Class L c CopiglitH _ COPHHGHT DEPOSIT. A BRIEF HISTORY OF ROCKY MOUNTAIN EXPLORATION WITH ESPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE EXPEDITION OF LEWIS AND CLARK BY REUBEN GOLD THWAITES AUTHOR OF DANIEL BOONE, FATHER MARQUETTE, ON THE STORIED OHIO THE COLONIES, ETC. ; EDITOR OF JESUIT RELATIONS, CHRONICLES OF BORDER WARFARE, HENNEPIN' S NEW DISCOVERY, ETC. WITH ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS NEW YORK D. APPLETON AND COMPANY 1904 T- LIBRAE o* CONGRESS Two Copies Received JAN 27 1904 V" Copyright Entry . •COPTBIGHT, 1904, BY D. APPLETON AND COMPANY Published February, 190% / Wqt expansion of tl)e ftepubitc Series A BRIEF HISTORY OF ROCKY MOUNTAIN EXPLORATION 3 to APPLE-TONS' Expansion o! the Republic Series Each volume nmo. Illustrated. $1.25 net Postage, 12 cents additional The History of the Louisiana Purchase By James K. Hosmer, Ph.D., LL.D. Ohio and Her Western Reserve By Alfred Mathews. The History of Puerto Rico By R. A. Van Middeldyk. With an introduction, etc., by Prof. Martin G. Brumbaugh. Steps in the Expansion of Our Territory By Oscar Phelps Austin, Chief of the Bureau of Statistics, Treasury Department. Rocky Mountain Exploration By Reuben Gold Thwaites. The Conquest of the Southwest By Cyrus Townsend Brady, Author of " Paul Jones" in the Great Commanders Series. In preparation. The Purcha.se of Alaska. By Oscar Phelps Austin, Chief of the Bureau of Statistics, Treasury Department. In preparation. Proposed Volumes The Settlement of the Pacific Coast The Founding of Chicago and the Development of the Middle West John Brown and the Troubles in Kansas D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, NEW YORK CO M H O o o W H o CO 1=1 o u > a> 03 '5a +a a o 00 o ^ 4^> (TO i — l rH QJ >» pq 3 bD i-s 3 a 03 0) rfl r^l += 4^9 CH H0 O 0) Ph DO 03 c3 =3 A 03 o rS t ^ a c3 Hi o CO Go JOHN JOHNSTON, LL. D. FOR TWELVE YEARS PRESIDENT OF THE WIS- CONSIN HISTORICAL SOCIETY, AND SOMETIME PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF REGENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN, THIS LIT- TLE BOOK OF WESTERN ADVENTURE IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY HIS FRIEND THE AUTHOR PEEFACE It is a long stretch of fruitful years, from Balboa's crossing in Darien to the completion of the transcontinental railways in the United States. Adequately to treat of Rocky Moun- tain Exploration as a whole would require a series of bulky volumes. When, therefore, one is asked to tell of the multitude of ad- venturous expeditions incident to the scaling of the continental divide, within the limits of one small book, the task largely resolves itself into the recitation of a bead-roll of principal events. And yet the story seems worth telling, even with such restrictions. The records of most, if not all, of the enterprises herein re- lated are somewhere accessible in print, and some of them have been given a popular dress. But nowhere else, so far as I know, has the entire range been treated in connected form vii Rocky Mountain Exploration within the covers of a single volume. It is sincerely hoped that this catalogue of events may prove sufficiently readable, to in- spire youth with adequate appreciation of what has been dared and done for them by their predecessors upon the stage. The deeds of Lewis and Clark, Pike, Long, Fremont, and their compeers, will always stir the blood of those who love to read of noble adventure in the public cause. Hardly less thrilling and inspiring are the daring ex- ploits of those eminent Canadian explorers, Verendrye, McKenzie, Thompson, and Fraser. Far more space within this book is de- voted to the experiences of Lewis and Clark than to those of any others in the roll of American explorers. There is appropriate- ness in this. Their expedition was the first to cross the continent under the auspices of the United States Government; in many ways it was, considering both the occasion and the result, the most important of all — other expeditions but continuing and broad- ening the work of the men who broke the path. It has seemed proper, upon the eve of the centennial celebration of their crossing, Vlll Preface to dwell in as much detail as space would allow, upon an event fraught with momen- tous consequence in the Expansion of the Republic. R. Gr. T. Madison, Wisconsin, December, 1903. IX CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE Preface vii I. Exploration op the Northwest Coast . . 1 II. French Explorations from the East . . 22 III. English Explorations from the East . . 37 IV. The Missouri a Path to the Pacific . . 62 V. The Louisiana Purchase 81 VI. Organization of Lewis and Clark's Expedi- tion 92 VII. From River Dubois to the Mandans . . 109 VIII. At Fort Mandan 127 IX. From the Mandans to the Sea . . . 137 X. At Fort Clatsop, and the Return . = . 162 XI. Thompson, Fraser, The Astorians, and Pike 188 XII. The South Pass 209 XIII. The Conquest of California .... 228 XIV. The Continent Spanned by Settlement . . 244 INDEX 253 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FACINO PAGE Gates of the Rocky Mountains . . . Frontispiece Map drawn by the Indian Ochagach 28 Portrait of Meriwether Lewis . . , . . 96 ' Portrait of William Clark 96 Page of Clark's Journal ....... 110 Page of Lewis's Journal 130 Grant's Castle, on Columbia River 158 ' Portrait of Zebulon M. Pike 196 Portrait of John C. Fremont 232 Portrait of Kit Carson 232 A BRIEF HISTORY OF ROCKY MOUNTAIN EXPLORATION OHAPTEK I EXPLORATION OF THE NORTHWEST COAST Amid the prayers and the plaudits of Spain, Columbus set sail from the little port of Palos, seeking not a new world, but the shores of old India. It was from the Indus that Europe obtained her silks and gold, her spices and her precious stones ; while of the wealth of ancient China and Japan, the " Sun- rise Land," travelers like Marco Polo had brought glowing though vague accounts. When the Spanish admiral furled his sails in the palm-girt harbor of Cat Island, he was convinced that he had reached but an out- lying portion of those coveted lands ; to him, this was indeed the West Indies. Columbus went to his grave probably unconscious of the fact that he had discovered a new continent ; and the belief that America was merely a 1 Rocky Mountain Exploration projection of Asia was long after persisted in by geographers. It was two and a half cen- turies later (1741) before Vitus Bering, sailing from the Pacific to the Arctic Ocean, proved to the world that America was insulated. Another time-worn geographical theory re- garding North America — a theory the origin of which is lost in obscurity — did not die until a half century later : that a waterway some- where extended through the heart of the continent between the Atlantic Ocean and the Pacific, or South Sea, as it was then named. The Spanish conquerors of Mexi- co, while vainly seeking for gold among the pueblos of our Southwest and along the gloomy shores of the Gulf of California, were early searchers for that transcontinental waterway which was to give them a short route from Europe to India. So, too, the ad- venturous French of Canada, while penetra- ting the heart of the continent by means of the Great Lakes and the Mississippi, were seeking to pierce the elusive mystery of the South Sea. John Smith, of Virginia, confi- dently thought to find it by ascending the James ; other Englishmen, little knowing the 2 Montezuma's Strait breadth of the continent, made similar trials by way of the Potomac and the Roanoke. Hendrik Hudson thought at first that the great river of New York might lead him into a passage to the Western Ocean, and still later fancied he had found it in Hudson Strait and Bay. Transcontinental exploration in North America was for nearly three centuries largely stimulated by this search for a mythic water- way. It is therefore necessary that we famil- iarize ourselves with the history of the long and fruitless quest. In 1513, a hundred and seven years before the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, Bal- boa scaled the continental back-bone at Darien and unfurled the flag of Spain by the waters of the Pacific. With wondrous zeal did Spanish explorers beat up and down the western shore of the Gulf of Mexico, seek- ing for an opening through. Cortez had no sooner secured possession of Mexico, after his frightful slaughter of the Aztecs, than he began pushing out to the west and north- west — along the " upper coasts of the South Sea " — in search of the strait which Monte- zuma told him existed. 2 3 Rocky Mountain Exploration It is unlikely that Montezuma's knowledge of North American geography was much greater than that of his conqueror. But in every age and land aborigines have first as- certained what visiting strangers most sought, whether it be gold or waterways, and assured them that somewhere beyond the neighbor- ing horizon these objects were to be found in plenty. Spanish, French, and English have each in their turn chased American rainbows that existed only in the brains of imagina- tive tribesmen who had little other thought than a childish desire to gratify their guests. Cortez undertook, at his own charge, several of these expensive exploring expeditions to discover the strait of which Montezuma had spoken, and one of them he conducted in per- son. In 1528 — the year he visited Spain to meet his accusers — we find him despatching Maldonado northward along the Pacific coast for three hundred miles ; and five years later Grijalva and Jimenez were claiming for Spain the southern portion of Lower California. A full hundred years before Jean Nicolet related to the French authorities at their feeble outpost on the rock of Quebec the 4 Seven Cities of Cibola story of his daring progress into the wilds of the upper Mississippi Valley, and the rumors he had there heard of the great river which flowed into the South Sea, Spanish officials in the halls of Montezuma were receiving the tales of their adventurers, who had pene- trated to strange lands laved by the waters of this selfsame ocean. It was about the year 1530 when the Span- iards in Mexico first received word, through an itinerant monk, Marcos de Niza, of certain powerful semi-civilized tribes dwelling some six hundred miles north of the capital of the Aztecs. These strange people were said to possess in great store domestic utensils and ornaments made of gold and silver; to be massed in seven large cities composed of houses built with stone ; and to be proficient in many of the arts of the Europeans. The search for "the seven cities of Cibola," as these reputed communities came to be called by the Spaniards, was at once begun. Guzman, just then at the head of affairs in New Spain, zealously set forth at the head of four hundred Spanish soldiers and a large following of Indians, to search for this mar- 5 Rocky Mountain Exploration velous country. But the farther north the army marched the more distant became Ci- bola in the report of the natives whom they met on the way ; until at last the invaders be- came involved in the pathless deserts of New Mexico and the intricate ravines of the foot- hills beyond. The soldiers grew mutinous, and Guzman returned crestfallen to Mexico. In April, 1528, three hundred enthusiastic young nobles and gentlemen from Spain landed at Tampa Bay, under the leadership of Narvaez, whom Cortez had supplanted in the conquest of Mexico. Narvaez had been given a commission to hold Florida, with its supposed wealth of mines and precious stones, and to become its governor. Led by the cus- tomary fables of the natives, who told only such tales as they supposed their Spanish tor- mentors wished most to hear, the brilliant company wandered hither and thither through the vast swamps and forests, wasted by fatigue, famine, disease, and frequent assaults of savages. At last, after many distressing adventures, but four men were left — Cabeza de Vaca, treasurer of the expedition, and three others. For eight long years did these 6 The Age of Romance bruised and ragged Spaniards wearily roam across the region now divided into Texas, Indian Territory, Oklahoma, New Mexico, and Arizona — through tangled forests, across broad rivers, morasses, and desert stretches beset by wild beasts and men ; but ever spurred on by vague reports of a colony of their countrymen to the southwest. At last (May, 1536) the miserable wanderers, first to make the transcontinental trip in northern latitudes, reached the Gulf of California, where they met some of their fellow country- men, who bore them in triumph to the City of Mexico as the guests of the province. In that golden age of romance travelers were expected to gild their tales, and in this respect seldom failed to meet the popular de- mand. The Spanish conquistadores, in par- ticular, lived in an atmosphere of fancy. They looked at American savages and their ways through Spanish spectacles ; and know- ing nothing of the modern science of ethnol- ogy, quite misunderstood the import of what they saw. Beset by the national vice of flowery embellishment, they were also par- donably ignorant of savage life and had an 7 Rocky Mountain Exploration indiscriminating thirst for the marvelous. Thus we see plainly how the Cibola myth arose and grew ; and why most official Span- ish reports of the conquest of the Aztecs were so distorted by false conceptions of the conquered people as in some particulars to be of slight value as material for history. It was, then, small wonder that Cabeza de Vaca and his fellow adventurers, in the midst of the hero worship of which they were now re- cipients, should claim themselves to have seen the mysterious seven cities and to have en- larged upon the previous stories. Coronado, governor of the northern prov- ince of New Galicia, was accordingly sent to conquer this wonderful country, which the adventurers had seen but Guzman had failed to find. In 1540, the year when Cortez again returned to meet ungrateful neglect at the hands of the Spanish court, Coronado set out with a well-equipped following of three hun- dred whites and eight hundred Indians. The Cibola cities were found to be but mud pueb- los in Arizona and New Mexico, with the as- pect of which we are to-day familiar ; while the mild-tempered inhabitants, destitute of 8 Coronado's Expedition wealth, peacefully practising their crude in- dustries and tilling their irrigated fields, were foemen hardly worthy of Castilian steel. Disappointed, but still hoping to find the country of gold, Coronado's gallant little army, frequently thinned by death and deser- tion, for three years beat up and down the southwestern wilderness : now thirsting in the deserts, now penned up in gloomy canons, now crawling over pathless mountains, suffer- ing the horrors of starvation and of despair, but following this will-o'-the-wisp with a mel- ancholy perseverance seldom seen in man save when searching for some mysterious treasure. Coronado apparently twice crossed the State of Kansas. "Through mighty plains and sandy heaths," says the chronicler of the ex- pedition, " smooth and wearisome and bare of wood. . . . All that way the plains are as full of crookback oxen [buffaloes] as the mountain Serena in Spain is of sheep. . . . They were a great succor for the hunger and want of bread which our people stood in. One day it rained in that plain a great shower of hail as big as oranges, which caused many tears, weaknesses, and vows." The wanderer 9 Rocky Mountain Exploration ventured as far as the Missouri, and would have gone still farther eastward but for his inability to cross the swollen river. Co-oper- ating parties explored the upper valleys of the Rio Grande and Gila, ascended the Colo- rado for two hundred and forty miles above its mouth, and visited the Grand Canon of the same river. Coronado at last returned, satisfied that he had been victimized by the idle tales of travelers. He was rewarded with contumely, and lost his place as govern- or of New Galicia ; but his romantic march stands in history as one of the most remark- able exploring expeditions of modern times. Meanwhile, explorers did not forget the sup- posed transcontinental waterway — the " Strait of Anian," as some European geographers now called it; the "Northwest Passage," as it was generally styled by the English. The latter were not long in exploring the in- lets of the Atlantic coast south of the St. Lawrence, and in consequence relegating to the extreme north the eastern end of the mythic strait. The Spanish on their part ascended but slowly along the Pacific coast, their successive maps locating the strait 10 Spanish Coast Voyages at varying distances northward of the latest exploration ; although there were not lacking those who claimed actually to have sailed upon it, their fabrications gaining wide popu- lar acceptance. We have seen that in 1533 they claimed Lower California. Ten years later, one of Cabrillo's ships reached Cape Men- docino ; but it was long before this record was broken — indeed, the well-equipped expedi- tion of Vizcaino, which came to anchor in Monterey Bay in 1602-03, was little more than a repetition of Cabrillo's, and Oregon was still practically an undiscovered country. In fact, now that India was found to be so far away, and large Spanish interests had be- come established in the Philippines and else- where in the South Seas, concern in the American north quickly waned ; save that it was deemed important to find a port of refuge on the American coast, in the in- terest of the Manila traders, which was in part the occasion of Vizcaino's voyage. As regarded the much-sought-for strait, it came to be recognized that a short route from Europe to India through the American con- tinent might well prove a positive disad- 11 Rocky Mountain Exploration vantage to Spain, by making it more con- venient for rivals to reach her markets and prey upon her commerce ; although many argued that in that event it would be well for Spain herself to discover the strait in order to close it to others. Now that Eng- lish piratical cruisers, officered by Drake (1579) and Cavendish (1587), had rounded Cape Horn and enriched themselves with the spoils of her galleons, Spain's plight might have been serious indeed had the Pacific been also accessible through Hudson Bay. As it was, a hundred and seventy years elapsed after Vizcaino's enterprise, with practically nothing discovered by Spanish sailors north of the Gulf of California. During this long period of inaction in maritime discovery, New Spain exhibited a certain degree of enterprise within the in- terior. In 1582, some forty years after Coro- nado's march, two Franciscan friars ascended the valley of the Rio Grande, and went down the valley of the Gila, making a transcon- tinental tour, and securing a temporary re- newal . of interest in the pueblos. Sixteen years later, near the close of the sixteenth 12 Spanish Missions century, Juan de Onate invaded what is now New Mexico, and Santa Fe was established as the seat of Spanish power in the north. In 1604-05 Onate made extensive explorations among the Zuni and Moqui towns, and de- scended the Colorado to the sea ; while about the same time several entradas were planted among the Texan tribes far to the east. By 1630 the Roman Catholics had fifty missions in New Mexico, Arizona, and Texas, admin- istering religious instruction to ninety pueblos. This was the high-water mark of Spanish power in our Southwest. In 1680 the na- tives, rendered desperate by the harsh rule of their military