for its port. The modern name of Cyrene is 
 Curin p. 14 
 
 D. 
 
 Durius. A river of Spam, now the Doaro, rising in the chain Oi 
 Mons Idubeda, and near tne sources of which stood the ancient citv of 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 
 
 01 
 
 Numantia, It empties into the Atlantic, after a course of nearly 300 
 miles, but is navigable only seventy miles from its mouth, on account 
 of its rapid current. At the mouth of the Durius stood Portus Calles, 
 now Oporto, from a corruption of which arose, the modern name of 
 Portugal. The classical appellation for Portugal, however, is Lu- 
 itania. 
 
 E. 
 
 Etruria. A district of Italy, lying north and west of the Tiber. 
 The origin of the Etrurian nation is unknown, although many, without 
 any very strong reasons for the opinion, regard them as having been a 
 Celtic race. Their civilization came in with the Tyrrheni, who appear 
 to have been identical with the Pelasgi. The statement of Herodotus, 
 that the Tyrrheni, or Etrurians, were of Lydian origin, appears to refer 
 merely to a Pelasgic emigration. The Etrurians excelled in the know- 
 ledge of augury, and in the worship of the gods. In these respects the 
 Romans seem to have done little more than adopt the ceremonies and 
 institutions of their neighbours, who were for a long period their de- 
 termined and powerful enemies. After long continued war and much 
 carnage, the Romans oDtamed a complete victory over cliein, and com- 
 pelled them to submit to such conditions as they chose to dictate. The 
 Etrurians were divided into twelve states, of which each adopted that 
 form of government which seemed most agreeable, though the leading 
 feature in all was aristocratic. The want of a common bond of union 
 contributed very materially to their final subjugation by the Romans. 
 Etruria corresponds, in a great measure, to the present Grand Duchy 
 of Tuscany. ......... p. 93 
 
 F. 
 
 Faesulae. Now Fiesoli, a town of Italy, in Etruria, southeast oi 
 Pistoria. Here Catiline raised the standard of rebellion. In modern 
 times, it is rather a village than a town. The Goths, when they entered 
 Italy, under the consulate of Stilico and Aurelian, A. D. 400, were de- 
 feated in the vicinity of this place p. 92 
 
 G. 
 
 Gaetuli. The inhabitants of Gaetulia, in Africa. Gaetulia lay to 
 the south of Numidia, and answers in some degree to the modem Be 
 Icddgerid. The Gaetuli, like the Numidians, excelled in horsemanship 
 and, like them, rode barebacked. p. 13 
 
 Gallia. An extensive country of Europe, lying between the Rhine, 
 the Alps, the Mediterranean, the Pyrenees, and the ocean. It was more 
 extensive, therefore, to the north and east than modern France. The 
 Lame Galli, given to the inhabitants by the Roman writers, is the Celtic 
 term Gael, Latinised. The Greeks called them K&rai, and their coun- 
 try KsXrtKf] and YaXarla. 
 
 Gallia Citerior. Called also Gallia Cisalpina, a name given by the 
 Romans to that part of Italy which lay between the Alps and the rivers 
 Rubicon and Macra. It was occupied by various Gallic tribes, whicb 
 
 28 
 
802 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 
 
 had poured over the Alps into this extensive tract of country. Livy 
 assigns to these migrations the date of 600 B. C. ; but in all probability 
 they were much earlier. 
 
 Gallia Cispadana. Gaul south of the Padus, or Po ; or, in other 
 words, that part of northern Italy which lay between the Po and the 
 fivers Rubicon and Macra. The remaining portion between the Po and 
 the Alps, was called Gallia Transpadana. 
 
 Gallia Togata. Commonly regarded as only another name for 
 Gallia Cisalpina, but applying in strictness merely to Gallia Cispadana. 
 The name has reference to the country's being occupied by individuals 
 who enjoyed the rights of Roman citizenship, or, in other words, the 
 privilege of wearing the toga. These inhabitants appear to have been 
 settled here in colonies after the Gauls were driven out. (Compare 
 Mannert, Geogr., vol. x., part 1, p. 133.) 
 
 Gallia Transalpina. Gaul beyond the Alps, or Gaul Proper 
 
 H. 
 
 Hadrumetum. The capital of Byzacium, a district of Africa Propria. 
 The place, according to Sallust, was of Phoenician origin, and owed its- 
 prosperity, in a great measure, to the fertility of the surrounding coun- 
 try ; since, although situate near the coast, it does not appear to have had 
 any harbour. It suffered severely in Caesar's wars, but was afterwards 
 restored and enlarged by a colony being sent hither in the time of the 
 emperors, especially Trajan. The place was destroyed by the Saracens. 
 Its site has been made a matter of much discussion at the present day 
 D'Anville places it near the modern Susa, in the territory of Tunis. 
 Shaw makes it the same with Hamamet. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. x 
 part 2, p. 244.) p. 14. 
 
 Hippo. A city of Numidia, in the western part, on a bay near the 
 promontory of Hippi. It was called Hippo Regius, not only to dis- 
 tinguish it from Hippo Zarytus, a town on the coast to the west of Utica, 
 but also from its having been one of the royal cities of the Numidian 
 monarchs. The place was of Phoenician origin. St. Augustine was 
 bishop here. Near the ancient site is a town named Bona. . p. 14. 
 
 Hispania. An extensive country, forming a kind of peninsula, in the 
 southwestern part of Europe. It was divided into Hispania Citerior 
 and Ulterior. Hispania Citerior was also called Tarraconensis, from 
 Tarraco (now Tarragona.) its capital, and extended from the foot of the 
 Pyrenees to the mouth of the Durius (now Board) on the Atlantic shore ; 
 comprehending all the north of Spain, together with the south, as far as 
 a line drawn below Carthago Nova, (now Carthagena,) and continued 
 in an oblique direction to the river Durius, passing by Salamantica 
 (now Salamanca). Hispania Ulterior was divided into two provinces, 
 Baetica, in the south of Spain, between the Anas (now Guadiana) and 
 Citerior ; and above it Lusitania, corresponding, in a great measi re, to 
 modern Portugal. Baetica answers to modern Andalusia. p. 4. 
 
 I. 
 
 Italia. Of this well-known region, it wLl be sufficient here to give 
 merely the main divisions The peninsula of Italy was anciently divided 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 303 
 
 mto Gallia Cisalpina, in the north, from the Alps to the rivers Rubicon, 
 on the upper, and Mae/a, on the lower coast ; Italia Propria, in the 
 centre, and Magna Grcecia, in the south. The last of these took its 
 name from the Greek colonies settled there, and comprehended the prov- 
 inces of Campania, Apulia, Lucania, Messapia, and Bruttium. All 
 between Magna Graecia and the riveis Rubicon and Macra, was 
 Italia Propria, and under the immediate jurisdiction of the senate and 
 people. 
 
 Lares. A town ot Africa Propria, west of Zama Regia, and south 
 of Sicca Venerea. Its site is supposed to be marked at the present 
 dav by the modern Larbuss. ( Bischoff v.nd- Moflrr, Worterb. der Geogr., 
 y 6S2.) p. 61. 
 
 Latium. A country of Italy, lying south of Etruria, from which it 
 was separated by the river Tiber. In it stood Rome, Alba, Lavinium, 
 Tusculum, Arpinum, Praeneste, &c. The name of Latium was at first 
 given to that portion of Italy only, which extends from the mouth of the 
 Tiber to the promontory of Circeii ; but subsequently this latter boundary- 
 's removed to the river Liris, whence arose the distinction of Latium 
 Antiquum and Novum. At a still later period, the southern boundary 
 of Latium was extended from the Liris to the mouth of the river Vultur- 
 nus and the Massic hills. . . . . . p. 47 
 
 Leptis. There were two cities of this name in Africa. 1. The first, 
 called for distinction sake Leptis Mo.gna, w r as situate towards the 
 greater Syrtis, at the southeast extremity of the district of Tripolis. It 
 was founded by the Phoenicians, and ranked next to Carthage and Utica, 
 among their maritime cities. Under the Romans, it was signalized, as 
 Sallust informs us, by its fidelity and obedience. It was destroyed by 
 the Vandals, rebuilt by the emperor Justinian, and finally demolished by 
 the Saracens. Lebida now marks the ancient site. 2. The other city 
 of Leptis, called also Leptis Parva, was situate in Africa Propria, in 
 the district of Byzacium, or Emporiae, about eighteen miles below Ha- 
 drumetum, on the coast. It is now Lempta. This city paid a talent 
 a day to the Carthaginians as tribute, which will serve to give us some 
 idea of its commercial prosperity, and the productiveness of the sur- 
 rounding district. The Phoenicians, according to Sallust, were its 
 founders p. 14, 51 
 
 Libya. The name given by the Greek writers and the Roman poets 
 to what was otherwise called Africa. In a more restricted sense, the 
 name has been applied to that part of Africa which contained the two 
 countries of Cyrenaica and Marmarica, together with a very extensive 
 region inland, and which was generally styled Libya Interior. . p. 13 
 
 Ligures. The natives of Liguria. This country formed part of 
 Cisalpine Gaul, and lay along the shores of the Sinus Ligusticus, or 
 gulf of Genoa, between the Varus on the west, and the Macra on the 
 east. The Ligures appear to have been a numerous and powerful people 
 extending at an early period along the shores of the Mediterranean, from 
 the mouth of the Rhodanus to that of the Arnus, reaching also into f he 
 interior of Gaul, and the valleys of the maritime Alps. In the days of 
 •he Roman dominion, however, their limits were contracted as first above 
 
304 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 
 
 stated. The Ligurians were a bold and hardy mountain ^r-race, and 
 they were not conquered by the Romans until after many years of war- 
 fare. The possession of their country was important, as affording 
 the easiest communication with Gaul and Spain over the maritime 
 Alps p. 27 
 
 M. 
 
 Macedonia. A country of Europe, lying to the west of Thrace, and 
 north and northeast of Thessaly. It was reduced under the Roman 
 sway by Paulus Aemilius, who defeated and took prisoner its last monarch 
 Perses, in the memorable battle of Pydna. Before the time of Philip, 
 father of Alexander, all the country beyond the river Strymon, and even 
 the Macedonian peninsula, from Amphipolis to Thessalonica, belonged 
 to Thrace, and Paeonia likewise on the north. But, when enlarged 
 by conquest, the limits of Macedonia were from the river Nessus in 
 Thrace to the Ionian sea, including Paeonia, and Illyria beyond lake 
 Lychnitis. As a Roman province, however, Macedonia did not include 
 Epirus p. 25. 
 
 Massilia. A celebrated colony of the Phoceans, on the Mediter- 
 ranean coast of Gaul, now Marseilles. It became at an early period a 
 powerful and flourishing city, and was famed for its extensive commerce. 
 The most prosperous period in its history would seem to have been the 
 interval from the fall of Carthage, with which city it had frequent col- 
 lisions, to the commencement of the contest between Caesar and Pom- 
 pey. This city was always the firm ally of Rome. It suffered severely 
 in the civil wars from its attachment to the party of Pompey, being 
 compelled to sustain a severe siege, in which its fleet was destroyed, 
 and, after surrendering, to pay a heavy exaction. Massilia became after- 
 wards, in the days of Augustus, famous as a seat of science, and the 
 rival of Athens. p. 96. 
 