taskmasters, drove them from the land of Cibola ; but by the close of the century the Spaniards were again in posses- sion. In 1697-1702 the Jesuits Kino and Sal- vatierra, worthily imitating the deeds of their French brethren in Canada, founded missions along the Gila and Colorado Rivers — connect- ing links between New Mexico and the western coast. The Spaniards moved more slowly than the French, and it was nearly a century after Kino's notable expedition be- 13 Rocky Mountain Exploration fore an attempt was made to extend Indian missions into Upper or Alta California. But they were then pushed vigorously by the Franciscans, headed by Father Junipero Serra, at favorable points along the shore — San Diego in 1769, Monterey the following year, San Francisco in 1776, until by the end of the century there were eighteen missions, with forty priests, and 13,500 Indians living at the convert villages. It has been the fashion to charge the Span- ish fathers with having practically enslaved their dusky neophytes, in order to enrich themselves from their labor. This conclu- sion is not warranted by the facts. Like the French Jesuits in Canada, the Spanish mis- sionaries soon found it impracticable to suc- ceed in the work of religious training and oversight so long as their parishioners were semi-nomads. Villages or compounds were therefore formed in New Spain as in New France, wherein it was thought the converts might become accustomed to communal life, and by continuous though moderate labor also secure freedom from the taunts and tempta- tions of the unconverted. While the Spanish 14 Missionary Methods army was undoubtedly cruel to the natives, the laws of both Church and State were models of benevolence toward these de- pendent people. The sanitation in the con- vert villages was inadequate, as it also was in the towns of Spain, and the death-rate was excessive ; the Indians chafed under sustained labor in the communal fields ; they sometimes rebelled against the modest tribute required of them to meet the common expenses ; and the minute rules and observances of the Church, with corporal punishment meted out at the sanctuary door to all offenders, were not always to their liking. But these condi- tions were such as Spaniards lived under at home in that period when modern science was unknown, when superstition prevailed, and the Church ruled with the discipline of a stern parent. The Indian, however, was less prepared for this sort of thing than the Euro- pean. We may now properly adjudge these missionary methods as in some particulars inapt, but they were born of the best Spanish thought of their day, and were intended to be philanthropic. That a mere handful of priests could for so long a period firmly hold 15 Rocky Mountain Exploration in hand and to an appreciable degree soften the fierce temper of so large a population of sturdy savages, is an evidence that their rule was not altogether that of the taskmaster. In 1773, alarmed by the reports of Russian coast explorations in the far north, Spain sent out Juan Perez, who, doubtless first of white men, examined the shore as far up as latitude 55°. In 1774-75, Heceta, Perez, and Cuadra explored the whole extent of the Northwest Coast from 42° to about 58° — the latter near the modern Sitka. On July 17th of the latter year Heceta's ship was buffeted by the strong cross-currents of the bay which forms the mouth of the Columbia ; but no landing was made, and the existence of the river was only surmised. Meanwhile, exploration of the interior was not wholly neglected by the Spaniards, for in 1776-77 Fathers Dominguez and Escalante journeyed from New Mexico to Utah Lake, in the Great Basin, which Father Font also visited in 1777. Captain James Cook, the famous English navigator, was, in 1778, on his third and final voyage, searching the coast to the north of Vizcaino's discoveries for the Northwest 16 Perouse's Voyage Passage, and in the course of his voyage ex- plored between latitude 43° and 50°. The following year, Cook's discoveries having be- come widely known, Heceta and Cuadra con- ducted extensive explorations as far up as Alaska, and Spain now regarded the entire Northwest Coast as her own ; indeed, further voyages of discovery were the following year forbidden by the king, although within a few years the order was abrogated. In 1786, a famous French navigator and scientist, Count de la Perouse, visited these shores and gave to the world its first defi- nite knowledge of the California missions. Within the next three years several English fur-trading vessels were operating along the coast, but added nothing to the record of discoveries. Two and three vears later there were new Spanish expeditions to watch the Russians, who were contemplating establish- ments in the north, also the adventurous English, whose movements were alike sus- picious; for while ostensibly only engaged in carrying American furs to China, where they were bartered for teas, silks, spices, and other Oriental goods, the British captains 17 Rocky Mountain Exploration were suspected of entertaining designs of permanent settlement on the American shore. Irritation over the presence of small English settlements at Nootka Sound occasioned a diplomatic flurry between the two nations. In 1789 Spanish naval officers seized at Nootka two English trading vessels and their crews, alleging trespass. After a long and spirited controversy, which led almost to war, Spain in 1795 agreed to abandon Ebotka and substantially all of the shore lying north of the Columbia ; thus enabling English and American fur-traders to obtain a firm hold upon the Northwest Coast. 1 1 Nootka Sound is on the west coast of Vancouver Island, now Canadian territory. In August, 1903, upon the shore of Friendly Cove, the Washington University State Historical So- ciety erected " a fine monument of native granite " bearing this inscription : " Vancouver and Quadra met here in August, 1792, under the treaty between Spain and Great Britain of October, 1790. Erected by the Washington University State Historical Society, August, 1903." The address of presentation was made by Prof. Edmond S. Meany, of Washington University; that of acceptance by Sir Henri Joly de Lotbiniere, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia. A picture of the monument appears in the Seattle Post-Intelligencer for August 30, 1903. During his visit Professor Meany exhumed numerous " flat Spanish bricks " used in the foundations of the old Spanish fort. For a half cen- tury after the meeting the island bore the name, " Quadra and Vancouver's Island." 18 American Coast Traders American fur- trading vessels, chiefly from New England, appeared upon the scene within the year following the treaty with England under which the United States was recog- nized as a nation. Like the English, they sought to secure furs from the Pacific Coast Indians and trade them in China and India for goods salable in the Atlantic towns. The leaders in this venture were a company of Boston merchants who had read the reports of Cook's voyages. In 1788 they sent out the Columbia and Lady Washington, small vessels with cargoes of blankets, gaily col. ored cloths, beads, hatchets, and other ar- ticles commonly used in traffic with the abo- rigines ; and thereafter New England naviga- tors were visitors frequently seen upon the shores of what are now California, Oregon, and Washington. Upon the eleventh of May, 1792, Captain Robert Gray, commanding the Columbia, entered the mouth of the great river to which he gave the name of his vessel, a stream des- tined to play a conspicuous part in the roman- tic story of Rocky Mountain exploration. In this same year some thirty vessels visited the 3 19 Rocky Mountain Exploration Northwest Coast — French, Portuguese, Eng- lish, and American — most of them engaged in trafficking for furs with the natives, others upon errands either of diplomacy or explora- tion. Most prominent of the English captains was George Vancouver, probably the best equipped navigator who had yet visited the region. His surveys and reports did much to open the way to subsequent English claims in this quarter. Owing to the fact that the East India Com- pany enjoyed practically a monopoly of Eng- lish trade upon the Pacific, especially that with China and India, nearly all the vessels of independent English traders had by the close of the century abandoned the North- west Coast. Thus the Americans were for nearly twenty years left almost alone in this important trade, an opportunity not neglected by our adventurous marines. Leaving some New England port with a diversified store of "Yankee notions" for bartering with Poly- nesians and Indians, a skipper would stop en route at the West Indies and the South Sea islands. There he would pick up molasses, sugar, shells, cocoanuts, and other articles 20 An Important Factor suitable for traffic, with them proceeding to the Northwest Coast, perhaps making Nootka his chief port, where he quickly acquired a stock of furs from the natives. Running down with his peltries to the Sandwich Islands at the close of the season, he would leave them to be dressed on land by the greater part of his ship's company, engage a fresh crew of islanders, and return to Nootka for another cargo of furs. Adding enough san- dalwood at Hawaii to make a full cargo, he would now sail for China, to exchange his holdings for teas, silks, and Oriental cloths, with which he would return to the Atlantic coast after a profitable absence of three or four years. It will be seen in the course of this narra- tive that the desire to cultivate the fur-trade was, under the American regime, an important factor in Rocky Mountain exploration. 21 CHAPTEE II FRENCH EXPLORATIONS FROM THE EAST In common with the English colonists upon the Atlantic slope, the men of New France had no conception of the immense breadth of the North American continent. When, prob- ably in 1634, Champlain's agent, Jean Nicolet, penetrated to the far-away wilds of Wiscon- sin, he hoped to meet Chinamen upon the shores of Green Bay. Before landing at the principal Indian village there, he robed himself in a gorgeous damask gown decorated with gaily colored birds and flowers, a ceremonial garment with which he had taken care to pro- vide himself at Quebec, expecting to meet mandarins similarly attired. In the name La Chine, as applied to the settlement at the great rapids of the St. Lawrence just above Montreal, we have a memorial of the hope entertained by La Salle that the road to 22 Width of the Continent China lay in this direction. These incidents amuse us now. But we have seen that it was somewhat over a century after Nicolet's visit before Bering established the fact that Amer- ica was insulated and not a part of Asia ; and still another half century of spasmodic ex- ploration was required before the facts rela- tive to the width of the continent were at last known. Although the hope that Asiatics might be found in the Mississippi Valley does not appear to have been long entertained, the old theory of a short-cut transcontinental water- way was held by the French throughout their occupancy of North America. Jolliet, Mar- quette, and La Salle, as had many explorers before them, thought at first that the Missis- sippi itself might pour into the South Sea. When they found this untrue, it was there- after the dream of adventurers to discover some stream flowing westerly to the Pacific, which might prove a convenient waterway for the portable craft then used by the explorers of the interior. For a long period the French were satisfied not to penetrate far beyond Lakes Superior 23 Rocky Mountain Exploration and Nepigon, a region wherein Du Luth was for many years the principal trader. The In- dians were able to draw fairly correct maps either on birch-bark or with a stick upon the sand, and were fond of dilating upon the size and length of the lakes and rivers by which they had journeyed. Thus, from them, the traders, settled in their little waterside forts of logs, became in a general way well ac- quainted with the interior ; but they did not at first care to explore it to any great depth, for the natives, eager for trade, brought in furs from far-distant regions. With the revival of European interest in the Northwest Passage, some of the officials of New France became imbued with an ambi- tion to foster the search, and here and there among the hardy Western forest traders were men who expressed eagerness to undertake it. The court at Paris, however, looked askance at any scheme to divert public money to Can- ada. If the colony across seas were not to be a source of revenue, it at least must not, if possible to prevent, prove a burden to the motherland. When in 1719 Vaudreuil, then Governor of New France, was authorized 24 Fur-Trading Explorers to establish a line of posts through the coun- try to the west of Lake Superior, it was ex- pressly stipulated by the court that they must be planted " without any expense to the king — as the person establishing them would be remunerated by the trade." Thus Canadian explorers under the French regime were, as a rule, expected to turn fur-traders en route, and support themselves from the country through which they passed, being armed with the often doubtful privilege of throttling the trade of competitors in the field. Under such conditions it is small wonder that some ex- ploring parties soon developed into mere tyran- nous trade monopolies, operating through wide districts, and maintaining their grasp by cor- rupt manipulation of court favorites; while others, honestly bent on discovery, were in the long absences of their leaders from home ruined by enemies at court and in trade, and came to sad ends. In 1720 the Jesuit historian and traveler Father Charlevoix was sent to New France on a tour of observation, to inform the Coun- cil of the Marine at Paris relative to a suit- able route to the Pacific. He made two sug- 25 Rocky Mountain Exploration gestions : either to send an expedition up the Missouri to its source, and then explore to the westward, exactly what Jefferson planned in the two closing decades of the century, or to establish a line of fur-trade posts among the Sioux, and thus gradually creep into and across the interior. The second of these prop- ositions, which he reported to be the less ex- pensive and perhaps more certain, was chosen by the French authorities. It was, nevertheless, several years before the resolution was carried into effect. Fort Beauharnois, a stockaded trading station, was built (1727) upon the Minnesota shore of Lake Pepin, on the upper Mississippi, with Bene Boucher de la Perriere in charge, and the Jesuits Guignas and De Gonnor to look after the missionary field ; for in New France the service of the Church went hand in hand with that of the king. A fresh uprising of the Foxes in Wisconsin — they gave the French no end of trouble in those days — caused the abandonment of the post, where little but discouragement had been heard con- cerning the Western Sea. Soon after De Gonnor's return to Quebec, 26 Verendrye's Career there arrived at the little capital of New France one the remainder of whose life was to be spent in searching for the Pacific Ocean from the east — Pierre Gaultier de Varennes de la Verendrye. Son of the governor of the colony of Three Rivers, on the St. Lawrence, Verendrye had had early experience as a fur- trader. Upon the opening of the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13) he went to France and obtained a lieutenant's commis- sion in the royal army. Left for dead on the bloody field of Malplaquet, where he was wounded by both shots and saber cuts, he re- covered, and returning to Canada re-entered the woods as a trader, a pursuit then enlisting the services of the most daring spirits in New France. Obtaining the command of the French out- post on Lake Nepigon, and there also con- ducting a fur-trade on his own behalf, Ve- rendrye had opportunity for meeting Indians representing many widely differing tribes, scattered throughout a vast wilderness; for this was the headquarters of the extensive trade which was conducted in opposition to that of the great English company on Hudson Bay. 27 Rocky Mountain Exploration From these Indians he heard many strange tales of adventure and geography. One chief, in particular, told him of a certain river flow- ing westward out of a great lake which the narrator had himself descended until he came to a tide which so terrified him that he turned back ; also of a salt lake with many villages upon it. Warming with his story, Ochagach drew on birch-bark a rude map of the route to these regions, and set Veren- drye's heart afire with a yearning to discover the long-sought sea. Acting upon the impulse of this desire, he descended to Quebec in his birch canoe — a long and dangerous journey, but one which these Western traders undertook almost yearly, in order to keep in touch with the Government and the fur market. He there laid before the governor, Beauharnois, this Indian map and his scheme for reaching the Pacific by way of the network of northern lakes and rivers — chiefly Pigeon River, Lake of the Woods, Rainy Lake and River, Lake Winnipeg, and the Assiniboin. De Gonnor, being convinced that the route thither was not through the Sioux country, indorsed his 28 JZorf- /daman tstiecu/Q.* <2/N/j€rtCN> icr-tcw /u/fua ^cca*na.m> '/& niiCU.«tt 7e g. deccuverfeJ Ccvytl. fracee. -par I- JauVafe OcAaja-cA, e£ aufoej, layiu/z. - J —<•' i*u awr dcccuyertr.i «&* &//utirt ■Zfr'an MAP DRAWN BY THE INDIAN OCHAGACH. bcsimile of manuscript preserved in Dominion Parliamentary Library, Ottawa. cent Zsyrrejenttcj c/ans faCark ou /y'yriJL' Ochagach's Waterway friend's theory as at least probable. The chief engineer of New France, Chaussegros de Lery, an official of high repute, also thought well of Verendrye's belief that by this path he could find the ocean within five hundred leagues from Lake Superior. Having won the powerful backing of these officers, the adventurous commandant asked the king for a military force of a hundred men, with canoes, arms, and provisions ; but, as usual, the ministry would give nothing further than a parchment with a great seal, granting him a monopoly of the fur-trade north and west of Lake Superior, upon the supposed profits of which he was to reim- burse himself. Possessing but small capital, he was now chiefly dependent on what credit he could obtain on the strength of his mo- nopoly. Quebec merchants appear to have had some doubts of the cash value of trade privileges, and granted goods and equipment to the expedition only on terms highly dis- advantageous to Verendrye. With these, however, he set forth upon his quest (June 8, 1731) in good heart, accompanied by his three sons and his nephew La Jemeraye. At 29 Rocky Mountain Exploration Mackinac the Jesuit Father Charles Michel Mesaiger joined the expedition, and at the close of the season Verendrye built his first fort, St. Pierre, three miles above the falls of Eainy River. The earthwork which sup- ported the palisade of this establishment is still to be seen. The following year the explorers built their second fort, St. Charles, upon the south- west shore of the Lake of the Woods, where they hoped to reap profits from the trade of the Sioux, who visited this region in consid- erable numbers for fishing and intertribal barter. A year later the expedition reached Lake Winnipeg. By this time Verendrye's finances were in sad condition. The ex- penses of his enterprise, in which the cost of maintaining the posts was a large item, had so far outweighed the receipts of the uncertain fur-trade that he had lost the then large sum of 43,000 livres. La Jemeraye returned to Quebec to report the situation to the govern- or, who represented to the king that the ex- pedition must stop if unaided. As usual, the court gave an unfavorable reply, merely reiter- ating its proffer of the fur-trade monopoly. 30 A Wilderness Tragedy V6rendrye rallied, notwithstanding, and in 1734 built a post at the mouth of Winnipeg River, Fort Maurepas, named after the French Prime Minister, whose favor he vainly courted. The year following, while awaiting the result of a second appeal for help, the time of the explorers was spent in an extended traffic with the savages between Lakes Superior and Winnipeg, and in taking cargoes of furs to Mackinac in exchange for goods in demand among the Indians. The year 1736 was marked by successive disasters, culminating in a tragedy. Veren- drye's eldest son, together with a Jesuit missionary, Jean Pierre Aulneau, and twenty others, were surprised and massacred by Sioux upon an island in the Lake of the Woods, five leagues from St. Charles. Ve- rendrye was now beset by creditors, who pestered him with lawsuits, and necessitated his journeying several times to Montreal. But during these years of adversity the pen- niless though undaunted adventurer somehow contrived to push his explorations. By 1738 he had a chain of six fortified posts reaching westward from Lake Superior — St. Pierre on 31 Rocky Mountain Exploration Rainy Lake, St. Charles on Lake of the Woods, Maurepas at the mouth of the Winnipeg, Bour- bon on the east shore of Lake Winnipeg, La Reine at Portage la Prairie on the Assiniboin, and Dauphin on Lake Manitoba. Fort Rouge, on the site of the present city of Winnipeg, and another post at the mouth of the Saskatche- wan, were occupied for a short time. Most of these were small stockades, flanked by log blockhouses, and built and manned with great difficulty ; while others were merely winter stations, hastily erected. In 1738 he determined to make his long- projected journey in search of the Pacific. Leaving Fort La Reine in October, with a party of about fifty persons, French and In- dians, he was lured on by the false tales of the natives, who sent him thither and yon, seeking some band which might conduct him to the ocean. At last he determined to visit the Mandans, on the upper Missouri, the tribe among whom Lewis and Clark spent the winter sixty-six years later. On December 3d the wanderers reached the central Man- dan town, situated 250 miles from Portage la Prairie. Verendrye was much impressed by 32 Among the Mandans the physiognomy of the Mandans, whom he found to be quite different in appearance from the Indians with whom he was familiar ; among them he saw many with light com- plexions, and some of the women had flaxen hair. Their village fortifications were new to him, and many of their customs were alike strange. Explorers of a later date ascribed these peculiarities to a supposed Welsh origin, a theory now exploded. Verendrye would have passed the winter among these interesting people, but his Assiniboin guide and interpreter would not stay, and a return march was necessitated. Fort La Keine was reached February 11th, after many hardships, during which the leader became, he tells us in his journal, " greatly fatigued and very ill." After another year of lawsuits and jealous opposition, Verendrye made (1741) an un- successful journey towards the Mandans. The next year, his eldest surviving son, Pierre, later called the Chevalier de la Verendrye, set out upon the same quest, in company with his brother and two other men. Keaching the Mandans in three weeks from La Eeine, the adventurers pushed their way farther and f ar- 33 Rocky Mountain Exploration ther southwestward, enticed by the usual fairy-tales of the tribesmen. All summer and autumn and through the early winter they wearily plodded on, now and then joining native war-parties, occasionally taking wide detours for hunting, but ever seeking news of the Western Sea. Upon New Year's day, 1743, they, doubt- less first of all white men, saw the Rocky Mountains from the east — probably the Big- horn Range, a hundred and twenty miles east of Yellowstone Park — and it is thought that they pushed on until sighting the Wind River Range. Finding their pathway to the ocean thus blocked — although little suspect- ing that nearly a thousand miles of these dreary mountains lay between them and the sea — they returned to La Prairie, which they reached upon the second of July, to their father's great joy, for he had almost given them up for lost. The elder Verendrye was now given a cap- taincy in the colonial troops and decorated by the Cross of the Order of St. Louis, but he died at Montreal, December 6, 1745, when he was again about to start for the West. His 34 Post of the Western Sea sons added to their record by ascending the Saskatchewan River to its forks and making known other wide tracts of country. Beau- harnois and his successor, Galissoniere, who were stanch friends of the family, had, how- ever, been succeeded (1749) by the corrup- tionist La Jonquiere, and the claims of the Verendryes were not only ignored, but their goods were seized, their posts and property turned over to Legardeur St. Pierre, and they reduced to poverty. The unscrupulous St. Pierre, who was in collusion with the intend- ant Bigot, built a small post, La Jonquiere, near the mountains on the upper Saskatche- wan, not far from the site of the modern Calgary ; but after three years of hardship, in which his little party sometimes lacked sufficient food and were attacked by hostile Indians, he was compelled to abandon the enterprise. Although St. Pierre had left the country, others carried on the work, the chain of posts from Lake Superior to La Jonquiere being collectively styled in the official reports " Post of the Western Sea," a name expressing the dream of Verendrye, which Englishmen were 4 35 Rocky Mountain Exploration to realize a generation later. Two years be- fore the downfall of New France a report upon these posts describes them as "forts built of stockades . . . that can give protec- tion only against the Indians . . . and trusted generally to the care of one or two officers, seven or eight soldiers, and eighty engages. From them the English movements can be watched," and " the discovery of the Western Sea may be accomplished ; but to make this discovery it will be necessary that the travel- ers give up all view of personal interest." In the collapse of French dominion Rocky Mountain exploration suffered a temporary check, for the Western posts beyond Kami- nistiquia, on Lake Superior, were at once aban- doned. The methods of New France were not rapid, but they achieved results more quickly than those of the British, under which a gen- eration passed before her fur-traders succeeded in breaking a path to the Pacific. 36 CHAPTER III ENGLISH EXPLOKATIONS FKOM THE EAST As a result of explorations made by two daring French adventurers — Pierre d'Esprit, Sieur Radisson, and M6dard Chouart, Sieur des Groseilliers, who probably were the first white men to discover Lake Superior and possibly Hudson Bay — there was organized in London in 1667 one of the most powerful trading corporations known to history, " The Governor and Company of Adventurers of England, trading into Hudson Bay." The redoubtable Prince Rupert headed the list of stockholders, prominent among whom were the Duke of York and other members of the court. It would have been impossible for a king to have granted to any company a charter more favorable than that with which Charles II endowed this ambitious fur-trading cor- poration. They were given outright the far- 37 Rocky Mountain Exploration stretching region drained by all waters either directly or indirectly flowing into and from Hudson Bay — to which they later added great grants upon the Pacific and Arctic slopes. Throughout this vast wilderness, called " Ku- pert's Land," they were to enjoy the ' ' whole, entire, and only liberty of Trade and Tramck," and the right to seize upon the property and persons of all competitors, whether British or not ; they were to make and enforce laws for their wide domain ; to administer justice ; to build and garrison forts ; to maintain ships of war, and to exercise all military as well as civil powers, even to the making of war or peace with other peoples. In short, theirs was as absolute a sway as that of any Orien- tal monarch. During the entire term of their government the Hudson's Bay Company sternly exercised these great powers. Their dealings with the Indians were just ; their commercial methods, while stern, were honorable; their agents were, as a rule, well selected and judicious ; but they insisted upon absolute monopoly, and brooked no violation of the rule, offend- ers being as severely handled as though guilty 38 Secrets of the Interior of serious crime. With the advance of years, however, and the general amelioration of gov- ernmental methods in England, the company gradually tempered their rule. Two centu- ries after their organization they surrendered to the public all powers save such as in our time properly appertain to a commercial body. Keen in trade, the company were long sin- gularly inactive in the matter of interior ex- ploration. The Indians and half-breeds came long journeys to bring their pelts to the well- fortified trading-posts upon the shores of the bay, whence they were loaded directly into ships and transported to England ; and with this the merchant adventurers seemed content for about eighty years. It is a question in dispute as to what induced this early apathy — whether hesitancy at spending money, the natural sluggishness of a monopoly which easily made large dividends despite heavy losses from several French military expedi- tions against the bay forts, timidity of the company's agents, or a serious policy of keep- ing from both competitors and possible set- tlers the secrets of the great fur-bearing wil- derness. Certain it is that the company's 39 Rocky Mountain Exploration inaction was in ill accord with the temper of the British people, in whom the love of bold adventure has ever been strong. Of this indifference toward exploration upon the part of "the old lady of Fen- church Street " we have seen that the more active French took advantage. The opera- tions of Verendrye and St. Pierre, and their successors in the long " Post of the Western Sea" — stretching for over twelve hundred miles from Lake Superior to the upper waters of the Saskatchewan — were clearly within the territory so lavishly bestowed upon the great compauy by King Charles. But for the fall of New France no doubt the Pacific would within a few years have been reached by French agents in the far West. Thus might the British have for a time been checkmated by a system of fortified stations connecting the Western Sea with Lake Superior, and serving as the left wing of that thin line of occupation which already connected Canada and Louisiana by way of the Great Lakes and the Mississippi Valley — the whole an enor- mous letter T, with its horizontal bar a trans continental system stretching from the Gulf 40 The Northwest Passage of St. Lawrence to the Pacific, and its stem commanding the entire length of the Missis- sippi River and its approaches. It was an ambitious project; although that the entire cordon would eventually have been broken at every point by the slower but steadier British, there is no room to doubt. The Atlantic coast had been explored in detail at a much earlier date than the Pacific. The early dreams that the mythical trans- continental waterway might be found leading through such rivers as the James, the Roan- oke, and the Hudson had soon been shat- tered. Every opening south of the Gulf of St. Lawrence had been examined in vain ; and now the only promise seemed to be that Hudson Strait and Bay would prove to be connected with the Northwest Passage. To find this was for over two hundred years the dream of navigators ; indeed, " the discovery of a New Passage into the South Sea " was one of the duties imposed upon the Hudson's Bay Company by its charter. That it failed to do anything for fifty years, awakened se- vere criticism, which it was sought to mollify in 1719 by a fruitless expedition with two 41 Rocky Mountain Exploration ships along the west coast of the bay, fol- lowed two years later by another ; but these enterprises were not regarded by enemies as serious attempts to solve the problem. About 1735, Arthur Dobbs, a talented and pugnacious Irishman, commenced a vigorous assault on the company, which lasted for some fifteen years. Dobbs was an enthusiast on the subject of the Northwest Passage, and with rare gift of phrase and considerable knowledge of North American conditions, fired the British imagination by painting in heightened colors the beauty and resources of the interior and the great profits which might ensue from this trade and that which would also be developed by a short route to the East Indies. Dobbs bitterly attacked the company for neglecting the exploration and settlement originally expected of it, for abusing the Indians, neglecting their forts, ill-treating their own servants, and encourag- ing the French. Its replies were not of a character such as wholly to convince the people, whose sympathies were from the first with Dobbs. In 1736 the company sought to satisfy the 42 Dobbs's Contention public by despatching two sloops on a voy- age to discover the passage, but of course they were unsuccessful, as was also a like ex- pedition tne^ following year. In N 1>£41-42 Captain Christopher Middleton took out two small vessels directly under the supervision of Dobbs, who now had the backing of the lords of the admiralty. But when this search, from which much had been expected, met with equal discouragement, Dobbs accused the navigator of playing into the hands of the company. A bitter dispute ensued, during which numerous and widely read books and pamphlets were published on both sides. Popular interest was so aroused by this agi- tation that in 1745 Parliament voted a re- ward of <£20,000 to the British navigator who should discover a passage from Hudson Bay to the Pacific Ocean — an offer renewed in 1776. In 1746-47 a committee of Dobbs's friends sent out another expedition under his special direction; but it was quite as unsuc- cessful as Middleton's, whereupon Dobbs dropped this phase of the discussion. The opposition now centered upon a plea of " non-user," under which the company's 43 Rocky Mountain Exploration charter was in 1749 attacked in Parliament. It was shown that at that time it had only four or five forts upon the coast, housing but 120 regular employees. The attempt, how- ever, to secure a charter for a new com- pany, whose promoters promised to explore the interior, crowd out the French, and secure the entire fur-trade for English merchants, failed at this time, and the corporation es- caped unscathed. Fortunately for the fur- ther peace of the company, Dobbs was soon thereafter (1750) sent out as governor of North Carolina, where he exhibited much abil- ity and broad, liberal views, although his con- tentious disposition led him into frequent quarrels with the legislature. His interest in the Northwest Passage continued active until death claimed him in 1765. By the Treaty of Paris (1763), Great Brit- ain obtained control, as against any other European power, of the entire northeast of North America, of the northwest to the Mis- sissippi, and of the country north and west of the sources of the Mississippi as far as the Hudson's Bay Company cared to go. Que- bec and Montreal, particularly the latter, soon 44 The Henrys began to attract adventurous Englishmen and Scotchmen, many of whom entered the fur- trade as independent operators, none of them over particular as to whether or not they poached on the preserve of the great com- pany. In the employ of these traders were many experienced French agents, while French and half-breed voyageurs found under their new employers quite as lucrative occu- pation as in the days of the old regime. One of these Scotchmen, Alexander Henry, was at Mackinac and Sault Ste. Marie as early as 1761, two years after the victory of Wolfe and two before the definitive treaty of peace. In 1765 he enjoyed a monopoly of the Lake Superior trade, and three years later we find him establishing a regular trade route between Kaministiquia and Mackinac. At the close of the century this sturdy pioneer's nephew, also Alexander Henry — of whom we shall hear later — was operating in the Mani- toba region ; both traders have left us volu- minous journals of their experiences, which are interesting if only on the side of roman- tic adventure. Thomas Curry, another Scotch merchant, 45 Rocky Mountain Exploration penetrated in 1766 with his crew of voya- geurs and interpreters to one of Verendrye's old posts on the lower Saskatchewan, and won such gains by his venture in peltries that, says Mackenzie, " he was satisfied never again to return to the Indian country." An- other profitable fur-trading journey was made two years later by James Finlay, who reached as high a point on the Saskatchewan as that attained by the Verendryes. While unconnected with the search for a transcontinental waterway, these expeditions of the independent traders served to smooth the path toward the Rocky Mountains, and therefore have a place in our narrative. Meanwhile, an enterprising Englishman was directly seeking the waterway in a more southern latitude- -through the country of the Sioux, thus unconsciously attempting the venture which Charlevoix had forty-five years before (p. 25) suggested as an alternative to the Missouri River route, and toward which La Perriere had made a feeble start. Jonathan Carver had served as a captain in a Massachusetts militia regiment— with Wolfe on the Plains of Abraham, and under Amherst 46 Carver's Quest at the capture of Montreal. With the advent of peace, he became possessed of the patriotic desire to " continue still serviceable, and con- tribute, as much as lay in my power, to make that vast acquisition of territory, gained by Great Britain, in North America advanta- geous to it." The exploration which he under- took was ambitious in character : " What I chiefly had in view, after gaining a knowl- edge of the Manners, Customs, Languages, Soil, and natural Productions of the different nations that inhabit the back of the Missis- sippi, was to ascertain the Breadth of that vast continent ; " then to propose to the gov- ernment the establishment of a post " in some of those parts about the Straits of Annian, which having been first discovered by Sir Francis Drake, of course belong to the Eng- lish," which "would greatly facilitate the discovery of a North- West Passage, or a com- munication between Hudson's Bay and the Pacific Ocean." Leaving Boston in June, 1766, Carver pro- ceeded by way of Albany and Niagara to Mackinac, then the farthest English outpost in the Northwest. Ascending the Fox Kiver 47 Rocky Mountain Exploration of Green Bay, lie descended the Wisconsin and ascended the Mississippi to the Falls of St. Anthony (November 17th), the site of the modern Minneapolis. Here he had ex- pected supplies for which he contracted at Mackinac, intending to push through to the old fur-trade