 Mauretania. A country of Africa, lying to the west of Numidia, 
 and answering now to the modern Fez and Morocco. It was, properly 
 speaking, in the time of Bocchus, bounded by the river Mulucha, now 
 Malva, on the east, and corresponded nearly to the modern Fez; but, 
 in the time of the emperor Claudius, the western part of Numidia was 
 added to this province, under the name of Mauretania Caesariensis, the 
 ancient kingdom of Mauretania being now called, for distinction sake. 
 Mauretania Tingitana, from its principal city Tingis, or Old Tangier, 
 on the west of the straits. . . . . . p. 12. 
 
 Medi. The people of Media, in Upper Asia. Their country lay to 
 the east of Assyria, and was separated from Armenia on the north by 
 the river Araxes. The capital was Ecbatana, now Hammada?i. When 
 first mentioned in history, the Medes were a brave people. Like other 
 states, wealth and power rendered them indolent and luxurious, and they 
 fell beneath the arms of Cyrus. . .... p. 13. 
 
 Mulucha. A river of Africa, separating Mauretania from Numidia, 
 in the time of Bocchus. It is now the Malva. . . . p. 15 
 
 Mvthul. A river of Numidia, supposed to have been a branch of 
 -he Bagradas, . ..... p. 33 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 30* 
 
 N. 
 
 Numantia. A town of Spain, near the sources of the river Durius, 
 celebrated for the brave resistance which it made against the Romans 
 for the space of fourteen years. It was built upon an eminence of no 
 great height, between two branches of the Durius, and surrounded by a 
 very thick wood on three sides. One path alone led down into the 
 plain, and this was defended by ditches and palisades. The great length 
 of time it withstood the Romans may be easily accounted for by its dif- 
 ficult situation, and the circumstance of its circuit being so large, that 
 within it were even pastures for cattle. The place was at last reduced 
 by Scipio Africanus Minor, the conqueror of Carthage. The Numan- 
 tines had withstood an army of 40,000 men with less than one fourth of 
 that number, and had not only hitherto held out, but frequently gained 
 very considerable advantages over the enemy, and obliged them to ac- 
 cede to dishonourable treaties. The remains of Numantia may be still 
 seen near Puente de Don Gartay. p. 5. 
 
 Numidia. A country of Africa, east of Mauretania, and correspond- 
 ing, in a great measure, to the modern Algiers. It was originally 
 divided into two petty kingdoms, that of the Massyli to the east, and of 
 the Massaesyli to the west, the line of separation between them being 
 marked by the Tretum Promontorium, and a part of the river Ampsagas. 
 Syphax was monarch of the Massaesyli, and Massinissa of the Massyli. 
 The territory of Syphax w r as bestowed upon Massinissa by the Romans, 
 after the close of the second Punic war, and he w T as allowed to enjoy 
 the possession of this until the day of his death. After the termination 
 of the Jugurthine contest, the Romans appear to have taken no part 
 of the kingdom of Numidia to themselves, but to have distributed it 
 among the different surviving branches of the royal line. In the civiJ 
 wars between Caesar and Pompey, Juba, the great grandson of Massinissa, 
 had the misfortune to espouse the side of the latter. After the victory of 
 Thapsus, therefore, Caesar declared the whole kingdom of Numidia to 
 be a Roman territory ; and Sallust, the historian, was sent thither as 
 its governor. The western district around Cirta was at the same time 
 bestowed upon Sittius in recompense for his services. Augustus be- 
 stowed upon Juba, son of the first Juba, his father's former kingdom, 
 with some important additions, under the general name of Mauretania. 
 And finally, the change introduced by the emperor Claudius, divided the 
 whole country from the Ampsagas to the Atlantic into Mauretania Cae- 
 sariensis and Tingitana. (Vid. Mauretania.) 
 
 P. 
 
 Peligni. An Italian tribe belonging to the Sabine race, situate to 
 the east and northeast of the Marsi. Their chief town was Corfinium, 
 which was selected by the allies in the social war as the seat of their 
 new empire. The country of the Peligni was small in extent, and notea 
 for the coldness of its climate. . . . p. 72. 
 
 Persae. The natives of Persia. In its utmost extent, the kingdom 
 of Persia comprehended all the countries between the Indus and Aegean 
 sea, snd between the range of Caucasus and the Indian Ocean, the pen- 
 
 28* 
 
306 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 
 
 insula of Arabia al jne excepted. In its more limited acceptation, the 
 name Persia, or rather Persis, denoted a particular province of this vast 
 empire, bounded on the east by Carmania, on the north by Media, on 
 the west by Susiana, and on the south by the Persian gulf. This is 
 sometimes called the royal province of Persia. It was the seat of the 
 race before they commenced their conquests. ■ . . p. 13. 
 
 Philenon Arae Altars erected by the Carthaginians in memory 
 of the brothers Phileni. They stood in the innermost bend of the Syrtis 
 Major, and not, as Sallust erroneously. states, {Jug. 19>) to the west of 
 both the Syrtes. The story of the Phileni, as given by the historian, 
 wears, to many, a very doubtful appearance, from the circumstance of 
 Gyrene's being so much nearer to the point in question than Carthage. 
 If the distance between these two cities be divided into eight equal 
 parts, the Phileni will be found to have travelled six, and the deputies 
 from Cyrene only two, of these parts. The truth, however, ap- 
 pears to be, that the territory in dispute between the two powers, lay 
 between Hesperis on the Cyrenean side, and Leptis Magna on the 
 Carthaginian, and that the deputies started actually from these two 
 points, not from Carthage and Cyrene. {Mariner t. Geogr., vol. x., 
 part 2, p. 116.) p. 14, 52. 
 
 Phoenices. The people of Phoenicia. Their country extended 
 along the coast of Syria, from the river Eleutherus to mount Carmel, a 
 distance of about thirty-five geographical miles. The breadth was very 
 limited, the ranges of Libanus and Antilibanus forming the utmost bar- 
 rier to the east. The .Phoenicians were a branch of that widely-extended 
 race, known by the common appellation of Aramean, or Semitic. They 
 were remarkable for their extensive commercial connexions, and their 
 numerous colonies. They were famed also for their early civilization; 
 and their successful cultivation of manufactures and the arts. p. 14. 
 
 Picenum. A district of Italy, along the Adriatic, south and south- 
 east of Umbria. The inhabitants were of Sabine origin. Their country 
 was considered as one of the most fertile parts of Italy, and the produce 
 of its fruit-trees was particularly esteemed. ... p. 93. 
 
 Pistoria. A town of Etruria, about twenty Italian miles northwest 
 of Florentia, on the Stella, which falls into the Ombrone, a northern 
 branch of the Arnus, or Arno. Pliny {H. N. 3, 5) calls it Pistorium ; 
 but Ptolemy and others give it the appellation of Pistoria. The modern 
 name is Pistoia. This place is memorable from having witnessed in 
 its vicinity the close of Catiline's desperate career. The spot on which 
 the action was fought is too imperfectly marked by the concise narra- 
 tive of Sallust to be now recognised. We may conjecture, however, 
 that it was to the north of Pistoia, and near the modern road from that 
 place to Modena. {Cramer's Ancient Italy, vol. i., p. 177.) p. 114. 
 
 R. 
 
 Re ate. An old Sabine town, on the river Velinus, a branch of the 
 Nar. Its modern name is Rieti. Reate was only a praefecture in 
 Cicero's time. In the days of Suetonius, however, it was a municipium. 
 It was famed for its breed of mules. The valley of the Velinus, in 
 which this city waf situated wa3 so delightful, as to merit the appellate 
 ¥ Tempe". 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 30? 
 
 RnEGiUM. One of the most celebrated and flourishing citks of Magna 
 Graecia, at the extremity of Italy, in the territory of the Bruttii. It is 
 supposed to have been founded nearly 700 years B. C, by a party of 
 Zancleans from Sicily, together with some Chalcidians, from Euboea, 
 and Messenians from the Peloponnesus. Its name is supposed to allude 
 to the great catastrophe by which Sicily was broken off in early days 
 from Italy ('Pjjytoi/ a fayM/u, frango.) Some, however, consider the 
 name of the place as of Oscan origin. The modern appellation is 
 Reggio. p. 20. 
 
 Rhodii. The people of the island of Rhodes. This celebrated island 
 lay to the southwest of the coast of Caria, and about forty-three miles 
 distant from the main land. Rhodes sided with the Roman power, and 
 became a valuable auxiliary to their rising greatness. In return for the 
 important services thus rendered, it received from its new friends the 
 territories of Lycia and Caria ; but suspicion and distrust eventually 
 arose, the Rhodians were deprived of their possessions in Asia, and, at 
 last, in the reign of Vespasian, of their freedom. Rhodes was famed 
 for its Colossus, or statue of the sun, the work of Chares, who spent 
 twelve years in the execution. An earthquake threw it down after it 
 had stood erect for sixty-six years. It remained in ruins for 894 years, 
 until A. D. 672, when the Saracens sold it to a Jewish merchant of 
 Edessa, wno loaaea yuu camels with the brass. . . p. 106. 
 
 Roma. Of this celebrated city, it will be sufficient here to remark, 
 that it stood on the southern bank of the Tiber, below the junction of 
 that river and the Anio, and about fifteen miles from the sea. It was 
 divided into twenty-four regions or wards, had seven great, and thirteen 
 smaller, aqueducts, thirty-seven gates, and six hundred and forty-four 
 towers on the walls. Its population, when greatest, did not proba- 
 bly fall much below four millions. The seat of empire was transferred 
 to Byzantium, by Constantine, A. D. 328 ; and Rome itself was taken 
 by Odoacer, king of the Heruii, A. D. 476, which put an end to the 
 empire of the west. 
 
 Samnites. A people of Italy, whose territory, Samnium, lay to the 
 east of Campania and the lower extremity of Latium. The Samnites 
 were of Sabine origin, and famed for their valour, which displayed itself 
 in their long conflict with the Roman power. They only ceased to 
 exist as a nation after their overthrow by Sylla. . . . p. 108. 
 
 Sicca. A city of Numidia, on the river Bagradas, and at some dis- 
 tance from the coast. It was called Sicca Venerea, from a temple of 
 Venus which it contained. Bochart and De Brosses derive the name 
 of Sicca from the Punic Succoth Benoth, (i. e. " tabernacula puellarum,') 
 and make Benoth (" pueila") the origin of the word Venus among the 
 Romans. According to Shaw, the modern Kaff stands near the site of 
 the ancient city. This, however, is doubtful. . . . p. 39 
 
 Sicilia. A well-known island in the Mediterranean, separated from 
 Italy by the Fretum Siculum, or Straits of Messina. Its triangular 
 shape gave it the appellations of Trinacria and Triquetra, (rpeTg-aKpai. 
 and TpeTs-eSoai.) The promontory nearest Italy was called Pelorum 
 now carte Faro. ThA art f 6 $t£ -oath of rfriS wss Pachvnum, nfo 
 
308 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 
 
 Passaro ; and the remaining one Lilybaeum, now Boeo. This last, 
 however, is in truth not a mountain-promontory, but a low, flat point of 
 land, rendered dangerous to vessels by its sand-banks and concealed 
 rocks. Sicilia derived its name from the ancient Siculi, who came into 
 this island from Latium. ....... p. 20. 
 