route west of Lake Superior, and eventually reach " the Heads of the river of the West " — by which he meant that he would seek the sources of the Columbia, which elsewhere he calls " the River Oregon, or the River of the West, that falls into the Pacific Ocean at the straits of Annian." But through somebody's carelessness these supplies never reached him. While waiting for them he explored Elk and Minnesota Rivers — the latter for a distance of two hun- dred miles, to the Sioux of the plains. Later, in the spring of 1767, he descended to Prairie du Chien, at the junction of the Wisconsin and Mississippi Rivers, and obtained a few supplies from some traders who centered there. Ascending the Chippewa, and later the St. Croix, he portaged over to a stream flowing into Lake Superior, and coasted around the western end of the lake to Grand 48 A Notable Volume Portage, near the mouth of Pigeon River, where he obtained from Indians much valu- able information regarding the Winnipeg region. Still unable to procure the goods needed for an extensive journey into the in- terior, Carver reluctantly returned to Mack- inac by the southern shore of the lake, and reached Boston in October, 1768, having been absent about two and a half years and trav- eled nearly seven thousand miles, much of it through an almost unknown wilderness. The bulky volume of his travels, published in Lon- don in 1778, attracted wide attention, being an important contribution to American geog- raphy, and it is still held in high regard as a treatise upon the manners and customs of the Indians ; for his report is that of an intelligent and discriminating eye-witness. Carver had brought back most remarkable stories told him by the Indians concerning great beds of gold in the " Shining Moun- tains," probably those now known as the Black Hills. His hopeful reports concern- ing the " Straits of Annian " and the " River of the West" were also well calculated to quicken popular interest among Englishmen 49 Rocky Mountain Exploration who had not yet forgotten the fervid descrip- tions by Arthur Dobbs. This awakened the Hudson's Bay Company to fresh endeavors. Samuel Hearne, a trusted servant of the corporation, was sent out in November, 1769, " to clear up the point, if possible . . . respecting a passage out of Hudson Bay into the Western Ocean, as hath lately been repre- sented by l the American traveler ' " — mean- ing Carver. Abandoned by his native guides, and himself as yet unused to the ways of the wilderness, Hearne was soon obliged to re- turn discomfited to his base, the Prince of Wales Fort, at the mouth of Churchill River. He started afresh the following February, only to be plundered by the Indians, and again returned to the fort, this time after a weary absence of nearly nine months. A third time did the persevering Hearne make the attempt, starting in December, 1770. Joining a great war-party of various bands, whose members had not before seen a white man, the expedi- tion reached Coppermine River the following July, and descended it to the Arctic Ocean. After witnessing the horrible spectacle of a massacre of Eskimos on the part of his na- 50 Hearne's Crossing tive companions, Hearne set up a stake and, in the presence of a wondering audience of skin-clad savages, went through the empty ceremony of taking possession of the country for the Hudson's Bay Company. Upon the return he went with the Indians to the north shore of Lake Athabasca, and after sore pri- vations reached his fort upon the last day of June, 1772, having been absent upon this jour- ney nearly nineteen months, and traveled on foot over immense stretches of arctic and sub- arctic wilderness. The company thanked their courageous servant, and three years later rewarded him with the governorship of Prince of Wales Fort, in which capacity he waged bitter war upon his employers' fur- trade rivals. Hearne deserves a high place in the records of North American explora- tion ; the published account of his remarkable travels shows him to have been a close and enlightened observer, as well as possessed of a remarkable capacity for dealing with savage minds. The fur-trade of the Northwest suffered a severe blow from the fierce competition which arose among the independent specu- 5 51 Rocky Mountain Exploration lators who swarmed the country soon after the cession to Great Britain. The distance from legal restraint led the rivals to exercise a free hand in using every possible means for taking advantage of each other. By pres- ents and misrepresentations, they sought to injure their competitors in the eyes of the Indians ; by drinking and carousing with their dusky customers they thought them- selves to win favor. Property and credit were wasted with the natives, who soon gained a contempt for the warring whites, and held their own pledges in small regard. This kindling of the worst passions of both races not seldom led to pitiful broils and sometimes murders, while meanwhile the prof- its of the trade were scattered to the winds. In the winter of 1783-84 a combination of the majority of the Canadian traders was formed under the name of the North- West Company, a stock corporation which entrusted the management of its business to the two largest houses — Benjamin and Joseph Frob- isher and Simon McTavish. A rival establish- ment, however, was founded by several op- erators who had been slighted in the alliance. 52 The North-West Company After a fierce contest, ending in a fight in the Athabasca country, in which one of the inde- pendents was killed and some others wounded, the malcontents were at last admitted to the union (1787). Thereafter the Canadian fur- trade was controlled by two organizations only, the Hudson's Bay and the North- West Companies, the former having its chief head- quarters at Prince of Wales Fort, and the latter on the island of Mackinac and at Grand Portage near where Pigeon River empties into Lake Superior. Of the life led by the North- West trading chiefs at Grand Portage — the gate- way to the far-stretching Winnipeg, Saskatch- ewan, and Assiniboin water systems — during these palmy days of the fur traffic, Wash- ington Irving has given us a vivid descrip- tion in his charming Astoria. A large share of their peltries were shipped to China upon United States vessels, for the reason that, owing to the East India Com- pany's maritime monopoly in the Orient, American captains could traffic in Chinese ports to better advantage than British sub- jects. 1 1 See ante, p. 20. 53 Rocky Mountain Exploration Reducing competition to the two great companies did much to dignify the trade, and profits were greater than under the irrespon- sible strife of former days. But all along the undefined border-line between the two, each rival freely distributed liquor among the sav- ages, embittered them against the opposition, and indulged in a fierce contention for su- premacy which sometimes induced predatory expeditions and not infrequent shedding of blood. This condition of affairs lasted for many years. In 1795 a secession from the North- West Company — long brewing, and ap- parently fomented by Alexander Mackenzie, of whom we shall presently hear — was brought to a head by the organization of the X Y Company. Rivalry between these two Mon- treal concerns at once attained a warmth here- tofore unknown, which lasted until the death of McTavish in 1804, the year of Lewis and Clark's expedition, when they united. Mackenzie, a hardy and restless young Highlander, had been a prominent agent of the Montreal Company, which had opposed Frobisher and McTavish. When the union of 1787 was consummated he was given 54 Mackenzie's Adventures charge of the Athabasca department. Here he was thrown into communication with In- dians who remembered the exploits of Hearne, the Hudson's Bay Company's explorer, and soon Mackenzie was eager to undertake ex- plorations even more extended. Upon the third of June, 1789, the adven- turous agent set out from Fort Chepewyan, on the south shore of Lake Athabasca. His little fleet consisted of four birch-bark canoes — his own, manned by a crew of four Cana- dians and one German, two of the former be- ing accompanied by their squaws ; the second, occupied by the guide and interpreter, Eng- lish Chief, an Indian who had accompanied Hearne upon the Coppermine Eiver, the chief's two wives, and two young Indians ; the third, by the chief's followers ; and the fourth, a trading boat, which also contained ammunition, supplies, and presents for the In- dians — this craft being in charge of Le Koux, a company clerk, who proceeded as far as Great Slave Lake, where he was ordered to build a fort. Mackenzie was an experienced woodsman, and well understood the Indian character, so 55 Rocky Mountain Exploration that his trials were more easily borne than those which befall men less expert in the ways of the forest. Nevertheless, upon the placid pages of the unpretentious journal which he eventually published (1801) it is plainly to be seen that the party experienced much suf- fering and were subjected to not a few dangers. Mosquitoes, the greatest pest of the northern wilderness, tormented them un- ceasingly ; the portages were numerous, often difficult, and always fatiguing ; the savages were fickle, and sought to plunder and desert them at critical stages ; and cold and rain, and sometimes shifting ice, added to their miseries. Skirting Lake Athabasca, they entered Snake River, which was known to them, and on the ninth reached Great Slave Lake. Leaving Le Roux on the twenty-fifth to trade with the natives on this dismal inland sea, the explorer pushed on along the shore to the southwest, and four days later entered a here- tofore unknown river, which was henceforth to bear his name. This he descended with his little fleet, until on Sunday, July 12th, he sighted the Arctic Ocean, which was filled 56 On Arctic Shores with ice-floes, between which were spouting whales. Two days later, after many annoy- ances from thievish Eskimos, "I ordered a post to be erected close to our tents, on which I en- graved the latitude of the place [69° 14' IN.], my own name, the number of persons which I had with me, and the time we remained there." Four weeks later (September 12th) he was back again at Fort Chepewyan, having " concluded this voyage, which had occupied the considerable space of one hundred and two days." Mackenzie was quick to put to commercial use his knowledge of the country north and west of Lake Athabasca, and during the next two years extended thither the trade of the North- West Company, which thus flanked its Hudson's Bay rival. His heart was, however, in exploration. Realizing that his knowledge of mathematical and astronomical instruments was too meager for success in this work, he went to London in 1791 — a journey of great difficulty from the far northwest — and passed the winter there in the study of these necessary tools of the explorer. The following autumn (October 10, 1792) 57 Rocky Mountain Exploration he left Fort Chepewyan with two canoes, again skirted the great lake to Slave River, and then ascended its southwest tributary, Peace River, determined this time to reach the Pacific Ocean. At the falls, whither he had despatched an advance party to erect a palisaded trading house, the party wintered, hunting and trading with the Indians. On the eighth of May six canoes were sent back with furs to Fort Chepewyan, and the follow- ing day Mackenzie started up the river with his friend and colleague, Alexander Mackay, six Frenchmen, and two Indian hunters and interpreters. Their conveyance was a birch canoe twenty-five feet long, but " so light, that two men could carry her on a good road three or four miles without resting. In this slender vessel, we shipped provisions, goods for pres- ents, arms, ammunition, and baggage, to the weight of three thousand pounds, and an equipage of ten people." Thenceforth the expedition met with innu- merable "discouragements, difficulties, and dangers." The rapids were numerous, involv- ing toilsome use of setting-poles and towing- lines ; the canoe was not infrequently broken ; 58 On Pacific Tidewater the frequent portages often involved almost insuperable difficulties; and more than once the voyageurs and Indians of the party, their clothing in shreds, footsore, and fatigued, were in sullen discontent, believing "that there was no alternative but to return." But Mackenzie, with Scotch persistence, would not hear of turning back, and adroitly checked the incipient mutiny. After laboriously climbing over the moun- tainous divide and trying several west-flow- ing waters, the party decided on the turbu- lent Tacouche Tesse (subsequently called Fra- ser Eiver), which they descended for many days. Finding, however, that this would be a long and hazardous road, and that the na- tives reached the sea by an overland trail, Mackenzie left the river on the fourth of July. For fourteen days the little company plodded through the dense forest, some- times on dizzy trails over snow-clad moun- tains, until they reached a rapid river, upon which "we embarked, with our small bag- gage, in two canoes, accompanied by seven of the natives." After portaging around falls and visiting several bands of Indians who had 59 Rocky Mountain Exploration had dealings with American coast traders, in two days they reached an arm of the sea. " The tide was out, and had left a large space covered with sea- weed. The surrounding hills were involved in fog." The dream of Y6- rendrye had at last been realized — the conti- nent had been spanned from east to west by the northern route. Proceeding to the main coast, the explorer was visited by several canoe-loads of the na- tives, who expressed great astonishment at his astronomical instruments, at the same time freely pilfering from his stores and by their insolence testing his unfailing tact and cour- age. He makes this triumphant entry in his record : " I now mixed up some vermilion in melted grease, and inscribed, in large charac- ters, on the South-East face of the rock on which we had slept last night, this brief me- morial — ' Alexander Mackenzie, from Canada by land, the twenty-second of July, one thou- sand seven hundred and ninety-three.' " The following day they set forth upon the hazardous return, and on the twenty-fourth of August reached Fort McLeod, their win- tering place on Peace River. "Here," says 60 Crowned with Success the modest Mackenzie in his journal, which is as thrilling as well as informing a tale of adventure as has come down to us from those heroic days of Rocky Mountain exploration, "here my voyages of discovery terminate. Their toils and their dangers, their solicitudes and sufferings, have not been exaggerated in my description. On the contrary, in many instances, language has failed me in the at- tempt to describe them. I received, however, the reward of my labours, for they were crowned with success." 61 CHAPTEK IV THE MISSOURI A PATH TO THE PACIFIC From the time of the earliest explorations by white men in the Mississippi Valley there was current a strong belief in the existence of a west-flowing river, lying somewhere beyond a gentle divide, which would, when discov- ered, afford the canoeist easy access to the Pacific Ocean — provided it were established that the Mississippi itself did not pour its flood into that great sea. Jolliet and Mar- quette (1673) satisfied themselves that the Mississippi flowed into the Gulf of Mexico (p. 23), but they looked upon the Missouri as the undoubted road to the westering water- way ; and the missionary tells us in his jour- nal that he became imbued with a strong de- sire to carry the gospel to the tribes along its banks. 1 1 Marquette's journals and map are in Jesuit Relations (Thwaites's ed Cleveland, 1896-1902), lix. 62 Straits of Anian The Indians, not themselves given to ex- ploration, despite their periodical wanderings upon the hunt and the war-trail, and with geographical knowledge often confined to a comparatively narrow belt of forage, soon dis- covered that a water-passage to the Pacific was eagerly sought by the whites ; and forth- with amused the latter by inventing tales of such streams, myths which found their way into the numerous maps of North America drawn by cartographers at the European capi- tals. Some of these stories had a long life and led to many curious theories and futile explorations. One chart of 1700 (Lugten- berg's), which antedated Verendrye's Indian map by some thirty years, showed a waterway from Lake Superior to the western " Straits of Anian." The Baron Lahontan, an imagina- tive French traveler who in 1703 published a nowfamousbookupon North America, claimed to have himself been upon the sources of the west-flowing stream. The belief that the Missouri had a branch leading to the Pacific, thus affording a trade route to Japan and China, figures prominently in French despatches in 1717-18. In 1719 63 Rocky Mountain Exploration two adventurers, La Harpe and Du Tisne, conducted independent explorations of the Missouri, searching for this mythical water- way, but after some two or three hundred miles of futile journeying abandoned their undertakings. Three years later De Bourg- mont, acting for the Company of the Indies, established Fort Orleans on the north bank of the Missouri, near the entrance of Grand River, the design being to hold the Missouri Valley against the Spanish traders who were operating from the northwest, and to protect settlers — particularly Germans — who were now coming into the country. In 1739 we read of an expedition led by two Frenchmen named Mallet, who reached the plains of Col- orado by way of the southern fork * of the Platte; thence traveling overland to the south, they spent the winter at Santa Fe. Half of the party crossed the plains to the Pawnee Indians, while the others descended the Arkansas to the Mississippi. Bienville, then Governor of Louisiana, judged from the reports of this enterprise that the country visited was a part of China — showing how long-lived was the old theory that North 64 An Aboriginal Geneologist America was an outlying portion of Asia. He accordingly sent a second expedition up the Arkansas, but its members returned with- out reaching the Orient. In 1753, at a time when the French still entertained a hope of finding the river flow- ing westward from the neighborhood of the Missouri, there was published, in Paris, Du- mont's Memoires de la Louisiane, containing a remarkable detailed narrative of explora- tion, obtained from Le Page du Pratz, sub- sequently author of a Histoire de la Louisi- ane, which gave a modified version of the tale. Du Pratz claimed that about 1725 he ob- tained the relation from an old and garrulous Yazoo Indian named Moncacht-Ape\ The story goes, that about the year 1700 this inter- esting aborigine, bent on gathering knowledge regarding the history of his people, traveled toward the sunrise through the country of the Chickasaws until he reached the Atlan- tic Ocean, incidentally gaining knowledge of Niagara and the great tides of the Bay of Fundy. Disappointed at not finding the genealogical information desired, he at first returned home and then sought the land of 65 Rocky Mountain Exploration the setting sun. At first traveling north- ward, he went to the Ohio River, crossed the Mississippi near the mouth of the Missouri, ascended the latter, wintered among the Missouri Indians, reached the sources of the river, crossed the mountainous divide, and, like Lewis and Clark, descended the Colum- bia to the sea. Here the natives induced him to join in a deadly attack on a party of bearded white men who came to the coast to trade. The inquisitive savage now journeyed to the north until the days grew longer, and there learning that the land beyond was " cut through from north to south " — wherein we recognize Bering's Strait — he returned to his home on the Mississippi, his thirst for genea- logical knowledge still unsatisfied. He was absent upon this fruitless quest, eastward and westward, about five years, but thought he could repeat his travels in thirty-two moons. While it is possible that a journey bearing some distant resemblance to this was once undertaken, no doubt the tale grew largely in the telling, and some of the most important details are now regarded as apoc- ryphal. Nevertheless, it long won wide cre- 66 Jefferson's Early Interest dence, 1 and affected the maps of both French and English cartographers until near the close of the eighteenth century. It will be remembered that the North- West Company was organized at Montreal in 1783. In the same year John Ledyard pub- lished an account of Captain Cook's third and last voyage (1778). These two events caused a marked revival of interest in Lon- don in the Northwest Passage, or in any transcontinental route which promised an easy path to the Pacific, and thus to China and Japan. Thomas Jefferson was then liv ing in retirement in Virginia, but keenly re ceptive to all suggestions which aimed at ex tending the bounds of human knowledge The fact that the country beyond the Mis sissippi was practically an unknown land, awakened his curiosity to know more of it. Twenty years before he finally despatched Meriwether Lewis and William Clark upon the errand of breaking a path across the con- 1 In the Revue d' Anthropologic, in 1881, Quatrefages gives it full credence, on ethnological grounds; but Andrew McFar- land Davis's critique on Quatrefages's conclusions (in Proc. American Antiquarian Soc, April, 1883, pp. 321-348) gives us a saner view. 6 67 Rocky Mountain Exploration tinent, we find him desirous, although Spain still possessed the trans-Mississippi, of foster- ing a similar enterprise of exploration. Wri- ting from Annapolis on the 4th of December, 1783, to General George Rogers Clark, the hero of Kaskaskia and Vincennes, and elder brother of the explorer, he says : " I find they have subscribed a very large sum of money in England for exploring the country from the Missisipi to California. . . . they pretend it is only to promote knoledge. I am afraid they have thoughts of colonising into that quarter. . . some of us have been talking here in a feeble way of making the attempt to search that country, but I doubt whether we have enough of that kind of spirit to raise the money, how would you like to lead such a party ? . . . tho I am afraid our prospect is not worth asking the question." 1 Nothing came of this proposal. It is not known whether Clark even replied to it. Ten years later, that popular idol of the border fell into disgrace through his miserable in- 1 The original MS. is in the Draper Collection, library of the Wisconsin Historical Society, its press-mark being " 52 J 93." 68 John Ledyard trigue with Genet, of whom we shall presently hear more; twenty years later, his young brother won imperishable renown in doing the very thing which Jefferson had proposed to him. Jefferson was a persistent man. Three years after his letter to Clark, and while minister to the French court, he made more serious overtures to another adventurer — John Ledyard, a picturesque character, then perhaps the best known of American travel- ers. Born in the Connecticut town of Gro- ton in 1751, he early developed a fondness for roving. While an undergraduate at Dartmouth he absented himself from col- lege to visit the tribesmen of the Six Na- tions in New York. Afterward a theolog- ical student, he left school before taking or- ders, to enter as a common sailor on a ship bound for the Mediterranean. At Gibraltar Ledyard enlisted in a British regiment, with which he soon went to the West Indies. In 1778 we find him a corporal of marines under Captain Cook, on that famous mariner's third voyage around the world; and it was his journal of that tour (published in 1783) 69 Rocky Mountain Exploration which stirred Christendom with news of Cook's great discoveries. Finally deserting the British naval service, Ledyard, now among his Connecticut friends after eight years' absence, conceived the plan of fitting out a fur-trading expedition to ex- plore the Northwest Coast. Going to Europe in 1784, he found it difficult to raise means for his ambitious project, and when he finally reached Paris was disheartened. The Ameri- can minister made his acquaintance (1786), and tells us in his autobiography : * "He ... being out of business, and of a roaming, restless character, I suggested to him the enterprise of exploring the Western part of our continent, by passing thro St. Petersburg to Kamschatka, and procuring a passage thence in some of the Russian vessels to Nootka Sound, whence he might make his way across the continent to America ; and I undertook to have the permission of the Em- press of Russia [Catherine II] solicited. He eagerly embraced the proposition, and M. de Semoulin, the Russian Ambassador, and 1 Ford's Writings of Thomas Jefferson, i, pp. 94-96. 70 Stopped by Russia more particularly Baron Grimm, the special correspondent of the Empress, solicited her permission for him to pass thro' her domin- ions to the Western coast of America . . . the Empress refused permission at once, con- sidering the enterprise as entirely chimerical. But Ledyard would not relinquish it, per- suading himself that by proceeding to St. Petersburg he could satisfy the Empress of its practicability and obtain her permission. He went accordingly, but she was absent on a visit to some distant part of her dominions, and he pursued his course to within 200 miles of Kamschatka, where he was overtaken [February, 1788] by an arrest from the Em- press, brought back to Poland, and there dismissed." 1 "Disappointed, ragged, and penniless, but with a whole heart," the unfortunate Ledyard 1 In a letter by Jefferson to an American correspondent, writ- ten at Paris, September 1, 1786 (Ford, iv, pp. 298, 299), he gives this somewhat more detailed account of the project : u A coun- tryman of yours, a Mr. Lediard, who was with Capt. Cook on his last voyage, proposes either to go to Kamschatka, cross from thence to the Western side of America, and penetrate through the Continent to our side of it, or to go to Kentucke, & thence penetrate Westwardly to the South sea, the vent [he went] from hence lately to London, where if he finds a passage 71 Rocky Mountain Exploration arrived in London, where lie was at once be- friended by sympathizers in his project, who secured him employment to lead an expedi- tion to the center of Africa, whither he at once set out. He reached Cairo, but died there in January, 1789. 1 In December, 1789, General Henry Knox, Washington's Secretary of War, secretly wrote to General Josiah Harmar, then com- manding the Western frontier at Cincinnati, calling his attention to the desirability of ob- taining " official information of all the West- ern regions," and asking him to "devise some practicable plan for exploring that branch of the Mississippi called the Messouri, up to its to Kamschatka or the Western coast of America he would avail himself of it : otherwise he proposes to return to our side of America to attempt that route. I think him well calculated for such an enterprise, & wish he may undertake it." In another letter, written September 20, 1787 (Ford, v, p. 448), Jefferson adds, relative to Ledyard : "He is a person of in- genuity & information. Unfortunately he has too much im- agination. However, if he escapes safely, he will give us new, curious, & useful information." 1 See his life, in Sparks's American Biography— a thrilling story of adventure, of which we have given but the barest out- line. Jefferson's brief account of Ledyard's Russian experi- ences omits the numerous romantic details of this audacious enterprise. 72 Armstrong's Expedition source," and possibly beyond to the Pacific. After conferring with General Arthur St. Clair, Governor of the Northwest Territory, General Harmar selected for this purpose Captain John Armstrong, then in command at Louisville, and widely known as an ex- plorer and woodsman. The following spring Armstrong, entirely alone, " proceeded up the Missouri some distance above St. Louis," with the intention of eventually crossing the moun- tains to the Pacific ; " but, meeting with some French traders, was persuaded to return in consequence of the hostility of the Missouri bands to each other, as they were then at war, and he could not safely pass from one nation to the other." Knox's proposed expe- dition, therefore, came to naught. Jefferson was the next to make a venture in transcontinental exploration. His third trial resulted in an even more dramatic fail- ure than the Ledyard affair. The central figure was Andre Michaux, a French bota- nist, born in Versailles in 1 746. Michaux had, in the interests of science, visited various countries in Europe and Asia. Returning from Asia in 1785, he was sent by his Govern- 73 Rocky Mountain Exploration ment to New York, to conduct a botanical nursery from which American trees and shrubs were to be removed to and natural- ized in France. After extensive journeys through the new States on the Atlantic slope, Michaux started a nursery near Charles- ton, S. C, and ascending the Savannah River spent some time among the Southern Indians, among whom he exercised much in- fluence. In the course of his wide range of travel he visited the Bahamas and Florida, and in the summer of 1788 crossed the Alle- ghanies. Upon the outbreak of the French Revolu- tion Michaux's official stipend ceased, and his private funds were thenceforth used in con- tinuing the investigation of American flora. In April, 1792, he started upon a long jour- ney into the subarctic region around Hud- son Bay, but beyond the Saguenay was de- serted by his guides and obliged to retrace his steps, arriving in Philadelphia the follow- ing December. Laying before the American Philosophical Society — then almost the only organization for the encouragement of scientific studies in 74 Instructions to Michaux America — a plan for conducting an explora- tion to the Northwest Coast, his project was at once indorsed. 1 Jefferson, now Secretary of State in Washington's Cabinet, and prom- inent in the councils of the society, was par- ticularly pleased with the thought of having so eminent a scientist enter upon an under- taking which had for a decade been close to his heart. His official co-operation was at once tendered, and preparations were soon under way. The society appears to have be- come responsible for the funds, but Jefferson assumed some part in the direction of the enterprise. In the instructions which Jefferson issued to Michaux in January, 2 this versatile states- man gave evidence of a careful study of the conditions which would be met in the course of the exploration. He tells the botanist that the society would procure for him a con- veyance to Kaskaskia " in company with the Indians of that town now in Philadelphia." 1 The society opened a subscription for this purpose, the sum thus raised being $128.25. Of this Washington subscribed $25, and Jefferson and Hamilton $12.50 each. 2 Full text in Ford, vi, pp. 158-161. 75 Rocky Mountain Exploration Michaux is ordered to " cross the Mississippi and pass by land to the nearest part of the Missouri above the Spanish settlements, that you may avoid the risk of being stopped." He is then to " pursue such of the largest streams of that river as shall lead by the shortest way and the lowest latitudes to the Pacific ocean ... It would seem by the latest maps as if a river called Oregon, inter- locked with the Missouri for a considerable distance, and entered the Pacific ocean not far southward of Nootka Sound." But as these maps are " not to be trusted," the ex- plorer is in this respect left to his own de- vices. He is enjoined to "take notice of the country you pass through, its general face, soil, rivers, mountains, its productions — ani- mal, vegetable, and mineral " ; astronomical observations are to be taken ; the aborigines are to be studied in detail ; and, " under the head of animal history, that of the mammoth is particularly recommended to your inquiries." Like Washington, in instructing his Ohio Biver surveyors, the versatile Jefferson de- scends to such details as telling Michaux how 76 Genet's Conspiracy to write his notes— on skins, and " the bark of the paper-birch, a substance which may not excite suspicions among the Indians, and little liable to injury from wet or other com- mon accidents." He is to return to Phila- delphia and report in detail to the society, although privileged himself to publish cer- tain portions of his journal that may be agreed upon between them. Jefferson furnished the explorer with a letter of introduction to Governor Shelby, of Kentucky, and upon the fifteenth of July Mi- chaux left Philadelphia on his way westward. No doubt the latter had been quite sincere in his proposition to explore the trans-Missis- sippi country. But Genet had arrived at Charleston in April as the minister of France, charged with the secret mission of forming a filibustering army of American frontiersmen in the Carolinas, Georgia, and Kentucky to attack the Spanish possessions on the Gulf of Mexico and beyond the Mississippi. Michaux was selected as Genet's agent to deal with the Kentuckians, led by George Kogers Clark, who had proposed, under the banner of France, to descend the Mississippi with fifteen 77 Rocky Mountain Exploration hundred frontiersmen and attack New Or- leans. This use of the intending explorer was unofficially confessed to Jefferson by- Genet ten days before the former's de- parture. 1 Michaux proceeded no farther west than Kentucky, and spent the rest of the year act- ing as go-between for Clark and Genet. In December we find him in Philadelphia, be- cause Genet had postponed operations until spring, and early in 1794 he was back in Charleston looking after his nursery. Clark is assured in March that Michaux will return to Kentucky by the middle of April. But Washington had by this time taken a firm stand in opposition, troops were sent to the border to prevent the expedition, the now discredited Genet was recalled by his Gov- ernment, and Michaux's diplomatic services were no longer required. 2 *See Turner's Correspondence of Clark and Genet, in Re- port of Historical Manuscripts Commission of American His- torical Association for 1896, p. 933; also Turner's The Sig- nificance of the Louisiana Purchase, in Review of Reviews for May, 1903. 2 In his Introduction to Biddle's version of Lewis and Clark's Travels (Philadelphia, 1814), Jefferson would have it appear 78 Michaux's Later Life After further botanical explorations among the Kentucky hills, this scientific adventurer sailed for France in August, 1796. The ves- sel in which he embarked being wrecked off the Holland coast, he lost all save his collec- tions, with which he finally reached France, where the Government and the savants re- ceived him with unusual honors. In his long absence, however, the nurseries which he had privately established at Rambouillet, chiefly for the acclimatization of foreign plants, had been ruined by neglect ; of the sixty thou- sand American specimens which he had sent thither few remained. But far from being discouraged, Michaux set himself bravely to the task of repairing his losses, and to the publication of several important works. In 1800 he accompanied an official expe- dition to Madagascar, and two years later lost his life from fever contracted while breaking ground for a new botanical garden. that Michaux had no sooner reached Kentucky than he was re. called and bade "to pursue elsewhere the botanical inquiries on which he was employed." This is not borne out by the documents in the case. Michaux was in active correspondence with the Kentucky conspirators for fully eight months after his arrival among them. 79 Rocky Mountain Exploration Thus his plans for returning to America for the completion of the botanical discoveries, which had greatly interested him, came to naught. It is fair to presume that had this energetic traveler and scientist not fallen un- der the malign influence of the Clark-Genet intrigue, and thus wandered from the line of professional duty, he would have suc- ceeded in the great task of transcontinental exploration for which Jefferson had selected him. 80 CHAPTER V THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE Upon the eve of the downfall of New France, when the inevitable was plainly fore- seen, Louis XV, in order to prevent England from obtaining them, ceded to Spain (No- vember, 1762) the town and neighborhood of New Orleans and the broad possessions of France west of the Mississippi. The follow- ing year, by the Treaty of Paris, she lost to England all of her holdings east of the great river. Spain remained in possession of the trans- Mississippi country until 1800. Napo- leon, just then dreaming of another New France in the western half of North Amer- ica, as well as desiring to check the United States in its development westward, in that year (October 1st) coerced the court of Ma- drid into a treaty of retrocession. Under this agreement Spain was to receive as recom- 81 Rocky Mountain Exploration pense the improvised " Kingdom of Etruria," in northern Italy, to be governed by the Duke of Parma, son-in-law of the Spanish king ; she was also to retain East and West Florida, which Napoleon had sought, but de- spite Spanish subserviency could not obtain. 1 That the great. Corsican desired to establish a strong colonial empire to the west of the United States, controlling the Gulf of Mexico and the entire Mississippi Valley, there is now no doubt. Immediately after the retroces- sion of Louisiana, a large French expedition occupied the island of Santo Domingo, and an- other corps was destined for New Orleans ; but the army in Santo Domingo was at once confronted by a native negro revolution, and the occupation of New Orleans, timed for October, 1802, was accordingly deferred. These movements naturally alarmed Presi- dent Jefferson, for New Orleans was the key to the continental interior. James Monroe 1 See Senor Jeronimo Becker's article in La Espana Moderna for May, 1903, wherein the Spanish side of the story is given. He says that the tricky Talleyrand promised Spain that the ces- sion was but nominal, and that the latter might still retain pos- session of Louisiana. As late as 1815 Spain still entertained hopes of regaining the province through English diplomacy. 