 Sidonii. . The people of Sidon, in Phoenicia. This was the oldest, 
 and, until eclipsed by its colony Tyre, the most powerful of the Phoeni- 
 cian cities. The inhabitants appear to have acquired at an early period 
 a pre-eminence in arts, manufactures, and commerce. The modern 
 Snide is still a considerable town, but the harbour is nearly choked with 
 sand. Sidon was about twenty-four miles north of Tyre. . p. 51. 
 
 Suthul. A town of Numidia, of which Sallust alone makes mention. 
 M. Barbie du Bocage suspects that this town is the same wnh that called 
 Sufetala (now Sbaitla) in the Itin. Ant. The name Suthul is said to 
 signify u the town of eagles." p. 27. 
 
 Syrtes. The Syrtes were two bays or golfs on the coast of Africa, 
 of which the one was called Syrtis Major, the other Syrtis Minor. The 
 latter is now termed the gulf of Cabes, from the ancient city of Tacape, 
 which stood at the head of it. It is about forty-five geographical miles 
 in breadth, and runs up into the continent about seventy-five miles. It 
 is opposite to the islands of Sicily and Malta, and was reckoned the 
 more dangerous of the two. This gulf is still an object of apprehension 
 to mariners, in consequence of the variations and uncertainties of the 
 tides on a flat and shelvy coast. The Syrtis Major is about one hundred 
 and eighty geographical miles between the two capes, and penetrates one 
 hundred miles into the land. The natives call it Syrte-al-Kibber, i. e. 
 the Great Syrtis, and sailors, Sydra, or Seedra. The name Syrtis is 
 generally derived from the Greek ovpw, " to drag," in allusion to the 
 agitation of the sand by the force of the tides. (Compare Sallust, 
 Jugurth. c. 78.) It is more than probable, however, that the appella- 
 tion is to be deduced from the term Sert, which still exists in Arabic as 
 the name for a desert tract or region : for the term Syrtis does not ap- 
 pear to have been confined to the mere gulfs themselves, but to have 
 been extended also to the desert country adjacent, which is still at the 
 present day called Sert. (Compare Ritter. allgem. vergleichende Geogr., 
 vol. i., p. 929.) p. 14, 51. 
 
 Tana. Now Wad-al-Thaine, a river of Africa Propria, in the district 
 of Byzacium, falling into the sea to the north of Syrtis Minor. p. 61. 
 
 Terracina. A city of Latium, called also Anxur, situate on the sea- 
 coast, in a northeastern direction from the Circean promontory. Anxur 
 was probably its Volscian name. We learn from Horace that this city 
 stood on the lofty rock at the foot of which the modern Terracina is 
 situate. According to Strabo, it was first called Trachina, a Greek ap- 
 pellation, indicative of the ruggedness of its situation. . p. ] 02. 
 
 Thala. A city of Numidia, the true position of which is unknown. 
 It is generally supposed to have been the same with Telepte, now Fer* 
 reattach. ... p. 49. 
 
 Thera. An island of the Aegean sea, forming one of the Sporades^ 
 &nd situate alrcrut sWen hundred stadia from the Cretan const, in a ntfrth 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 309 
 
 cast direction. The modern name is Santorin. This island is supposed 
 to have been of volcanic origin, as, according to some accounts, two 
 islands near it rose on a sudden from the sea. Its earlier name was 
 Calliste, in allusion to its beauty. .... p. 14. 
 
 Thirmida. A town of Numidia, the situation of which is unknown. 
 Dr. Shaw places it near the coast p. 7, 
 
 Thracia. A mountainous country, between the Strymon and Euxine 
 from west to east, and the chain of mount Haemus and the shores of 
 the Aegean and Propontis from north to south. The inhabitants were 
 brave, but comparatively uncivilized. The modern name is Roumilia 
 (Roum-ili.) ........ p. 27. 
 
 Tisidium. A town of Numidia, supposed by some to have been the 
 same with what Ptolemy calls Thisica, between the city of Thabraca 
 and the river Bagradas. M. Barbie du Bocage, however, suspects it to 
 have been identical with Tisdrum, a large city in the district of Empo- 
 ria, now El-Jem. p. 43 
 
 T'ranspadanus. Vid. Gallia Cispadana. 
 
 U. 
 
 Utica A city of Africa, on the seacoast, southwest of Carthage, 
 and separated from its immediate district by the river Bagradas. Utica 
 was the earliest, or one of the earliest, colonies planted by Tyre on the 
 African coast ; and Bochart derives the name from the Phoenician Atike, 
 i. e. " ancient." The Greek name of the place, 'Itvkti, is perhaps a cor- 
 ruption of this. Justin makes Utica more ancient than Carthage. It 
 was more or less dependant, however, on the power of this latter city, 
 and hence the disaffection frequently shown by its inhabitants to the Car- 
 thaginian canse. Utica rose in importance after the fall of Carthage 
 When, however, Carthage was rebuilt, it again took the second rank. 
 Here Cato the younger put an end to his existence, whence the name 
 Uticensis given him in history. The remains of Utica are to be seen 
 near the modern Porto Farina, in the district of Turns. . p. 18 
 
 Vaga. Called also Vacca, a city of Africa, west of Carthage, or? 
 die river Rubricates, and celebrated among the Numidian trading- 
 places for its extensive traffic. D'Anville and Barbie du Bocage re- 
 cognise traces of the ancient name in the modern Vegja, or Beja, in 
 the district of Tunis. The modem name of the Rubricatus is Wad-el 
 Berber. . ........ p. 20 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zama. A city of Africa, called Zama Regia, and lying some distance 
 to the southwest of Carthage, and to the northwest of Hadrumetum. 
 Sallust describes it as a large place, and strongly fortified. It became 
 the residence subsequently of Juba, and the deposite for his treasures 
 
310 GEOGRAPHICAL IK HEX 
 
 Strabo speaks of it as being in his days a mined city , it probably me* 
 with this fate during the civil wars. It appears to have been afterwards 
 rebuilt, and to have become the seat of a bishopric. The modern 
 Zoivarin marks the ancient site. There was another Zama, five days' 
 journey west of Carthage, according to Polybius (15, 5). Near this lat- 
 ter place was fought the famous battle between the elder Africanus and 
 Hannibal. . , . r , ? 9 . gg 
 
HISTORICAL INDEX, 
 
 *■% *%. V'*^V«V^.^>^V^^V^W'V^«V^-V'^.-V^r-V«V^^*^V^^^^V^^»-*^V^/V^^^-VV 
 
HISTORICAL INDEX 
 
 Aborigines. Vid. Geographical Index. 
 
 Ad ierbal. Son of Micipsa, and grandson of Masinisaa, besieged at 
 Cirta, and put to death by Jugurtha, after imploring in vain the aid of 
 Rome, B. C. 112. Gesenius conjectures the origin of this proper 
 name, from the Hebrew Addir, (" great,") and Baal, (" lord.") Claudiar 
 touches slightly on the history of Adherbal, (15, 409.) 
 
 Aemilius Paullus. Vid. Lepidus. 
 
 Aemilius Scaurus. Vid. Scaurus. 
 
 AlbInus. Aulus Postumius, brother of Spurius Postumius Albinus, 
 the consul, who obtained by lot Numidia for his province, B. C. 112. 
 Aulus, and the Roman army entrusted to his care by his brother, were 
 entrapped by Jugurtha, and compelled to pass under the yoke. The senate 
 refused to ratify the treaty which he made on this occasion with the 
 Numidian monarch. Liyy (Ep. 64) calls him lieutenant-general, not 
 propraetor, the term applied by Sallust 
 
 Albinus. Spurius Postumius, elected consul with M. Minucius Rufus, 
 112 B. C; and who, in the allotment of the provinces, obtained Numi- 
 dia, while his colleague got Macedonia. He appears to have been a com- 
 mander of very inferior abilities, and was repeatedly foiled and baffled by 
 Jugurtha. Being compelled to return to Rome, to attend the elections, 
 he left his army in charge of his brother Aulus, whom Jugurtha entrapped 
 and compelled to pass under the yoke. On returning to Africa, he was 
 forced by the wretched state of the troops to remain inactive. In this 
 condition he resigned the army to Metellus, who superseded him in the 
 command. 
 
 Annius, Lucius. A tribune of the commons, who made a vigorous 
 effort to retain his office, after the expiration of his legal term. He was 
 aided in this attempt by one of his colleagues, P. Licinius Lucullus, in 
 opposition to the other tribunes ; and the struggles of these two prevented 
 the election of the other magistrates during a whole year. 
 
 Annius, Quintus. A man of senatorian rank, who entered into the 
 conspiracy of Catiline. He effected his escape, when some of the ring- 
 leaders were apprehended, and appears to have eluded the search of the 
 sge-Qts of government, and to have gone unpunished. 
 
 Antonius, Caius. A Roman, son of M. Antonius, the orator, and 
 brother of M. Antonius Creticus, the father of the triumvir. He was 
 originally in habits of very great intimacy with Gatiline, and the arrange- 
 ment was that these two should stand for the consulship, and, if they 
 
 29 
 
314 HISTORICAL INDEX. 
 
 succeeded, commence, while in this high office, their plans of revolution 
 Cicero defeated this scheme, and, being elected consul with Antonius foi 
 his colleague, succeeded in detaching the latter from the conspiracy, and 
 from every other design formed against the state. He effected this de- 
 sirable object by yielding to Antonius the rich province of Macedonia, 
 which had fallen to his own lot. In the action between the forces of 
 Catiline and those of the republic, Antonius took no part, having been 
 prevented, according to Sallust, by a complaint in his feet. Dio Cassius, 
 however, states expressly, that he feigned illness on this occasion, through 
 fear of encountering the reproaches of Catiline, in case they should meet 
 in the fight. After the conspiracy was crushed, Antonius went to his 
 province of Macedonia, where he continued for two years, but, on his 
 return to Rome, he was brought to trial, and banished, for having been 
 guilty of extortion, and having made war beyond the limits of his pro- 
 vince, (Liv. Epit. 103.) He was a man of very dissolute habits, and 
 belore he obtained the consulship had been expelled by the censors from 
 the senate for immoral conduct. 
 
 Aspar. A Numidian, sent to the court of Bocchus by Jugurtha, to 
 obtain secret information respecting the intentions of the Mauretanian 
 king with respect to himself and the Roman people. He was outwitted 
 by Bocchus and Sylla, and the immediate consequence was the capture 
 of Jugurtha. 
 
 Aurelia Orestilla. A female of great beauty, but very corrupt prin- 
 ciples. Catiline offered her his hand in marriage, which she refused to 
 accept, because he had a son by a former marriage, arrived at man's 
 estate. To remove this obstacle Catiline put his son to death by ad- 
 ministering poison. (Compare Val. Max. 9, 1.) 
 
 Autronius, P. A Roman of senatorian rank, who became consul 
 elect, but afterwards lost the consulship on a charge of bribery. The 
 consequent disgrace in which this involved him led him very probably to 
 join the party of Catiline. After the overthrow of that party he succeeded 
 in making his escape. 
 
 B. 
 
 Baebius, C. A tribune of the commons, on whom Jugurtha prevailed, 
 by dint of bribery, to espouse his cause, and interpose his veto, when the 
 Numidian prince was summoned before the Roman people. 
 
 Bellienus, L. The Roman praetor at Utica, whom Marius summoned 
 to attend a council at Cirta, towards the end of the Jugurthine war. 
 According to some he was the maternal uncle of Catiline. 
 
 Bestia, L. Calpurnius. A Roman nobleman, who held the consulship 
 with Scipio Nasica, B. C. 113. It fell to his lot to carry on the war in 
 Numidia against Jugurtha, where, however, he acquired no fame, but 
 was led by his avaricious feelings to receive a heavy bribe, and conclude 
 a disadvantageous and dishonourable peace with Jugurtha. He was 
 condemned under the Mamilian law, and died in exile. Besides the 
 charges brought against him by Sallust, Pliny the elder mentions that 
 M. Caecilius brought him to trial for poisoning at least two of his wives 
 by wolfsbane. 
 
 Bocchus. King of Mauretania, who betrayed Jugurtha into the hand^ 
 of the Romans. He obtained as the reward of his treachery the western 
 part of Numidia, 
 
HISTORICAL INDEX. 310 
 
 Bomilcar. An officer in the army of Jugurtha, to whom he entrusted 
 secret and important business. He conspired along with Nabdalsa 
 against his master, but the plot was discovered and he lost his life. 
 
 Brutus, D. Junius. The husband of Sempronia. His residence was 
 near the forum, and into it Umbrenus took the ambassadors of the Allo- 
 broges, and discovered to them the conspiracy of Catiline. From 
 Sallust's mentioning that the meeting was held in his house when Brutus 
 was from home, the presumption is that he had no knowledge of the 
 conspiracy ; although his wife Sempronia was an accomplice. 
 
 C. 
 
 Caesar, C. Julius. Son of Caius Caesar, and Aurelia the daughter of 
 Cotta. He was born in the sixth consulship of Marius, B. C. 99. When 
 only in his seventeenth year, he obtained the office of Flamen Dialis or 
 High-priest of Jupiter. His marriage with Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, 
 excited against him the hatred of Sylla, whose suspicion he had previously 
 incurred from his aunt Julia's being the wife of Marius. He with difficult) 7 
 escaped assassination, and it was only at the intercession of the vestal 
 virgins, and in consequence of the entreaties of his relations, that Sylla 
 spared his life. The latter, indeed, had the discernment to behold in 
 him, even when a mere youth, the germes of future talent and ambition, 
 and when he was asked by his friends why he was so anxious to put a 
 mere boy to death, his answer w T as, " In that boy, I see many Mariuses."— 
 Of the eventful life of this eminent Roman, it will only be necessary here 
 to speak so far as it was connected with the conspiracy of Catiline. His 
 principal aim, in the accomplishment of his ambitious schemes, was to 
 gain the favour of the populace, and weaken the power of the nobility. 
 This brought him at once in contact with Catiline, and, in favouring the 
 views of that daring conspirator, his object was to destroy by these 
 means the liberty of his country, and then to crush the conspirators 
 themselves, and make himself master of Rome. The opinion which 
 he gave in the senate, with respect to the punishment of Lentulus, 
 Cethegus, and the other accomplices of Catiline ; the threatening con- 
 duct of the Roman equites, who guarded the temple where the senate 
 met, and his being arraigned as an associate in the conspiracy before the 
 senate, sufficiently prove both the public opinion and his own guilt. 
 
 Cassius. Vid. Longinus. 
 
 Catilina, L. Sergius. A Roman of patrician rank, and the last of 
 the gens Sergia. Of his father and grandfather little is known. The 
 former would seem to have been in indigent circumstances, from the 
 language of Quintus Cicero, (de Pet. Cons. c. 2,) who speaks of Cati- 
 line, as having been born amid the poverty ^f his father. The great 
 grandfather, M. Sergius Silus, or Silo, distinguished himself greatly in 
 the second Punic war, and was present in the battles of Ticinus, Trebia, 
 Trasymenus, and Cannae. Pliny {H. N. 7, 29) speaks of his exploits 
 in a very animated strain. — The cruelty of Catiline's disposition, his un- 
 daunted resolution, and the depravity of his morals, fitted him for acting 
 distinguished part in the turbulent and bloody scenes of the period in 
 which he lived. He embraced the interests of Sylla, in whose army he 
 held the office of quaestor. That monster, in his victory, had in Catiline 
 »n able coadjutor, whose heart knew no sympathy, and his lewdness no 
 
816 HISTORICAL INDEX. 
 
 bounds. He rejoiced, in the carnage and plunder of the proscribed, grat- 
 ifying at one time his own private resentments, by bringing his enemies 
 to punishment, and executing at another the bloody mandates of the 
 dictator himself. Many citizens of noble birth are said to have fallen 
 by his hand, and, according to Plutarch, (Vit. Syll. c. 32. — Vit. Cic. 
 c. 10,) he had assassinated his own brother during the civil war, and 
 now, to screen himself from prosecution, persuaded Sylla to put him 
 down among the proscribed, as a person still alive. He murdered, too, 
 with his own hands, his sister's husband, a Roman knight, of a mild and 
 peaceable character. One of the most horrid actions, however, of which 
 he was guilty, would seem to have been the killing of M. Marius Grati- 
 dianus, a near relation of the celebrated Marius. Sylla had put the name 
 of this individual on the list of the proscribed, whereupon Catiline en- 
 tered the dwelling of the unfortunate man, exhausted upon his person 
 all the refinements of cruelty and insult, and having at length put an end 
 to his existence, carried his bloody head in triumph through the streets 
 of Rome, and brought it to Sylla, as he sat on his tribunal in the forum. 
 When this was done, the murderer washed his hands in the lustral water 
 at the door of Apollo's temple, which stood in the immediate vicinity. — 
 Catiline was peculiarly dangerous and formidable, as his power of dis- 
 simulation enabled him to throw a veil over his vices. Such was his 
 art, that, while he was poisoning the minds of the Roman youth, he gained 
 the friendship and esteem of the severe Catulus. The remainder of his 
 career is detailed in the pages ef Sallust, and will not need repetition here. 
 
 Cato, M. Porcius, surnamed Uticensis, on account of his having de- 
 stroyed himself at Utica, was the great grandson of Cato the Censor. 
 His parents died when he was very young, and he was educated under 
 the roof of his mother's brother, Livius Drusus. He was austere in his 
 morals, a strict follower of the tenets of the Stoic sect ; and so great a 
 lover of what was virtuous and right, as to pursue every object of such a 
 nature with undeviating steadiness, regardless of the difficulties which 
 he might have to encounter, or of the dangers to which he might be tx- 
 posed. Cato exerted himself, though in vain, to stem the torrent of 
 Roman luxury and corruption, and in his own person he copied the sim 
 plicity of earlier days. He often appeared barefooted in public, and 
 never travelled but on foot. In whatever office he was employed, he 
 always reformed its abuses, and restored the ancient regulations. To the 
 qualities of a virtuous man, and the rectitude of a stern patriot, Cato 
 added the intrepidity of a brave soldier and the talents of an able general. 
 In the affair of the conspiracy, he gave Cicero his constant and vigorous 
 support, and it was chiefly through his efforts, in opposition to those of 
 Caesar, that the accomplices of Catiline were capitally punished. This 
 virtuous Roman put an end to his existence at Utica, after the defeat of 
 Juba and Scipio by Caesar, in the battle of Thapsus. 
 
 Catulus, Q. Lutatius. A noble Roman, conspicuous both for 
 his love of country and his private virtues. He was the colleague of 
 Marius in the consulship when the Cimbri and Teutones came down 
 upon the south of Europe, and was engaged with that commander in 
 the bloody battle of the Raudii Campi, where the Cimbri were so sig- 
 nally defeated by the Romans. We afterwards find him censor with 
 Crassus ; and, subsequently to this, opposing Crassus's attempt to make 
 Egypt tributary. Catulus was in politics on the aristocratic side, and 
 
HISTORICAL INDEX. 317 
 
 M" course a warm opponent of Julius Caesar. He was competitor also 
 with the latter for the office of pontifex, but unsuccessful in his applica- 
 tion. At a later period he obtained the consulship along with M. 
 Aemilius Lepidus, B. C. 80, and ten years after this he dedicated the 
 temple of Jupiter in the capitol, which had been destroyed by fire. The 
 character of Catulus stood deservedly high. A stranger to flattery and 
 adulation, he reproved with equal openness the levity of the multitude, 
 and the misconduct of the senate. An anecdote is related of him by 
 Plutarch, which proves conclusively the estimation in which he was held. 
 When it was proposed to invest Pompey with extraordinary power, under 
 the Manilian law, for the suppression of the pirates, Catulus opposed the 
 step, and one of his arguments was, that the people ought not to expose 
 such a man to so many dangers as he was likely to incur in this new 
 commandj " for," added he, " what other will you have if you lose him I 1- 
 With one voice the assembled people exclaimed, " Yourself." After a 
 long life of honourable usefulness, Catulus was compelled to put an end 
 to his days, by order of the sanguinary Marius. In order to effect this, 
 he shut himself up in a narrow chamber, newly plastered, and suffocated 
 himself by the vapour produced by a large fire. 
 
 Cethegus, C. Cornelius. A Roman of corrupt morals and turbulent 
 character. He filled, at one time, the office of tribune, and was also a 
 warm partisan of Sylla, after having originally sided with Marius. Sub- 
 sequently, however, losing the influence which he had possessed, he 
 joined in the conspiracy of Catiline. Cicero informs us, that in rash- 
 ness and daring he surpassed Catiline himself, and almost equalled him 
 in strength of body, love of arms, and dignity of birth. In arranging 
 the details of the plot, the conspirators assigned to Cethegus the task of 
 posting himself at the door of Cicero's bouse, and, after he had forced 
 an entrance, of murdering that illustrious Roman. The vigilance of Cicero 
 frustrated this design. Cethegus was apprehended along with Lentulus 
 and the rest, and strangled in prison. 
 
 Cicero, M. Tullius. An eminent and well-known Roman, born at 
 Arpinum, a town of the Yolsci, ki Latium, B. C. 107. His father 
 although of equestrian rank, had never enjoyed any curule office, and, 
 on that account, Cicero frequently calls himself " a new man," (norms 
 homo,) as having been the first of his family who had raised himself to 
 such a magistracy. After a careful education, in the completion of 
 which he travelled over many parts of Greece, Cicero entered on the 
 career of office, and it was his peculiar boast, to have obtained each pre- 
 ferment in succession in its own proper year, or, in other words, as soon 
 as he was eligible to it. Thus, he obtained the quaestorship at thirty- 
 one years of age, the aedileship at thirty-seven, the praetorship at forty, 
 and the consulship at forty-three. Our limits will compel us to confine 
 ourselves merely to that part of Cicero's history which was connected with 
 the conspiracy of Catiline, and only to so much even of this as Sallust 
 himself has not touched upon. It was a master stroke of policy on the 
 part of Cicero to drive Catiline out of Rome, and force him, as it were, 
 into a rebellion before it was ripe, m the hope, that, by carrying out with 
 him his accomplices, he would clear the eity at once of the whole faction ; 
 or, by leaving them behind, without his counsels to guide them, would 
 expose them to sure destruction by their own rashness and folly. For 
 Catiline's chief trust was not on the open force which he had provided 
 
 29* 
 
318 HISTORICAL INDEX 
 
 for the field, but on the success of his secret machinations at Rome, and 
 on making himself master of the city. — While the sense of all his im- 
 portant services was still fresh, Cicero was repaid with the most ample 
 honours. L. Gellius, moreover, who had been consul and censor, said 
 in a speech to the senate, that the republic owed him a civic crown, 
 " for having saved them all from ruin," and Catulus, in a full house, de- 
 clared him " the father of his country," as Cato did likewise from the 
 rostra, with the loud acclamations of the whole people. Party feelings, 
 however, eventually gained the ascendency, and the very man who had 
 been thus idolized was impeached for putting citizens to death without 
 the formality of a trial, and was compelled to yield to the coming storm, 
 and retire into voluntary banishment. The individual most active against 
 him was Publius Clodius. The charge against him had reference to the 
 summary punishment inflicted by him, in accordance with the orders of 
 the senate, on Lentulus, Cethegus, and their associates. Cicero display- 
 ed a great want of firmness in exile, his fortitude deserted him, and his 
 spirits sunk in deep depression. By the exertions of Pompey and the 
 efforts of his other friends, aided by the active co-operation of the senate, 
 he was finally recalled. The senate decreed their thanks to all the 
 cities which had treated with respect the illustrious exile, and ordered his 
 town and country houses, which Clodius had destroyed, to be rebuilt at 
 the public expense. Such multitudes accompanied him from his landing, 
 that he says, Italy carried him on her shoulders to Rome, an expression, 
 which Plutarch considers actually short of the truth. 
 