82 The West Dissatisfied was sent as a special envoy to Paris (March, 1803) to seek the purchase of New Orleans and the Floridas, with a view of securing to our Western settlers the free navigation of the Mississippi. The denial of this privilege by Spain, and the threatened denial by France, had been the cause of long-continued dissatisfaction among the trans-Alleghany borderers, who at that time cared more for an opening for their surplus products than they did for the Federal union — to them as yet a shadowy thing, controlled by men of the Atlantic slope, unknowing and in- different, they thought, to the needs of the West. Jefferson was strongly impressed by the demands of the frontiersmen ; but as a man of peace apparently would have been willing, if unable to secure any French territory at the mouth of the river, to accept a free naviga- tion agreement from France, rather than have an armed contest with that power. He ap- pears to have thought that eventually an al- liance with England might win still further concessions from Paris. It is not evident that at this time his interest in the country west 7 83 Rocky Mountain Exploration of the river went further than a desire to dis- cover within it a path to the Pacific. Affairs were in this unsatisfactory condi- tion, promising ill for the future of the young nation, when the French minister, Talleyrand, greatly surprised the American minister at Paris, Robert R Livingston, by proposing (April 11th) that the United States buy all of Louisiana. The reason for this sudden change of heart was, that Napoleon had de- termined on a new war with England. This ambitious military enterprise required more money than he then possessed ; he feared that England's navy might, during the struggle, capture the approaches to Louisiana ; by pre- viously disposing of the territory to the United States he would not only obtain funds, but would thwart his enemy, and assist in rearing a formidable rival to her in North America. Monroe had just arrived at Paris, bearing instructions authorizing Livingston and him- self to pay $2,000,000 for New Orleans and the Floridas. This new proposition came to them as unexpectedly as " a bolt from the blue." The only method of communicating 84 Our Territory Doubled with Washington was by the ocean mails, which were then very slow. The First Con- sul insisted on haste, for he needed the money at once ; war was soon to be declared between France and England, and in brief time the latter might seize the Gulf of Mexico, and thus win Louisiana for herself. Our envoys were equal to the emergency. Lacking opportunity to consult with the Presi- dent, they realized that delay might mean de- feat, and promptly entered upon negotiations. At the end of a week's discussion, during which his brothers Lucien and Joseph bitterly opposed the sequestration of this vast colonial possession, Napoleon arbitrarily directed his finance minister, Marbois, to sign a treaty (April 30th) 1 with the American repre- sentatives, by which Louisiana, with its ill- defined boundaries, was sold to the United States for $15,000,000. 2 Thus was our ter- ritory doubled at a few strokes of the pen. When Livingston, the principal American ne- 1 Such is the date of the document ; but the actual signing was on May 2d. 2 The actual price was $11,250,000, in addition to which the United States agreed to pay certain debts owing our citizens by France, amounting to $3,750,000. 85 Rocky Mountain Exploration gotiator, rose after signing, he shook hands with his colleague and Marbois, saying : ft We have lived long, but this is the noblest work of our lives ! " It was the early days of July before the news of this remarkable diplomatic negotia- tion reached Washington. Needless to say, it awakened uncommon excitement at the na- tional capital. Captain Meriwether Lewis was in town, obtaining from the President final instructions before starting upon his great exploring expedition to the Pacific, an enter- prise which was now placed upon a far dif- ferent footing from the original intention. When, upon the fifth of the month, he bade farewell to his friends at the White House, and left for the West, he left behind him a partizan squabble upon the issue of which hung the future of the United States as a world power. In this dispute the Federalists bitterly op- posed, while the Republicans favored, the proposed purchase of foreign territory. Jef- ferson himself, on constitutional grounds, en- tertained strong scruples against the transac- tion. He was but slowly won to the theory 86 ' A Continental Nation that the treaty-making power was sufficient to warrant the purchase, without an amend- ment to the Constitution. The treaty itself arrived in Washington the fourteenth of July, and was ratified by Con- gress on the nineteenth of October following ; but it was some time before New England be- came reconciled, prophetically fearing that the acquisition of so much new territory, which was eventually to be formed into voting States, would result in throwing the balance of po- litical power into the West. There was even some talk in that section of secession, because of this threatened loss of prestige. In the end, however, all concerned became reconciled to the contemplation of a United States ex- tending across the continent. Florida, Texas, and California later followed in natural se- quence — not without qualms upon the part of many ; but the great struggle had been fought out over the Louisiana Purchase, and the power of territorial expansion accepted as a constitutional doctrine. 1 1 "Perhaps most fundamental of all in its effects is the em- phasis which the Louisiana Purchase gave to the conception of space in American ideals. The immensity of the area thus 87 Rocky Mountain Exploration Although Spain ceded Louisiana to France in October, 1800, and the latter had now sold the territory to the United States, the French Government had not in the meanwhile found it convenient to take formal possession of the region. Spanish officials at New Orleans and St. Louis were still governing the sparse population, 1 consisting chiefly of easy-going French Creoles, with several small groups of American bordermen who had been induced to become Spanish subjects by liberal offers of rich land along the west bank of the Mis- sissippi and the lower reaches of the Missouri. Among these were Daniel Boone and several of his sons and old neighbors in Kentucky and West Virginia. Sighing for elbow-room and broader hunting-grounds, and not a little disgruntled over the restrictions to liberty and the legal technicalities which confronted men in the older settlements, they had established opened to exploitation has continually stirred the Americans' imagination, fired their energy and determination, strengthened their ability to handle vast designs, and made them measure their achievements by the scale of the prairies and the Rocky Mountains." — Dr. Frederick J. Turner's The Significance of the Louisiana Purchase, in Review of Reviews for May, 1903. 1 Estimated at 50,000 whites. 88 Spain Disturbed themselves not far from the French village of St. Charles. The fact that Spain had never formally surrendered to France possession of Louisi- ana, although three years had elapsed since the Treaty of St. Ildefonso, did not disturb the mind of Napoleon. But the court of Spain was of the opinion that that treaty had not been properly observed and that the cession was void, particularly as France had engaged " not to retrocede Louisiana to any other power." The Spanish minister served notice to this effect on the American Govern- ment. This merely served to hasten the preparations of the French charge d'affaires at Washington, who at once forwarded in- structions to his colleague in New Orleans, where the message arrived on November 23d. Both French and Spanish commissioners agreed promptly to carry out the programme of cession. A proper regard for legal forms rendered essential two ceremonies of transfer — of Spain to France, and of France to the United States. At New Orleans, on the thirtieth of Novem- ber, the Spanish commissioners, with much 89 Rocky Mountain Exploration formality, surrendered Louisiana to the repre- sentative of France, Pierre Clement Laussat. Seventeen days later, the American commis- sioners, William C. C. Claiborne (appointed to be governor of the new territory) and Gen- eral James Wilkinson, arrived by ship with a small escort of troops, and camped near the town. Upon the twentieth of December the French representative delivered to the Ameri- cans the keys of the capital, and absolved all French residents from their oath of allegiance to France ; the tricolor of France was hauled down, after its brief service of twenty days, and the Stars and Stripes replaced it amid salvos of artillery and the playing of a regi- mental band. Early in January, Laussat served upon Charles Dehault de Lassus, the lieutenant- governor of Upper Louisiana, at St. Louis, an order from the Spanish commissioners to sur- render that region to such person as Laussat might name : that person being Captain Amos Stoddard, of the United States army, detailed to serve as American transfer commissioner, and now stationed at the military post of Kas- kaskia, on the east side of the Mississippi. 90 The Transfer Stoddard appears to have spent much of the winter in St. Louis, the gay little capital of the region, where he, no doubt, almost daily met Captain Meriwether Lewis, of the Lewis and Clark exploring expedition, then passing the winter at Eiver Dubois, also on the east side opposite the mouth of the Missouri. On the ninth of March the Ameri- can troops were brought in boats across the river, under the command of Stoddard's ad- jutant, Lieutenant Stephen Worrell, and es- corted Stoddard, Lewis, and other Americans to the government house. Here De Lassus read a proclamation ; addressed the villagers as they congregated in the square fronting his residence, releasing them from their oath of fidelity to France ; and with Stoddard signed a formal document of transfer, to which Lewis among others placed his signature as witness. Artillery salutes greeted the Ameri- can flag as it was hoisted on the official staff, and the day closed with expressions of mutual good-will. At last the great purchase had been consummated at all points, and the en- tire breadth of the continent was now open to American exploitation. 91 CHAPTEE VI. ORGANIZATION OF LEWIS AND CLARETS EXPEDITION We have seen that as early as 1783 Jef- ferson, then in private life, entertained a hope that he might be able to set on foot an expe- dition, to be led by George Eogers Clark, for the discovery of a path across the Rocky Mountains, connecting the Missouri River with Pacific tide- water. Nothing coming of this, three years later, while minister to France, he induced the adventurous John Ledyard to attempt to cross from Kamchatka and trav- erse the North American continent from the west. Because of the jealousy of Russia, this project also failed. Intertribal wars upon the Missouri caused the abandonment of an expedition undertaken in 1790 by di- rection of General Henry Knox, Washington's secretary of war. As secretary of state, Jef- ferson returned to the charge, and in 1793 — the year of Mackenzie's brilliant exploit — 92 Jeffer son's Zeal through the agency of the American Philo- sophical Society, despatched Michaux, the French botanist, upon a mission similar to the one tentatively proposed to Clark ten years before. But with the miserable snding of the Michaux affair we are familiar. Ten years now elapsed, with no develop- ments in Rocky Mountain exploration upon the part of Americans. Jefferson had be- come President in 1800, and was deeply im- mersed in the multifarious incidents of office. Yet his early yearning for the discovery of an overmountain path to the Pacific had not lessened. The lapse in the winter of 1802-03 of an " act for establishing trading houses with the Indian tribes," gave him the opportunity sought. In a secret message to Congress (January 18th) the President urges that trade with the Western aborigines be more assidu- ously cultivated than hitherto, and that they be encouraged to abandon the hunting life in favor of agriculture and the domestic arts. Adroitly he leads up to the desirability of reaching out for the trade of the Indians on the Missouri River, which now is absorbed 93 Rocky Mountain Exploration by English companies ; and then suggests that the friendship of these savages may best be secured through the visit of an exploring party. " An intelligent officer," he writes, " with ten or twelve chosen men fit for the enter- prise and willing to undertake it, taken from posts where they may be spared without in- convenience, might explore the whole line, even to the Western Ocean, have conferences with the natives on the subject of commercial intercourse, get admission among them for our traders as others are admitted, agree on convenient deposits for an interchange of articles, and return with the information ac- quired in the course of two summers. Their arms and accouterments, some instruments of observation, and light and cheap presents for the Indians would be all the apparatus they could carry, and with an expectation of a sol- dier's portion of land on their return would constitute the whole expense." The country which he thus proposed to explore was the property of France, although still governed by Spain ; but Jefferson thinks that the latter nation would regard the enterprise merely 94 A Modest Appropriation " as a literary pursuit," and " not be disposed to view it with jealousy, even if the expiring state of its interests there did not render it a matter of indifference." An estimate of the necessary expenses, drawn by the President's private secretary, Captain Meriwether Lewis, accompanied the message, showing that $2,500 was thought to be sufficient for the purpose. The entire pay of the party being chargeable to the War Department, also their rations previous to leaving United States soil, of course these important items did not enter into the calcu- lation. Jefferson, a born diplomat, proposes that this modest sum be appropriated "for the purpose of extending the external com- merce of the United States," it being under- stood by the Executive that this would signify legislative sanction of his projected exploration. An appropriation so phrased "would cover the undertaking from notice and prevent the obstructions which inter- ested individuals might otherwise previous- ly prepare in its way." Congress acceded to the President's request. Meriwether Lewis, who now enters upon 95 Rocky Mountain Exploration the stage of history, was born of good family near Charlottesville, Va., in 1774. From childhood he had been in local repnte as a hunter and amateur botanist, and his cele- brated neighbor, Thomas Jefferson, evinced great fondness for him. At the age of twenty he served as a private in the Virginia militia, during the Whisky Rebellion in western Pennsylvania, and at the close of the dis- turbance was employed in the regular army — originally as ensign in the First Infantry, but in two years rising (1797) to a captaincy in the same regiment. While in this last ca- pacity he was regimental paymaster, and as such traveled extensively among the frontier posts in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Kentucky, In 1792, when Jefferson was negotiating with Michaux, Lewis applied for the post of ex- plorer ; but his old neighbor evidently thought that a youth of eighteen years, even with such training as his bright young friend possessed, was as yet unfitted for a mission of this magnitude. In 1801 he appointed Cap- tain Lewis as his private secretary, and no doubt from this time forward there were frequent animated conversations at the White 96 w W M W H p£3 ft c3 w a ft c3 Jefferson and Lewis House table over the exploration of the Mis- souri route to the Pacific. As early as July, 1802, the prospect of carrying their plans into effect was deemed favorable by the President and his secretary. Lewis again ap- plied for the leadership of the expedition, and this time his ambition was promptly gratified. Thereafter the two friends — Jef- ferson in his sixtieth year, and Lewis in his twenty-eighth — were the leading spirits in this daring enterprise. Jefferson has placed on record 1 this gener- ous tribute to Lewis : " I had now had oppor- tunities of knowing him intimately. Of cour- age undaunted; possessing a firmness and perseverance of purpose which nothing but impossibilities could divert from its direction ; careful as a father of those committed to his charge, yet steady in the maintenance of order and discipline ; intimate with the Indian char- acter, customs, and principles ; habituated to the hunting life ; guarded, by exact observa- tion of the vegetables and animals of his own country, against losing time in the description of objects already possessed ; honest, disinter- 1 Introduction to Biddle's edition of the Travels, i, pp. xi, xii. 97 Rocky Mountain Exploration ested, liberal, of sound understanding, and a fidelity to truth so scrupulous that whatever he should report would be as certain as if seen by ourselves — with all these qualifica- tions, as if selected and implanted by nature in one body for this express purpose, I could have no hesitation in confiding the enterprise to him." Jefferson fully realized that, connected with a model exploring expedition, there should be trained scientists, to make calculations as to latitude and longitude, to report upon the fauna, flora, and mineralogy of the country, and to make ethnological and philological notes upon the aborigines whom they should meet. But, as he told a correspondent: 1 " We can not in the U. S. find a person who to courage, prudence, habits & health adapted to the woods, & spme familiarity with the Indian character, joins a perfect knowledge of botany, natural history, mineralogy & as- tronomy, all of which would be desirable. To the first qualifications Captain Lewis my secretary adds a great mass of accurate obser- 1 Dr. Caspar Wistar, of Philadelphia ; letter in Ford, viii, p. 192. 