 Cinna, L. Cornelius. A Roman nobleman of considerable influence 
 and personal bravery. He was consul with Cn. Octavius, B. C. 91, but 
 was deprived by his colleague of his consular authority, and driven by 
 him out of the city, because he had by force procured the enactment of 
 several injurious laws. Obtaining possession of the army of Appius 
 Claudius, he declared war on the government, and called to his assist- 
 ance Marius and other exiles from Africa. Cinna and Marius eventually 
 triumphed, Rome opened her gates, and the most cruel excesses were 
 committed by the victors. All the leading men of the party of Sylla 
 were put to death, and their property confiscated. Cinna and Marius 
 then declared themselves consuls, and the latter died on the very first 
 day of his entering upon office. L. Valerius Flaccus succeeded him. 
 In his third and fourth consulships Cinna had Cn. Papirius Carbo foi 
 his colleague, with whom he made preparations for a war against Sylla, 
 who was then engaged in the operations against Mithridates. During 
 the fourth consulship of Cinna, Julius Caesar married his daughter Cor- 
 nelia. Cinna eventually, after raising a powerful armament against 
 Sylla, was killed by his own men, on a rumour of his having put Pompey, 
 then quite a young man, to death. 
 
 Coeparius, Q. A native of Terracina, and accomplice in the con- 
 spiracy of Catiline. He was preparing to set out for Apulia, to rouse 
 and arm the slaves against the state, at the time the conspiracy was dis- 
 covered. Having learned that the plot was detected, he fled from Rome, 
 before the officers sent by the consuls to apprehend him arrived at his 
 Douse, but was afterwards taken and strangled in prison. 
 
 Cornelius, C. A Roman knight, connected with the conspiracy of 
 Catiline, who undertook, in conjunction with L. Vargunteius, to murder 
 Cicero the consul, at his own home. 
 
HISTORICAL INDEX. 319 
 
 Oornificius, Q. A Roman, to whose custody Cethegus was com- 
 mitted, before he suffered punishment. 
 
 Crassus, M. Licinius. A celebrated Roman, surnamed the " Rich,' 
 on account of his great opulence. At first he was very circumscribed in 
 his circumstances, but by educating slaves, and selling them for a high 
 price, he soon enriched himself. Crassus distinguished himself in the 
 war against Spartacus, by defeating that gladiator and killing 12000 of 
 his followers. After this, he was chosen consul with Pompey, and, aftei 
 the cDnsulship, obtained the office of censor. His supposed participation 
 n is& conspiracy of Catiline was probably without any foundation in 
 truth. What purpose could Crassus, in fact, propose to himself by en- 
 tering into a plot to burn a city, in which his own property was so consid- 
 erable \ The enmity which arose between Cicero and Crassus, in con- 
 sequence of the alleged guilt of the latter, was so bitter, that, according 
 to Plutarch, it would have shown itself by some act of violence on the 
 part of Crassus, had not his son Publius, who was very intimate with 
 Cicero, prevented him. He even prevailed on his father, eventually, to 
 become reconciled to the orator. Crassus became afterwards a member 
 of the first triumvirate ; and, obtaining Syria for his province, marched 
 against the Parthians, by whom he was defeated and slain. 
 
 Curius, Q. A Roman of good family, whose disgraceful and im- 
 moral conduct had caused his expulsion by the censors from the senate. 
 He was connected with the conspiracy, but divulged the secret of such 
 a conspiracy's having been formed, to Fulvia, a female of high rank, 
 with whom he was intimate. Fulvia communicated the danger which 
 threatened the state and the lives of the citizens ; and the alarm which 
 this occasioned caused the election of Cicero to the consulship. Cicero 
 subsequently prevailed upon Curius, through the means of Fulvia, to 
 discover to him all the movements of Catiline, and was thus enabled to 
 baffle his schemes. In return for these services, rewards were voted 
 him from the public funds ; but Caesar, whom Curius had named among 
 the conspirators, exerted himself against the fulfilment of the public 
 promise, and the rewards were not given. 
 
 Dabar. A descendant of Massinissa, who stood high in the favoui 
 of Bocchus. He was employed by that monarch in the negotiations 
 with Sylla, respecting the seizure of Jugurtha. 
 
 Damasippus. A praetor during the consulship of Papirius Carbo, and 
 the younger Marius. As a follower of the Marian party, he indulged in 
 many cruel excesses against the opposite faction, and also against such 
 as were suspected of favouring it. He assembled the senate undei 
 the pretence of business, and then massacred a number of the leading 
 noblemen, alleging that they were in the interest of Sylla. (B. C. 84.) 
 Sylla, when he gained the ascendency, ordered him to be slain. 
 
 F. 
 
 Fabius Maximus, Q. An illustrious Roman, the well-known op- 
 ponent of Hannibal, styled Cunctator. from having saved his country by 
 
320 HISTORICAL INDEX. 
 
 his wise delay and cautious operations in the field. He is alluded to oj 
 Sallust in the commencement of the history of the Jugurthine war. 
 
 Fabius Sanga, Q. A Roman nobleman, who enjoyed the right of 
 patronage over the state of the Allobroges, on which account their 
 deputies at Rome disclosed to him the conspiracy of Catiline. He im- 
 mediately communicated, the information to Cicero. 
 
 FiguluSj C. Marcius. A Roman, who held the consulship with Julius 
 Caesar, B. C. 66. During this year Catiline formed his plan for the 
 overthrow of the government. 
 
 Flamma, C. Flaminius. A Roman with whom Catiline passed a few 
 days, at his residence in the territory of Arretium, after the conspiracy 
 had been discovered at Rome, and while he was supplying with arms 
 the inhabitants of the vicinity. 
 
 Fulvia. A Roman female of high rank, but corrupt principles. Cicero, 
 through her means, obtained from Curius secret information of all the 
 movements of the conspirators. 
 
 FulvIus, A. The son of a Roman senator, who left Rome to join 
 the army of Catiline, but was arrested on the way, brought back to the 
 city, and put to death by command of his parent. 
 
 Flaccus, M. Fulvius. A Roman, who was consul a 4 ong with M. 
 Plautius Hypsaeus, B. C. 127. He joined the party of Caius Gracchus, 
 and was killed by the consul Opimius, in the tumultuary movements 
 attendant on the passage of the Agrarian law. His house was levelled 
 to the ground, and the place on which it had stood declared public 
 property. 
 
 Fulvius Nobilior, M. A Roman of senatorian dignity, one of the 
 accomplices of Catiline. 
 
 Furius, P. One of the accomplices of Catiline, remarkable for his 
 active and daring spirit. He is the one to whom Sallust alludes under 
 the epithet Faesulanus. He fell fighting among the foremost at the battle 
 of Pistoria, where Catiline was defeated. 
 
 Gabinius Capito, P. A Roman of Equestrian rank, whom Cicero 
 calls Cimber. He appears to have been one of the most worthless of the 
 accomplices of Catiline. He suffered capital punishment along with 
 Lentulus and the rest. 
 
 Gauda. A Numidian, of noble extraction, son of Mastanabal, and 
 grandson of Masinissa, whom Micipsa had named as heir to the crown 
 of Numidia, in case his more immediate descendants should not survive 
 to enjoy it. He became weakened in mind by a severe bodily sickness, 
 and a tool in the hands of Marius, for the prosecution of his ambitious 
 schemes in supplanting Metellus. 
 
 Gracchi. There were two brothers of this name, Tiberius Gracchus 
 and Caius Gracchus, sons of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, and of Cor- 
 nelia, the daughter of Scipio Africanus. Tiberius the elder, was of a 
 mild and unruffled temper, but Caius, violent and irascible. The object 
 of the two brothers, in succession, was to have the public lands divided 
 among the citizens. Appian says, that the nobles and rich men, partly 
 by getting possession of the public lands, partly by buying up the shares 
 of indigent ownei;j bad made themselves masters of all the lands in 
 
HISTORICAL INDEX. 321 
 
 italv, and had thus, by degrees, accomplished the removal of the com- 
 mon people from their possessions. This abuse stimulated Tiberius 
 Sracchus to revive the Licinian law, by which no one could hold more 
 than 500 jugera, or about 350 acres of land. The owners, however, 
 were to be indemnified for the land they had thus lost. The attempts 
 of the Gracchi cost them their lives. Tiberius was slain in a collision 
 between his adherents and the party of the nobility headed by Scipio 
 Nasica. Caius was slain some years afterwards by the consul Opimius 
 and his party. 
 
 Gulussa. Second son of Masinissa. Livy makes him to have re- 
 ceived a third of the kingdom, on the death of his father. (Epit. 50.) 
 Sallust, however, states, that both Gulussa and Mastanabal were cut 
 off by disease, before their father died ; and that Micipsa, the remaining 
 brother, on the demise of his father, succeeded to the whole kingdom. 
 In the third Punic war, Gulussa contributed to the conquest of the Car- 
 thaginians, and the destruction of their state. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hannibal. Son of Hamilcar, the celebrated general of Carthage. 
 He is only once casually alluded to by Sallust. 
 
 Hiempsal. Son of Micipsa, and brother of Adherbal. He was as 
 sassinated by persons employed for that purpose by Jugurtha. 
 
 J. 
 
 Jugurtha. Son of Mastanabal. His history is given in full by Sallust, 
 throughout the narrative of the Jugurthine war. 
 
 Julius, C. One of the accomplices of Catiline, despatched by him 
 into Apulia, to procure additional strength for the conspiracy. 
 
 Julius Caesar, C. Vid. Caesar 
 
 Julius Caesar, L. Consul with C. Marius Figulus, B. C. 66. 
 During their consulship, Catiline formed the design of overturning the 
 government, which he attempted to carry into execution the next year 
 when Cicero and Antonius succeeded to the consulship. 
 
 L. 
 
 Laeca, M. Porcius. An accomplice of Catiline, who, in the dead 
 of night, convened the leading members of the conspiracy at his own 
 house, just before the discovery of the conspiracy. He was a descendant 
 of M. Porcius Laeca, tribune of the commons, who had the law carried 
 prohibiting magistrates from punishing a Roman citizen with death, and 
 substituting, for capital punishment, banishment and confiscation of 
 property. 
 
 Lentulus, P. Cornelius, surnamed Sura. A Roman nobleman, 
 grandson of P. Cornelius Lentulus, who was Prmceps Se?iatus. He 
 married Julia, sister of L. Julius Caesar, after the death of her first hus- 
 band, M. Antonius Creticus, to whom she had born M. Antonius, the 
 triumvir. Lentulus was a man of talents, but extremely corrupt in his 
 private character. The interest of his family, and the affability of his 
 manners, proceeding from a love of popularity, raised him through the 
 
322 HISTORICAL INDEX. 
 
 usual gradation of public honours to the office of consul, which he ob- 
 tained B.C. 73. in conjunction with Or.. Aufidius Orestis. Expelled from 
 the senate on account of his immoral conduct, he had procured the prae- 
 torship, the usual step for being again restored to that body, when 
 Catiline formed his design of subverting the government. Poverty, the 
 natural consequence of excessive dissipation, added to immoderate vanity 
 and extravagant ambition, induced him to join in the conspiracy. The 
 soothsayers easily persuaded him that he was the third of the gens Cor- 
 nelia, destined by the fates to enjoy the supreme power at Rome. L. 
 Cornelius Cinna, and L. Cornelius Sylla, had both attained to that ele- 
 vation. His schemes, however, all proved abortive, and he was strangled 
 in prison with the other conspirators who had been arrested. Plutarch 
 informs us, that he received the surname of Sura, in consequence of his 
 having wasted a large sum of the public money in his quaestorship under 
 Sylla, who, enraged at his conduct, demanded a statement of his ac- 
 counts in the senate, when Lentulus, with the utmost indifference, de 
 clared he had no accounts to produce, and contemptuously presented 
 to him the calf of his leg, {sura.) Among the Romans, particularly 
 among the boys, the player at tennis, who missed his stroke, presented 
 the calf of his leg to receive as a punishment a certain number of blows 
 upon it. Lentulus, in allusion to that game, acted in the manner just 
 described, which accounts for the surname, or rather nickname, of 
 Sura. 
 
 Lentulus Spinther, P. Cornelius. Vid. Spinther. 
 
 Lepidus, L. Aemilius, or L. Aemilius Lepidus Paullus, called by Sal- 
 ust merely L. Paullus. He was the brother of M. Aemilius Lepidus, 
 who formed with Augustus and Mark Antony the second triumvirate, 
 [n early life he commenced a prosecution against Catiline, under the 
 Plautian law. He held the consulship with C. Claudius Marcellus, B. C. 
 52, the year that the censors expelled Sallust from the senate. He 
 perished in the conscription of the triumvirate, being left to his fate by 
 his own brother. 
 
 Longinus, L. Cassius. A Roman of senatorian rank, who entered 
 into the conspiracy of Catiline, and engaged to set the city on fire. He 
 fled before the discovery of the plot. From his extraordinary corpulence 
 the fatness of Cassius became a kind of by-word. 
 
 M. 
 
 Mamilius Limetanus, C. A tribune of the commons, who had 
 a bill passed ordering an inquiry into the conduct of the persons who 
 aad received bribes from Jugurtha, and been guilty of other misde 
 meanors. 
 
 Manlius, A. A lieutenant-general in the army of Marius, sent as 
 a confidential deputy, along with Syila, to Bocchus, king of Maure- 
 tania. 
 
 Manlius, C. One of the accomplices of Catiline, whom the latter 
 sent into Etruria to levy troops, and adopt whatever measures he might 
 deem necessary for the success of the conspiracy. He commanded the 
 right wing of Catiline's army in the final encounter, and fell fighting 
 with the greatest bravery in the foremost ranks. Manlius had held a 
 commission in the army of Sylla, under whom he had acquired con- 
 
HISTORICAL INDEX. 323 
 
 siderable experience as an officer, and accumulated great wealth, which 
 he soon squandered away. He engaged in the conspiracy to retrieve his 
 ruined fortunes. 
 
 Manlius, M. A Roman commander, who held the consulship with 
 P. Rutilius Rufus, B. C. 107. He was defeated by the Gauls that same 
 year. Cicero (Pro Plane. 5) calls him Cn. Manlius, and Eutropius (5. 1; 
 Manius Manilius. 
 
 Manlius Torquatus, L. A Roman commander, who held the con- 
 sulship with L. Aurelius Ootta, 67 B. C. He was the particular friend 
 of Cicero, who mentions him in terms of high approbation in his letters. 
 Sallust calls him L. Torquatus. 
 
 Marcius Rex, Q. Consul with L. Caecilius Metellus, B. C. 80. 
 When Catiline, five years after, formed his conspiracy, Q. Marcius Rex 
 was sent to Faesulae, to levy troops, and adopt such other measures as 
 he might deem proper. He had just returned from a military com- 
 mand, had demanded a triumph, and met with opposition from a few 
 unprincipled men in the senate. The Marcian family claimed descent 
 from Ancus Marcius, and hence the name Marcius Rex. 
 
 Marius, C. A native of Arpinum, remarkable for his military talents, 
 but still more for his cruel and vindictive disposition. Having preserved 
 the state by his bravery, he afterwards brought it to the brink of ruin by 
 his reckless and uncompromising violence. In early life, he was a 
 ploughman, and wrought for hire. Quittmg that employment, he entered 
 the ranks of the army, and distinguished himself under Scipio at the 
 siege and capture of Numantia. From the condition of a common sol- 
 dier, he gradually rose to the command of the Roman army, and to the 
 office of consul. After bringing the war with Jugurtha to a close, he 
 defeated m two terrible encounters the Teutones and Cimbri, slaying 
 an immense number, and taking a vast multitude prisoners. After these 
 signal victories, his ambitious feelings brought him in collision with Sylla, 
 and a desolating civil war was the consequence. To crush the power 
 of his rival, Sylla marched the troops which he had raised to carry on 
 the war with Mithridates to Rome, and compelled Marius to flee. In 
 his banishment he underwent uncommon hardships, from which he was 
 m the end released by China's embracing his interests. He then re- 
 turned to Rome to satiate his inhuman resentment, and butchered many 
 thousands of the citizens. Tired at last with murder and assassination, 
 he and Cinna appointed themselves consuls. But Marius, worn out by 
 infirmities, age, and excessive intoxication, to which he probably had 
 recourse to blunt the stings of a guilty conscience, died on the first day 
 of his being invested with the consulship for the seventh time. 
 
 Massinissa. Son of Gala, king of the Massyli, in Numidia. He was 
 brought up at Carthage, where he'eontracted friendships with the nobles, 
 and embraced the interests of the state. As an ally of the Carthaginians, 
 he waged a successful war against Syphax. He afterwards crossed 
 over into Spain, still on the side of Carthage, and distinguished himself 
 by his bravery, activity, and military skill. After Scipio, surnamed 
 Africanus Major, had defeated As drub al in this country, he found, among 
 .he prisoners of war, one of the nephews of Massinissa. The Roman 
 sommandar sent this relative, loaded with presents, to his uncle, and 
 gave him an escort for the safety of his person. Struck by this act of 
 generosity, Massinissa forgot all former feelings of hostility, and joined 
 
324 HISTORICAL INDEX. 
 
 his forces to those of Scipio. From this time, he continued a firm and 
 faithfulJally to his new friends, and it was to his exertions that the Romans 
 owed many of their victories in Africa, and particularly the one which 
 proved so fatal to Asdrubal and Syphax. In the battle of Zama also, 
 Massinissa greatly contributed to the overthrow of Hannibal, and the 
 Romans rewarded his fidelity by large accessions of territory. He at- 
 tained to an advanced age, in the enjoyment of excellent health, and, on 
 his death, left his kingdom to be divided by the younger Scipio among 
 his three sons, Micipsa, Gulussa, and Manastabal. One circumstance in 
 the life of Massinissa is worthy of particular attention from its tragical 
 nature. He had become possessed of Sophonisba, the captive wife of 
 Syphax, to whom he had been attached in earlier days, and having car- 
 ried her to his camp, he married her. But this step displeasing the 
 Roman commander, fhe monarch sent her a cup of poison which she 
 readily drank, and expired, while Massinissa abandoned himself to the 
 deepest sorrow. 
 
 Memmius, C. A tribune of the commons, and violent foe to the 
 power of the nobility. He exerted himself powerfully and with great 
 success in exposing the shameful bribery of Jugurtha, and arousing the 
 commons to an assertion of their rights. He lost his life in a canvass 
 for the consulship, (B. C. 102,) having been slain by L. Apuleius Satur- 
 ninus, a tribune, from an apprehension that he would oppose him in his 
 evil actions. Memmius fell under repeated strokes, by the bludgeons of 
 lured assassins in the very midst of the assembly. Sallnst speaks in 
 strong terms of his eloquence, though Cicero does not allow him a high 
 i'ank among Roman orators. 
 
 Metellus, Q. Caecilius, surnamed Numidicus, enjoyed the consul- 
 ship with M. Junius Silanus, 111 B. C. He obtained Numidia as his 
 province, and had nearly brought the war against Jugurtha to a close, 
 by his military talents and incorruptible integrity, when he was removed 
 from the command by the intrigues of Marius. For defeating Jugurtha 
 and desolating Numidia, Metellus received the surname of Numidicus, 
 aad according to Eutropius (4, 27) a triumph. Some time after this, 
 he was summoned to trial by Saturninus, a tribune, for having refused 
 to swear to observe the Agrarian law, which this individual had carrier' 
 by force ; and, although all the good citizens supported him, he went, ir 
 order to prevent any commotion, into voluntary exile at Rhodes. Marius 
 pronounced sentence of banishment against him, B. C. 104, two year? 
 after which, however, he was honourably recalled. 
 
 Metellus, Q. Caecilius, surnamed Celer, filled the office of praetoi 
 during the consulship of Cicero, and levied troops against Catiline. Or 
 the expiration of his praetorship, he obtained the province of Cisalpine 
 Gaul, and subsequently held the consulship with L. Afranius. He mar- 
 ried Clodia, the sister of P. Clodius, and lost his life by poison admin- 
 istered by this abandoned woman. Cicero praises his eloquence and 
 his political integrity, and he is mentioned also by Horace (Od. 2 1.) 
 H3 was surnamed Celer, according to Plutarch, from the quickness with 
 which he celebrated funeral games in memory of his father, within a few 
 days only after that parent's decease. 
 
 Metellus, Q. surnamed Creticus, was consul B. C. 70, along with 
 Q. Hortensius. On the expiration of his consulship, he obtained, as 
 proconsul, the island of Crete for his province, and reduced it beneath 
 
HISTORICAL INDEX. 32i; 
 
 (he Roman sway, for which he obtained the surname above mentioned. 
 He was honoured beside this with a triumph, notwithstanding the opposi- 
 tion of Pompey. 
 
 Micipsa. Eldest son of Massinissa, who succeeded to the throne of 
 Numidia on the death of his brothers Gulussa and Manastabal, having 
 previously to this enjoyed only the one third part of the kingdom as his 
 share. Very little is known of the character of this monarch. He 
 left two sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal, and Jugurtha as a third ty 
 adoption. 
 
 Minucius Rufus, M. was consul with Sp. Postumius Albinus, B. C 
 112. He obtained Macedonia for his province, and carried on a suc- 
 cessful war against the Thracians, conquering the Scordisci and Treballi 
 in Macedonia. Sallust calls him Quintus, while in Livy and in the con 
 sular calendar he is named Marcus. 
 