98 Preparations Under Way vation made on the different subjects of the three kingdoms as existing in these states, not under their scientific forms, but so as that he will readily seize whatever is new in the country he passes thro', and give us accounts of new things only ; and he has qualified him- self for fixing the longitude &> latitude of the different points in the line he will go over." Congress having proved complaisant, prep- arations were hurried forward. During April Lewis was engaged at Lancaster, Harper's Ferry, and elsewhere, conferring with military and other authorities upon the West, build- ing boats, and superintending the manufac- ture and collection of weapons, scientific in- struments, and miscellaneous supplies. Some weeks were then spent in Philadelphia, in company with several scientific men whose good offices had been sought by Jefferson ; from them Lewis learned the rudimentary methods of taking astronomical observations, and obtained much detailed advice upon the scientific side of the expedition. Early in May the President submitted to his friend a l c rough draft " of detailed in- structions, which were afterwards finished . Lot C. Rocky Mountain Exploration and signed on the twentieth of June. In this important document Jefferson enters with his love of detail into the methods to be adopted by the expedition after leaving United States territory. He sends to Lewis passports from both the Spanish and French ministers, permitting this " literary " party to pass through their territory ; and one from the British minister, to insure respect from Cana- dian traders. Beginning at the mouth of the Missouri, the explorers are to take frequent astronomical observations; note the courses and distances of the rivers traveled upon; seek the fullest possible data of every sort re- garding Indians along the path ; make record of the soils, minerals, vegetable productions, animal life, and climate; and to ascertain facts relative to the sources of the Missis- sippi, the position of the Lake of the Woods, and the paths followed by Canadian traders in their intercourse with the Western Indians. Lewis is to cultivate among the savages a de- sire to trade with Americans, and in every way to conciliate them ; if possible, a party should be brought back on a friendly visit to Wash- ington. In order to obtain all the informa- 100 Jefferson's Instructions tion possible, and to guard against the loss of it, the leader is required not only himself to keep detailed journals, but- to encourage others of his party to do so ; to " put into cy- pher whatever might do injury if betrayed " ; to use, if practicable, " the paper of the birch, as less liable to injury from damp than com- mon paper." If they meet with a superior force representing another nation, they are to return, for " in the loss of yourselves, we should lose also the information you will have acquired ... by returning safely with that, you may enable us to renew the essay with better calculated means ... we wish you to err on the side of your safety, & bring back your party safe, even if it be with less infor- mation." Upon reaching the Pacific coast, he is to " learn if there be any port within your reach frequented by the sea-vessels of any nation, and to send two of your trusty people back by sea, in such way as shall appear practicable, with a copy of your notes " — or he may, in his judgment, have the entire party " return by sea by way of Cape Horn or the Cape of Good Hope, as you shall be able." In order that this plan might be carried out, 101 Rocky Mountain Exploration a "letter of general credit," signed by the President, was forwarded to Lewis, asking " of the Consuls, agents, merchants & citizens of any nation with which we have inter- course or amity to furnish you with those supplies which your necessities may call for, assuring them of honorable and prompt retri- bution." Lewis deeming it advisable to have a com- panion upon the expedition who, while sec- ond in command, should be of equal military rank with himself, Jefferson acceded. There- upon Lewis sent a cordial note of invitation to his boyhood friend William Clark, of Ken- tucky; but pending a reply, by the Presi- dent's consent he made an arrangement with another friend, Lieutenant Moses Hooke, of his old regiment, now military agent at Pitts- burg, by which he was to go in case Clark declined. The latter, however, agreed to the proposition, and joined the expedition upon its way down the Ohio River. Like Lewis, William Clark was by birth a Virginian. The Clark and Lewis families were firm friends and neighbors in Caroline County, William having been born on the 102 William Clark old Clark estate in 1770, four years previous to the man with whose name his memory will forever be linked. He was yet a small boy when his older brother, George Eogers, began his brilliant career upon the Western borders. When fourteen years of age, his father, John Clark, moved to Mulberry Hill, on Bear- grass Creek, near Louisville, Ky. This new home soon became a center of hospitality for a wide district, and William grew up in close friendship with the most distinguished Ken- tuckians of his day, who were frequently guests of the family. Young Clark was a general favorite. In March, 1791, when in his twenty-first year, he was appointed a lieutenant with General Scott upon special service. A friend convey- ing this information to one of his elder broth- ers, wrote concerning him : " William . . . is a youth of solid and promising parts, and as brave as Caesar." A year later he was a lieutenant of infantry in regular service in Wayne's Western army, and concluded his four years' experience in fighting Indians by participating in the battle of Fallen Timbers (1796), at the head of his company. On two 103 Rocky Mountain Exploration occasions General Wayne sent Captain Clark upon missions to the Spaniards west of the Mississippi, and he appears to have impressed these gentlemen as an officer deserving of much respect. Upon the conclusion of the treaty of Green- ville, being in ill-health, the young captain resigned from the army and retired to a Ken- tucky farm, on which he was dwelling when the letter arrived from Lewis, inviting him to join the Western exploring expedition. This letter "offered by the apprb n of the Presi- dent," afterward wrote Clark, 1 "to place me in a situation in every respect equal to himself, in rank pretentions &c &c." Clark had ex- pected appointment as captain of engineers ; but just before starting up the Missouri the following spring, was disappointed by receiv- ing only the commission of a second lieutenant of artillery. However, Lewis assured him that a commission was needed only as an au- thority to punish the soldiers in the party if necessary, and that Clark's "command &c, &c, should be equal to his." With this assur- 1 Letter in Coues's Lewis and Clark, New York (1891), pp. lxxi, lxxii. 104 Colleagues and Friends ance, lie sensibly smothered his pride and said nothing further about the affair. As a matter of fact, the journals of the expedition reveal that Lewis, while nominally in com- mand, consistently regarded Clark as his offi- cial equal, both being styled by all connected with the party as "Captain." Throughout all the trying experiences of the three years during which they were united, their respect and friendship for each other but deepened and strengthened — a record far from com- mon among exploring parties. Parting from Jefferson, at Washington, on the fifth of July — a few days after receipt of the news from Paris announcing the Louisi- ana Purchase — Lewis had expected to leave Pittsburg for the descent of the Ohio by the last week of that month. But the man who was building his boat " shamefully detained " him, through periodical drunkenness, for a full month after this. The stage of water in the Ohio was the lowest up to that time recorded, and the young explorer was freely advised not to attempt the voyage that sea- son. But, as he wrote the President, he was " determined to get forward though I should 105 Rocky Mountain Exploration not be able to make a greater distance than a mile p r day." At seven in the morning of the thirty-first of August the boat was ready for the water, and by ten the expedition was under way. He had often, with his small crew, to cut his way through sand-bars and riffles, and in a few cases was obliged to use horses and oxen. "I find them," he writes, "the most efficient sailors in the present state of the navigation of this river." Word had been sent in advance to the com- manders of the military posts on the Ohio and Mississippi — chiefly Southwest Point, Massac, and Kaskaskia — to call for volunteers for the expedition. There was no lack of these, but the qualifications named by Lewis were so exacting that upon his arrival at each station some difficulty was experienced in making suitable selections ; so that the busi- ness of recruiting added materially to the delay. Finally, he found fourteen soldiers who pleased him ; to these he added nine Ken- tucky frontiersmen of special merit, who were sworn in as privates, for the expedition was organized throughout on a military basis. Of the party, also, was Clark's negro servant, 106 In Winter Camp York, a man of uncommon size and strength, destined to figure prominently in the annals of the exploration. All were young, unmar- ried, and in robust health. It had been the original intention of Lewis to go into winter quarters at La Charette, a small French village, the highest settlement on the Missouri — a point which the expedi- tion, the following spring, spent seven days in reaching. But for several reasons this plan was not carried out. The delays on the Ohio had been so numerous that December was a third past before the explorers arrived at River Dubois, a small stream emptying into the Mississippi nearly opposite the mouth of the Missouri. Although the news of the sale of Louisiana to the United States had reached Washington early in July, the Spanish commandant at St. Louis had had no official notification of this event, and the policy of his Government was such that he did not feel authorized to grant permission to the expedition to enter territory still under his charge ; moreover, a letter from President Jefferson, dated November 16 th, had suggested that the season was now too far advanced to 107 Rocky Mountain Exploration make much progress up the Missouri, while by encamping on the American side the men could draw their winter rations from the War Department, without entrenching on the special appropriation. The expedition constructed a winter camp on River Dubois, and spent the succeeding five months in careful preparation for the ar- duous task which confronted it to the west- ward. 108 CHAPTEK VII FEOM EIVEE DUBOIS TO THE MANDANS Although as a body the expedition was restricted to its winter's camp on the east side of the Mississippi, the leaders not infre- quently visited their military friends at the neighboring American posts of Cahokia and Kaskaskia, and — especially Lewis — were often guests at the houses of leading citizens in the village of St. Louis, on the west side. To Clark, for the most part, appears to have fallen the task of building boats and drilling the men for the forthcoming task; while Lewis purchased supplies and made extend- ed inquiries regarding the Missouri River country, which had been explored as far up as the Mandan villages by many of the French fur-traders and voyageurs who cen- tered at St. Louis. We have already seen that Lewis was one of the official witnesses of 109 Rocky Mountain Exploration the transfer of Upper Louisiana, upon the ninth of March. During the winter, also, the party received several accessions, chiefly of French Canadians more or less familiar with the Missouri country. At four in the afternoon of the fourteenth of May, 1804, " all in health and readiness to set out," the expedition left camp at River Dubois, " in the presence of many of the neighboring inhabitants, and proceeded on under a jentle brease up the Missourie." * Clark was in charge of the embarkation, for Lewis was attending to the last business de- tails in St. Louis. The flotilla consisted of three craft — a keel boat fifty-five feet long, drawing three feet of water, carrying a sail, propelled by twenty-two oars, with both fore- castle and cabin, and the center guarded by a breastwork, for attacks from Indians were feared, especially on the lower reaches of the Missouri ; a pirogue or open boat with seven oars, and another with six, both of them car- 1 In all citations from the official journals kept by the leaders, we follow the original manuscripts, now in the possession of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, and soon to be published verbatim under the editorship of the present writer. 110 /*t-*r^*«-« <*»y sCoc4.&- o^L^s^ *^ g^^^^'- ^^ ^ 2^? <~*~^ ^*-^, ^*— A PAGE OF CLARK'S JOURNAL. Original now in possession of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia. Personnel of the Expedition rying sails. The party comprised, in addition to Clark, three sergeants (Ordway, Pryor, and Floyd), twenty- three privates, two inter- preters (Dronillard and Charbonneau), Char- bonneau's Indian squaw Sacajawea, and the negro York. 1 Lewis had not expected Clark to leave until the fifteenth, but the latter's plans were 1 The personnel of the expedition was : Meriwether Lewis, captain in First United States Infantry, commanding. William Clark, second lieutenant in United States Artillery. Sergeants — John t Ordway, Nathaniel Pryor, Charles Floyd — and Patrick Gass, succeeding Floyd on the latter's death (Au- gust 20, 1804). Privates — William Bratton, John Colter, John Collins, Peter Cruzatte, Reuben Fields, Joseph Fields, Robert Frazier, George Gibson, Silas Goodrich, Hugh Hall, Thomas P. Howard, Francis Labiche, La Liberte, Hugh McNeal, John Potts, George Shannon, John Shields, John B. Thompson, William Werner, Joseph Whitehouse, Alexander Willard, Richard Windsor, Peter Wiser. Interpreters — George Drouillard and Toussaint Charbonneau. Indian woman — Sacajawea ( u bird woman "), Charbonneau's wife. Clark's negro slave, York. Two soldiers, John Newman and M. B. Reed, set out with the expedition, but were punished for misconduct, and in April, 1805, sent back to St. Louis. In Newman's place, Baptist Le- page enlisted at Fort Mandan, November 2, 1804, and remained with the party until the discharge of all the men at St. Louis, November 10, 1806. Ill Rocky Mountain Exploration perfected a day ahead of time, and he was anx- ious to be off. Arriving the following noon at St. Charles, then a French hamlet of some four hundred and fifty inhabitants — "pore, polite & harmonious," his journal aptly de- scribes them — he lay there until the twentieth when his friend joined him, the latter having been accompanied twenty-four miles overland from St. Louis by several citizens of that place and a small knot of United States military offi- cers, who had but recently taken part in the territorial transfer from France. At their head was Captain Stoddard, serving as mili- tary governor of Upper Louisiana pending its reorganization by Congress. The people of St. Charles hospitably enter- tained the visitors, and on the following day the expedition set out u under three Cheers from the gentlemen on the bank." During the succeeding two or three days many set- tlers flocked to the shores to watch the little fleet toiling up the great muddy stream, and good-naturedly to wish the company joy in their great undertaking. Difficulties commenced immediately. Vio- lent currents swept around the great sand- 112 Difficult Navigation bars, in which the boats were often danger- ously near swamping. Snags were numerous, and against these sprawling obstructions they were frequently hurled violently by the swirl- ing waters ; several times masts were broken by being caught in the branches. Now and then war-trails were seen, and a close watch was deemed essential to avoid possible surprise by bands of prowling savages, jealous of this formidable invasion of their hunting-grounds. Farther up the river — by the third week of September — high shelving banks, now and then undermined by the current and falling into the river in masses often many acres in extent, gave them great alarm ; and not infre- quently their craft, swept by the current to the foot of such an overhanging bluff of sand and clay, were in serious danger. 1 1 In a letter to his mother, dated Fort Mandan, March 31, 1805, Lewis states : " So far we have experienced more diffi- culties from the navigation of the Missouri than danger from the savages. The difficulties which oppose themselves to the navi- gation of this immense river arise from the rapidity of its cur- rent, its falling banks, sand-bars and timber which remains wholly or partially concealed in its bed, usually called by the navigators of the Missouri and the Mississippi ; sawyer ' or ' planter ' " one of these difficulties the navigator never ceases to 113 Rocky Mountain Exploration The expedition was obliged, as it pro- gressed, to live upon the country. While the majority of the company were employed in the arduous duty of navigating the craft which conveyed the arms, ammunition, instruments, articles for traffic with the Indians, and general stores, hunting was a task of the first impor- tance. At least two hunters were out almost constantly, and these led two horses along the bank, to bring the abundant meat to the camping places. Frequently they were joined by others of the party, detailed for shore duty; and almost always one of the captains, generally Lewis, joined the pedes- trians, himself engaged in collecting botanical contend with from the Entrance of the Missouri to this place ; and in innumerable instances most of these obstructions are at the same instant combined to oppose his progress or threaten his destruction. To these we may also add a fifth, and not much less considerable difficulty — the turbed quality of the water — which renders it impracticable to discover any obstruction, even to the depth of a single inch. Such is the velocity of the current at all seasons of the year, from the entrance of the Missouri to the mouth of the great river Platte, that it is impossible to re- sist its force by means of oars or poles in the main channel of the river; the eddies which therefore generally exist on one side or the other of the river, are sought by the navigators, but these are almost universally encumbered with concealed timber, or within reach of the falling banks." 114 Entering the Wilderness and other scientific specimens and making notes npon the country. On the twenty-fifth of May the explorers passed La Charette, the last white settlement on the river — the home of Daniel Boone, still a vigorous hunter at a ripe old age. Upon the sixth of June buffalo signs were seen ; on the eleventh they first shot bears. Five days later two small rafts were met, manned by French and half-breed traders from the Mandan coun- try, and bearing buffalo tallow and furs to St. Louis. One of these men, named Dourion, who had lived with the Sioux for twenty years and gained their confidence, was per- suaded to turn back with the expedition in order to induce that tribe to send a friendly delegation to visit the new Great Father at Washington. Rapids were now frequently met with, necessitating the use in the swift water of towing-lines and kedge-anchors, a work much impeded by heavy growths, along the banks, of bushes and gigantic weeds. " Ticks and musquiters," and great swarms of "knats," begin to be "verry troublesome," necessita- ting smudge fires and mosquito-bars. The 9 115 Rocky Mountain Exploration men frequently suffer from snake-bites, sun- stroke, and stomach complaints. Both Lewis and Clark now play the part of physicians, and administer simple though sometimes drastic remedies for these disorders; the journals make frequent mention of strange doses and vigorous bleeding. Sometimes storms drench them in their rude camp ; or, suddenly burst- ing upon their craft in open river, necessitate great ado with anchors and cables until the flurry is over — as once, "when the Storm Sudenly Seased and the river became In- stancetainously as Smoth as Glass." Reaching Platte River on the twenty-second of July, they lay by for several days and sent for some Oto and Missouri chiefs, who were informed of the change of government and made happy with presents of flags, medals, and trinkets, and promises of future trade ; the proceeding being graced with an Indian feast and much savage ceremony. On the eighteenth of August, as they ap- proached the Omaha Indians, a disagreeable event occurred. Two of the men, M. B. Reed and La Liberte, sent upon errands into the country, deserted. The captains were not dis- 116 Death of Floyd posed to countenance such conduct, for desert- ers could work great injury by making false representations about them and the motives of the expedition. Search parties were there- fore sent out. Both were caught, but La Liberte contrived again to escape. Reed, confessing his fault, was not condemned to death, but obliged to "run the gauntlet" four times, each of his former comrades be- ing armed with nine switches, and then was ignominiously dismissed the service, although held until the following spring. Two days later occurred the first and only death. Sergeant Charles Floyd, a man of firmness and resolution, being " taken verry bad all at once with a Biliouse Chorlick . . . Died with a great deal of composure." This event took place a short distance below the present Sioux City, about eight hundred and fifty miles above the mouth of the Missouri. Patrick Gass was elected his successor. Upon the thirtieth and thirty-first of the month, at a point within Knox County, Ne- braska, a somewhat elaborate camp was estab- lished, at which a large party of Sioux chiefs and their followers, brought in by Dourion, 117 ' Rocky Mountain Exploration were entertained with the customary cere- monials of speaking, dancing, and feasting. Clark's record of the affair gives much de- tailed information about the dress, customs, numbers, and trade of these people. He quaintly relates that their savage visitors were "much deckerated with Paint Porcupine quils feathers, large leagins and mockersons, all with buffalow roabs of Different Colours." The explorers were now in a paradise of game. Great herds of buffaloes, sometimes five thousand strong, were grazing in the plains, the fattest of them falling easy victims to the excellent aim of the hunters. Elk, deer, antelopes, turkeys, and squirrels were abundant, and gave variety to their meals, for which the navigators generally tied up at the bank and joined the land party around huge camp-fires. Prairie-dogs, whose little bur- rows punctured the plains in every direction, interested the explorers. One day there was a general attempt to drown out one of these nimble miners ; but although all joined for some time in freely pouring water down the hole, the task was finally abandoned as im- practicable. Prairie-wolves nightly howled 118 Abundant Game about their camps in surprising numbers and in several varieties. 