 Mithridates. A celebrated king of Pontus, in Asia Minor, sur 
 named Eupator, and the seventh in succession. He was distinguished 
 for his personal bravery and military talents, and for the long resistance 
 which he made against the armies of Rome. At last, however, being 
 deserted by his allies, betrayed by his son Pharnaces, and frequently 
 defeated by the Romans, he was, at his own request, slain by a Gaul, 
 that he might not fall into the hands of his enemies. The constitution 
 of this monarch was so fortified by antidotes, of many of which he is 
 said to have been the inventor, that the strongest and most active poisons 
 had no effect upon him. The true form of the name appears to be Mith- 
 radates, although the other is sanctioned by custom. 
 
 Murena, Licinius, C. brother of the Licinius Murena, who was con- 
 sul B. C. 62, and whom Cicero defended. C. Murena was deputy 
 governor (legatus) of Transalpine Gaul when Catiline's conspiracy broke 
 out, and secured a number of the malcontents who were endeavouring 
 to excite commotions in his province. 
 
 N. 
 
 Nabdalsa. A Numidian of rank and of great influence with th« 
 people. Jugurtha entrusted him with the command of a separate army 4 
 and he proved faithful to his monarch, until Bomilcar induced him tc 
 engage in a plot for the ruin of his master. On the discovery of the 
 plot, Nabdalsa escaped punishment, but Bomilcar was put to death. 
 
 Nasica. Vid. Scipio. 
 
 Nero, Tiberius Claudius. A Roman nobleman, grandfather of the 
 emperor Tiberius Claudius Nero. When the conspiracy of Catiline was 
 discovered, and the matter was debated in the senate, Nero moved that 
 the guards on duty should be strengthened, and the whole affair dis- 
 cussed more fully at a second meeting of that body. This motion very 
 probably was intended to produce a unanimous sentence, with the view 
 of giving time to the parties to come to an agreement, abating, perhaps, 
 somewhat the severity of D. Junius Silanus, and adding to that of 
 Caesar, the former having been in favour of death, the latter of confisca 
 tion and banishment merely. 
 
 30 
 
826 HISTORICAL INDEX- 
 
 O. 
 
 Octavius Rufus, Cn. A Roman officer, who, during the Numidian 
 war, brought over a supply of money to Africa. He must not be con- 
 founded with the Octavius who held the consulship with Cinna B. C. 89, 
 and who drove his colleague from the city, but was afterwards put to 
 death by Cinna and Marius. 
 
 Opimius, L. A Roman nobleman, who held the consulship with C. 
 Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus, and who, while in that office, overpowered 
 C. Sempronius Gracchus, the advocate of the Agrarian law. No fewer 
 than three thousand persons were slain on this occasion, according to 
 Plutarch, and along with Gracchus perished M. Fulvius Flaccus, a man 
 of consular dignity. Opimius subsequently allowed himself to be bribed 
 Dy Jugurtha, and, being brought to trial for this offence, was condemned, 
 and went into banishment at Dyrrhachium, where he died in great 
 poverty. The name of this individual has also descended to later times 
 in another way. The wine made during his consulship was remarkable 
 for having attained to a very great age, and was called Vinum Opimi- 
 anum. There appears to have been an uncommon vintage during the 
 year in which he was consul. Cicero states that he tasted some Opimian 
 wine seventy-five years after ; and Pliny informs us, that it was still to 
 be found when he wrote, at the distance of two hundred years, and that 
 it had the appearance of candied honey. 
 
 Ore still a. Vid. Aurelia. 
 
 Paullus, L. Vid. L. Aemilius Lepidus. 
 
 Perses. King of Macedonia. He was the son of Philip by a con- 
 cubine, and therefore inferior to Demetrius, the legitimate son of that 
 monarch. By a false accusation, however, he induced the monarch to 
 put Demetrius to death. Philip, on being informed of the truth, resolved 
 to disinherit Perses, and secure the crown to his youngest son Antigo- 
 nus ; but his own death, which happened soon after, frustrated his design. 
 One of the first acts of Perses on coming to the throne, was to put 
 Antigonus to death, both because he had been intended as successor to 
 Philip, and because it was through him that the innocence of Demetrius 
 was made known. Becoming involved, however, in war with the Ro- 
 mans, he was conquered and stripped of his kingdom by Paullus Aemilius, 
 who led him in triumph through the streets of Rome. He was afterwards 
 sent as prisoner to Alba, where he ended his days. The Romans treated 
 him with more kindness than he deserved, allowing him to retain his 
 attendants, money, &c. With Perses fell the Macedonian empire. He 
 was the twentieth monarch, reckoning in succession from Caranus, the 
 first king of the country. 
 
 Petreius, M. A lieutenant of the consul Antonius, who, in conse- 
 quence of the indisposition of the latter, commanded the forces of the 
 state in the action against Catiline. He joined the party of Pompey in 
 the civil war, and, in conjunction with Afranius, endeavoured to make 
 head against Caesar in Spain. From the narrative of Caesar, they would 
 appear to have been both able commanders. After having been forced 
 
HISTORICAL INDEX. 327 
 
 co capitulate, Petreius joined the army of the republic in Africa, and, on 
 being defeated along with Juba, king of Mauretania, in the battle of 
 Thapsus, he and that prince engaged purposely in single combat, that 
 they might die an honourable death. Juba soon laid Petreius dead at 
 his feet, and then, at his own request, fell by the hand of a slave. 
 
 Pi so, Cn. A Roman of good family, but profligate and needy. The 
 urgency of his wants, uniting with the depravity of his disposition, insti- 
 gated him to any measure which had for its object the convulsion of the 
 state, as the only remedy which could free him from difficulties and 
 embarrassments. He readily entered into the conspiracy of Catiline, 
 and, in the execution of the plot, he was at the head of an army to hold 
 the Spaniards in subjection. The design transpired and necessarily 
 prevented its execution. Soon after, although only quaestor, he ob- 
 tained the government of Hither Spain, with the authority of propraetor, 
 by the interest of Crassus, who wished to set him up in opposition to 
 Pompey. The senate assented, in order to have so dangerous a citizen 
 at a distance from the seat of government. The Spanish cavalry, which 
 formed part of his train, assassinated him soon after his arrival in that 
 country. 
 
 Pompeius, Cn. Son of Cn. Pompeius Strabo, and the well-known 
 opponent of Caesar. He received his title of Magnus from Sylla, after 
 various successes in behalf of that commander. During the troubles 
 occasioned by the conspiracy of Catiline, Pompey was engaged in the 
 movements connected with the Mithridatic war, and in settling the affairs 
 of Asia. 
 
 Pompeius Rufus, Q. A Roman praetor, despatched to Capua, to 
 take possession of that place lest it should fall into the hands of Cati- 
 line's partisans. 
 
 Pomptinus, C. A praetor, during the time of Cicero's consulship 
 He was one of the officers appointed by Cicero to arrest the Allobrogian 
 ambassadors and their train. He subsequently, on the expiration of his 
 praetorship, obtained the government of Gallia Narbonensis, defeated 
 the Allobroges, who had revolted, and reduced their country to tran- 
 quillity, for which he was honoured with a triumph. Cicero employed 
 him as his lieutenant in the government of Cilicia, where he distinguished 
 himself by his bravery. 
 
 R. 
 
 Rutilius Rufus, P. A lieutenant under Metellus in the war with 
 Jugurtha. He afterwards held the consulship with Cn. Manlius Maxi- 
 mus, B. C. 167. Subsequently to this period, he served as lieutenant 
 under Q. Mucius Scaevola, when he attempted to protect the people of 
 Asia from the oppression of the farmers of the revenue. In consequence 
 of this, he fell under the displeasure of the equestrian order, and was 
 brought to trial. Disregarding both the w T ant of evidence and his un- 
 sullied reputation before this impeachment, his judges condemned him, 
 and sentenced him to banishment. He retired to Smyrna. Velleius 
 Paterculus asserts that he was a man, the very best not only of his own 
 time, but of any age. He had an uncommon knowledge of the military 
 art, and introduced many improvements into the Roman discipline. In 
 banishment he devoted his time to philosophy and literarv pursuits, in- 
 
328 HISTORICAL INDEX. 
 
 clining to the Stoic doctrines which he had learned under Panaetra* 
 He resisted the urgent solicitations of Syila, then at the head of affairs, 
 to quit the place of his retreat and return to Rome. Rutilius wrote in 
 Greek the history of his own times, the war against Hannibal, the siege 
 of Numantia, at which he fought, and the war in Numidia. The last 
 received high commendation for its impartiality. In addition to these 
 works may be mentioned his own biography, which Tacitus praises, 
 Observations on the Greek Philosophers, and Orations on several topics 
 Cicero mentions his eloquence with respect. He was also an able 
 lawyer. 
 
 Saenicjs, L. A Roman, who read in the senate a letter which he 
 had received from Faesulae, containing intelligence, that Manlius, one 
 of the accomplices of Catiline, had taken up arms against the state with 
 a numerous party of followers. 
 
 Scaurus, M. Aemilius. A Roman nobleman, of great ability, who 
 held the consulship with M. Caecilius Metellus, B. C. 116. He tri- 
 umphed over the Carni ; and made the road from Placentia to Parma, 
 hence called the Aemilian way. He had the honour of being appointed 
 Princeps Senatus, and would have ranked in history with the very first 
 characters of the Roman state, had not his splendid talents been tarnished 
 by avarice and other degrading passions. Pliny agrees with Sallust in 
 giving the unfavourable side of the picture. On the other hand, Cicero 
 highly extols his virtues, abilities, and achievements. It is of this same 
 individual that Valerius Maximus (3, 7, 8) relates the well-known anec- 
 dote, so illustrative of the high estimation in which he was held by the 
 people. Being accused of having received a bribe from a foreign prince, 
 he concluded a very brief defence with the following words : — " Varius 
 Sucronensis Aemilium Scaurum, regia mercede corruptum, imperium 
 populi Romani perdidisse ait : Aemilius Scaurus huic se affinem esse 
 culpae negat. Utri creditis ?" The writer adds : — " Cujus dicti ad- 
 miratione populus commotus Varium ah ilia dementissima actione per- 
 tinaci clamor e depulit." It is more than probable, therefore, that Sal- 
 lust endeavours to depreciate Scaurus, because the latter was a member, 
 and a strong advocate for the power, of the nobility ; while Cicero, on 
 the other hand, strives for this same reason to exalt his character. The 
 truth undoubtedly lies between either extreme. He afterwards held 
 the office of censor, and the consulship a second time. His name often 
 occurs in the writings of Cicero, who speaks in great praise of a work 
 of his in three books, recording the principal occurrences and trans- 
 actions of his life. The orator considers it equal to Xenophon's Cyro- 
 oaedia. 
 
 Scipio, P. Cornelius, afterwards surnamed Africanus, from his vic- 
 tory over Hannibal at Zama, and his consequent overthrow of the Car- 
 thaginian power. He is only alluded to incidentally by Sallust. 
 
 Scipio, P. Cornelius, surnamed Aemilianus, and also Africanus 
 Minor. He was the son of Paullus Aemilius, the conqueror of Mace- 
 donia, and was adopted into the Scipio line by the son of the elder 
 Africanus. His name Aemilianus refers to his parentage, and that of 
 Africanus Minor, (" Younger Africanus,") to his having destroyed Car* 
 
HISTORICAL INDEX. 329 
 
 thage at the close of the third Punic war. He is sometimes also styled 
 Numantinus, from his having conquered Numantia. 
 