1 "Worn by the fatigue of a day's hard work at the oars or the towing-line or pushing- pole, or perhaps by long hours of tramping or hunting upon the rolling plains, which were frequently furrowed by deep ravines, each member of the party earned his night's rest. But as they lay under the stars, around the generous fires of driftwood, great clouds of mosquitoes not infrequently robbed them i From Lewis's letter to his mother, previously cited : u Game is very abundant, and seems to increase as we progress — our prospect of starving is therefore consequently small. On the lower portion of the Missouri, from its junction with the Mis- sissippi to the entrance of the Osage river we met with some deer, bear and turkeys. From thence to the Kancez river the deer were more abundant. A great number of black bear, some turkeys, geese, swan and ducks. From thence to the mouth of the great river Platte an immense quantity of deer, some bear, elk, turkeys, geese, swan and ducks. From thence to the river S [ioux] some bear, a great number of elks, the bear disappeared almost entirely, some turkeys, geese, swan and ducks. From thence to the mouth of the White river vast herds of buffalo, elk and some deer, and a greater quantity of turkeys than we had before seen, a circumstance which I did not much expect in a country so destitute of timber. Hence to Fort Mandan the buffalo, elk and deer increase in quantity, with the addition of the Cabie [cabra], as they are generally called by the French engages, which is a creature about the size of a small deer. Its flesh is deliciously flavored." 119 Rocky Mountain Exploration of sleep. The two leaders were possessed of mosquito-bars, which generally enabled them to rest with comparative comfort, although sometimes even these were ineffectual; but apparently none of the others enjoyed these luxuries, and buried their heads within their blankets, almost to the point of suffocation. Once they had camped upon a sand-bar, in mid- river. By the light of the moon the guard saw the banks caving in above and below. Alarm- ing the sleepers, they had barely time to launch and board their boats before the very spot where they had lain slipped into the turbid current. In the upper reaches of the river, the following year, grizzly bears and stampeded buffalo herds were added to the list of night terrors. It was not always possible for the land and water parties to make connections for the night camps. The hunters and walkers were often obliged to take long detours into the interior, either in search of game or because of deep ravines or of steep bluffs bordering upon the river ; and sometimes a cat-short was taken, to avoid the frequent bends of the winding stream. The heavy growth of 120 Perils Ashore timber and bushes along the banks often rendered it impossible for the land party to trace or even to see the water. The result was, that not infrequently the pedestrians and horsemen would lose sight of the boats- men, and then it was impossible to say whether the former were above or below the latter. In the last week of August, one of the men, George Shannon, having the horses in charge — there were now several of them in the little herd — lost touch with his fellows and thought them ahead of him. For six- teen days he hurried on, without bullets to shoot game, and not only lost all his horses but one, but when finally caught up with by his comrades was in a starving condition. We shall, in future chapters, see that even the leaders were sometimes lost in this man- ner and obliged to camp out alone in the wilderness, uncertain whether to hurry or to tarry. Lewis and Clark owed much of their suc- cess to tactfulness in treating with the Indi- ans whom they met in their long journey. During the first season out they had but one disagreeable incident on this account. At 121 Rocky Mountain Exploration the mouth of Teton River (September 25th) was an encampment of Sioux, who stole the horse of a hunter. The two captains sent word to the village chiefs that they would not speak to the tribesmen until the horse had been returned. The ceremonious red men thereupon ar- ranged with the strangers for a council, which took place under an awning reared upon a sand-bar at the mouth of the Teton. The animal was restored, and the head men were shown the boats, each being given a drink of whisky, "which they appeared to be verry fond of." When the whites expressed a wish to leave, some of the young bucks seized the painter of a pirogue and wished forcibly to detain their visitors, from whom they sought more presents. Growing insolent, one or two of them even drew their bows and arrows ; whereupon, writes Clark, "I felt My Self warm & spoke in verry possitive terms." The men were ordered under arms, and thrusting the Indians aside, the expedition pushed on for a mile up-stream. Here the boats were anchored off an island and heavily guarded for the night. " I call this Island," records 122 The Teton Sioux Clark, " bad humered Island as we were in a bad humer." The tribesmen, recognizing that the explor- ers were not to be cowed, became friendly, and Lewis and Clark deemed it prudent to accept the proffered friendship of this pow- erful band, through whose country they must pass upon the return. During the two fol- lowing days councils were held in the village council-house, with feasting, dancing, and much smoking and oratory. There was still, however, a disposition among some of the pugnacious young warriors to stop the expe- dition ; and when leave was taken on the third day, the white captains informed them that if the Sioux wanted war with the new Great Father they could have it, but if peace, then they were to keep their young bucks at home and do as they were told. One of the friendly chiefs concluded to travel for a way upon one of the large boats, which had awa- kened his admiration ; but after two days of navigation the motion of the craft in high waves caused him to beg to be put ashore, and he was sent off with presents and good advice. On the eighth of October they reached the 123 Rocky Mountain Exploration Arikara country and went into camp near their chief village — "a pleasent evening — all things arranged both for Peace or War." Two French traders and several of their men were found here, and from them they ob- tained much information about the country and its savage inhabitants. These soon came crowding about the camp, filled with wonder at the newcomers and their outfit. The ex- plorers strove hard to amuse the visitors. Lewis's air-gun was a source of great aston- ishment. But the dusky audience were par- ticularly surprised at York, who did not lose this opportunity to display his phenomenal strength. The bulky negro told the Indians that he had once been a wild animal, but had been caught and tamed by his master. His acrobatic performances and facial contortions, combined with his feats of strength, succeeded in frightening the simple audience ; indeed, Clark tells us he " made himself more turri- bal than we wished him to doe." The result was, however, that at the several villages which the expedition, amid much ceremonial, visited during the next few days, it was treated with marked civility. 124 Savage Teetotalers An unpleasant event occurred on the thir- teenth, when one of the men, J. Newman, was "confined for mutinous expression." That night they tried him "by 9 of his Peers — they did Centence him 75 Lashes & Dis- banded [from] the party." He was, how- ever, retained in custody until the arrival of spring. Almost daily, now, they met hunting bands of Arikaras, by whom they were pleasantly entertained in exchange for the trinkets which were bestowed upon the delighted savages. One of the chiefs volunteered to accompany the explorers as far as their friends the Man- dans, among whom Lewis and Clark desired to winter. The Sioux had expressed fondness for spirituous liquors ; but the Arikaras were otherwise inclined, and when the white stran- gers offered it to them, as a makeweight for friendship, grew indignant. Clark writes that they " say we are no friends or we would not give them what makes them fools." In the closing week of the month the Man- dans were at last found in several riverside villages, and the Arikara chief, after hobnob- bing with his friends, warmly bade farewell 125 Rocky Mountain Exploration to the agents of the Great Father, and pad- dled back to his own people. The principal Mandan village was on a bluff overlooking the Missouri, above the present Bismarck, N. Dak. Three miles below, "on the north side of the river in an extensive and well timbered bottom," the expedition settled itself for the winter within huts of cotton-wood logs surrounded by a stout palisade of the same timber, the establishment being named, "in honor of our friendly neighbors," Fort Mandan. 1 In reaching this point, 1,600 miles above the mouth of the Missouri, they had occupied, including delays of every sort, one hundred and seventy-three days, thus making an aver- age progress of a trifle over nine miles a day. 1 On the north bank of the Missouri, probably seven or eight miles below Knife River, in what is now McLean County. 126 CHAPTEE VIII AT FORT MANDAN During the five months spent at Fort Mandan the leaders were never free from care, for their position was one involving danger and the necessity for exercising both tact and firmness. At first the Mandans, while nominally friendly, quite naturally sus- pected the motives of these newcomers. With the French trappers and traders who either dwelt or frequently sojourned among them in behalf of the British fur companies, they were on intimate terms ; and the Scotch, Irish, and English agents of these organiza- tions were received upon their periodical visits with much consideration. The aims of these white men from the north were similar to their own — the preservation of the wilder- ness as a great hunting-ground, the only ex- ploitation permissible being that which con- tributed to the market for pelts. 127 Rocky Mountain Exploration There were found among the Mandans several French and British representatives of the North West Company, just then in bitter rivalry with the Hudson's Bay Company, as well as some independent traders. Some of the Frenchmen had lived for years among these people, with native wives and half-breed children. During the winter numerous agents of the North West Company came on horse- back overland from their log forts in the As- siniboin country to obtain news concerning the transfer of Louisiana, and to satisfy their curiosity concerning the expedition ; if possi- ble, to thwart it, for the American invasion was looked upon with aversion. During their long stay, in the course of which they frequently enjoyed the hospitality of the fort, these emissaries sought, while pretending friendship, to poison the minds of the Indians by spreading their own ill opinions of Lewis and Clark. 1 They circulated rumors that the 1 In the journal of Charles MacKenzie, one of these traders, it is stated that Lewis and Clark always seemed glad to see their visitors from Canada, and treated them with kindly civility. But Lewis, though he " could speak fluently and learnedly on all subjects," had an "inveterate disposition against the Brit- ish"; while Clark, "equally well informed," conversed pleas- antly and " seemed to dislike giving offence unnecessarily." 128 British Intrigue coming of the American explorers was soon to be followed by an army of settlement and the consequent death of the fur trade — a prophecy more expeditiously realized than they themselves could possibly have foreseen. It required the utmost exertions of the leaders of the expedition to overcome this subtle opposition. In the end, however, they succeeded. The chiefs were plainly told that the United States now owned the country, that loyalty to the Great Father at Washing- ton was henceforth obligatory, and that they must no longer receive medals and flags from the British. At the same time, they were in- formed that the exploration had no other object than to acquaint the Great Father with his new children, and that upon its return arrangements would be made for sending traders into the country, with better goods and fairer treatment than had hitherto been obtained from the Canadian companies. Long before the close of the winter Lewis and Clark had gained a fair degree of popularity among these simple people, and the British agents were correspondingly discomfited. The daily duties of the fortified camp were 129 Rocky Mountain Exploration largely under the conduct of Clark, who was the more practical woodsman of the two. Lewis took upon himself, chiefly, the diplo- matic task of visiting and ceremoniously smoking pipes with the Indians in their sev- eral villages, in which journeys he was accompanied by one or two French inter- preters and a body-guard of half a dozen of his own men — the latter, a precaution some- times quite necessary to personal safety. In the neighborhood were several winter camps of Grosventres and other tribes, on friendly terms with the Mandans. Sometimes native bands were met, for whom no direct inter- preters could be obtained. On such occasions the method of communication was round- about : the Indians would address Sacajawea, the wife of Charbonneau ; speaking no Euro- pean tongue, she passed on the remark to her husband, a Frenchman ; he in turn told the story to a mulatto, " who spoke bad French and worse English " ; and the mulatto finally told the captains. Such linguistic difficulties would have ap- palled most men; but in the course of the winter Lewis and Clark obtained in this man- 130 »• / . //jr. " • AT- /4- / f / a / " A PAGE OF LEWIS'S JOURNAL. Original now in possession of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia. Folk- Lore Neglected ner a mass of information concerning the characteristics, life, manners, and languages of the Indians which was quite remarkable. 1 The explorers have, however, left us in their daily records but little in the way of folk- lore. Clark's journal frequently contains such entries as : " Several little Indian aneckd tB told me to day ; " but he does not appear to have written them out — a neglect greatly to be deplored. At one time there was an alarm that some prowling Sioux were about to attack the great Mandan village. Appealed to for aid, Clark at once crossed the river with twenty- three men, including interpreters, and skil- fully and quickly flanked the town. No Sioux appeared, but the villagers were much impressed by this active military display, and henceforth more generally respected the Americans. At other times the natives were effectually aided in their buffalo-hunts, which 1 President Jefferson had provided the explorers with printed vocabulary blanks, which they were to fill out. The recording of their words, a practise which they could not understand, greatly alarmed the natives, who feared that this meant some wicked design upon their country. Unfortunately, these vocab- ularies, although reaching Jefferson safely, were eventually lost. 10 131 Rocky Mountain Exploration were conducted either on horseback across the frozen plains or upon great ice-floes in the river — the latter an exceptionally dan- gerous proceeding. The hospitality of the white men was some- times severely taxed by the Indian visitors who thronged the neighborhood of the fort. The unsophisticated savages never tired of watching the white men at their daily tasks of wood-chopping, cooking, washing, repair- ing, and military drill. At the blacksmith shop, the bellows and the working of malle- able iron were sources of much wonder. Lewis's air-gun, which could discharge forty shots from one load, awoke the chief est aston- ishment, the bewildered spectators much dreading the magician who could bring such things to pass. A Grosventre chief told one of the North West agents, however, that his warriors could soon do for these palefaces, out on the upper plains — for " there are only two sensible men among them, the worker of iron and the mender of guns." The strictest discipline was maintained at Fort Mandan. The natives frequently sought to test these regulations. Sometimes 132 Pestered by Indians Indian women who were in the fort over- night would unbar the gates to admit their friends, and twice some of the bucks scaled the palisade ; but such practises were sternly prohibited and eventually stopped. The per- tinacity of the natives was sometimes irksome to the last degree. "They usually," wrote Lewis in his journal, " pester us with their good company the ballance of the day after once being introduced to our apartment." Having necessarily provided themselves with a large store of homely remedies and surgical appliances, and acquired the rudi- ments of medical and surgical practise, the two captains were called upon not only to treat their own people but to play the part of healers to the Indians, who, beset by va- rious hurts and ailments, swarmed upon them not only at Fort Mandan, but throughout their entire route. The practise of this art proved to be of the utmost importance in the work of ingratiating themselves with the men of the wilderness. Amid their constant labors and watchful- ness, holidays were carefully observed by the often homesick explorers. Upon Christmas, 133 Rocky Mountain Exploration Clark records, they were " awakened before Day by a discharge of 3 platoons from the Party and the French, the men merrily Dis- posed, I give them all a little Taffia [brandy] and permitted 3 Cannon fired, at raising Our Flag, Some Men Went out to hunt & the others to Danceing and Continued untill 9 oClock P.M. when the frolick ended