 Scipio Nasica, P. Cornelius, married Metella, daughter of Q. Cae- 
 cilius Metellus Macedonicus, Cicero, in his treatise on illustrious orators, 
 mentions, that, in wit and humour, he surpassed all his contemporaries. 
 He obtained the consulship, B. C. 113, with L. Calpurnius Piso Bestia, 
 'when Italy fell to his lot, and Numidia to that of his colleague. He 
 <ktd in office, on which account Bestia returned from Numidia to preside 
 it ihe elections. 
 
 Sempeonia. The wife of Decimus Brutus, by whom she became the 
 mother of D. Junius Brutus, so well known for the share he took in the 
 assassination of Julius Caesar. She engaged in the conspiracy of Cati- 
 line, without the knowledge, as it would appear, of her husband. Sallust 
 has drawn her character in a very masterly manner, as that of a bold and 
 unprincipled female. 
 
 Silanus, Decimus Junius, held the office of consul with Licinius 
 Murena, B. C, 64. They succeeded M. Tullius Cicero and C. Antonius. 
 Being consuls elect, when the case of Catiline and his accomplices came 
 Defore the senate, Silanus was asked his opinion first, with respect to the 
 punishment that ought to be inflicted on these traitors. He was in favour 
 of their being put to death. Subsequently, however, he embraced the 
 opinion of Tiberius Nero, who was for strengthening the guards and 
 adjourning the debate. 
 
 Silanus, M. Junius. A Roman nobleman, who had for his colleague in 
 the consulship Q. Caecilius Metellus, 1 11 B. C. He was totally defeated 
 by the Cimbri in Gaul. (Liv. Epit. 65.) Eutropius says he defeated the 
 Cimbri, but this is inaccurate. 
 
 Sisenna, L. Cornelius. An historian of the Cornelian family, and 
 descended from that Sisenna who was praetor A. U. C. 570. In his 
 youth he practised as an orator, and is characterized by Cicero as a man 
 of learning and wit, but of no great industry, or knowledge of business. 
 In more advanced life he was praetor of Achaia, and a friend of Atticus. 
 Vossius says his history commenced after the taking of Rome by the 
 Gauls, and ended with the wars of Marius and Sylla. Now, it is pos- 
 sible that he may have given some sketch of Roman affairs from the 
 burning of the city by the Gauls, but it is evident he had touched 
 slightly on these early portions of the history : for though his work con- 
 sisted of twenty, or, according to others, of twenty-two books, it ap- 
 pears from a fragment of the second, which is still preserved, that he 
 nad there advanced in his narrative as far as the Social war, which broke 
 out in the year 663. The greater part, therefore, was probably devoted 
 to :he history of the civil wars of Marius : and indeed Velleius Pater- 
 culus calls his work Opus Belli Civilis Sullani. The great defect of 
 his history consisted, it is said, in its not being written with sufficient 
 political freedom, at least concerning the character and conduct of Sylla, 
 which is regretted by Sallust, in a passage bearing ample testimonv to 
 the merits of Sisenna in other particulars. Cicero, while he admits his 
 superiority over his predecessors, adds, that he was far from perfection, 
 and complains that there was something puerile in his Annals, as if he 
 had studied none of the Greek historians but Clitarchus. (Cic. de Leg. 
 1, 2.) The fragments which remain of his history are more ryimerous 
 than those of any old Latin annalist, being about 150 ; but thev are also 
 
 30* 
 
330 HISTORICAL INDEX. 
 
 shorter and more unconnected. Indeed, there are scarcely two sentence? 
 any where joined together. 
 
 Sittius Nucerinus, P. A Roman knight, born at Nuceria, whence 
 his surname Nucerinus. Catiline, according to Sallust, reckoned hiift 
 among his friends, and, according to the common account, he was net 
 only connected with the conspiracy, but, having been summoned to stanC 
 trial for some misdemeanor, before the discovery of the plot, he fled into 
 Africa with a number of his associates and dependants, and assisted the 
 king of Mauretania against the neighbouring princes. Cicero, however, 
 in his oration for P. Cornelius Sylla, says, that he quitted the city in 
 consequence of an agreement with the king of Mauretania ; that he had 
 previously been there, and that the idea of his being in the conspiracy 
 was absurd. The orator describes him as a respectable man, and calls 
 him his old friend and acquaintance. Sittius, with his troops, afterwards 
 ioined the standard of Julius Caesar in Africa, and rendered him im- 
 portant service against the forces of Scipio and Juba. The conqueror 
 bestowed upon him, as a recompense, the city and territory of Cirta. 
 Vid. Geographical Index, s. v. Cirta. 
 
 Spinther, or P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, held the office of curule 
 aedile, B. C. 65, when Cicero and Antonius were consuls. His great 
 wealth enabled him to display a magnificence in the celebration of the 
 games, which surpassed what had ever before been seen at Rome. To 
 his charge P. Lentulus Sura, who was then Praetor Urbanus, was con- 
 fided, when the conspiracy of Catiline was detected in the capital. In the 
 year 59 B. C. he was propraetor of Hispania Citerior. He was elected 
 consul with Q. Caecilius Metellus Nepos, and procured the recall of Ci- 
 cero from banishment. In the civil war, he attached himself to the side 
 of Pompey, and, having been taken prisoner, was brought before Caesar, 
 at Corfinium, and set at liberty. He fought in the battle of Pharsalia, 
 and fled to Rhodes, but the Rhodians refused him protection. Nothing 
 farther is known of him. According to Valerius Maximus, he had the 
 surname of Spinther, from his resemblance to a comedian of that name. 
 
 Statilius, L. A Roman of equestrian rank, connected with the con- 
 spiracy of Catiline, and strangled in prison. 
 
 Sulla, L. Cornelius. A Roman of Patrician rank, who served at 
 first under Marius. His activity and address contributed greatly to bring 
 the Jugurthine war to a successful termination. Marius became, at last, 
 jealous of Sylla's merit ; hence originated that quarrel between them, 
 which was productive of the most enormous cruelties, and contributed 
 to the final extinction of Roman liberty. Being sent to Asia to restrain 
 the power of Mithridates, though under a different pretence, he proved 
 himself both a brave soldier and an able general. On his return, he dis- 
 played his military talerfts to great advantage in the Social war. So 
 strongly were his soldiers attached to him, that when two tribunes were 
 sent to take the command of his army, and give it to Marius, they stoned 
 them to death. Marius, in revenge, put Sylla's friends in the city to the 
 sword, upon which the latter marched to Rome, and compelled Marius 
 to flee. The horrid proscription now began. A price was set on the 
 head of Marius, but he effected his escape. Sylla then set out against 
 Mithridates, defeated his armies under different generals, and concluded 
 a peace with him on very advantageous terms. Marius and China having 
 butchered many o Sylla's friends at Rome, he returned to Italy to avenge 
 
HISTORICAL INDEX. 331 
 
 k heir deaths. On his arrival, his conduct was marked by clemency and 
 moderation ; but no sooner were his enemies wholly within Ins power, 
 than he committed the most enormous and barbarous acts of cruelty. 
 To aggrandize himself, to exalt the patricians, and to glut his desire of 
 revenge on his enemies, induced Sylla to assume the reins of absolute 
 government. He corrected the abuses introduced by popular and un- 
 principled demagogues, restored the ancient laws, and enacted many that 
 were salutary and beneficial. Still, tyranny marked his whole conduct, 
 md rendered his administration a scene of terror, by his personal enmi- 
 ties and insufferable despotism. Desire of revenge was a stronger passion 
 tti the mind of Sylla than love of power. After glutting his vengeance 
 with the blood of thousands, and governing with despotic authority for 
 .hree years, he resigned the reins of power, and lived undisturbed as a 
 private citizen. He died in great torment of the morbus pedicularis, in 
 the sixtieth year of his age, about 78 B. C. The perpetual intoxication 
 -.0 which he had recourse to avoid the horrors of a guilty conscience, 
 contributed to hasten his death. 
 
 Syphax. A king of the Masaesyli, in Africa. At first he was hostile 
 io the Carthaginians, and waged war against them ; but, on marrying 
 Bophonisba, daughter of Hasdrubal, he formed an alliance with Carthage. 
 He was defeated by Africanus in a night engagement, his tents being all 
 destroyed by fire ; and was taken prisoner after a second battle, in which 
 fie and Hasdrubal were overcome by Laelius and Masinissa. Scipio 
 sent him to Rome, when the senate ordered him to be kept a prisoner at 
 Alba, from which he was removed at a later period to Tibur. 
 
 T. 
 
 Tarquixius, L. A man who left Rome to join the army of Catiline, 
 but who was apprehended and brought back. On his examination, he 
 promised to make a full disclosure, if the public faith were pledged for 
 his safety. On this being done, he implicated Crassus in the plot. This 
 charge was deemed by the senate utterly false, and Tarquinius was 
 ordered to be confined in prison, unless he gave up the person who had 
 instigated him to the act. 
 
 Terextius Varro, Cn. A man of senatorian rank, who held the office 
 of praetor, B. C. 66, and to whom the conspirator Q. Coeparius was given 
 in charge. 
 
 Torquatus, L. Manlius. A Roman nobleman, who held the consul- 
 ship withL. Aurelius Cotta, B. C. 67. He was the particular friend of 
 M. Tullius Cicero, who mentions him in terms of high commendation in 
 many of his letters. He obtained Macedonia for his province. In the 
 civil war he sided with Pompey. The time and manner of his death aw. 
 not mentioned. 
 
 U. 
 
 Umbrenus, P. A freedman, who engaged in the conspiracy of Cati- 
 line, and endeavoured to prevail on the deputies from the Allobroges to 
 take part with that traitor. He was committed to prison on the dis- 
 covery of the plot, and most probably punished with death. 
 
232 HISTORICAL INDEX. 
 
 Vale-rius Flaccus, L. A Roman nobleman, distinguished for his 
 military talents and general ability. He traced his descent from Va- 
 lerius Poplicola. After holding the office of tribune of the soldiers in 
 Cilicia, and being quaestor in Spain, he obtained the praetorship in the 
 year in which Cicero was consul, and contributed by his activity to the 
 crushing of Catiline's conspiracy. After the expiration of his praetor- 
 ship, he succeeded to the government of Asia, and on his return was 
 arraigned for extortion, but acquitted through the powerful eloquence of 
 Cicero, who, together with Hortensius, pleaded his cause. 
 
 Vargunteius, L. One of the accomplices of Catiline, who under- 
 took, along with C. Cornelius, to murder Cicero in his own house. The 
 consul was apprized of his danger by Curius, through Fulvia, *nd they 
 were refused admittance. Cicero says they were both knights. Proba- 
 tory Vargunteius, though a senator, was of equestrian origin. 
 
 Volturcius, T. A native of Crotona, and one of the accomplices 
 of Catiline. He was intrusted by Lentulus with a letter for Catiline. 
 On being seized, and brought before the senate* he at first pleaded entire 
 ignorance of the conspiracy, but, on being assured of his safety, he made 
 a full discovery of all that he knew. His testimony was confirmed by 
 the deputies of the Allobroges. 
 
 Volux, son of Bocchus, king of Mauretania, sent by his father, at the 
 head of a large body of cavalry to meet Sylla, quaestor under Marina 
 and escort him to the royal prevmce. 
 
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